Title: Sex, status and role in the Mestizaje of Spanish colonial Florida
Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00098331/00001
 Material Information
Title: Sex, status and role in the Mestizaje of Spanish colonial Florida
Alternate Title: The Mestizaje of Spanish colonial Florida
Physical Description: ix, 219 . : illus. maps., 39 plates. ; 28cm.
Language: English
Creator: Deagan, Kathleen A
Publisher: s.n.
Place of Publication: Gainesville
Publication Date: 1974
Copyright Date: 1974
Subject: Acculturation   ( lcsh )
Social conditions -- Saint Augustine (Fla.)   ( lcsh )
Genre: bibliography   ( marcgt )
non-fiction   ( marcgt )
Thesis: Thesis - University of Florida.
Bibliography: Bibliography: leaves 153-168.
Statement of Responsibility: by Kathleen A. Deagan.
General Note: Typescript.
General Note: Vita.
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00098331
Volume ID: VID00001
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: alephbibnum - 000139127
oclc - 01836023
notis - AAQ5224


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Kathleen A. Deagan




The research for this dissertation was funded by National Sci-

ence Foundation Doctoral Dissertation Grant GS-36839, and the author

was supported by a University of Florida Anthropology Department Gradu-

ate Assistantship while in the Field; and by a University of Florida Gradu-

ate School Fellowship during the preparation of this dissertation.

It is a truism that one's results are only as good as the data on

which they are based, and an archeologist realizes this most keenly when

the time comes to write a report based on Field data. This dissertation

is based on data which met severe contextual and stratigraphic require-

ments, and in the final analysis included less than half of the excavated

material; all of which, however, was used with complete confidence that

it was truly applicable to the problems toward which the excavation was

oriented. For this I would like to thank Stephen Cumbaa, Nicholas

Honerkamp, Cartos Martinez, John Otto and Russell Lewis; all gradu-

ate students in archeology and the field crew at the 1973 excavation of

the de la Cruz site. Without their understanding of the problems in-

volved and their skill in the field, the data on which this study is based

would not be nearly so reliable.

I would also like to thank John W. Griffin, and the staff of the

Historic St. Augustine Preservation Board, who provided equipment,


supplies and housing for the field crew, as well as free access to all of

their resources. Their hospitality and cooperation made our stay in

St. Augustine pleasant and comfortable, particularly the daily help and

mechanical innovation we received from Mr. Sterling Reyez and Mr.

Haynes Grant.

Acknowledgement is also due to Robert Steinbach of the Historic

St. Augustine Preservation Board, for his technical advice, and for his

time, which was freely given to me, in discussing St. Augustine arche-

ology, and helping me clarify many of the problems in the excavation

and interpretation of the de la Cruz site.

I would like to thark Dr. William R. Maples, chairman of the

Social Sciences Department of the Florida State Museum, and Dr. J.

C. Dickinson, of the Florida State Museum, for providing me with

office, lab and storage space during the analysis of the material from

the de la Cruz site, and the preparation of the report. I received a great

deal of help from other Florida State Museum Staff members, including

Mr. Jerry Evans, Ms. Malinda Stafford, Dr. Pierce Brodkorb for the

identification of bird remains; and particularly from Mr. Stephen L.

Cumbaa of the Zooarcheology lab for his very thorough interpretive anal-

ysis of the faunal remains from the site, which is included in Chapter IV.

Technical advice in interpretation of the material from the site

was received from Dr. Barbara Purdy of the University of Florida Social

Sciences Department, who discussed the flint material from the site and

gave advice, and Dr. F. N. Blanchard, who carried out the analysis of

the petrographic samples. I would also like to thank Mr. David Hall of

the University of Florida Herbarium, for the time he generously gave to

the identification of the plant remains from the site, including the identi-

fication of Florida's Oldest Orange.

Dr. W. E. Nesmith of the University of Florida carried out the

analysis of soil samples and discussed the results with me, and techni-

cal advice on ceramics and clay samples from the site was given by Mr.

Chris Hierholzer of the Street Urchin Pottery in St. Augustine. Advice,

consultation and help in producing the illustrations for the dissertation

were provided by Mr. Jonathon-Rogers of St. Augustine, Florida.

I am particularly grateful to Ms. Lydia Deakin, secretary of

the University of Florida Anthropology Department, whose wit, efficiency,

and continual help were instrumental in getting me through graduate school

and this dissertation.

I would also like to thank the members of my committee, Dr.

Theron Nunez, Dr. E. Thomas Hemmings, Dr. Paul Doughty, and Dr.

Michael Gannon for their cooperation and help throughout my entire doc-

toral program, and also Dr. Jerald Milanich of the University of Florida

Anthropology Department, who gave freely of his time, advice, and cri-

ticism during this project, and whose work has helped clarify my concept

of Spanish-Indian relations in Florida.

Other intellectual debts are owed to the work of Charles Fair-

banks and Hale G. Smith in Florida, to Ivor Noel-Hume's work in colo-

nial material culture, to Edward Spicer and George Foster's accultura-

tion studies, and also to Stanley South of the South Carolina Institute

of Archeology and Anthropology, whose generous advice helped me rea-

lize as a student what was relevant in archeological data, and how to

obtain it.

Documentary research was carried out primarily in the Stetson

Collection, located in the P. K. Yonge Library of Florida History at

Gainesville; and the collections of the St. Augustine Historical Society,

located in their library in St. Augustine. I would like to thank the staff

members of those libraries for their help and cooperation.

I come finally to that debt which is impossible to acknowledge,

to my chairman, Charles H. Fairbanks. -Having, for the course of my

studies, been taught, befriended and provided with an academic, intel-

lectual and humanitarian example by Dr. Fairbanks; it is with gratitude

and affection that I acknowledge him as chiefly responsible for any aca-

demic contributions this work may have, while assuming myself full re-

sponsibility for its shortcomings.


Acknowledgements .......................... i

List of Tables. .... . . . . . vi

List of Figures. .................. ..... . vit


I. Indian-Spanish Interaction in Colonial
St. Augustine. ...... . . . 1
II. 18th Century Acculturation: A Pro-
cessual Hypothesis. . . . .. 32
III. Testing the Hypothesis. . . . 44
IV. Results of the Hypothesis Test. . . 72
V. Sex, Status and Role in the Mestizaje
of Spanish Colonial Florida. . . . 139

Bibliography. ......... . . .........153

Appendix I Dating the Site: Ceramic Data. . . 169

Appendix II Dating the Site: Pipestem Data. . . .. 170

Appendix III Measurement Data for Green Glass Bottles. . 172

Appendix IV Results of Petrographic Analysis by
F. N. Blanchard. . . . . 174

Figures ............... ..... ............ ... ................ 179

Biographical Sketch .. ...... .... .......... ............... 219


1. Distribution of San Marcos Pottery......................... 75
2. Distribution of San Marcos Pottery Surface Decoration .......... 75
3. Faunal Remains from Closed Proveniences ..................... 87
4. Beads from Closed Proveniences .............................. 109
5. Distribution of Tableware Ceramics ........................... 120
6. Distribution of Majolica ...................................... 120
7. Distribution of Delftware Decorative Elements .................. 123
8. Distribution of Slip-Decorated Earthenwares ................... 124
9. Distribution of Refined Earthenwares........................... 126
10. Closed Proveniences Dating Creamware--A .................... 128
11. Closed Proveniences Dating Creamware--B ...................... 129
12. Ceramics from Midden Area .................................130
13. Distribution of Glassware ....... .... ................... 133


1. The Puente Map ........................................ 180
2. The Jeffries Map .......................................181
3. Excavation Plan and Foundations at SA-16-23 ............ 182
4. Water Disposal Technique ................................. 183
5. Map of Kitchen Area .................................184
6. Map of North Outbuilding Area ........................... 185
7. Map of Courtyard Area .......................... .... 186
8. First Appearance of Barrel Well ..... ... ............... 187
9. Profile of Barrel Well ............... ................. 188
10. a. Excavation of Barrel Well
b. Staves from Barrel Well............................... 189
11. Profile of Coquina Well ................................ 190
12. San Marcos Stamped Sherds ............................. 191
13. Spanish Utilitarian Earthenware Sherds ................... 192
14. Handles from San Marcos Vessels ...................... 193
15. San Marcos Ceramics Exhibiting European Influence........ .194
16. Non-ceramic Food Preparation Equipment................. 195
17. Sherd Discs, Marbles, and Child's Thimble ......... .....196
18. Iron Hinge and Iron Spike ...............................197
19. Iron Key and Brass Hardware ............................. 198
20. Gunflints. and Gunspalls .................................199
21. Brass Gun Hardware ................... ................200
22. White Clay Pipe Fragments ............................... 201
23. Women's Craft Items ................................... 202
24. Beads from Closed Proveniences.......................... 203
25. Buttons from Closed Proveniences......................... 204
26. Metal Buckles ...........................................205
27. Ebony Figa Amulet ...................................... 206
28. Majolica Vessel Profiles. ................. ..............207
29. Majolica Sherds ..................... ....................208
30. Delftware Sherds ............. ......................... 209
.31. Slip-Decorated Earthenware Sherds........................ 210
32. Creamware Sherds ................................... 211
33. Refined Earthenware Sherds............................... 212
34. Blue and White Chinese Porcelain......................... 213
35. Ornamental .Glass....................................... 214
36. Tableware Glass........................................ 215


Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the
Graduate Council of the University of Florida in Partial
Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy



Kathleen A. Deagan

June, 1974

Chairman: Charles H. Fairbanks
Major Department: Anthropology

The hypothesis that in 18th century St. Augustine, acculturation

was primarily effected by Indian women in Spanish or mestizo households

within a predominantly male-oriented (military) cultural milieu, is tested

through archeological, ethnohistorical, zooarcheological and ethnographic

research. Archeologically testable implications of this hypothesis are

offered, tested and confirmed. Mestizaje and acculturation in Spanish

colonial Florida are analyzed and a model for mestizaje as a process of

acculturation is proposed. Material correlates for mestizaje are sug-

gested, and used to illustrate method and theory in Anthropological His-

torical Archeology: and its role in developing theory,and in problem-

solving for Archeology as a discipline.



The Pre-Guale Period

At the time when the first results of Spanish contact and inter-

action were felt by the newly enslaved and disease-ridden Indians of

the Caribbean and Latin America, the Indians of Florida were still vir-

tually unaffected by European contact.

Although Florida had been known and explored by the Spanish

since the very early part of the 16th century, it was not until the second

half of the century that a permanent settlement or a serious base for

Indian-Spanish interaction was formed. This interaction base in Flor-

ida was the mission system, outside of which very little Indian and

Spanish contact occurred during the 16th and 17th centuries (See Stur-

tevant 1962; Fairbanks 1957; Deagan n.d.)

The initial, and most intensive Spanish-Indian interaction took

place in the area surrounding St. Augustine, the first permanent Span-

ish settlement in Florida. This early interaction provided the roots for

the later processes of Indian-Spanish miscegenation, or mestizaje,

which operated during the 18th century, and it was in St. Augustine

that the earliest records of such interaction are found.

When the Spaniards first settled in Florida, the area



surrounding St. Augustine was occupied by the Saturiwa Indians, one

of the several tribal groups comprising the Eastern Timucua (Deagan

n.d.). The Saturiwa occupied the lower course of the St. Johns River

and the coastal area opposite the river. This region included the St.

Johns River itself, extensive pine flatwoods, and coastal lagoons and

estuaries; all of which were exploited by the Saturiwa. The subsistence

system was based on fish and shellfish, both fresh and salt water, as

evidenced by the extensive middens along the river and the coast.

Fishing, hunting and gathering were, no doubt, also important parts

of the subsistence base, with deer, alligator, fowl, and turtle as im-

portant food items. In historic times, the Saturiwa were part-time

horticulturalists, growing maize, beans, pumpkins, cucumbers, cit-

rons, and gourds (Hacklyut 1903(8):445; Ribault 1964:73), although they

tilled for only half of the year and went into the forest to hunt and gather

during the winter months (Hacklyut 1903(8):456).

In prehistoric times the Saturiwa area was characterized by

the St. Johns archeological complex, which included chalky pottery,

burial mounds, and diffuse shell middens (Goggin 1952). This com-

plex was continued into early historic times, evidenced by burial mounds

containing European trade material, such as the Dunn's Creek mound

(Moore 1894:8) in Saturiwa territory, which contained burials with St.

Johns chalky ceramics and associated historic material, including orna-

ments, metal implements, and a bell. Lower levels of the mound con-

tained trade materials from the aboriginal cultures of west Florida, but


these were no longer present in the historic level. Another site in the

same area, North Mound, Murphy Island (Pu-20) contained historic

burials which were intrusive into a mound constructed in earlier (ca.

AD 1000) times (Moore 1896: 503-515). Archeological evidence indi-

cates that by the late 16th century mound burial was being replaced by

cemetery burial among the Saturiwa. The Fountain of Youth site in

St. Augustine contained a group of Indian burials extended flat on their

backs, with their arms crossed over their chests. Although few grave

goods were encountered, the presence of glass beads and an iron spike

implied that the cemetery dated from the late 16th century (Goggin 1952:

4; Seaberg ms).

From the writings of Frey Francisco Pareja, Jaques LeMoyne,

Jean Ribault and Rene Laudonniere, the culture of the late 16th century

and early 17th century Saturiwa can be partially reconstructed. De-

tailed summaries of Saturiwa culture traits can be found in Swanton

(1922:345-387) and Milanich and Sturtevant (1972:39-48).

Saturiwa social organization was similar to that of many other

Southeastern Indian tribes, featuring ranked, matrilineal clans with

names such as Deer, Panther, Bear, Fish, Earth, Buzzard, and Quail

(Gatschet 1878:492-493). Inheritance was through the mother or mother's

brother (Phillip 1593), and clan membership determined the chiefs

and other officials (Gatschet 1878:492), with the White Deer Clan giving

rise to the head chief or holata ico.

The information given by Francisco Pareja indicates a caste-

like social system, probably like that postulated by William Sears for

the circum-gulf region (Sears 1954). Each village had its own chief,

and these were under the jurisdiction of a head chief who extracted

tribute from his subjects (DeCampo 1601).

Priest-shamans were present among the Saturiwa, and were

powerful religious-medical practitioners. The role of the shaman in

the culture is well illustrated by Pareja's 1613 Confessionario (Milanich

and Sturtevant 1972), and constituted a focus toward which much Fran-

ciscan religious energy was directed.

The Saturiwa lived in palisaded villages with circular, thatched

huts of palm "after the fashion of a pavilion" (Ribault 1964:83). Villages

also contained a central longhouse "with reed settees all about" which

were set two feet off the ground and were used as both seats and beds

(Ibid.). This was certainly a public building, probably for both civil

and religious activities.

At the time of Laudonniere's account (1565) the Saturiwa towns

formed a confederacy under a chief also named Saturiwa, who was the

head of a town near the mouth of the St. Johns River. There were 30

other town chiefs under Chief Saturiwa, and they came together to wage

war against the two large Western Timucua confederacies of Potano and

Utina (Hacklyut 1903(8):454). By 1602 this pattern of organized warfare

had ceased or was inactive.

The Saturiwa first experienced European contact with the French

expedition to Florida under Jean Ribault in 1562. By 1564 Rene de


Laudomiere had established Fort Caroline in Saturiwa territory, near

the mouth of the St. Johns River. Saturiwa-French relations were

generally amicable and based on trade; deer, fish, turkey, and corn in

exchange for hatchets, mirrors, knives, combs, beads, and cloth (Le

Moyne in Bennett 1968:104).

Although the Saturiwa helped the colony at Fort Caroline by

building portions of the fort and providing food, they were frequently

alienated by the French demands for supplies, often "extorted by blows"

(Le Moyne in Bennett 1968:98). The French were also involved in the

military affairs of the tribe, and the Saturiwa were anxious for French

assistance against the Utina confederacy, which was their most ancient

enemy (Hacklyut 1903(9):12). Although Laudonniere agreed in 1565

to send some of his soldiers with Saturiwa against Utina, his main con-

cern was to form alliances with all of the Indian confederacies (Ibid..).

The Saturiwa-French relations were based on trade and mutual

militarism, and it was not until after the arrival of the Spanish and the

establishment of the Franciscan missions that any appreciable change

was brought about in the Saturiwa culture.

The establishment of a French settlement at Fort Caroline

provided the impetus for the Spanish settlement of Florida in 1565.

The site of St. Augustine acted not only as a deterrent for further French

enterprise after the massacre of Laudonniere's party, but it was also

of strategic military importance as the guardian of the straits of Florida,

through which the flota sailed after leaving Mexico. Pedro Menendez


de Aviles sailed to Florida in 1565 to rout the French and establish his

adalentadomiento of the land in the name of Phillip the Second of Spain.

With 800 people, Menendez arrived in 1565, and defeated the French at

Fort Caroline. Although the Saturiwa did not play a rrmjor role in this

affair, they remained loyal to the French and pledged support to Domi-

nique de Gourges during his punitive raids against the Spanish in 1567

(Hacklyut 1903(9):102-104). De Gourges was unable to drive the Span-

ish out of the former Fort Caroline, and after this incident, Spanish

settlement and Indian contact was concentrated in the St. Augustine


Even prior to the De Gourges expedition in 1567, Spanish mis-

sionaries were attempting conversion of the Florida Indians. With the

founding of St. Augustine in 1565, immediate attempts were made by

Pedro Menendez to procure missionaries for Florida. In 1566 he wrote:

"I had told them (the Indians) that those religious were coming on the next

ship and would soon talk with them and instruct them on becoming Chris-

tians; and now, as no religious came, the natives think that I am a liar,

and some of them have become angry and accuse me of deluding them."

(Menendez 1566).

In 1566 the Jesuits arrived, and remained in Florida until 1572

when their attempts at missionization ended in withdrawal (see Gannon

1965). Their contact with the Saturiwa had no discernible, lasting effect

on the culture, and it was not until the Franciscans arrived in 1577

that the changes which were to alter and ultimately eliminate the native

Florida cultures were put into effect.

Between 1577 and 1596, Franciscan missions had been estab-

lished among the Saturiwa at Nombre de Dios (St. Augustine), and San

Juan del Puerto (near the mouth of the St. Johns River), and these re-

mained the main mission centers for the Saturiwa throughout the mission


The most intensive mission activity was in the vicinity of St.

Augustine; the only permanent settlement in Spanish Florida until 1699.

In 1602, Don Alonso Sando Saez Mercado, testifying at the investigation

of the success and fate of the Florida colony, named Nombre de Dios,

Palica, Nombre de Dios Chiquito, Capuaca, Solo, San Pablo, and Ca-

herica as Indian villages near St. Augustine, and he noted that these

were all Christian villages (Arnade 1959:29). Nombre de Dios and San

Pablo had churches, although religious services were conducted in all

of the villages by a visiting priest or, in his absence, by the Indian

Fiscales (Ibid.).

Archeology has revealed little of the life of the Timucua mis-

sion Indian. Possible mission sites in the Saturiwa area include San

Juan del Puerto (Du-53), partially excavated by William Jones (J. Mac-

Murray 1973); Wrights Landing (SJ-3) (Goggin 1953:6), which is believed

to be the site of a relocated Guale mission, Nuestra Senora Guadalupe

de Tolomato; and Rollestown (Pu64b) which may have been the site of

the mission of Salamatoto (Goggin 1953:5). The site of the mission of

Nombre de Dios in St. Augustine has been located and identified, although


none of these sites have been fully excavated at this time. Solely Timu-

cua occupation at these mission sites seems to have been sparse and of

short duration. Small amounts of the indigenous St. Johns ceramics

are present (Goggin 1952), but the ceramic type which predominates on

historic Florida Indian sites is San Marcos (Smith 1948), introduced

during the 17th century by the Guale Indians. No structures have been

excavated at any of the sites discussed above, but there was evidence

at San Juan del Puerto of a palisade, and also of individual, circular

shell middens which may represent dwelling sites. (W. B. Jones per-

sonal communication. St. Augustine 1973).

The Indian population indigenous to the St. Augustine vicinity

declined rapidly throughout the 17th century. By 1675, when Gabriel

Calderon, Bishop of Cuba, visited Florida, there were only three Chris-

tian Indian villages in the vicinity of St. Augustine; Nombre de Dios,

Tolomato, and Salamatoto (Wenhold 1936:7-8). The number of inhabi-

tants was given only for Nombre de Dios ("scarcely more than 30"),

but it suggests that only about 100 Timucua Indians were left in the area

by this time.

Probably the primary factor in this drastic population decline

among the Saturiwa was the introduction of European disease. Swan-

ton lists four major epidemics among the Timucua in 1613-1617; 1649-

1650; 1670, and 1672 (Swanton 1946:144), although there probably were

earlier occurences. In other areas of the Spanish new world, smallpox,

measles, Influenza, dysentary, and a reintroduced form of syphilis

were particularly virulent among the Indians. Since they had no re-

sistance to these European diseases, the Indian populations during the

early contact period suffered untold numbers of deaths, in some cases

even before the Europeans themselves reached the Indians (Dobyns 1963).

Since by 1613, Florida had experienced European contact for nearly

100 years, it seems that decimating disease must have taken its toll

also in the 16th century, particularly in the vicinity of the most intense


Spanish and Indian relations in the 16th and 17th centuries were

built on the mission system. This system was a directed change situ-

ation (see Spicer 1961), but of a solely ecclesiastical nature. Within

the structure of the system, the link between the European and the In-

dian was the Franciscan friar, and the areas toward which change was

directed were naturally those of the greatest concern to the Friars.

These included religious matters, and those areas of culture affecting

religion. There were few other types of contact between Indian and

Spaniard, since Florida had few resources and farming was not reward-

ing, so that the encomienda system so common to the rest of New Spain

was not present.

The acculturation which occurred as a result of the mission

System was more apparent in the European culture than in the aborigi-

nal (see Sturtevant 1962:68). Since the colony was poor, and was sup-

ported almost totally by the government subsidized situado (Geiger 1940:

7-8), the friars found it most expedient to adapt to the aboriginal methods

of shelter and subsistence.

Missions were probably located in the vicinity of existing In-

dian villages, and this is supported archeologically by cultural deposits

indicating a long prehistoric through historic occupation in many of the

East Florida mission sites. Movement of the missions is indicated in

the documents, but this may well have been due to the exigencies of

Indian agricultural techniques (Sturtevant 1962:62), and later in the

mission period to the arrival of the Guale and Yamassee Indians.

The material culture of the Florida Indians appeared to have

been very little changed by European contact. The poverty of the col-

ony precluded the replacement of many aboriginal items with European

counterparts, and firearms were forbidden to the Florida Indians.

The few items which are found at Florida mission sites--ceramics,

ornaments, and a few iron tools-suggest that these items were in ad-

dition to, rather than a replacement of, aboriginal items (Smith 1956:


When Bishop Calderon visited Florida in 1675, he noted that

the housing, clothing, and subsistence patterns of the Florida Indians

were almost entirely aboriginal (Wenhold 1936).

The conversion of the Florida Indians, particularly the Saturiwa,

was the key to much of the European induced change in the culture. Not

only did the Franciscans attempt to replace aboriginal ceremonial pat-

terns with Catholicism, but they also, in the process, altered certain

aspects of social organization which had important implications for

Spanish-Indian acculturation.


It was primarily through conversion that the political struc-

tures of the Eastern Timucua tribes were manipulated, and this in turn

had subtle effects on other areas of the social structure. Among the

early successful changes made by the Franciscans was the cessation

of the traditional pattern of warfare, which was such a noticeable fea-

ture of the Eastern Timucua groups at the time of French contact.

By 1598 the chiefs of nearly every major Timucua tribe had come in

a group to St. Augustine, to pledge support and obedience to the Span-

ish crown (Canzo 1598). It seems that from this time, there was no

inter-tribal warfare; in fact, Spanish-Indian interaction and commu-

nication seems to have replaced interaction on the tribal level to a great

extent. The cessation of warfare had an unknown effect on the political

authority system of the Timucua, but it is quite possible that the cen-

tral cohesive emphasis shifted away from the tribal organization, and

toward the mission after this time. The reduction of inter-tribal com-

munication is reflected archeologically by the absence of trade material

from Northwest and West Florida tribes in the historic levels of Indian

sites, and their presence in prehistoric levels, such as the situation

found at the Thursby Mound (Moore 1894:64-82), and the Dunn's Creek

Mound (Moore 1894:8).

It was also during the early stages of contact that there is evi-

dence of Spanish interference in the inheritance patterns of the Timu-

cua Indians. In 1593 Phillip II of Spain wrote to the governor of Flor-

ida: "concerning what you noted about the custom of on an Indian


nobleman's death his nephew, the son of his sister, inherits his dig-

nity and his estate. The Christianized Indians complain and do not want

to follow this law, but to inherit from their fathers. It would be well

to support them in this for now" (Phillip II 1593). Two possible inci-

dents of the support suggested by Phillip are known. The first was the

interference in the Guale cacique succession, which was listed as a

cause of the Guale rebellion of 1597 (Canzo 1600), and the second was

the sudden appearance of Dona Maria Melendez (who prior to this time

was the chieftainess of Nombre de Dios) as the chieftainess of all the

Indians from Tacatacuru (Cumberland Island) to St. Augustine in 1604

(Serrano y Sanz 1913:171). Maria Melendez is of particular interest

in the early history of Florida. While she was chieftainess of Nombre

de Dios, she married a Spanish soldier, became ardently pro-Catholic,

and apparently brought about almost complete conversion of her sub-

jects (Canzo 1598). For these reasons she was highly praised by the

Spanish, and her sudden appearance as the chieftainess of what had

formerly been several separate tribes, seems somewhat suspect. This

suspicion is supported by the account of Pedro de Ibarra, who described

a meeting between Maria Melendez, her subjects, and the Spaniards,

which took place on Cumberland Island in 1604 (Serrano y Sanz 1913:

171-172). At this meeting the Spaniards asked Melendez if she had any

complaints to make of her subjects, which would require Spanish dis-

cipline. Although she did not have any complaints, it seems clear that

a good deal of the chieftainess' authority came from Spanish prestige.


The Spanish were extremely supportive of pro-Hispanic cassiques (see

Deagan n.d.), and probably manipulated them, and possibly even in-

stalled them in order to effect conversion of their subjects. The effects

of the switch in political emphasis from the traditional to the Spanish

interests presumably played a large part in the weakening of Timucua

social structure and world view.

These political changes were brought about by the application of

religious sanctions, and were designed to support the system of Catho-

lic conversion. At the same time that these changes were being effect-

ed in the aboriginal political structure, more direct and intensive efforts

were being aimed at the replacement of aboriginal ceremonial elements

with Catholic religious elements (Milanich and Sturtevant 1972). These

efforts were quite successful among the Timucua Indians, largely through

the manipulation of the cassiques described above. In this way, the

Indians of Spanish Florida underwent changes in their religious, cere-

monial, political, and social systems, but actually participated very

little in direct interaction with the Spaniards. Little Spanish material

culture was introduced to them, and no efforts were made to alter the

ecological situation or the subsistence practices, so that very little

change in these areas of aboriginal life were apparent until the 18th

century, when the move to St. Augustine took place.

There were occasional patterns of interaction between Span-

iard and Indian which fell outside of the mission structure during the 16th

and 17th centuries. The Spanish attitude toward the Indian seemed


somewhat more exploitive during the 16th century than in succeeding

centuries. Pedro Menendez de Aviles made an early attempt at directed

change when he sent several Indians, including the 10-year old daughter

of the King of Tekesta, to Spain in order that they could become His-

panicised and return to teach their tribe members civilization (Menen-

dez 1566). The fate of the project and the Indians is unknown, however,

since no further reports of the incident are known.

In 1598 Governor Canzo wrote to the King of Spain about the

"war Indians" or "Indian warriors," who were used to attack other In-

dians that had not subjugated themselves to the crown. In 1597 the war

Indians had been sent against the Surruque, who were defeated, and

fifty-four Surruque prisoners were brought back to St. Augustine and

distributed among the townspeople, presumably as slaves--the women and

children to married people and the men to the soldiers (Canzo 1598).

This is a very early reference to the presence of Indians in the town

itself, although, again, no follow-up report was made. In the same

letter, Canzo discussed the tribute expected from the Indians: one

arroba of corn from married people, and six macorcas from single

people. Apparently the applied anthropological approach, along with

slavery and tribute, proved unsuccessful or unprofitable for use with

the Florida Indians, since these practices were not continued in the

succeeding centuries. It should also be noted that the de Aviles ada-

lantadomiento expired with Pedro Menendez' son-in-law, and may have

also marked the end of this approach to Indian relations.


Mission activity reached its peak during the 17th century, but

occasional, non-religious use was made of the Indians. As early as

1622 Indians from Guale and San Pedro (Cumberland Island) were sent

to labor on the forts in St. Augustine; but according to official documents,

they were apportioned by their own "micos y cassiques," and they re-

ceived passage money and gifts (Ramirez 1622).

By the third quarter of the 17th century, the Spanish were

either recruiting or impressing Florida Indians to serve in the garri-

son at St. Augustine. In 1673, some 300 Indians were sent to St. Augus-

tine "to fill the gaps in the infantry," including 200 Apalachee, 50-55

Timucua, and 45-50 Guale Indians (de la Guerra 1673).

Further evidence of the non-religious exploitation of the Flor-

ida Indians in provided by the 1656 letter of Manuel, Chief of Asile, which

outlined some of the Indian grievances which led to the Timucua rebel-

lion of 1656 (Manuel 1656; Milanich n.d.). Among these grievances it

was reported that the Indians were forced to labor on the Spanish cattle

ranches and plantations without compensation. Little is known of cattle

raising in colonial Florida during the 17th century. Believed to have

been established ca. 1655 (Arnade 1965:6), cattle farming reached a

peak in 1700, when the first taxes were levied on the ranches, and at

that time there were 25 ranches in Timucua territory (Ibid.:8). The

extent to which Indian labor was employed on the ranches is not known,

although garrison soldiers were sent to work on the ranches in the early

18th century (Ibid.:9). The use of Indians on the cattle ranches was


probably quite limited, and like presidio labor and service in the gar-

rison, reached only a very small proportion of the Indian population,

although these Indians must have learned some Spanish skills of ranch-

ing and building.

These instances of non-religious interaction between Spaniard

and Indian on the frontier were peripheral to the basic pattern of mis-

sion acculturation in the 17th century. It was the Spanish-Indian inter-

action within the colonial town that had important implications for the

later, intensive Spanish-Indian interaction and mestizaje.

One of the most pervasive, and least known patterns of pre-

18th century Spanish-Indian interaction in St. Augustine was the for-

mation of alliances between Indian women and Spanish men. Very little

is known of the proportion, permanency, and status of Spanish women

residing in St. Augustine. The original party accompanying Menendez

on his initial arrival in Florida contained 800 people; 500 soldiers,

200 sailors and 100 "useless" people (Tebeau 1971:34). Since it was

also reported that 100 of Menendez' men were married, the 100 "use-

less" people may have been wives and children of these men. It should

be noted, however, that official permission was not granted until 1579

for the wives of men stationed in Florida to join their husbands (Chate-

laine 1941:43), although there is certainly no record of a major immi-

gration of Spanish women to Florida at or after this time.

Although the party accompanying Menendez was intended pri-

marily as a military expedition, it did comprise the original European


pioneer population of Florida, and this population seems to have dropped

considerably in the years following the founding of St. Augustine. Little

immigration to the poverty-stricken Florida colony occurred during

the Spanish period, since there was no economic incentive in the col-

ony, and the nature of the situado--dependent subsistence base must

have limited the number of residents the colony could support. There

are occasional records of women entering the Florida colony; for ex-

ample, in 1566 14 women arrived with the relief party of Arcineagas

(Chatelaine 1941:43). By 1578 there were only 186 men in the town, and

a- request for 300 men, but only six women was made by Menendez

(Dunkle 1958:5). This seems to imply that soldiers of the garrison

were finding mates among the Indian women of the area quite early in

the Spanish period. What proportion of these alliances were marriages

is unknown, but an untitled document, tentatively dated 1577, lists 13

married men "besides the soldiers, some of whom are married"; ra-

ther a sharp reduction from the 100 married men of 12 years before.

By the turn of the 17th century, there were 57 married couples and 107

children in St. Augustine (Arnade 1959:9), and it was just prior to this

time that Governor Canzo reported a considerable number of illegiti-

mate children in the town (Canzo 1598).

Specific instances of recorded, Indian-Spanish marriages

during this period, and throughout the 17th century, are rare; consist-

ing for the most part of marriages notable enough to receive mention

in the official documents. These early inter-racial marriages revealed


that an alliance with a Spaniard was a desirable accomplishment, since

the nobility of the Florida Indian groups were among the first to enter

into such marriages. Perhaps the earliest record of a Spanish-Indian

marriage was that of Pedro Menendez de Aviles himself in 1569 to the

sister of Carlos, chief of the Calusa (Zubillaga 1946:610). While this

was almost certainly a marriage of political expediency (since Menen-

dez already had a Spanish wife), it serves to illustrate the positive

Indian attitude toward such marriages. Another early marriage of an

Indian woman to a Spaniard was that of Luisa Menendez and Juan Rivas,

who met and married while Rivas was on the Pardo expedition of 1567

(Arnade 1959:38). Rivas and his wife returned to live in St. Augustine,

where Rivas was called upon 35 years later as reliable and expert

witness at the hearings to determine the fate of Florida in 1602 (Arnade

1959:38). A slightly later mixed marriage was that of Maria Melendez,

chieftainess of Nombre de Dios, to the Spanish soldier Clemente Ver-

nal. Dona Melendez was pro-Catholic and Spanish, ruling her subjects

jointly with Vernal (Canzo 1598), and from this marriage there were

several mestizo children (Arnade 1959:26).

Intermarriage between Indian and Spaniard almost certainly

occurred with greater frequency in colonial St. Augustine than is in-

dicated documentarily. It was, nevertheless, on a fairly small scale

during the 16th and 17th centuries, if only because of the small and

steadily declining Indian population in the St. Augustine area.

The Guale Period: Post-1680

This situation began to change, however, when the Guale In-

dians of the Georgia coast began to move into the St. Augustine area,

swelling the Indian population. There were four Spanish missions left

in Guale in 1680, despite the recurrent attacks of Yuchi Indians which

had been taking place for 25 years (Swanton 1946:135). These raids may

have been at least partly British-inspired slave raids, and the founding

of Charles Town in 1670 increased the tempo of Yuchi activity. Thus

began a series of events which were to result in the Indian depopulation

of Florida, and the repopulation, on a smaller scale, of St. Augustine.

By 1675, when Calderon visited Florida, the coastal area north

of the St. Johns River (Amelia Island, Cumberland Island) was already

inhabited by infidel Yamassee Indians (Salazar 1675), and in 1680, sev-

eral Guale chiefs asked to be relocated in Spanish territory (Swanton

1946:136), with the result that a large body of Guale moved into Florida.

As early as 1658, the Guale mission of Tolomato was relocated at St.

Augustine (Phillipe IV 1660). Items of material culture and settlement

patterns of the Guale rapidly replaced indigenous Timucua elements in

Florida; clearly demonstrated archeologically at several Florida sites

occupied successively by Timucua and Guale Indians (San Juan del Puer-

to (J. MacMurray 1973), Wright's Landing (Goggin 1953:6), Rollestown

(Goggin 1953:5), Harrison Homestead (Hemmings and Deagan 1973),

and Fort Pupo (Goggin 1951) ).

This gradual increase in population continued from 1680 to


1700, when a major increase in the Indian population of St. Augustine

occurred, along with a concomitant shift in the Spanish attitude toward

Indians. After the raids of Col. James Moore and his force of Caro-

linians, Creeks, and Yamassee Indians, the Florida mission system

was destroyed, along with the cattle ranches and a large proportion of

the Indian population (Boyd, Smith and Griffin 1952).

Now with Britain a direct threat to Spain's tentative hold on

Florida, and also to the safety of the colony at St. Augustine, the Span-

ish interest in the Indians shifted from being strictly religious and some-

what economic, to being quite militaristic, quite economic, and some-

what religious. Indian allies were sought not only for aid in the struggle

to maintain control of Florida, but also to act as a defense line in case

of a British attack on St. Augustine; a possibility that became a reality

several times in the 18th century (see Tepaske 1969:193-229).

The Spanish population of St. Augustine also depended in other

ways upon the greatly increased Indian population of the area. Moore's

raids had destroyed the cattle ranches upon which St. Augustine depended

for food, and thus the Indian cornfields which were cultivated.on the peri-

phery of the town were an important supplementary food source (Chate-

laine 1941:map 10; Solana 1760). The Indians of St. Augustine probably

also provided a labor pool for the rebuilding of the town after the siege;

and possibly also as a source of local craft industries such as pottery

or weaving.

The rapid increase in the Indian population of the St. Augustine


area is reflected in documentary data from the period. When Calderon

visited the town in 1675 he noted a very sparse Indian population, but

by 1703, at least eight villages of Indians, including Timucua, Apala-

chee, Guale, and remnants of South Florida tribes, had been established

near the town. These were Nombre de Dios Chiquito, Timucua, Tama,

Jororo, Costa Tolomato el Nuevo, Nombre de Dios, and Macariz (Val-

des 1729), some of them obviously named after the Indian groups which

inhabited them. By 1714 the Indian population of St. Augustine had

grown to 401 (Phillipe V 1714); in 1726 it was 1101 (Valdes 1729), and

in 1738 there were 1350 Indians living in the St. Augustine area (Bena-

vides 1738). The 1726 account of Indians in the area lists 10 villages

of heterogeneous tribal affiliation and language, including Yamassee,

Chiluca, Guale, Timucua, Pojois, Apalachee, Costa, and Jororo In-

dians (Valdes 1729). Some of the villages were as far away from the

fort as 12 leagues during the first quarter of the 18th century, but in-

creasing raids by the "Chiscas and Chichumecos" forced most of the

pueblos to within a gunshot of the fort, and many of the Indians into the

Castillo to sleep at night (Solana 1760).

Most of the Indians lived in the mission villages, tilled the soil,

and made occasional forays into the countryside to hunt (Doctrineros

1728), having little direct contact with the Spanish population of St.

Augustine. Of the 1350 Indians in the area in 1738, only 24 of them

(ten "houses") lived in the town (Benavides 1738). One area of Spanish-

Indian interaction was increasing rapidly in tempo, however, and this


was the formation of liasons between Indian women and Spanish men.

These liasons were a more common feature of the 18th century

than of the preceding centuries, since the incidence of such marriages

increases greatly in the parish records and other documentary sources

hint at the situation. Early in the century, the issue was important

enough to be discussed in a letter to the crown. Governor Corcoles y

Martinez reported that the friars were angry about the marriage of

garrison soldiers to Indians or mixed Indians by the garrison pastor.

They said "If a soldier or anyone wishes to marry an Indian or mixed

Indian they must do so in the parish and church to which the Indian be-

longs" (Brooks 1909:167-8).

Complaints by members of the religious orders were made

throughout the 18th century about the immoral activities, "abuses,"

"vices," and "evils" of St. Augustine town life (Buenaventura 1735,

1736; Solana 1758), and it was reported in 1758 that the soldiers did

not quarter in the presidio, but lived instead in the town "where illicit

relationships take place" (Solana 1758). Activities such as these prob-

ably accounted for a great deal of mestizaje not recorded in the parish


Mestizaje in St. Augustine

The process of mestizaje began in the new world from the time

of the first European contact. As early as 1501 the forceful concubinage

of Indian women was recognized as a problem in the New World, and

the royal instructions to Governor Ovando of Santo Domingo in 1501


included the decree that Indian women should not be retained against

their wishes. It was also stated that if Spaniards wished to marry In-

dians, "this had to be done voluntarily on both.sides and not forcibly"

(Morner 1967:37). Marriages between the daughters of Indian cassiques

and Spaniards were also encouraged, for by Spanish reasoning (and

misunderstanding of matrilineal inheritance systems) "in that way all

of the cassiques would soon be Spaniards" (Ibid.). This was probably

similar to the attitudes and approach held by the European conquerors

of Florida.

Magnus Morner's study of race mixture in Latin America (1970)

points out that the earliest generations of mestizos were generally asso-

ciated with, and assimilated into the paternal group, and less frequently

into the maternal group. The formation of a distinctive, marginal mes-

tizo population did not occur until mestizaje began to take place on a

greater scale, when mestizos began to identify with each other rather

than with a parental group (p. 29).

This also would have been the case in 18th century St. Augustine,

had the 18th century Spanish population remained in the town. 16th cen-

tury mestizaje was largely understated and connected with aboriginal

nobility, and while there was a slight increase in the incidence of mes-

tizaje during the 17th century, it was not recognized as a social issue

or problem. It was not until the 18th century that intermarriage and

mestizaje occurred to a noticeable or significant extent in Florida.

The parish records of the Cathedral of St. Augustine (1574-


1763) list occasional births resulting from mixed Spanish-Indian mar-

riages in the 16th and 17th centuries, but it was not until the Book of

the Pardos was started in 1735 that Indian-Spanish marriages and births

were clearly stated. It should also be remembered that mixed marriages

were encouraged to be performed in the parish of the Indian bride (Cor-

coles y Martinez 1704; Brooks 1909) thus revealing the Parish records

as an unreliable index to mixed marriages and births before the Book

of the Pardos (which contained Negro, Indian, and mixed blood statis-

tics) was established. The proportion of the St. Augustine population

with mixed Indian-Spanish blood by 1700 was probably somewhat greater

than that suggested by the parish records. Possibly the earliest mes-

tizos were encouraged to identify with the Indian parent, as suggested

by their exclusion from the parish records, but by the second or third

generation of those living in St. Augustine, integration of this small

segment of the population into the town life would have taken place,

along with their identification as criollo, rather than mestizo. During

the 10-year period from 1725 to 1735 only two births out of 235 recorded

births were listed as having an Indian or Mestizo parent (1%), which

seems quite low, even considering the normal pattern of relegation

to the Indian doctrine parish of mixed blood records. By the 10-year

period from 1700 to 1710, 12 out of 386 births (3%) were listed as ra-

cially mixed, and by 1735 the incidence was high enough to warrant

their inclusion in the separate Book of the Pardos.

It was during the 18th century that mestizaje took place at a


noticeably increased rate in St. Augustine. Between the years 1735

and 1750 there were 306 marriages performed in the parish church

(St. Augustine Historical Society n.d.). Of these, 55 (18%) were be-

tween blacks or mulattos; 217 (71%) were between Spaniards or white

creoles, and 34 (11%) were between mestizos or Indians, and Spaniards

or creoles.

During the same period (1735-1750), 1,423 baptisms were

recorded. These included 411 (27%) Black or mulatto births; 976 (70%)

white births and 36 (3%) mixed Indian-White births. It is indicated that

during this 15-year period, at the height of Spanish-Indian interaction,

there were roughly five births recorded to every marriage of Blacks;

six births recorded for every white marriage, and only one birth for

every mixed marriage recorded in the city. Since illegitimate births

and stillbirths were recorded in the baptismal records, a distortion

of the births per marriage due to a higher rate of illegitimacy or infant

mortality for a particular racial group may be ruled out.

Either the mixed-blood birth rate was actually much lower than

that of Whites or Blacks, or other cultural factors distorted the docu-

mentary record. Since it is known that earlier in the century attempts

were made to relegate Indian-Spanish marriages to the Indian bride's

parish, the same attempt may have been made for mixed blood births.

Although the trend indicated in the documents seems to imply that a

greater proportion of mixed mar'riages-particularly those involving

garrison members--were being performed in the town parish, the birth

of a child was in the 18th century a non-institutionalized area of female

culture, and would be dealt with in a manner culturally familiar to the

mother. Many such births may have taken place in the woman's doc-

trina home.

During the 15-year period between 1735 and 1750, only two

instances of Indian-Negro marriage were recorded, and both of these

involved a mulatto male and a mestizo female. In no instance was a

match between an Indian male and a white female noted. Although we

know that in 1729 there were a number of tribal groups in the St. Augus-

tine area, all of the mestizas or Indians in mixed matches, whoseplace

of origin was given, were Guale or Yamassee Indians, with the excep-

tion of two Apalachee women. The Jororos were in the village of Jor-

oro, the Costas were in the village of Costa, the Timucua and the Apa-

lachee were in the village at Mose; leaving Palicia, La Punta, Tolomato,

Nombre de Dios and Macariz for the Guale and Yamassee (Valdes 1729).

In the marriage records, nine women were from Palicia, four were

from Tolomato, two were from La Punta, and one was "of Iguala."

The Guale and Yamassee had been in St. Augustine since 1680, and

their villages were almost within the town (Valdes 1729), so that their,

contact with the garrison and the townspeople was greater both in dura-

tion and intensity than that of the other Indian tribes. This is also re-

flected in the predominantly Guale ceramics which are found on 18th

century St. Augustine sites.

The social position and Spanish attitude toward mestizos and


acculturated Indians in St. Augustine is particularly obscure. Occa-

sional documentary references hint that mestizos held a marginal so-

cial position, and were recognized as a distinct, but separate popula-

tion element.

By the early 18th century this becomes apparent, as mestizos

become more integrated as a group into the town life. A recurrent

ecclesiastical and judicial concern was the distinction between mesti-

zos or Indians who lived in the town, and those who lived in the Indian

villages. Friars in the Indian doctrinas felt that mestizos, even those

living within the city, should come under the religious and civil juris-

diction of the Indian doctrine parishes. The secular priests in the town,

however, seemed to feel that mestizos and town-dwelling Indians should

come under the same jurisdiction as the Florida Criollos (Cerda 1701).

By this time, then, the mestizos were a recognizable, albeit marginal

group in colonial St. Augustine.

The documentary indications of the attitude toward mestizos

are generally negative. One of the earliest comments about mestizos

was that of Governor Zuniga who, when reviewing the situation of the

population after the 1702 siege, stated that there were "some Negroes,

Indians, Mullatos, Mestizos, and other dastardly persons" in St.

Augustine (Zuniga 1702). This is revealing of subtle racist attitudes

which were probably directed toward mixed-bloods in 18th century St.


At least twice during the 17th century, companies of Mexican


mestizo soldiers were sent to St. Augustine to supplement the inadequate

St. Augustine garrison. In 1662, the mestizos were described as "use-

less" and "cowardly" (Ponce de Leon 1664), and again in similar terms

in 1669 (Arana 1971:55). These companies were discharged, and pre-

sumably returned to Mexico without significantly influencing St. Augustine


These suggestions of an unfavorable attitude toward the mes-

tizos of colonial St. Augustine, coupled with their segregation in church

records to the Book of the Pardos, or even further, to the Indian Doc-

trina parishes, suggests their social identification with Indians rather

than criollos. Nothing is known of the Indian attitude toward mixed

blood people.

There are a number of problems involved in the study of mes-

tizo social position for which the parish records can be a useful source

of information. One of these is the settlement pattern of the mestizo

families within the town. The Puente map of 1763 provides the names

and locations of all heads-of-families residing in St. Augustine, and

the correlation of racial identification in the parish records with the

Puente locations in the town should show whether mestizos were clus-

tered in certain areas of the city or were distributed randomly. Another

subject of interest is the marriage partners of mestizos, particularly

second or third generation mestizos. During the 1735-1750 time period,

21 Indian women and seven mestizo women were recorded in the marriage

records with their husbands' place of origin. Of the 21 Indian women,


11 married Spaniards (two of which were from New Spain), two married

crtollos, six married mestizos and one married an Indian. Roughly the

same proportions held for the mestizo women: five married Spaniards,

one married a criollo and one married an Indian. The data from this

short period indicate that the marriages between Indians or mestizos

and non-Indians usually involved a Spanish garrison soldier, while mar-

riages with criollos were relatively uncommon, perhaps due to prejudices

on the part of the resident criollo population.

Social status of mestizos, or at least social aspirations, could

also be gauged by a determination of the godparents chosen, or willing

to act for, mestizo children. This was an important social index in

Spain, but most particularly in New Spain (Foster 1960:122-123). The

surname taken by mestizo children is also a significant focus of research

in the parish records, since superficial observation shows that many

take the mother's (Indian or mestizo's) surname rather than that of

the Hispanic father. In this way hypotheses about the degree of abori-

ginal inheritance and social organization which are retained in an emerg-

ing mestizo population may be tested. The correlation of changes in

these documentary aspects of social position through time, with changes

in the population composition of the town is also indicated in a survey

of the parish records. Such a survey, encompassing all of these aspects,

is a project, the nature and scope of which would provide appropriate

material for a book in itself.

The economic position of mestizos in St. Augustine, as well


as their lifestyle in relation to the other population elements in the town,

and the processes by which mestizaje and assimilation into Hispanic-

American culture took place, can all be illuminated by problem-oriented

archeology in St. Augustine. This approach, carried out within the

framework of a known mestizo setting, has revealed specific details

of mestizo life, and acts as a controlled test of hypotheses relating to

the problems outlined in this chapter.

Such a setting, revealed by research in the parish records of

St. Augustine, is the home and family of Maria de la Cruz. Maria

de la Cruz was the daughter of Indian parents who lived at Nombre de

Dios, a Guale mission village on the periphery of St. Augustine. Since

Maria's birth was not recorded in the parish records, she was probably

born at Nombre de Dios, and in 1728 she married Joseph Gallardos,

a Spanish soldier from Santiago. Maria and Joseph had three children

whose births are recorded in the parish records: Maria, born in 1730,

Nicolasa, born in 1740, and Joseph, born in 1745. Maria married a

Spaniard named Joseph Morales in 1745, the same year that her brother

was born. By the time of the Spanish departure in 1763, Maria and

Joseph (the elders) were gone, for a lot containing two stone houses

was listed on the Puente map as belonging to "the heirs of Maria de la

Cruz," these presumably being Maria, Nicolasa, and Joseph. This

was a substantial property by any standards in St. Augustine, as was

the property next door. On it stood a tabby house owned by Clemente

Hilario, a mestizo who was married to an Indian woman.

The existence of such homes belonging to mestizos indicate


that they were not entirely on the fringe of St. Augustine economic life;

in fact, they were fairly well-to-do by material standards. The nature

of this material well-being, and its role in revealing the degree of in-

tegration of the mestizo or Indian into a Hispanic cultural setting has

been the task of archeology, carried out at the site of Maria de la Cruz's




The social setting in which Maria de la Cruz lived was unlike

that of Indian women in most other parts of New Spain. The two cen-

turies of events and patterns of interaction outlined in the preceding

chapter, which led to the participation of Maria de la Cruz in Florida

mestizaje, were unique to the New World colonial experience.

By no stretch of the imagination could Florida today be included

in the Hispanic American culture area (Foster 1960:2). Hispanic Ameri-

can culture is the result of the Spanish settlement and occupation of

certain New World areas, including Central America, South America

and the Carribbean. This cultural expression can be seen as the result

of interaction and mutual influence between the Hispanic and aboriginal

cultures in the areas of contact. Foster's 1960 study of this situation

in Mexico produced important insights into the Spanish-Indian accultura-

tive process, which when applied to Spanish Florida, help clarify the

unique situation there.

A basic concept in Foster's explanatory scheme is that differ-

ential factors in the presentation and acceptance of cultural elements

are operating in both cultures. He characterizes the donor culture

(which in this case is the Spanish culture) as artificial, standardized,



simplified or ideal, in that it is at least partially consciously created

and designed to cope with recognized problems" (Foster 1960:11). In

cases where little or no political or military control is exercised over

the recipient culture, Foster refers to the donor culture as a "contact

culture" (Ibid.). A conquest or contact culture is a stripped-down ver-

sion of the total cultural repetoire of the donor, designed to cope most

effectively with the new environment. This screened version of the

donor culture is screened again by the recipient culture, which selects

some elements of the contact culture, and rejects others (Ibid.:12).'

Foster pointed out that socio-psychological mechanisms, the

nature of the recipient material culture, and official policies of the do-

nor culture all affected the formation of Hispanic American culture,

and he defined three.basic processes at world; in the acceptance or rejec-

tion of donor cultural elements. In the area of material culture, Span-

ish items were accepted most readily where there were no satisfactory

native counterparts, and they were rejected where there was a satis-

factory native counterpart (such as food, or life cycle ceremonials)

(p. 228). Also in the area of material culture, Spanish forms were

readily accepted when the recipient culture counterpart was less effi-

cient (such as in agricultural techniques). In the area of folk culture

(dietary preferences, folklore, superstition, music) however, Spanish

elements found themselves in competition with native analogues; and the

acceptance or rejection of such elements was largely the result of socio-

psychological mechanisms on the part of individuals, and is much more

difficult to describe (p. 229).

The ultimate result of these selection processes in both the

donor and the recipient cultures over time, is referred to by Foster

as "cultural crystallization." After a period of fluid cultural conditions,

and receptivity to donor cultural elements, the recipient and donor cul-

tures internalize the new, borrowed forms, and become resistant to fur-

ther donor cultural influence (Ibid.:232). That is, the new, Hispanic-

American culture crystallized.

The analysis of Spanish Florida within such a framework reveals

a number of differences from Central America, on which Foster's study

was based. Throughout the 16th and 17th centuries, when the develop-

ments leading to cultural crystallization should have been taking place

(in Foster's scheme), the interaction between the donor (Spanish) and

recipient (Indian) cultures was extremely limited and strictly controlled

by the mission system. This was a contact culture, presented to the

Florida Indians almost entirely in terms of mission Catholicism. Dur-

ing this time, mestizaje was taking place in St. Augustine, but at a barely

noticeable rate, which did not significantly affect Indian-Spanish cultural


Another important difference between Central America and

Florida was in the Indian population with which the Spanish culture came

in contact. The Timucua Indians were semi-sedentary, part-time horti-

culburalists with a tribal organization. The Indian cultures of Central

America, however, by the time of Spanish contact, had culminated in a


state level of organization, with dense populations, urban-centers, ela-

borate political and ceremonial systems, and a well-established agricul-

tural and trade-based economy. While certainly not all Indian groups in

New Spain possessed these cultural features, the participation of cultures

which did, had an important effect on the pattern and results of Indian-

Spanish interaction and acculturation.

With the beginning of the 18th century in Florida, and the changes

in Indian-Spanish interaction at this time (outlined in the preceding chap-

ter), the processes of donor presentation and recipient selection which

led in Central America to cultural crystallization began to take place.

This lasted for a scant 63 years before the Spaniards and the Indians left

Florida, and the embryonic Hispanic-American culture in Florida was

brought to an end.

The donor culture in 18th century St. Augustine can be charac-

terized as an extremely reduced version of Spanish culture, consisting

mainly of male, military and frontier elements. Since the most effective,

and prevalent, form of interaction with the aboriginal population was through

marriage with Indian women, the recipient culture can be viewed as a re-

duced version of Indian culture, consisting of female, domestic, and

folk-culture elements.

This was a contact, rather than a conquest culture, and the de-

signation of "donor" and "recipient" to the respective cultures involved

is somewhat misleading for 18th century St. Augustine. Neither the

Spanish population nor the Indian population at that time was indigenous


to the area, and the process of acculturation was mutual. Although the

Spanish culture is referred to as the "donor," and the Indian culture as

the "recipient" here, each of these cultures acted as donor and as re-

cipient at various times.

It should be noted at this point that there was a certain form of

cultural crystallization that occurred in colonial St. Augustine, but not

of the variety described by Foster, which involves a native recipient and

a European donor. This was the criollo culture of St. Augustine, about

which very little is known. The criollo culture was the result of Spanish

cultural elements affected by the environmental limitations of Florida,

and the peculiar nature of situado-based subsistence. Interaction and

exchange with Florida's native cultures was apparently not a significant

factor in the formation of criollo culture, but it was rather the result of

adaptation by Spanish colonial economic, political, and social institutions

to the physical environment in which they found themselves. Manifes-

tations of this criollo culture include the architectural styles of St.

Augustine, including the "St. Augustine plan" homes (Manucy 1962; Ar-

nade 1961); the subsistence on imported food, with native sources used

mainly as a supplement, and a general impression of transiency and dis-

satisfaction in the colonial documents. The analysis of criollo culture,

however, is outside the scope of this stUdy, and is in itself an appropriate

topic for an extensive study.

The nature of Indian-Spanish cultural exchange in 18th century

St. Augustine, however, can be seen as part of the process outlined by


Foster. Although the ultimate result of these processes in New Spain

was the crystallization of Hispanic-American culture, this did not occur

in Spanish Florida for the reasons suggested above.

Given the nature of the donor and recipient cultures, and the

important factor of the female link between them, a hypothesis an be

formulated to account for the particular pattern of a duration and mes-

tizaje in colonial St. Augustine:

"Acculturation in 18th century St. Augustine was effected large-

ly by Indian women in Spanish or mestizo household units within a pre-

dominantly male oriented (military) cultural milieu."

This hypothesis has a number of implications which are archeologically


1. Acculturation would be evident primarily in Indian women's activities

affecting Spanish cultural features. This would be archeologically dis-

cernible in the areas of:

A. Food preparation techniques

B. Food preparation '-equipment and location of food preparation materials

C. Collectable food resources locally available

D. Child-care related activities

Material correlates of these activities would be expected to exhibit pri-

marily Indian elements, with some Spanish influence. These are areas

of female Indian culture which affect the daily elements of male (Spanish)

culture, and are therefore influenced by male tastes. and peripheral


involvement. They would, however, be expected to reveal only minor

European influences, due to the fact that the donor culture in St. Augus-

tine was primarily male, and would probably not include Spanish versions

of these activities.

Native aboriginal food preparation techniques included roasting,

stone boiling, parching grain and vegetables, preparation of porridges

and stews, barbecueing on frames, seed and corn grinding, and bread

baking in ashes (Swanton 1946:51-72). Native food preparation equipment,

archeologically recoverable, would include earthenware pots, fire pits,

boiling stones, and grinding stones of native materials. It would be ex-

pected that some evidence of these activities and equipment items would

be recovered, possibly with some modification demanded by Spanish


Both food preparation techniques and equipment are largely de-

pendent upon the available food resources. Food was a topic of constant

concern in colonial St. Augustine. Moore's raids in 1702 and 1704 had

destroyed the cattle ranches upon which the town depended for fresh meat

(Franciscans 1722). Although cornfields were reportedly cultivated on

the edge of the town in the early part of the 18th century, by the term of

Governor Corcoles y Martinez (1706-1716) it was said that predatory

Northern Indians aborted any attempts at farming other than a few small

plots beneath the Castillo walls (Tepaske 1964:87). Enemy Indians also

prevented hunting and fishing outside the town confines.

Many homes in St. Augustine had gardens in which fruit and


vegetables for household consumption were grown. Vegetables grown

in St. Augustine gardens in 1600, an probably also in the succeeding

centuries, included corn, pumpkins, beans, cucumbers, greens, lettuce,

radishes, and sweet potatoes (Arnade 1959:27). De Brahms noted that

in 1763, the Spanish gardens were well stocked with fruit trees, including

figs, guavas, plantains, pomegranates, lemons, limes, citron, oranges,

and bergamot (Fairbanks 1881:89).

The base and mainstay of St. Augustine subsistence, however,

was the situado. This yearly subsidy was sent to the Florida colony from

New Spain to supply the garrison and town with food, clothing, money,

and all other material goods needed or wanted for survival. Except for

the few alternate and supplemental food sources discussed above, the people

of St. Augustine were totally dependent upon the subsidy. For this rea-

son the erratic and undependable nature of the situado was especially

tragic. When the situado did arrive, and it often did not, the months of

sitting in port had frequently rotted the meat and rendered flour wormy

and moldy. Exorbitant prices charged by the merchants of New Spain

to the helpless Florida representative and frequent interference with the

cargo ships by foreign corsairs also increased the plight of those trying

to survive on the situado. In 1739, 1740, and 1741, the situado did not

arrive at all because of the ensuing war with the English (the war of Jen-

kins Ear), and then, as in 1712 when the situado ship was seized by the

British, the inhabitants of St. Augustine were reduced to eating cats, dogs,

rats, and horses (Tepaske 1964:83);


By the middle of the 18th century the situado was so insufficient

that illicit trade with the British colonies was flourishing. The heaviest

trade was carried out with Charlcston, and between 1716 and 1763 frequent

ships carrying cargoes of pork, beef, rum, flour, cheese, dry goods,

herring, butter, bread, bacon, knives, cloth, corn, pipes, vinegar,

nails, tallow, "european goods," hoes, axes, lard, pine board, bottled

beer, grindstones, and beeswax traded in St. Augustine (Harmon 1969:

83-88). Ships from New York also arrived in St. Augustine to trade; con-

taining wood, skins, wine, rum, and horses. (Ibid.:89). The Virginia

colony also took part in the illicit trade, sending beef, lard, malt, iron

pots, pork, flour, and 3000 Staves and shingles to St. Augustine (Ibid.:91).

In exchange for these goods, the Florida traders provided oranges, skins,

lumber, and "Spanish Sugar" (Ibid.).

Even with gardening and sporadic trade with the British, getting

enough food to subsist on was a major concern of Spaniard, Indian, and

mestizo alike. Therefore those households that had access to, or special

knowledge of local food resources, would be at an advantage. Such house-

holds would include those with an Indian member, such as the de la Cruz-

Gallardos family, and it would be expected that native food sources and

preparation evidence would be present at the site of their homes. Although

the donor contact culture in St. Augustine did offer items of food and food

preparation in the situado, these items in this case were not more easily

accessible, or more efficient than native forms, and would therefore not

be expected to replace the recipient cultural forms, although they would

probably act as a supplement, especially for prestige items.

Child care was another area of female culture expected to show

evidence of acculturation. Although primarily a focus of the Indian wo-

man, this activity did have a direct link with the male (Spanish) member

of the household. Material correlates of child care activities, such as

games and toys, would therefore be expected to be primarily aboriginal,

but not without some Spanish influence.

2. Acculturation was less evident in male activities, which would be

primarily Spanish. This would be archeologically discernible in the

areas of:

A. House style

B. House construction techniques

C. Spacial relationships among house lot elements

D. Military-political affairs

These are areas of culture that would not be adopted by the ab-

original recipient culture, which was primarily female. Also, since the

link between the Spanish contact culture and the aboriginal Florida cul-

ture was the Indian woman, the recipient aboriginal culture's repetoire

which was made available to the Spanish would not include these elements.

Typically Spanish homes in St. Augustine were single or double-

storied, with two or three rooms to a floor. Most had a wall surrounding

the house and yard, and were constructed of native materials--coquina,

wood, or tabby (Manucy 1962:10-12). The differences observed in St.

Augustine Spanish architecture from the architecture of Spain are due to


the modifications imposed by the Florida environment, rather than to

aboriginal influence.

Within the garden wall, Spanish homes in St. Augustine included

the house itself, a courtyard area, one or more wells (usually in the

courtyard) and one or more outbuildings, which might be a kitchen, out-

house, fowl house, laundry, or storage shed (Manucy 1962:127). In a

mixed Spanish-Indian household in St. Augustine, it would be expected

that archeological evidence of this pattern would be recovered.

Evidence of military-political activity, archeologically recov-

erable, would include Spanish ammunition and weaponry, with little evi-

dence of aboriginal influence expected.

3. Crafts of women would be primarily aboriginal.

These crafts would include activities such as pottery making,

weaving, sewing, and basketry, which would not be part of the male-

oriented Spanish contact culture in St. Augustine. Craft activities are

also restricted by available raw materials, which in 18th century Florida

included only those native to the area, and which were already an estab-

lished part of the native Florida craft repetoire.

4. Crafts of men would show evidence of Spanish-Indian admixture.

Male crafts, including flintworking, bonework, woodworking,

.fishing, trapping, and hunting; would be predominantly Spanish where

the Spanish form was more efficient than its native counterpart (such as

fish hooks and nets). Due to the raw materials available, and the restric-

tions placed on Spanish craft techniques (particularly hunting, fishing,

and trapping) by the exigencies of the Florida environment, however,

Spanish techniques and equipment would be modified by the adoption of

those aboriginal techniques which were already well-adapted to the en-

vironment. It would be expected that this would be archeologically most

apparent in trapping activities, and in the raw materials used for craft


5. Socio-technic items would be largely Spanish as more prestigeful.

Socio-technic items, as defined by Lewis Binford (1962:95),

are those artifacts which serve to function within or define a certain spe-

cific social sub-system within a culture. In a mixed Spanish-Indian situ-

ation, socio-technic items of European origin, which identified the in-

dividual as "Hispanic" would be selected over aboriginal items because

of the greater prestige associated with the European in a mestizo milieu.

This selection process would be comparable to the third process hypo-

thesized by Foster (1960:229); that of individual socio-psychological fac-

tors determining selection of or rejection of European elements.

Archeological evidence of socio-technic items would include

those artifacts which contributed to the public image of an individual or

family, such as dress, cosmetics, ornaments, tableware, and even the

house itself.

The appropriateness of the above hypothesis, and the explanatory

strength of Foster's model of the contact culture, could be, and have been,

tested by controlled excavation in St. Augustine, Florida, the locus of

18th century Spanish-Indian interaction.



Documentary History of the Site

In order to test the hypothesis outlined in the preceding chapter,

it was necessary to locate a site of known Spanish-Indian occupation.

SA-.16-23 was such a site, known documentarily to have been occupied

by a mestizo household in the 18th century (see Chapter I), and also par-

tially excavated by a 1972 University of Florida field party.

Located at 17 Spanish Street in St. Augustine, the site lies in

what was the northwest portion of the colonial fortified city; Quadrant

"C" (Figure 1). Today the site is designated as Block 16, Lot 23; a block

which in colonial times was occupied by a number of mestizo families.

Although it is now an empty lot, the site has had nearly continuous occu-

pation from the first Spanish period to the present, with much building

and rebuilding.

Virtually nothing is known of the lot through documents prior to

1763, when it was depicted on the Puente map as the location of two stone

buildings belonging to the heirs of Maria de la Cruz (see Chapter I) (Puente


When Col. James Moore attacked St. Augustine in 1702, he found

few stone structures there; only the fort and parts of three public buildings



(Marucy 1962:21). The vast majority of the town buildings were of wood,

and were destroyed in the raid of 1702, and certainly any house which

stood on the de la Cruz lot were destroyed--possibly even by the Spaniards

themselves. The lot quite likely fell within the "gunshot's" radius around

the fort, in which all structures were razed so that they could not be used

by the British (Ibid.: 23).

The government-subsidized rebuilding of St. Augustine, which

began after 1703, and was well underway by 1715, increased the number

of masonry tiellings. By 1759, 23 out of 303 structures were built of

stone (Solana 1760), .one or more of these undoubtedly the de la Cruz

dwellings, which were built of coquina stone on tabby foundations.

The Jeffries map, published in 1762 (Jeffries 1762), suggests

an even earlier date for the de la Cruz dwellings. This map was made

not from firsthand observation, but "chiefly from original drawings taken

from the Spanish in the last war" (Ibid.). The last war before 1762, re-

ferred to by Jeffries, was probably Oglethorpe's siege of St. Augustine

in 1740, during the war of Jerkins Ear; and thus the map can be tentatively

dated ca. 1740. On the Jeffries Map the de la Cruz houses, as well as

outbuildings associated with them, are depicted (Figure 2).

The first recorded mention of the lot ownership, however, was

in 1763, when the engineer Juan Elixio Puente made an assessment of

Spanish property at the time of the British takeover (Puente 1763) (Fig-

ure 1). Puente listed what is now SA-16-23 as belonging to the heirs of

Maria de la Cruz, undoubtedly Joseph, Maria, and Nicolasa;-and depicted

two stone houses on the lot.


With the Spanish departure from St. Augustine, the de la Cruz

heirs sold their property to the Englishman, Samuel Pyles (Historic

St. Augustine Preservation Board), upon whose death in 1765 the property

was sold to Jesse Fish (East Florida Papers B. 357:2). (It was this trans-

action, which retained the wording from the original de la Cruz-Pyles

deed naming Maria de la Cruz as. "la Yndia").

The Moncreif map of 1765 depicts the two stone buildings on the

lot, and also lists them as the property of Mr. Pyles. This was probably

drawn before the death of Pyles.

Fish retained the property until the British departed from St.

Augustine in 1784, and the land reverted to the crown (Roque 1788). It

was not, however, unoccupied, for this seemed to be a period of squatting

privilege, or tacit privilege for those who built on crown land. By the

time the Roque map of 1788 was made, the Minorcan family of Bartolome

Usina had built a timber and wood-frame house on the lot and was living

there. Neither the Roque map of 1788 or the Berrio Map of 1791 shows

the stone houses originally belonging to the de la Cruz family, so it may

be assumed that by 1788, the tabby and coquina houses were gone and

the wooden house of Usina stood on the lot. Archeological evidence sup-

porting this was recovered during the 1972 excavation of the south house:

a distinctive post and wall trench for a wooden house was found, cutting

through the tabby foundation of the earlier house. Since the contents of

the trench included Creamware (1762-1820) and Wheildon Ware (1740-1770)

(Noel-Hume 1970:123-126) this was a late 18th century construction, and

most probably Bartolome Usina's dwelling.

Quesada's report of 1790 lists Bartlome Usina and his family

at SA-16-23, and Bartolnme Usina II and his family were reported to be

residing in the same place in the 1793 census The lot was finally

sold to Usina in 1803 (Historic St. Augustine Preservation Board Files).

It was occupied throughout the 19th and 20th centuries, and at least

two houses and a grocery store were built in the lot during that time.

The documentary record indicates a short lifespan for the tabby

foundation structures at the site. Probably built ca. 1740 (since Maria

de la Cruz and Joseph Gallardos were married in 1728 (St. Augustine

Historical Society n.d.)), the houses were gone by 1788.

The 1972 Excavation

The first archeological exploration at SA-16-23 took place in the

Spring of 1972, when it was chosen as a site for the University of Flor-

ida's annual Field School. Directed by Dr. Charles H. Fairbanks,

18 students excavated for ten weeks at the site, and this excavation is

the subject of a Master's thesis by Carl D. McMurray of the Univer-

sity of Florida (Mcburray n.d.)

The excavation was originally undertaken to archeologically ex-

plore the remains of a Mirnorcan dwelling known to have been on the lot

from 1780 (see p. 46, this chapter), as well as to pioneer "backyard

archeology" through the determination of dietary elements and back lot

features (Fairbanks 1972). During the course of the excavation, the em-

phasis came to rest on the foundations of two houses known to belong to


Maria de la Cruz in the 18th century, which were among the few First

Spanish Period foundations excavated in St. Augustine.

The area excavated by Fairbanks (Figure 3) included the Founda-

tions of two houses, a small portion of the garden wall, part of the court-

yard, and three wells. The excavation controls employed during the

1972 season were essentially similar to those used (and described below)

in the 1973 excavation. A modified Chicago grid system was used, with

coordinates measured North and East, and the site was excavated in 10

foot-square units. Vertical control was maintained with the use of a

transit, and material was screened through 1/4 inch mesh on hand and

gasoline-powered screens.

One house, at the north end of the site was aligned east to west,

and the southerly house was aligned north to south. Both of the houses

originally had tabby foundations and coquina block walls, and were two-

room structures. The north house also had a loggia or covered porch

on the south side.

The excavation concentrated on those foundations which were

not covered by Spanish Street on the east, hnd the area between them.

An exploratory trench was also excavated, extending 85 feet west from the

northwest corner of the south house, which yielded disappointingly little

evidence of back lot activity. The two wells which were excavated both

proved to be 19th century features; one was a barrel well similar to that

described below, and one was a coquina block well, both in the courtyard

area of the lot.


Other features of interest at the site included six trashpits of

18th century context, and a wall trench cutting across the tabby founda-

tion of the south house, which was identified as the trench for the house

of Bartolome Usina.

Since the 1972 excavation uncovered the first portion of what

proved to be the garden wall; the 1973 excavation grid was tied into the

1972 grid, and extended from it, initially following the garden wall.

Data from the 1972 excavation have been incorporated into the analysis

of the more recently excavated material whenever possible and appro-

priate, and this data will be discussed and included throughout the text.

Excavation Approach

Two hundred and fifty years of continuous occupation, coupled

with frequent building and rebuilding, produced a complicated and often

disturbed stratigraphic situation at SA-16-23. This is a common fea-

ture of historic site archeology, and is a major consideration in data

recovery and excavation strategy. At SA-16-23, the 19th and 20th cen-

tury occupation horizons were easily distinguishable as Zone I, and were

generally stripped off and discarded. Features from these levels, cutting

into Zone II (the 18th century occupation horizon) were also removed and

discarded. The resulting artifact assemblage was therefore known to con-

sist solely of material of a pre-19th century occupation. Due to the ex-

tensive site disturbance, however, there was in-many instances intrusive

disturbance in Zone II and sub-Zone II features; and Zone II itself was a

mixed horizon. For these reasons most of the analysis pertinent to the


hypothesis has been based on proveniences-mostly undisturbed, sub-

Zone II features-which are known stratigraphically to have resulted from

the 18th century occupation of the site.

"An extensive excavation approach was used at SA-16-23 in an

attempt to expose as much of the 18th century lot area as possible. The

objectives of the excavation procedure were to define activity and use

areas in the lot--particularly women's activity areas; to learn the spacial

relationships among the back lot elements and the houses themselves, and

also to locate trash disposal areas within the lot confines which would

yield information about specific dietary patterns of the SA-16-23 inhabi-


Horizontal control was maintained with a modified Chicago grid

set in three-Sneter intervals over the site, with north and east coordinates

measured from a fixed point. The size of the excavation units varied,

depending upon the nature of the area being excavated. Field notes, con-

trol data, levels, etc. for the 1973 SA-16-23 excavation are filed with

the Historic St. Augustine Preservation Board, St. Augustine, Florida.

Vertical control was maintained with the use of a transit. An

arbitrary datum was established before excavation began, and all levels,

features, zones, etc. in the site were measured down from this datum.

The base of Zone II (18th century horizon), which was the top of sterile

yellow sand, was at a consistent depth throughout the site at 2.0 to 2.3

meters below datum (approximately .5-.8 meters below ground surface).

All features which were first discernible at this level were included as

data possibly relevant to mestizo occupation.

The first stage of the excavation strategy was the exposure of

the garden wall foundation which enclosed the 18th century lot, thus de-

fining the geographic limits relevant to the problem at hand. Once this

boundary was defined; rooms, wells, "courtyard" areas and areas out-

side the wall boundaries were excavated as units (Figure 3).

Three exploratory trenches were dug at the site (see Figure 3).

Trench A ran in a north-south direction from the north edge of the main

excavation, in an attempt to locate architectural or other features behind

and between the two houses. Trenches B and C were attempts to locate

the north wall of the house in lot 22, in order to confirm the identification

of the garden wall as part of the de la Cruz complex. The wall was found

at 1 .4 meters south of the garden wall (Figure 3), running parallel to it.

This was the north wall foundation of the home of Don Ruiz del Canzo,

who occupied lot 22 at the same time that the de la Cruz heirs occupied

lot 23 (Puente 1763).

Zone I was removed with shovels and discarded with the exception

of two three-meter by three-meter units in which Zone I material was

screened for a Zone I sample. Zone II, and material from all pits, post-

holes, and other features, was screened through either an electric shaker

screen covered with 1/4 inch hardware cloth, or through flat-bed hand

screens, also covered with 1/4 inch hardware cloth. Soil samples were

taken at intervals, and from trash pits for soil and possibly pollen analy-

sis; and flotation samples were taken from certain features in order to

recover plant and very small faunal remains.


Byithe second week of excavation, the screening process at SA-

16-23 was converted entirely to water screening. A garden hose with a

spray nozzle was attached to a spigot, and used to spray water over the

material in the screens. The advantages of this process over hand or

mechanical screening were found to include:

1. Recovery of faunal material and small objects was greatly increased

2. Work was much faster

3. Artifacts were cleaner and required a minimum of lab cleaning

4. Wear on the screens was decreased.

The site was only two meters above sea level, and ground water

was subject to fluctuation with the tides, as well as local rains. This

created a number of problems during the excavation. Throughout the

three months' work, excavation was plagued and impeded by high water

tables, a problem shared with many other historic sites. During the

high tide period the site ground water rose to within 20 cm. of the ground

surface, and in some cases excavation was suspended in a particularly

deep feature because of inrushing water. Water control measures which

were employed included a small electric sump pump, the digging of sump

pits, dam building, and diligent hand bailing. The most effective water

control measure, however, was the use of well points. These points,

which were driven into the ground by water pressure from a fire hydrant,

were able to pump groundwater out of the ground from a depth of 12 feet.

This created a fairly dry, workable unit of approximately three meters

by two meters, which was invaluable in the well excavation that could

not otherwise have been carried out. In order to prevent the groundwater


from being recycled immediately back into the ground, the 20-meter

exploratory trench "A" was lined with plastic, and the groundwater pumped

into this funnel to be released some 20 meters away from the excavation

(Figure 4).

The 1973 excavations at SA-16-23 included the areas of the "kit-

chen, the courtyard, the outbuilding to the north of the kitchen, the mid-

den area outside the garden wall, the exploratory trenches and the wells.

To increase and maintain horizontal control within these areas, some of

them were excavated in several units; however, they were analyzed as a

single unit, and will be discussed as a unit unless otherwise specified.

The Kitchen

To the west of the south de la Cruz house, the tabby wall foot-

ing for a large, separate outbuilding was located. A rectangular struc-

ture measuring 7.5 meters from north to south and five meters from east

to west, the building's south and west walls were formed by the garden

wall itself (Figure 3). The footings were aligred¶llel to those of

the lot's south house, conforming very closely to the location of the "stone"

outbuilding depicted on the Jeffries Map (Figure 2). These tabby wall

footings ranged in width from 65 centimeters to 90 centimeters, prob-

ably due to differential erosion and preservation rather than to incon-

sistency in building techniques.

The kitchen area was excavated and analyzed as a single unit.

Zone I was removed and discarded, while Zone II was removed and the

material screened. The primary interest, however, was the features zf

underlying Zone II, and which provided the undisturbed, 18th century

contexts which were used in analysis. Several large trash pits were

located in this area (Features 13, 15, 23 and 25), as well as fire pits

and postholes (Figure 5). An isolated portion of a tabby wall footing

aligned East-West in the approximate center of the structure was believed

to be the remains of an interior partition. Fragments of coquina block

and flat earthenware tile suggested that the structure was walled and

roofed respectively with these materials.

Kitchens in 3'8th century St. Augustine were commonly detached

(Manucy 1962:122), and the identification of this structure as a detached

kitchen is based on the assumption that a kitchen area will contain a higher

concentration of food preparation activity items than in other, non-kitchen

areas of the site. Evidence of food preparation activities would include

charred food remains, fire pits, and food preparation ceramics. It should

be noted for comparative purposes that (1) the kitchen area constitutes

28% of the area excavated within the 18th century lot, and (2) only those

proveniences known to date from the 18th century are included in the


Of the four fire pits located at SA-16-23, three of them were

within the presumed kitchen area. One of these pits (Feature 24) con-

tained a mass of charred corncobs, while the other two (Features 31 and

22) contained burnt sherds, animal bone and oyster shell. The fourth

fire pit was located in Trench A, at eight meters north of the kitchen

area, and it also contained burnt corncobs, shell, and sherds. Other


than these, no other fire pits with charred food remains were located

during the 1973 excavation or the 1972 excavation.

It has been argued persuasively that in 18th century Florida,

aboriginal San Marcos pottery functioned as a utilitarian ware, used

mainly for food preparation (Otto and Lewis:n.d.). A high percentage

of such a ware would therefore be expected in a kitchen area. At SA-

16-23, 45% of all the San Marcos ceramics in the lot area (excluding

the houses and the midden) were found in the kitchen area. This is a

higher percentage than that found in the courtyard area (35%), and the

outbuilding to the north of the kitchen (20%), even though these areas

comprise 55% and 17% of the lot area respectively.

It should be fairly noted at this point, that a total of 2,274 sherds

of San Marcos pottery were found within the south de la Cruz house dur-

ing the 1972 excavation'(96% of total ceramics) (Chance ms). This is

nearly double the total number of San Marcos sherds from the kitchen

area (1,355), and both structures contained approximately the same ex-

cavated area (the south house was not completely excavated, since the

East side of the structure was under the paved road). It is difficult to

include this data in the analysis, since the sampling techniques used to

collect the data differed somewhat from those used in the kitchen area,

the discard policies were not the same, and in the 1973 excavation, only

those proveniences relevant to the hypothesis were included in analysis.

It should be considered, however, that the concentration of San Marcos

in what was obviously a dwelling, may cast doubt on the hypothesis that


San Marcos pottery was a food preparation ware only; it may also have

served as a general household use and storage ware.

No oven, or feature which could be identified as the location

of an oven was located in the kitchen area. However, the north portion

of the structure, bounded on the south by the possible partition, contained

all of the charred food remains and fire pits found within the kitchen foun-

dation. The frequency of small pits and postholes was also greater in

this portion of the site, and suggests that this portion of the kitchen may

have been roofed, but only partially walled, to facilitate pit cooking.

Also in this north half of the kitchen area was the remnant of

a tabby floor (Feature 26). The floor covered the northeast corner of

the kitchen area, and was badly eroded (Figure 5). Because this feature

was so fugitive, it was not possible to determine the original extent of

the floor; however, it seems likely that it covered the north portion of

the kitchen structure, at least. The floor, in profile, was seen to be

near the base of the Zone II occupation level, and since Zone II material

occurred beneath it, we may assume that the floor was laid sometime

after the building was constructed and in use. Material associated with

the floor includes-predominantly San Marcos stamped pottery, but also

Nottingham stoneware (1700-1810) (Noel Hume 1970:114); and San Augus-

tin Blue on White Majolica (1704-1760) (Goggin 1960:187), dating its use

at 1700-1750. The part of Zone II underlying the floor also contained

predominantly aboriginal ceramics, but also included Spanish Majolica

(Abo Polychrome-1650-1704; Puebla Polychrome--1650-1793; San


Augustine Blue-on-White--1704-1760; and San Luis Polychrome--1650-

1793) (Goggin 1960:169, 173, 187), as well as a sherd of Astbury ware

(1725-1750) (Noel-Hume 1970:123), providing a Terminus Post Quem

of 1725 for the floor.

Immediately adjacent to the floor area was a gap in the north-

east corner of the wall, which was undoubtedly an entrance to the build-

ing. There were also found, underneath the tabby floor, a line of three

postholes, parallel to, and just inside of this entry (Figure 5). The

only other possible entry to the structure was in the east side of the

building, directly along the line of the central partition (Figure 5).

Thecsouth portion of the kitchen building yielded no evidence of

a floor, and featured five large refuse pits. No specific technomic arti-

facts (Binford 1962:94) or features were recovered from this part of

the structure, and its functions seem most likely to have been a general

storeroom or non-specific work area.

The presence of sewing equipment in the kitchen building sug-

gests that this structure was used also as either a laundry (clothesmend-

ing) or woman's work area. Of the three brass straight pins and three

brass thimbles recovered from stratigraphically known 18th century

proveniences, all of them came from within the boundaries of this out-

building. (Three other pins and two other thimbles were recovered at

the site, but none from closed contexts.)

Outbuilding North of the Kitchen

On the Jeffries Map of 1762, a smaller wooden structure was


depicted to the north of, and adjacent to the kitchen building. Only the

southernmost two meters of this structure, adjacent to the kitchen, were

excavated, and presented a complicated stratigraphic situation, rendering

supposition about the outbuilding's function difficult.

The area was excavated in two units, dividing it in east and west

halves. As in the excavation of the kitchen building, Zone I was removed

and discarded, Zone II was removed and screened and the features under-

lying Zone II were concentrated on.

A probable wall trench (Feature 29) was located at the below-

Zone II level, aligned with and extending from the kitchen's west wall

(Figure 6). This trench yielded four aboriginal sherds, one sherd of

blue and white delftware, one sherd of coarse, lead-glazed earthenware,

and one sherd of white salt-glazed stoneware (1720-1805) (Noel Hume

1970:115-117); providing a Terminus Post Quem of 1720 for the outbuild-


The entire excavated area of. the outbuilding was disturbed badly

by the construction of a 19th century coquina well. The well pit (Figure

6) contained transfer-printed and banded pearlware, indicating that the

well was constructed after 1800 (Noel Hume 1970:128).

Only three features in this area escaped intrusion by the well

construction. These were all trash pits, two in the western part of the

structure (Feature 28, F.S. 81), and one in the Trench A (Feature 33).

They all contained predominantly San Marcos ceramics and animal bone,

but San Luis and Aranama Polychrome Majolica, white salt-glazed stone-


ware, Whieldon ware, and Rhenish grey stoneware were also present,

suggesting a date of post-1720 for the use of the structure. It was noted

in artifact analysis that a very high proportion of the glass drinking ves-

sels and wine bottles came from the north outbuilding area, suggesting

that this may have been a wine storage or tavern-like area for the house-


Courtyard Area

All of the remaining area excavated within the lot bounded by

the garden walls is referred to as the courtyard (Figure 7). This was

apparently a major area of household activity, since features were most

frequent, and the Zone II strata was much richer in this area than in any

other area of the site.

The portion of the courtyard immediately inside the garden wall,

from the back of the south de la Cruz house, extending west to the front

of the kitchen, was badly disturbed by 20th century water and gas lines.

In addition to this, a large ditch (probably for drainage, since the land

slopes downward from east to west) had been dug in this part of the site,

adjacent to the garden wall. The material in the ditch indicated that it

was filled in the mid-19th century, and in profile it was clear that this

ditch extended from the Zone I level, thus rendering it useless for the

problem to which the excavation was oriented.

The area of most intensive activity was that portion of the yard

directly behind the south house. John Bartram, visiting St. Augustine

in 1765, briefly described the yard of a Spanish house:

On the backside of the house or yard, where the main entrance
is (for few but the grand houses, except taverns, had street
doors, and these led mostly through a common passage to the
court and kitchens; every court had its draw well) there is gen-
erally a terraced wall with seats of the same 18 inches high
next to the house wall, to sit down upon when weary of walking.
The walks about nine foot wide, with a staircase at one end to
the chambers (Harper 1942:52)

Although the portion of the courtyard excavated at SA-16-23 did

not yield evidence of a terraced (tabby?) walkway, there was a draw well

present. Since the floors of the houses excavated in 1972 were made of

crushed coquina mixed with earth (MacMurray ms.), it seems unlikely

that tabby floors for walkways would be present. There were also sev-

eral groups of postholes below the Zone II level, which may have been the

remnants of a covered walkway, or perhaps an arbor (Figure 7).

The most common features of this area were large, rich trash

pits, particularly in the area surrounding the well (discussed below).

In addition to the trash pits, one pit containing a clay-like fill similar

to Feature 32 (see p.M2) appeared to be a latrine pit. The analysis of

soil samples taken from this pit revealed that the fill contained clay,

with a very high level of phosphates, nitrates, and calcium. The phos-

phate and nitrate levels are typical of human waste material, and the

calcium level could have resulted from lime added to latrine pits to aid

in the breakdown of organic matter (Soil analysis by W. Nesmith, Uni-

versity of Florida Agriculture Extension Service). Several scattered

concentrations of clay were revealed at the base of Zone II, which were

found to contain a high concentration of kaolin. When fired, this clay

was very similar in behavior and texture to clay found in a deposit

approximately 15 miles south of the site, on the intracoastal waterway

(Street Urchin Pottery, St. Augustine, Florida. personal communica-

tion, St. Augustine 1973). The presence of this clay in the courtyard

area led to the hypothesis that the yard was an area of craft activity,

which was tested in artifact analysis. It was found that 84% (32 fragments)

of the worked flint from the site (excluding European gunflints), came

from the courtyard area, supporting the hypothesis that craft activity

was carried out here. No evidence of other craft activity was recovered

from the site.

Areas Outside the Garden Walls

The excavation of SA-16-23 included three areas which were

not within the 18th century garden walls. These were: 1. The excava-

tion south of the wall, 2*The excavation to the west of the wall (behind

the kitchen), 3.The exploratory trenches.

The area to the south of the garden wall revealed scant 18th

century activity. A good deal of 19th and 20th century debris, and

several large 19th century trash pits, along with a single 18th century

feature were present. This feature was a small pit directly adjacent

to the outer side of the garden wall, filled with oyster shell and some

sherds of San Marcos ware, white salt-glazed stoneware, delftware, and

slip-decorated earthenware, dating the pit at post-1720(Noel Hume 1970).

This was a feature belonging to lot 22, occupied by Don Ruiz del Canzo

in the 18th century (St. Augustine Historical Society n.d.). The two

exploratory trenches to the south of the garden wall also revealed very

little of the 18th century occupation. The western trench (of the two explor-

atory trenches south of the wall--see Figure 3) did reveal a portion of

Canzo's house wall.

To the west of the garden wall, behind the de la Cruz complex,

a rich midden area and a well were located (Figure 3). The densest bone,

shell and sherd concentrations were in the three meter square designated

212N 182E, which was .75 meters behind the kitchen building; a conveni-

ent tossing distance. Few pits or other features were present and the

area seemed to be simply a midden zone. The well excavation is discussed


The exploratory trench to the north of the main excavation was

dug to locate other lot elements, and also to locate a wall dividing the

north and south houses, if such a wall existed. No trace of a dividing

wall was uncovered in the exploratory trench, which was 18 meters from

south to north, and one meter wide. Although several random postholes

were apparent below Zone II, none of them could be attributed to a wall

trench. Zones I and II were removed and discarded in a search for fea-

tures underlying Zone II, Which contained a much lighter concentration

of cultural refuse than did Zone II in the rest of the site. Several 18th

century features were present, however, in the trench. The most notable

of these was designated Feature 32, which was a circular pit with a clay-

like fill similar to that of Feature 34 in the courtyard, with approximately

the same proportion of elements revealed in the soil sample as were found

for Feature 34. Cultural material retrieved from the pit included two


wrought nails, two brick fragments, aboriginal San Marcos sherds, and

a sherd of slip-decorated earthenware.

Four other pits of irregular shape and depth contained predom-

inantly aboriginal material, but these were scattered and not associated

with any other features or postholes. The pattern suggests a minimum

of activity in the portion of the lot behind and between the houses in the

18th century. This was probably a garden and orchard area, such as

those designated on the Puente Map.

The Wells

There were two 18th century wells located on the de la Cruz

lot, both of which were excavated in the 1973 season. The first well

was located in the courtyard area between the kitchen and the south house.

This was the earlier of the two wells, and was constructed entirely of

wooden barrels. The top of the well became apparent at 72 centimeters

below the surface of the ground, as a circular black ring of soil 70 centi-

meters in diameter (Figure 8). Surrounding the well was an irregular

area of mottled brown soil, which was the well pit, at the bottom of which

the barrels were set and sunk into the ground.

The well pit, 1 .35 meters in diameter at the widest point, was

originally due to a depth of 76 centimeters below the colonial ground sur-

face. At the base of this pit, a wooden barrel was sunk deeper into the

ground, to a depth of 1 .69 meters, with a second wooden barrel set upon

the one in the ground (see Figure 9). This produced a well 1.69 meters

in depth from the colonial ground surface.


The two barrels of which the well was constructed were both

made entirely of wood. The upper barrel was constructed of 20 verti-

cal staves, ranging from 4.5 to 12 centimeters in width; the mean stave

width being 8.1 centimeters and the median stave width 8.0 centimeters,

indicating careful cooperage. At the top of the upper barrel the diameter

was 70 centimeters, and the barrel extended for 80 centimeters to the

point where it was joined to the lower barrel. This lower barrel was

also constructed of vertical staves, but these were enclosed by horizon-

tal bentwood staves of 3.5 centimeter width, on the outside of the bar-

rel (Figure 10). These horizontal staves held the vertical stave together,

and were secured not by nails, but by wrapped cane splits in the fashion

of modern rattan patio furniture (Figure 10).

Because of the very high water table, it was not possible to ex-

pose the exterior of the barrels all the way to the base of the well, but

nine horizontal staves were counted on the outside of the barrel before

the mud made the outer surface inaccessible, suggesting that the entire

barrel was enclosed by these staves.

At the point of juncture of the two barrels, where the horizon-

tal staves began, the widest diameter of the well was reached. This

diameter was 1 .05 meters, and from this point the lower barrel tapered

inward to its base, and the base of the well itself, which was 90 centi-

meters below the top of the horizontal staves, and 50 centimeters wide.

The well and the well pit were excavated in profile until the ris-

ing water table would no longer permit this; at which point the well contents


were simply removed. Because the water table at the site was approx-

imately at the level of the well's first appearance, four well points were

sunk before the excavation of the well began. These points held the ground

water under control to a depth of about 1.5 meters below the present

ground surface. At this point the excavation of the well contents continued

with improvised, long-handled "well scoops";' and bucket sieves which

were placed upside down in the well, pressed into the mud by a crew-

member (also in the well) and pulled up by a rope, bringing a load of mud

and artifacts with it.

The ceramic material recovered from the well pit provided a

Terminus Post Quem for the construction of the well, since it was filled

in at the time of well construction. The contents included:

272 aboriginal San Marcos (1685-1750) (Smith 1948)

1 Abo Polychrome Majolica (1650-1704) (Goggin 1969:169)

1 Columbia Plain Majolica (1400-1800) (Ibid.:117)

3 Puebla Blue and White Majolica (1704-1780) (Ibid.:190)

2 Puebla Polychrome Majolica (1704-1780) (Ibid.:173)

1 San Augustin Blue and White Majolica (1704-1760) (Ibid.: 187)

1 San Luis Polychrome Majolica (1650-1793) (Ibid.: 166)

1 Slip decorated Earthenware (1670-1795) (Noel Hume 1970:134-136)

4 Olive Jar (Goggin 1970)

1 Blue on white Oriental Porcelain (1660-1800) (Noel Hume 1970:257)

These sherds indicate a well construction date during the first

quarter of the 18th century.


The ceramic contents of the well itself provide a Terminus

.Post Quem for the use of the well, most likely the filling in of the well.

Since the water table in St. Augustine is so high, and the soil soft and

sandy, wells in the 18th century were not difficult to construct and shal-

low wells became foul quickly. They were thus often filled in and aban-

doned rather than cleaned out when they became foul (Manucy 1962:126).

The barrel well at SA-16-23 yielded disappointingly little in artifact ma-

terial, the most notable find being a whole preserved orange (see Chap-

ter IV). In addition to two brass gun side plates, plant remains, and a

few leather scraps of indiscernible origin, the well contained mainly

mud laced with a few potsherds. These included:

119 aboriginal San Marcos (1685-1750) (Smith 1948)

1 San Luis Polychrome Majolica (1650-1793) (Goggin 1969:166)

2 Blue and White Delftware (1600-1802)

3 Slip decorated earthenware (1670-1795 (Ibid.:134-136)

3 Olive Jar (Goggin 1970)

suggesting a Terminus Post Quem of 1685 for this well. There was no

evidence of a well house, curb, or other structure around the well itself.

The second well on the site was located behind (west) of the kit-

chen and the garden wall. This well was more poorly defined than the one

in the courtyard, and appeared to have been partially filled in during the

late 18th century, caving in and being covered over shortly afterwards.

This second well was constructed of a coquina block casing around

wooden barrels. (Coquina stone is a natural shellstone which occurs in


major deposits near St. Augustine, where it was quai-ried from 1600

onward). Located in a midden area behind the kitchen, the well first

appeared as an irregular black pit 63 centimeters below the modern

ground surface. Since the well was located in the corner6f an excava-

tion unit, and near the end of the field season, the entire well pit was

not exposed. That portion of the well pit which was excavated, however,

was filled with sterile sand, and thus yielded no dating criteria for the

well construction.

At 32 centimeters below the top of the well, a mass of coquina

blocks was recovered, apparently part of the upper coquina block cas-

ing which had caved in. After being mapped and measured, these blocks

were removed to reveal more cut blocks in situ as the well casing. This

coquina casing extended to at least 78 centimeters below the top well

(1.38 meters below present ground surface); however since well points

were not available at the time, the excavation was forced to discontinue

at that level.

Inside the coquina casing, at 64 centimeters below the top of the

well, the top of a wooden barrel appeared (Figure 11). Again the unfor-

tunate circumstances of water level, time, and the absence of well points

prevented the determination of the length of the barrel, the base of the

well, or whether there was more than one barrel in the well. Judging

from the depth of the first well, however, and the lengths of the barrels

within it, it seems likely that there was not another barrel below the one

discovered in the coquina well. If this barrel were 90 centimeters long,


as the lower barrel in the earlier well was, the coquina-barrel well

would have extended to 1.54 meters below the colonial ground surface-

only 15 centimeters shallower than the earlier well, and considerably

below the water table.

The barrel enclosed by the in situ coquina casing was 70 cen-

timeters in diameter at the top, and this top was encircled by a flat

metal band four centimeters wide, rather than the horizontal wood staves

found in the earlier well. The casing blocks which surrounded the bar-

rel were ten centimeters thick, forming a total well diameter of 90 cen-

timeters. The blocks which had fallen from their original casing posi-

tions showed that while the thickness was consistently near ten centime-

ters, the breadth and length of the blocks varied somewhat; most of them

being approximately 20 by 20 centimeters square. It is also possible

that there was originally a barrel above the one revealed during excava-

tion, which was removed, provoking the collapse of the coquina casing.

This explanation for the disturbed blocks is more plausible than the pos-

sibility that these blocks formed part of the well curb, since they were

all recovered at a level well below both the top of the well itself, and the

colonial ground surface.

As so frequently occurs during excavations with a limited time

schedule, important, time-consuming features are discovered at the end

of the field season. This was the unfortunate case for the second well,

which was recognized near the end of the last week of excavation, when

all of the well points were employed elsewhere in the site. The major


obstacle to excavation, again, was the high water table, and in the ab-

sence of well points, rapid and continuous hand bailing was found to be

the most effective technique for water control. In this way it was pos-

sible to expose the upper 65 centimeters of the well for mapping, and

to maintain controlled recovery of material to a depth of 75 centimeters.

Even though the well was only partially excavated, a much

richer artifact assemblage was recovered than that from the earlier well,

including metal, ceramics, glass, and a large quantity of animal bone.

A substantial number of wrought nails and spikes was found, along with

various musket parts (see Chapter IV), including the lock piece from a

Spanish infantry musket issued in 1752 (Brirnkerhoff and Chamberlain

1972:54), but the ceramics are the best aid in dating the well. The ma-

terial used to fill in the well included predominantly aboriginal San Mar-

cos pottery, as well as many more British ceramics than were found in

the courtyard well. These ceramics include:

231 San Marcos aboriginal ware (Smith 1948)

2 Puebla Blue on White Majolica (1704-1780) (Goggin 1969:190)

2 San Luis Blue on White Majolica (1630-1690) (Ibid.:155)

1 San Luis Polychrome Majolica (1650-1793XIbid.:166)

1 Puebla Polychrome Majolica (1704-1780) (Ibid.:173)

2 Columbia Plain Majolica (1400-1650) (Ibid. :117)

32 Slip Decorated Earthenware (1670-1795) (Noel Hume 1970:134-136)

6 Blue and White Delftware (1600-1802) (Ibid.:105)

6 Plain Delftware (1640-1800) (Ibid.:109)

3 French Faience

4 White Salt-Glazed Stoneware (1720-1805) (Ibid.:115-117)

1Nottingham Stoneware (1700-1799) (Ibid.:114)

1 Westerwald Stoneware (1750-1775) (Ibid.:284-5)

28 Shell-edged Creamware (1762-1780) (Ibid.:126-8)

1 Olive Jar (Goggin 1970)

Dating the ceramics in the well according to currently accepted

dates, the presence of Creamware suggests that the well was filled in

during the period of British occupation in St. Augustine (1763-1788);

possibly during the occupation of Samuel Pyles or Bartolome Usina.

Since the well pit contained sterile sand, the construction of the well

cannot be dated; however, since the early Creamware was the latest ce-

ramic type in the well, it is surmised that the well was built, and pos-

sibly even filled in, during the de la Cruz occupation. Other proveniences

at this site indicate that Creamware occurs here somewhat earlier than

the 1762 which is currently accepted (see Chapter IV), possibly as early

as 1740, in which case the well could have been used and filled in during

the late de la Cruz occupation. There are several other indications that

this may be the case:

1. The application of Stanley South's Mean Ceramic Date Formula

(South 1973) produces a mean date of 1748.06 for the well (this is slightly

earlier than the mean date for the site as a whole (See Appendix I).

2. Also found in the well was the side piece from a Spanish musket of

1752 issue. This suggests that the well was filled during the first Spanish


period, since the lot was not occupied by a Spaniard during the second

Spanish period, and Spanish arms would not likely be left behind when

the Spaniards left for Cuba in 1763.

3. The presence of the well in a Spanish-Indian midden, its convenient

proximity to the Spanish-Indian kitchen, and the abundant presence in the

fill of San Marcos and Spanish ceramics also suggests that the well was

a first Spanish period feature.

If the well was indeed filled during the first Spanish period, a

strong indication that Creamware, including the shell-edged variety,

occurs prior to 1762 is provided, and should be considered with the rele-

vant data in Chapter IV.



As was pointed out in the preceding chapter, only those artifacts

which were recovered from stratigraphically and contextually certain

18th century proveniences are used in the analysis of the material from

the site, and the determination of its relevance to the hypothesis outlined

in Chapter II. Since the sample conforming to these criteria is quite

large, the purposes of the approach are twofold:

1. To provide the most rigorous test possible for the hypothesis and its

test implications.

2. To maintain the strict provenience control which creates, in Stan-

ley South's terms a "Primary Research Priority for Data Analysis"

(1974); thus providing a source of information and association to be

applied to the ar-tifacts found in these proveniences, rather than draw-

ing from the meager "data bank" of knowledge about Spanish Colonial

material culture in order to interpret those artifacts.

Women's Activities

Food Preparation Techniques and Equipment

These two aspects of the first test implication will be considered

together, since they are interdependent aspects of the same system, and


much of the information about the former is drawn from the latter.

The most prevalent evidence for food preparation equipment and

technique at SA-16-23 was ceramic, and by far the most ubiquitous cera-

mic type was San Marcos Stamped pottery and the various sub-types of

that ware (Smith 1948). Of the total number of sherds recovered dur-

ing the 1972 excavation at the site, (37,754), 64 percent of them (24,822)

were of the San Marcos variety. Of the 4,501 sherds from closed 18th

century contexts, recovered during the 1973 excavation, 3,220 (71 per-

cent) were San Marcos Stamped.

In their analysis of the San Marcos pottery from SA-16-23,

Otto and Lewis (n.d.) hypothesized that, due to the relative absence of

metal vessels, and the presence of abundant, easily accessible and easily

replaced San Marcos pottery in 18th century St. Augustine, this locally

made pottery ware was used as the primary food preparation equipment.

The test implications suggested by Otto and Lewis, which would

support the hypothesis that San Marcos was the primary food prepara-

tion ware, included:

1. Utilitarian ware shercd would be found in substantial quantities on

domestic sites, because utilitarian vessels would be used daily, handled

roughly, and broken frequently.

2. If Spanish utilitarian earthenware, or iron (metal) pots were used

for cooking, these would be archeologically recovered.

3. Vessel forms would be globular or hemispherical, or some variation

of this form, as the most suitable shape for cooking liquid or semi-liquid



4. Direct evidence of use in food preparation may appear on some sherds.

This could include signs of exposure to fire, or even encrusted food re-


The San Marcos pottery from the 1973 excavation was analyzed

within four major provenience areas: 1 The kitchen 2. the outbuilding

to the north of the kitchen 3. the courtyard and 4. the midden behind

the kitchen. Data from the 1972 excavation of the south house was also

used, but with reservation, since the sampling techniques which were

employed in that section of the site were somewhat different than those

employed during the 1973 excavation (see.Chapter III). The distribution

of San Marcos ceramics within and among these proveniences is shown

in Table 1.

H-1 Frequency of San Marcos

It can be seen from Table 1 that San Marcos Stamped pottery

overwhelmingly predominates in the ceramic assemblage at the site.

This is particularly evident in the midden area, where frequently broken

utilitarian vessels would have been discarded. The percentages of San

Marcos pottery from both excavations, in relation to the total ceramic

assemblage, also supports this test implication.

The sherds of San Marcos Stamped from SA-16-23 are typical-

ly from paddle-malleated, coiled pots. In their analysis of 613 diagnos-

tic sherds from nine closed contexts at the site, Otto and Lewis describe

seven surface treatments of San Marcos Stamped, including simple stamped,

cross-simple stamped, check stamped, complicated stamped, plain,


Distribution of San Marcos Ceramics

(closed proveniences)

Provenience Sherd Total San Marcos % of Ceramics % of S. M. in
Total (within prov.) Site Total

Kitchen 1154 909 80 22

Midden 670 577 86 13

Outbuilding 536 441 82 10

Courtyard 2141 1293 60 29

South House 2370 2274 96 74


Simple Stampe


Check Stamped

Complicated St



Red Filmed


Distribution of Surface Decoration on
San Marcos Ceramics from SA-16-23


d 136

Stamped 256


amped 40





Percent of Sample










burnished, and red-filmed (Otto and L'ewis n.d.). In addition to these,

there were rare occurrences of cord-marked, cob-marked, and punc-

tated San Marcos sherds from the 1973 excavation. The distribution of

these surface treatments is shown in Table 2.

The surface hardness of the San Marcos ware is 3.5 on the Moh

scale, and the sherds were tempered with sand, limestone, and shell;

all tempering types occurring with all surface decorative styles. Rims

were usually undecorated, flared and folded, although in a small propor-

tion of the sherds the stamping continues to the lip of the vessel. On the

undecorated rims, a line of circular reed punctates or wedge-shaped

punctates encircle the neck of the vessel immediately beneath the rim

(Otto and Lewis n.d.).

The San Marcos assemblage from the de la Cruz site does not

appear to differ markedly from 17th century assemblages described by

Smith (1948) for the Castillo de San Marcos moat; by Hemmings and

Deagan (1973) for Na-41 on Amelia Island or by Macmurray (1974) for

San Juan del Puerto.

H-2 Other Possible Fodd Preparation Wares

Although documentary sources indicate that metal cooking pots

were imported to St. Augustine (Contaduria 1616; Harman 1969:91) no

evidence of a metal cooking pot was recovered from a closed 18th cen-

tury context at the site. Nearly the same situation occurs for Spanish

utilitarian earthenwares, and the coarse, lead-glazed earthenwares which

could have been of British or Spanish origin. The distribution of all

possible European utilitarian wares follows:


Provenience Number % of Ceramics within Provenience

Kitchen 15 1.6

Midden 8 1.2

Outbuilding 12 2.0

Courtyard 58 2.0

South House 17 0.7

Total 110

European utilitarian earthenwares were not an important cera-

mic type at the de la Cruz site, and were not a predominant ware for

food storage or good preparation. This is in sharp contrast to the situ-

ation found at the site of Santa Rosa Pensacola, occupied during the same

period as the de la Cruz site (1722-1752). Here the fragments of eight

iron pots were found, as well as 6,498 sherds of Spanish earthenwares

(Smith 1965:128-131).

Included in the category of European utilitarian wares are Olive

Jar (Goggin 1960), Spanish Storage Jar (Noel-Hume 1970:144), El Morro

Ware (Smith 1962:68), Rey Ware (Smith 1962:69), and coarse, lead-

glazed earthenware of uncertain origin (Figure 13). The distribution of

these ceramic types within the proveniences is:

Olive Jar Lead-glazed Earthenware Spanish Storage

Kitchen 7 4 2 (13)

Courtyard 30 18 5 (53)

Outbuilding 5 6 2 (1)

Midden 2 4 1 (7)

10 (86)



None of the sherds in this group exhibited evidence of vessel

form, with the exception of the Olive Jar ring neck fragments. Of the

coarse, lead-glazed earthenware, most sherds seemed to be of El Mor-

ro ware, rather than the finer Rey Ware. The glazes were predominant-

ly yellow or green, with an occasional occurrence of a honey-brown glaze.

In all cases, this coarse earthenware was indistinguishable from the

coarse, lead-glazed utilitarian earthenware found at the site of Frede-

rica, Georgia, which was also occupied at approximately the same time

as the de la Cruz site. The lead-glazed earthenware at Frederica has

been attributed to British origin, and kitchen-ware function (Deagan 1972),

and could have easily been imported to St. Augustine as part of the illi-

cit, but thriving trade system.

H-3 Food Preparation Vessel Form

San Marcos Stamped vessel forms from 1973 closed contexts

included two globular bowls and the conoidal base of a stamped pot. Por-

tions of two, deep, conoidal jars were recovered from the 1972 excava-

tion, and probably most resembled the deep globular San Marcos bowls

evidenced at Amelia Island (Hemmings and Deagan 1973:15), and described

by Smith (1948).

Although the traditional San Marcos vessel form appears to

have persisted until the time of the de la Cruz occupation, there is some

evidence in the ceramic assemblage of European influence.

Fifteen handles from San Marcos vessels were recovered from

the site, including strap handles, loop handles, lug handles, and pipkin-


like handles (Figure 14), which would have functioned for lifting heavy,

hot pots of food. Lug handles were the most frequently encountered dur-

ing the 1973 excavation, although strap and loop handles were more com-

mon during the 1972 excavation, which concentrated on the houses; and

some of these handles appeared to be the result of European influence.

The loop handles particularly may have been inspired by handles on the

Spanish olla or water jar, or may represent English ceramic influence

on the Guale or Yamassee Indians who coexisted with the British colon-

ists before moving to the St. Augustine area in the 17th and 18th centu-

ries (Otto and Lewis n.d.). There are also formal similarities between

some San Marcos handles and handles from British earthenware pipkins

and slipware vessels (Figure 14).

Other European influence is apparent in certain forms found at

SA-16-23. These include fragments of foot rings, a flat-based vessel

(probably to allow the vessel to sit on a table surface) and one plate form

(Figure 15).

H-4 Direct Evidence of Food Preparation

Direct evidence of food preparation on San Marcos ceramics

included sooting and encrusted remains on the sherds. From the 1973

excavation, 38 such sherds were recovered from closed contexts, and

with the exception of two sherds of Spanish utilitarian earthenware re-

covered from a mixed occupation zone, these were the only sherds on

the site which exhibited direct evidence of food preparation.

On all but three of the sherds, sooting was on the exterior only,


indicating that the pots had been used in or over a direct fire. Three

other sherds had charred encrustation on the interior, probably from a

stew or gruel, since the most commonly prepared dish in Spanish or

Indian-Spanish homes seems to have been a stew based on maize or fish,

or both (Andrews and Andrews 1945:86; Covington and Falcones 1963:150).

San Marcos ceramics, on the basis of the above analysis, can

be designated as the primary food preparation equipment at SA-16-23.

The absence of significant amounts of European earthenware also sug-

gests that San Marcos pottery was used for storage vessels at the site.

This supports the first test implication of the general hypothe-

sis; that food preparation equipment will be primarily aboriginal, with

some Spanish elements. Although the ware and its apparent usages are

primarily Indian, some modification in form and use due to Spanish in-

fluence are present.

The data from SA-16-23 also suggests that San Marcos was

used as a predominant ware for storage vessels, possibly more impor-

tant than Spanish Olive Jar. The distribution of the ware indicates that

while it is the predominant artifact in all areas of the site, it clusters

in the kitchen, outbuilding and midden areas of the site; areas used for

food preparation and refuse disposal .(Table 1).

Non-Ceramic Evidence of Food Preparation

As noted above, no evidence for a stove or oven was found in

any area of the de la Cruz site. The Spanish governor's kitchen in St.

Augustine was known to have contained a hornillo, a small stone oven


(Manucy 1962:158), and John Bartram noted stone ovens in the Spanish

kitchens of St. Augustine during his 1765 visit (Harper 1942:52).

Five circular fire pits containing ash layers and charred food

remains were located at the site, and constituted the only direct evidence

for cooking areas. Three of these pits were in the north half of the kit-

chen area, and the other two were in the lot area behind and between the

two houses. The presence of these open fire pits to the north of the di-

vider in the kitchen building, associated with a posthold pattern (see Chap-

ter III), suggests that this half of the kitchen may not have been enclosed.

It may instead have been a roofed, but open area with partial walls, allow-

ing the cooking smoke to escape. The complex of fire pits, charred food

remains, and a high positive correlation with San Marcos pottery des-

ignates this building as the focus of cooking activity. The absence of

charred food remains or fire pits in the south house, in association with

a very high proportion of San Marcos pottery, suggests that this area

may have been used for food storage rather than food preparation and


Two mano fragments, a "mortero, and a portion of a metate

represent the introduced food preparation equipment at the site. (Figure

16). These were made of volcanic basalt, not native to Florida, but com-

monly found in Central Mexico and quite similar to examples found arche-

ologically in that area (MacNeish et al. 1967:103-104). These were also

similar to those recovered at the stie of Santa Rosa Pensacola (Smith


The metate fragment seems to have come from a boulder

metate, a generalized, legless metate form found commonly in Mexico

(MacNeish at al. 1967:117). These are Mesoamerican food preparation

items, of aboriginal origin, which had analogues in aboriginal Floridian

technology; most often flat stones. The introduction of such items of

female culture by the male-dominated culture in St. Augustine is more

easily understood as a natural adjunct to the introduction of Mesoameri-

can food items, specifically corn, by the Spanish who had been in Meso-

america for more than half a century when Florida was founded. The

acceptance of these food preparation elements by Indian women such as

Maria de la Cruz was probably on the basis of greater efficiency of the

basalt manos and metates over the simple stones of Florida. As early

as 1569, some 39 metates and manos were received in St. Augustine

(Contaduria 1569), and possibly by the 18th century they also functioned

as socio-technic items for Indian and mestizo women (Binford 1962:95).

A single fragment of a sherd griddle, made from San Marcos

paste, was recovered at the site (Figure 16). This fragment was bur-

nished on one surface, probably for cooking, and roughly smoothed on

the other surface, which also showed fugitive patches of soot. The

griddle fragment was recovered from a closed 18th century context in the

area of the outbuilding adjacent to the north wall of the kitchen. The

griddle is not a native southeastern food preparation item, and the concept

was probably introduced from Mexico or the Caribbean as part of a food

or food preparation complex. The corn which was ground with the


Mesoamerican grinding equipment at SA-16-23 may have been prepared

as tortillas on a locally made sherd griddle. Griddles may also have been

used to taost cassava or manioc cakes in the manner described for manioc

preparation in the Antilles (Moya et al. 1957:29). A fragment of a sherd

griddle was also recovered at the site of the mission of San Juan del

Puerto (Du-53) (J. MacMurray, personal communication, Gainesville,

Florida. 1973), occupied from 1578 to 1702, and the fact that no sherd

griddles have been reported from prehistoric sites in Florida suggests

that the use of a griddle was a trait introduced from the Caribbean or

Mexico, by the Spaniards, rather than through prehistoric aboriginal


The food preparation co mplex revealed through the equipment and

techniques used at the de la Cruz site included elements of southeastern

Indian, Mesoamerican, and possibly Spanish food systems, singly and

in various combinations. The equipment introduced by the Spanish to

St. Augustine was Mesoamerican or Caribbean rather than Spanish,

since the food resources themselves were imported from these areas.

The introduced equipment replaced the aboriginal equipment when the

new forms (basalt manos and metates) were more efficient than the na-

tive analogues, or met culinary demands of Spanish household members

(such as finely ground corn) more efficiently than the simple stones or

wooden mortars of aboriginal technology. Such items as San Marcos

pots and simple fire-pit cooking were not replaced by introduced Spanish

analogues (metal pots and stoves), possibly because these items of female


culture were not made available as part of a food complex. A new form

and technique can be seen in the griddle fragment, probably also intro-

duced as part of the corn or cassava complex, and accepted by Indian

women in Spanish-Indian or mestizo households to satisfy criollo or New

World Spanish palates.

Food Resources: Subsistence at SA-16-23

Faunal and floral remains recovered from closed, first Span-

ish period contexts at the site included both native and'introduced food

resources, conforming both to documentary data on food sources in St.

Augustine, and to the first test implication of the hypothesis (Chapter

II)- Since food preparation techniques and equipment are largely de-

pendent upon the available food resources, the subsistence data is of

particular importance to those aspects of the hypothesis.

Floral Remains

Five pits containing charred corn cobs were excavated at the

site; all of which were sub-midden features. The corn from these pits

has been given a preliminary identification of ten-row Caribbean Flint

corn, a species known to have occurred at several late prehistoric sites

in the southeast, including 8-J-5 (Bullen 195802), Seaborn mound (Neu-

man 1961:79), and the Zetrouer site (Seaberg 1955). (The corn samples

are currently undergoing further analysis at the University of Massa-

chusetts by W. C. Gallinat). At Santa Rosa Pensacola, however, which

was occupied during the period of the de la Cruz site occupation, Hale

Smith recovered corn samples which were identified as Mexican corn


(Smith 1965:109), which the Spaniards were importing to Florida along

with corn preparation equipment. Mexican corn was being brought to St.

Augustine with the corn preparation equipment (Contaduria 1718; 1721),

and corn was also grown at the Indian villages on the periphery of the

town (Chatelaine 1941:Map 10). The corn grown in the Indian villages

was probably used primarily for consumption by the inhabitants of the

villages themselves, and in times of hardship, possibly by the towns-

people. It seems likely, however, that Indian women living in the town

would have easier access than Spanish or criollo townspeople to corn

grown in the Indian villages, particularly if, like Maria de la Cruz, she

was born in an Indian town. Only more archeology and ethnobotanical

analysis can determine whether or not southeastern corn was associated

primarily with Indian and mestizo households in St. Augustine.

Other plant remains from the de la Cruz site included fruits

which may have been grown in a household garden. Two varieties of

watermelon (Citrullus lanatus and Citrullus vulgaris, the latter of which

is used primarily for pickling rind) were recovered, as well as peach

pits, wild cherry (Prunus seratina), pumpkin (Cucurbita pepo) and one

whole orange (Citrus sp.) preserved in the courtyard well. (All plant

identification is by Mr. David Hall of the University of Florida Botany

Department Herbarium.) Of these plants, the pumpkin and wild cherry

were probably local plant resources, while the peach, watermelon, and

orange were certainly introduced.

Although the species of orange could not be determined from


the remains, it is believed that this was a Seville, or sour, orange,

There were large numbers of orange trees in St. Augustine during the

Spanish period, and the largest-producing trees were sour orange trees

(De Brahms in Fairbanks 1881:89). These were also the most abundant-

ly used oranges during the early British Period, when large quantities

of sour-orange juice were exported for use in the preparation of "shrub, "

a popular alcoholic drink among British colonists (Davis ms).

Faunal Remains

The emphasis upon wild food remains in the acculturated- diet

is most strongly reflected in the faunal remains from the site. The fau-

nal resource data is based upon a sample of 642 identified bone fragments,

representing all of the identified bone from 13 closed, Spanish period

contexts. Table 3, based on the bone analysis by Mr. Stephen L. Cumbaa

of the Florida State Museum Zooarcheology Laboratory, shows the dis-

tribution of number of fragments and minimum number of individuals for

the sample.

Of the mammals probably used as a food source, domestic pig

and cow were encountered most frequently, and were undoubtedly an im-

portant protein source. The pig individuals from the site were all young:

one suckling pig, one juvenile and one young adult; while the cow remains

were from one juvenile and one mature adult. A single mature adult

specimen of white-tailed deer was found. Large mammals were all

butchered with metal knives and saws, and numerous longbone fragments

were recovered, presumably split to recover marrow or boil for fat.


Faunal Remains From SA-16-23

Common Name

Scalopus aquaticus
Sciurus carolinensis
Mus musculus
Rattus rattus
Urocyon cinereoargenteus
Procyon lotor
Felis cactus
Sus scrofa
Odocoileus virginianus
Bos taurus
Homo sapiens

Anas discors
Lophodytes cucullatus
Gallus gallus
Meleagris gallopovo
cf. Burhinus bistriatus
cf. Numenius americanus
Limnodromus griseus
Capella gallinago

Bufo cf. B. terrestris
Rana sp.

Chelydra serpentina
Malaclemmys terrapin
Gopherus polyphemus
Masticophis flagellum

cf. Galeocerdo cuvieri
Sphyrna sp.
Pristis sp.

Eastern mole
Eastern gray squirrel
house mouse
black rat
gray fox
domestic cat
white-tailed deer
domestic cow

blue winged teal
hooded merganser
domestic chicken
Mexican thick-knee
long-billed curlew
short-billed dowitcher


snapping turtle
diamondback terrapin
gopher turtle
sea turtle
eastern coachwhip snake

tiger shark
requiem shark family
hammerhead shark







Arius felis
Bagre marinus
Cynoscion nebulosus
Cynoscion sp.
Pogomias cromis
Sciaenops ocellata
Archosargus probatocephalus
Mugil sp.
Paralichthys sp.
Opsanus tau

sea catfish
gafftopsail cat
sea cat family
spotted sea trout
sea trout family
black drum
red drum
drum family
oyster toadfish

INVERTEBRATES (from Feature 28)
Urosalpinx cinerea Atlantic oyster drill
Busycon contrarium lightning whelk
Ostrea virginica. Eastern oyster
Mercenaria mercenaria Northern quahog
Tagelus plebius stout tagelus






The state of bone preservation indicated that these large mammals were

roasted or heavily boiled, since "bone roasted within the joint loses much

of its organic matter, becomes brittle, and consequently preserves bad-

ly. The same conditions hold true when the bone is heavily boiled."

(Chaplin 1971:14-15). Bone remains from the large mammals were poor-

ly preserved at the site, whereas small bones from fish, birds and other

small animals was well-preserved (Cumbaa personal communication

1974). These smaller bones were probably subjected to slow simmer-

ing in soups or stews, rather than roasting or heavy boiling.

Butchering techniques for cow and pig were determined by

Cumbaa in his analysis of the faunal remains.

Cut and saw marks on pig remains indicated that the head was
detached near the upper cervical vertebrae. The rear limbs
were removed by breaking the innominate at the acetabulum,
and the distal humerus/radial-ulna joint seems to have been
the most difficult to separate due to the number of cut, hack,
and saw marks on the bone, particularly on the proximal por-
tion of the radius and ulna. (Cumbaa personal communication

Identifiable skeletal elements of pig recovered at the site included por-

tions of the skull, the vertebral column and ribs, the front limbs, the

pelvis and the rear feet.

The cow remains also yielded evidence of butchering techniques.

Cut and saw marks indicated that the head was broken open, the front

limbs disarticulated and the lower limbs severed at the humerus/radius-

ulna joint in the same manner as the pig. The rear limbs were removed

by breaking the pelvis at the acetabulum. Rib sections were sawed through

distally and cut proximally, and meat was cut off the top of the thoracic


region. The rear and front feet appear to have been cut off, and in the

case of the front feet, may have been discarded intact, as most of the

elements of at least one animal were well preserved (Cumbaa personal

communication 1974).

Butchering techniques were not discernible for white-tailed deer,

since no cut marks were present on the bone remains. White-tailed deer

elements present included teeth, phalanges, an ulna and a lumbar verte-


Large mammals certainly provided a source of protein at the

site, although the frequency of acquisition of use of these animals is un-

known. More commonly used, and ubiquitous in closed contexts were

smaller animals such as fish and molluscs. These locally collected re-

sources probably provided the base for the de la Cruz household diet.

With the exception of the cartilaginous fishes (sharks and saw-

fish), which were all small individuals of types known to venture frequent-

ly into bays and coastal rivers, all of the fish species from the site were

inshore, shallow water marine fishes common in the inland waterway

around seawalls, pilings, docks, and oyster beds. Most of these were

probably caught with hooks and lines, except for the mullet which were

probably netted.

Fifty-nine percent of the bony fish remains were from catfish,

with mullet the second most numerous species. This is not unexpected,

since these are the most commonly caught fish in St. Augustine today.

Preservation was quite good for fishbone, suggesting again that these

were prepared in soups or stews.

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