• TABLE OF CONTENTS
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 Title Page
 Dedication
 Acknowledgement
 Table of Contents
 List of Tables
 List of Figures
 Abstract
 Research scope and objective
 Income and distance to work:...
 Income and distance to work: Latin...
 Data collection in the study...
 Results
 Appendices
 Bibliography
 Biographical sketch














Title: Mode of transportation and the income-distance to work relationship in Piracicaba, São Paulo, Brazil /
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 Material Information
Title: Mode of transportation and the income-distance to work relationship in Piracicaba, São Paulo, Brazil /
Physical Description: xi, 170 leaves : ill., graphs, map ; 28 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Dawsey, Cyrus Bassett, 1945-
Publication Date: 1975
Copyright Date: 1975
 Subjects
Subject: Commuting -- Brazil -- Piracicaba   ( lcsh )
Land use, Urban -- Brazil -- Piracicaba   ( lcsh )
Economic conditions -- Piracicaba, Brazil   ( lcsh )
Geography thesis Ph. D   ( lcsh )
Dissertations, Academic -- Geography -- UF   ( lcsh )
Genre: bibliography   ( marcgt )
non-fiction   ( marcgt )
 Notes
Thesis: Thesis--University of Florida.
Bibliography: Bibliography: leaves 152-169.
General Note: Typescript.
General Note: Vita.
Statement of Responsibility: by Cyrus Bassett Dawsey III.
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00098306
Volume ID: VID00001
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: alephbibnum - 000205824
oclc - 04022063
notis - AAX2613

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Table of Contents
    Title Page
        Page i
        Page i-a
    Dedication
        Page ii
    Acknowledgement
        Page iii
    Table of Contents
        Page iv
        Page v
    List of Tables
        Page vi
    List of Figures
        Page vii
        Page viii
        Page ix
    Abstract
        Page x
        Page xi
    Research scope and objective
        Page 1
        Page 2
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
    Income and distance to work: Anglo-America
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
        Page 12
        Page 13
        Page 14
        Page 15
        Page 16
        Page 17
        Page 18
        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
        Page 22
        Page 23
        Page 24
        Page 25
        Page 26
        Page 27
        Page 28
        Page 29
        Page 30
        Page 31
        Page 32
        Page 33
    Income and distance to work: Latin America
        Page 34
        Page 35
        Page 36
        Page 37
        Page 38
        Page 39
        Page 40
        Page 41
        Page 42
        Page 43
        Page 44
        Page 45
        Page 46
    Data collection in the study area
        Page 47
        Page 48
        Page 49
        Page 50
        Page 51
        Page 52
        Page 53
        Page 54
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        Page 59
        Page 60
        Page 61
        Page 62
        Page 63
        Page 64
        Page 65
    Results
        Page 66
        Page 67
        Page 68
        Page 69
        Page 70
        Page 71
        Page 72
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    Appendices
        Page 131
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    Bibliography
        Page 152
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    Biographical sketch
        Page 170
        Page 171
Full Text














MODE OF TRANSPORTATION AND THE
INCOME-DISTANCE TO WORK RELATIONSHIP
IN PIRACICABA, SAO PAULO, BRAZIL









By

CYRUS BASSETT DAWSEY III


A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF
THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE
DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY


UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA


1975





























To Marshlea and Cyrus B. Dawsey, Jr.















ACKNOWLEDGMENTS


Many people have been involved with this research project. To

name all within these limited confines would be impossible, but some

deserve special recognition. In the first place I would like to thank

the members of my supervisory committee: Dr. Raymond E. Crist,

Dr. David L. Niddrie, Dr. Carl W. Spurlock, and Dr. Robert W.

Bradbury. They have provided constant assistance with general

theoretical problems as well as mundane comma splices and split

infinitives.

Secondly, I am appreciative for the help received in Piracicaba.

Dr. Delmar Marquette, Professor at Escola Superior Agricola Luiz de

Queiroz, provided the airphotographs of Piracicaba. Dr. Adilson Maluf,

the city's mayor, Sr. Raul Elu, a public official, and many other govern-

mental workers cooperated with the project by acceeding to every request.

The hospitable residents of Piracicaba generously relinquished their

privacy and gave of their time to answer the inquiries of the questionnaire.

Finally, I am grateful to my family for their constant support.

My parents, Marshlea and Cyrus B. Dawsey, Jr., have always been a

source of help and inspiration. For this research my wife, Barbara, and

children, Marc and Amanda, have lovingly sacrificed time and attention

which was by right their own.

To these people and to many others, therefore, I am deeply in debt.

iii













TABLE OF CONTENTS


Page

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS .............. ... ... .... iii

LIST OF TABLES ........ .......... ... .... vi

LIST OF FIGURES ............................ vii

ABSTRACT .... ... . ..... . ..... ... ... x

CHAPTER

I RESEARCH SCOPE AND OBJECTIVE . . . ... 1

Introduction .. ... .. . .. .. . .... 1
Research Objective .. . . . . . . . 5

II INCOME AND DISTANCE TO WORK: ANGLO-
AMERICA ........... ........ ... 8

The Journey to Work ... .. . . . . .... 8
Evolution of the Journey to Work . . . . 9
The Gravity Model .... .. .. ........ 12
Methods of Minimizing Distance. . . . . 15
The Bid-Price Model . . . . . 17
Development of the Bid-Price Model ........ 18
Income and the Slope of the Bid-Price Function 20
Multiple Work Locations . . .. . ...... 24
Empirical Research . . . . . . . .. 30

III INCOME AND DISTANCE TO WORK: LATIN
AMERICA .. . . . . . . . . .. .. 34

Non-Western Residential Pattern . . .. . 34
Possible Causes of the Non-Western Pattern . 35
Changes in the Non-Western Pattern . . .. 37
Transportation as an Explanation of the
Non-Western Pattern . . . . . .... 38
Time Costs and the Bid-Price Model . . . ... 41
Research Hypotheses .. . . . . . . . 46









TABLE OF CONTENTS (Continued)


CHAPTER


Page


IV DATA COLLECTION IN THE STUDY AREA . . .. .47

Piracicaba . . . . . . . . . . . 47
History and General Characteristics ...... 47
Piracicaba as the Study Area . . . . .. 50
Data Collection .. .. . .. . .. . . 55
Variables to be Measured . . . . .... 55
Interviews . . . . . . . . . . 57
Property Survey Data . . . . . .... 61
Definition of the Effective Statistical Sample . 63



V RESULTS ............. .. ..... 66


General Description .. ..
Residential Areas .. ...
Places of Work .. ...
Transportation ......
Statistical Analyses .. ....
Distance to the City Center
Distance to Work .. ..
Expanded Model .. ...
Conclusions .. . ......
Implications ....


APPENDICES


APPENDIX A NORMATIVE BID-PRICE MODEL;
TRANSPORTATION COST MONEY . . . ... .132

APPENDIX B NORMATIVE BID-PRICE MODEL;
TRANSPORTATION COST TIME . . . ... .140

APPENDIX C QUESTIONNAIRE . . . . .... 150

BIBLIOGRAPHY ....... ... .. . . ......... 152

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ....................... 170


. . . . . . . .
. . . . ., . .



. . . . . . .
. . . . .


. . . .












LIST OF TABLES


TABLE Page

1 Urban Population of the City of Piracicaba ...... 49

2 Correlation Matrix of Income and Surrogate
Measures of Economic Status . . . . . ... 63

3 Work Situation of Respondent Household Heads .... .64

4 Transportation Used for the Journey to Work by
the Respondents Who Had a Fixed Place of Work
and a Steady Rate of Income . . . . . .... 65

5 Passenger Cars Licensed in Piracicaba. . . . ... 94

6 Sample Means and Estimated Parameters for
Income-Distance to the City Center Relationships. . 103

7 Sample Means and Estimated Parameters for
Income-Distance to Work Relationships . . . ... 106

8 Estimated Parameters for Income-Distance to
Work Relationship for Walkers Before and After
the Inclusion of the Length of Work Variable ..... .110

9 Estimated Parameters for Income-Distance to
Work Relationship for Walkers Before and After the
Inclusion of the Length of Residence Variable. ..... .112












LIST OF FIGURES


FIGURE Page

1 Bid-Price Curves for Rich and Poor Individuals;
commuting costs are monetary . . . . .... 21

2 Bid-Price Curves of People at 5 Different Income
L evels . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23

3 Bid-Price Curves of Workers at 3 Different
Employment Sites. ........... . ... .. .25

4 Bid-Price Curves of Rich Workers at E and Poor
Workers at El, E2 and E3 . ............... 27

5 Bid-Price Curves for Rich and Poor Individuals;
commuting costs are temporal . . . . . .... 44

6 City Center . . . . . . . . ... ..... . 51

7 Southwest Panorama ................... 52

8 Water Falls ................... ... .. 53

9 Pumping Station...................... ... 54

10 General Map of Piracicaba . . . . . . . .. 56

11 Doctor's Home .......... ... ....... 67

12 Business Executive's Home. . . . . . . ... 68

13 Resident of Sao Judas Tadeu Section . . . . .. 70

14 Sao Judas Tadeu Residential Block. . . . . ... 71

15 Backyard . . . . . . . . . . . . 72

16 Peripheral Poor. . . . . . . . . . ... 73

17 Rented Rooms . . . . . . . .... ... . 74











LIST OF FIGURES (Continued)

FIGURE Page

18 Communal Water . . . . . . . . ... .. 75

19 Poor Family in a Mixed Neighborhood . . . ... 78

20 Homogeneous Architecture . . . . . . .... 79

21 Heterogeneous Architecture . . . . . .... 80

22 Beira Rio . . . . . . . . .. ... . 81

23 Swimming Area ... ..................... .. .82

24 Dopla . . . . . . . ........ 84

25' Jardim Primavera .................... 85

26 Siderurgica Dedini . . . . . . . .... . 87

27 Metalurgica Dedini . . . . . . . .... 88

28 Plant Expansion . . . . . . . . ... . 89

29 Boyes . . . . . . . . . . . . . .90

30 Engenho Central . . . . . . . . ... .. 91

31 Chair Factory. . . . . . . . . . .. 92

32 Luiz de Queiroz University . . . . . .... 93

33 Bus Terminal....................... 95

34 Taxi Point . . . . . . . . . . . 96

35 Parking Meters . . . . . . . .... ... .. 97

36 Bicycle Commuter ..... ............ 98

37 Repair Shop . . .. . . . . . .... .. 99

38 Charrete Stop . . . . . .. ...... .... 100

viii










LIST OF FIGURES (Continued)

FIGURE Page

39 Income-Distance to City Center . . . . .... 104

40 Changes in the Income-Distance to Work Relation-
ship for Walkers After the Inclusion of Length of
Work or Length of Residence Variables . . . ... 111

41 MainStreet . . . . . . . . . . . . 119

42 Market ...... .. ... ... . .. ... 120

43 General Store. . . . . . . . .. . . 121

44 Shoppers . . . . . . . . . . . . . 122

45 Vendors. . . . . . . . . ... ....... 123

46 The Coming of the Automobile I . . . . ... 127

47 The Coming of the Automobile II . . . . .... 128









Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements
for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy


MODE OF TRANSPORTATION AND THE
INCOME-DISTANCE TO WORK RELATIONSHIP
IN PIRACICABA, SAO PAULO, BRAZIL

By

Cyrus Bassett Dawsey III

August, 1975

Chairman: Dr. Raymond E. Crist
Major Department: Geography

Empirical evidence suggests that a positive relationship exists

between income and distance to work within cities of Anglo-America.

The relationship appears to be negative in Latin American cities. A

normative bid-price model which applies Von-Thunen's framework to

residential land use can be transformed into a model of interaction

between the residence and place of work. In this form the model

describes the income-distance relationship characteristic of Anglo-

America when distance overcoming costs are measured in monetary

units. The model describes the relationship characteristic of Latin

America when the costs are measured in units of time.

Hypotheses of a positive relationship between income and distance

to work for automobile using commuters and of a negative relationship

between income and distance to work for commuters who use other modes

of transportation were tested in Piracicaba, Sao Paulo, Brazil. Linear

regression analyses of data collected from interviews of a 4 percent








sample of the city residents showed that the hypothesized relationship

could be inferred only for the group who walked to work. When length

(in years) of residence was added as a measure of utility maximization,

the significant relationship became not significant at the 05 level.

The research hypotheses were rejected. A negative relationship

between income and distance to the city center was significant at the 05

level for all groups differentiated according to the mode of transportation

used.

Relative location with respect to the city center was concluded

to be more important than to the place of work. The negative income-

distance to the city center relationship for automobile users was

concluded possibly to be the result of a low marginal utility of residential

land. The results imply that the characteristic negative income-distance

to the city center relationship will not be changed by increasing dependence

on the automobile in Brazil.














CHAPTER I

RESEARCH SCOPE AND OBJECTIVE


Introduction

A dominant characteristic of man has been his tendency to seek

out his own kind. Since the beginning of their presence on earth, people

have protected and enriched themselves by clustering in groups, and

ultimately towns evolved. From the small early villages in China, Egypt,

Babylonia and India, settlements have developed into the giant metro-

politan areas of today.

For primitive man, gathering into groups was probably natural.

He, just as the primates, compensated for physical weakness by hunting

and fighting along side others of his own species, and through a process

of natural selection, this efficient behavior survived. Those who opted

for societal life more often lived on to transmit their culture to offspring.

Although the exact definition of a city varies (Mayer, 1971), the

growth of early settlements involved many complex factors. Improve-

ments in agricultural techniques created food surpluses, and groups of

people not directly involved in subsistence production could be supported.

At physically favorable locations, people gathered to exchange goods,

so that a professional merchant elite eventually emerged. The in-

creasing knowledge was dealt with by an educational elite; rites and

1










cultural functions were conducted by a religious elite; and the whole

agglomeration was ruled by a governmental elite. The growth of

cities, therefore, was related to technological innovation and increased

productivity as well as to professional diversification and specialization.

History since the industrial revolution has been marked by an

ever increasing shift of people from rural to urban areas. In 1800,

only 3 percent of the world's population lived in places of 5, 000 people

or more, and 1. 7 percent lived in places of 100, 000 or more. By 1950,

over 30 percent lived in places of 5,000 or more while 13 percent resided

in cities containing 100, 000 or more inhabitants (Hauser, 1967, p. 7).

Although most of the people of the world still live in rural areas, the

trend toward urbanization is evident.

The growing importance of the urban area as a home for man

has led to increased interest in cities. Curiosity has been aroused by

apparent regularities and differences encountered among and within cities.

What, for example, causes the sprawl of Los Angeles or the high density

of Calcutta? Why is Paris the fashion capital, or why does Detroit

produce automobiles? What causes financial executives to seek downtown

offices while supermarket operators locate in suburbs ?

Curiosity has not been the only reason for focusing attention on

cities. While a growing number of people are choosing an urban area

for a home, cities are less than ideal environments. Much investigation,

therefore, has been aimed at the solution of particular problems. To try










to improve the quality of urban life, researchers look for answers

to questions like: why is social pathology associated with certain racial

and economic groups; what causes squalid squatter settlements around

large Latin American cities; or how can visual and aural blight as well

as water and air pollution be controlled?

The study of cities can be divided into two categories: inter-urban

and intra-urban. The first concerns the external relationships of a city.

These would be the city's association with other cities, ties to a rural

hinterland, or how the town fits into a larger regional or national pattern.

Intra-urban study, on the other hand, involves internal characteristics

of an urban place. Interest is concentrated on the component parts of a

city and how they interact with each other.

Although inter-urban studies are an important field of investigation

(witness the attention devoted by geographers to Central Place Theory),

the scope of the research presented in this paper is intra-urban. It

concerns events and characteristics found within cities.

Intra-urban studies are conducted by researchers from various

fields. History and geography are different from most social sciences

in that they focus on a dimension rather than a particular subject or

activity. While sociologists study group behavior and economists study

economic behavior, historians and geographers look at any or all activity

through time and over space. This spatial aspect is one of the

characterizing features of the field of geography.









The orientation of this research is geographic. Although some

of the concepts and models are developed using economic theory, the

basic dimension of interest is spatial. How certain factors vary over

physical space and distance is of primary concern.

One of the factors which varies over space is residential land use,

and much attention has been devoted to the study of where people live

within cities. Some researchers are content to map or describe

residential patterns (Jones, 1931; Applebaum, 1952; Niedercorn and

Hearle, 1964; Loewenstein, 1963), but others are concerned with dis-

covering regularities from one city to another. These regularities can

be stated in terms of descriptive models. The concentric zone (Burgess,

1925), sector (Hoyt, 1939), and multiple nuclei (Harris and Ulman, 1945)

models are the ones most often cited, and recent studies show how the

patterns described by each of these is related to different factorial

dimensions found within cities (Anderson and Egeland, 1961;

Berry, 1965; Simmons, 1965; Murdie, 1969).

Regularities in residential location, therefore, appear to exist

in urban areas. What causes these patterns? Why do people live

where they do? The residential location decision is a very complex

psychological process that involves a variety of known and unknown

factors. Basically, however, it concerns the evaluation of information

about the perceived environment. Each individual considers desirable

and undesirable residential characteristics, compares them to the

perceived locational possibilities, and makes the decision of where to

live.










This decision need not be a logical one. What is or is not

desirable to a given person depends on what his physical and psychological

needs are. These needs may be different from those of other people.

Furthermore, the decision is based on a perception of reality rather than

the real world itself. This perception also varies from one individual

to another (Wolpert, 1966; Pred, 1967 and 1969; Wood, 1970).

Many features of the site itself might weigh heavily in the process.

Characteristics of the land and the house are obviously important factors.

Another group of considerations involves relative location. The proximity

to a polluting factory or a busy street, for example, might be negative

features of a particular location, while nearness to a shopping center,

the children's school, or a parent's job could be positive aspects. Proximity

to a large number of urban features, therefore, is an important component

of the locational decision.

The aggregate location of residences within cities, is the sum of

a large number of individual decisions, each of which is based on a

variety of considerations. Site considerations are important, but so too

are those pertaining to the relative location with respect to other features

found within the city. Proximity to certain items is avoided while

accessibility to others is sought.


Research Objective

The objective of this study is the investigation of the relationship

between residential sites and one of the items to which accessibility









is desired: the place of work. Empirical evidence indicates that

accessibility to the place of work may be more desirable for some

income groups than for others. A relationship, therefore, appears to

exist between income and the distance people are willing to travel to

work.

The income-distance to work relationship, however, is not the

same for people living in industrialized countries and developing areas.

Research conducted in Anglo-American cities shows that distance usually

increases with income; poor workers live nearer their jobs than rich

individuals do. Descriptive accounts of Latin American cities, however,

indicate that the pattern in these towns may be the opposite with poor

people travelling farther to work than wealthier individuals. The

relationship between income and distance to work, therefore, appears

to be positive in industrialized societies and negative in developing ones.

The study presented here considers a possible explanation for the

difference between the income-distance to work relationship characteristic

of cities in Anglo-America and Latin America: the type of transportation

used for the journey to work. The following specific question is asked:

is the type of transportation used for the trip to work important in

determining the nature of the relationship between income and distance

to work? If transportation mode is indicated to be an important variable,

then it must be included with income in an explanation of the distance

people choose to live from their jobs.







7

Partial causality is implied. Income and transportation type

influence distance to work which is in turn related to where people

live. If a change in the income-distance relationship occurs when a

change takes place in the type of transportation used, then the inclusion

of the new variable, mode of transportation, adds some information to

a general understanding of why people live where they do. Transportation

mode can thus take part in the explanation of residential location.













CHAPTER II

INCOME AND DISTANCE TO WORK: ANGLO-AMERICA


The Journey to Work

As stated in Chapter I, relative location is a factor in the

locational decision. While proximity to various features within a

city might be desirable, accessibility to the place of work is one of

the most important considerations.

The ebb and flow of the working force is the single most important

component of movement within cities. In Chicago the number of trips

originating from home going to work is almost twice as large as the

next highest destination category (Chicago, 1959), and in Toronto

roughly half of all trips involve job commuting (Toronto, 1966). Other

studies place the figure for various cities at 40 percent and higher

(Wingo, 1961a).

Many aspects of the journey to work are being widely investigated

(Wheeler, 1969a) since commuter flow is related to many urban problems.

The concentration, for example, of travel at peak hours leads to in-

efficiencies in the use of transportation networks. Social (Wolforth,

1965) and marginally increasing economic (Walters, 1961) costs

associated with traffic congestion have led to the advocacy of variable

pricing schemes. These would discourage the use of highways at peak

8










hours (Vickrey, 1963). On the other hand, the financial viability of

various public transit alternatives to the automobile have been compared,

and the present bus system is seen as being the most efficient in the short

run for most cities (Meyer, Kain, and Wohl, 1965).


Evolution of the Journey to Work

The journey to work is the result of the separation between residence

and job, and it is a recent phenomenon. In earlier times production

was small scale, and people worked at home or next door in small shops.

In-many instances gainful employment was not distinguishable from house-

hold activity (Sjoberg, 1960).

The industrial revolution brought increased capitalization and plant

size as producers took advantage of economies of scale. As industry

became larger and more complex, a greater and more diverse labor

force was needed at each plant (Liepman, 1944). Domestic functions

gradually became different from income producing work, and, with

improved means of transportation, the activities became physically

separated.

Small, pre-industrial domestic or shop industry gave way to

larger factories which were ringed by worker's houses. These mills

in turn were gradually replaced by complex plants which were spatially

removed from the residences of the labor force. The process was

shown in a study of Chorley, England (Warnes, 1970) for the period

1780-1850, where distance to work is compared to two characteristics










of industry: size (positive relationship) and age (negative relationship).

Workers tended to cluster around older and smaller mills but not

newer, larger ones.

Improvement in transportation technology was the main factor

involved in the separation of workers and their jobs. Streetcars, rail-

roads, buses, and the automobile made it possible for people to commute

to work. They could cover large distances in a short period of time,

and there was, therefore, no longer the necessity to live next door to the

factory. Technological change brought about a reduction in the costs

associated with overcoming distance, and spatial interaction over a much

larger area was made possible (Janelle, 1971).

Not only did workers move away, but industry as well decentralized.

The use of trucks and electricity allowed plants to break away from sites

favored by railroads or rivers. Physical proximity to such features was

no longer necessary.

The separation of the home from the place of work, occasioned by

reductions in the costs of transportation, has led some authors to contend

that the relationship between the residence and the job is becoming

weaker (Wolforth, 1965; Boyce, 1969; Forrest and Tan, 1970). The

argument can be made, however, that what has changed is the "form"

of the journey to work, and not the "process. "

Theoretically, form refers to the static characteristics or

morphology of events, while process refers to changes in these events










through time. Ultimately, everything can be defined as form--where

the change in time is 0--and process--where the change in time is

infinite. The static or form feature of residential location, for example,

is concerned with where people live and it can be mapped or described

by using the concentric zone, sector, or multiple nuclei models. On the

other hand, residential location process refers to where people move

(i.e., change residence) (Rossi, 1955; Moses, 1962; Boyce, 1969).

The journey to work is by and large a process. It occurs twice

daily for most individuals, and the aggregate volume of flow varies

greatly from hour to hour. Spatially, it is the process of interaction

which occurs between the two locations; home and work.

The form of the journey to work, or the physical distance between

home and employment, has indeed grown longer. At the aggregate level,

commuting occurs over a much broader area than it did in the past. The

increase in distance does not mean, however, that the travel to work

process has changed. Perhaps some modification has taken place

because of a shorter work week or owing to increased lunch box use but

not as a result of changes in the cost of transportation.

If a century ago a causal link existed between residential location

and accessibility to work, the influence of one upon the other is equally

present today. Patterns are simply blown up to a larger dimension

involving greater physical distances. A decrease in the cost of trans-

portation does not mean that the basic shape or the strength of these









patterns has changed, and proximity to work should still be important

in determining residential location. Accessibility is why people live

in cities, and it follows, therefore, that nearness to work is a major

factor. Most urban travel is, after all, made up of commuters.


The Gravity Model

A series of models is often used to describe the relationship between

the residence and the place of work. These are various forms of the

"gravity" or "potential" model originally conceived by Zipf (1947). The

main function of the models is the prediction of the volume of interaction

which takes place between two or more locations. The models are

allegorical in that they apply physical science relationships between

mass and distance to human events. The general form of the gravity model

is as follows:


I.. = +M
Ij ~
13 db
L]

where:

I = interaction between locations i and j.

M. = measure of mass (population, for example) at i.

Mj = measure of mass at j.

d.. = distance between i and j.
1j

b = empirically derived exponent.

With basically the same format, the gravity model is expanded

to include the actual or possible interaction between an area i and all










other areas j. In this form it is referred to as a "potential" model.

The use of such a framework in a number of studies indicates

that as distance increases the volume of interaction does decrease. Even

though the model has been applied to interaction between home and other

possible destinations (Huff, 1963; Wheeler and Stutz, 1971; Hale, 1973),

most interest has centered on the link between the residence and the

place of work.

Empirical research shows that the number of employees at a

given place of work decreases as distance from that place increases.

The number, for example, of people working in factories in Massachusetts

declines significantly with distance from the plant after the first two or

three miles (Carroll, 1949). Much later, Getis (1969), using a

probabilistic approach, wrote that within a certain radius of the place

of work a frictionlesss" area exists within which workers are indifferent

about their place of residence. Outside this area the decay of distance

occurs as predicted by the gravity model.

Distance is also minimized by commuters in Montreal who tend

to select the shortest possible route to work (Scarlett, 1970). Although

people of Athens travel farther to work than they do for other reasons,

the number of trips decreases significantly with distance (Pappas, 1970).

Hecht (1973) discovered that individual stress increases when the length

of the journey to work increases.

Distance to work is frequently used as a variable in the prediction

of future growth. A potential model can describe present accessibility









of urban sectors with respect to the working force, and future growth

in each sector can be evaluated when a parameter of total regional growth

is included. Development would depend on the number of employees who

commute from a sector and how far they must travel to their jobs. The

farther they go, the less likely it is that their home sector will grow

(Hansen, 1959).

Gravity models are often used for planning purposes. Predictions

of future growth are based on a series of input factors including present

accessibility between employment and employees. Lowry (1968) has

summarized the characteristics of the most important of these models

and discussed drawbacks and promises involved in their use.

In order to increase its predictive value, the gravity model is

continually being modified. The inclusion of items such as residential

attractiveness (Wilson, 1969), and intervening opportunity (Schneider,

1959), as well as the mating of the model to probability and game theory

(Malm, Olsson and Warneryd, 1966) are all attempts to better relate

the framework to reality.

Problems of the gravity model have been widely recognized

(Lowry, 1964, p. 22; Colenutt, 1970, p. 116; Berry and Horton, 1970,

p. 493). The major criticism has been that the model is basically

descriptive. It is used as a tool for making predictions of the future

based on present empirically determined relationships. This use is

limited because predictions are dependent on current or past conditions

and not on general explanatory concepts.










The theoretical underpinning of the model consists of laws

borrowed from physics and of an informal knowledge concerning the

costs of overcoming distance. This knowledge leads to the conclusion

that the statement of the model--that interaction decreases as

distance increases--is obviously true. The nature, however, of the

various costs is not dealt with, and the model says nothing about how

distance is related to human behavior in general.


Methods of Minimizing Distance

Studies of interaction using gravity type models do prove that a

relationship exists between the residence and the place of work. While

the commuting distance has increased over the years, the journey to

work is still a strong link which shapes the character of cities. The

model indicates that the distance between home and job tends to be

minimized but it does not state how this is accomplished. The possible

means of shortening the distance are: a change in the residential site,

a change in the employment location, and a change in the journey itself.

Barring changes in transportation technology, the journey itself

should already be optimal. The worker already uses the shortest

route or the quickest and cheapest means of getting to work (Scarlett,

1970).

Changes in the location of employment are very possible. Harris

(1954), and Vance (1966) have argued that the labor component is an

important factor which is often overlooked in industrial location theory.








16

The historical spreading of job sites, discussed above, is a contemporary

process. Taaffe, Garner, and Yeates (1963) showed that in Chicago many

firms have moved to locations in peripheral residential areas. Although

many workers still go downtown, a large proportion of them commute to

these non-central jobs. The trend has been confirmed in Sydney (Logan,

1968) and London (Daniels, 1973).

A change in the place of work, therefore, is recognized as a

possible distance minimizing response. Workers can change jobs

and employers can change the site of their plant or office. If employers

locate according to where people live, the distance to work does not

explain residential patterns. It explains the location of jobs. Investigating

changes in employment opportunities and labor migration in Los Angeles,

Burns (1964) found a strong correlation between the two but no time lag.

This would have possibly indicated which causes the other by showing

which occurs first.

Most researchers seem to agree that the residential location is

more flexible than that of the place of work, and they have used the

commuting distance to explain residential land use patterns (Carroll,

1952; Duncan, 1956; Kain, 1962; Taaffe, Garner and Yeates, 1963;

Goldstein and Mayer, 1964; Loewenstein, 1965; Wheeler, 1967, 1968b;

Halvorson, 1973). Lowry (1968), in formulating his planning model,

allowed the residential site to be a free variable; one that responds to

the location of industry and commerce.










The study presented here considers the mode of transportation

variable as being a factor which modifies the relationship between income

and the distance to work. Other research indicates that the commuting

distance is most often, although not always, modified by changing the

place of residence. If this is true, and if transportation mode does

influence the income-distance relationship, the results of this investigation

should add more to an understanding of the location of residences than

work places.


The Bid-Price Model

The major function of the gravity model, as applied to the

journey to work, is the description of empirically observed relationships

which exist between the volume of movement and distance. The model,

however, states nothing of how the various costs associated with distance

are related to human behavior. Why, for example, do people tend to

minimize the amount of time devoted to commuting?

A group of regional economists and urban geographers are

increasingly investigating the journey to work from a different

perspective. They use the normative approach. Rather than seek

aggregate patterns or relationships in nature, these researchers are

concerned with developing a deductive model of what man does under

certain conditions.

The advantage of the normative methodology is that general theory

is built into the model, and "why" or "how" questions are answerable.










The problem is that if the general theory is incorrect, the model

must likewise be incorrect. The test of validity is whether or not

the explicit or implicit assumptions of the model apply to real situations.


Development of the Bid-Price Model

One normative residential land use model is an urban application

of Von Thinen's ideas (Hall, 1966) about the rural landscape. The value

of property in the city, as in the country, is said to be tied to benefits

which accrue to the owner in terms of savings in expenses of transportation

to a central location. Land users with large transportation costs value

accessibility more highly and will, consequently, pay more for property

than other potential owners. The land goes to the highest bidder.

The basic idea was presented in an early work by Hurd (1903) who

related accessibility to the amount of money individuals or firms are

willing to bid for property. Land value was said to depend on proximity,

which is equal to convenience.

Later, Haig (1926) added the concept of transportation costs,

stating that they are the reflection of the "friction of distance. The

value of a given piece of land depends on the savings in transportation

expenses which the location provides, as well as on characteristics

of the site itself. Haig was the first to consider residential land. Space

for a home was said to be evaluated like any other personal purchase

with the costs and benefits weighing in the consideration. In 1949

Ratcliff (1949) added the idea that maximum aggregate utility is reached










when total transportation costs in a city are minimized. This point

was later attacked (Alonso, 1964) and defended (Goldberg, 1970).

Despite some criticism (Wendt, 1957), the general model was

continued and expanded in the early 1960's. Kain (1962) developed a

utility function which includes as a negative component the cost of

transportation in the journey to work. Wingo (1961b) treated trans-

portation in depth and added the opportunity costs of, or the loss of

income due to, time spent commuting.

During the past decade, two landmarks have emerged in the

development of the normative model. William Alonso's Location and

Land Use, published in 1964, served two important purposes. It

incorporated the variability of the size of the residential site, and the

book formally developed the normative ideas in precise mathematical

language.

Finally, Richard Muth (1969) broadened the model and included

the quantity of housing as a variable. He stated that the site which

is bid on possesses two characteristics: land and building; the

demand for each is variable with income. Muth also included more

than one place of work but did not completely develop the potential

ramifications.

Use of the model has continued with work by geographers and

economists. The individual demand for land and transportation has

been variously related to population densities (Cassetti, 1969; Cassetti









and Papageorgiou, 1971), the aggregate cost of distance (Goldberg,

1970), the third spatial dimension of high rise apartments (Wright,

1971), and open versus closed urban systems (Wheaton, 1974). Goldstein

and Moses (1973) have summarized the more recent developments in

the field.

The normative residential land use model is based on rational

behavior by economically oriented individuals. All extraneous variables

are controlled with general assumptions while the few items of interest

are manipulated mathematically. A simple version of the model is

presented and discussed in Appendix A.


Income and the Slope of the Bid-Price Function

The normative land-use model shows that transportation costs

cause an individual's bid-price, or the amount he is willing to pay per

unit of residential land to achieve a given level of satisfaction, to

decline as distance from the place of work increases. The bid-price

function over distance, therefore, is negative. Moreover, when trans-

portation costs are monetary and directly variable with distance, the

slope, or rate of change, of the bid-price curve varies with income.

The bid-price functions of two individuals are presented in

Figure 1. Both workers commute to a central location (t0) and they

are identical in every way except for income. When distance is plotted

horizontally, the high income or "rich" person has a gentle sloped bid-

price function, and the low income or "poor" worker has a steeper one.


















bid-
price


poor


to tl t2 di
Figure 1. Bid-Price Curves for Rich and Poor Individuals;
commuting costs are monetary.










Because property goes to the highest bidder, land in the t0-ti interval

is purchased by the poor commuter, and the distance between tl and t2

goes to the rich bidder.

Many different income (y) levels could be added to the model.

Each person in the city would be identical to the others except for the

amount of money each earned. The effect is shown in Figure 2 where

yl
the more gentle is the slope of the bid-price curve. Each higher level

of income acquires land farther away from the place of work. The

result of the addition of many people earning different amounts of

money is to "round" or "smooth" the linear individual functions into

an exponential aggregate price of land curve.

Generalizing for many bidders, therefore, changes in the slope

component of the bid-price function with changes in income lead to

a direct relationship between individuals' income and the distance they

live from the central work location. This occurs under the condition

that the people are identical in every way except in the amount of money

they earn.

The presence of low income groups on high-priced land at the

center of large American cities is thus explained by the bid-price

model. The cost of transportation (k) is not variable with income, and

the expense constitutes an ever greater proportion of the budget as income

gets smaller. The quantity of land can be modified, though. Poor people

can live on ever smaller pieces of land (or more crowded in apartment

















bid-
price

Y2


y3


y4

Y5


distance
Figure 2. Bid-Price Curves of People at 5 Different Income Levels.










buildings) as their earnings decrease. The value of accessibility

becomes a more important commodity in comparison to the quantity of

land.


Multiple Work Locations

The normative urban land use model, as developed by Alonso,

Wingo, and others, is generally tied to one central place of work. Rationale

for using accessibility to the place of work and not to just any trip

destination is that income itself is made dependent on paying the commuting

costs. The worker does not have the option to go or not to go. For

economic man total utility = 0 if y = 0.

The model need not be restricted to one place of work (Muth,

1969, p. 87). At any residential site, the individual who submits the

highest bid, regardless of his place of employment acquires the use

of the land. The incorporation of many job locations can be shown more

clearly with schematic diagrams than with mathematical equations.

Assume a linear city with several employment sites. Workers

in the city are homogeneous in every way except the location of their

work place. Their bid-price functions are likewise identical except that

k is measured from each individual's place of employment rather than

from one central location. The bid-prices "peak, or reach their

highest value (where k = 0), at the work site of the person who is bidding.

A city with three places of work (Fl, E2 and F3) and the bid-price curves

of their workers are shown in Figure 3. Employees of F1 acquire the





















bid-
price












tl F1 t2 F2 t3 F3 t4 distance

Figure 3. Bid-Price Curves of Workers at 3 Different Employment Sites.










the land between t1 and t2, those of E2 live between t2 and t3, and

the workers at E3 occupy the t3-t4 interval.

Assume that another group of workers is added. These are

identical to all others in the city except that they work at F1 and receive

a higher income. Let the whole population, therefore, be divided into

poor (all previous workers) and rich (new, higher income group). The

bid-price function of the rich is not as steep as that of the poor (see

Figure 1). The effect of the addition of this new rich group is shown

in Figure 4.

Land in this linear city is acquired in the following manner:

Interval Purchasing Group

t -t1 rich--E1

t1 -t2 poor--E1

t2 -t3 rich--EF

t3-t4 poor--E2

t4-t5 rich--E1

t5-t6 poor--E3

t6-t7 rich--E1

Land is purchased by the rich--E1 group of workers only in those

intervals where their more gently sloped bid-price curve is higher

than the one of the other groups. Land close to intermediate job sites

is not rented because of high competition from the employees of those

places of work.



































distance


bid-
price


E1 E2 F3

Figure 4. Bid-Price Curves of Rich Workers at E1 and Poor Workers at
E1, E2 and EF3









Many different income levels could be added for each employment

site. The effect would be to "round" the curves as in Figure 2, but

with the intermediate peaks of Figure 4. Generalizing further, many

places of work with differing numbers of employees who earn different

incomes could be considered in a city of two spatial dimensions.

Graphically, the result of these modifications would be an

aggregate land value cone which is centered on the general area

where the most people are employed. At different locations the

generalized cone surface would be altered with subsidiary peaks

rising around intermediate places of work. The model concerns

only residential land use, but the shape of this conic surface closely

resembles the often reproduced (Chorley and Haggett, 1967, p. 337;

Yeates and Garner, 1971, p. 252) allegorical "circus tent" diagram

which is used by Berry (1963) to describe urban land values. Empirical

land value studies (Knos, 1962; Yeates, 1965; Mills, 1969) confirm the

general shape.

For the argument to be true, an important requirement is that

there be competition among the different groups of land users. Various

income levels must be represented at each of the employment sites.

Otherwise, there would be no distance differentiation; the rich would

live near their place of work on one side of town, and the poor would

live close to their job site in another part of the city.

In the hypothetical, two dimensional city, on which the model is

based, residential patterns of different income groups could be very









complex. There would be accessibility oriented lower income people

clustered around the various employment sites with the intervening

space going to higher income bidders of more distant places of work.

Differentiating residential land use according to income could be difficult,

if not impossible, and a general pattern might not be evident on a residential

land use map.

If competition is present, the basic relationships between income,

the value of land, and accessibility would still hold true, however. The

bid-price functions continue to be shaped by the same variables of the

linear city. Distance to work is still the item which determines how much

money an individual is willing to pay for land to achieve a certain level

of utility.

As discussed, the bid-price model becomes one of interaction rather

than land use. Different income groups may be mixed or segregated,

concentrated or dispersed because jobs are unevenly distributed across

the city. Where people live can be normatively explained, however, when

the distance to work variable is included.

The statement of the model is unambiguous. Despite the residential

land use picture, the positive relationship between distance to work

and the level of income holds true. The rich live farther from their

jobs than the poor do.

As stated previously, the test of a normative model lies in the

validity of the assumptions which are made. Obviously cities are not

homogeneous plains, human behavior is not rational, not all land is










exchangeable, information is imperfect, nothing remains fixed through

time, and commuting costs are not measured only in money. Further-

more, there is no guarantee that residential location is the dependent

variable.

A wide gap exists, therefore, between the hypothetical world of

the model and the real world of "everyday. While the deductive logic

of the normative framework may be perfect, many of the factors which

the model leaves out bear strongly, if not decisively, on the final

location decision. It would be hopeless to expect real city patterns to

conform completely to those which are predicted by the normative model.

On the other hand, the normative approach is a valid one (Chisholm,

1971). The assumptions which are made need not be flawlessly true. If

there are elements of truth in them, then there is some validity to the

conclusions of the model. If statements such as "man is basically

rational, or "information is by and large available, can be made, the

normative model does provide some understanding.

The important question concerns those variables which are made

constant by the assumptions. For example, is distance to work and the

cost of commuting really the main consideration of the decision maker,

or are items such as the availability of housing, social segregation, and

historical preference more important.


Empirical Research

The validity of the bid-price model must be determined through







31

empirical investigation. When commuting costs are money expenditures,

the model predicts a positive relationship between income and the

distance to work, and this relationship is generally confirmed in Anglo-

America. The early concentric zone model described an increase in

the social status of neighborhoods as distance from the city center grew

larger. Duncan (1956) confirmed a direct relationship between distance

to work and occupational status in Chicago, and other investigators have

obtained similar results in different American cities (Kain, 1962; Lowry,

1963; Goldstein and Mayer, 1964; Loewenstein, 1965; Wheeler, 1969b;

Catanese, 1970; Bederman and Adams, 1974).

Variations, however, are present in the general pattern.

Wheeler (1968a) discovered that the relationship holds true for

white workers in Pittsburgh, but not for blacks. Furthermore, black

people tend to work in certain areas of the city, regardless of distance

from home or access to public transit (Whiting, 1952; Wheeler, 1966;

Biel, 1972).

Soot (1974) found that a negative relationship existed between

distance to work and income in Milwaukee for the 1949 and 1959

periods but that this relationship is disappearing at the present. Also

examining general trends, Wheeler (1974, p. 46) stated that for the

richest and poorest people the distance to work should be greater than

it is for middle income groups. In Charleston, West Virginia,

Halvorson (1973) discovered exactly the opposite. The middle income

groups live the fartherest from the place of work, and the highest and










lowest income groups live the closest.

Differences among types of commuting are also evident. Although

the positive relationship between income and distance is present for

those who travel to work in the central business district, no such

pattern is discernable for those who go to suburban jobs (Taaffe, Garner, and

Yeates, 1963; Logan, 1968; Wheeler, 1970a). This tends to discredit the

normative model and to suggest that access to the city center is more

important than proximity to work.

The verdict is not yet in on the normative residential location

model. The empirical findings, to some extent, support the predicted

relationship between income and distance to work, but many questions

remain. The wide difference between reality and the idealized world

of the model have led many to reject it (Wolforth, 1965; Boyce, 1969;

Johnston, 1970).

To explain the distribution of rich and poor, those who reject the

normative model often rely on a general theory about the nature of housing.

As people earn more money, they seek better quality residences,

and since these are built by developers on the periphery, the higher income

group moves farther away from downtown. In the center of the city the

old homes are left behind to "filter" down to lower and lower income

groups (Vernon, 1964; Johnston, 1971, Edel, 1972). Racial and status

discrimination encourage the process. Poor, predominantly black

people, therefore, are said to be trapped downtown because of racial

segregation and characteristics of the housing market.










The filtering theory also presents some problems, however. It

depends on urban expansion, and, as Alonso (1964, p. 109) pointed out,

cities which are not growing, present the same positive relationship

between income and distance to work. Furthermore, the theory assumes

that housing is not controlled by demand but by developers. Are people

really forced to build new homes on virgin peripheral land instead of using

present or buying new property in their current neighborhood? Growing

cities in non-industrial countries do not present the direct relationship

between income and distance, even though houses are continuously being

built.

In conclusion, neither the normative model nor the filtering theory

are completely adequate in explaining the positive relationship between

income and distance to work. A cross-cultural comparison of this

relationship might shed light on what causes it.














CHAPTER III

INCOME AND DISTANCE TO WORK: LATIN AMERICA


Non-Western Residential Pattern

Little research has been done concerning the interaction

between residence and place of work in non-industrial countries.

The distance relationship between home and job in these areas,

therefore, must be largely inferred from descriptive studies of

residential land use. The majority of these studies indicate that the

distribution of families by income is different from that found in

industrialized societies. The people of greater wealth tend to choose

homes at the city center, and poorer groups live on the urban periphery.

The income distribution pattern, commonly termed "non-western, "

is most prevalent in Latin America. Seven empirical land use studies

stand out (Schnore, 1967; Amato, 1968) as landmarks in the description

of urban structure. These investigations show that in Merida (Hansen,

1934), Oaxaca (Hayner, 1944), Mexico City (Hayner, 1945), and

Guadalajara (Dotson and Dotson, 1954), Mexico; La Paz (Leonard, 1948),

and Sucre (Hawthorn and Hawthorn, 1948), Bolivia; and Guatemala City

(Caplow, 1949) the residential areas of the upper classes have traditionally

been nearer the city center than those of the middle and lower status

groups. The findings are confirmed in various other cities of Spanish










America (DeLaubenfels, 1957; Whiteford, 1960; Chaves, 1965;

Amato, 1970) and Brazil (Araujo, 1951; Bernardes, 1954; Prandini,

1954; Pyle, 1970, Nakagawara, 1973).

The location of residential areas within Latin American cities is

indicative of the relationship between workers' home and job locations.

Land use patterns indicate the distance relationships between residences

and work sites because most employment tends to be concentrated at the

city center. Professionals and bureaucrats as well as vendors, clerks,

and laborers are most often employed in the downtown area. In the

larger cities, factories are, or have been until recently, centrally

located (Hoyt, 1963; Harris, 1971); and industrial workers often, if

not always, commute to the city center.


Possible Causes of the Non-Western Pattern

Why is the spatial distribution of rich and poor classes opposite

that found in the developed world? Several arguments are advanced.

One is that the cultural history of Latin America is basically different

from that of other areas. The rich are said to prefer to live downtown

because the center of the city has traditionally been the most attractive

location. The importance of the central square as a focus for pro-

fessional and social activity, the characteristic house types, and the

checkerboard street patterns are all deeply rooted in the Spanish and

Portuguese heritage. Gabenheimer (n. d.) and Reis (1968) have presented

interesting accounts of the importance of culture in shaping the morphology

of early Latin American cities.










Although culture is undeniably important, the argument that

it is the primary cause of the non-western residential pattern can be

questioned. A variety of non-Iberian societies, including pre-

industrial Anglo-America, exhibit, or have exhibited, the same

distribution of rich and poor. Furthermore, recent evidence (see

below) indicates that the pattern in Latin America may be changing.

This means either that the cultural attachment of the rich to the center

is weakening or that other events are shaping urban morphology.

Rural-urban migration is also often considered to be a factor

in the distribution of the rich and poor within cities. The migrants

are largely low-income and unskilled people who settle at the urban

fringe in squatter communities. A popular myth is that they are

generally unemployed and live, therefore, marginal to, or outside of

the urban economic system. Although generalization is impossible,

90 percent of the residents of the Lima barriadas do have jobs (Andrews

and Phillips, 1971). In a survey of the rural-urban migrants of Rio de

Janeiro, Sao Paulo, and five other major Brazilian cities, Hutchinson

(1963) found that 85 percent of the household heads secured a job during

the first month after arrival.

Another misconception is that the inhabitants of the poor sections

always come from agricultural backgrounds. Portes (1971) summarized

recent studies dealing with slums in seven Spanish American cities

and found that the majority of the dwellers were born at their present

residence or came to the city at an early age. Of the remainder, most










had had urban experience elsewhere. Morse (1971) stated that two-

thirds of those who are rural migrants are urbanized in their education

and skill.

These findings show that the peripheral poor of Latin America

are an integral part of the urban population. They have lived in

cities most of their lives and are interacting with the economic

system. Although the pay is meager, they go to work daily as does the

rest of the population. Slum sections, therefore, are integrated

components of the urban system. Recent studies confirm that the low

income sections are not squalid, parasitic growths as once was thought

but are communities with high levels of social organization (Eyre,

1972; Souza and Porter, 1974).


Changes in the Non-Western Pattern

Various studies show that the spatial distribution of income

groups in Latin America is changing. Cities may be evolving toward

a "western" pattern where the rich live farther from the center than

do the poor. The process is altering the traditional spatial arrange-

ment of Merida (Hansen, 1934), Mexico City (Hayner, 1945),

Guadalajara (Dotson and Dotson, 1954), Bogota (Amato, 1968; McCallum,

1974), Rio de Janeiro (Bernardes, 1967), Caracas, and Lima (Harris,

1971, p. 249) where the elite groups are leaving their central location.

Other cities, however, are not following the trend (Hayner, 1944;

Leonard, 1948; Hawthorn and Hawthorn, 1948; Araujo, 1951; Bernardes,

1954; DeLaubenfels, 1957). Throughout the continent the non-western










residential pattern characterizes small and medium size towns. In

these communities, the wealthy families remain firmly attached to

the downtown area.

Some researchers have incorporated the current changes into a

general evolutionary explanation of the non-western residential

location pattern. Schnore (1967) and Hoyt (1963) have believed that

all cities may pass through different evolutionary stages as economic

development occurs. The recent abandonment of the city center by

the rich could evidence the beginning of the process of filtering (Johnston,

1972) which is said to be characteristic of industrial society.

Others (McGee, 1971; Herrera, 1971; Alonso, 1973), however,

have maintained that the evolution of cities in industrial areas cannot

be used to explain present conditions in the developing countries.

The urbanization process, population of the cities, and socio-economic

infrastructure of these areas are basically different from that of the

United States and Europe during the last century.


Transportation as an Explanation of the Non-Western Pattern

Transportation has also been cited in order to explain residential

distributions found in Latin American cities. Schnore (1967) and

Berry, Simmons, and Tennant (1963) referred to transportation

technology as being the important factor which differentiates the western

and non-western patterns. Amato (1968) stated that improved transpor-

tation made it possible for the rich to move away from the center of

Bogota, and in a study of Buenos Aires, Sargent (1972) developed a










dynamic model which has speculation and settlement occurring within

a transportation framework.

Transportation modifies residential location by affecting

intra-urban spatial interaction. A change in transportation technology

does not change residential location directly, but alters the mobility

of people. Transportation, therefore, has a direct impact on the

journey to work and a secondary influence on residential location.

If transportation is the important modifying variable, the non-

western pattern is really a result of interaction between residences

and work sites. What appears to be an urban spatial income distribution

is in fact a relationship between income and distance to work.

Wheeler and Thomas (1973), in a pioneer study, investigated

journey to work interaction in Tegucigalpa. The results showed that

the population of the city is highly immobile, with most of the people

working in the same section of town in which they live. Those who

use motorized transportation generally travel farther than the workers

who walk. Factor analyses of an origin-destination matrix, after a

technique used previously by Wheeler (1970b), however, showed

little spatial patterning.

The changes which are occurring in the residential pattern

are often explained by stating that the increased availability of

motorized vehicles makes it possible for the wealthy to leave the

center of town. They can afford cars or train rides and are thus

able to live where they want. The lower income groups, meanwhile,










are restricted to an area which is within walking distance from the

city center. The rich have a greater mobility because they use a

different type of transportation.

Although such a framework explains current trends, questions

concerning the causes of the western and non-western residential

patterns remain unanswered. If Latin America is evolving into a

motorized society where few people walk, the mobility of the rich

and poor will again be the same. What happens then to the spatial

distribution of the different income groups? Clearly, transportation

used as an explanatory variable in this form cannot show how the non-

western residential distribution is evolving into the pattern of

the motorized societies of today. A comparison of the distance to

work of the immobile poor and the mobile rich explains neither

the western nor the non-western patterns. In primitive societies

everyone walks while in developed cultures the vast majority uses

motor vehicles.

In present-day Latin America primitive means of travel are

rapidly being substituted by buses, automobiles, or motorbikes, and

the current transitional period is unique in that two distinct systems

are present side by side. Are residential distributions evolving from

a non-western to a western pattern? If so, is changing transportation

technology truly an important variable influencing the process? To

understand the effect of changes in the transportation system, care must

be taken not to compare the distance to work of two groups with different










mobility levels. Regardless of income, someone who walks should

always live closer to his place of work than someone who uses an

automobile. Income and transportation, therefore, must be considered

separately if the distance to work is to be explained.


Time Costs and the Bid-Price Model

The normative bid-price model, as discussed in Chapter II, can be

used to explain the relationship between income and distance to work

in industrialized areas. It is also applicable to residential patterns

in Latin America. As presented by Alonso, the model is, in many ways,

unrealistic, and the assumption made concerning the nature of transportation

costs is one of the least valid. The cost of commuting, even in a motorized

society, involves more than monetary expenses. The price of gasoline,

for example, might be of minor concern when compared to the nervous

stress produced by travelling on congested urban streets.

An important non-monetary cost is that of time. The hours

spent commuting to work are hours which are not available for other

uses. Eating, sleeping, playing, and money making are limited by

the amount of time used for the journey to work.

For many years social scientists have recognized time as a

component of the aggregate cost of commuting (Haig, 1926, Liepman,

1944; Lillibridge, 1952). The change in transportation which made

the separation between home and place of work possible was a reduction,

not in money, but in the amount of time which was necessary to travel

a given distance (Vance, 1966).










Developers of the bid-price model have also been aware of time

costs, and leisure has generally been included in the personal utility

function. The estimation of the value of leisure time is not new in

economics, but it was first applied to commuting by Wingo (1961b).

People were said to attach a certain utility to money and to

time spent off the job. The point at which time and money are optimally

combined can be obtained when the time utility function and wage rate

are known. Wingo (p. 55-62) showed that when commuting is introduced,

employers are forced to pay a higher wage for a given period of work

because the amount of leisure available to the worker is reduced.

This extra wage is the monetary price of commuting.

As developed by Wingo, the cost of time can be included in

generalized mathematical formulations of the normative model.

Operationalizing and testing such a model, however, is difficult

because money and time utility values are unknown. Utility is a

conceptual tool and not an observable and measurable quantity. A

model that shows a change in the slope of the bid-price curve with a

change in income (as developed in Chapter II) and that also includes time

as a commuting distance cost requires that the utility relationship between

time and money be estimated. When this is done, the rate of change of

the bid-price curve is unpredictable. As shown in Appendix B, the

component which involves the monetary cost of distance tends to lessen

the slope with an increase in income, while the component related to

the time cost of distance increases the slope.










Some of the problems encountered in the attempts to test the

normative model in industrial countries may be the result of the

counteracting effects of time and money costs on the slope of the bid-

price function. Halvorson (1973) for example, obtained inconclusive

results in his investigation of the relationship between income and

distance to work in Charleston, West Virginia (see above p. 31). When

time is used as a surrogate for distance, however, he found that the

higher income groups opt for shorter work trips and outbid the poorer

people for homesites which are accessible to the place of work.

In a motorized society, time and money costs are interwoven

in a complex manner. The automobile commuter, for example, uses

amounts of both money and time for the trip to work, and items such as

traffic congestion and parking influence the ratio of the two costs.

Isolating the time factor in such a society is difficult.

When monetary expenses are excluded, the statement of the model

is clear. As shown in Appendix B, the value of time spent commuting

increases directly with income, and the bid-price function of a rich

individual, therefore, is steeper than that of a poor person (see Figure 5).

The generalizations of many different income levels (see Figure 2),

multiple work locations (see Figure 4), and two spatial dimensions (See

discussion on p. 28 ) can be made with the only difference being the

reversal of the bid-price curves of the rich and the poor. In all

instances where the groups compete for land there is a negative

relationship between income and distance to work; the rich live


















bid-
price


distance
Figure 5. Bid-Price Curves for Rich and Poor Individuals; commuting
costs are temporal.










nearer their jobs than do the poor.

The normative bid-price model, therefore, predicts two different

relationships between income and distance to work. Where motorized

transportation is used, a positive relationship between income and

distance to work prevails, but where non-motorized transportation

is used, the function becomes negative.

These conclusions were also graphically derived by Lave (1970)

and Harvey (1972). The bid-price curve of the high income walking

group was said to be steeper because time is "more valuable" to the

rich. The authors, however, did not formally deal with the relationship

between opportunity costs and money income.

A society in which time commuting costs are predominant is

one where transportation is primitive; one where bicycle riding or

horse cart use, for example, are important means of travel. Walking

is the ultimate commuting time cost. Money outlay, except for shoe

expense, is non-existent, but time expenditure is greater than for

any other transportation mode.

At the present, motorized and non-motorized societies coexist

in Latin America. The normative bid-price model, if confirmed, can

not only explain the non-western residential pattern of the pre-

automobile era, but it can also predict what the spatial structure will

become as fewer and fewer people walk to work.









Research Hypotheses

The bid-price model predicts two different spatial relationships

between income and distance to work. The variable which differentiates

the relationships is the means of transportation which is used for

commuting. The purpose of this research is that of searching for these

predicted relationships in a Latin American city. The hypotheses to

be tested are:

1. For workers who use a means of transportation for which the

cost of overcoming distance involves primarily money expenditures, a

positive relationship exists between income and the distance between

residence and place of work.

2. For workers who use a means of transportation for which the

cost of overcoming distance involves primarily time expenditures, a

negative relationship exists between income and the distance between

residence and place of work.














CHAPTER IV

DATA COLLECTION IN THE STUDY AREA


Piracicaba

The research hypotheses presented in the previous chapter describe

certain relationships which exist between variables of the bid-price

model. To test the hypotheses, these variables must be translated

into items of information which can be collected and measured in a real

environment. For this study, Piracicaba in the state of Sao Paulo, Brazil

was selected as the study area. One hundred miles northwest of Sao

Paulo city, Piracicaba is a regional center with a population of 123, 806

people (1970).


History and General Characteristics

Although officially founded in 1776, the settlement dates back

to the 17th century. During this period, the interior of the state of

Sa'o Paulo was penetrated by groups of people (bandeiras) who searched

for gold and Indians to be enslaved (Morse, 1965). Common practice

was for the group to settle down periodically and grow food crops to

replenish supplies. The favorable soil, navigational barrier, and fish

supply made the site near the rapids on the Piracicaba river a favorite

for these temporary stops. In time, the settlement became permanent.

47










Little changed, however, until the early 18th century when

work on a projected road link between Sao Paulo and the gold mines

of Cuiaba brought a boom to the area. This growth culminated in the

incorporation of the city in 1776.

The 19th and 20th centuries have been marked by continued

economic progress. Coffee was important until the 1920's, but

recent development has been a result of the shift of sugar cane pro-

duction from northeast Brazil to the interior of the state of Sao Paulo.

This move was caused by the decline of Brazilian export markets, the

increase in consumption in the populous southeast, and the modern

cultivation and refinery techniques which are used in Sao Paulo.

In the southeast, the physical setting has been most favorable

around Piracicaba. Paleozoic sedimentary bedrock of the area has

led to the formation of a clay-rich podzol soil series (Queiroz, 1968,

p. 500) which, coupled with a favorable subtropical climate, makes

conditions ideal for sugar cane cultivation. Piracicaba, therefore,

became the focus of the crop's production in southeastern Brazil. Today,

practically all agricultural activity near the city involves sugar cane.

For the 1972-73 growing season, 79 percent of the county 's cultivated

acreage was devoted to the crop.

Piracicaba has developed into a commercial distribution and

supply center for all goods related to the cultivation, refinery, and

distillation of cane. The industrial sector of the city's economy has

greatly expanded since the first plant was built during the 1800's.









Substantial activity within the city is related to sugar refining and

distillation, but most production involves the fabrication of heavy

machinery components for sugar mills. The "Grupo Dedini" consortium

supplies 80 percent of all refinery and distillery equipment used in

Latin America and accounts for over half of Piracicaba's total productive

output. Many other goods are also produced with furniture and textiles

representing important segments of the industrial economy.

The growth of the urban population has been most dramatic in

recent years (See Table 1). The racial and ethnic composition is

not significantly different from that of other Sao Paulo cities. Portuguese,

Spanish, and Italian backgrounds are well represented, but Piracicaba

does not contain a large Japanese colony as do some of the other interior

towns.


Table 1

Urban Population of the City of Piracicaba


1920 19,169

1940 31,923

1950 46,611

1960 80,672

1970 123,806


The sugar boom, industrial development, and population increase

are related to the overall prosperity which the state of Sao Paulo

has experienced in recent years. Piracicaba is forecast to continue







50

to grow if the international price and demand for sugar products remain

high. At the present, an incentive program aimed at reducing the

concentration of factories around greater Sao Paulo is leading to a

diversification of production in Piracicaba. A large industrial park

is being developed in which the Caterpillar Tractor Company, for example,

is building a plant second only to its home installation in Peoria, Illinois.


Piracicaba as the Study Area

A number of factors contribute to make Piracicaba a good city

in which to test the research hypotheses of this study. In the first place

the size of the town is such that almost all of the urban area is accessible

to people who walk. On the other hand, distances are great enough,

for those who walk, for there to be a true "friction" due to the distance.

Secondly, motorized and non-motorized transport systems do

exist side by side. The number of inhabitants per motor vehicle (8. 7)

is less in Piracicaba than for any other city in Brazil, but most of the

people still walk to work.

Thirdly, secondary and tertiary activities are equally well

represented. Of the males over ten years old, 15,584 are industrial

workers, and 15, 870 have commercial, administrative, or other service

jobs.

Finally, the city approaches, in many ways, the closed system

assumed by the bid-price model. Piracicaba is a regional center

(Muller, 1966) and although goods flow in and out of the city, most of

the people live and work within the urban area. Few people either









































Figure 6. City Center. View of the central area with the
traditional square and Catholic church.







































Figure 7. Southwest Panorama. Residences and privately owned
vacant property are in the fore and middle ground. Cuestas
in the distance are evidence of differential erosion between
Jurassic basalt and more ancient shale and sandstone.












































Figure 8. Water Falls. Partial view of Piracicaba river rapids
and the public sightseeing park.





























































N. -r..


Figure 9. Pumping Station. Old building houses water intake
controls of the Boyes textile mill.


_ ___rl~l_









commute from residences or travel to jobs which are outside the

study area.


Data Collection


Variables to be Measured

Before data could be collected in Piracicaba, a decision was

necessary as to what measurable information most closely corresponded

to the variables of the bid-price model. For this study, distance was

assumed to be airplane, or straight line distance. Because of the natural

barrier of the Piracicaba river (See Figure 10), distance for those who

commuted across the river was measured from the work place to the

most convenient bridge, and from there to the residence.

Walking and bicycle riding were assumed to be the obvious

transportation modes for which overcoming distance involves time

costs and automobile use the mode which involves money expenses.

The price of a bus ticket is not variable with distance in Piracicaba.

Although a ticket costs money, the expense which is directly variable

with distance for bus users is time. Bus travel, therefore, was also

assumed to be a mode for which overcoming distance involves time

costs. Other means of transportation are not important in Piracicaba.

Income was assumed to be the per-month earnings derived by the

household head from his principal job. While other members of the

household might hold jobs, the locational decision, and hence the distance

to work, was thought to be primarily based on the family head's income














































Figure 10. General Map of Piracicaba.










from his principal job. Rationale was as follows: Each household

probably has a variety of income sources, including, for example,

money from the father's work, the mother's washing and ironing,

the son's shoeshine job, pensions, retirements, and rent paid to the

family. Any number of non-monetary items such as vegetables from a

garden or gifts from a friend might also be received.

Determining all sources of income for each household would be

impossible, and the principal job income was adopted for this reason

as a standardized surrogate for total income. Furthermore, the

valuation of time and the opportunity cost of commuting are developed

(See Appendix B) by considering income to be the amount of money earned

on the job (during the time period J). Other surrogates for total

income might be various items related to wealth or affluence, and so

data were collected on certain of these variables which were available.


Interviews

The major sources of data were personal interviews conducted

in Piracicaba during the June, 1973-May, 1974 period. A questionnaire

was prepared in which the household head, or the family member earning

the most money, was asked his place of work, the type of transportation

which he used to go to work, and his principal job income. Information

concerning the length (number of years) of residence and work at the

present location, as well as the length (number of years) of transportation

use was also requested.










Of the total households in Piracicaba, interviews were conducted

in a sample of 4 percent (1 of 25). An adequate frame from which to

draw the sample was unavailable, and steps had to be taken, therefore,

to ensure an adequate representation of the city's entire population.

An areal sampling technique was used, and, for this, a household

density map of the city had to be constructed. Household was defined

as being the family group permanently inhabiting one housing unit,

and census criteria (direct access to outside, independent kitchen

facilities, and separate living quarters in general) were used to

define housing units. Hotels, boarding houses, and other such

establishments were not considered to be permanent places of residence.

In order to draw an areal sample based on a density map, an

assumption had necessarily to be made. The population of interest in

Piracicaba was that of workers with a fixed residence and job location.

This group, therefore, was assumed to be randomly distributed in

the general population with no particular spatial pattern distinguishing

the residences of the commuting workers from those of the rest of

the city inhabitants. Evidence subsequently gathered during the inter-

views indicated that the assumption was valid.

Two sources were used in the construction of the density map.

The first was a series of air photographs (taken in 1969 at a scale of

1: 12,000) which were available at the local university (University of

So Paulo agricultural extension "Luiz de Queiroz"). Based on informa-

tion derived from these photographs, the city was spatially divided into










different sectors with the sole criteria for differentiating the sectors

being the number of residential units per square area. For each

sector a housing density measure was recorded.

The second source used in the construction of the density map

was information gathered from ground observation. Each of the

sectors was visited, and densities of randomly chosen blocks were

checked against the density figure derived from the photographs.

Particular attention was given to areas where closely grouped buildings

made difficult the distinction of separate residential units from the

photographs. Care was also taken in the commercial sectors where

stores and residences were mixed, and in parts of town which had

developed rapidly between 1969 and 1973.

The number of sectors and the density values of each were

modified when the airphoto information did not agree with observed

conditions. The final map contained sixty-three sectors with densities

ranging from 1 to 65 housing units per block (1 hectare or 10,000 square

meters). An added 64th sector included Piracicaba's seventeen multi-

storied apartment buildings.

The final map provided a density figure for each sector. The

total area of each sector was also determined, and the combination

of both measurements yielded the number of housing units per sector.

The total number of residences in Piracicaba estimated from the density

map (25,252) was slightly greater than that arrived at during the 1970

census (22,125). The difference between these figures can be









attributed to growth from 1970 to 1973, difference in the criteria

used, and human error. Where the borders of the sectors of the

density map approximated those of historical sections of town for

which census information was available, the census and density map

values were also not substantially different.

The collection of data was sectorially stratified, and a randomized

cluster sampling technique was used within each sector. The

procedure was to select a location in a sector by using a grid, map, and

table of random numbers. The residences on the street block nearest

to this randomly chosen point constituted the sampling unit, and

a maximum of eight interviews were then conducted at the location.

If there were less than eight houses with people at home on the block,

the number of interviews equalled this lesser number.

The procedure was then repeated with the selection of another

random point and in turn repeated until the full 4 percent of all

residences in the sector had been visited. All sectors were treated

identically until the required 1,010 interviews were made in the city.

Blank questionnaires soliciting the desired information were

distributed during the morning or early afternoon hours, and the

completed forms were gathered the following day. Accompanying each

questionnaire was a standard instructional paragraph and a copy

of a letter of introduction from the city mayor.

Every effort was made to leave a copy at each house in the

sample area (until the maximum of eight had been distributed). Skeptics










were assured that the interviews were of scientific value and that

complete confidentiality would be maintained. If no one was present,

the house was necessarily skipped and not included in the sample.

If for some reason the questionnaire had not been completed by the

following day, additional calls were made on subsequent days.

Some problems were posed by the fact that the head of the house-

hold was usually at work during the time of the interview. Special

care had to be taken to ensure that the instructions were well grasped

by the person who was spoken to (usually the wife) and that she could

communicate them to the head of the family.

Another problem was that an unavoidable bias against unmarried

workers was built into the study. Their homes were generally empty

at the time of the interviewing. In special instances when the members

of the visited family could neither read nor write, the instructions and

questions were read orally by the interviewer who also recorded the

answers.


Property Survey Data

Data were also gathered from confidential files at city government

offices. Most of the results of a recent city-wide property survey

were made available, and from this source the surrogates for economic

status were collected. The availability of this second information source

made it possible to compare land value, house quality and house size

where interviews had been made with the value, quality, and size of

the property and residences where the residents had not responded









(Property value was obtained from a confidential map which is revised

yearly by city officials; house size referred to general floor space;

house quality was a tabulated point score compiled from individual

ratings on fourteen different criteria. ).

Thus, in a general manner, differences in economic status

could be detected between those who had responded to the questionnaire

and those living on the same block who had rejected, not received,

or failed to return the form. In this manner, the built-in bias

against groups such as unmarried workers and unresponsive people

could be, albeit crudely, tested for.

Student's "t" tests were performed to check this bias. The

property value, house size, and house quality of the individuals

who responded to the questionnaire were compared to the same measures

pertaining to people who were not at home at the time of the interview.

Similar comparisons were made between respondents and persons who

received but failed to return the questionnaire as well as between

respondents and the individuals who had refused to accept the blank

forms.

For all tests, null hypotheses of no difference between respondent

and non-respondent statistical populations were accepted at the 05

level of significance. The economic status of the people who answered

the questionnaire was not appreciably different from that of their

neighbors who did not.

A comparison was also made between the principal job income







63

data obtained from the interviews and the surrogate measures of economic

status (property value, house size, and house quality) obtained from

the municipal government. Student's "t" tests indicated a greater

than zero value for coefficients in a correlation matrix (See Table 2)

of the four variables. Null hypotheses of no correlation between income

and each of the economic status variables were rejected at the 05 level

of significance. Principal job income and the surrogates, therefore, were

inferred to be different measures of the same general quality; total

wealth. Income information, as obtained from the interviews, is a valid

measure of total wealth.


Table 2

Correlation Matrix of Income and
Surrogate Measures of Economic Status


Income House size House quality Land value

Income 1.00 0.69 0.73 0.40

House size 1.00 0.78 0.48

House quality 1.00 0.42

Land value 1.00


Definition of the Effective Statistical Sample

Of the 1,010 questionnaires distributed, 759 were completed.

Of these positive responses, some could not be included in the sample

because the situation of the family head did not meet certain necessary

conditions. The first requirement was that the household head have









a permanent place of work within the city to which he commuted on a

daily basis. As shown by the breakdown of the positive responses with

respect to the place of work in Table 3, 63. 1 percent met this condition.


Table 3

Work Situation of Respondent Household Heads


Percent
Number of Total

Fixed place of work 479 63. 1

Work location not fixed 59 7. 8

Out of town work location 81 10. 7

Retired 80 10.5

Unemployed 31 4, 1

Work at home 27 3.6

Student 2 0.2

Total positive responses 759 100. 0


A second requirement concerned income. Some individuals

received highly variable incomes from month to month, and others

refused completely to answer questions concerning earnings. Responses

of this nature were not included in the sample. Of the 479 responses

with a fixed place of work, 464 contained valid income data.

Finally, information concerning the means of transportation

was necessary. All of the 464 responses met this requirement.

Table 4 shows the transportation used for the journey to work by the










respondents who had a fixed, non-home place of work and a steady

income rate.


Table 4

Transportation Used for the Journey to Work
by the Respondents Who Had a
Fixed Place of Work and a Steady Rate of Income

Percent
Number of Total

Walk 199 42.9

Private car 126 27.2

Bus 95 20.5

Bicycle 36 7.7

Other 8 1.7

Total 464 100.0


The responses which included one of the "other" (motorcycle,

horsecart, and company vehicle) transportation types were excluded

from consideration. For each of these transportation groups, the

sample size was too small for effective statistical analyses.

Of the 759 total positive responses, therefore, 456 were of such

a nature as to make them usable in the testing of the research hypotheses.

This group of responses became the effective sample, and all statistical

inferrences are based on the data contained in this sample.














CHAPTER V

RESULTS


General Description

Residential Areas

The residential areas of Piracicaba are made up of many different

sectors which feature widely varying characteristics. Some sections

are inhabited exclusively by upper income groups, while within others

only the poorest people live.

The highest status area is the Jardim Europa section northeast

of the city center. In this exclusive neighborhood all of the measures

of socio-economic status are higher than for anywhere else in the city;

the mean income per month is over $1,000 whereas the city average is

$225. Houses in this area are architecturally elaborate, and they

occupy relatively large areas. Yard space is minimal, however, and

the empty land that is available is used for decorative rather than

functional purposes. Workers are most often merchants, doctors,

lawyers, corporate executives, or professors at the university, and

a commuter generally drives to work in one of the family cars.

The Sao Judas Tadeu section is also composed of high income

families, but the wealth of Jardim Europa is not matched. Although

also expensive, the residences are generally smaller and feature less

luxury than those of the richer neighborhood. Most families own cars,

66















































Figure 11. Doctor's Home. Jardim Europa residence
featuring decorative yard and expensive Brazilian-
made car.
































































Figure 12. Business Executive's Home. Large and luxurious
Jardim Europa residence.


__









and household heads work in various professional positions.

The poorest sections of town are the peripheral areas of the

south. These form a semi-circle originating in the southeast along

the Sao Paulo highway and extending to the western areas where the

urban limit intersects the Piracicaba river. The residents of these

sections lead difficult lives. Although unemployment is not proportionally

greater than elsewhere, the majority of those who work are severely

underemployed. Many earn only the $48 minimum wage at a variety

of industrial jobs. Others receive even less as house painters, brick-

layer's assistants, maids, and street vendors. Amenities such as

running water, sewage, indoor plumbing, and paved streets are scarce.

Although most houses are made of brick, many families inhabit no

more than a 15 or 20 square meter wooden structure which offers

no protection against a climate where temperatures are comparable to

those of north Florida.

Although some migrants have come from surrounding rural areas,

many of the low income residents have spent their life in Piracicaba.

Walking and the city bus system are the most often used methods of

travel to work or to the city center.

Most of the residential sections of Piracicaba are not economically

segregated. The majority of the people in these mixed neighborhoods

earn moderate incomes (as compared with other groups and not by

United States standards), and the family heads work in a wide range

of blue and white collar jobs.

























fh fii7kitiligL ntM41


Figure 13. Resident of Sao Judas Tadeu Section. Husband of
the pictured woman is a traveling salesman who earns
approximately $500. 00 U.S. per month.















5 ,A
a


Figure 14. Sao Judas Tadeu Residential Block. Typical housing
of the sector. All residents of the pictured houses
own automobiles.










































S? 9 .
c ,-, . .


Figure 15. Backyard. Typical morning activity of the family and
neighbor of a low income blue-collar worker.


~ ~s~t~p~t- -:,



















































Figure 16. Peripheral Poor. Wood and brick building is
inhabited by three families.







74














































Figure 17. Rented Rooms. Property owner in a southern peripheral
area rents five small units in his backyard at about
$10. 00 U.S. apiece per month. Tennant with the maximum
total family income earns $48. 00 U. S.




























































Figure 18. Communal Water. The public water source is a
social gathering spot for poor women, many of whom
earn money from washing clothes.


_~~__~I









Although generalizations for the large middle income group are

difficult, certain characteristics are evident. Houses are modest but

do feature running water, bathrooms, kitchens, and separate bedroom

areas. Sometimes the family owns a car, but more often, commuting

is performed on foot or by bus.

Some basic attitude differences seem to exist between the

middle and lower income groups. The poor people appear to be resigned

to their fate. They complain about the lot which has been dealt them,

but they feel, and often are, powerless to improve their situation.

The middle class, however, has adopted a work ethic. Many

families set economic goals and strive to achieve them. A positive

outlook toward future earning potential is common, and many goods

are purchased on credit. Consequently, this group probably spends

more time at work than any other group.

Although the middle class inhabits a large proportion of the mixed

residential areas, the poor and rich make up a substantial share of the

neighborhoods. Residences comparable to those of Jardim Europa are

scattered throughout these sections, but they are most prevalent

near the central commercial district and along the major avenues. Many

low quality houses are also evident, but they are not very often located

near the city center.

The intermixture of the different status groups does not

necessarily indicate a social integration of the various classes.

On the blocks which register a wide economic variation, there appears









to be very little personal contact among the neighbors. Non-mixed

blocks show evidence of more social interaction.

Some anomalies exist in the general residential patterns of

Piracicaba. The Beira Rio section is the oldest and most colorful

part of town. The poor residents of the left bank of the river possess

a culture and tradition that differentiates them from the rest of the

urban community. Most activity in this neighborhood is directly

tied to the river. The waterfalls attract sightseers as well as fisher-

men, and some of the Beira Rio residents do a brisk business of selling

bait and renting boats.

Others make a living by fishing, and the fish festival is a

traditional event. The practice of wading into the dangerous turbulent

water at the falls and barehandedly catching small fish is in itself

a tourist attraction, but recent deaths and stricter enforcement of city

ordinances have led to a decline in the practice. Twenty years ago

fish of 200 pounds or more were often caught by the serious fishermen,

but the Jau, Dourado, and Pintado have abandoned the now polluted

river. Piracicaba, which in the Tup" language means "The Place

Where the Fish Come, no longer lives up to its name.

Another group of neighborhoods which stand out from the general

residential pattern are the subsidized low and middle income housing

developments. Since 1965, the federal government has made a conscious

effort to improve the quality of housing in Brazil. The National Housing

Bank (B. N.H. ) was created to provide low interest mortgage loans to


















































Figure 19. Poor Family in a Mixed Neighborhood. Most sections
of Piracicaba contain high as well as low income
families mixed in the predominantly middle income
areas. Small yard space forces children to play
on the sidewalk,


F~' ~II;lir~
i.





















































Figure 20. Homogeneous Architecture. Housing in a middle
income neighborhood. Some units are rented but
most are owned privately by the residents.




















































Figure 21. Heterogeneous Architecture. Homes near the city
center, remodeled at different times, reflect taste
changes in style and in the choice of material used for
finishing.

























































Figure 22. Beira Rio. Section of the colorful residential area
which is the oldest part of Piracicaba.















































Figure 23. Swimming Area. Woman washing clothes and fisher-
man in boat are Beira Rio residents.









people of low income, and a total of 772, 000 units had been financed

in the country by 1972 (Costa, 1972). Rios (1974) and Trindade (1974)

present opposite positions concerning the success of the program.

Jardim Esplanada, Jardim Primavera, and a general section

known as Dopla are the principal areas of subsidized housing in

Piracicaba. The residents are generally of a low economic status.

Most workers are blue collar employees, and those who live on the

north side of the river are almost invariably employed at the nearby

Dedini foundary or the metal plants of Vila Rezende.

Houses are of uniform size, quality, and general aspect. The

inhabitants are highly sociable and consider themselves fortunate to

have been chosen for the low interest loans necessary to finance the

purchase of their new homes.


Places of Work

Unlike many Latin American cities, the place of work in Piracicaba

does not invariably coincide with the city center. While a substantial

number of people are employed in downtown shops and offices, an

equally large group commutes to non-central locations.

The Vila Rezende section north of the Piracicaba river is

the primary industrial area of town. Machinery plants and distilleries

combine to form a center of blue collar employment, but the largest

plant is the Siderurgica Dedini located farther north on the urban

periphery. Heavy industry is not confined to this section, however.

The Morlet and Mausa machinery plants, Boyes textile mill, Engenho


















































Figure 24. Dopla. New construction in the Dopla subsidized
housing section.




















































Figure 25. Jardim Primavera. Subsidized housing finished in
1971 for low income families.









Central sugar refinary, and Alvarco autoparts factory also draw large

numbers of commuters.

White collar workers are most often employed in the downtown

area. Secondary commercial centers, although small, also exist in

the Paulista, Vila Rezende, and Cidade Alta sections. White collar

workers do not necessarily earn higher incomes than blue collar

employees. Many menial bureaucratic tasks are performed for low

wages. All utility bills and bank statements, for example, are

delivered from door to door by messengers because the postal system

is not reliable.

The standard work day is eight hours with a two-hour lunch break.

Saturday mornings are also spent on the job. The relatively long lunch

period is used by many to return home for the noon meal which is the

most important for Brazilians. Automobile users invariably eat

lunch at home, while walkers and bus riders stay at work if the distance

is too great.

Some commuters, therefore, travel to work twice as often and

incur greater distance costs during a given time period than others

do. Information about whether or not the family head eats lunch at

work was also solicited in the interview. Personal conversation and

an examination of the data showed that "lunch at home" is more likely

to be a result and not a cause of the distance to work. The factor

could not, therefore, be used as an independent variable, and it was

excluded from the statistical analyses.


















































Figure 26. Siderurgica Dedini. Foundary where steel is made
from scrap metal. The plant employs more workers
than any other in Piracicaba.








88









































Figure 27. Metalurgica Dedini. Interior view of a portion of
metal plant where machinery for sugar refineries
is produced.




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