Front Matter
 Title Page
 Table of Contents
 Who is Hitler?
 Hitler's program
 How did Hitler come to power?
 How does Hitler carry out...
 Will Hitler win?
 Back Matter

Title: Hitler is no fool
Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00098497/00001
 Material Information
Title: Hitler is no fool
Physical Description: x p., 1 l., 198, 1 l. : ; 20 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Massing, Paul W
Publisher: Modern Age Books, Inc.
Place of Publication: New York
Publication Date: 1939
Subject: National socialism   ( lcsh )
Genre: bibliography   ( marcgt )
non-fiction   ( marcgt )
Bibliography: Bibliographical references in "Footnotes" (p. 193-198).
Additional Physical Form: Also issued online.
General Note: "Modern age books on Germany and related topics": 8 p. at end.
General Note: "The presentation of Hitler's program ... follows as closely as possible Hitler's own words ... The quotations are taken from Mein kampf German edition of 1938"--Pref.
Statement of Responsibility: by Karl Billinger pseud. ...
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00098497
Volume ID: VID00001
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: oclc - 01522925
lccn - 39027814
oclc - 1522925


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Table of Contents
    Front Matter
        Page i
        Page ii
    Title Page
        Page iii
        Page iv
    Table of Contents
        Page v
        Page vi
        Page vii
        Page viii
        Page ix
        Page x
        Page xi
        Page xii
    Who is Hitler?
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    Hitler's program
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    How did Hitler come to power?
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    How does Hitler carry out his program?
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    Will Hitler win?
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    Back Matter
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Full Text

The Book and the Author

The Book and the Author

WHEN it became apparent that
Hitler's Alir Kamnpl was to be
taken seriously, there was a rush
in various countries to make this
book available in completely unex-
purgated form to readers through-
out the ciilized world.
This book does not purport to
be another translation of lei'n
Kampf. It is. houe\er. an entirely
accurate and faithful description of
Hitler's world program. The origi-
nal Ale.n Kan;pi is an extremely
long hook. and that is not its most
formidable feature from the stand-
point of the reader. Hitler's style is
notoriously bad even in German.
and the organization ot his book
makes it extremely didicult for the
reader to acquire a clear picture of
his thesis. Hitler Is 'No Fool cor-
rects this fault by the simple process
of gathering together the v.idely
scattered Hilderan views on the

Jews. democracies, var, peace, ri-
cial theories, etc.. and arranging
these topic; in an orderly form. We
learn hov. Hitler came to po.,.er.
why anti-Semitism is an ine-.table
part of fIscism. and vhy the real
facts of Hitler's life are not told in
his book.
The author is a young German.
nov. taking out his American citi-
zenship papers. He opposed Hitler
during the early Nazi dais and
spent many terrible months in a
concentration camp. which he de-
scribed in his famous first book.
F.,Aerland. This present volume is
further proof of his really great
ability as a writer. The book pre-
sents a most penetrating analysis of
Hider and his policies, proving
conclusiely that the man is not to
be taken lightly. and that continued
attempts to laugh him off %ill play
direcdv into his hands.

Hitler Is No Fool




Preface vu

r Who Is Hitler? I

2 Hitler's Program 29

3 How Did Hitler Come To Power? SS

4 How Does Hitler Carry Our His Program? 132

5 Will Hitler Win? 169

Footnotes 195


TODAY, after more than six years of feverish activities. Nazi Germanv
is still a mystery to the man in the streets of America. To him the
Third Reich appears as a one-man show. He resents a social order
built upon terror and fear and is indignant v.hen he reads about
Jewish pogroms, threats of invasion, and conquests of weak coun-
tries. But he is at an utter loss to explain the miraculous career of
the "Austrian housepainter." He might, perhaps, pit) the German
people. But the longer he sees them ruled by a "fool" or a "madman,"
the more will his pity change into contempt, the more will his
feeling grow that the Germans, after all. deserve a Government
which they apparently) are ncr able or even willing to overthrow.
For this man in the street the present book is written. It wants to
acquaint him with the chief exponent ,of German fascism, with
his ideas and plans and. moreover, with the forces he represents.
The best way of doing it might still be to go back to the most
authoritative source, Hider's own book. The world would have
been spared much guessing about the essence and aims of the
National Socialist regime had it taken the trouble to stud) the
Fuehrer's work carefully. History has seldom offered the oppor-
tunity of learning from a dictator himself his most guarded designs
before he has been able to carry them out.
But how are we to know that Hider who has told so many lies,
broken so many promises, and violated so many solemn treaties
did not veil and distort the truth in his book? Even a liar will tell

the truth if it is more advantageous than lying. There was a time
in Hitler's life when nothing but frankness would help his career.
Let us for a moment return to the %ears when Mein Kampf was
written. In November. 1923. in Munich Hitler led his first violent
assault upon the Weimar Republic. However, the insurrection
proved a fiasco. The Army upon whose support Hitler had counted
did nor follow him, and the police turned their guns upon the
traitors, even rhough the famous General Ludendorff, the brain of
the German Armies in the War, marched in the front rank. On the
eve of the insurrection Hitler, revolver in hand, made the solemn
vow. "Either I am victorious b, tomorrow afternoon, or I shall be
a dead man!" Under the bullets of the police he chose to preserve
himself for the German people and fled to the Bavarian mountains,
to the family of his friend Hanfttaengl.
Shortly after the insurrection he was taken into custody and
brought before a People's Court which sentenced him to five years'
"honorable imprisonment," the minimum punishment for high
The Nazi movement had .uftered its first major defeat. The
Hitler Party was outlawed and began to disintegrate. Army officers
and industrial backers withdrew their support. Hitler had com-
promised himself too greatl.
At the same time stabiliration of the currency and the first foreign
gold loan made the German economic situation look a little more
hopeful. The inflation with its fantastic rise of prices had hit the
lower middle class especially hard. It had robbed it of all its savings
and had driven it into the arms of political reaction. Now, however,
with the prospect of better times ahead, the small shopkeepers,
artisans, peasants derived new hope and were less ready to listen
to the reactionaries' attack upon the Republic.
The end of the year 1923 marked a turning point also for the
German revolutionary movement. It became clear by then that its

most influential body, the Communist Party, had not been able to
mobilize for the establishment of a socialist order the radical senti-
mcnts which the War had created among the workers.
Big Business consolidated the profits made during War and infla-
tion and did not feel any immediate necessity for playing with
The democratic Government, to all appearances, had emerged
victorious and established its authority. Hitler's political career
seemed at an end.
During this period of general decomposition of his movement the
most vital question for Hitler was to justify himself to those of his
followers w'ho had remained faithful and to prove anew'. to those
who had left him his indipensability for the future. Thus in the
prison fortress of the small Bavarian town of Landsberg., heree he
had begun to serve his sentence on April i, iL-.4, he started to write
his brok. AMin Kampf is the continuation of Hitler's political fight.
Nobody will therefore expect objective truth from the man for
whom objectivity in politics is a "poison." But the purpose of his
writing made him write his truth-the book tells the truth about
its author.
It is a strange hodgepodge of autobiographical notes, political dis-
cussions, and personal philosophy of life. It is at one and the same
time a document of self-defense and a program for a new German
Imperialism. Its content superahounds in pseudo-scientfic argument,
but there is always a political point even in the most abstruse
There are now available for the first time two complete Ameri-
can editions of Aein Kampf which have not been censored by
Hitler. But not many of the readers to whom the present book is
addressed will have the time and patience to plow through the
Fuehrer's voluminous and obscure work. In extracting its rational
kernel and exhibiting the inner logic in Hitler's seemingly senseless

theories and assertions. T have tried to give them an easily under-
standable "lead" through the Leader.
In the presentation of Hitler's program I follow as closely as pos-
sible Hitler's own words. Nothing else would give as faithful a pic-
ture of the personality, character, and intellectual compoition of
the man v.ho, an almost unknown figure ten years ago, is now
keeping the world in breathless suspense. The quotations are taken
from the German edition of 1938 which, like all the hundreds of
various German editions, corresponds but for a few changes to the
original version cf lein Kanmp. The American reader aho pos-
sesses the English translation of 1933 should not try to find the
quoted passages there. They have been omitted for the most part.
The story of Adolf Hitler is, of course, not the %whole story of
German fascism. The details cf an individual life, the accidents of
a political career should not divert us from searching for the social
roots of National Socialism. The Fuehrer's character illuminates
only the character of the social forces %which find in him their ideal
expression. I therefore did not confine myself to a mere summary
of Mein Karnpf, but tried to describe the relations between Natonal
Socialism and the various strata of the German people as well. The
role of fascism manifests itself in these relations.
The historic background of the rise of Hitler-the economic,
social, and political problems of the Weimar Republic-were unique,
and history will not repeat them exactly the same way in any other
country. But once the nature of German fascism is understood, it
should not be difficult for the man in the streets of America to
detect the American brand and to realize that Hitlerism is onl.
the German version of a fight now being waged throughout the
K. B.

Hitler Is No Fool


W'ho Is Hitler?

"Toda\ I consider it my good fortune that Fate assigned me
Braunau-on-the-lnn as m. birth place; for this litde town lies
upon the border of tho'e two German states whose reunion
appears to us younger men, at least, as a task of our life to be
fulfilled by any means whatsoeverr"

THIS is the opening sentence of AMin Km mpf. It is a quite charac-
teristic Hitler sentence. He combines a statement concerning his life
with one of his political aims. He makes it clear that to attain the
aim he will -'tup at nothing and [iar he is imbued \ ith in histo:ric
From the explanation of the necessity for annexing Austria. Hitler
takes the reader upon intricate and obscure, but never aimless. paths
to the prophetic warning at the Conclusion:

A state which in the period of racial poisoning dedicates itscl to the
cultivation of its best racial elements, must some day become the master
of the world. This the followers of our movement must not forget, if
they should ever be lkd to fear that the sacrifice is too great in com-
parison with the attainable results.

The union of Germany and Austria is the beginning; the conquest
of the world the end of Hitler's program.


The man who has set such an aim for himself is no ordinary
mortal. Is he a superman? Or is he mad? From what sources does
he draw his strength, and what circumstances have made his
meteoric career possible?
Although he is our contemporary, there is a veil of mystery
and of the supernatural about him. Legends have seized upon his
person, even during his lifetime. They are eagerly spun by his offi-
cial and unofficial scribes. And not without reason. The legend
belongs to the self-made leader as the Grace of God belongs to the
absolute monarch. The ruler must appear to his subjects as the
chosen instrument of Providence.
In his book Hitler has laid the groundwork for the mystification
of his life. In picturing his parental home, his family, and his youth
-in describing his venture into life, his service during and after the
War, there is hardly a single clear statement of fact. Much is blurred
intentionally, much has been proved beyond doubt to he imaginary.
The omission of circumstances and experiences which in any other
man's life would be irrelevant takes on a special significance.

Hi/ler's Hone
Hitler was born on April 20, ISS9, the son of a minor Austrian
customs official. His father stricdy regimented hi; household. He was
proud to have worked his way up from a shoemaker's apprentice to
the position of an Imperial civil servant, and he wanted his son to
become an official too. Adolf. however, felt irresistibly drawn to the
Arts. He thought with horror of a life spent sitting in an office. He
wanted to become a painter. The conflict between the tyrannical
father and the willful son pervaded the boy's early youth. When
hardly eleven years old, so he says, he decided to thwart his father's
plans by means of passive resistance. He no longer studied, but went
on a quiet and stubborn strike at school, in the hope that his father
would renounce his cherished wish of some day seeing his son in

a government job. With his father's death, when Adolf was thirteen
years old. the struggle came to an end.
The boy had no difficulty with his mother. She spoiled him and
allowed him to follow his inclinations without restraint. On his
insistence she consented to take him out of the secondary school he
hated so much and promised to send him to the Academy of Arts
in Vienna. But she. too, died soon afterward. What Hitler did
during the time between his father's and mother's deaths, he does
not say. He is strangely reticent when speaking of those "happiest
days" of his childhood. We do not even know from his statements
how long this carefree period lasted. "Two years later," he writes,
"my mother's death brought these beautiful plans to an abrupt end."
The "two years later" can refer only to the time of his father'. death.
Thus the reader gets the impression that Adolf Hitler was an orphan
at the age of fifteen, alone in the world, without solicitous brothers
and sisters. He tells how he packed his bundle and left the small
provincial town of Linz, where his mother had last lived, for Vienna,
to try his luck in the metropolis of the Hapsburg Monarchy. All that
he possessed besides some underwear, clothes, and a stack of draw-
ings in his bag, was "an unshakable \ill in his heart" to make
something of himself.
For the popularization of the Fuehrer, Nazi propaganda later
made good use of the picture of dithe boy standing alone and for-
saken in the hubbub of Vienna. It is not difficult, however, to point
out a few inconsistencies which have escaped the autobiographer.
Between the death of his father in January, Io03, and that of his
mother in December, IoCS, fully six years elapsed which Adolf spent
at home, without any serious occupation, as a spoiled darling of his
mother. These are years which are of the greatest importance for
the future development of any human being. In the picture of the
man with an iron will they would, to be sure, have had no place.
Thus Hitler passes over them with light strokes.


Not a boy of fifteen, but a nearly mature young man of nineteen
was left alone at his mother's death. No, that also is not quite true.
For even though Hitler does not mention his sisters and brothers
anywhere \vwih so much as a word, they were nevertheless there.
For a man who has made racial ancestry and pureness of blood the
decisive factors in the life of his subjects, the great reserve in describ-
ing his ow.n origin is somewhat surprising. To critical biographers
like Heiden and Olden we are indebted for noteworthy disclosures
about the Hitler family.
In the first place there is Hider's father, whose influence on the
boy's development was undoubtedly great. Alois Hider was the
illegitimate child of a peasant girl, whose family name, Schickl-
gruber, he bore until he was forty. when he married Klara Poelzl,
Adolf's mother. The name of Klara Poelzl's mother had been Hitler,
and there seems to be some foundation for the assumption that Alois
Schicklgruber. on his mother-in-law's insistence, changed his name
to Hitler.
Klara Poelzi was Alois Schicklgruber's third wife. The first mar-
riage had ended in divorce. Hitler's eldest half-brother, Alois, was
born of this marriage. After Adolf's phenomenal success Alois,
waiter by trade, settled in Berlin and opened a caf6-restaurant at the
Wittenberg Platz. He now invites the passing burgher with the
intimate and gemrithch sign "ALOIS."
One month after the death of his first wife Hitler's father married
a second time. Two months later a daughter was born to him,
Angela, who afterwvards was to take care of Hitler's household in
Munich and in Berchtesgaden. The father's second marriage ended
a year later with the death of the second wife. Ten months there-
after Alois Schicklgruber, now forty, married a third time-this time
a girl of seventeen, Adolf Hitler's mother-to-be. Two other children
of this marriage are living: a boy, Edmund, and a daughter, Paula.
Little is known about either of them.

Ar the age of fifty-six Hitler's father retired, unusually early for
a state official. Three times he changed his residence, before he finally
settled down near Linz.
Of all this nothing is said in Hitler's autobiography. There he
draws a picture of a family of three, living in modest but strictly
regulated conditions. He likes to call his father alter Herr, a form of
address in favor among student fraternities at German universities.
His father's career, which was in no way unusual, becomes in
Hitler's description the triumph of an iron %will. The little house and
garden which .\lois Hitler-Schicklgruber had acquired toward the
end of his life has in A~in Kampf grown to the size of a country
Poverty is no disgrace. The same groups who got no end of amuse-
ment from jokes about the first President of the Weimar Republic,
"the red saddler" Ebert, and his wife, have, on the other hand,
known well how to exploit for propaganda purposes Hitler's humble
origin. That he came from the "common" people was of tremen-
dous help to Hitler in winning over the German lower middle class.
But to he able to pre-.ide over a bourgeois Germany, the Fuehrer
must be the child of a respectable family. Poor but clean.
It becomes a little difficult to fit this father-forever migrating,
with an inclinati,,n for alcohol, married three rimes, himself an ille-
gitimate child and father c.f a daughter born two mondis after his
marriage-into the Third Reich's conception of "blcxl and soil"
aristocracy. Hence his picture in Afein Kampf is heavily retouched.
The longing for bourgeois respectability and social recognition
is even more noticeable in Hider's descriptions of his "Viennese
years of learning and sufTering."

The four or five years which Adolf Hitler spent in Vienna after
the death of his mother formed his character in all its important

traits. They were terrible years. He came to Vienna with "the proud
confidence" that he would be accepted in the Academy of Arts. He
failed in his entrance examinauon.
His drawings were returned as unsatisfactory. "I was so sure of
success that the news of my not being accepted came like a bolt out
of the blue," he writes. But he closes the matter with a remark
typical for him. The Director of the Academy assured him that the
drawings he had shown, although bad as far as painting goes,
revealed surprising architectural talent. "That I had attended neither
a School of Architecture nor had had any inmruction in architecture
amazed my examiners."
Thus the defeat which the would-be painter had suffered is dis-
creetly transformed into professional recognition of his natural abili-
ties as an architect. And Adolf, who had just left the Academy
building 'in the greatest depression," was convinced in a very short
time that he "would some day become an architect."
Still, entrance to the Architectural School of the Academy in
Vienna required a completed formal preparatory training which
Hitler did not have. "What I had missed in school out of stubborn-
ness, was now to take its bitter revenge." By all ordinary standards,
he felt, the fulfillment of his dream of becoming an arusl was not
possible. Seemingly insurmountable obstacles confronted him. But
obstacles are there only to be overcome! The picture in his mind of
his father, who had risen from cobbler to state official, inspired him
to make his way in the world in spite of everything. The details of
his attempt to make up for the wasted years, he does not relate. At
the very beginning of the second chapter of his book the thread of
the description of his further schooling or specialized studies breaks
off. It closes with a dramatic declaration of thanks to fateful neces-
sity "for tearing me away from the hollowness of a smug life, and
for pushing Mother's boy out of his soft nest and giving him Dame
Care for a foster-mother; for throwing the reluctant one into the

world of misery and poverty, thus allow ing him to meet tho.e for
whom he was later to eight Except for a few scattered comments
the plan and the will some day to become an architect have been
quietly dropped from Hitler's autobiography. In the next paragraph
of his story, in which .we expect to hear more of his development,
the Fuchrer tal.:cs a big jump to his favorite topic, the "Jev.s and
Marxists." The transition is most sudden!
The interrupted school period, the lost years of his youth, the
collapse of his favorite plan, have left deep marks on Hitler's char-
acter. Even at the height of his power the shades of his earlier
failures must haunt him. In his book, he breaks out with resent-
ment: "So-called 'Intelligence' looks down with infinite condescen-
sion upon anyone \ ho has not been dragged through the obligatory
schools and thus had the necessary knowledge pumped into hin."
But he later a'enged himself on school, science, and professional
architects. His contempt for "book-learning," hi; condemnation of
the school as a place of spiritual culture, his lose of Caesarian build-
ings the plans for which he now draws, betray the lasting ciect of
the failures of his youth. Nothing gives him more satisfaction,
besides military parades, than to guide admiring visitors through the
splendor of his new Reich Chancellery in Berlin. The local boy who
made good recently ordered an Opera House to be erected in Linz
where he had heard his first opera. Needless to say the architecture
of the building is inspired by himself.
The Fuchrcr never forgets a defeat. 'Woe to the institutions in
which he has failed! And woe to the country in which for years he
suffered the greatest personal hurmliation!

The Chauvinist
In Vienna, the city which "even today can awaken only gloomy
thoughts" in him and which in retrospect seems to him the 'embodi-
ment of incest," Hiler became a fanatical Nationalist, a fanatical

hater of "Marxism," that is, of organized labor, and a fanatical
He brought from home an inclination to chauvinism. The history
course in the Linz secondary school had already awakened "a little
national fanaticism" in him and the social and political conditions of
the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy were fertile soil for its growth.
The German-Austrian middle class-w-hich represented an economi-
cally, socially, and politically privileged minority within the confu-
sion of nationalities in old Austria-deseloped its German national-
ism as a weapon in the struggle for its position. The old rivalry
between Austria and Prusia, had been decided in favor of the
Prussians with. the victory of their army at Koeniggraetz in IS66.
The victorious war of Germany against France, which followed in
1S7i-71, the founding of the Reich and its powerful industrial
upsurge quite naturally had a strong attraction for the neighboring
German-Austria. Hitler's contempt for the House of Hapsburg and
for the entire Austro-Hungarian Dual-Monarchy, and on the other
hand his ardent admiration for everything Reich-German, he shared
with many advocates of a Greater Germany. The descriptions of
his youth are tinged with pain and envy at being excluded from the
glory and power of the Bismarckian Reich.
Why is it that Austria did not eight in this war [against the French]?
Why not Father and all the others too? Are we not Germans like the
rest of them? Don't we all belong together? This problem began for
the first time to torment my little brain. W\th suppressed envy I had to
listen to the answer to my cautious question-that not eern German
possesses the good fortune to belong to the Reich of Bismarck. I could
not understand this.
In Vienna, he later compared "with proud admir.ition the rise
of the Reich with the slow death of the Austrian state." Contempt
for Austria and adoration for Imperial Germany were among the
reasons which moved him to leave Vienna for Munich. At the begin-

ning of the War he offered himself as a volunteer in the Bavarian
rather th:jn the Austrian Army. But the humiliations which he had
suffered in Vienna were one day to be avenged.
It is b\ no means a coincidence that among the Fuehrer's closest
associates in the most responsible positions there are numerous
foreign-born Germans. One might name the Baluc-German, Alfred
Rosenberg, theorist and philosopher of National Socialism, who has
probably. infuenced Hitler's views more than anyone else. Rosen-
berg's hatred for the Russian Revolution. the echo of which rever-
berated loud enough in the Baltic border states to strip the German
landed gentry of their privileges, is rcfl:cted clearly in the foreign
policy of German National Socialism. There is also the "Peasant-
Leader" and Minister of Agriculture, Walter Darr,, born in Argen-
tina, "an outpost of struggling Germandom in South America." as
the Nazis put it. The recognition which the Argeninians failed
to show him he arranged for himself in Germany. In the first year
of the Third Reich he presided over the unveiling of his own
memorial, which "his grateful peasants" had erected in his honor in
the Rhincland. Rudolf Hess, too, Private Secretary and personal
heutenant of the Fuehrer, was born outside of Germany-in Alex-
andria. The thwarted Nationalism of the "Egyptian" can now find
compensation in an unrepreised authority.

Hitler and the IWorkers
The second of his outstanding traits, his contempt for and fear
of organized labor, the custom official's son also inherited from his
"family environment. In his attempts to interest his son in a govern-
ment job, Alois Hitler probably more than once spoke of the misery
and dirt of the laborer's life, from which he had managed to rescue
himself. "The environment of my youth was composed of groups
of petty bourgeois, that is. of a world which has very little connec-
ton with the real manual laborer," Hitler writes. He then adds an

observation that proves his familiarity with the feelings of the lower
middle class for the workers, so long as it refuses to unite its
struggle for its own existence with theirs.

As strange as it may seem at first glance, the abyss existing between
this social class, which is by no means %well situated, and the workers.
is often deeper than one would think. The reason for this-shall I say-
enmity lies in the fear of a social group, which has but a short time ago
risen from the ranks of the workers, that it may sink back into the old,
scorned class, or at least that it may still be regarded as belonging to it.

The fear of the lower middle class, threatened with being dis-
possessed and pushed into the ranks of the workers, was later to
become Hitler's powerful ally.
During his first year in Vienna, Hitler made a living as an un-
skilled laborer. \hen he for the first time experienced the actual life
of a worker, the heavens split wide open on the voung man who,
well taken care of by his mother's pension, had heretofore abandoned
himself to happy day-dreaming. To revel in an artist's career or in
the heroic past of the German nation had surely been more pleasant
than carrying mortar on a scaffolding.
But it was not alone the physical hardship of the work that
depressed him. The feeling that he had lost caste weighed even
more heavily upon the official's son. He detested the "moral coarse-
ness" of his fellow workers and the "low level of their spiritual
culture." The miserable existence of the working-class family filled
him with horror. The %cry thought of having to spend his life in
these depths was unbearable to him. Not for a moment would he
consider joining his fellows in their fight for better living conditions.
Nothing characterizes him better than his own words when he
describes his first contact with them:

My clothing was still fairly orderly, my language cultivated, and my
personality reticent. I was still so much absorbed in myself and my fate

that I had sery little time to worry about my environment. I only looked
for work to keep from starving and to make possible my further educa-
tion, no matter how. gradual. Probably I would not hase bothered about
my new environment at all, it an incident had not occurred as earl, as
the third or fourth day, which forced me to a decision. I "as asked to
join the union. My knowledge of union organization wa,. at that time
nil. I should have been able to prove neither the necessity nor the super-
fluousness of its existence. Since I was told that I must join, I refused.
I gase the reason that I did not understand it. and vould not be forced
into anything. Perhaps because of my first reason the,. did not throw
me out at once. They may hase hoped to concert me in a few days or
to compel me to gi\e in. In either case. they were thoroughly mistaken.
A fortnight later I no longer could hase joined, e-en though I had
otherwise been willing. In this fortnight I got to knov. ms en'.ironment
better and no po,..er in the world could haae rroved me to ioin an
organization '.. h.se represnutaties I hod seen in such an unfavorable li;ht.
During the first days I was irritated At noon some r went to the
nearest pubs. while the others remained on the construction lot and there
ate their usually miserable lunches. They were the married men, whose
.i,.es brought them their soup.
I drank my bottle of milk and ate my piece of bread somewhere off
by myself, and studied carefully my new surroundings or pondered oser
my miserable condition.

The "terror" at the job. by the wjy, doesn't seem to hjve been
quite so terrible. For not only did the workers let him stay on with-
out joining the union, but they were even patient enough to listen
to the rtlk s with which he blessed them. Even then Hitler v.as
not able to listen quietly when others spoke. When he heard ihe
workers talk politics, his self-control was at an end.

At first I tried to keep quiet. Finally, however. I could bear it no
longer. I began to take a stand, began to argue. But I was forced to the
realization that this was completely futile, as long as I did not at least
arm myself with definite knowledge on the disputed points. So I set

out to get acquainted with the sources of their would-be wisdom. Book
after book, pamphlet after pamphlet, now took their turn.

Which books the Fuehrer actually read, he nowhere informs us.
That he certainly did not read and digest any of the scientific works
of Marxism becomes evident from a later passage referring to the
year it9'I-2o. Not until he heard a lecture by Gottfried Feder, he
sacs. did Marist economics suddenly become clear to him. How-
ever, he did not ha\e a very competent teacher in Feder. who, under
the pressure of questions put to him by political opponents, once
admitted that he had never read DaJ. Kapital of Marx, which he
was discussing. In an. case. Hitler has never v.ith so much as a
sentence-spoken or written-shown signs of possessing even a
smattering of the scienriic findings of Marxism. whose destruction
he has made the ta'k of his life. Considering the weapons with
which he fights, he need not know. Marxism to be able to "refute"
Hitler would have us believe that the Social Democratic masons
were great. disturbed by the little hero's heated discussions.
"I argued, each day better informed about their own knowledge
than my opponents themselves." A nineteen-year-old against an
entire crew of Reds! The scene vividly reminds us of the National
Socialist legend which tells how Hitler during the War captured,
sinle-hinded, an entire platoon of Frenchmen. The Military re-
warded his alleged heroism with the Iron Cross. first clasc. (The
records seem to have been lost.) But the unappreciative workers
rewarded him finally by chasing him from the building.

A few of the opposition leaders forced me either to leave the building
at once or to be thrown from the scaffolding. Since I was alone and
resistance seemed futile, I preferred to follow the former advice, enriched
by a new experience.

But none must think that the Fuehrer ever took a defeat lying
I left filled with disgust, but at the same time so upset that I could
not possibly turn my back on the matter. No. after the first upheax:al of
revolt, mv persistence won out, and I decided to go back to the job. I
was confirmed in my decision by Want, w.ho embraced me with her
piLless arms, for in a fevw weeks I had eaten up my small sa'.mngs. Now.'
I had to return, whether I liked it or not. And the game began once
again, only to end as before.
At that time I reasoned with myself: Are these human beings, worthy
of being part of a great nation,
A painful question. for if the answer were "'ye." then the struggle for
a pure united German people is not worthy of die sacrifices which the
best would hase to make for such scum; but if the answer were "no,"
then our nation is puor in hu:nun beings.

Himself one of these "best." the young man. whose main accom-
pli'hment consisted of \wasted school \ears. made the decision once
and for all to take the viwrk and sacrifice upon his own shoulders to
save the "scum" of the nation. He found a comprormip c between
"yes" and "no." The leaders of the scum must be destroyed: only
then can part of the scum be won back.
How long Adolf Hitler worked as a laborer can be determined
rather accurately. He left his parental home after the death of his
mother in December, lj oS. It is unlikely) that he came to Vienna
until the beginning of i,:9. He tells us that in the year t)o-io his
fortunes changed. He no longer had to eke out an txistence as a
day laborer, but worked "then as a minor draftsman and aquirel-
list." A companion of these times has told that this period began
in August, 19Q9. Thus Hitler's life as a rking man lasted alto-
gether half a year at the most. There is every reason to assume that
it was not half a year of uninterrupted steady work. And thus ended
forever this famous, much-praised episode of his life.

Today the Fuehrer is celebrated in official Germany as the sym-
bol of the German worker. When he commands the German indus-
trial masses to understand the vital necessities of his new imperial-
ism, he speaks as one of them.

The Poorhoure
But what did he do in the remaining three or four years he spent
in Vienna? Why such painful memories connected with this city?
A "painter in water colors who painted to earn his bread and
studied for pleasure." a twenty-year-old, healthy man with such
many-sided interests in the theater, art, and politics could enjoy his
young life even in limited and modest circumstances. The dark
secret, which remains careful) veiled and hidden in his autobiog-
raphy, is the wretched existence of a man early stranded among the
real dregs of society. The picture of years spent in the Asylum for
the Poor and Homeless, fed as a beggar with charity-soups in the
monasterN courts-the picture of ife among the derelicts in a city
of millions cannot be passed on to his contemporaries.
Ernst Roehm, one of Hitler's fighting companions, had the cour-
age to say of himself that the path of his life had sometimes led
him into depths the sight of which would make a Babbitt shudder.
Hitler did not possess Roehm's courage.
His language becomes general and vague whenever he alludes to
the "five years of misery and grief" he went through in Vienna.
What their nature v. as, he dare not say.
Not until much later did his companion of those Viennese days,
the draftsman Reinhold Hanisch, relate details of his life with
Hitler. He too had come to Vienna in 1909. In a flophouse where he
spent the night he met Hitler for the first time. He describes the
scene in these words: "On the very first day I found sitting beside
the bed assigned to me a man who wore nothing but an old pair

of trousers, torn to shreds-Hitler. His clothes were beinz dcloused.
because for dia\ he had wandered about aimlessly .'ithotit a roof
over his head, and he was in a dreadfulls neglected condition."
"My clothes were still fairly! orderl ." Hitler had written in
describing his first days at the construction job. Hanisch's presenta-
tion does not sound incredible. Months hate passed in the mean-
"I asked him what he was living on and he hinted that for
several dajs he had depended upon begging in the streets for his
food. His hunger \w.' so apparent that I was mr.ed to share all I
had vwih him-a quarter of a loaf of bread. Grateful) he accepted
the gift and admitted that he had not eaten all dla."'
Hanich and Hitler go into business together. Hitler paints post-
cards. for which Hanisch tries to find customers. The\ di\vde their
income. The business feeds them meagerl. Hitler is not a disci-
plined worker. He prefers reading newspapers or going to the
Parliament to listen to the speeches. When he returns he can talk
politics for hours, and he doesn't care in the least whether or not
his flophouse companions listen to him. He hates the politicians,
the ignoramuses who get good pay for their nonsense. He hates the
Hapsburgs, who try to gain favor among their Sla'Iic subjects
and suppress the German elements. He hates workers and their
unions. He hates his environment. He hates. Not a single word
expressing pleasure in living is to be found in his writing. Not a
single suggestion that he hid a friend or ever loved a girl. Dressed
in a shabby black frock coat which reaches to his knees, his hollow.
cheeks framed with a beard, his hair-in the bohemian fashion of
that time-hanging down his neck, the artist starves through life
absolutely alone. He breaks with Hanisch, too, when the latter fails
to get the price he expected for a picture. He hates everyone. And
now he finds the object on which to concentrate: The Jews. In


hating the Jews, he hates all the unpleasantness of his ruined exis-
tence. One day he will take a horrible vengeance upon the Jews
for all his suffering and disappointment.

The AnrtiSemite
"Today it is difficult, if not impossible, for me to tell just when
the %word /let first gave me occasion for special thought." he writes,
preparatory to his telling how he became an anti-Semite. His father
was not anti-Semitic, and exen in school he had not been imbued
with hatred for the Jews. He says he recalls that in school there
was a Je'.ish boy of whom he was always wary. But this he
.scribes solely to the fact that the Jewish pupil was a tattletlete. In
L;nz the dTfference between lews and Gentiles had not eet become
.pp.rent tcu him. because the few Jewv.s who lied there had "occi-
dentalized their external appearance in the course of the centuries."
Their features were too "hum.n" for him to differentiate. Even in
Vienna it had taken him considerable time to be able to distinguish
the Jev.s among the thronging crowds, though it was not difficult
to tell the orthodox Eastern "ew by his clothes.
Anti-Semitism thrived in the social peculiarities cf the Hapsburg
Empire. The nearness of Poland and Rumania with their large
Jewish populations, the emigration of Galician Jews to the Danubian
capital, where there were better possibilities for earning a livelihood,
the sharp national battles v.ithin the H.ipsburg Molnarchy had
always favored anti-Semitic currents in the German-Austrian
middle class. Georg von Schoenerer's Pan-German Party 2 and the
even more influential Christian-Social Party of the Viennese
Burgomaster Karl Lueger were both anti-Semitic. Schoenerer and
Lueger-especially Lueger-were Hitler's prototypes of popular
leaders. To them he dedicates dozens of pages in lein Kampf in
admiring acknow ledgment.
If we are to believe his own story, it was his hate of the Haps-

burgs and his nationalistic fervor for Germany which set him first
on the road to anti-Senitism. The intriguing on the part of the
great Viennese press for favor at the Court of the cursed Hapsburg
repelled him. That their sympathies should be more v.ith France
and French culture than with the admired Reich of Bismarck.
aroused his indignation. His original leaning toward liberal democ-
racy had for this reason cooled off. Naw and then he would reach
for the Deutsche Vol. tCHalt, the organ of the Christian-Socialists,
but the violent anti-Semitism which it advocated did not yet find
favor with him.
His own "study" of another side of cosmopolitan life revealed to
him the Jewish danger in full-he discovered that in Vienna the
Jews had a monopoly of sin. Here for the first time in his book
we come upon expressions which throw some light upon Hitler's
sex life. It may be interesting for the psychiatrist that AMin Kampn
speaks of sexual matters almost exclusively in connection with anti-

When in the evening T walked through the streets and alleys of Leo-
poldstadt [the poor lewish district of Vienna]. I was made the unwilling
witness of scenes which remained hidden to the great majority of the
German people until the War gave the soldiers on the Eastern Front the
opportunity to see similar sights, or more accurately, forced them to see

What hypocrisy from the mouth of a man in whose proximity
and with v.hose knowledge countless boys were being prostituted
by Nazi officers And, quite aside from the infamous lie that more
Jews than others were professional prostitutes in Vienna, did not
the German troops at the Western Front, with whom Hitler served,
know the German Army brothels in the occupied territories of
Belgium and France? Even Hitler could not very well unmask the
responsible German officials as Jews.


But more than in the truth of his assertions, we are at the moment
interested in the nature of the man who advanced them. One thing
we may y say with certainty: His "study" of prostitution in Vienna
gave him the decisive push which made him a convinced and active

When for the first time I thus recognized In the lew the manager of
this revolting trade of the metropolis' scum. as cold as he v.as shamelessly
efficient and businesslike, a shler ran doi'.n m, spine. But then I
exploded. I no longer evaded the lev.ish problem. Nov. I faced it.

His alleged obser\ nations seem to. have impressed him deeply. The
rape scene. especially his caught his fancy. "The darl:-haired lew-
boy lurks in ambush for hours, satanic jo, upon hi, face, for the
unsuspecting girl, whom he poisons with his blood, thus stealing her
from her people." Then again he tells of the "rape of hundreds of
thousands of girls b% bow-legged repulsive Jew-bastards." And an-
other time: "These dark parasites cn our people deliberately. rape
our inexperienced )oung blond girls and thus destroy something
which cannot be replaced in this world."
Another note. worthy detail should not be overlooked in the search
for the sources of Hitler's passionate, obsessed Jew-hatred. Not until
the Social Democratic masons had threatened to throv' the anti-
union day laborer, Adolf Hitler. from the construction scaffolding
and thrash him soundly, did the anti-social role of the Jew in all
its import daw.n upon him. At that moment he discovered that
Social Democracy and the labor unions were entirely dominated by
Jews and forever thereafter "Jews" and "Marxists" are identical for
Thus the function of the Jew in Hitler's life becomes simple and
obvious: Hitler wanted to be an artist but failed. He then found
out that the Arts are dominated and polluted by the Jew. Hitler
wanted to convert the workers to nationalism and failed. He saw

them in the grip of the international Jew. Hitler spent his )outh
without friends, without love. Naturall. love has been commcr-
Jijlized by the Jew. This dirty and ugly though more successful
competitor takes unfair advantages over the noble and restrained
The philosopher has found the touchstone o.f Wisdom. He can
now erect a logical structure of the world that has no contradictions:
the Jew furnishes all the necessary explanation and justification.
"Thus a long inner struggle came to an end."
From the "seak cosmopolitan" who had come to Vienna he had
grown into "a fanatical ant-Semite."

The Bachelor
Concerning Hitler's sexuall predispositio:ns many rumor' are in
circulation. Almost all of them are without foundation, because
those v ho really know will not or can no longer tell. It cannot be
said with certainty either that he is homosexual or that he is impo-
tent, although he undoubtedly is suffering from sexual repressions.
Homosexuality thrived in Hitler's immediate environment for
many years. Roehm and Heines. two of his highest SA officers,
have never made a secret of their homosexuality. The orgies which
the held almost publicly more than once aroused storms of protest
within the Nazi movement itself. Count Helldorf's homosexual
relations .with the adventurer Hanussen, alias Steinschneider. did
not cost him his post as Chief of the Berlin police forces. It cost
only Hanussen's life. As early as 1927 a delegation commissioned
by Ludendorff requested Hitler to dismiss from the party certain
SA officers who had been abusing boys in the Hitler Youth Organ-
ization. Heiden' reports Hitler's answer: "I don't give a hoot
P whether they - from the front or the back!" He protected his
followers as long as he believed he was sure of their faithfulness.
That Roehm and Heines were shot in 1934 because of their


abnormal inclinations, even a Goebbels was not able to convince
the world. In spite of these facts, there is no known basis for the
assumption that Hitler himself is homosexual-or ever has indulged
in homosexuality.
On the other hand, it is a fact that he had not a few relationships
with women, which, however, always came to an abrupt end. The
most tragic of these was with his niece, Grete Raubal, the daughter
of his half-sister Angela. The girl, who had worshiped her Uncle
Adclf, shot herself in i93- in his Munich apartment.
It has been rumored that many "women hase been close to him;
none has stayed with him. From time to time, the Fuehrer thinks it
opportune to demonstrate his interest in the other sex. He will then
appear in public with a beautiful woman or invite a dancer to per-
form before a select gathering. But the act is all too obviously staged.
The celebrated bachelor of the Third Reich, to \whom millions of
hearts are turned in hysterical ecstasy. has fundamentally remained
as lonesome as the vagabond in the Viennese Bophouse.
There has been much _peculation as to the reason for Hitler's
devoting so much attention in his book to syphilis. He accuses old
Germany of not having made the struggle against this disease the
central task, "tle task of the nauon."

By the use of any available means, a complete picture of all the damage
caused by this most horrible disease should ha'e been pounded into the
people until they became convinced that everything depended upon the
solution of this question-new life or decay)

Page upon page he dedicates to the past failings and future duties
of the State to exterminate this plague. That in its spread he sees
the hand of the Jew who is out to ruin the German race, was to be
expected. But in his presentation there is also to be heard an
unusually mild and understanding note of compassion for the
endangered and the sick. Even a boy of fourteen must be shielded


from his sensual lust. "He has no right to v.aste these years in use-
lessly loafing about." Otherwise, Hitlcr says, one should not be
surprised "that at this age syphilis already) begins to look for its
His words are full of pathos when he speaks of the sick and their
duties to the race. The State must ice to it that only the healthy
beget children. "He '.ho i.s not !hcalh.v and ii -,,rthy pkYiLcaly an;,
n.,c..'ta//h .',a .',!t p c ip t..te' li s,'i o:, t / ," l!' ,!v 'i ii/,!.""
The State must further "b', means of education teach the individual
that it is no disgrace tc, be ill and v'.eal:, onl., a regrettable misfor-
tune, hut that it is a crime and a disgrace tu make thi. misfortune
dishonorable through one'- u\. n eg.ism, b;, passing it cn t., innocent
human beings." There i, only onc disgrace: ri bicgct children in
spite of orne's .u\'.n illness. But it is a high honor if the "innocently
sicl: u.ne" renounces parenthood. "Co,,rt c. si it n::/t n i onsi!crcJ
repehensitle to u i4/ol/J .eah t',A chliieni, from t:e n:a;n,:.
Is the childless Hitler then to be hi:noicd for renunciation or is
he behaving reprchensibly against the vital interests iof the Aryan
Race and the National State?

The (',ar
Hitler writes that he left Vienna for Munich in the spring of 191r.
In the beloved Reich he huped to fin.d v. hat the hated Hapiburg
Monarchy had denied him. At that time he w'.as twenty-three. Only
terrible memories united him with his hume and Vienna. "It made
me sick merely to think of this Babylon of races."
The entire structure of his view of life was already erected in its
final form. He notes wnih satisfaction that in his further life "only
details needed to be added."
Whether or not there is more than a mistake behind the error in
time has so far not been proved. Actually he did not go to Germany
until t913. as is apparent from police registration. The terrible

poverty of the years in Vienna does not seem to have haunted him
so fiercely after he went to Munich, e'en though his life there did
not distinguish itself in any way from that of other poor and
unknown painters, of whom there were many in Munich, the city
of the Arts. But the reality of the Second Reich : was vastly different
from his dream, and no one will therefore be surprised to see him
soon exposing the internal weaknesses of Germany. Into the prosaic
course of an unsatisfying life the World War struck like lightning.
"It found Hitler ready to throw himself jubilantly into its arms.
Even as a boy of ten he had been enthusiastic about "everything
which had any connection with war or ith soldiers." A book about
the Franco-Prussian War of t-0o had been "the most profound
inner experience" to him. The Boer War had appeared like "sheet

I waited impatiently for the daily new s and devoured news ashes and
reports. I was h3ppy to be able to witness this heroic battle, e'en if it
were only from a distance. The Russo-Japanese War already found me
considerably more mature.

Proudly\ he tells of himself that all efforts to make him a pacifist
had failed. The long period of peace which had seemed ahead was
ito him an "undeserved meanness of fate." "W'hy could one not have
been born a hundred years earlier, say, at the time of the Wars of
Liberation, %%hen a man did not have to possess a business to be
appreciated!" The World War therefore came as a fulfillment of
the dreams of his youth-and as an escape from the misery of his
humdrum existence. With the following words he describes his
feelings in those tragic days when the breath of the ensure civilized
world was held back ith horror:

To me those hours came like a salvation from the bitter feelings of
my south Ecen today I am not ashamed to say that I, overcome with a

storm of enthu-iasm, sank upon mi knees and thanked Heaven from
an o'.erilov. ing heart for ha'.ing let m- like in this age.
He enlisted as a prji'.ate in the Bavarian Armv and participated in
the entire campaign 'on the Western Front. The loneiness of his
civil life full-o,,.ed him into the army. t.t(-. He ne,.er wrote or received
a letter by field-post; he received no packages from home. His com-
rades considered him queer. He could sit bro,-odmgi for hours in
some corner av'.ay from them, staring into space, and then sud-
denly condemn v.ith wild accusations German,'s invisible enemies
sho \V.er e w\orkinz for its dov'.nfall. Of course he meant th: leVws
and Marxists. As far as discipline and obedience to- his officers \\ere
concerned, he was a model soldier. In i:i6 he rec:eiied a slight
shrapnel injury. After the v.ound healed, he immediately reported
again for service at the Front. He reccti.cd several citations, but
strangely enough he never got beyond the rank of sub-ci.rporal, the
first rank above a private in the German Armx.
A hot argument has started over the Iron Cross, frst class. which
Hitler later pinned t: his SA uniform. When and for \\hat could
he have received it? The information is Ci.ntradictory. Oldcn'
relates no less than seven different versions, all having issued from
Nazi sources. One is that he captured tsrvle Frenchmen in a dug-
out; another that he surprised a French oilicer and twAenty men in
a cellar and disarmed them: \et another relates that it was an
English tank that he tricked into a grenade-crater. \where the crew,'
drowned. The rime, too. of the heroic deed ranges in the various
versions from the Autumn of 1915 to October, 1 1iS: the date of
the award is once gi\en as August 4, i'i?, and another time as
October 4. According to the Ar.~rifl. Gnebbels' o-rgan. the award
w\as given some time between October. i9i6. and October, i913.
It has never been proved officially. The history of his regiment, to
be sure, informs us that Hitler belonged to it, but there is no men-
tion of his bravery.


Retol.ttion and Connter-Revolution
The Revolution of 1918 found him in the hospital once more;
this time, as he writes, blinded from poison gas. In the course of
a month the illness seems to have been completely cured. After the
military defeat. Hitler, now thirty, faced a void. Germany's loss of
the War was a terrible blow to him. All sacrifices for nothing!
And w hy The same enemies who had crushed all the hopes of
his life were here at \ork. too. Jews and Marxists had broken the
resistance of the German people from within. They must be dealt
with. Not until they are wiped out can the struggle for world
domination be resumed. That Germany must fight a new. world
war, even if the political and military\ preparation should take
decades. is clear to him beyond the 5had'ow of a doubt. In the
future he will devote all his strength to this one goal.
"I decided to become a politician." With this sentence Hitler
ends a chapter in his book: with this sentence he begins a new
chapter in his life. Gone are all his plans of becoming an artist or
an architect. His entire future life is to be devoted to revenge.
Death to the Jews and Marxists! Death to all those who are deter-
mined to stand in the w\ay of Germany's imperialist rebirth, at
home or abroad!
The city of Munich. where he now. goes, is no longer the pleasant.
easy-going, cordial city of pre-War times. Even in the year 1916,
when he \went there on leave after his injury the depressed, defeat-
ist attitude of the Bavarians and their hatred for Berlin had shocked
him. He had traced it hack to the undermining work of the Jews.
Then the Re.olution had come. The Bavarians had first of all
chased out their "venerable Royal House" of Wittelsbach, as Hitler
re\erentlv puts it. The democratic Republic was followed by a
Soviet Republic. and the Soviet Republic was crushed in a bloody
fight b\ the Freikorps,. armed and financed with the help of the

Social Democrauc Government in Berlin. The era to Reacuun had
Hitler lived in Munich during the Su\iet Republic. What he did
at dthl time he nov.here tells. He unly mentionI in one place that
the Central C -mmitttee :of the resc.luti.,nair Gc.ernment v. anted ti:
haxe him jailed because he had earned "it' disapproa.l." Ee-
\itncsles .o that time have reported that Hitler spike at mass-
meetings in favor of S>:cial Dcmi:crats as opproed to:, the radical.

A fei.' days after the freeing of Munich, I was appointed to the com-
mission investigating rctolutionary actiities in the Second Infantry
Regiment. This was my hfirs more or less purely political activity.

Behind this apparently innocent sentence is hidden his co-opera-
tlin in some of the mct dastardly deed's of rhose blhI,,d das In a
little biography, which a Hitlerite wrote in ir:'; with the consent
of the Fuchrer, is the following: "Ordered to: testify hbeftre the
investigating commission, his accusatory document- bring ruthless
clarity inthe hmessne the hshmlsss e military betrayals i..f the Je\.-
dictatorship during the S\ let period in Munich."' This can all
be said more simply. Hitler betrayed his comrades l-. the counter-
revolutionary eecuulon squad. Infi.irmer and hangman of the s:l-
diers with whom he had lived-these were his first political oficcs.
In his biography of Hitler. Heiden has a detailed e',e-witni~s
account of the work of the "inest-igating commission." In the bar-
racks where Hitler waa living %%ilh a number of "Red soldiers."
apparently in complete harmony, the "Whites" one d iy appeared.
Every tenth man of the "Reds" \was stand against the wall and
shut. Hitler had been separated from the rest before the ececuutorns
began. The "Whites" were taking. good care of their informer.
Hi, chance came when a few reacutunary Reichswehr otfccrs
dicuvered his talent as a speaker. In one %. the courses organized
by the Reichswehr for the purpose uf "inculcating the troops vith


nationalism," that is, of undermining the Weimar Republic, a soldier
had opposed Jew-baiting.

This simulated me to reply. The overwhelming majority of the men
taking the course agreed with me. The result of the matter, however, Jas
that a fe% day. later I '%as appointed so-called educational officer in a
Munich regiment.

His job now w'as to bring the soldiers, whose discipline at that
time was "rather cwak," back into the fold of reaction.

The Na:i Party
In his capacity) as informer for the Reichsvehr he alo became
acquainted with the political party out of which the NSDAP
(National-Soz iali.;luche Det.iche ,-rbeiter-Partri-National-Socialist
German Workers' Party) grew. One of his officers had ordered him
to look into a political group which called itself the German Work-
ers' Party. Certainly the Reichswehr had no business in politics
and no right to bother about the political activities of the popula-
tion. But it was already at that time a state within a state and was
assuming an authority which a weak democratic Government did
not dispute. The informer found from about twenty to twenty-five
people assembled in the small meeting hall. He already knew the
speaker. It was Gottfried Feder, who also lectured in the Reichs-
wehr courses. Hitler sat down quietly and looked the assembly
over; they belonged chieflyy to the lower strata of the population."
Everything seemed to proceed in the usual manner (f one of the
countless small political meetings of the Germany of that time, until
'a professor" got up and argued against Feder. That was Hitler's
cue. He forgot that he had come as a spy and now took part in
the discussion. At the close of the meeting, Anton Drexler, the Chair-
man of the "German Workers' Party." asked Hitler to read a

pamphlet he had written. It bore the title: My Political A4watkning.
Hider read it the following morning in his little room in the
Infantry Barracks. The contents intrigued him. The author had
progressed from Marxism to "national thinking"-"a development
which h I had experienced myself twelec years before." But in spite
of his interest in the pamphlet, Hitler was about to forget the
ensure matter, when a week later he received a notice from the
German Workers' Party that he had been accepted as a member.
He had never applied for membership.

Naturally. T was more than surprised at this manner of recruitingg"
members, and I did not know whether I should be angry or amused. I
had never thought of joining an existing party, because I wanted to found
my own. So this suggestion Swas out of the question as far as I vas

But then he changed his mind and joined the ridiculously small
party, even though there was "nothing printed, no membership
cards, not even a rubber stamp--nly, evident good faith and an
honest will." He became its member Number 7.
In the very smallness and obscureness of the group he saw a -
chance for himself. Where else could he have played a role?

That I was poor and without means seemed relatively easy to bear, but
it was more bitter to be one of the nameless, one of the millions, whom
Chance lets live or die without e'en those nearest taking any notice. In
addition there was the difficulty which was bound to arise from mn lack
of formal education.

After two days of painful worrying and pondering he came to
the conclusion that he had to take this step. It was, as he says. the
most important decision in his life.
A more malicious trick of Fate could not be imagined. Hitler,

who was to build up the most powerful political party Germany
had ever known. found his way to it while he was carrying out his
dutie s as a py; and he became a member of it against his will.
That was in ir91. Four ears later he considered himself strong
enough to aucnmpt to seize the Government b) means of a Putsch.

I V. 0

Hitler's Program

"Territory .i the goal of our foreign policy and a ne'. Ideoloii-
call\ sound, unifid foundation as the goal of our political action
at home."
AI.'; is,1 mpf

Hi; P:'losl'phv rof L:fe
THE world looki like this to Hitler: Nature has populated the
earth \iLh li\in7 beings oef all sorts. Among them an endless and
merciless struggle fior existence prevail3.. The right to lhie is thrir
supreme lawv. The strong conquer and.l the %e-ik must die; and
this is as it should be. For only by means of the plule-s elimina-
tion of the v.eak can Nature develop.
Man is subject to Nature's iron v ill just as animals .and pl.ints
are subject to it. "In tht- end, nothing but the instinct of self-
preservation is viciorious. Under its prt-ssure so-cailled humrnnity., a
an expression of a combination of stupidity, co\%kardice, and \vin
conceit, melts like snor in the March sun. In eternal \ ar humanity
has grown-in eternal peace humanity must die."
The ideal that man might be able to conquer Nature. Hitler
derisively calls pacifist and "''tpicall lJe\i h in its impudence and
stupidity." All attempts of humanity to revolt against the inexorable
logic of Nature, will in the end harm only the transgressors them-


selves. Want, disease, misfortune, and finally death are their certain
punishment. "Therefore, he who would live must fight, and who-
ever will not fight in this \world of eternal struggle does not deserve
to live."
Nature is imbued with the universal urge for purer breeding.
For this reason she has given her creatures the instinct for the
preservation of the species. Only through pairing strains with like
strains can the strongest and most valuable offspring develop. The
progeny of two 'not quite equally well-bred beings" cannot achieve
the racial superiority of the better of the parents.

Such pairing is at variance with the will of Nature for the progress
of life in general. This end is achieved not in the pairing of superior with
inferior, but in the uncompromising victory of the former. The stronger
must rule and has no right to unite with the weaker and thus to sacrifice
his own strength. He who is born a %weakling may consider this cruel, but
that is because he is only a weak and narrow-minded human being.

Thus Nature or Providence-Hitler uses both concepts inter-
changeably and in the same sense-subjects the whole of humanity
to its laws, but it treats its members differently according to the
race to which they belong. The function of some races is to rule,
of others to submit. Providence has made some the executors of
its desire for higher breeding: for the others remains the consola-
tion of fulfilling Nature's eternal will by serving the stronger
The chosen are determined by blood. Blood is the basis and sub-
stance of the race.
The less the blood of a people is mixed, the purer is the race.
Still this does not mean that the race which has the purest blood
is the best. The Negro. for example, may, from the point of viev'.
of blood composiuon. be quite pure racially; yet Hitler puts this
"born half-monkey" beneath the limit where the human species

begins. Therefore blood must no: merely be pure: it must be of a
definite quality, so that Nature can depend upon it to carry out her
evolutionary scheme. The race whose blood is most highly qualified
to this end is the "Arvan race." It was destined to be the bearer of
all human development probably since the beginning of time.

It is a useless undertaking to argue about what race or races '.'.re the
original bearers of human culture and thus the founders of all that we
include in the concept htiani!'y. It is so much simpler to ask this ques-
tion for our own time. And here the answer is easily and clearly reached.
Whatever we see before us today in the way of human culture, art, science,
and mention is almost completely the creative product of the Aryan. But
this \ery fact allows the not unfounded conclusion that he alone was the
founder of superior humanity in general, and for that reason represents
the prototype of all that .we understand b. the word nan.

\\'hat Hitler actually means by "Aryan race" he no",,here makes
clear. A: a matter of fact he would ha\e great difficulties in defin-
ing it. Science does not know the term A-\r an in a racial sense.
The word has nothing to do \sith blood. physical appearance, or
mental capacities. According to the American Anthropological Asso-
ciation it simple denotes a "'linguistic family." As such, it includes
almost all European languages. But Hitler, further ironing the
already flat theories of his authorities, the Frenchman Count
Gobineau and the Englishman Houston Stev.art Chamberlain,
manages to make their "scientific discoveries" the justification of his
imperialist program.
According to him, the Aryans are the chosen people of the Lrmrd.
Certain qualities of their blood make them superior to all ..ther
races. They possess, for example, the gift of organizauon and of
'inner experience," which has been denied other races. Everything
lying outside the realm of "cold logic," such as ethical concepts
or expressions of pure feeling, exist only in the Aryan. His highest

virtue is his readiness to sacrifice himself for the general interest of
culture and humanity. "Every worker, every farmer, every inventor,
every ctircial, etc., who works, without ever being able to gain
happiness and fortune himself, is a bearer of this high ideal, even
if the deeper significance of his action were always to remain
hidden from him."
But being the most idealistic and generous among God's creatures,
the Aryan is also exposed to the danger of being misunderstood by
inferior races and of falling prey to harmful ideas, for example, to
the pernicious nonsense cf pacifism.

Actually the pacifist-humane idea is all right when the superior man
has pre\%ouslv conquered and subjected the uorld so completely that he
has become the sole ruler of this earth. The idea in this form lacks the
possibilht) of a dJngerous result to the extent that its practical application
becomes less and less possible and finally impossible. Therefore. first fight
and then perhaps- pacifism. [In the original German edition the last sen-
tence read': "Theretore. first fight and then see t'hat can be done."]

The Aryan race, ho\we\er, can, through continued mixing with
inferior blood strains, become so polluted that the original Aryan
elements finally are submerged in it. Such a people is doomed to
historical death. "The fusion of blood and the resultant lowering
of the racial level are the only reasons for the dying off of ancient
cultures; for human beings do not die of lost wars, but rather of
the loss of that power of resistance which is the property only of
pure blood."
Therefore, within the Aryan people there are for Hitler classes
of varying value, depending upon the purity of their blood and the
magnitude of the remaining, unharmed "racial kernel." For ex-
ample, a people once predominantly Aryan but today "more and
more falling prey to negroficauon." and therefore destined to fall,
.ire the French.


The German Arvans belong to the 'highest humanity which by
the grace of the Almighty has been presented to this world." Un-
fortunate circumstances have prevented them from achieving the
    is the German people's illusion of eternal peace on earth.

    Whoever v.nuld trulv and from the depth of hi' heart desire the victoryy
    of the paFcihst idea in this w.'orld. would v. ith all possible means ha e to
    fight for the conquest of the v.orld bI the Germani: for if the rescrse were
    to happen, the la't pacifist m[_ht easily\ die with the last Germann. since
    the rest of the v.orld has ne'cr been so complctcl\ t..ken in b\ this
    unnatural and illogical nonsense as. unfortunately our :". n people ha:e.
    Thus whether we like it or not, %Ce would haje tu decide to 4o to war
    in order to achieve pacifism.

    Another of the reasons why the German Aryans are not yet the
    master of the world is their failure to retain the full purit. of
    their race.

    The German people lack that sure herd-instinct vhich has its basis in
    the unity of blood and which, in moments of dancr, sne'es nation troim
    their downfall. because all minor internal differences disappear at once
    when they oppose their common enemi. shuA ing him the closed ranks of
    a unified herd. In the fact that our primary racial elements of the most
    airingg kinds ha.e remained unmingled. is to be sought the foundation
    for what \'.e mean by "sipr-indi'. dualsm." In peaceful times it may
    occasionally be of good ser'.ice, but all in all it has cost us world domina-
    tion. Had the German people in their historical de.cliopment poJseised
    that hcrdllikc unity v. which other nations had. the German Reich would
    today probably dominate the hole globe. The history of the world
    would have taken another course, and ne, one can tell if in this manner
    the same end might not ha'.e been achiced v.hich so man blinded
    pacifists today hope to beg for themselves through \n whining and snieling
    -a t'ace sur'po'ited not by' he ri/ce br.in'h oj teari;,l paci.fis fleimales,
    ibut wounded iithli uponi the ":torioul s'owd of i,'a action o/f ue', ta/.ng

    the iaorld into t4e service of a superior culture. . Even today our
    people suffer from internal differences. However. what brought us mis-
    fortune for the past and present, may be a blessing for our future. Because,
    no matter how harmful it was on the one hand that the complete union
    of our original racial elements did not take place and thus form a ..hole,
    unified body of people, it was lust as fortunate on the other hand, since
    thus at least a part of our best blood has remained pure and evaded racial

    For the German people, the Savior does not cc.me too late. It is
    the historical mission of National Socialism to bring together all
    the Germans in the %world, to unite them into one German Empire.
    to lead the bcst racial elements among them into ruling positions
    in the new\, the Third Reich' and to create the spiritual and
    material conditions under \which Nature's final goal can be realized.
    And herewith ve pass from the domain of the general and philo-
    sophical into that of the concrete and political.

    .4nnrhriation of the Internal Enemy
    Politics is for Hitler a means of fulfilling the eternal \sill of
    Providence that the strong must rule and the veak must fall.
    Just a; human culture, according to him. did not begin until the
    Aryans subjugated inferior races, so the development of culture
    to greater heights cannot be reached unless the German people,
    destined to rule by blood and race, have conquered the place in
    the world which is their due.
    But the German nation of rulers at present lies prostrate upon
    the ground, dishonored and defeated. Its domestic and foreign
    enemies have deprived it of the fruits of all its labors and sacri-
    fices. Jews. Marxists, and Socialists drove the dagger into the back
    of the glorious German Army just before the final victory, and
    the conquerors sentenced the German people, in the most shameful
    peace treaty of all times, to eternal weakness. To settle accounts

    with the domestic traitors, to break the chains of Versailles, to
    do away with the miserable Republic, and to gise the German
    people, once they have recovered their political freedom at home.
    the armaments with which to fight for a pl.ice in the sun-these
    are the prerequisites for the new rise of the Reich.
    A great variety of opponents is embraced in Hitler's category
    of "internal enemy." The term includes not only raciall\ interior'
    or "impure" elements, such as "'Jews and Jev.-bastards," but every-
    one whose views and actions do not conform to Hider's philosophy
    of life. Marxists and pacifists come under it as well a democrats
    and other believers in the parliamentary\ system; all Protestants and
    Catholics %\ho fall for such insipid ideas as the universal brother-
    hood of man or such nonsense as international understanding ; all
    scientists w'ho refuse to be convinced that Hider's "inexorable lozic
    of Nature," the la.., of the jungle, must be applied to human
    society, or who may even doubt the correctness of the National
    Socinlist racial theories. They are all unsuited for the honor of being
    responsible citizens of the ne\. German Reich. Their open or
    secret opposition makes them a great danger. They must be broken
    with the aid of the two po\\erful weapons at the disposal of a
    "strong" government: terror and propaganda.
    Twice the opportunity had been missed to clean up the "riliraf"
    at home. At the beginning of the World War the Kaiser should
    have put the leaders of the entire labor movement under lock and
    key, tried them, and rid the nation of them.

    Pitilessl\ the ensure military machine should ha.e been urd to exin-
    guish this pestilence. The political parties should have been dissolved. The
    Reichstag should have been brought to its senses-if necessary sith the
    aid of the bayonet-or, even better, suppressed at once . .
    If at the beginning of the War and during the War twelve or fifteen
    thousand of these Hebrew corrupters of the people had been exposed to
    poison gas all at once, just as hundreds of thousands of our very best

    German workers of all classes had to suffer it in the trenches, the sacrifice
    of millions at the front would not have been in vain.

    But intreid of 'pitilessly e\terminating" the troublemakers and
    thus squashing the vermin once and for all, "His Majesty the
    Katier" extended his h.nd to them in reconciliation. They showed
    their appreci-ition by fomenting the Revolution of 19iS.
    The second unforgivable error the German c-,oernment com-
    mitted in 1i923, during the French occupation of the Ruhr. Instead
    of utilizing the pitiable situationn of the Reich and the incipient
    uprisings for the destruction of the "NMlrx.i't horde:," the Govern-
    ment called them to help in organizing passive resistance agaimnc
    the French. "-A real National Gosernment \.ould. at th.t timie,
    hive desired disorder and unrest, if onl, to ha.e provided a pre-
    te\t f.-r a final ctrrling \with the deadly Marxist enemies of our
    With the "most brutal grip one should d have seized the vipers
    v.ho \cere feeding on iour national bod\." Such an err:ir must not
    - occur a third time! The enemv within mu.t be de:trc'ed by any
    means \, hatsie'er before Germany cin ;fght foreign enemies "For
    \\ ce to, us if ictory i not the re\. ird of The ir t da.y', battle As s:on
    Js there i: so much as a :hidoJ\'. of defeat over a people vhkih is
    not quite free from internal enemies, its strength ,f resistance
    will break down and the opponent i1ll be the undisputed \ictor."
    Hitler hini-dlf puts the question: "Is it reall. ponasible to extermi-
    nnae spiritual l ideas b\ means of the s\w.ord I it possible t,: fight
    phil.'s:phies of life with brute force?" He answers the question
    himself, too:

    Concepts and ideas, as 'well as movements ith a definite spiritual basis,
    whether false or true, may be checked by means of force after a certain
    stage of their development, only if the physical weaponss are at the same
    time the harbingers of a new cplosivc Idea or philosophy of life ....

    Each attempt to ihght a philosophy of life by means of violence comes to
    grief in the end if the struggle does not take the form of aggression .ur
    a nev. spirn ual point of ,ie,\. Onl) A here tI ~ philosoi phies :of life struggle
    iith each other can the weaponn of brute torce, un yelding and ruthless,
    bring aboutt a faLorable decision for the side v. which it supports . .
    lit must be perfectly clear that] perse erance is and' al'. av. 'ill be the
    primary prcrc.:qiste for a battle with the v.eaponi of naked force. Onl\ in
    a consistently unl'ormn application of the methods for the suppre'sion ol a
    d citrinc, :.:. I. :- the pos.ibilit. for the success. of the intention. [ui as
    soon as .iolcnce go .ce ',yv to inJulgecncc-nu martyr ho:,v hesiranrist-the
    doctrine v.hich is to blc .upprscd.c will not only reco'.cr, but it .iIIl eien
    be in a position to gjin new life from each persecution: for after the lapse
    of such a \a'e it suppression, inclination o\r the sorrow. sulTcred ledls
    ne\'. folluoerr to the old Ioctrine and the old fi.llov.lers \ill airach thcm-
    sclhes to it v. th greater obstinmj and deeper hatred than before, and een
    renegade followers v. ill r tr o return after the danger is ou.cr. In the con-
    sistenrtl LOniflrnl application cA force alone Iies the first prerequisite [or
    iuccCss. This persistence I, ncier anvib.ng but ttic product of a certain
    spiritual con\ icton.n..An fo[rc v. hih does not grow from a solhJ spiritual
    base vill be acilating and uncertain. It lacks the stability v. hih can be
    gained unl\ from a fanatical % ie. of life.

    PropagandJ and violence, applied constantly side by side. shoClld
    lead to the internal union i:f the Germin people. Only '.ith a
    united people can Hitler be expected to carry out the great task
    for \hich Providence has chosen him: to make German) a world
    power once more. Upon this goal the entire actisilt of J nation
    must concentrate tith liantical determination. All other interests
    must be subordin.ted to this one. No sacrifices, no efforts must be
    shunned. The hearts of children mu't_ no longer be poisonedd"
    \vith the "curse of obijec'sity" when the "prescrvation of one's
    very existence is at stake." Science in the National Socialist State
    must bc a means of furthering national pride. .nd much more
    important than scientific schooling for the young people is that

    their "bodies be in the pink of condition." The girl's training,
    too. should be directed primarily toward physical development;
    spiritual and intellectual values are to have only a secondary role.
    The goal of feminine education must always be the "future mother,"
    for the Fatherland needs soldiers.
    The culmination of the v.hole educational process is to be mili-
    tary training. "MNilitary service must be considered the final period
    of the normal educitlon of the average German."

    Hitler's Crmticism of the Kaiser'; Policy
    Hitler is no raving visionary, He sees the political difficulties
    whichc h stand in the way of a rise to world power by a conquered
    Germjn., and he wishes to a\oid the mistakes which in his opinion
    brought about the do. nfall of the old Reich. Therefore he submits
    the domestic and foreign policy of pre-War Germany to a severe
    criticism. He is especially disgusted with the "half-heartednes."
    which characterized its actions.

    Half-hearted was cerything which \vas in an. wa' under the influence
    of this Parliament [the Reichstag --you may examine whatescr you will.
    Half.he.rted was its policy in dealing with the Poles: of stirring up
    without e.er seriously pushing through. The result was neither a victory
    for Germany nor a reconciliation with the Poles; instead, enmity with
    Half-hearted %as every attempt to sole the problem of Alsace-Lorraine.
    Instead of once and for all crushing with brutal Fist the head of the French
    hJdra, and after\sard giving the Alsacians equal rights, neither v.as
    done . .
    All of this might yet ha'.e been bearable, if the power upon whose
    existence the country depended-the Army-had not also fallen victim to
    this general halt.heartedness.
    The sins committed by the so-called "German Reichstag" in this direc-
    tion would haxe alone sufficed to draw. down upon it the curse of the
    German nation for all times. Upon the most miserable pretenses did these

    parliamentary hoodlums steal from our people and smash the weapon of
    self-preservation, the only protection of their freedom and independence.
    If the gra'.es of Flanders' plain. v.ere to open up today, the bloodied
    accusers would rise from them, hundreds of thojsandi of the finest
    .oung Germans v, ho were driven into the jaws of death poorl. and insuffi-
    cientl) trained-all because of the unscrupulousness of these prliamen-
    tar' criminals. Millions of cripples and dead the Fatherland has lo:t. for
    no other reason but to make possible for a fe.v hundred demagogues
    political corruption, blackmail, or even onl\ the grinding out of their
    \Whic lewr%\ shouted forth to the % hole world. b\ rieans of the Marxist
    and democratic press. its lie cf German militarism and thus attempted
    v. th eer, pos.ilble meins to burden Germans. Marxist and democratic
    parties curailed c'.erv adequate development of German national force.
    At the same time. the colossal crime which had been committed must
    have been apparent to anyone \'.ho gase so much as a thought to the
    matter of a future v.ar, for which the entire nation must be mobilized and
    whichh v.ould find millions of Germans facing the enemy poorly or insuffi
    ciently trained-all this because of the crookedness of these fine repre-
    sentatises of our ox. n so-called "popular representation." But aside from
    the results of the brutal and coarse un.crupulousness of thee parliamen-
    tars pimps. this lack of well-trained soldiers at the beginning of the v.ar
    could only too easily lead to losing the war-a fact which the World War
    proved in so horrible a manner.
    The loss of the struggle for freedom and independence of the German
    nation is the result of a halftheartedness and weakness already: apparent
    in time of peace) in the training of the entire popular force for the defense
    of the Fatherland. . .
    Just as toeo ev recruits were trained in the Army. likewise in the Na%.,
    the same half-heartedness was at v.ork to make the national defense
    weapon more or less worthless . .
    Had the German battlcships at Jutland had the same tonnage, the same
    armor, and the same speed as the Engli'h. a hail of the more cricient
    German 3S-centimeter shells would have sunk the British fleet into a
    watery grave.


    Added to this insufficient domestic preparedness for var was a
    sterile and dangerous foreign policy. The alliances Germany made
    were suicidal. Even a clear conception of the meaning of political
    treaties was lacking. Hitler is cun inced that
    the fates of nations are v.elded closely together only by the hope for a
    common success in the sense of common acquisitions, conquests-in
    short of a mutual growth in pov.er ....
    .'I alh/ance whose aim iJr.ci. not embrace the intention to wa.lge iar ii
    senscec; an:d o:h/c;;. Alliances are formed for no other reasj.:n but war.
    Instead of preparing for the battle to rule the '\orl, the Empire
    pursued the portentous illusions of a "ptactful economic conquest
    of the \\orld, the greatest nonsense which e.er became the leading
    principle of statesmanship." The old Reich lacked the "inncr
    strength for active aggressive plans of its o\n. .. It feared noth-
    ing so much as wvar, only to be finally forced into it at ihe mo'.t
    unfavorable hour. It wanted to escape fate and fate caught up
    with it. It dreamed of v.orld peace and was stranded in a \Vorld
    Thus before the \\'ar the v.hole German alliance-polici 'ended in
    a defensive association of aged. hisv.ricall retired, and pensioned
    states." According to Hitler this missing will for po.'er is most
    unfortunate result of the varying racial elements in Germany and
    the disruptive v.ork of Jews, Marxists, and Iiberals, and their "par-
    iamentary procurers."
    The aimlessnes; and weakness of the Empire is, he believes to be
    traced back tu the fact that the fundamental question was not a:ked:
    How, with a constantly grow ing population, could the future of the
    German nation be insured?
    Hitler sees four w oays of dealing \with the population problem.
    "First. one might, according to French precedents, decrease the
    number of births artificially and thus evade the hazard of over-

    But he turns do\ n this method on the basis of his race theory.

    As soon as propagation as such is reduced and the number of births
    decreased, the natural struggle for existence v which alloy s only the fittest
    to survie v. ill be replaced by a natural mania for saving at any cost esen
    the v.eake.t and sickliest. Thus the seed v.ill be planted for a proven)
    which must become more pitiable, the longer this contempt for Nature and
    its v.ill continues. The end. hnoe\er, will be that such a nation v.ill one
    da% be deprived of its existence on this carth, for man may for a short
    time be able to spite the eternal lav.s of self.prescriation. but revenge is
    bound to come sooner or later. A stronger race v.ill drive niT the % eak,
    since the desire for existence in its final form ill break all ridiculous lies
    of a so-called humanitrianism of the Indi dual in order to replace it ith
    the humanitarianism of Nature. v.hich destroys v.eakness to make room
    for ,trenzth. He v ho therefore .would insure the future existence of the
    German people b. self-limitation of propagation, thereby robs it of its
    future .
    A\ second method would be the one we so often hear praised and sug-
    gested nowv.adays: do,:.rilic coloni,:zmon. This is a suggestion ollered bN
    many v. ellmeaning people, but usually misunderstood by most of them,
    thus causing the greatest damage imaginable.

    In Germany the term dJ:,mestic colonization is used for the resettle-
    ment, begun to. ard the end of the nineteenth century, of peasant
    families in sparsely populated parts of the country, especially east
    of the Elbe. The Imperial regime, under v.hose supervision the
    resctilement '\as undertaken. wanted tu kill tno birds \\ith one
    stone: first, to strengthen the German influence against the Poles in
    the eastern provinces; and sec-,nd, to assure to the "Junkers," the
    landed gentry of these parts, the necessary labor for their large-
    scale agriculture. The plots sold to the settlers were as a rule to'
    small to provide v.ork and food for the ensure peasant t3mil\. The
    settler \ as therefore forced to earn money on the neighboring
    estates of the gentry at sov.'ing and harvest time. The poor peasant.


    in taking over the settlement, went deep into debt, and thus became
    hopelessly tied down to his "property." In this way, the much-feared
    danger of labor's deserving the land was staved off. Carried on in
    this spirit, domestic colonization sas fundamentally but another one
    of the many schemes to please the influential and reactionary
    The attitude of the bi- landowners toward domestic colonization
    changed at once \when, after the War, the Weimar Republic tried
    to extend the settlement activity further and to create self-supporting
    homesteads. The Junkers begjn to fear for their giant estates. The
    settlement question will come up again in a later chapter. For the
    present, let us hear what else Hitler has to sa' about it.

    . on this earth there are still huge areas of unused land which but
    await the coming of the cultivator. It is only iust to conclude that this
    soil has not been reserved by Nature for the future use of an\ one nation
    or race, but that it is land and soil for tho-.e people 0ho have the strength
    to take it and the industry to cultivate it.
    Nature kno,.s no political boundaries. It populates the globe with
    li'.ing beings and watches the tournament of strength. The strongest of
    heart and industry, as her dearest child, wins the lordship of e..ist-
    ence .
    For us Germans. hov.ever, the slogan "domestic colonization" is dis-
    astrous if only' for the reason that it immediately confrms in us the
    opinion of ha'.ing found a solution, which, in accordance %ith pacifist
    points of iev.', assures us an existence of gentle slumber. This doctrine,
    once taken seriously. .will mean the end of all effort tc, regain the place
    in this world which by right belongs to us.
    Just as soon as the average German %were to become convinced that
    this peaceful program would assure him a life and a future. any attempt
    at an active and thus alone fertile representation of our vital interests in
    the world would be at an end. Ee.ry truly useful foreign policy would of
    necessity hase to be considered buried as a result of such a national stand-
    point, and with it the future of the German people in general.

    For that reason it cannot be stated emphatically enough, .says
    Hitler, that domestic colonization can ne\er suffice "in securing a
    future for the German nation without increase of territory "
    Also out of military. considerations he rejects the idea of die Ger-
    man people gro \ing its foo-d withinn the German borders.

    in the \ery size of the living space of a people there lies an
    important factor for the determination of it external safety. The greater
    the area at the disposal of a people, the greater is its natural protection:
    foir military deciionun against nations i\i ng on smaller, more condensed
    areas hiae alv.a)s been carried out more quickly and easily and espe-
    cially more efecti.'els and complctell than would be possible against
    nations Ii ing on larger areas. A large territory orders certain protection
    against irrespon.mble attacks, since successs is attainable onls after long
    and serious campaigns, an. for that reason the risk of a foolhardy attack
    will appear too great, unless extraordinary circumstances prevail.
    Therefore extensiseness of the state makes easier the defense of the
    freedom and independence of a people, while conversely a small area
    actually initks the aggressor.

    Of the "four possible ways of guaranteeing \ork and bread to
    hie increasing population." Hitler has rejected the fir:t tv.o, birth
    control and domestic colonization. But ts\o other remain:

    One could either conquer new soil, in order to take care of the
    surplus millions each )ear, and thus ad'.ance the nation on a basis of self-
    support: or one could decide by means of industry and trade to supply
    the needs of foreign markets, in order to make a living from the moni.
    Therefore: Either territorial police or a colonial and trade polc).

    The best method \which, unfortunately, the Empire did not
    choose, would, in Hitler's opinion, have been the conquest of new\
    soil in Europe, adjacent to Germany. rather than in the Cameroons.

    if one wanted territory in Europe, this could in a general way be
    acquired onl) at the expense of Russia. Then the Reich would, in the
    manner of the -nights of the German Order. ha;e had to start marching
    on the old road to the EaI[ in order to conquer with the sword the land,
    and with the plow the bread for the German nation.

    Such a poli', would have made it necessarN to form an alliance
    v ith Encland.

    Onl) uitih England protecting the rear .'.ould it ha'e been possible to
    start out upon the new Germanic conquest. ..
    To win England's approI'al. no sacrifice would then ha'.e been too
    great. It \wculd ha.e meant the renunciation of colonies and prestige at
    sea, and we v.ould have spared British indu trv German competition.
    Only an unconditional position could ha.e led to such a goal--renuncia-
    non of world trade and colonies: renunciation of a German battle fleet;
    concentration of the entire power of the State upon building the Army.
    The result would probably ha\e meant a momentary restriction, but a
    great and mighty future ..
    Let us suppose that an intelligent German foreign policy had taken
    o.er the role of lapan in 104. and it would be difficult to cstimjte
    the result., Germany might ha.e achieved.
    It would neter hate come to a \V'crld \\'ar. The blood ,hed in the
    year 1904 would have sa'.ed tenfold that lost in ioi4-iS.
    But what a position would Germany assume in the world today!

    Ho\.exer. caught by the illusions i-,f a "peaceful economic" pene-
    tration of the -.'orld. the old Reich decided in favor or the fourth
    method-in favor of trade and colo-nial politics. Hitler declares.
    Here also it 'was led by the same half-heartedness. the same ridicu-
    lous conceptions of peace:

    Only children could believe in going out to get their bananas by means
    of friendly and correct behavior and by continually emphasizing their
    peaceful intentions in a peaceful competition of peoples, as has been

    prattled so frequently and soothingly, \without ever ha.inZ to report to
    No. once e v.e entered upon this road. it v.as inc\itable that England
    should one day become our enemy. It %%a. v.orse than scnislcsi to fi
    into a rage. though quite in keeping v. ih our ov.n harmle',nes..,
    because England would take the libertr of meeti.n cour peaccl'ul intn-
    tionss %ith the violencee of the brutal cgol-t. \\', of course. v.ouildJ nc.er
    ha\t been able to do this.

    From an, point of view the alliance-prolic of the Reich %was di'-
    astrous. For

    if European territorial police w .'s to be c olnuctel\ aoains.t Russia
    and v.ith England as an ally, then on the other hand, a colonial and
    v. rld trjad policy v.as to be carried on cucce.fIully only a.aiinst Eng-
    land v. ith Russia. . .
    Hov.\;er, an alliance v.ith Ruisia against England '. as not c\en con-
    sidcred, lust as little a' an alliance '.ith Enland against Ruo:ia, since in
    both icse; the end A would hase been v.ar-an alternative v. which v'.a. to
    be aerted bc a trad.: and induij.trial policy.

    Gcrinmjn's alliance V. ith the d(!oomed Hapsburg mncriarchy iide
    .1n undcrstandin.. v ith Rusia imprsibk. At the sramre i lm it
    \%.akelled the cnthul.asm ti:fr \war on the part of the Triplk Alliance
    -Germany. Au-tria-Hunearv and Ital\-for Iraly biterly hatld
    the Au-trian all\.

    The valuee of the Triple Alliance sas negli.gble e\en from a purcl\
    p.'chological point of sie.. since the solidity L.f an alliance decrease, in
    just the same micasure as it restricts itself to tht maintenance of the
    'I.';c qno. Cunsersely an alliance v.ill become stronger the more the
    indiJidual signerS mav expect to attain tangible, expansive goals spe.:iFied
    by it Here, too, a.s cxcryv.herc else, the strength ies not in defense but
    in otfense.

    There were in Germany at that Lime people who understood the
    dangers of its foreign policy and tried to correct them, says Hitler,
    and he mentions a memorandum of Ludendorrf. then a colonel on
    the General Stalf. But the warnings of "German Conservative
    Circles" were blown to the four w inds.

    Hitler's Foreign Policy
    In the First Volume of his book. Hitler has exhaustively criticized
    the failings of Imperial Germany in order that a new. Germany
    should not repeat them. In the Second Volume, written two years
    later, he lays down the guiding lines for a future German foreign
    policy. Its chief aim is unalterable: Germany must once more
    become a world powerl That means infinitely more than just re-
    establishing the borders of the old Reich or doing aay with the
    Treaty of Versailles.

    Germany is nio world power today. Even if our present military v.eak-
    ness were overcome. v.e would still ha\e no right to this title. Of what
    significance is a state on our planet today ,. hose ratio of population to
    territory is as pitiful as that of the present German Reich? In an age in
    v.hich the \whole world is gradually being divided up among countries,
    some of which cover almost entire continents, one can hardly call a
    v.orld pov..er a state .A hose political motherland is confined to the ridicu-
    lous area of scarcely 20o.o-.o square miles.
    As far as territory goes. the area of the German Reich disappears
    completely beside that of the so-called .Aorld powers. And no one should
    try to prove the contrary by naming England and France, because the
    English motherland is really nothing but the capital of the British world
    Empire. which calls almost a quarter of the surface of the world its own.
    The United States must be considered another of the giant states of
    first magnitude: then Russia and China. All of them enormous areas,
    some of ...hich are ten times the size of the former German Reich.
    And even France must be counted among these countries. Not only is its
    army supplemented in an ever increasing degree by the colored popula-

    tion of its gigantic empire, but racially also it ii so rapidly falling prey
    to negrofcation that one can actually speak of the beginning of an
    African st.te on European soil . If the development cf France v.ere
    to continue in the present manner for three hundr:ld \ear,, the last
    Franconian blood strains would drown in the European-African Mulatto-
    State. A powerful, closed settlement from Rfune to Congo. populated by
    a new inferior race v.hich had slow,,ly developed from continued bastard-
    iztion. . .
    TodJ we find ourselves in a world of gradually growing states in
    v.hich our ow.n Reich is becoming e'er less and les; significant. It is
    important that v.e face this bitter truth with a cold and sober mind. It
    is important that we trace the German Reich through the centuries for
    a comparison of its population with that of other countries. I know that
    everyone will then be alarmed at the conclusion which I e..pressed
    already at the beginning of this discussion: GeCnmany tI no ionrcer .
    world poirer, no r: lattr Iuhetheli it; al n ir t'e.iak or iltov. .. .
    If the National Sc'cilist Mo'.cment really wants to receive the conse-
    cration of a great historical mission for our people, it must, imbued
    with this realization nd filled v.ith sorrow over the German people's
    real condition in this world, courageously and conscious of its goal. take
    up the battle against the airnlesness and the inetficiency which ha\e
    hitherto guided the foreign police of our people. It must then,. without
    regard to "traditions" and prejudices, find the courage to gather our
    people and their strength for a forward march upon that road ~[uch
    leads out of the narrowness of our living space to ne:. territory, th:u
    freeing ti.; fortere from the danger of being ar.'ihdated or of entering
    a; a people of Slates into the serice of cther;.
    The Nation,. Social;st Mor ement nitt it ltry to do t,'nav with the di;-
    proportion exciting between our population and ow territory-regarded
    a; source of nourishment and bal;i of support for cur power politics. It
    must try to do at.'av with the di-p'oporoton between our historical past
    and own hopeless and impotent present.

    The "forward march upon that road toward new territory" leads.
    eastward. "When we in Europe today speak of new tcrraori,. :we


    can think in the first place only of Russia and its bordering states."
    Here, too. Hitler sees Providence on his side.

    Fate itself seems to point the wa.'3. In turning Russia over to Bolshe-
    vism. it has robbed the Russian people of that intelligence which had
    heretofore guaranteed its national existence. For the organization of a
    Russian governing body ts a not the result of the political capacities of
    the Sla~s in Rusiia, but a wonderful example of the state-building
    activity of the Germanic element in an inferior race. Thus countless
    powerful empires have been built. Inferior peoples, with Germanic
    organizers and masters as their leaders, have in this manner more than
    once grown into mighty state edifices and remained thus as long as the
    racial kernel of the state-forming race remained. For centuries Russia
    drew its strength from this Germanic kernel of its upper and leading
    classes. Today this kernel may be considered as almost completely exter-
    minated and extinguished. It has been replaced by the jet...... The
    giant empire in the East is ready to fll. .\nd the end of lev. domination
    in Russia ~ill also be the end of Russia as a state. We haxe been chosen
    b\ Prosdence to vwitnc s a catastrophe v. which is the most powerful
    proof of the correctness of our national race theory.

    From the Nazi's conception of their historical mision-to make
    German)y a world poer at the cost of So\iet Russia-to its real-
    ization is a long road. Nlan, an obstacle must first be overcome; the
    soil must be carefully prepared before the final battle can begin.
    The "internal enem\" must be totally destroyed. Above all, Ger-
    many must first be freed from its political isolation.

    Hitcr'; Policy of Alliance': England and Italy
    In politic, there is no room for sentimentality, says Hitler. Yes-
    terday's enemy may be tomorrow's ally. States act onl\ in the
    interest of their ow.n power, and esen a coalition of \ictorious
    powers will disintegrate at the sery moment when the goal for
    which it was formed has been attained.

    States with "partly heterogeneous desires and aims" had fought
    against Germany.

    All of these states at that time profited by the defeat of Germany.
    Fear of our strength forced atarice and jealous) among individual
    powers into the background. They sa% in a complete emasculation of
    the Reich their best protection agamnt a future uprising. Their bad
    conscience and their fear of the strength of our people is the most lasting
    putty for keeping the individual parts of this alliance together even today.

    The only hope for a recovers of Germans's strength Hitler sees
    in splitting up its former enemies and brinSing them to account
    individual. Therefore he attacks most sharply\ those nationalist
    groups in Germany, who, it is true. fought like him igainsr the
    "appeasement policy" of the \'eimar Repuhlic and for the re-estah-
    lishment of a strong militjr government, but \who thr'uah the
    stupidity% of their political demands kept re-uniting "the disintegr:j-
    ting alliance of our opponents." The most nonsensical and most
    fatal police\ of these groups, whoseoe political horizon does not
    extend beyond the border of 1914." is their constant cry for the
    return of the territory of which Germanyv v.a, robbed b\ the Ver-
    sailles Treats. For a t\o-fold reason "the demand for the re-e stab-
    liihmcitut of t'e border; of ioi4 i'. political nonien,;e of ioch dimen-
    s,,ons that it becomes a crinc." In the first place, nationalist circles
    still ha'e not understood that a very different, much more impor-
    tant issue is at stake.

    The borders of the year 1914 mean nothing for the future of the Ger-
    man nation. They did not ser\e as a protection in the past nor .'ill they
    furnish strength in the future. The German people vill neither gain its
    internal compactness through them. nor %ill it be assured food. nor do
    these borders seen from a military standpoint appear useful, or e.en
    satisfactory, nor could they finally improve the condition in which %e
    now find ourselves in relation to other world powers, or more correctly

    to the real world powers. Our discrepancy with England will not be
    lessened; the size of the United States will not be reached; not even
    France tould surfer an essential decline in its political importance.

    The result of such a revision of the Peace Treaty would "again
    be so pitiful that God knows it would not pa, to risk the blood
    of our people again for it."
    Hitler's second argument against demands for the old boundaries
    is that it hinders the splitting of Germany's enemies.

    When our bourgeois v.orld sets the regaining of the 19q4 borders as
    a political program for Germany, it frightens every possible partner who
    might '.ant to leave the ranks of our enemies, because he must fear to
    be attacked indi.idually and to lore the protection of his allies. Every
    individual state will consider itself affected and endangered by that
    demand. . .
    In hoI'ling against five or ten states, one neglects to concentrate all his
    powers of iill and body for the thrust into the heart of o:ir most
    Jc'spicable opponent, and sacrifices the possibhlty of gaining strength
    through an alliance.
    Here, too, lies a task of the National Socialit Molement. It must teach
    our people to overlook insignicant details and keep their eyes on greater
    things. not to waste their strength on immaterial things, and never to
    forget that the goal for which we must fight today is the bare existence
    of our people, and that the only enemy ,whom we must meet is and
    remains that power which robs us of this existence.

    Hitler is convinced that with "a cool examination of today's
    European balance of power," there is esery possible chance of
    separating the former opponents of Germany, and that moreover
    some of them can be won as active allies. To this end he examines
    the antagonistic interests of European powers. First, there is Eng-

    The traditional tendency of British diplomacy since the days of Queen

    Elizabcth was toward preventing by the use of any available means the
    gro'.th of a European power beyond certain limits, and if necessary, to
    check its growth by means of offensive warfare. The weapons of po"'er
    used by England in such instances were various, depending on the par-
    ticular issue or the task to he accomplished, yet the deciseiencss and
    'ill po" er put forth .were allays the same. The more difficult England's
    position became in the course of time, the more necessary did the British
    Go',rnment deem the maintenance of a condition hereby the Euro-
    pean states exhausted each other as a result of rivalry.

    England's policy of a European balance of pow.er-which left its
    forces free to defend its over-seas possessionn-caused the British
    always to- turn against the strongest power on the European Conti-
    nent, and. logically enough, to support the enemies of that pos\er.
    Dv crushing the hegemo'n of Napoleon 1. England had restored fur
    a long time to come the balance of power on the Continent.
    As soon as the successful .war of Germany against France
    (I-S'.0-it) and the enormous development of German industry
    began to shift the balance in favor of German:,, a change in the
    English position became noticeable. An alliance between England
    and France probably could have been prevented. Hitler thinks, if
    German) had refrained from carrying out its unfortunate trade and
    colonial policy and shown its readiness to turn against Russia. Thus
    the errors of its foreign police. brought about an alliance of the
    strongest world powers against it.
    With the victory over Germany in the World War, or as Hitler
    calls it. "with the revolutionizing of Germany,"

    British concern oser the threat of Germanic world hegemony found a
    conclusion pleasing to English statecraft. An interest in the complete
    extinction of Germany from the European map has since then not existed
    -cen for England. On the contrary, the very crumbling of the struc-
    ture in those November da)s of 191i placed British diplomacy in a newv
    position which would have seemed impossible.

    For four and a half years the British world Empire had fought to
    break the apparent preponderance of a continental power. Now sud-
    denly there 'wa a catastrophe which seemed tu ,ipe this power out of
    the picture completely. There was such a lack of esen the most primi-
    ti.e instinct for self-preservation [on the part of the Germans] that the
    European balance seemed to be thrown out of line. Germany annthilated,
    and France the fi,.t poner on the European continent . .
    .-lctualyFy EnglanJ did not atta:n is end in the war.

    This immediately resulted in decisive changes in English foreign

    England does not want a France whose military list can, unhindered
    b\ the redt of Europe, take u.er the defense of a police % which must
    some da\ in one %v.a) or another conflict 'ith English interests. England
    can ne\er v.ant a France that has, v.ith the pos'.esion of enormous
    v.estern European coal and iron mines, the prerequisites for a menacing
    economic world position. Furthermore. England can never want a France
    wvhoic continental political position appears so secure, thanks to the
    destruction of the rest of Europe. that the resumption of the main line
    of French world policy becomes not only possible but ine' t.ble. What
    Zeppelin bombs did during the War. French bombs could multiply a
    thousand-fold any night; the excessiLe military power of France weighs
    heasil) uponu the mind of Great Britain's world Empire.

    Besides England there is one other state in Europe v. ith no vital
    interest "in ,a complete extinction of a German central Europe
    it kich it otnd gn e France the economic .n,! rnilitary potrei to lead
    her to und
    Italy also cannot .'ant a further stabilization of French hegemony in
    Europe. Ital 's future will always be conditioned by a development
    centered about the Mediterranean basin. What made Italy go to v.ar w*as
    certainly not the desire to strengthen France, but rather the intention of
    giving the hated Adriatic rival [Austria-Hungary. Germany's ally] a

    death blow'. .An\ further strengthening of France on the Continent will
    mean a future checking of Italy, and no one should be fooled into
    blie'ing that common ancestry among nations can do av.ay with
    Contemplated iith a sober and cool head it is today, first of all, thcse
    twc. states, Engljand and Ita/I, rU hose most natural interests are at least
    not opposed to the prerequisites for the existence of the German nation
    and are e\en to a certain degree identical ith them . .
    In E w.'P'e' Ge manany v can hbae only two allies in the neai fntiae:
    Engiand and iha/'.

    First Des.'r:uc',on of France

    The irreconcilable, the mortal opponent of Germany, is and
    alwa.is will bc France, says Hitler.
    The iniulungz charges which he made against France in Alei,:
    K'an'l ha'e caused him much embarrassment in his foreign diplo-
    macy. They are in too open contrast v.irh his asow\ed desire for
    peace \sith France. and the) form great obstacles to a German-
    French understanding,' which h he pretends to seek. Innumerable
    times responsible representatives of the Hitler regime hase had to
    assure the French that tie Fuehrer no longer holds to his former
    opinion of France. Hitler himself has done so.
    In an interview granted the French Journalict Bertrand de
    Jouvenel on February 21. 1936. Hider said:
    "\When I wrote the book, I \as in prison. French troops occupied
    the Ruhr. It \\as the moment of greatest tension between our coun-
    tries. Yes, it is true. we were enemies at that time."'
    Here we must revive the Fuehrer's memory a little. As already
    noted. Alein Kampf consists of t\o Volumes, the tirts of which
    Hitler wrote during his imprisonment in the old fortress.of Lands-
    berg on Lech. This Volume bears a g125 copyright and appeared
    on the market on July iS, 1925. It is dedicated to the memory of the


    sixteen men who lost their lives in the Munich Prutch. The date of
    the dedication is October 16. 1924. In the Volume also there are
    \arlous passages which make it obvious that the book was written
    during the year 1924. A reminiscence of the beginning of the War
    in August. 1914, reads:

    With proud sadness I remember, especially during these days of the
    tenth anniversary of the tremendous occurrence, the early neeks of the
    heroic batde of our people, in which fate so graciously allowed me to

    This First Volume, however, contains not a single one of the
    attacks, that produced so much apprehension and indignation in
    France. These insults and attacks are all to be found in the Second
    Volume of AMler Karipf, which was not written in 194-, but much
    later: and, to be more specific, at a ume when Hiler had long since
    left the fortress and the French had already evacuated the Ruhr.
    Volume II bears a 19:7 copyright; it is very easy to establish from
    its contents the time it was written. The Conclusion, for example,

    In November. 1023, in the fourth sear of its existence, the National
    Socialist German Workers' Party \was outlawed and dissolved in the
    entire Reich. Today. November, o106, in the entire Reich, it stands
    before us free, stronger, and internal) more solid than ever before.

    In the final chapter, at the very place v.here Hitler expounds his
    foreign policy in minute detail, there are critical notes on the Treaty
    of Locarno i hhich was signed on October 16, 1925, and introduced
    the period of political overtures between France and Germany.
    There are references to the Soviet Union which had "now lasted
    almost ten years," to the still existing coalition of the victorious
    powers "eight years after a world struggle," etc. Hitler can hardly

    have written these chapters "in the moment of greatest tension
    between our countries," as he assured the French journalist. Ob'i-
    I ously he wrote them during the era of the Briand-Strcscm.nn
    policy of rapproclhetr nt.
    Hitler has gone to great lengths to maintain the fiction that he no
    longer holds his former 'iews regarding France. He has made
    systematic efTorts to censor all translations of AlMin Kiampf. In 1034
    he forced a Paris publishing house to withdraw and destroy an
    unabridged French edition. Neither the earlier En-lsh nor the
    earlier American edition contains the most important section on
    France. However from the first to the current 4:c,th edition of the
    book in Germany. not so much as a wvrd of the German original
    has been changed to soften the attack on the French. On the con-
    trary, a new accusation has been inserted in the current German
    edition: "... France-\% ho incidentally stole Alsace-Lorraine from
    Hider's charges against France are not merely the emotional out-
    bursts of an embittered German patriot, but a fundamental con-
    stituent of the National Socialist plans for world domination.
    An understanding between France and Germany is for Hitler

    For that is one thing we should finally make clear to ourselves. The
    ine:orable mortal enemy of the German people is and ala,!s sill be
    France. No matter wsho has reigned or will reign in France-Buurbons.
    jacobins, Napoleonites or bourgeois democrats. clerical Republicans or
    red Bolshetiks-the fnal goal of their foreign policy widl albiaas be the
    .tt:mpt to a iin Fipssession of the Rhine border and of the Rhine by
    means of a dissoled and ruined Germany.

    France's goal in the World War \as the complete annihilation of
    Germany. The goal of every French foreign policy will always be

    an impotent Germany. Hitler is so completely imbued with this
    conviction that he pounds it again and again into the heads of his
    German readers.

    II'hat France is doing today in Europe, stimulated by ite own desire
    for ret enge and methodically guided by the /ler, s a sin against all
    white hbruaniy and wil! one day tncre all the futries of vengeance of a
    generation that has recognized racial pollution a_ the original sin.
    For Germany, ho ever, the French peril signifies tIe obligation to
    puir aside al! sentimentahtv and to ofler our hand to him wrho, threat-
    ened in the saie manner as tie are, is equa/llv unwilling to sub"'it to
    French thirit for power.

    In view of the ital issue at stake, all questions of lesser signifi-
    cance must wait. The stupid blockheads or slick schemers who
    stand in the way of any positive German activity in foreign politics
    by indiscriminately protesting against all the injustices Germany has
    suffered, must be made innocuous.
    That Italy has annexed Germanic Southern Tyrol. should not
    stand in the %ay of a German alliance with Italy. just as England's
    robbing it of its colonies should not ztand in the vay of an alliance
    with England. "Let us leave the healing of our small %rounds to
    the mild cure of time. once %e have been able to burn out and
    close the biggest one of them."
    From a military point of view, alo, an alliance v.ith England and
    Italy has exceptional advantages.

    The most importantt thing at the moment is the fact that an approach
    to England d d Ial'y wl ll in no ni a bring about .war. The onl'1 pouer
    t which might be strong enough to oppose the alliance, France, would
    be in no position to do so. But the alliance would git e Gerran:y the
    pomrbilty of qtietl\y making the prepara ions for an accounting irlth
    France, which would have to be made in one n ay or another within
    the franmetork ol inch a coalition. For the significance of such a coalition

    lies in the fact that Germany would not suddenly be exposed to an in'.a-
    sion, but that the opposing alliance itself, the entente, to v horn -.e one
    Sso much misfortune, is dissol ing and v.ith its dissolution die nmortal
    enemy of o:ir people, France, jalls piey to isolation.

    There are ,many other proofs of Hitler's real feelings tov.rd
    France. In 192i. lie wrote in his own paper, the I oel.sc/~er
    Beo.whj! ter:

    As long as a Frenchman shakes hands v.ith a German in a cordial
    manner, this hind i; fatal for German\. Not until France sees the
    embodiment of hatred in a German statesman uill the German people
    ha'.e regained the respect of the world.

    The mosnt convincing statement of his vie\\ of the relationship
    between Germany and France Hitlr. as a representative of German
    imperialism, haj tormutlated in a passage of AMne Klampi. There
    without defamation, this time even without drawing upon "'iorld
    Jc\ ry,," he writes:

    I shall never believe that France's intentions to%%ard us can e-er change,
    for the\ lie deeply. rooted in the instinct of sclf-preser.ation of the
    French nation. If I were a Frenchman and the greatncis of France %ere
    as dear to me as the greatness of German% is sacred to me, then I neither
    could nor v.ould act an\ ditrlrently than a Clemenceau. The French
    people, slowly dsiing oil not onl] in number but especially. in their best
    racial elements, can retain their position in the v.orld only b\ dcstro ing
    Germann. French politic; may make a thousand digres.s-ions. but some-
    where near the end there ill alka\s be this goal as a fulfillment ot her
    last wishes and deepest longings. . Not until this has been fully
    understood in German', so that the German nation's will to li.e need
    no longer be wasted in merely passjie resistance, but will Yather its force
    for a final and decisiLe ncoafict 'ith France with esertihing at stake
    on the German side-not until then will there be a posS,bilitN of bring-
    ing to a conclusion the eerna.l and in itself sterie sugle i gg between us

    5) ITITLLR iS NO t0OL
    and France. But r'ith all this, Germany must see In the destruction of
    France nothing but a mean; of finally giving our people the chance of
    possible expansion n n another place.

    The Terrttorial Polhy of the Future
    Here, then, is a rough sketch of Hitler's foreign policy: A separa-
    tion :of the victorious powers: a rapproche'nent or if possible an
    alliance with Italy and England: and the isolation, and ultimate
    destruction of France, so that Germany can without fear of attack
    from behind turn toward conquests in the East.

    The future goal of our foreign policy mn.st not be orientation-either
    toward the et the i the East-but eglu ard expansion in the sense- of
    regaining the necessary land for our German people. Sance it utkes
    strength, and the rnortal enemy of our people. France, is choking :ui
    incessandty and robs us of our strength, t'e mist take enter) sacrifice
    upon ourselthe;. if t is suited in its results to aid in an cflor: to annmhi
    late French destes for hecernony in Europc. Eter' po'.wer is today our
    natural a!!v,f it, lie oursr,'es, finds French desire for power on the
    continent unendurable. No eflort to go to such a poter should be too
    great f.:or us, and no renu nciation unttitrerable if the final result wd/l ht
    offer i. the possibility of an overthrow of our gimrmest hater. .r .
    If'ith this tre Nai'onal Socialists deltberat.iv pit an end to the foreign
    poiic,.l direction of o.r pre. ll'ar era. I'e begin a hrce I e left off si.r
    centuries ago. IW'e stop the eternal dne of the Germans toward the
    Soth .:nd the IW'est of Europe and cast ou, eve upon the territory in
    the Easr. I e finally conclude the colonial and trade policy c-f pre-.l'ar
    toime and pass on to the territorial poli/v of the future.

    Hitler does not veil the nature of such a territorial policy. When
    he builds Germany's new world empire, he \\ill be guided by the
    knowNledge that a people of masters must never breed with inferior
    races, if it does not want to risk the loss of its domination forevcr.
    Ol Germany was guilty in its internal as well as foreign policy of

    a terrible error. It believed that races or nations could be German-
    ized. Hitler knows. however, that "only territory) but never people
    can be Germanized." To force the German language upon a sub-
    iugated people of an alien race would not make Germans of them.
    Not language but blood decides a person's race. Confusion between
    the ruler and the ,ubjugated would bring w ith it the danger of
    deterioration of the ruling race. "The final result of such a process
    would therefore be the annihilation of the t.ery properties which
    once made the conquering nation capable of victory." The protec-
    tion of the superior race demands a sharp difierentiation betsveen
    the German conquerors and the inferior subjects. In the British
    administration of India Hitler ,ees an exemplary way of handling
    submerged races. "England will lose India only if its administra-
    ute machinery should succumb to racial decomposition (something
    % which is at the moment entirely out of the question in India) or if
    it is defeated b) the s%.'ord Iof a powerful enemy." The "so-called
    national circles" in Germany hae\ neither before nor after the War
    understood the necessity of making the race principle paramount
    in their colonial policy.
    The "Gerinanization of the East," by which so many understood
    the Germanization of the Polish people, confused German language
    with German blood.

    Here too the result would have become a miserable one- A people of
    a foreign race expressing its alien thoughts in the German language,
    thus compromrisng thrv.'ugh its own infleritur the hie.ght and dinityv of
    our o,. n folLdoin.
    That ,, bich in the fcorrse oI ;i;:or\ has adva'n:ageo..div bten Ger-
    inan.:cJ itas the soil uwhch our a'gceste.s co:nquetred ritht the swcord
    and ;ettled uttth Ge',r,man pea;ar:;. In sc f/ar as they\ bouht sitri,;e
    blood to our nation, they helped bhi'g at'o: that n'retchled sphzt:ng up
    o0 o.'r onner being, tihich is apparent :n thie-atnormtun.;tely still mach
    pa;t:ed-CGernan s:tperidiidul, sm.

    ---- The conquest of new land for settlement in Europe must serve
    the further "Aryanization," the higher breeding of the German
    race. The National Socialist State cannot leave the selling of its
    newly conquered terriories to chance, but must subject it to strict

    Race commissions appointed to that end will issue to the individual
    the permit to settle. The qualirFcation for obtaining a p:rma will be a
    definite racial purity. Thus in time border colonies can be founded,
    hosee inhabitants are exclusi.el\ to be bearers of only the highest racial
    purity and tor that reason of the highest racial ctlicien,:.

    The inhabitants of thce regions-peoples \ ho, from the vicew-
    point of National Sociahjst race theory, are all "inferior"-tcan rhere-
    fore count with ccrtlints upon being either e-.termrn.ited, driven
    ofr. or kept in complete slavery. The relationship betwccn the
    Ar,ans jnd the non-.-\rans can be only a master-servant relation-

    The Con:que;: of the German Peopl/ as the Prrcquisitc of II'ars
    of Conique.st

    Germans must hac to offer morc than 'IntJ intentions if it ever
    hopes to achieve its police of foreign alliances. It must above all
    prove to England and Ital) that it is itself capable of alliancee. No
    power v.'o-uld want to unite

    with the Weimar Republic. with a State whose Administration for \ears
    has been a miserable picture of incapacity and paciist cowardice and
    ..hose people for the greater part lite in democratic Mar\ist blindnc s
    snd scandalously betray the interests of their ov.n :ountr. .
    In our present incapacity of being an ally lies the profound and final
    reason for the solidarity of the robber enemies.

    The powers will nut consider Germany a desirable colleague

    :unt: government and public opin-or. iepiescrt w'it equal fJJanatIcinm Ie
    ':ll to fig6ii /o freedom. This is indispensable if a change in public
    opinion is to be brought about in those nations whichh are willing on
    the ba>is of their must private interests to march side b. side v.ith a
    suitable partner-in other words, to conclude a treaty v. ith us.

    Instead of seeking its salsauon in Jcevish-international under-
    standing ind pcifist nonsene,. the \'eimar Republic should h3\e
    left nothing und.,ne for the rebirth of the poliical will for p:v.er
    and the desire for
    When, in the year iri, the Peace Treaty v'.as forced: upon the Ger-
    man people, one would ha.e had the ri;ht to hope that through this
    \er. instrument of endless oppression the cr for German freedom would
    ha'.c been pov.erfully nourished. Peacc ,eatic: iv't.ose deanrds si.lke
    canton /ke- the lad/ a, scoa:'ge do n.:, in're.Piently' s'.nd tlhe fist roll
    of d-rumP fo.r te '.te up,, ing.
    \V'ht an issue coulJ ha.e been made of the Treat' of \ersailles!
    Hov this instrument of boundless blackmail and most outrageous
    humiliation might in the hands of a wsillin2 Gu.ernment ha .e become
    the means of shipping up national passions to white heat! Ho... an
    ingenious propagandistic use of these* sadistic horrors cuuld haie stirred
    up the indifference uf our people into an indignation, and this indigna-
    tion into blazing mania'
    How e'.er) single one of these points could have been burned into the
    brain and feeling of this people until finally in sixtN million minds of
    men and women a common shame and a cummnon hatred v.ould hase
    exploded into a single ocean of flame, from whose glove. \,uuld have
    arisen one steel will and one cry:
    W 'e Want arm again.!"
    Yes, this peace treaty might ha'.e served such a purpose. In the bound-
    lessness of its suppression. in the shamelessness of its demands, there lies
    the greatest weapon of propaganda for the re-vitalizaion of the nation's
    spirits of life which ha'.e gone to sleep.
    Then, of course, beginning with the first primer of the child up to

    the last newspaper, every theater and every movie, every billboard and
    every spare wall must be placed at the senice of this one great mission
    until the timid prayer of our patriots today. "Lord, make us free." is
    transformed in the head of the smallest boy into the glowing prayer.
    "Almighty God, bless some da' our weapons; be as lust as thou alWayr
    weri. ludge now if t'e are reCdv for our ihbertrl God, bless our battle!"
    But it our people possess a Government which understands its mission,
    si\ years will not pass before the courageous foreign policy of the Reich
    will have at its disposal the keen will of a people thirsting for freedom.

    It is equally important that Germany make it as easy as possible
    for English and Italian statesmen to revise their anti-German policy.
    W'ar propaganda created a general anti-German psychology in the
    countries of the Allies, and it takes hard work to change the spir-
    itual constitution of a people. Especially in England. where by parlia-
    mentarian democracy Jewry can .till influence public opinion against
    Germany, will it be difficult for the leading politicians to break away
    from France and to support Germany, even though such a policy
    would be in the best tradition of English continental politics. Ger-
    mans must understand the difficult position of these statesmen who
    have to cope with antagonistic public opinion in their countries.
    They must be patient and do everything to take the wind out of
    the sails of their opponents. The holing for a new German war
    fleet or for the recovery of the German colonies will only make it
    more difficult for English statesmen to draw closer to Germany.
    (In rt:6 such demands seemed to Hitler to be the "absolutely unreal-
    izable and purely fantastic nonsense of bloated patriot-politicians
    and coffee-house Babbitts.")
    Only when a strong German Government and a German people,
    united internally by a fanatical desire to fight for their freedom,
    will have convinced the world that Germany must once more be
    considered a powerful factor in European politics-only then will

    it be possible to change public opinion in other countries in fa.or
    of a coalition \vith German,.
    "Thi, to,. \ill njaurall. take sears of uninterrupted skillful
    An end, then, to the hurrah patriotim :,of our bourgeois \world of
    today to the romantic nationalist slogan of the War years: "Majn
    enemies--much honor." An cnd to all sentimentalit!

    Gernmanr died of it fantatict conception of the ,\'ilungen alla.,nce
    tlth the Hapsj'urg corpse. Fawa,r; r in ent mentaitl in the treaty czut of
    tod,:a's foeig' pot,tic:,! apoi.cs/'hilttes ; th!e bent ta:v to prevent o:nr ret'ith
    fore :r. .. . \\'r and its] all-embracing organization n-hould not be
    approached from an heroic, but from a practical point of ierw Dplormac:
    !must :.c to it that ; pcop'! does not pensh he, oicalv but is kep alit e
    in a piactcua! t'ar'. ..ln\ metas that leads to this end i. good, and rot to
    tlie it must be termed a c.im.nal irreponstltitt. . .
    Foreign political considerations should be based upon one principle
    alone: i's it usefu! for our people non' and in the future, or ittd! it ie to
    their dctr.'ment? Th1. is the onl\ criterion to apply in the treatment of
    foreign political questions. Partisan, religious, humane, or any other
    points of '.iev.' must not enter the picture at all.

    God and ]:tnice t.bh Hi/er!
    If, however, there should still be some vcak-minded idealists or
    race-poi-oning moraliits. \ ho on principle reject the conquest of
    foreign territories and the subjection of "inferior" peoples, sa:s Hit-
    ler, they must be told that the highest lav.' of the Germans is their
    will to min the batde for existence.

    State boundaries are made and changed by nan. ...
    The actual success of the conquest of an excessively large territory by
    a nation does not entail any obligation on the part of other nations to
    acknowledge the possession of the conqueror forever. It proves no more

    than the power of the conqueror and the weakness of the conquered.
    And this power alone is law. . .
    Coolly and soberl) one must regard the matter from the standpoint
    that surely it cannot be the will of Heaven that one nation should be
    given fifty times as much land as another. And one should not be dis-
    suaded by political borders from achieving the boundaries of eternal
    justice. If this world really has enough room for all of us to live in, then
    the territory we need to li.e on must be gi en us.
    Of course we will not be given it gladly. Then, however, the law. of
    self-preserTation goes into effect; and what is denied to our kindness %\e
    shall take by force. If our ancestors had depended for their decisions
    upon the same sort of pacifist nonsense as do our contemporaries, we
    would ow.n only one-third of our present territory; in that case, how.
    ever, there would be no German people to worry about its existence in
    Europe. . .
    Toda wve are eighty million Germans in Europe! If in less than a
    hundred %ears 250 million Germans are living on this continent, our
    foreign policy will hase proved correct.

    Toward the end of his book the worried Hitler writes a political
    testament to guide the future of the German nation, once it is
    master over Europe:

    Never siufer the rise of another continental power in Eu'ope. See in
    eterv atter'pt to organ:ec a second tnl/itar' power near the German
    border-be it but the beginning of a state capable of rising to nilhtary
    pot'er-an attack on Germany, and roniider it not only your right but
    your duty to use any means, i'cludrng force of armns. to checkk the
    growth of nuch a state, or to destroy t i f it has already developed.

    This is the program with which Hider offers himself as liberator
    and aggrandizer of the German nation. Many of its features are
    old and dell-knov.n. It contains everything for which chauvinism
    and reaction stand. In its fanaticism and barbarism it expresses the
    frame of mind of a beaten and curbed but not destroyed imperialist

    system. Thus far, its author has qualified as a legitimate spolk.cman
    of German "national" interests.
    But Hitler v.ill have to Jo more than to repent old goals of con-
    quest and robbery in order to pr to pr to the upper class thit he has
    what it takes to be Fuehrer. He must prove it b, mobilizing once
    more 2 people, bled white and longing lor peace and security. For
    the old compromised reictionaries, fr tle profiteers of the Parn-
    German League "' the Germ.in will no longer work up ainm enthu-
    siasm. A newv approach must be applied. The old goals must be
    integrated in an ill-embracing philosophy iof life.
    In i14 it sufficed to tell the German people that the Fatherland
    v.'as attacked to send them v.illinle, to the battleields of France.
    Belgium. Poland, Russia. Itjal. and Turkey. To build the Empire
    of the future whose borders \\ll not be i.onined to the ridiculous
    iare-a of ic91. the crN of national self-defense must be tremendouds,
    broadened. "The ver\ existence ut the German race" is now at rstke,
    and in face of it such term,; as ol'ni or de/e'.'nc'. a.grei;o', pro-
    :o le! or aiito:o'e,' .ai.tc must be stripped of their old narrowv
    meaning. EverN \vjr Germnan w ill undertake in the future ,.'.ill be
    a hol[ \a-r. fou ght for the fulfillment of the Lord's w,:n will.
    Therein lies the sense in the nonsense of Hitler's racial -ospel.
    The doctrine of .\ryanism is at one pole; the doctrine of anti-
    Semitism ar the other. Both are designed to intoxicte and flatter the
    German people into unity and submission.

    Hitler And The Jews

    "The effrcicncv of the trul\ great popular leader consists in the
    main and at all times in pre'.cnting thi di'.ison ot the attention
    ot a people and always concentrating it upon one' single enemy."
    Al.n Kampl

    The American reader who has struggled through eight hundred
    pages of iMetn Kampf might easily come to the conclusion that none
    but a maniac would be capable of the terrible insults and accusa-
    tions which Hitler pours upon the Jews. It would seem that there
    is no baseness in the world for which the Jews are not responsible,
    no indecency of which they have not been guilty. They deliberately
    contaminate the Arvyn race and carry on whue slaverN aand prosti-
    tution; the\ organize sociepies such as the Freemasons in order to
    protect immorality under the guise of the religious tolerance which
    they teach. Now they use the princes, then democracy, and finally
    dictatorship for their dark plans. At one and the same time they are
    the leaders of international finance capital and the international
    workers' movement: they ha'.e gained control of banking and Big
    Business in the United States and have delivered over German
    industry to foreigners: they fomented the Russian Revolution in
    19,t7 and the ioQi Revolution in Germany. They brought Negroes
    to the Rhine to poison the blood of the Germans. They are cowardly
    and don't wash.
    All the shopworn tales of the foulest anti-Semitism are found in
    Mein Kampnl, from the Protocol; of the Elders of Zion (a document
    repeatedly proved a forgery in open court), in which the Jev.s are
    said to have rcvealcd their plans for world-domination, down to
    pornographic allusions to the raping of blond Aryan maidens by
    "swarthy. bow.legged Jcw-bastard,."
    I. there any point. some mva ask, in taking these vicious, moon-
    struck lies seriously? Hase not scientists the world over, in so far
    as they still consider their task to be the investigation of the truth
    and not the "fostering of national pride," unanimously rejected the
    National Socialist racial doctrine as gross nonsense? On the other
    hand, did this prevent the Nazis from continuing it in theory and
    practice? Are we not, then, doing these criminals too much honor
    Lo dispute their abominable assertions?

    Scientific refutations alone \will not rid the world of Hitler's
    racial doctrine. The fanaucal Nazi will continue to hear the voice
    of the Jewv in every voicee raised against his faith. Fascist race-
    frenzy will die only with the collapse of the system which depends
    upon it for its support.
    But this is exctil. the point which interests us. Why does fascism
    need anti-Semitism? \hat ends does it serve? Is it an accidental
    or a necessary part of National Scialist domination?
    In the preceding pages "e have developed Hitler's domestic and
    foreign program without going into the lev.ish question in particu-
    lar. Indeed, it wv.s our intention there t, pro e that Hitler's plans
    can be presented and completely understood \without drawing upon
    the racial theory at all. Other reactionary and imperial t politicians
    ha-e criticized the weakness of the pre-'War Empire twc.ard its
    internal enemies and have denounced its conduct of foreign alfairs
    and its inadequate military preparations for the "unavoidable" World
    War. They, toi, concocted "o,:-crp.pulatio:n" theories to, justify terr-
    torial conquests. But in ;o doing, they did not feel the need for that
    racial de.:trine which is Nazism's unique contribution to the theory
    and practice of imperialisic expansion. They justified their position
    on political and economic grounds.
    If anti-Semitism and the whole race humbug of the Nazis is not
    necessary in order to provide a rational foundauon for the aims of
    German Imperialism, \\h) then dries Hitler dra. thtm in. point by
    point, for the -upport of his program?
    The First Volume of Alein K.,',pI bears the title, .l .-c co:un'::ig.
    Whom is Hitler calling to account? Not Jev.s. Pacifilts, Demcixcrats
    and Marxists. as one might assume at first glance-National Social-
    ism doesn't argue w ith them it exterminates them. The partner
    whom Hitler considers worthy of "an accounting," to be sure i
    highly critical one, is the German upper middle class. The Fuehrer
    makes no secret of his contempt for the complacency. the cow:.ardice,

    the indecision, the lack of brutality and fanaticism of the middle
    class, and its general betrayal of the interests of the German nation.
    For him, the German bourgeoisie pro',ed itself incapable of prepar-
    ing adequately for the War and bringing it to a victorious conclu-
    sion. Abo\e all, it failed where internal enemies were concerned.
    Just as it lacked the energy during the War to exterminate "Marx-
    ists and Jews" with poison gas, so during the French occupation of
    the Ruhr a middle-class government again preferred to organize
    passive resistance %ith the aid of Marxist workers, instead of destroy. 1
    ing them in a civil war.

    I shouted myself hoarse in those days many and many a time, and
    tried to make clear at least for so-calld nationalist circles, what was at
    stake, and that if the same mistakes were made as in 1014 and the suc-
    ceed.ng sears, there .would inevitably be an end like that of 11iS. I
    begged them repeatedly' to give destiny free rein and our mo-'ement an
    oF'ppcrtunrit\ to settle '.ith bjr\ism; but I preached to deaf ears. E.erv-
    bod\, including the Ch;ef of the Defense Forces, knewv better, until thev
    v.ere finally confronted by the most miserable capitulation of all times.
    Then I became firmly convinced that the German Bourgeoisie had
    reached the end of its mission and that it had no further task to perform.
    Then I saw how all these parties quarreled v ith Marxism only because
    of competitive jealousy, without seriously wishing to annihilate it.

    The German middle class, in Hitler's opinion, was no longer
    capable of finding a solution for the problems which confronted a
    defeated imperialist Germans. An entire people had to be vwon for
    the future totalitarian war of conquest. The middle class no longer
    possessed a single idea with which it could have mobilized the Ger-
    m.in people to.'..ard such an end. It had not even found a useful
    substitute for the program of Marxism.

    What, then, was there to give to the masses, if Social Democracy were
    overthro, n? There w'as not one movement capable of drawing the

    mases of %,orkcrs under its spell, once the, had lost their leadership.
    The "-bourgeois" parts, as they call themselves, will ne-,..r be able
    to draw.' the "prolcarian" masses into their c.rmp. since hcre t'o worlds
    face each other, scparatid partly naturally, partly artificially, and their
    attitude toward each other can only be one of opposition.

    E'.en bh fre the W\' ar GCrman statecraftr had ceased to hive the
    "slihhrect conception .:,f the nature ,of the f.:,rcc whichh Icad' men to
    death out i-. free *.:ill and res>.,lurion." \n'hjt GLrmany needed v.-as
    a nc,.o Idea which c.'uld 'wrest the nmacue from NMrxism and send
    tlcm out a.-in 'up-.,n the feld of h.:nor." Without the Idea no
    enthusijam for hattle!

    The demonstration of a zreat new Idea .'.as the secret of the success
    of the French Re'.olution: the Russian Re'olutiun o'..cs its \ictor to, an
    Idea: and from n Idea Fascism Iltlianj recel'Ld the strength to sub-
    iect a people in a most bcncF.cial manner to a most comprehensive
    Bourgeois parties arc not capable of doing this.

    Here the National Socialist race concept enters into the picture
    to fll the gap I-ft bI the ideological banlkruptc. of, the middle cla-s.
    The main props of the rnc\ cxploi;\c Idea, .:n the strength cf which
    Hitler offers himself to. the German nation a, its \savi'r ire these:
    The "Aryan" theory as a doctrine of the predestination *f the
    German people ro d:omlnat.e the world.
    'Nature's aristocratic method olf eClectircn"-expresscd in politics
    by the Leader-Principle-as a basis for the domination b\ tihe few
    pure" and the subordinati,,n Lf the man\ "infcr.ir."
    The marauding expcditi:,ns of German Imperi.li'm ia Gcd-
    ordained acts f,.'r the "sclf-preser nation" of Hi. dearest children.
    The destruction of the mas-es' rights and their exploitation as a
    German "people's commnonweal." in which everyone make' sacrifices.
    And rianuing t:rongh 'it all an.iuSeu'i.im. ,; ce fuel iu it i 'la ic/


    the flame of nationalistic fanaticism is to be led to keep it at white
    Compared with the "Liberty. Equality. Fraternity!" of the French
    Revolution and the "Peace and Bread!" of the Russian Revolution,
    Dentrseidan! er'ache, Izuda, zerrecre! ("Germany, Awake! Judah,
    Perish!") seems indeed a typical Nazi substitute.
    It does not matter to a demagogue how much truth there is in
    his slogan. If only the masses fanatically believe in it' Hitler liter-
    ally basks in such expressions as "fanatical intolerance," "ruthless
    want of consideration," "most brutal decisiveness," in characterizing
    the National SLcialist movement and its aims. He continually points
    to the mutual dependence of the fanatical belief in an Idea and the
    application of the most inhuman methods of putting it into prac-
    tice. A fanatical view of life is to him the only stable ground for the
    constant use of violence against enemies.
    There are not a few people who even today refuse to believe the
    stories or written reports of the gruesome deeds of horror in Hitler's
    concentration camps, for the simple reason that they find such bar-
    barism irreconcilable with their love of the old German culture.
    Perhaps they will stop to consider the significance of having a fascist
    state, with all its means of influencing the masses, spreading the
    idea that the "Marxist," the sociahst, the communist, and the Jew
    are deadly) enemies of the German people and that to fight them is i
    a deed pleasing in the eyes of The Lord. If they were not
    possessed of the fanatical idea of serving Germany, how could
    those brown- and black-uniformed peasant lads, students, unem-
    ployed, and bank official: torture, with unflagging zeal, day after
    day and year after year, prisoners turned over to them to be "edu-
    cated"? There is comfort in the rcalization that one is carrying out
    the will of destiny when he is committing atrocities.
    Anti-Sermnasm is an integral part of National Socialist doctrine.


    The Jew bears the same relation to Hitler's Arvyn a.i Hell do:s to
    Hceaen. This i< ex.:ctl, what is nev, in Hitler's jnri-Sem.tism. He
    mak,'s it an inseparable [art of hi' p.jlitical program. It i., no,, the
    "weakncss" of in "other\\ise sensible" man, as man' a friend of
    Hitler would have u. believe. but thle compellingd idco:lozic:.i! lurce
    of a new. (Germ.in Imperialism. Hirler kno\ that coiunless il)an irss
    lurk on the rojd to a Place in the Sun-enrmies all iaruiind, at
    home and beyond the German orderr. There is, for example, the
    Christian Church, shich, in ,pite of its noto:,rious compllcen.l\ in
    dealing with the stron-: of tlhi wo rld, con'titutes foir Hitler an
    eternal source of perniciou, drctrines and is partlv responsible For
    the pacifism v. which has sapped the crren;rgh from Germa.n hc.irrs
    and made them incap!ble o-f tfihting the hloodv battles o, the future.
    There ire the millions of German' ~hio uhte cipralism v.ith Ius
    social des,,lulirin and murderous w-,ar.. There are the po'..ertul coun-
    tries. Englind, Frince. ind America, \.hhose rrenzth is .till fresh
    in the mind, of the Germni peo~ple. There is. tinall,, the So. iet
    Republic, on which the politiIcills mrr active Germjan v, ,orker
    tuhbbornly i i their hi:pes for a new and better ,o:rld. The problem
    seems .uperhumnan and frightens ihe ftinthiirted. Hrv. are they to
    be approached? The old German statecrraft filled miserably in its
    \work from i)14 to- I tiS, but Hitler feel tqujl to his mission.

    It is part of the genius of a great leader to make opF..'nents of greatly
    varying natures appear to belong to onl\ one cateior, becauw.: the
    realization that there are variouss enemies % ill lead .. eak and unstable
    characters to doubt their oin n cause.
    As soon as the \v.a\%ring masses sue themnseles confronted 1%\ too
    many enemies. obiectivitn steps in and the question is raised v hethicr
    actually all the others are wrong jnd their o.. n nation or their ovni
    movement alone is right.
    With this comes the first paralysis of th(hcr ov' n stren-th. Therefore, a

    number of different enemies must always be regarded as one single
    enem). This strengthens the belief in one's own cause and increases one's
    bitterness against the attacker.

    The "'one single enemy" upon whom Hitler concentrates the
    attention of his people in order to divert their attention from their
    real enemies, is the Jew.

    That Hitler specifically cho.e the Jew for the role of universal
    scapegoat is not surprising. He did not need to invent anti-Semitism
    hut merely to continue an already highly-developed movement. But
    to him belongs the dubious honor of having "modernized" it.
    In "the good old times" anti-Semitism served as a iustficatci'n for
    all exiting social eilds, as a diversion from the corruption and ineff-
    ciency of government., and from the misery which h accompanied the
    decay of feudalim and the rise of capitalism.
    The small producer, expropriated by capitalism, and the peasant
    son, relegated to the proletariat, were not difficult to ensnare into
    looking upon the Jew as the personification of capitalistic forces-
    iorceis hose laws they could neither comprehend nor change, but
    whose effects they felt on their ow\n persons. The anti-Semitism of
    the nineteenth century, as the great labor leader August Bebel once
    expressed it. was "the socialism of the dolt." \\'hercser the progres-
    sive workers' movement was strong, anti-Semitism could get no
    footing. Its follov.ers were tc be found predominantly among the
    lo.er middle class.
    \ith the rise of fascism the task of anti-Semitism has been
    expanded. It no longer series onl. as a device for diverting the
    attention f: the people, but now becomes one of the most impor-
    Lint ideological weapons of attack. National Socialsm has devel-
    oped it into a whole "doctrine."
    Naturally, not everyone can play the role of the devil. In the
    t'.venieth century two horns and a hoof no longer suffice; one must


    be more subtle. A group of human beings mu:t possess quite defi-
    nite social characteristics if they are to be charged w ith the sins of
    the world. It must be a minority, but a minority of a special kind.
    It must haxe members among that possessing clss which the masses
    hold responsible for their own misery. At the same time, however,
    these members mu.t be easily distinguishable from the majority of
    the posessing class. It is also most advantageous if the group is
    represented on the political Left and in a conspicuous position in the
    workers' movement. Finally, as justification of the claims of world-
    wide imperilist dcmagr'g,. it must exist internationally.
    The Jew fulfills all of these requirements in an ideal way.
    He is a hopeless minority in the world and therefore weak. The
    number of Jewish capitalists is infinitely smaller than the number
    of non-Jewish capitalists, but large enough to enable the efficient art
    of propaganda of our time to identify much-hated capitalism with
    these few. The fury of the masses can be directed upon them with-
    out so much as touching capitalism. Their name;, and in northern
    countries to some extent the color of their hair, make them more
    or less recognizable. In practically ever. highly industrialized coun-
    try there are Jewish labor leaders, and the participation of the Jews
    in the feld of progressive Left politics was especially) great in Ger-
    many. Finally, there are Jews to be found in almost all countries of
    the world, even though in some there are but a handful. But the
    actual number of Jews is not relevant for anti-Semitism.
    Fascism is not a military) dictatorship. It must possess a mass fol-
    lowing before it can %eer hope to gain power. Otherwis-e the ruling
    classes, threatened with loss of their position. would have no need
    of an Austrian subcorporal as their savior. The overwhelming
    majority of German workers hated reaction, distrusted the Right,
    and followed the lead of the [two great :lbor parties, the Social Dem-
    ocrats and the Communists. The lower middle class vwa. not social-
    istic, but was opposed to Big Business. Anti-capitalist sentiment was

    widely spread among all laboring classes of the people. Hitler knew
    perfectly well that the upper middle class with the old methods of
    open rcacuonary politics could no longer deal wv.ith a majority so
    powerful in number. The pig-headed, d;e-hard Hugenberg. leader
    of the German Nationalist Party and formerly director of the Krupp
    Works, could not .%in a political follov. ing among the laboring
    classes. In order to be able to influence the lower middle class or
    perhaps esen Socialist and Communist workers, the National Social-
    ist Party had to come out with an anti-captalist program. It had to
    compete nith Marxism in its ow.n Feld, but in such a manner as
    not to gamble away the confidence of German Big Business.
    Tho-e to whom our presentation might seem too manufactured
    and thoe w.ho do not believe lhat Hitler saw the problem so cyni-
    cally, need only turn to his own presentation. The solution of the
    dilemma revealed itself to him one evening in Munich v. while he was
    present at one .,f the political meetings, organized b) the Reichswehr,
    for the "national education" of soldiers. He writes:

    When I heard Goitnried Feder's first lecture on the "Breaking of the
    Tyrann, of Interest." I knev. at once that here I had come upon a
    theoretical truth v-hich would gain an immense importance for the
    future of the German people. The rigorous separation of stock-exchange
    capital from our national economic system offered a possibility of fight-
    ing the inrernationalization of German economic life .'iihout, at the
    same time, threatening the basis of an independent national economy in
    the battle against capital in general.
    I began to studs again, and nov.' for the firit time came to a real
    understanding of the content and meaning of the lifework of the Jew
    Karl Marx. Onl) no'.. did his KaJlual become really comprehensible to
    me. exactly as did the battle of Social Democrac) against the national
    econom',--a hate meant but to prepare the ground for the reign of the
    trul) internatronal-finance and stock-exchange capital o.er the national

    Also, the thought immediately flashed through his mind that now
    he "had found one of the most indispensable prerequisites for the
    founding of a new party."
    Thus the Fuehrer's intuition brought about the truly gigantic
    accomplishment, not only of discovering at once a fundamental
    difference between national German and international Jewish capi-
    tal, but also of unmasking the jew Karl Marx and v, ith him the
    Social Democratic party as tools of s ock-exchange capital. He buists
    that he exposed the Marxists and showed them in their nakedness
    to be nothing but Jews who, because they wanted to destroy Ger-
    many as their next victim, *were directing their struggle against
    German businessmen. To Hitler the fact that the German workers'
    movement was profoundly divided was but a Jewish tactic. The
    Jew simply plays Marxism with allotted roles: no". as a Socialist,
    now as a Communist, now' as a member of the Spartacus Leage2,"
    or as a Pacifist, or as a moderate Democrat. But he can't fool a
    Hider with it all.
    For the Nazis, the division of capital into Aryan-National, "pro-
    ductile"; and Jewvish-International, "predatory" capital naturally
    makes possible the distinction between good and useful capitalists
    and bad and harmful ones. The Aryan businessman does not work
    for profit but for the well-being of his fatherland and his employees.
    This makes him a true socialist. The dirty capitalist, the exploiter,
    is the international Jew. Herev. ih the scientific foundation for the
    "socialism" of Ntional Socialism has been laid.
    In his book as well as in his entire political practice, Hitler has
    kept .trictly to the technique of making no distinction betv.een the
    workers' parties opposing each other. \'ith full deliberation he calls
    the workers' movement, v.ith all its contradictory and incongruous
    organization, Marxist; but Alarxiat he uses synonymously with
    fewi.is. In 'ain will the reader perure Ale in Kampf for a word con-
    cerning the German Communist Party, whose political program

    differed fundamentally from that of the Social Democrats. The
    battles which surged within the ranks of the workers are for
    Hider only a Je\wish division of labor. Communist re'.oluionaries,
    opposing the existing Social Democratic Government in armed up-
    risings, according to Hitler. '.ere commissioned by the lews, ;sho
    wanted to male the ;ubmission of the terrified middle cli3ses easier
    for rhe Social Democrats.
    HIltkr, v.ho tights for a goal which the "co hardly "stupid."
    "effeminate." and "forgetful" mrases of German people do not
    understand as being their o\sn, must destroy all institutions and
    organizations through whichh the will of the backwardr" people
    might express itself. The v.hole Njtionjl Socialist system of domi-
    n3tion is based upon the "Leader-Principle," that is to say, the dic-
    tjtorship of a small aritocracv. Democracy,, Parliment. all the
    liberties vwon by the masses through centuries of struggle-freedom
    of speech, freedom of the prcEs, the ri.ht to organize. the right to
    the secret ballot-must be destroyed if Nau.on-il Socialism is to live.
    But the mere political suppression of democratic organizations does
    not suffice. The', must be defamed, and as ideals they must be torn
    from the heart, of the young. The reader may easily imagine how
    the Nazis sillify and dishonor them-they denounce then as "crea-
    tions of the Jew."
    Parliamentary democracy, the Fuehrer says, conforms best to the
    requirements of the Jews, since

    it eliminates personality and puts in its. stead a majority) of stupidity,
    incapacity, and last but not least, cowardice.
    This institution can be precious and valuable only to l)ing sneaks who
    shun the light of Jay, whereas it must be loathsome to every honest and
    straightforward fellow, ready to assume personal responsibility. There-
    fore this kind of democracy has become the instrument of that race,
    which according to its inherent aims shuns the sunlight, now and for

    all times. Onl the ew. can praise an institution that is. a dirty and fjith-
    less as ihe is himself.
    The present deinmoracv of the West is the forerunner of NMar,:sm
    il.hich v.ould be unth;inkblle v. without it. It is Jcmi:cracv alnre ...hich
    furnishes this oni'.crsil plgue v.th the soil in \.hiich it .preadji In its.
    outv.-ard. form ot c\pression. parliamentarianism. dcnmocra; i created a
    "mock imaae of dirt and lire," in \'. hich. I am .orry to siN. the Ihre
    :eems to hajUe gone out for the moment.
    I.ar\ism. ho~.'.e'.r, is the supreme attempt of the lev to eliminate
    the o'.errov crin sinl anjrice f, pIcrsonalay in all phases cif lite and to
    replace it %%th the mrascs' sheer '.'.ei.ht of nuJmber.

    The concept nr E human cqujlity,. n v.ho.'e name all pro-grecive
    movelmnt',- of trh piast centuriet h.a\v bItn ldi, is an inscnr:,in i-,
    the Jc\.. iac:oiding to Hitler. The Chrisrian doctrine. niuralli,, haj
    ailn been polluted bi the Jes'-s: fur it c:in'iider urnivcrs'l man, and
    not the clite, the Ar\in. a.; crec ed in God's irma.e. Nati.nai S ciial-
    ism mu4t C\xF.pl' th, Chrisian ni.n-'fcn.se of uniccrsil br,-ith(:rl,, Io'.
    a.nd chari', as j:\v.ihh ritrerine,. H",v. el-:. an Hitler c':pcct frr.m
    GeCrman 4c(ldiiir: the mnrir inhumane hruraliti., which he -I:, is thie
    real hu.mainlt, of \.ar?.
    l" ewilh" i. ina thiri; v which stand-, in the %:a,, .of Hitler Germany
    arnd it dicsicen_. The JI\" s for Hitl.-r the in\;iibl- anrit.oninr in
    c\,;r prcblcnm and in all ficld. Th. Je:, can nr more ec:cape frlcmn
    f[lac.-m rhan from his o'. .n shjdi:. e Hie d ctlips ith it and mAjk
    his .appearance ic herCeer fa.c'ism h3js nenmic s r dirficult;ie. W\hen-
    ever Hirlcr racei-s ihe cri of "Jewv," w\v man be :urc hel mntjns a f e
    of German Inmperailhscrn.
    Here is the \\av he- vorlks it: Hitler's war pro-ram.m asi, we h-I.e __
    alrcad. heard him sa,. i, built upon die de-rructin iof France aind
    ihe subsequent annexation :Of eno:rmi:ou, areas in the East below~ ngin'
    to the Soviet Union. Fr r the poliuc.al v\'.-akcngr and isc'laiton cf

    France. Hitler needs the support of England and Italy. We know
    that in his opinion Germany should certainly have waged war
    against Russia in 19.4-5, at a time when Russia, because of its
    defeat in the v.ar against Japan, could have offered little resistance
    to the German aggressor. Seen from the point of view. of German
    Imperialism, Hitler strive; for an old goal. How, then, does he
    accotmpl.h the trick of dressing up thi: old program so that it may
    appear as a heavenly mission of ihe Aryan Germans against the
    international Je\ ? Nothing is more simple. He need but "unmask"
    the Sjviet Union and all other powers opposing his plans of sup-
    pression and conquest as the tools of Je.wish subterfuge, :nd he will
    have given his imperialistic goSls a racial justification. And this is
    exactly \.hat he does.

    In Rus;injn Boli4ez ;n uwe must iee te t uentiet-century attempt of
    ret'-v to conquer the world.

    The more difficult problems of imperialist politics, for which this
    crude technique is inadequate, can al'waj s be solved on the basis of
    the internationall Jew." Previously Hider his endeavored to prove
    that on the basis of the theory of the European balance of power
    England cannot be interested in the complete annihilation of Ger-
    many, but rather needs a strong Germany to counteract the French
    strugglee for hegemony on the European continent. But the actual
    ditficulhies of an AngloGermnin friendship must be explained some-
    how. Who is behind it? You guessed it!

    The destruction of Germany wai not due to English but primarily to
    Jewi\h interests. Our Jew.ish press understood again anJ again how to
    direct the people's hatred especially upon England: and manny a good
    German ass most readily flew upon the glue twig extended by the
    Jew, talked of 'regaining the strength" of the German Navy, protested
    the robbing of our colonies, advocated winning them back, and thus

    helped furnish the material. which the iev.'ish scoundrel v as then able
    to turn over to the members of htis race in England for practical propa-
    ganda purposes.
    If someone modr:itlyv wanted t., object thjt it was the German
    'Iarxi'st.le. ish" Sociil Dem'ocrats wv.ho most '.ituperjaur.el, de-
    n,:unced the Soviet Unio.n and v..ere reluctant to establl-, clh.,e
    relatiu.ns beti.een Germiny and the U.S.S.R., and that. C-n the orlher
    hand, it as the "Ar;i.n" General Staf f f the Reich'.-.'chr '.tho
    f :,.-.red 'Ea'.ward-OrieIntaion"-nmirar, cc-:,perjLc.n v. ith the Red
    .rmn,,-Hitler shouldd probably) fling at him the rLpl', that thi;. tCo,
    .,a,. an example Jf the Jidbi:lical Lgme (.f die lev, v.h, v.ianted to
    -elCi er Germanr, u.ver to Bolshe ism vl thout burdening his tcols,
    th.: Marxists., v'.ih tihe responsibility. The formula can al ajs be
    made to fit.
    The Je'.: is to blime for ',,,ur situation! \\'hat el'e can Hider otier
    the German pe-,:ple to strengthen their patriurt:m? Better ii'.ing
    cojndJiuns? Acces..; to education and culture? \\ho .'..ould pia. for
    thatL Besides, an easier existence softtens the Aryan' and dJvelcps
    the mind exce;'iv.el,,. But thinking is not good f,,r fir ntical belief
    and even less fo.r the explosive Ersatz Idea, by mean, cof v..lich the
    Germ.n pc.,ple mu.t be united and brought into the mood for .'.ar.
    It's the Jew\'s fault! If one onIl tells the mas'-e often enough, the',
    eventually, believe it. the Fuehrer proclaims. "The receptive ca.pality
    oft the gre't rnas i:.f people i'. but ver\ limited, their intelhgence
    small, and their fC.rgetfulrneS s greatt" Tlie c.,n be nimad, to belhe~e
    ariythling. You v'.ould nov. be powerful. .'-ell-ltodo, and the masters
    of the v\'.,rld, had not the ']\J deprived yo)u of the fruits of \our
    labors and sacrifices, he flatters the German'. The jew parajlzed the
    national in tinct fur self-preservation '. ith his pacifit-Marxist prison:
    he pillaged the German people during the War; he organized the
    strike of the munition workers in Berlin shortly before the final
    victory; he fomented the Revolution. "the most disgraceful act of

    the century": he founded the Weimer Republic on the b'sis of pay-
    ment of tribute to the Allies and renunciation of the stolen German
    territories; he made German; into a "slive colony" of foreign
    German history is now being rewritten from this point of viet..
    The schools, the Hitler Youth, the SA -nd SS, the press. radio, ilm,
    the co-ordinated priests, the preachers of the new heathen cults, and
    last but not least, Streicher's pornographic "disclosures" of Je.wish
    debauchery drum the new doctrine into the Germans. Thus the
    "education of the masses to nationalism" is carried on.
    The Jew is the common denonmnator to which Hitler reduced the
    cum tntal of his enemies. All failures, all .ubmisions, all mistakes
    of German Imperialism in the past must in the samin, way be laid at
    the Jew's door, as must be all the difficulties of the present. And as
    for the future-it is il.o wise to carry the general absolution in one's
    pocket. Can anyone imagine a more satistactor, alibi than the
    formula: "It's the Jew's f-ult"? If National Socialism uses the in-
    dustrious qualities of the German people for the production of mili-
    tary means of destruction, it answers that the international Jew is
    forcing it to \war preparations by preventing the democracies which
    he dominates from disarming. If the earnings on German exports
    are used to buy raw material for the .war machine, instead of food
    for the masses, It's the Le'.v's au.lt, since he deprives German goods
    of .ccess to the world market. The Jew is Paris tod.ay. \Wshington
    tomorrow'. Moscov. the day after. Whether or not a Jew actually
    m.ikes his physical appearance is of no importance whatsoever to
    anti-Semitism. For vho can prove that the Jew, invisible behind *
    the scenes, does not pull the string;? In Czechoslodakia, by using
    the Democrat Benes and his "Hussite" clique, the Jew tried to
    defraud Germany of her eternal rights to Czech territory. In Austria
    the Jew. joined hands w ith the Catholic Schuschnigg in order to be
    able to block the much-desired return of the "Eastern Province" to


    the Reich. If a Roosevelt denounces Nazi aggression, he becomes
    a Rosenfeld; if an Eden. a Churchill, and a Duff Cooper doubt the
    wisdom of appeasement, they become bribed tools of international
    Jewish finance.
    The Nazi vwon't allow himself to be disconcerted by tries. The
    behavior of the Jew and Socialist Leon Blum would seem to con-
    tradict this formula because Blum, as Prime Minister. initiated "non-
    internention," and thus delivered "'Marxist-bolshevik" Spain over
    to German and Italian fascism. But the Fuehrer had already told
    the faithful that "there is in France today more than ever an inter-
    nal agreement between the designs of the stc who are running it, and the wishes of a chauvinistic national state-
    craft." And so the good Nazi remains unperturbed. He attributes
    Blum's police\ to the general cow.irdice, indecision, and inefficiency
    of the parliamentary democracies. With cold logic the Aryan
    cannot be caught. His Idea will resist any reasoning.
    Fascism did not pull anti-Semitism out of a drawer for home
    consumption only. It makes excellent use of it in planning foreign
    attacks. That the fascist system of government exerts an attraction
    for the most reactionary sections of the ruling classes in the entire
    capitalist world, becomes more obvious daily. The "Law and Order"
    with which Hitler and Mussolini keep their peoples suppressed
    arouses the admiration of all reactionaries. The crisis of capitalism
    has prepared the soil for anti-Semitism in countries whose demo-
    cratic liberal traditions formerly barred its way. Monopoly capital
    learns more and more to salue the diversionist device of anti-
    Semitism. Je\w-baiting is the bridge orer which fascist agents force
    their entry into England, France, Canada. North and South Amer-
    ica; unemployed workers and the impoverished middle classes are
    their best raw material, and they share the leadership with members
    of the native "Arsan aristocracy."
    Who would deny that Hitler handled the fundamental problem


    of our times, the struggle between Capital and Labor, in a manner
    which many a capitalist in less fortunate countries envies? No more
    labor trouble! For such a heaven-on-earth he would gladly sacri-
    fice a little of his Christianity. Nor can anyone expect that the un-
    employed, upon whose backs the democracies fight their political
    batdes, will ly into righteous indignation when they read that the
    German unemployed are now \working in munitions factories. And
    whoever has had the opportunity, in times of severe struggles
    between Capital and Labor, of following the behavior of the lower
    middle clasy, knows that this politically vacillating but most infuen-
    tial class always tends to turn upon both of them when the conflict
    lasts a long time. Why should they not welcome an "arbiter" who
    promises to handle the contending parties with equal severity and
    justice There is a common base for the Fascist International. It
    develops from the general crisis of capitalist society and from the
    failure of the democracies to solve it in a democratic \\ay.
    Why did Mussolini suddenly, after fifteen years of dictatorship,
    discover anti-SemitismP Was this cynic suddenly struck by a racial
    illumination Did he recently pick up AMein KaJmp in an hour of
    leisure, to read there that he has really always been an ant-Semite,
    "perhaps in the depth of his subconscious"?
    At the beginning of his fascist career the Freemasons sufficed for
    the internal diversion of the Italian people; he dissolved their organ-
    izadons and persecuted them no less harshly than the socialists and
    communists. Not much time has passed since the Italian press made
    fun of Hitler'; Aryan theory and sneered at his German bearers of
    the torch of culture, who .ere still munching acorns in the Teuto-
    burg forests at a time when ancient Rome had reached the pinnacle
    of civilization. One astonishingly simple explanation of Mussolini's
    conversion is that the economic situation in Italy looks deplorable,
    that the dissatisfaction with increasing taxes, rising prices, and the


    human sacrifices in Ethiopia and in Spain necessitated the opening
    of a newS safety valve. But this alone would have been nothing more
    than the old Czarist recipe. Anti-Semitism, spread as a national
    virtue and a new region, also strengthens Mussolini's position in
    his struggle against England and France in the Mediterranean and
    the Near East.
    The co-ordination of the Berlin-Rome-Tokio bloc on the question
    of anti-Scmitism increases its imperialitic fighting power. Little
    does it matter that the Arabs whom Mussolini and Hitler are now
    "protecting" against the Jews are Semites themselves, according to
    Nazi racial thcor.. Neither is it of importance that there are hardly
    any Jews to be found In Japan. In the Ncar East anu-Semitism is
    carried on in the form of anut-"Judaism" to fit the political require-
    ments of the German-ltalian fight against England and France. In
    the Far East, where even the skill of a Goebbels cannot build up a
    "Jewish que,.tion." fascism has destined to the Soviet Union the role
    of the Jew.
    Anti-Semitism opens to Mussolini spheres of influence which his
    arm could not reach before. In France. Africa, in North and South
    America there are millions of Italians and descendants of Italians.
    If they can he united, they will he extremely valuable troops with
    whose aid Mussolini can exert direct internal influence upon these
    countries. Anti-Scmitism, a simple, comprehensible, and old "expla-
    nation" of social and economic inequality, is a far more effective
    rallying cry than the obscure. ague, and new idea of the "Corporate
    State." Utilizing a genuine if misdirected feeling of rebellion against
    existing social injustice, it has a truly international appeal. By stamp-
    ing the Jew as the symbol of capitalism ,wd bo:,lhevism, it draws
    upon primitive senuments of resistance against exploitation as well
    as upon fear of social revolution. Skillfully developed along these
    lines by fascism. anti-Semitism thus becomes an ideological link

    between the upper and the lower middle class, and its effects can
    be traced eecn far into the confused camp of labor. Its appeal is as
    international as decaying capitahsm itself.
    A spiritual affinity is already uniing German and Italian fascists
    and American reactionaries. Do not Hitler and Mussolini, Goebbels
    and Gada find silent-but how' much longer silent.'-apprcoval of
    their attacks on Roosexelt? And \\as not the domestic and foreign
    collaboration of international fascism quite successful in discrediting
    the New Deal as a Jewish-Communistic experiment? Is not the
    expression "'ewiish-Comrnunistic" more and more tied up with
    everthinc liberal, progressive, democratic? Do not the fascists dlan-
    der ecersone who would stnmd in the way of their aggressions as
    "Communistic v.ar-mongers"? Hirler's formula. "Jews and Marx-
    ists" has been Americanized. "Jews, Communists, and Foreigners"
    it is in the United Siates. It is the applied formula of "national
    education" of Alin Ka.in:f.
    Thus anti-Semitism is today not only the old means of deception
    used by reaction, but an integral part of the fascist-inperialist poli-
    ics of penetration and conquest. New persecutions of the Jews are
    alvwas the signal for a further olfensi'.e on one of the many fronts
    where fasci:m is active.
    No matter how useful it may be to expose again and again the
    senseless accusations against the Jees as lies, it is insufficient if it
    is not a part of the fight against fascism in all its manifestations.
    Neither scienitic nor moral arguments can rid the \sorld of this
    organized Jen -bairing. Even after the last ]et has emigrated from
    Germany, National Socialism will not stop spreading the gospel of
    ani-Semitism. On the contrary the "international Jew" will remain
    the evil spirit in the world. The more so, when the internal situation
    of fascism becomes more strained and its foreign policy more aggres-
    sive. The poor little Jewish shopkeeper, whose poverty is visible to
    everyone, bears !cant witness to the dangerous international influ-

    ence, the fabulous wealth, and the dark schemes of Jewry. When he
    disappears, it will be much more effective to incriminate the Jew
    in the Cits of London, in Wall Street, and in Moscow, as the
    would-be destroyer of Germany. The more abstract and mysterious
    "the Jew" becomes, the better he serves Hitler's purpose.
    The confusion which anti-Semitism has aroused among the Jews
    themselves is due to the fact that "the Jew" does not exist. There
    are rich and poor Jews, leisure-class and working-class Jles; there
    are Jewish fur-workers and bankers, dentists and small tradespeople,
    professors and factorN workers. Consequently, there are also reaction-
    ar) and liberal, conservative and revolutionary Jews-and there are
    fascists among them. Their attitude toward fascism gencrially de-
    pends upon their social status. A minority among them vwo.uld be
    only too glad to make peace with fascism, if fascism would only
    make peace with them. Not a few silently hope that Hitler or lus-
    solini may come to their senses and drop anti-Semitism. They find
    themselves in a similar position to man\ non-Jewish American.,
    Englishmen, and Frenchmen, who would have no objection %whatso-
    ever to experimenting with an American, English, or French Hitler,
    if they had the assurance that their respective Hitlers would refrain
    from "unnecessary" and "embarrassing" excesses-from such "'tu-
    pidities" as book-burning and the regimentation of the sciences.
    They still do not understand that regimentation, not onl. of the
    sciences but also of the entire public and private life, is necessary to
    fascism for its existence-just as is "the night of the long knives," I
    the concentration camps, the People's Courts."' and anti-Semitism.
    Thex are blinded by the "successes" of National Socialism. H,,o
    wonderful it must be, they think, when the capitalist is unchal-
    lenged boss in his own house, the captain of industry master of his
    own army of workers! To have no more NLRB's, no CIO's, no AF
    of L's-onl\ company unions and no right to strike, no "foreign
    agitators" and no "red terror"!

    Anti-Semitism in the countries where fascism has gained power
    can disappear only with fascism itself. In the nations which are still
    democratic, the advance of anti-Semitism can be resisted successfully
    only if the battle against anti-Semitism is carried on as a battle
    against reaction, against unemployment, as a battle for better living
    conditions, for social progress, for a civilization which deserve its
    Either democracy possesses enough insight and desire to protect
    the vital rights of the overwhelming majority of the population,
    or "aristocratic" monopoly capital will find its Hider. who v.ill
    solve the social problems by means of the Fuehrer-principle. This is
    so obvious that one is almost ashamed to say it again.
    For the Jews there is only one certainty: I'ictoriotus facism will
    strangle them, regardless of whether they have supported it, whether
    they have "personally" not taken sides, or whether they have openly
    and courageously fought against it. "The so-called good Jew is our
    most dangerous enemy." writes the organ of the SA in its issue of
    January 13, 1939, "because he challenges our pity and paralyzes us
    in our struggle."
    But guns sometimes backfire. So the witch doctor Hitler gives
    his faithful ones to understand that his race-formula should not be
    used schematically. For example, he justifies England's post-War
    understanding with Japan on the ground that the supremacy of
    the United States forced English statesmen into an alliance, which
    "from a racial point of viev. is perhaps unjustifiable, but represents
    the only political possibility for a strengthening of the British world
    position against the aspiring American continent."
    In the interest of imperialism, one must have absolutely no
    scruples. Hider did not hesitate to ally himself for a while with such
    an "inferior" race as the Pole'; he is now courting the "Semitic"
    Arabs; and he has signed a pact with the Japanese who are in MArin
    Kanimp classified as one of the sterile, non-culture-creating races. In

    order t,. brush aside any doubt as to the "racial justification"' of the
    N.izi alliance 'ith the "Yellow Peril." the Fuehrer has had recourse
    to an ingenious method: He has raised die Japanese to the ranks
    of Ar,ans!
    \\'th this h h has only repeated s\hat his ideal and prototype, the
    anti-Semitic burg':mrla:ter Of Vienna, Lucggr, did. \'hen his fol-
    alowers accused him of associating with Jews, die buruomaster told
    "I alone decide who is a Jew!"


    How Did Hitler Come To Power?

    "How often we used to shake with laughter over these simple-
    ton middle-class poltroons and their ingenious guesses as to our
    origin, our intentions, and our goal."
    Alm Ka'npf

    The IW'eak Democracy

    NAZi historians have an easy time of it. They have no more prob-
    lemns to solve. In their profession the Leader-Principle, as everywhere
    else in Nazi German,, holds sway. They have to present German
    history as the history of Great Germans only. The greatest German
    came to power for the very reason that he was greater, more ener-
    getic and more farsighted than any of his opponents, because he
    fought with the right weapons and because he followed ith the
    sureness of a sleep-walker the road which Pro\idence pointed out to
    him. His enemies were blockheads, traitors, and crooks.
    Based upon this formula is everything which today is handed
    down to the German children and adults as scientific knowledge.
    Anyone dissatisfied with such an answer and looking for further
    explanation would soon find himself on ihe direct road to high
    The strength of "The Great Man Theory," which is, b) the way,

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