Group Title: epidemiology of common fears and diffuse phobias
Title: The Epidemiology of common fears and diffuse phobias:
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 Material Information
Title: The Epidemiology of common fears and diffuse phobias: a sociodemographic analysis
Physical Description: xx, 201 leaves : ill. ; 28 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Williams, Billy Lynn, 1948-
Publication Date: 1975
Copyright Date: 1975
 Subjects
Subject: Phobias   ( lcsh )
Neuroses -- Case studies   ( lcsh )
Sociology thesis Ph. D   ( lcsh )
Dissertations, Academic -- Sociology -- UF   ( lcsh )
Genre: bibliography   ( marcgt )
non-fiction   ( marcgt )
 Notes
Thesis: Thesis--University of Florida.
Bibliography: Bibliography: leaves 195-200.
General Note: Typescript.
General Note: Vita.
Statement of Responsibility: by Billy L. Williams.
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00098165
Volume ID: VID00001
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: alephbibnum - 000172439
oclc - 02969451
notis - AAT8877

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THE EPIDEMIOLOGY OF COMMON FEARS AND DIFFUSE PHOBIAS:
A SOCIODEMOGRAPHIC ANALYSIS









By

Billy L. Williams


A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE
DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY


UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
1975



























This dissertation is dedicated to the graduate students, the

staff, and the faculty of the Department of Sociology, the

University of Florida, September, 1971 through June, 1975.

















ACKNOWLEDGMENTS


With whom does one begin to thank all those persons who helped

reach a goal he once thought unobtainable? Achieving a Doctor of

Philosophy degree is not a lone venture; millions of people are involved.

At the most broad level are those taxpayers who support the graduate

schools and the administrators who guide them. And, of course, there

is the faculty, charged with the responsibility of providing the best

education possible for its students, and, at the same time, attempting

to socialize its students into possessing those values, attitudes, and

work habits which will make him an asset to the profession. The anxieties

of attaining a doctorate are made bearable only through the formation

of close friendships with fellow graduate students; without them, all

candidates for postgraduate degrees would surely lose their sanity. And,

finally, there are the undergraduate students who often serve as guinea

pigs for frightened graduate students placed in charge of a classroom for

the first time. As important and essential as these people are, there

are always a few who play especially important roles, and I would like

to acknowledge at this time their contributions to my education and to

the successful completion of this dissertation.

First, my appreciation is extended to Charles E. Holzer for his

invaluable assistance in programming the computer and retrieving the data.









Without the services he provided, this dissertation would literally

have been impossible to write. The research was funded in part by

NIMH Grant 15900-05, and all statistical analyses were performed through

the facilities of the Northeast Florida Regional Data Center located

on the campus of the University of Florida, Gainesville, Florida.

My parents, Pauline Jimmerson Scott and Charles Travis Williams,

and my stepparents, Jack Lewis Scott and Norma Dobbyn Williams, are to

be thanked for their support, both emotional and financial, for these

past four years, and for raising me in such a manner that I could

achieve this degree.

I also wish to acknowledge the time, interest, and energy spent

on my initial graduate school education by my Master of Arts committee:

Richard F. Larson and Felix M. Berardo. Their insistence that I write

a thesis of which I could be proud made writing this dissertation all

the easier. In addition, Benjamin Gorman and Joseph S. Vandiver, whom

I consider to be very good friends, have also served, probably unknowingly

to them, as role models for me.

My doctoral committee, however, has had the most direct influence

on the quality of my education and on the quality of this dissertation,

which, I believe, is to their credit. Mary Anna Baden is an extremely

capable sociologist, and I thank her for the guidance she has provided

and for the constructive criticisms she has made of my work. In 1967, I

began my career at the University of Florida with a course in statistics

from a young professor, James McClave, and now, eight years later, I

finish that career with Professor McClave serving on my doctoral

committee; whatever expertise I possess in the theory underlying statistical









analysis.l owe to him. The debt of gratitude that I owe to Gerald

R..Leslie is truly enormous, for it was he who first recognized that

I might one day leave the University of Florida with a Ph.D. in

sociology; I only hope that one day I will be in a position to repay

this debt. Charles E. Frazier served as co-chairman of my committee

until I passed the qualifying examinations, and I thank him for

preparing me well enough in the sociology of deviant behavior so that

I had very little difficulty in either the written or the oral exams.

The chairman of my committee is George J. Warheit who always managed to

find time for me in his unbelievably busy schedule; if I needed help,

or felt that I needed help, he was there to offer it. I am not sure

that I could have passed my doctoral examinations without his continuing

emotional support and reassurance, and I know for a fact that this

dissertation is all the better for his suggestions and criticisms.

I would also like to express my appreciation to the departmental

secretaries, and my friends, Dianne Wright and Jean Sneeringer. Their

assistance in overcoming the rigidities of the bureaucracy helped to make

my career as a graduate student more bearable and a lot more fun. Thanks

also are due Robert Beckley, Jeff Johnson, LeRoy Martinson, Nancy

Sederberg, Ellen Maher, and Joan Ritter, who constitute the faculty and

staff of the Department of Sociology at Valparalso University, for giving

me my first fulltime employment as a sociologist. I am also indebted

to my student assistant, Mary Sunsdahl, for her help in finishing this

dissertation; she has spent many hours typing and retyping the

manuscript for too little renumeration.

And, finally, I wish to thank those people who made my stay in










Gainesville among the most rewarding years in my life: the graduate

students in the Department of Sociology. They not only played an

essential part in my training, but also played a significant part in

my life. The friendships that were formed will surely last a lifetime

and they all hold a special place in my heart. There are two, however,

who are especially close to me: Sharon Woodruff and Steve Wray.

My love for them is immeasurable and the memories irreplaceable. Two

finer people never existed; two finer friends never will be found.


















TABLE OF CONTENTS


Page

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS . . . . . . . . ... . . iii

LIST OF TABLES . . . . . . . ... . . x

ABSTRACT . . . . . . . . .. . . . . xvlil

CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . ... 1

WHAT CAN SOCIOLOGY OFFER? . . . . . . . 1

OBJECTIVES OF THE DISSERTATION . . . . . . 2

STRUCTURE OF THE DISSERTATION . . . . . . 2

CHAPTER 2 REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE . . . . . . 6

HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT . . . . . . . . 6

MAJOR THEORETICAL FORMULATIONS . . . . . . 7

REVIEW OF EPIDEMIOLOGICAL STUDIES . . . . ... 25

TREATMENT PROCEDURES . . . . . . . ... .27

IN CONCLUSION . . . . . . . ... .. . 30

CHAPTER 3 THEORY . . . . . . . . ... . .31

CULTURAL INFLUENCES AND THE IMPACT OF
DIFFERENTIAL LIFE CHANCES . . . . . . ... 32

IN CONCLUSION . . . . . . . . ... .. .39

CHAPTER 4 RESEARCH DESIGN . . . . . . . .. 40

DESCRIPTION OF SAMPLE SITE . . . . . . . 40















THE SAMPLE . . . . . . . . .

DEVELOPMENT OF PSYCHOMETRIC SCALES . . .

OPERATIONAL DEFINITIONS . . . . . .

STATISTICAL TECHNIQUES USED IN THE STUDY . .

CHAPTER 5 F tIDINGS . . . . . . . . .

COMPREHENSIVE PHOBIA SCALE . . . . .

PERSONAL PHOBIA SCALE . . . . . . .

SITUATIONAL PHOBIA SCALE . . . . . .

INDIVIDUAL PHOBIAS . . . . . . .

IN CONCLUSION . . . . . . . . .

CHAPTER 6 CONCLUSION . . . . . . . .

FEAR AND SEX . . . . . . . . .

FEAR AND RACE . . . . . . . . .

FEAR AND AGE . . . . . . . . .

FEAR AND EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT . . . .

FEAR AND FAMILY INCOME . . . . . .

FEAR AND SOCIOECONOMIC STATUS . . . . .

FEAR AND MARITAL STATUS . . . . . .

FEAR AND CHILDHOOD HAPPINESS . . . . .

FEAR AND SATISFACTION WITH RETIREMENT . . .

FEAR AND PLACE OF RESIDENCE . . . . .

FEAR AND ATTENDANCE AT CHURCH . . . . .

FEAR AND SOCIAL PSYCHIATRIC SYMPTOMATOLOGY
QUESTIONS . . . . . . . . . .


Page

41

42

45

50


. 51

S 51

S73

S90

104

131

S132

S133

S134

S136

S137

. 137

S137

. 138

S140

. 1'0

. 1r'

S141


S1112









Page

FEAR AND FATALISTIC ATTITUDES . . . . .. 142

IN RETROSPECT . . . . . . . .... 142

APPENDICES . . . . . . . ... . . 145

APPENDIX A QUESTIONNAIRE ITEMS . . . . .. .146

APPENDIX B DISTRIBUTIONS OF COEFFICIENTS FOR
THE RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN SCORES ON THE PHOBIA
SCALES AND SUBJECTS' PERCEPTIONS OF THEIR
RELATIONSHIPS WITH THEIR RELATIVES AND FRIENDS .167

APPENDIX C ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE TABLES FOR
THE PHOBIA SCALES BY SEX, BY RACE, AND BY
AGE, MARITAL STATUS, AND SOCIOECONOMIC STATUS . 171

APPENDIX D A RETROSPECTIVE LOOK AT SOME
WEAKNESSES IN DESIGN AND CONCEPTUALIZATION . . 190

BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . 195

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH . . . . . . . .... 201


__















LIST OF TABLES


Table Page

1. Frequency Distribution of Responses to
Comprehensive Phobia Scale . . . . . . .. 52

2. Frequency Distribution of Responses to
Comprehensive Phobia Scale by Sex . . . . .. 52

3. Frequency Distribution of Responses to
Comprehensive Phobia Scale by Race . . . . .. 53

4. Frequency Distribution of Responses to
Comprehensive Phobia Scale by Age . . . . . 54

5. Frequency Distribution of Responses to
Comprehensive Phobia Scale by Family Income . . .. 55

6. Frequency Distribution of Responses to
Comprehensive Phobia Scale by Socioeconomic Status . 56

7. Frequency Distribution of Responses to
Comprehensive Phobia Scale by Marital Status . . .. 57

8. Frequency Distribution of Responses to
Comprehensive Phobia Scale by Reported
Degrees of Childhood Happiness . . . . .... 58

9. Frequency Distribution of Responses to
Comprehensive Phobia Scale by Educational
Attainment . . . . . . . ... .... . 61

10. Gamma and Tauc Coefficients for the Relationship
Between Comprehensive Phobia Scale Scores and
Socioeconomic Status Controlling for Race, Sex . . 64

11. Gamma and Tauc Coefficients for the Relationship
Between Comprehensive Phobia Scale Scores and
Childhood Happiness Controlling for Race, Sex,
and Race-Sex . . . . . . . .... ..... 67

12. Gamma and Tauc Coefficients for the Relationship
Between Comprehensive Phobia Scale Scores and
Satisfaction with Retirement Controlling for
Race, Sex, and Race-Sex . . . . . .... .. . 68









Table Page

13. Gamma and Tauc Coefficients for the Relationships
Between Comprehensive Phobia Scale Scores and the
Major Independent Variables . . . . . .... 70

14. Gamma and Tauc Coefficients for the Relationships
Between Comprehensive Phobia Scale Scores and Social
Psychiatric Symptomatology Questions . . . ... 71

15. Gamma and Tauc Coefficients for the Relationships
Between Comprehensive Phobia Scale Scores and
Questions Tapping Fatalistic Attitudes . . . ... 72

16. Prediction of Comprehensive Phobia Scale Scores
by Race, Sex, Age, and Socioeconomic Status ...... 73

17. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Personal
Phobia Subscale . . . . . . . ...... 74

18. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Personal
Phobia Subscale by Sex. . . . . . . . .75

19. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Personal
Phobia Subscale by Race . . . . . . . .. 75

20. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Personal
Phobia Subscale by Age . . . . . . . . 76

21. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Personal
Phobia Subscale by Family Income . . . . .... 77

22. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Personal
Phobia Subscale by Socioeconomic Status . . . . 78

23. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Personal
Phobia Subscale by Marital Status . . . . .... 79

24. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Personal
Phobia Subscale by Reported Degrees of Childhood
Happiness .. .... . . . ...... . . 7 79

25. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Personal
Phobia Subscale by Educational Attainment . . . .. 81

26. Gamma and Tauc Coefficients for the Relationship
Between Personal Phobia Subscale Scores and Family
Income Controlling for Race, Sex . . . . .... 82

27. Gamma and Tauc Coefficients for the Relationship
Between Personal Phobia Subscale Scores and
Socioeconomic Status Controlling for Race, Sex .... .83









Table Page

28. Gamma and Tauc Coefficients for the Relationship
Between Personal Phobia Subscale Scores and Childhood
Happiness Controlling for Race, Sex, and Race-Sex . . 84

29. Gamma and Tauc Coefficients for the Relationship
Between Personal Phobia Subscale Scores and
Satisfaction with Retirement Controlling for Sex,
Race, and Race-Sex. .... . . . . . . .85

30. Gamma and Tauc Coefficients for the Relationships
Between Personal Phobia Subscale Scores and the
Major Independent Variables . . . . . .... 87

31. Gamma and Tauc Coefficients for the Relationships
Between Personal Phobia Subscale Scores and Social
Psychiatric Symptomatology Questions . . . ... 88

32. Gamma and Tauc Coefficients for the Relationships
Between Personal Phobia Subscale Scores and Questions
Tapping Fatalistic Attitudes . . . . . . 89

33. Prediction of Personal Phobia Subscale Scores by
Race, Sex, Age, and Socioeconomic Status . . ... 89

34. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Situational
Phobia Subscale . . . . . . . . .. ... . 90

35. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Situational
Phobia Subscale by Sex . . . . . . . .. 91

36. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Situational
Phobia Subscale by Race . . . . . . .... 92

37. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Situational
Phobia Subscale by Age. . . . . . . . .93

38. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Situational
Phobia Subscale by Educational Attainment . . ... 94

39. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Situational
Phobia Subscale by Family Income . . . . ... 95

40. Gamma and Tauc Coefficients for the Relationship
Between Situational Phobia Subscale Scores and
Family Income Controlling for Race, Sex . . . ... 95

41. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Situational
Phobia Subscale by Socioeconomic Status . . . .. 96








Table Page

42. Gamma and Tauc Coefficients for the Relationship
Between Situational Phobia Subscale Scores and
Socioeconomic Status Controlling for Race, Sex .... .97

43. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Situational
Phobia Subscale by Marital Status . . . . .... 98

44. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Situational
Phobia Subscale by Reported Degrees of Childhood
Happiness . . . . . . . . . ... . 99

45. Gamma and Tauc Coefficients for the Relationship
Between Situational Phobia Subscale Scores and
Childhood Happiness Controlling for Race, Sex, and
Race-Sex . . . . . . . .. ... . 99

46. Gamma and Tauc Coefficients for the Relationship
Between Situational Phobia Subscale Scores and
Satisfaction with Retirement Controlling for Sex,
Race, and Race-Sex . . . . . . . .... 100

47. Gamma and Tauc Coefficients for the Relationships
Between Situational Phobia Subscale Scores and the
Major Independent Variables . . . . . .... 101

48. Gamma and Tauc Coefficients for the Relationship
Between Situational Phobia Subscale Scores and Social
Psychiatric Symptomatology Questions . . . . .. 102

49. Gamma and Tauc Coefficients for the Relationships
Between Situational Phobia Subscale Scores and
Questions Tapping Fatalistic Attitudes . . . ... 103

50. Prediction of Situational Phobia Subscale Scores
by Race, Sex, Age, and Socioeconomic Status . . .. 104

51. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Fear of
Animals or Insects . . . . . . . . . 105

52. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Fear of
Animals or Insects by Sex . . . . . . .... 105

53. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Fear of
Animals or Insects by Race . . . . . .... 105

54. Chi Square, Gamma, and Tauc Coefficients for the
Relationships Between Fear of Animals and Insects
and Major Independent Variables . . . . .... 106









Table Page

55. Prediction of Fear of Animals and Insects by
Race, Sex, Age, and Socioeconomic Status . . ... 107

56. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Fear of
High Places . . . . . . . . . . . 107

57. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Fear of
High Places by Sex . . . . . . . . .108

58. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Fear of
High Places by Race . . . . . . . . . .108

59. Chi Square, Gamma, and Tauc Coefficients for the
Relationships Between Fear of High Places and
Major Independent Variables . . . . . .... 109

60. Prediction of Fear of High Places by Race, Sex,
Age, and Socioeconomic Status . . . . . .... 109

61. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Fear of
Closed In Places . . . . . . . .... .110

62. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Fear of
Closed In Places by Sex . . . . . . .... 110

63. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Fear of
Closed In Places by Race . . . . . . .... 111

64. Chi Square, Gamma, and Tauc Coefficients for the
Relationships Between Fear of Closed In Places and
Major Independent Variables . . . . . .... 111

65. Prediction of Fear of Closed In Places by Race,
Sex, Age, and Socioeconomic Status . . . .... 112

66. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Fear of
Thunder and Lightning . . . . . . .... 112

67. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Fear of
Thunder and Lightning by Sex . . . . . .. 113

68. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Fear of
Thunder and Lightning by Race . . . . . .... 113

69. Chi Square, Gamma, and Tauc Coefficients for the
Relationships Between Fear of Thunder and Lightning
and Major Independent Variables . . . . . .. 114









Table Page

70. Prediction of Fear of Thunder and Lightning by
Race, Sex, Age, and Socioeconomic Status . . ... 114

71. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Fear of
the Dark . . . . . . . ... .. . 115

72. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Fear of
the Dark by Sex . . . . . . . . ... .. .115

73. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Fear of
the Dark by Race . . . . . . . .... .116

74. Chi Square, Gamma, and Tauc Coefficients for the
Relationships Between Fear of the Dark and Major
Independent Variables . . . . . . . .... 116

75. Prediction of Fear of the Dark by Race, Sex, Age,
and Socioeconomic Status . . . . . . .... 117

76. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Fear of
Driving or Riding in a Car . . . . . . . 117

77. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Fear of
Driving or Riding in a Car by Sex . . . . .... 118

78. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Fear of
Driving or Riding in a Car by Race . . . . .. 118

79. Chi Square, Gamma, and Tauc Coefficients for the
Relationships Between Fear of Driving or Riding in
a Car and Major Independent Variables . . . ... 119

80. Prediction of Fear of Driving or Riding in a Car
by Race, Sex, Age, and Socioeconomic Status ...... 119

81. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Fear of
Crowds . . . . . . . . . . . . 120

82. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Fear of
Crowds by Sex . . . . . . . .... ..... 120

83. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Fear of
Crowds by Race . . . . . . . . ... .. .121

84. Chi Square, Gamma, and Tauc Coefficients for the
Relationships Between Fear of Crowds and Major
Independent Variables . . . . . . . .... 121










Table Page

85. Prediction of Fear of Crowds by Race, Sex,
Age, and Socioeconomic Status . . . . . .... 122

86. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Fear of
Strangers . . . . . . . . . . . 122

87. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Fear of
Strangers by Sex . . . . . . . .... . .123

88. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Fear of
Strangers by Race . . . . . . . .... . .123

89. Chi Square, Gamma, and Tauc Coefficients for the
Relationships Between Fear of Strangers and Major
Independent Variables . . . . . . . .... 124

90. Prediction of Fear of Strangers by Race, Sex,
Age, and Socioeconomic Status . . . . . .... 124

91. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Fear of
Bodily Harm . . . . . . . . ... .... . 125

92. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Fear of
Bodily Harm by Sex. . . . . . . . . ... 125

93. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Fear of
Bodily Harm by Race . . . . . . . .... 126

94. Chi Square, Gamma, and Tauc Coefficients for the
Relationships Between Fear of Bodily Harm and
Major Independent Variables . . . . . .... 126

95. Prediction of Fear of Bodily Harm by Race, Sex,
Age, and Socioeconomic Status . . . . . ... 127

96. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Fear of
Being Hexed, Witched, or "Evil Eye" . . . . .. .127

97. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Fear of
Being Hexed, Witched, or "Evil Eye" by Sex . . ... 128

98. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Fear of
Being Hexed, Witched, or "Evil Eye" by Race ...... 128

99. Chi Square, Gamma, and Tauc Coefficients for the
Relationships Between Fear of Being Hexed, Witched,
or "Evil Eye" and Major Independent Variables . . .. .129












100. Prediction of Fear of Being Hexed, Witched, or
"Evil Eye" by Race, Sex, Age, and Socioeconomic
Status . . . . . . . . .. . . . 129

101 Frequency Distribution of Responses to Fear of
Other Things . . . . . . . .... ... .. 130

102 Frequency Distribution of Kinds of Responses of
Fear of Other Things as Reported by Subjects ..... 130


xvii


Table


Page










Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements
for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy


THE EPIDEMIOLOGY OF COMMON FEARS AND DIFFUSE PHOBIAS:
A SOCIODEMOGRAPHIC ANALYSIS

By

Billy L. Williams

June, 1975

Chairman: George J. Warheit
Major Department: Sociology

While some disciplines in the behavioral sciences, particularly

psychology'and psychiatry, have devoted a substantial part of their

literature towards understanding the dynamics of the etiology of phobia,

they have neglected to consider the influence that social structures,

and the differing histories of various peoples, might have in creating

the social climate in which phobias are acquired. Generally, behavioral

scientists have not failed to consider cultural influences when studying

"individualistic" behavior; the study of phobia, however, is an

exception as very little attention has been given to rates of phobic

neurosis and cultural factors involved in its etiology. This

dissertation seeks to make a substantive contribution in that direction.

The dissertation has as its first objective, to discover which

groups of people have higher rates of fears and phobias than others.

This is to be accomplished by searching for relationships between a

set of sociodemographic variables and the subjects' scores on the scales

designed to measure gross phobic symptomatology. The second objective

Is to propose a sociological model to explain and account for those

patterns uncovered in the first phase of the dissertation, both for


xviii


i










phobia rates and for specific phobias.

In 1969, researchers at the University of Florida began an

intensive five year study designed to evaluate the mental health

needs and services in the southeastern United States. As part of

the prevalence component of that study, a random sample of 2333 persons

residing in Alachua County, Florida, was chosen. The interview

schedule, consisting of 317 items and 15 scales, was administered

to the 1967 persons who could be located and who agreed to participate.

Included in the interview schedule were 10 items designed to tap

fear and phobic behavior and thought patterns among the general

population. Specifically, they dealt with the following fears:

driving or riding in a car, being in crowds, strangers, bodily harm,

being hexed or witched, animals and insects, high places, closed in

places, thunder and lightning, and the dark. An interval level scale score

was obtained for each subject by summing the number of positive responses.

Although specific hypothesis testing was not undertaken, the data were

subjected to statistical analysis and levels of significance were

reported for those who desire such an interpretation of the data.

The major inferential techniques utilized were Chi Square Test of

Independence, Kendall's Tauc, gamma, one-way analysis of variance,

and stepwise multiple regression. The procedure used when imposing

controls upon the data was to generate separate tables for the categories

of the appropriate variables and to compute the various statistics.

In considering rates of phobic neurosis by sex and race, the

data indicate that women and blacks consistently have higher scale

scores than men and whites, respectively, for each of the items









comprising the scale. Black females, without exception, scored

highest on the scale and white males scored lowest. Generally, white

females scored higher than black males on items that are personal-

specific and black males scored higher on items that are situation-

specific. Statistically significant relationships were also observed

for phobia scores with the following variable list: level of

educational attainment, family income, socioeconomic status, marital

status, self-reported degrees of childhood happiness, other questions

measuring social psychiatric symptomatology and impairment, and

fatalistic outlooks on life. No definite statements could be made

concerning the relationships between phobia scores and the subjects'

places of residence, religiosity, or satisfaction with retirement.
















CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION


With the exceptions of psychology and psychiatry, the behavioral

sciences have ignored phobic behavior as social phenomena. It is the

central tenet of this dissertation that phobic neurosis, traditionally

viewed as symptomatic of a maladjusted personality, can be studied

with the unit of analysis being the group, rather than the individual.

Additional insights into the nature and origin of common fears and

phobias may be obtained by studying their distribution among the general

population and by identifying those groups which seem to be particularly

prone to acquire phobia.


What Can Sociology Offer?


While the disciplines of psychology and psychiatry have devoted

a substantial part of their literature towards understanding the dynamics

of the etiology of phobia, they have neglected to consider the influence

that social structures, and the differing histories of various peoples,

might have in creating the social climate in which phobias are acquired.

Ever since Emile Durkheim took what was generally considered to be

the ultimate individualistic act, suicide, and illustrated how rates of

suicide vary by different categories of persons and remain relatively

constant over time, social scientists have usually not neglected to









consider cultural influences when studying "individualistic" behavior.

Somehow, the study of phobia has not been pursued at this level; very

little attention has been given to rates of phobic neurosis in the

literature. This dissertation seeks to make a substantive contribution

in this direction.


Objectives of the Dissertation


The dissertation has as its first objective, to discover which

groups of people have higher rates of fears and phobias than others.

This is to be accomplished by searching for relationships between a set

of sociodemographic variables and the subjects' scores on the scales

designed to measure gross phobic symptomatology.

The second objective is to propose a sociological model to explain

and account for those patterns uncovered in the first phase of the

dissertation, both for phobia rates and for specific phobias. Anticipating

the analysis of the data, the model will likely rely quite heavily on

cultural differences between groups to explain differential phobia rates.


Structure of the Dissertation


The dissertation is divided into five substantive areas. The

first consists of a review of the literature (Chapter 2). It begins

with a brief introduction to the history of the study of phobic neurosis

and to the major concepts involved in that study. Following a cursory

look at how psychology and psychiatry have traditionally defined and

diagnosed phobic neurosis, the dissertation presents the basic principles

underlying the major theoretical orientations used in the study of phobia:

the psychoanalytic perspective, including both the "displacement of


I







3

anxiety" approach and the "defense against threatening impulses"

approach, and the behavioristic or learning perspective, which includes

discussions on the general principles underlying the process of

socialization and operant conditioning and avoidance learning. The

work of Isaac M. Marks is given consideration apart from these two

general perspectives because of the comprehensiveness of his model

which includes both the psychoanalytic and the behavioristic perspectives

plus the influence that phylogenetics have on phobia acquisition. A

review of past epidemiological studies then follows, and the chapter

concludes with a short discussion on current procedures used to treat

phobic patients as well as on some practical measures which might be

utilized by such persons to overcome their handicap without submitting

to chemotherapy, psychotherapy, or desensitization.

Chapter 3 presents a tentative theory to be used in the

dissertation while attempting to explain observed differences in phobia

rates. Beginning with a general statement on cultural influences and

the impact of differential life chances on "individualistic" behavior,

the chapter first considers how one's racial or ethnic membership might

conceivably affect the probability of acquiring phobia. This section

is followed by discussions on the relationships between phobic neurosis

with dependency needs and sex role identification, with age and

retirement status, with the type of locale in which an individual

resides, with religion and the degree of religiosity, and with the

level of educational attainment.

The methodology used in the study is presented in Chapter 4.

It includes sections describing the sample site, the sampling techniques









utilized, and the development of the psychometric scales. The

operational definitions are then presented for the investigation's

major dependent and independent variables: the Comprehensive Phobia

Scale, the Personal Phobia Scale, the Situational Phobia Scale, the

specific item phobias, and a standard set of sociodemographic variables.

The chapter concludes with a short discussion on the statistical

techniques used in the study, the method of presenting the data in

subsequent chapters, and the method chosen for implementing controls

upon the data.

Chapter 5 presents the major findings of the investigation, and

reports the various correlation results, including the appropriate

levels of significance. Also, a preliminary analysis of the data is

provided, linking the findings with the discussions presented in the

third chapter. This procedure is followed for all three phobia scales

and for each of the ten items comprising those scales.

The conclusions made after examining the data are presented in

Chapter 6. Whereas in the previous chapter the discussion is broken

down according to the dependent variables, the present chapter uses the

independent variables to regroup the major findings. That is, the findings

of Chapter 5 are now categorized according to age, sex, race, and so on.

Hopefully, this allows the reader to grasp more easily the effect each

independent variable has on phobia in general. Naturally, the theory

of Chapter 3 is re-examined when the findings are not consistent with

the principles outlined previously, and alternative explanations are

made. The chapter concludes with a retrospective look at the dissertation










as a whole, stating the major difficulties encountered during the

research and the analysis of the subject matter, and the weaknesses

of the research design.

The remaining pages in the dissertation are devoted to additional

tables not included in the main text, the reproduction of the items

on the interview schedule that were used in this investigation, and

the list of references consulted and quoted.
















































I

















CHAPTER 2

REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE

Historical Development


The word, phobia, was taken from the name given the ancient

Greek god thought to be responsible for the presence of fear and panic

in one's enemies (Marks, 1970a: 377). Its sole medical usage prior to

the 20th century was to describe the symptom, hydrophobia, a term

for rabies coined by Celsus (1814: 236).

It was Le Camus (1722-1772), however, in his book Des Aversions,

who first attempted a comprehensive medical study of phobias. He

described the predominate attributes of his patients' aversions, noted

their frequent geneses from the early developmental years, and

classified them according to the sense (touch, sight, smell, hearing,

and taste) which was most affected (Errera, 1962: 326-329).

A number of theories have offered explanations of the dynamics of

phobic behavior and the etiology of phobia. Some, for example, have

attributed the acquisition of phobic behavior to "poor up-bringing"

(Rush, 1818), "stomach ailments" (Benedikt, 1870), and a ". . morbid

predisposition of the visceral ganglionic nervous system" (Morel, 1866).

Current theories as to genesis are correspondingly varied. There are

explanations in terms of "primary insufficiency of the ecto-mesodermal

barrier" (Brun, 1951), the principles of learning, and, under the








heading of analytic theories, a multiplicity of formulations. It is

on the latter two general perspectives that this dissertation now

focuses.


Major Theoretical Formulations


An Introduction to the Concepts

Errera (1962: 325) defines phobia as ". .. a persisting fear of

an object or of an idea which does not ordinarily justify fear." Rachman

(1968: 5) believes phobias can best be viewed as conditioned fear, or

anxiety, reactions. Thus, he considers phobias to be anxiety states in

which the focus of the anxiety-producing stimulus is "sharpened." James

C. Coleman and William E. Broen, Jr. (1972: 770) define it simply as an

irrational fear; dozens of similar definitions can be cited from the

literature.

From the definitions found in the literature, it appears that there

are two primary distinguishing characteristics separating phobias from

other psychoneurotic disorders: immobilizing and irrational fear. Fear,

of course, is an emotion which occurs under stress conditions when the

individual is faced with uncertainty and/or danger (Gove, 1965: 305).

All stress situations, naturally, are not fear producing.

The particular emotional states accompanying reactions to stress

vary greatly, from grief and depression at one extreme to emotional

mobilization for emergency action at the other. According to Coleman

and Broen (1972: 120-121), three emotional patterns are commonly

observed when persons face stress situations: anger, fear, and anxiety.

Frustration, for example, tends to elicit anger or hostility: the










individual's immediate reaction to frustration is typically one of

anger. And anger, in turn, typically leads to an aggressive action

(that is, attack) as the person tries to remove the frustrating obstacle.

When the sense of frustration is continuous, as when the individual

is faced with a succession of frustrating situations stemming either

from the same or different sources, anger gradually blends into

hostility. Concomitant with hostile feelings is a tendency to destroy,

damage, or inflict pain upon the person, or object, perceived as the

source of frustration (Buss, 1961). "Anger and hostility are extremely

difficult emotions to deal with," Coleman and Broen (1972: 120) state,

"inasmuch as civilized living permits few direct outlets. Consequently,

these emotions are often expressed in indirect and deviant but 'safe'

ways." One such "safe" way is through the development of phobias.

Second, specific dangers tend to elicit fears. The perception of

danger usually arouses fear; and fear, in turn, tends to elicit withdrawal

or flight. The actual behavior evoked by fear, however, depends greatly

upon the individual and the specific situation.

Third, a sense of threat tends to elicit anxiety. Anxiety is

a feeling of apprehension and fearfulness in the absence of specific

danger. The source of threat here is usually not apparent to either

one's self or to others (Coleman and Broen, 1972: 120-121).


The Diagnosis of Phobic Neurosis

To reiterate, a phobic neurosis is a persistent fear of some object

or event that presents no actual danger to the person or in which the

danger is magnified out of proportion to its actual seriousness. In










addition, phobic neurosis need not apply solely to a learned fear of

an object or event, but may also refer to a general pattern of fear

and avoidance behavior (Coleman and Broen, 1972: 227).

The clinical picture of severe phobic neurosis is one in which

the patient is plagued by a fear totally out of proportion to the

demands of the situation, beyond voluntary control, cannot be explained

or reasoned away, and leads to :incapacitating avoidance behavior. Each

encounter, or potential encounter, with the object of fear is preceded

by an intense anxiety reaction.

According to Rachman (1968), this reaction can be analyzed into

three basic components: subjective, autonomic, and motor. The

subjective component consists of a feeling of alarm and may include

fear, tension, or full panic. The autonomic reaction can produce any

of the following physiological changes: nausea, palpitations,

breathlessness, involuntary excretions, dryness of mouth, trembling,

sweating, and weakness. The motor response is usually one of flight

but some persons become, on occasion "frozen" and unable to move.

Furthermore, the patient who acknowledges the irrationality of

his behavior may create additional psychological problems by handicapping

himself with a sense of shame and the desire and drive to conceal his

-difficulties from-others (Julier;-1973: 52).

In attempting differential diagnosis, Julier suggests the clinician

seek answers to five basic questions: what are the feared objects and

situations? is depression present? is there evidence of other

psychopathology? are there features suggestive of epilepsy? and could

the symptoms be explicable in terms of organic pathology?










Concerning the first question, Julier suggests that if there

are a great many and a large variety of fears present since childhood

or adolescence, the patient may have a personality disorder for which

the phobic behavior is merely a secondary symptom of more intense,

underlying psychopathology. Similarly, if phobic symptoms have been

present only a short time, they may indicate nothing more than a

temporary anxiety state, a state which is often accompanied by

diffusely increased fearfulness.

If depression is present in the patient, and if it can be

established whether the phobic state arose in the context of a depressive

illness, then it is likely once again that the phobia symptoms are

secondary and temporary in nature.

Third, phobic symptoms are present in about ten percent of the

schizophrenics but do not usually call for special management themselves.

Obsessional fears, such as fear of contamination or of causing harm to

others, are more difficult to categorize. These obsessional fears are

believed to be based on repetitive, stereotyped ideas or Impulses which

then dictate the need to avoid a range of situations linked by a

common theme, and anxiety derives from the imagined consequences of

exposure. In phobic, as distinct from obsessional, disorders, the fear

seems to derive from the situation itself.

Fourth, depersonalization and intense anxiety are well recognized

in temporal-lobe seizures. The phobic patient will tend to experience

a greater range of type and intensity of experience and the provoking

stimuli are not of the sort most commonly responsible for triggering









convulsions.

Last, organic pathology should be ruled out as a possible cause

of manifested phobic symptoms. Among the organic determinants of

phobic symptomatology are the following: paroxysmal tachycardia,

hyperthyroidism, anemia, coronary artery disease, left ventricular

failure, and asthma (Julier, 1973: 53-54).

Once the diagnosis has been made, treatment can commence.

Techniques for treatment will be covered later in this chapter. The

focus of this dissertation now shifts to a review of the basic

principles underlying the major theoretical perspectives on phobia

and its acquisition and etiology.


Dynamic Patterns of the Etiology of Phobia

Traditionally, phobias have been considered to be attempts by the

individual to cope with internal or external dangers by his carefully

selecting circumstances which would decrease the likelihood of coming

into contact with the phobic stimulus. Consequently, phobias have

been viewed as simple defense reactions in which the individual feels

he must concede to his fear in order to protect himself.

Three major dynamic patterns have been delineated in phobia

acquisition from two separate perspectives: displacement of anxiety,

defense against threatening impulses, and avoidance learning (Coleman

and Broen, 1972: 228).

The psychoanalytic perspective

Displacement of anxiety. A phobia may represent a displacement

of anxiety from the stress situation that elicited it to some other










object or situation. This mechanism forms much of the basis for

psychoanalytic theory and is derived principally from Freud's case

history of Hans published in 1909. On the basis of his experiences with

Hans and others, Freud concluded that phobias represent displaced

anxiety associated with the Oedipus and Electra complexes. Regarding

the Oedipus complex, the child is thought to desire a sexual union

with his mother. As such, he is in competition with his father for the

mother's love. The result is jealous and hostile feelings toward the

father. The child, therefore, fears his father and, in particular, fears

being castrated by him. This fear may then be displaced on a more

socially acceptable, formerly innocuous, object. In the case of Hans,

Freud reasoned that when the horse pulling the carriage occupied by

Hans and his mother fell down and was injured, the child had become

quite frightened and displaced his fear of castration to fear of being

bitten by a horse. In conclusion, Freud stated that phobias in adults

develop only in people with disturbed sexual relationships (Coleman

and Broen, 1972: 228).

Later investigators have noted that many different stress situations

may lead to the displacement of anxiety and the creation of phobic

symptomatology. Coleman and Broen (1972: 228-229) cite an example:

A young man had started his first business venture by
renting a very small store near the entrance to a large building
and stocking it exclusively with neckties. He managed to make
ends meet over a trial period of several months, but it was
becoming obvious that his business venture was doomed to failure.
About this time he noticed that the shop "seemed stuffy," that
he didn't have any "elbow room." It seemed as if the walls
were closing in on him, and he would feel compelled to go
outside and get his "lungs full of fresh air." These feelings
increased in frequency and intensity until he was forced to
close the shop.


__









Coleman's and Broen's analysis is simple: there was no need to admit

failure or poor business acumen since the man was forced to go out

of business for other reasons.

Many phobias may indicate a more generalized anxiety state than

the examples given above. Arieti (1961) has observed that intense guilt

feelings may lead to phobias or situations that are symbolically

associated with anticipated punishment. Coleman and Broen cite the

example of a person characterized by a phobic reaction to the possibility

of speaking in public as being related to the individual's more

generalized fear that others will "detect his insufficiencies" and

"see him for what he really is." Likewise, a phobia of traveling may

hide a greater fear of making excursions into life (Coleman and Broen,

1972: 229).

Defense against threatening impulses. Salzman (1968a; 1968b) and

Lief (1968) have noted that phobia may represent a defensive reaction

that protects the individual from situations in which his repressed

aggressiveness or sexual impulses might become dangerous. As in the

immediately preceding section, anxiety is displaced; one's conscious

fear is not the basic cause of one's anxiety. The only difference

between phobias of this type and the phobias discussed above is that

here phobic symptoms develop as a result of unacceptable impulses arising

from the individual rather than from a fear that someone will do

something to him. The distinction lies with the activity-passivity of

the subject: in phobias of the type being considered in this section,

the phobia prevents the subject from performing some act he considers









immoral. In the previous section, phobias arise to prevent the

person from dwelling on an event that might force its way upon him

(for example, the castration complex of Hans).

As an illustration of phobias as defense reactions against

threatening impulses, Coleman and Broen (1972: 229) cite the following:

. 24 year-old Herbert S. sought psychological
assistance because of a "morbid fear of syphilis which makes
it impossible for me to have sexual relations." In the
course of psychotherapy it became apparent that this youth's
syphilophobia represented a displacement of a fear of engaging
in homosexual relations. His fear of contracting syphilis
helped him to maintain what he considered sexually moral
behavior. That it also prevented him from engaging in
heterosexual relations -- which he viewed as moral -- apparently
stemmed from the fact that during intercourse his "mind was
completely dominated by homosexual fantasies." These fantasies
were highly anxiety-arousing and on a number of occasions
had terminated in impotency, which he had found acutely
embarrassing. Thus the syphilophobia kept him from situations
that might arouse his sexual conflicts.

In summation. The two sections above are generally considered

to comprise the psychoanalytic perspective of phobia acquisition rather

than as constituting two separate viewpoints. The reason appears

twofold: (1) both involve anxiety displacement as the primary mechanism

involved in the formation of phobias, and (2) both deal with internal

and internalized conflicts rather than with current conflicts with

the external world.

Hurry and Sandier (1971: 379), in discussing this point, note

that this is so partly because the initial public impact of psychoanalysis

occurred during the second phase of its development (1897-1923) at a

time when Freud had pretty much abandoned the traumatogenic theory

of neurosis and was mainly concerned with the way in which unconscious

instinctual drives and wishes expressed themselves Lith adult patients









in the clinical psychoanalytic situation. The main emphasis at

this time was on the way in which such drives were themselves in

conflict with one another, as well as on the role of the childhood

internalizations of external reality, and the past and present conflicts

to which these internalizations contributed. Freud saw the ego as

a central regulating agency, mediating between the demands of the id,

the superego and external reality, and defenses were seen as being

set in motion by an anxiety signal which could arise from any of

these sources.

The behavioristic perspective

Conditioning and avoidance learning. In their now famous

experiment on eleven month old Albert, Watson and Rayner (1920) showed

that phobias could be experimentally induced. Albert, who was fond of

animals, was conditioned to exhibit fear symptomatology at the sight

of a white rat. By striking a steel bar with a hammer whenever

Albert reached for the rat, the experimenters were able to elicit

fear from the child and make him cry. After several repeated trials,

Albert came to be disturbed merely by seeing the rat even without the

loud noise. The fear reaction then generalized to include other furry

animals and objects.

Four years later, Mary Cover Jones (1924) succeeded in eliminating

a fear of furry animals by presenting a white rabbit at a distance when

a child, Peter, was reacting positively to food -- an anxiety inhibitor.

By gradually bringing the rabbit closer to Peter, the boy was able

to lose his fear of it. Generalization also occurred in this instance

as Peter eventually lost his fear of all fuzzy animals.









These two classic experiments began what today has become

known as the learning school or the behavioristic perspective. In

this school, phobias are often seen as the learned result of trauma

in a fear situation. And this fear may generalize to include a

greater variety of similar situations.

Since this perspective views phobias as learned behavior, all

requisites for "normal" learning are also necessary for the learning

of phobias. Psychological maturation is a key concept of relevance at

this point. The person must, regardless of the degree of physical

maturity or age in years, months, or days, have attained a given level

of psychological maturity before the learning of a specific fear can

occur. Hebb (1966:146) illustrates, for example, that a baby's fear of

strangers rarely develops before age six months regardless of the

frequency or quality of contact with strangers prior to that time.

Similarly, Hebb also notes that fears of monsters and other imaginary

creatures, and of the dark, rarely occur before age three years although

they are relatively common among children after that age.

Probably best exemplified in the works of Stanley Rachman and

H. J. Eysenck, behaviorism holds that phobias are best understood if

viewed as conditioned fear, or anxiety, reactions (Rachman, 1968: 5).

In essence, the theory states that phobias are:

. acquired by classical conditioning in which the
(future) stimulus . is paired together with or shortly
before a noxious stimulus. Conditioning occurs through this
temporal contiguity, and the phobia increases with the frequency
of the pairing, with the strength of the noxious stimulus, and
when the pairing occurs in conditions of confinement or when
nothing can be done to stop the noxious stimulation. (Marks,
1970b: 666)









The essentials of the theory may be summarized in ten statements:

1. Phobias are learned responses;

2. Stimuli develop phobic qualities when they are associated
temporally and spatially with a fear-producing state of
affairs;

3. Neutral stimuli which are of relevance in the fear-producing
situation and/or make an impact on the person in the
situation, are more likely to develop phobic qualities than
weak or irrelevant stimuli;

4. Repetition of the association between the fear situation
and the new phobic stimuli will strengthen the phobia;

5. Associations between high intensity fear situations and
neutral stimuli are more likely to produce phobic reactions;

6. Generalization from the original phobic stimulus to stimuli
of a similar nature will occur;

7. Noxious experiences which occur under conditions of
excessive confinement are more likely to produce phobic
reactions;

8. Neutral stimuli which are associated with a noxious
experience may develop (secondary) motivating properties.
This acquired drive is termed the fear-drive;

9. Responses (for example, avoidance) which reduce the fear-drive
are reinforced; and

10. Phobias can be acquired vicariously. (Eysenck and Rachman,

1965: 81-82; Rachman, 1968: 31) Each of the above statements is

based on experimental evidence with animals and, to a lesser extent,

humans. Furthermore, they do appear to be consistent with clinical

experience (cf. Eysenck and Rachman, 1965; Wolpe, 1958; Eysenck, 1960a).

In short, any neutral stimulus, simple or complex, which makes

an impact on an individual.about the time that a fear reaction is

evoked, acquires the capability to evoke fear in subsequent encounters.

If the fear in the original conditioning situation is of high intensity,








or if the conditioning is repeated a good many times, the conditioned

fear will show the persistence that is characteristic of neurotic

fear; and there may be generalization of fear reactions to stimuli

resembling the conditioned stimulus (Rachman, 1968: 5).

Principles of the socialization process. No matter what the

discipline, most discussions of the socialization process emphasize

the development of the self. Writing at the turn of the 20th century,

Sigmund Freud recognized three analytically separable dimensions of

the self: the id, the ego, and the superego. The id was viewed as the

unconscious reservoir of libidinal energy, operating solely on the

pleasure principle, that was primarily concerned with the biological

and Instinctual properties of the individual. The ego, an outgrowth

of the id, was seen as the conscious dimension of the self that serves

primarily as moderator between the id and the superego, and

". . represents what we call reason and sanity." The superego, an

outgrowth of the ego, is largely, but not totally, unconscious, and

its chief function is to serve as the ego's "moral watchdog."

Furthermore, the superego is that product of socialization that we

commonly refer to as the "conscience" (Healy et al., 1944: 34-48).

The phenomenological psychologists try to understand behavior

from the point of view of the individual rather than from the point of

view of the outside observer looking in. Within this framework an

individual's behavior is always considered reasonable and behavior which

appears illogical at times to others is always logical from the

perspective of the individual actor. In other words, it is important

to recognize that ". . people perceive what is appropriate for persons

with their self-concepts to perceive" (Blocker, 1966: 32).








A phenomenological psychologist such as Carl Rogers defines

the self-concept as

. an organized conceptual gestalt consisting of
the individual's perception of himself alone and of himself
in relation to other persons and objects in his environment
together with the values attached to these perceptions. The
self-concept is not always in awareness, but it is always
available to awareness. . The self-concept is considered
to be fluid and changing, a process rather than an entity,
but at any given moment it is a fixed entity. . The self-
concept is the picture an individual has of himself along
with his evaluation of this picture. (Grummon, 1965: 40)

Rogers' six basic propositions provide a good overview of the

phenomenological model. These are:

1. The individual exists in a continually changing world of
experience of which he is the center. His perceptual field
is not completely known to any other person. This world is
his phenomenological field, that is, his own private world
of reality.

2. The individual reacts to his private world as he perceives it.

3. Individuals react to their perceptual fields as organized
wholes . as total human organisms.

4. Every human being has within himself one basic tendency or
striving. He is constantly struggling to enhance and
maintain himself.

5. Behavior is the goal-directed attempt of the human being
to satisfy his needs as experienced in the field as perceived.
All behavior is rational and goal-directed from within
the perceptual field of behavior.

6. Emotion accompanies and in general facilitates goal-directed
behavior. The intensity of emotion is related to the
degree of perceived significance or ego-involvement of the
behavior. Emotions are not disruptive, but facilitate the
striving of an individual to develop. (Blocker, 1966: 32-33)

Writing in the mid-1930s, George Herbert Mead helped to found what

has subsequently become identified as symbolic interactionism. The

symbolic interactionist perspective of the socialization process

maintains that the individual, entering into a social relationship, views

both himself and his actions as though they were objects; that is, he







views them as he perceives others view them. Thus, in essence, the

individual becomes an ". .. object to himself . by taking the

attitudes of other individuals toward himself within a social environment"

(Mead, 1934: 138). Clarifying this statement, Mead (1934: 158)

mentions that there are two general stages of self-development. In

the beginning, the individual's self is a reflection of his perceptions

of how his significant others view him as a person. At the second

stage, the individual incorporates his perceptions of how his generalized

others and other social groups view him.

Charles Horton Cooley, also one of the founders of symbolic

interactionism, parallels many of Mead's ideas. Cooley, for example,

proposed his theory of the "looking-glass self" in which there are

three elements. First is the individual's imagination of his appearance

to others. Second is his imagination of others' judgments of that

appearance. These are then followed by ". . some sort of feeling,

such as pride or mortification" within the individual (Manis and

Meltzer, 1972: 231).

The above discussion has relevance to the understanding of the

acquisition of phobia by outlining the basic principles and concepts

involved In the socialization process. As noted earlier, behaviorists

do allow for the possibility that phobic behavior can be learned through

continued interaction with phobic individuals.

Socialization as a partial explanation of the etiology of phobia. The

brief excursion into the principles underlying the socialization process,

above, has been intended to accomplish two objectives. The first was to

illustrate the means by which behavior patterns are learned. The second









objective was to introduce the following statements, based on

Sutherland's (1970: 75-77) nine assertions, concerned with the dynamics

of the socialization process in the formation of phobic neuroses:

S 1. Phobic behavior can be learned;

2. Phobic behavior can be learned in interaction with others
during a communication process;

3. The principal part of the learning of phobic behavior
occurs within intimate personal groups;

4. The greater the degree of identification of the individual
with those he interacts with, the greater will be their
influence on the individual's behavior patterns;

5. When phobic behavior is learned, the learning includes
(a) the object of fear, (b) avoidance patterns, (c) coping
mechanisms, and may include (d) convenient rationalizations
for the avoidance behavior; and

6. The process of learning phobic behavior by association and
identification with phobic and nonphobic patterns involves
all of the mechanisms that are involved in any other learning.

As noted earlier, behaviorists do allow for the vicarious

learning of phobias (cf. Eysenck and Rachman, 1965; Rachman, 1968;

Marks, 1970b), and there is ample experimental evidence for the process

of fear transmission through modeling, both in animals and in man

(Marks, 1969: 65; Bandura, 1965; Bandura and Rosenthal, 1966). The

dynamics of the process may be illustrated in the following manner.

Suppose a parent has a phobia. During the socialization process, the

child incorporates, generally speaking, his parent's attitudes as his

own; one of the attitudes he acquires may be that snakes are to be

avoided at all costs. Consequently, the child develops a phobic reaction

to snakes. Further, the child's avoidance behavior reinforces that of

his parent. In contrast, should the child manage to avoid being








indoctrinated, his nonphobic behavior may have a mitigating influence

on his parent's fear reaction.

Psychoanalytic versus behavioristic: Isaac Marks

Isaac M. Marks, a British psychiatrist and perhaps the foremost

authority on phobias, represents the most comprehensive perspective

to be found. Essentially, Marks combines the psychoanalytic, behavioristic,

and genetic approaches into one. The discussion that follows is meant

to sum up the section of this dissertation concerned with the dynamics

of the etiology of phobia and to provide a concise reformulation of the

basic viewpoints' most elementary and important concepts and how they

are theoretically interrelated.

Phylogenetics. Concerning the impact of genetic constitutions

on the tendencies of persons to acquire phobias, Marks states that,

although phylogenetic influences shape the form of phobias in man as

a species, there is no firm evidence that genetic inheritance plays

a significant part in the development of phobic states in particular

patients (Marks, 1969; 79; 1970b: 656). It is .undeniable, however, that

certain stimuli have prepotency over others as triggers for phobias,

given a similar frequency of exposure to all stimuli (Marks, 1969: 100).

Furthermore, the age of an individual has an influence, due to the

effects of psychological maturation and frequency of exposure to given

stimuli, on the types of phobia acquired. Genetic endowment also influences

the timidity of a patient and this, in turn, affects a patient's liability

to develop phobia. Phobias, he says, appear to be more common among

persons who are shy, timid, immature, and introverted. The possession

of such personality traits, however, constitutes neither a necessary









nor a sufficient condition for the formation of phobias, but clinical

experience does appear to substantiate their covariation (Marks, 1969:

100; 1970b: 657).

Psychoanalytic perspective. Marks also allows for both the

"displacement of anxiety" and the "defense against threatening impulses"

as outlined earlier. Further reiteration is deemed unnecessary at

this point except to repeat that some phobias may have their roots in

subconscious conflicts resulting from unsatisfactory interpersonal

relationships.

Learning perspective. Trauma and stress are believed by Marks

to have a direct influence on phobia acquisition. After an exposure to

a traumatic event, the individual may associate the event with some

neutral stimulus present at the time or with the active stimulus itself.

The same effect can also be observed among people exposed to psychological

trauma or a prolonged period of stress.

Vicarious learning, or modeling, also has a direct influence on

phobias and can be called, without sacrificing Marks' intent, phobias

produced during the socialization process or through prolonged interaction

with phobic persons. For example, a phobic parent can, quite

unconsciously, socialize his child into fearing any given object.

Furthermore, once the child acquires the phobic behavior, the effect

is one of reinforcing phobic responses in the parent (Marks, 1970b: 663).

Vicarious learning is especially important and significant in producing

minor and persistent fears, that is, fears which do not substantially

reduce the individual's ability to function adequately in normal social

situations.









Other family influences are also thought to contribute to

phobia formation, especially when one considers fears of death or

sickness. Marks (1970b: 663) attributes this to instances where

threats of illness or death are used by significant others as

punishment for misbehavior.

In summation of Marks. In discussing the relative strengths

and weaknesses of the behaviorist and psychoanalytic perspectives,

Marks (1969: 101) offers the following comments:

Learning theory is . useful in accounting for the
onset, spread and course of the simpler phobias. It also
helps the understanding of some features of more complex
phobias. Learning theory does not account for the association
of certain phobias with other psychiatric disorders, nor does
It pay sufficient attention to their symbolic associations.
The response of phobias to desensitisation is partly a process
of counter-conditioning, but no conditioning or learning
paradigm explains those few cases which remit after abreaction.

Phobias may generalise not only by simple sensory
associations but also by symbolic mediational cues of special
significance to the patient. This type of spread has been
stressed by psychoanalytic writers. These writers have further
suggested that phobias are the manifest symbolic facade which
has been displaced from other hidden sources of anxiety.
Criteria for the validity of symbolism are often too loose
to be convincing. Symbolic material in a phobic patient may
be a secondary effect of the phobia itself or relevant to
problems other than the phobia. When relief occurs after
abreaction of symbolic material, this does not necessarily prove
the importance of that material in the genesis of the phobia.
Psychoanalytic writings have usefully shown that emotional
factors help to maintain phobias after they have developed.

The focus of this dissertation now shifts to a review of the major

epidemiological findings presented in the literature.









Review of Epidemiological Studies


Prevalence Rates

In 1969, Agras et al. estimated the total prevalence rate to be

76.9 per thousand while Langner and Michael (1963), in their study of

life stress and mental health, estimated the general rate to be 260

per thousand. Warheit et al. (1973: 19) have reported that 15.2 percent

of a random sample scored "high" on a ten-item phobia scale.

At the conclusion of their article, Agras et al. (1969: 154)

state that "most" of the population is affected by "common fears"

while mild phobias affect a significant but relatively small proportion

of the population, and severely disabling phobias occur even less

frequently. Lemkau et al. (1942) found for severe phobias a

prevalence rate of 0.5 per thousand, as did Hollingshead and Redlich

(1958).

Of the cases undergoing psychiatric treatment, Hollingshead

and Redlich (1958) have estimated that phobias account for 20 percent.

Marks (1970b: 656) estimates that phobic states form between 0.5

percent and 2.8 percent of the psychiatric patients in both the United

States and Great Britain for which the phobia is the major complaint,

but that phobic symptomatology affects from 20 percent to as much as

44 percent of all psychiatric patients.


Age, Sex, and Race Factors

It has been established that different phobias have varying

prevalence rates when controls are implemented for the subject's sex.

Macfarlane, Allen, and Honzik (1954) have observed that before puberty,

both sexes appear equally liable to acquire most fears. After puberty,

however, women tend to be characterized by higher phobia rates than









do men (Marks and Gelder, 1966; Agras et al., 1969; Warheit et al.,

1973). The preponderance of women is less marked, however, for

"social" phobias, according to Marks and Gelder (1966), and for

isolated phobias such as fear of darkness, heights, thunder, and

accidents (Marks, 1969: 75).

As mentioned earlier, the age of an individual also influences

the kind of phobia he is likely to acquire. This is due primarily

to the effect of maturation and frequency of exposure to the stimuli.

Sudden noise or movement triggers fear in young infants, fear of

strangers is common in older children, fear of animals begins in

pre-school children, and fear of open places or social situations

usually start after puberty (Marks, 1969: 100). Warheit et al.

(1973: 18-20) confirm that females score significantly higher on a

ten-item phobia scale than do men, but mean scores do not vary

significantly with age; the data, however, exclude as subjects

children under the age of 18 years.

Phobia rates by race have not been reported in the literature

except by Warheit et al. (1973: 18-20). They found that, while 15.2

percent of the subjects scored "high," about three times as many

blacks as whites scored "high." Analyzing the data with multiple

regression, the investigators determined that the variables sex, race,

socioeconomic status, and age account for almost 18 percent of the

variance in phobia scores. In presenting the results, the

investigators state:

The B of 3.76 for femaleness, the most significant
variable, corresponds to an increase in the Phobia scale
score of nearly 4 points for being a female. The B of 3.88









for blackness corresponds to an increase of nearly 4
points in the total score for being black. The B of
-0.041 for SES, corresponds to a decrease of about 0.8
points in the Phobia scale for every quintile increase
in SES. Age was not statistically significant. (Warheit
et al., 1973: 20)


Treatment Procedures


In the treatment of phobias, two main strategies have generally

been followed; considerably less reliance has been placed on two

other strategems. The latter shall be described first.


Practical Measures to Diminish Handicap


Julier (1973: 57) recommends that some agoraphobic patients

may be helped to function in spite of their phobia by their using

a stick as they walk or a dog to accompany then; they also appear

to be less anxious on cloudy days and at night, so sunglasses on

bright days may help. Julier also suggests they consider riding

bicycles instead of walking and to tell a number of friends about

their phobia to establish a series of "safe" places to seek refuge

when traveling essential routes. Agoraphobics in London are also

encouraged to explore the benefits in "The Open Door", an association

for agoraphobics. While these practical measures receive little

space in the literature, they do appear promising, especially for the

less severe phobic neuroses, and should be more systematically and

comprehensively investigated.


Chemotherapy


Minor tranquilizers have proved very useful in controlling









anxiety symptoms of phobic patients. Although rarely used as the

sole treatment procedure, chemotherapy is often used in conjunction

with both psychotherapy and behavior therapy (Julier, 1973: 57).


Psychotherapy

Based on the premise that phobias symbolically represent more

basic anxiety states, psychotherapy focuses on helping the patient

understand his fear and learn more effective techniques for coping.

However, this focus on development of understanding or insight does

not appear very effective. Salzman (1968a: 464-465), a psychoanalytically

oriented psychiatrist, has remarked:

It has been known for some time that understanding,
alone, is ineffectual in resolving the phobic state. It
is commonplace that, while the patient may have adequate
insight into the origin, symbolism, and function of his
phobia, he is still unable to risk the initial venture
into the heretofore out-of-bounds area of living.


Behavior Therapy: Systematic Desensitization

The second major strategem involves behavior-modification

techniques. The underlying mechanism believed to be operational in

all the various behavior-modification techniques is continued exposure

of the phobic patient to the phobic situation until he gets used to

it. The exposure to the aversive situation can be either to internal

stimuli, such as fantasy, or to the actual phobic stimulus.

The original explanation for the action of systematic desensitization

was that it acts by reciprocal inhibition (Wolpe, 1958). According to

this theory, the active ingredient of treatment was the neutralization

of anxiety (usually the imagining of phobic scenes) by an antagonistic

response such as muscular relaxation or assertive responses (Marks, 1973:








9), Recent articles, however, have cast some doubt on reciprocal

inhibition as the key mechanism involved in systematic desensitization

(cf. Benjamin et al., 1972; lIelch and Krapfl, 1970; Mathews, 1969).

In the procedure known as "flooding," the patient is immersed,

totally and suddenly, into contact with the phobic stimuli (Watson

and Marks, 1971; Watson, Gaind and Marks, 1971). Modeling therapy,

as indicated in the works of Bandura et al. (1969) and Ritter (1969),

has shown that when the patient watches a model coping with the phobic

situation he becomes more able himself to cope.

Flooding and modeling therapies are just two of the many

conditioning techniques used by clinicians in assisting patients to

overcome their fears. The only thing they all have in common is the

mechanism the procedures act through. It is by no means clear at

present which of the techniques is best adapted to clinical utilization,

and the debate is voluminous in the literature (larks, 1973: 10-11).

In short, behavior therapy operates under the following premise:

since learned behavior patterns tend to weaken and disappear over time

if they are not reinforced, often the simplest way to eliminate a

maladaptive pattern is to remove the reinforcement for it (Coleman and

Broen, 1972: 668). Behavior that is being negatively reinforced, such

as phobias, is harder to deal with, since the patient becomes anxious

and withdraws at the first sign of the aversive stimuli and never gets

a chance to discover whether the aversive consequences he fears are

still in operation. His avoidance is anxiety-reducing and hence is

itself reinforced. The method of desensitization is aimed at teaching

the patient to emit a response which is inconsistent with anxiety while






30



in the presence, either real or imagined, of the anxiety-producing

stimulus (Coleman and Broen, 1972: 669).


In Conclusion


The literature in the field on phobias and phobia acquisition

theory and research is staggering if one approaches the topic from

a psychological or psychiatric perspective. In the preceding pages

a brief but adequate review of the major principles of those perspectives

has been presented. In the ensuing chapter, a sociological view,

which has been conspicuously lacking in the literature, will be

presented.















CHAPTER 3

THEORY


Current and past theories of phobia acquisition have, without

exception, been individualistic explanations. The psychoanalytic

and behavioristic perspectives appear to be theoretically sound in

their attempts to account for the formation of fear among specific

individuals. Both models recognize that phobias may be acquired in

two basic situations: as the result of exposure to a traumatic event

and as the result of exposure to a prolonged period of anxiety-provoking

stress. In the first instance, the phobia acquired is likely to be

situation-specific, such as fear of snakes, school, or lightning, and

is perhaps most easily accounted for by reference to either learning

theory (cf. Watson and Rayner, 1920; Jones, 1924; Eysenck and

Rachman, 1965; Eysenck, 1960a; Wolpe, 1958; Rachman, 1968) or the

analytic perspectives (cf. Coleman and Broen, 1972: 228-229; Arieti,

1961; Salzman, 1968; Lief, 1968). The second instance, such as

agorophobia, appears best understood when viewed from Marks' comprehensive

perspective (Marks, 1966; 1969; 1970a; 1970b; 1973), with its inclusion

of the importance of constitutional and personality bases in predisposing

the individual with an affinity for acquiring phobia.

In the subsequent pages of this dissertation, a sociological

perspective of fear formation will be presented. Specifically, it will

be shown how cultural influences may predispose some groups of persons










to be characterized by higher rates of phobias than other groups.

Before proceeding, however, it is necessary to indicate a

change in the operational definition of phobia. In the psychiatric

literature, phobia has been used to refer only to a persistent,

irrational fear of an object or event characterized by some loss of

function when exposed to the aversive stimuli. For our purposes,

however, the concepts, phobia, fear, and phobia neurosis, will be

used interchangeably to indicate only a persistent fear of an object

or event. Loss of function and irrationality are not considered

to be requisites for defining and identifying phobia.

It is necessary to make this distinction because, though the

different components of fear are-congruent, they are related imperfectly

with one another (Marks, 1969: 5). Lang (1966) has shown that the

subjective and behavioral aspects of fear are separable. In his

study, Lang found that, whereas 20 percent of his subjects reported

a fear of snakes on a questionnaire, only one to two percent actually

avoided the snakes when tested. Behavioral and subjective indices

of fear were correlated, however (r = 0.40; n = 23; p / .05).


Cultural Influences and the Impact of Differential Life Chances


The discussion which ensues has been sectioned into subject

areas which correspond to the major sociological variables as they are

generally reported in the literature. Before proceeding, however, it

would appear desirable to reiterate at this time the direction that the

discussion will pursue.










The assumption is made, on the basis of the studies presented

in the previous chapter, that phobias can be the product of socialization

and exposure to varying cultural climates. The main contention in

subsequent pages is that groups of people, because of different social

experiences, are differentially vulnerable to acquire phobia.

Consequently, the dissertation will focus on the structural contingencies

influencing the acquisition of phobia rather than on the processual

aspects of the acquisition.


Racial and Ethnic Influences

To the extent that members of one particular race or ethnic

group, however membership in such groups may be defined, constitute

an aggregate of persons exposed to similar life chances, such as

discrimination and prejudice, those life chances are expected to be

reflected in the cultural traits of the aggregate. Thus, one might

expect to observe high rates of phobias among Negroes in the United

States since they are generally considered to suffer from social

oppression and, consequently, may place greater reliance on supernatural

phenomena to explain their social situations rather than attribute

their positions to personal abilities. To the extent that a group is

characterized by feelings of social determinism, one may anticipate

that that group will be more consciously aware of supernatural forces

determining their social positions. As a result, these groups should

have higher rates of phobias regarding such phenomena, even after the

implementation of controls for the subjects' socioeconomic status

levels.









Similarly, one would expect to observe high phobia rates among

groups of persons which are more frequently exposed to specific dangers

than among groups which are relatively isolated from those dangers.

For example, in the United States, Negroes have historically been an

oppressed people, and it has been well documented in criminology

literature that they have consistently and significantly higher rates

of violent crimes committed against them and are themselves more often

convicted of perpetrating violent crimes than is characteristic of

Caucasians. Sutherland and Cressey (1970: 136-139) note that the general

crime rate of Negroes exceeds the rate among Caucasians, with the former

having arrest rates three to four times higher than the latter; the

arrest rate in 1965 for felonies was four times higher for Negroes than

Caucasians; and the rate of commitment of Negroes to state and Federal

prisons is about six times the rate for Caucasians. Johnson (1968: 78)

remarks that Negroes rank "perceptibly higher" than Caucasians in

relative size of rates for ". . gambling,aggravated assault, weapons,

and robbery. Whites rank perceptibly higher for automobile theft,

driving while intoxicated, embezzlement and fraud, forgery and

counterfeiting, and sex offenses other than rape." The ranking of other

offenses within each race are similar, however. Clinard (1974: 297-298)

observes that in 1971, when Negroes comprised 17 percent of the total

U.S. population, they accounted for 62.2 percent of all arrests for

criminal homicide. Similar statistics can be quoted by citing Wolfgang

(1958), Pokornoy (1965), Voss and Hepburn (1968), Hepburn and Voss (1970),

Bensing and Schroeder (1960), Reckless (1967), and Cohen and Short (1971).

Official statistics, however, are not necessarily accurate measures of


i








true crime rates (cf. Clinard, 1974; Shulman, 1966; Wolfgang, 1963;

Sutherland and Cressey, 1970).

Accepting that Negroes have been historically oppressed, and

accepting for the moment that crime statistics do, in fact, reflect

real differences in types of crimes committed, one might expect Negroes

to be characterized by higher rates of self-reported phobic neurosis

than are Caucasians. It stands to reason that, if the black subculture

is more prone to violence than the white subculture, one should expect

to observe a greater prevalence of fear of violence among Negroes than

among Caucasians.

In addition to the above, the Negro is characterized by a

shorter life expectancy than is the Caucasian, is more likely to become

seriously ill, has a higher infant mortality rate, and also has a higher

maternal mortality rate (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1974: 58-64).

These facts, combined with those already mentioned, in effect condition

Negroes to be fearful of such things as bodily harm, strangers, and

illness. In short, Negroes constitute a population of high risk in

terms of physical injury, morbidity, and mortality. One would expect

to observe, therefore, a greater prevalence of self-reported fear of

such occurrences and situations among Negroes than among Caucasians

simply because of the different social realities involved for the two

races. These fears do not, of course, constitute a phobia according

to the traditional criteria because Negroes have, in fact, perceived

reality accurately. It is for this reason that the operational

definition of phobia for this dissertation does not include the concept

of irrationality.









Dependency Needs, Sex Roles, and Phobias

A second factor which could conceivably have great impact on

understanding gross rates of phobic neurosis involves different

conceptions of behavior appropriate for each sex. Obviously, distinct

behavior patterns do exist in the United States by sex with masculinity

being equated with fearlessness and femininity with dependency. That

this belief has traditionally been so pervasive is undeniable. The

female sex role has been one of passivity and almost total dependency

on her spouse, fiance, or any nearby male. Examples are so abundant

that further discussion is deemed unnecessary.

Given that the traditional female sex role is one characterized

by helplessness and dependency, then it follows that women should be

characterized by higher rates of phobic neuroses than are men. And,

as reported in an earlier chapter, studies have shown that phobia

rates do vary by sex (cf. Marks, 1969, 1970a, 1970b; Julier, 1973;

Warheit et al., 1973). Further, Alexandra Symonds, in her article

"Phobias After Marriage: Women's Declaration of Dependence," addresses

this very point by suggesting that marriage may cause women to become

more dependent than when they were single which, in turn, may lead to

an increased affinity to acquire irrational fears. In addition, this

may be especially true of professional women who give up their careers

at marriage (Symonds, 1971: 145, 150). In commenting on her theory,

Symonds (1971: 151) states:

The traditional explanation for phobias is related
to the fear of loss of control. Freud felt that it was loss
of control of sexual or aggressive impulses. Others, such
as Leon Salzman . broadens it to be a fear of loss of
control of any impulses that would be considered a threat









to the integrity of the personality. . This would
include tender impulses, power drives, needs for
detachment or closeness, etc. The fear of humiliation
Is closely tied up to the anxiety involved.

I would like to add another dimension to the
understanding of the function which these phobias played
in this type of patient. These women were actually
afraid to be in control. They feared the consequences
of taking their life into their own hands, of setting
their own direction (as driving a car), of movement on
their own, of exploring, of enjoying, of discovering.


Age and Retirement Influences on
the Acquisition of Phobias

In a similar manner, the ages of the subjects may be expected

to influence a particular cohort's predisposition for acquiring phobias.

If the assumption is made that education will reduce an individual's

tendencies to fear the unknown, then one would expect to observe

among small children high phobia rates. As the children progress

through the various levels of schooling, the phobia rate should decrease.

Once the individual completes his formal education, however, a valley

should be reached and the individual characterized by his lowest level

of phobic neurosis since infancy. Furthermore, this should continue

at least until he reaches retirement. After retirement, the individual

may begin devoting more of his time to the ponderment of the existence

of God and what death will bring. Thus, in anticipation of death and

with the increasing recognition of his own mortality, the individual

may become more and more fearful of becoming ill, of death, and of

the supernatural and its symbols.


Type of Residence and Phobic Neurosis

The type of community in which an individual resides, for example,









rural-urban, might also be expected to contribute to one's affinity

for acquiring phobic neurosis. All other things being equal, one

would expect urbanites to be characterized by high phobia rates relative

to rural residents. This would seem plausible for two reasons:

first, the more complicated the culture base, the more objects and

social experiences that exist which could serve as foci for fear, and

second, the characteristics of city life (that is, masses of people,

anonymity, the relative lack of primary relationships) would appear

to provide fodder for the relatively easy acquisition of fear.


Religion and Religiosity as a Factor
Influencing the Etiology of Phobia

It is often maintained that the primary function of religion is

to serve as a supraempirical referent to explain those aspects of

nature and social behavior which the rest of culture cannot. In their

attempts to fulfill this function, various religions tend to

differentially emphasize man's relation to the supernatural and his

ability to control his own future. Applying the same logic utilized

in the above discussions on age and race, one would expect to observe

variations in phobia rates between persons belonging to separate faiths

that are characterized by radically different dogmas.

Furthermore, a most important intervening variable would be

the degree of one's commitment to a particular religious faith. For

example, it would appear logical to expect persons who do not believe

in the existence of God to have no fear of His wrath. From a slightly

different perspective, one can state that to be fearful of an object










or situation requires, by definition, that that object or situation

exist in the person's frame of reference; to deny the existence

of God precludes a fear of Him. There does exist, however, the

possibility that a more pervasive fear of the Unknown might supplant

a fear of God should one not believe in His existence.


Educational Attainment and Phobic Behavior

Reference has already been made during the discussion on age

of the expected variation in phobia rates by the level of educational

attainment. As implicitly stated then, the phobia rate should vary

inversely with the level of educational attainment. The reasoning

is simple: by definition, a phobia constitutes an irrational fear.

The educational system has as one of its manifest functions, the

elimination of superstition and blind faith and their replacement with

logical, rational thought and action. If the educational system

is achieving this goal, then as persons are exposed to it they should

become progressively less irrational or nonrational and, therefore,

less inclined to acquire irrational fears.


In Conclusion


It has not been the purpose of this chapter to exhaustively

list all possible cultural traits and relate them theoretically to the

acquisition of phobic neuroses. To undertake such a task is clearly

unrealistic. Nevertheless, the importance of cultural influences on

phobia formation appears theoretically plausible and totally consistent

with the literature in the field. The only remaining task is to see how

the data fit the schema. It is to this that the remainder of the

dissertation is devoted.

















CHAPTER 4

RESEARCH DESIGN


In 1969, researchers at the University of Florida began an

intensive five year study designed to evaluate the mental health needs

and services in the southeastern United States. Alachua County,

Florida, served as their initial research site. Their study consisted

of three major components: a socioanthropologlcal analysis of the

county; a rates-under-treatment study; and a prevalence study of

social psychiatric impairment (Warheit et al., 1973: 1). This

dissertation uses data collected as part of the prevalence phase of

the study, particularly that related to the distribution of phobic

symptomatology among the population represented by the sample.


Description of Sample Site


Alachua County is located in north central Florida. The county

land area comprises 982 square miles; the 1970 population was 104,764.

Gainesville, the county seat, is the home of the state's largest

university, and has within the last quarter century become one of the

Southeast's leading centers in medicine, research, technology, and

education. The city had a 1970 population of 69,441 persons and is

surrounded by six small towns, a number of rural non-farm settlements,

and much farmland.










The Sample


The prevalence component of the study began by enumerating the

37,000 households In Alachua County; then 2333 addresses were randomly

selected. To insure randomness of contacting residents within each

household, Kish's (1965) tables were utilized. Comparison of the

major sociodemographic variables of the sample with the 1970 Census

Reports confirmed that the sample was representative of the county's

population (Warheit et al., 1973: 4).

After revision of the interview schedule following an analysis

of pretest results with 322 respondents, an additional 1645 interviews

were gathered. A total of 1967 interviews were obtained, including

those selected for the pretest. This represented a completion rate

of 84.3 percent of the total sample. The refusal rate was 8.8 percent

and an additional 6.9 percent could not be located or interviewed

despite repeated visits by interviewers to the households. All subjects

were interviewed in their homes (Warheit et al., 1973: 4-5).

The interview schedule, consisting of 317 items and 15 scales,

encompassed the following informational items: (1) demographic data

and comprehensive social histories; (2) items on familial and other

interpersonal relations; (3) questions about life satisfaction and

life crisis events; (4) indices about religiosity, racial distance,

anomie, perceptions of social change and social aspirations; (5) a

medical systems review and detailed physical symptomatology data;

(6) a detailed inventory of mental health signs, including the Health

Opinion Survey (HOS) (Leighton et al., 1963); and (7) a series of


I_


1









items tapping attitudes toward and utilization of health service

facilities (Warheit et al. 1973: 4-5).

The pretest respondents and a. patient group were used for

validation of the research instrument. These subjects were rated

for social psychiatric impairment according to traditional criteria

by three psychiatrists. Their concept of "social psychiatric

impairment" encompassed psychosocial distress along four dimensions:

(1) traditional definitions of psychiatric symptomatology; (2) levels

of functioning; (3) the quality and quantity of interpersonal

relationships; and (4) indices of aspiration and satisfaction (Warheit

et al., 1973; Schwab et al., 1970).


Development of Psychometric Scales


Part of the study was concerned with the development of a

number of scales designed to measure the degree of psychiatric

symptomatology present in the general population. Of the 317 items

on the interview schedule, 98 were selected to be factor analyzed

after first being divided into the subsets of somatic health,

psychosomatic health, phobias, gross psychopathology, worry, and

nervousness (Schwab et al., 1973: 102).

The scales were not constructed for use in the diagnosis of

individual pathology, and were not designed to measure psychiatric

disorder at the construct level, such as described in the Diagnostic

and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (Holzer, 1973: 17). Holzer

further states that evidence supporting the validity of the scales is










provided from four sources:

. (1) item content was drawn from the psychiatric
literature; (2) a board psychiatrist has examined their
content and judged it to be appropriate; (3) factor analytic
procedures empirically confirm the grouping of items into
scales and (4) the scales have an acceptable level of internal
consistency as measured by Cronbach's Alpha (Cronbach, 1951).
(Holzer, 1973: 17)

To handle variations in response coding, all scale items were

recorded so that the range for each was from 0 to 4. Three point items,

for example, were coded 0, 2, and 4, and two point items were coded 0

and 4. This was done for two reasons: to ". . permit each item

in a scale to have an equal impact on that scale, even though in

practice the contribution of an individual item is related to the

mean for that item" (Holzer, 1973: 17) and to provide consistent and

easy interpretations of the data across each of the 15 scales, that is,

all scales with the same number of items have identical upper and lower

limits.

The procedures used to develop the psychometric scales have been

reported by Warheit et al. (1973) and are as follows:

Step One: Factor analysis and isolation of subsets.
The researchers attempted to factor analyze all 98 items
but because of the heterogeneity of the item content, the
distinctions between underlying patterns were all but
eliminated. Because they were unable to extract groups of
items on an empirical basis, more manageable subsets were
identified on the basis of their content, as reported on
the previous page of this dissertation.

Step Two: Analysis of subsets.
The subsets identified in the previous step were then
analyzed using principal component analysis. Since the
only purpose on this occasion is to reduce the number of
items to be used for prediction, only the common variances,
the communalities, are needed. The specific variance and
error in the unities can then be dropped from the diagonal









cell values leaving a "reduced correlation matrix" and
resulting in factor loadings closer to zero.

This procedure measures those clusters of items which
comprise the subscale, insuring that the subscale measures
only one psychiatric variable and that the internal
consistency of the items in a given subscale be maximized.
As a result, each subscale is homogeneous and unidimensional
(Schwab et al., 1973: 10').

Step Three: Formation of subscales.
As reported earlier, all items were recorded between a range
of 0 and 4 because of variations in response coding, and to
allow each item to have equal impact on the subscale under
consideration. Further, Cronbach's Alpha was calculated
to measure internal consistency for the preliminary subscales
using the method developed by Bohrnstedt (1969). In addition,
the item-subscale or part-whole correlations were calculated
for each item in each subscale.

Items with insufficient part-whole correlations were then
eliminated from the scales. Subscales which had low alpha
coefficients, despite the removal of the individual items
with low item-subscale correlations, were deleted. Some
items were retained for theoretical reasons even, on occasion,
when their part-whole correlations were less than the informal
cutting point for retention of items. Items which factored
in more than one subscale were deleted from those scales in
which they had the least significant relationship.

Step Four: Combination of subscales.
Fourteen subscales were developed through the above procedure.
Using the subscales as variables, a correlation matrix was
generated to provide an index of the internal consistency
to be expected when subscales were combined.

Step Five: Testing of subscales and general construct
level scales among subpopulations.
In order to furnish a detailed understanding of the relationships
between items within scales which would aid in the interpretation
of results as well as indicate the limits of scale reliability,
an analysis of homogeneity of covariance and of individual
item means as a percentage of scale means within selected
subpopulations was performed. (Warheit et al., 1973: 6-9)

In short, Warheit et al. (1973: 9) state that the construction of

subscales ". .. involved a complex interaction of both theoretical


and statistical considerations."









Operational Definitions


Comprehensive Phobia Scale

The Comprehensive Phobia Scale contains the following ten

items:

"Do you have any strong fears about any of the following:

1. Driving or riding in a car?"

2. Being in crowds?"

3. Strangers?"

4. Fear of bodily harm?"

5. Being hexed, witched, or 'evil eye'?"

6. Any particular animals or insects?"

7. High places?"

8. Closed in places?"

9. Thunder and lightning?"

10. The dark?"

Each subject was asked to respond with a "yes" or "no" for each

of the ten items listed above. For each affirmative response, the

subject was given a score of "4'; for each negative response, the subject

scored "O". The respondent's total scale score was computed by summing

the coded responses. Hence, the Comprehensive Phobia Scale has a range

of 40 points, from 0 to 40 inclusive. The scale was tested for internal

consistency by use of Cronbach's Alpha. The coefficient of scalability

was found to be .65; it ranged from .54 to .68 over the four race-sex

groups (white male, black male, white female, black female) (Warheit

et al., 1973: 18).









On the validity of using subjective reports for fear estimates,

Rachman (1968: 26) has concluded that subjects provide estimates which

do seem to indicate a ". . reliable but gross discrimination between

people who are frightened of a particular stimulus and those who are

fearless." The phobia index does not measure the intensity of

fear present nor the degree of loss of function when the subject is

confronted with the aversive stimuli.


Phobia Scale -- Personal

The Phobia Scale -- Personal is one of the two subscales

comprising the Comprehensive Phobia Scale. It consists of questions 1

through 5 of the Comprehensive Phobia Scale as listed above. Scoring

remains identical to that already outlined; the range of potential

scores, however, varies between 0 and 20.


Phobia Scale.-- Situational

The Phobia Scale -- Situational is the second subscale which,

together with the personal phobia subscale, comprises the Comprehensive

Phobia Scale. Again, the range of scores that an individual might

receive is from 0 to 20. All coding of responses and computations is

identical to that already stated above. The Phobia Scale -- Situational

consists of questions numbered 6 through 10 on the Comprehensive Phobia

Scale.


Individual Phobias

At times during the analysis of the data, responses made for

each Item of the phobia scale will be considered individually. Possible









responses are two, "yes" and "no", as previously indicated.


Measurement of Race

During the interview, the interviewer noted the subject's

race and recorded it as white, black, or other. Those reported as

"other" were to be specified on the schedule. Of the total sample,

only 12 respondents fell into the last category, and 9 of those were

identified as Oriental. For the purpose of statistical analysis

and presentation of the data, these 12 individuals are combined with

the white subjects.


Measurement of Subject's Sex

The subject's sex, male or female, was recorded by the

interviewer.


Measurement of Age

Age was ascertained by asking each respondent, "What was your

age on your last birthday?" The answer received was written down by

the interviewer. For this dissertation, the subjects' ages have

been recorded into seven groups: 17 to 24; 25 to 34; 35-to 44;

45 to 54; 55 to 64; 65 to 74; and 75 or over.


Measurement of Educational Attainment

Each subject was asked, "What was the last year of school you

completed?" The following categories were used to code responses: no

formal schooling; less than fourth grade; fifth to eighth grade;

some high school; high school graduate; trade or business school











graduate; college graduate; some post graduate work; and post graduate

degree.


Measurement of Father's Educational Attainment

Each subject was asked, "What was the last year of school

completed by your father/stepfather?" The same categories were used

here to code the respondent's answer as were used to code the subject's

level of educational attainment.


Measurement of Marital Status

The subject's marital status at the time of the interview was

ascertained by asking the question, "What is your present marital

status?" Possible responses included: single, married, widowed,

separated, divorced, and common law married. For this dissertation,

the seven persons indicating they had common law marriages are combined

with those who indicated "married."


Measurement of Type of Residence Area

Subjects' places of residence were coded into three categories:

farm, rural-nonfarm, and in-town. In this dissertation, the first

two response categories are combined into a new category, rural, and

the latter is referred to as urban.


Measurement of Socioeconomic Status

The socioeconomic status level was determined by following the

method suggested by the United States Bureau of the Census (1967).









Holzer (1973: 23-24) explains the procedure:

Scores were calculated for the component items,
education . (of the subject and family income),
by computing cumulative percentage distributions of
the component items and by then assigning the midpoint of
the distribution for each category of education or family
income as the score for that category. 'he occupational
categories, for occupation of the chief income recipient,
were ranked on the basis of the combined average level of
scores on Income and education for the given category.
Subsequently, a cumulative percentage distribution for the
ranked occupational categories was obtained and the midpoint
of the distribution for each category was taken as its
score. From these scores, the socioeconomic status
score, a simple average of the individual's education,
family income, and occupation scores was calculated.

The ranks of these variables were based on the sample of 1645

subjects and not on the national census data. Therefore, It was

". .. insured that a respondent's SES score would be determined by

comparisons with the educational, income, and occupational structure

of the specific population to which he belongs" (Warheit et al., 1972: 6).

For ease in the presentation of the data, socioeconomic status has been

recorded into five categories: 0 to 19 (low); 20 to 39; 40 to 59;

60 to 79; and 80 to 100 (high).


Other Variables

A number of additional items will be presented in the ensuing

analysis which are not given space at this time to state how they are

operationalized. Informational items of relevance concerning these

items are furnished In the text of Chapter 5. The items presented

above are included at this time because they are either dependent

variables serving as the focus of analysis or because they are independent

variables used routinely throughout the analysis as controls.









Statistical Techniques Used in the Study


Although strict hypothesis testing will not be reported in

this investigation, the data will be subjected to statistical analysis

and levels of significance will be reported for those who desire such

an interpretation of the data. The major inferential techniques to

be used and their results reported, when appropriate, are the Chi

Square Test of Independence, Kendall's Rank Order Correlation

Coefficient Tauc, gamma for a proportional reduction-in-error

interpretation of ordinal data, one-way analysis of variance, and

stepwise multiple regression.

The procedure to be used when imposing controls on the data

will be to generate separate tables for the categories of the

appropriate variables and compute the various statistics. The data

have been coded, punched on I.B.M. cards and stored on tape. All

statistical analyses will be conducted at the Northeast Florida

Regional Data Center located on the campus of the University of

Florida.
















CHAPTER 5

FINDINGS


On the following pages are presented the findings of this

investigation. Results dealing with the Comprehensive Phobia

Scale as the dependent variable will be presented initially,

followed by the Personal Phobia Scale, the Situational Phobia

Scale, and concluding with a look at the individual items comprising

the phobia scales.


Comprehensive Phobia Scale


Among the random sample representing the general population

of Alachua County, Florida, 67.4 percent (n = 1109) of the subjects

responded that they were afraid of at least one item or situation

included on the Comprehensive Phobia Scale (see Table 1). The mean

scale score was 6.6; the median was 4.7.

Of the male respondents, 54.5 percent (n = 401) admitted

having at least one fear included among the ten scale items. Of

the females in the sample, 77.9 percent (n = 708) had a scale score

of 4 or higher. The Chi Square Test of Independence performed on

these data indicates that scores received on the phobia scale were

not independent of sex; the null hypothesis of independence between

scale score and sex is rejected at the .001 level of confidence (see

Table 2).









Table 1. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Comprehensive
Phobia Scale.


Scale Absolute Frequency
Score Frequency (Percent)

0 536 32.6%
4 418 25.4
8 277 16.8
12 164 10.0
16 121 7.4
20 65 4.0
24 32 1.9
28 22 1.3
32 7 0.4
36 2 0.1
40 1 0.1
75 100.0%


Mean = 6.6 Standard Error = 0.17
Median = 4.7 Standard Deviation = 7.02
Mode = 0.0 Variance = 49.3


Table 2. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Comprehensive
Phobia Scale by Sex.


Scale Sex
Score Male Female

0 45.5% (335) 22.1% (201)
4 26.5 (195) 24.5 (223)
8 13.7 (101) 19.4 (176)
12 6.5 (48) 12.8 (116)
16 4.8 (35) 9.4 ( 86)
20 2.3 (17) 5.3 ( 48)
24 0.4 ( 3) 3.2 ( 29)
28 0.3 ( 2) 2.2 ( 20)
32 0.0 ( 0) 0.8 ( 7)
36 0.0 ( 0) 0.2 ( 2)
40 0.0 ( 0) 0.1 ( 1)
100.0o T(73T TT.o T- o9

Chi Square = 149.5; df = 10; p / .001









From Table 3, one may observe that 62.5 percent (n = 799)

of the white subjects indicated possession of at least one phobia

included among the scale items. Among the black subjects, 84.7

percent (n = 310) had a scale score of 4 or higher. With a Chi

Square of 170.2 (df = 10; p / .001), a statement of independence

between scale score and race could not be made.

Table 3. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Comprehensive
Phobia Scale by Race.

Scale Race
Score White Black

0 37.5% (480) 15.3% ( 56)
4 26.0 (333) 23.2 ( 85)
8 16.7 (214) 17.2 ( 63)
12 9.5 (122) 11.5 ( 42)
16 6.0 ( 77) 12.0 ( 44)
20 2.4 ( 30) 9.6 (35)
24 1.2 ( 15) 4.6 ( 17)
28 0.4 ( 5) 4.6 (17)
32 0.1 ( 1) 1.7 ( 6)
36 0.1 ( 1) 0.3 ( 1)
40 0.1 ( 1) 0.0 ( 0)
700.06% (127-9 100.0% T3765

Chi Square = 170.2; df = 10; p / .001

A positive, but relatively weak, association was found also

for the relationship between scale score and age of the subject

(see Table 4) with a Tauc value of .05 (p / .001) and a gamma coefficient

of .07. Similarly, a relationship was observed between scale score
and the subject's level of educational attainment (see Table 9) with

a Tau of -.17 (p / .001) and a gamma coefficient of -.22.








Table 4. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Comprehensive
Phobia Scale by Age.

Scale Age (Years)
Score 17-24 25-34 35-44 45-54 55-64 65-74 75-91

0 33.4% 37.0" 31.7% 33.1% 27.1% 27.6% 33.2%
(129) (130) ( 82) ( 80) ( 49) ( 42) ( 24)
4 26.9 26.5 27.8 20.7 26.5 24.4 18.1
(104) ( 93) ( 72) ( 50) ( 48) ( 37) ( 13)
8 16.8 16.2 14.7 17.3 16.0 21.7 18.1
( 65) ( 57) ( 38) ( 42) ( 29) ( 33) ( 13)
12 8.5 8.6 11.2 12.4 12.1 7.9 11.1
( 33) ( 30) (29) ( 30) ( 22) ( 12) ( 8)
16 7.0 4.8 6.2 7.4 10.5 10.5 11.1
( 27) ( 17) (16) ( 18) ( 19) (16) ( 8)
20 3.4 3.7 4.6 4.1 4.4 4.6 2.8
( 13) ( 13) (12) ( 10) ( 8) ( 7) ( 2)
24 1.8 2.3 1.1 2.1 1.7 2.6 2.8
( 7) ( 8) ( 3) ( 5) ( 3) ( 4) ( 2)
28 1.6 0.9 0.4 2.1 1.7 0.7 2.8
( 6) ( 3) ( 1) ( 5) ( 3) ( 1) ( 2)
32 0.3 0.0 1.5 0.8 0.0 0.0 0.0
( 1) ( 0) ( 4) ( 2) ( 0) ( 0) ( 0)
36 0.0 0.0 0.8 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0
( 0) ( 0) ( 2) ( 0) ( 0) ( 0) ( 0)
40 0.3 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0
( 1) ( 0) ( 0) ( 0) ( 0) ( ) ( 0)
1oo.0% 100-70-7 T3= Too1 5 T 100.0% 10077 o7
(386) (351) (259) (242) (181) (152) ( 72)

Tau = .05; p / .001
Gamma = .07

Family income and the subject's socioeconomic status level
were also correlated negatively with scores on the Comprehensive Phobia








Scale (see Table 5 and Table 6, respectively). The respective Tauc

values for the two sets of data were -.14 (p / .001) and -.19 (p / .001);

the gamma coefficients were -.18 and -.24.


Table 5. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Comprehensive
Phobia Scale by Family Income

Scale $0S- $3000- $6000- $10,000- $15,000
Score $2999 $5999 $9999 $14,999 or more
0 25.4% 29.4% 31.0% 38.2% 43.8%
( 71) ( 99) (106) (104) ( 99)
4 21.5 28.0 28.3 24.6 27.0
( 60) ( 94) ( 97) ( 67) ( 61)
8 18.6 14.9 19.6 17.3 14.2
( 52) ( 50) ( 67) ( 47) ( 32)
12 11.8 9.5 9.1 9.6 9.3
( 33) ( 32) ( 31) ( 26) ( 21)
16 9.0 8.6 5.0 7.4 4.4
( 25) ( 29) ( 17) ( 20) ( 10)
20 6.5 4.5 4.4 1.8 0.4
( 18) ( 15) ( 15) ( 5) ( 1)
24 3.2 2.4 1.7 0.7 0.4
( 9) ( 8) ( 6) ( 2) ( 1)
28 1.4 2.1 0.9 0.4 0.4
( 4) ( 7) ( 3) ( 1) ( 1)
32 2.2 0.3 0.0 0.0 0.0
( 6) ( 1) ( 0) ( 0) ( 0)
36 0.4 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0
( 1) ( 0) ( 0) ( 0) ( 0)
40 0.0 0.3 0.0 0.0 0.0
( 0) ( 1) ( 0) ( 0) ( 0)
lioo.o0 Tdo oo.% 1 i- oo.o%
(279) (336) (342) (272) (226)

Tau = -.14; p / .001
Gamma = -.18









Table 6. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Comprehensive
Phobia Scale by Socioeconomic Status.


Scale
Score 0-19 2

0 16.0%
( 34)

4 20.3
( 43)

8 17.0
( 36)

12 14.1 1
(30)

16 11.3
( 24)

20 9.4
(20)

24 3.3
( 7)

28 5.7
(12)

32 2.4
( 5)

36 0.5
( 1)

40 0.0
( 0)

(212)


Tau = -.19; p / .001
Gamma = -.24
Gamma = -.24


Socioeconomic Statt
20-39 40-59


9.0%
(110)

1.1
(80)

20.0
(76)

0.6
(40)

8.2
31)

5.8
(22)

3.2
( 12)

1.3
5)

0.5
2)

0.3
( 1)

0.0
0)

(379)


us


32.4%
(155)

28.6
(137)

16.3
( 78)

8.8
( 42)

8.3
( 40)

3.3
( 16)

1.5
( 7)

0.6
( 3)

0.0
( 0)

0.0
( 0)

0.2
( 1)
100.0%
(479)


60-79

42.2%
(148)

26.2
( 92)

14.5
( 51)

9.1
(32)

5.4
( 19)

1.2
( 4)

1.4
( 5)

0.0
( 0)

0.0
( 0)

0.0
( 0)

0.0
( 0)

(351)


US


( 0)
(22400.0
(224)


Phobia scale scores were dependent upon the subject's marital

status (see Table 7), and there was a positive association between


80-100

39.7%
( 89)

29.5
( 66)

16.1
(36)

8.9
( 20)

3.1
( 7)

1.3
( 3)

0.5
( 1)

0.9
( 2)

0.0
( 0)

0.0
( 0)

0.0









scale scores and the subject's reported degree of childhood happiness

(see Table 8). Both relationships were significant beyond the .001

level.


Table 7. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Comprehensive
Phobia Scale by Marital Status


Scale
Score

0


4


8


12


16


20


24


28


32


36


40


Chi Square
Tau
Gamma


= 97.47; df = 40;
= .08; p / .001
= .14


Marital Status
Widowed Separated Divorced


Single

35.2%
(104)

26.8
( 79)

16.6
( 49)

6.8
( 20)

7.1
( 21)

4.1
( 12)

1.0
( 3)

1.7
( 5)

0.7
( 2)

0.0
( 0)

0.0
( 0)
100.0(
(295)


Married

34.7%
(350)

26.4
(266)

16.6
(168)

9.4
( 95)

6.5
( 66)

3.6
(36)

1.6
( 16)

0.7
( 7)

0.2
( 2)

0.2
( 2)

0.1
( 1)

(1009)


35.3%
( 36)

23.5
( 24)

11.8
( 12)

15.7
(16)

8.8
( 9)

2.9
( 3)

0.0
( 0)

1.0
S1)

1.0
( 1)

0.0
( 0)

0.0
( 0)
100.02
(102)


p / .001


21.8%
( 37)

18.8
( 32)

21.8
( 37)

14.1
( 24)

11.2
(19)

4.7
( 8)

4.1
( 7)

3.5
( 6)

0.0
( 0)

0.0
S0)

0.0
( 0)
(170)
(170)


13.1%
( 9)

24.6
( 17)

15.9
( 11)

13.1
( 9)

8.7
( 6)

8.7
( 6)

8.7
( 6)

4.3
( 3)

2.9
( 2)

0.0
( 0)

0.0
( 0)
100.69)
( 69)


I-- -









Table 8. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Comprehensive
Phobia Scale by Reported Degrees of Childhood Happiness.


Scale Childhood Happiness
Score Mostly Happy Mixed Happy Mostly Unhappy

0 35.1% (481) 22.5% ( 40) 15.4% ( 14)
4 25.9 (356) 24.7 ( 44) 17.5 ( 16)
8 16.6 (228) 16.9 ( 30) 19.8 ( 18)
12 9.2 (126) 11.2 ( 20) 19.8 ( 18)
16 6.3 ( 87) 12.9 ( 23) 12.1 ( 11)
20 3.5 ( 48) 6.7 (12) 5.5 ( 5)
24 1.7 ( 23) 2.2 ( 4) 5.5 ( 5)
28 1.2 ( 16) 1.7 ( 3) 3.3 ( 3)
32 0.4 ( 6) 0.6 ( 1) 0.0 ( 0)
36 0.0 ( 0) 0.6 ( 1) 1.1 ( 1)
40 0.1 ( 1) 0.0 ( 0) 0.0 ( 0)
iTW (T1372) 0. TTT T0.-0a (T91)

Tau = .10; p / .001
Gamma = .29


Preliminary Analysis of Results


Comprehensive phobia by sex

In the previous chapter, it was suggested that females would be

characterized by a higher phobia rate than would be males. The

explanation given then is consistent with the data: females do report

having a substantially higher number of phobias than do males. Whereas

more than 70 percent of the males possess less than two phobias, fewer

than 50 percent of the females can make this claim.

Women have generally been socialized into accepting a less

assertive, more dependent role than have men. Being afraid of snakes

or spiders is not a threat to a woman's femininity, but it is commonly

viewed as a threat to a man's masculinity. Consequently, during the








socialization process, males are discouraged by their significant

others from exhibiting fear. In contrast, girls are often rewarded

for exhibiting the same behavior for which boys are countermanded.

As one's commitment to the traditional male sex role increases,

one would expect that person to become less phobic; as one's

commitment to the traditional female sex role increases, one would

expect that person to become more phobic. Consequently, persons

conforming to the traditional male sex role will be expected to have

lower rates of self-reported phobic neurosis than persons conforming

to the traditional female sex role. Unfortunately, the data in the

present study do not allow this to be evaluated since a sex role

identification scale was not administered to the subjects.

Comprehensive phobia by race

.. It was suggested earlier that responses to the Comprehensive

Phobia Scale would vary when controls are implemented for the subject's

race. It was also suggested that one of the reasons for this

hypothesized variance was due to the different social experiences of

the races in the United States. Specifically, since blacks have a

long history of oppression and are continually frustrated by the

encounterment of prejudice and institutionalized discrimination, it is

thought that they would have higher phobia rates than whites. This

is confirmed by the data as reported in Table 3; 61.5 percent of

the blacks, as contrasted to 36.5 percent of the whites, admit having

at least two of the fears included on the scale.

It is unclear at this point, however, whether the difference

observed between the races is real or a function of social class








membership. An attempt to explicate the relationship will be made

shortly.

Comprehensive phobia by age

The association between scale scores and the subject's age,

although statistically significant beyond the .001 level, is hardly

Impressive (Tau = .05; gamma = .07). Earlier, it was suggested

that age and the rate of self-reported phobic neurosis would

approximate a U-shaped curve: during the early childhood years, the

phobia rate would be relatively high, declining as the children

progress through the various levels of formal education, reaching

a low during the years they are attempting to "get established in

life" and raising a family, and sharply rising as their retirement

nears.

The data in this study do not allow an analysis of phobia

rates among persons under age 17 years, as they were excluded from

the sampling frame. From Table 4, however, it does appear that the

slight positive association observed is due to an increase in phobia

responses for the cohorts 55-64 and 65-74 years of age -- the

retirement years where adjustments must be made to new life styles.

The accuracy of the theory on the acquisition of phobic

neurosis by age groups is not established at this point, but additional

analysis will soon be undertaken in an attempt to explicate the

relationship.

Comprehensive phobia by educational attainment

As noted in Table 9, there is a relatively strong inverse

relationship between phobia rates by educational attainment of the







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subjects. The relationship is statistically significant beyond the

.001 level and conforms to the theoretical explanation offered in

Chapter 3 as well as that offered in the section above on phobia

score by the age of the subject.

It will be recalled that phobias are traditionally defined as

irrational fears, and that one of the functions of the educational

institution in this country is the replacement of blind faith and

nonrational action with rational thought and modes of action. If

the institution is fulfilling this objective, then it is to be

expected that the phobia rate should decrease as the level of formal

education increases. The data confirmed that the relationship

between phobia rates and educational attainment was in the predicted

direction, at the .001 level of significance.

Comprehensive phobia by family income

It would appear reasonable to hypothesize that as one becomes

increasingly financially successful, he would develop a more favorable

self-image and have greater confidence in his abilities. Concomitant

with this would occur the feeling that one is in total control of the

situation, or, at least, that he has greater control over things which

affect him than does someone who has not been financially successful,

and, perhaps, characterized by feelings of fatalism. While the

relationship between phobia rates and fatalistic outlooks on life

will be examined later, a preview might be made by looking at the

relationship between phobia scores and family income.









As reported earlier, the observed relationship is statistically

significant (p / .001) and in the predicted direction with a Tauc

coefficient of -.14 and a gamma coefficient of -.13 (see Table 5).

Consequently, tentative support is provided for the relationship

between fatalistic attitudes and the tendency to have high phobia

scale scores.

Comprehensive phobia by socioeconomic status

Since socioeconomic status is generally viewed as a composite

of several different factors, such as income and education, one would

expect to observe a strong inverse relationship between phobia scores

and socioeconomic status levels, knowing that inverse relationships

exist between phobia scores with income and education. Table 6

provides confirmation. The explanation offered to account for the

relationship is identical to the accounts offered for the observed

relationships between phobia scores with subjects' education levels

and family incomes.

First order controls. Implementing controls to account for the

subject's sex does not substantially alter the observed zero order

correlations (see Table 10). Controlling for race, however, the

gamma coefficient is reduced from -.24 to -.15 for whites and to -.11

for blacks; the Tau coefficient is reduced from -.19 (p L .001)

to -.11 (p / .001) for whites and to -.08 (p / .08) for blacks. It

does appear, therefore, that while race contributes to the observed

zero order correlation between phobia scale scores and socioeconomic

status, it does not account for the entire relationship.









Table 10. Gamma and Tauc Coefficients for the Relationship Between
Comprehensive Phobia Scale Scores and Socioeconomic Status
Controlling for Race, Sex.



N Gamma Tau, p

Zero Order 1645 -.24 -.19 .001

First Order
Controlling For:

Sex
Male 736 -.25 -.17 .001
Female 909 -.23 -.19 .001

Race
White 1279 -.15 -.11 .001
Black 366 -.11 -.08 .01



Comprehensive phobia by marital status

A number of equally plausible hypotheses could be presented

concerning the relationship between phobia scores and the subjects'

present marital statuses. Since no one hypothesis seems to stand out

among the alternatives, a look at the data would appear to be in

order.

From Table 7, it is apparent that persons widowed and separated

have higher rates of phobic neurosis. An explanation consistent with

this observation and with the observation that persons single and

married have the lowest rates of phobic neurosis is that the former

have undergone or are undergoing a relatively traumatic period in their

lives. It does not appear unreasonable to suggest that such persons,

in an emotionally taxing situation, become more neurotic as a result

of their experience. And, of course, as the psychoanalyst would









quickly point out, the emergence of phobic symptomatology during

such life crisis events is not unusual.

A harder relationship to explain is why divorced persons have

a lower phobia rate than either the separated or the widowed. One

explanation accounting for the difference between the divorced and

the separated is that the former are finished with the trauma of

court proceedings. To account for the differences between the

divorced and the widowed, however, is more difficult. It might be

a function of both age and sex, rather than a function of marital

status. For example, the widowed are generally disproportionately

female because of the female's longer life span, and, as noted earlier,

females tend to have higher rates of phobic neurosis than do men.

The divorced, however, are probably more equally divided between men

and women since divorce generally occurs earlier in one's life than

does widowment. Consequently, the inclusion of more males into this

section of the sample would "counterinfluence" the tendency of

females to have higher phobia rates.

Comprehensive phobia by childhood happiness

It would appear reasonable to suggest that the happier a

person's childhood was, the less neurotic that person would be as an

adult. Since possession of phobia is one type of neurotic behavior

pattern, one would expect to observe a higher phobia rate among persons

who perceive their developmental years to be unsatisfactory.

Table 8 provides some data with which to examine this hypothesis.

By asking subjects to describe on a three-point scale ("mostly









happy," "mixed happy," "mostly unhappy") their childhoods, one can

get some indication of the subjects' perceptions of their early

childhood and their satisfaction with them. Kendall's Tauc was

calculated to be .10 (p / .001) for the set of data in Table 8.

Gamma, however, was found to be .29. Thus, using the latter statistic,

one can explain 29 percent of the variance in phobia scores by having

knowledge of the subject's perception of his childhood happiness.

In other words, by knowing whether the subject perceived his childhood

as happy, mixed, or unhappy, one can reduce the number of errors made

in predicting the phobia scale score without such knowledge by 29

percent.

First order controls. As seen in Table 11, the implementation

of controls for the subject's sex and race, considered separately,

did not substantially alter the zero order correlation coefficients.

Neither sex nor race appear to be an intervening variable in the

observed relationship between phobia score and childhood happiness.

Second order controls. Controlling for the sex and race of

the subject simultaneously, however, one notes the relationship

between phobia score and childhood happiness essentially dissipates

for black males while the coefficients remain relatively large for

the other three sex-race categories. Consequently, while knowledge

of the childhood happiness of black females and all whites allows

a reduction in the number of errors made in predicting phobia scale

scores from 28 to 33 percent, prediction of black males' phobia

scores can be reduced only 8 percent.









Table 11. Gamma and Tauc Coefficients for the Relationship Between
Comprehensive Phobia Scale Scores and Childhood Happiness
Controlling for Race, Sex, and Race-Sex.


N Gamma Tau, p

Zero Order 1641 .29 .10 .001

First Order
Controlling For:

Sex
Male 734 .25 .07 .005
Female 907 .29 .11 .001

Race
White 1275 .31 .10 .001
Black 366 .23 .10 .005

Second Order
Controlling For:

Sex-Race
White Males 581 .28 .07 .01
Black Males 153 .08 .03 N.S.
White Females 694 .30 .11 .001
Black Females 213 .33 .14 .001



Comprehensive phobia by
satisfaction with retirement

The zero order correlation coefficients for the relationship

between phobia scores and satisfaction with retirement were .18 (gamma)

and .12 (Tauc, p / .05). Although the number of subjects is relatively

small (n = 89), a relationship does exist between phobia scores and

satisfaction with retirement when the latter is coded into two groups:

satisfied and unsatisfied.

First order controls. As seen in Table 12, both sex and race

serve as intervening variables. For males, the zero order gamma









Table 12. Gamma and Tauc Coefficients for the Relationship Between
Comprehensive Phobia Scale Scores and Satisfaction with
Retirement Controlling for Race, Sex, and Race-Sex.



N Gamma Tau, p

Zero Order 89 .18 .12 .05

First Order
Controlling For:

Sex
Male 57 .16 .10 N.S.
Female 32 .50 .21 .05

Race
White 65 -.03 -.01 N.S.
Black 24 .33 .46 .;O

Second Order
Controlling For:

Sex-Race
White Males 43 .05 .03 N.S.
Black Males 14 .28 .20 N.S.
White Females 22 .41 .06 N.S.
Black Females 10 .76 .52 N.S.



coefficient drops to .16; for females, it rises to .50; for whites,

it drops to -.03; for blacks, it rises to .33. The Tauc values

follow a similar pattern with statistically significant relationships

being observed only for females (p / .05) and for blacks (p / .01).

Second order controls. Attempting to explicate the relationship,

gamma values ranged from .05 to .76 for the four race-sex groups and

Tauc values ranged from .03 to .52. Of the latter statistics, none was

significant at the .05 level due principally to the small numbers

of cases in the four categories.









As suggested earlier in this chapter, it was predicted that

persons who were satisfied with their retirements would have lower

phobia rates than those who were unsatisfied. The zero order

correlation coefficients appear to confirm this. Applying first

order controls, however, showed that the relationship was altered

when taking account of the subject's race; the relationship approached

zero for whites, but remained strong for blacks. Nevertheless,

the small numbers of subjects preclude the possibility of making any

firm statements after the implementation of second order controls.

Comprehensive phobia by place of residence,
attendance at church, and membership in
voluntary organizations

By dividing the subjects into two groups according to their

place of residence, a relationship was predicted between phobia

scores and rural-urban residence. It was thought that since urban

residence is characterized by a more diversified culture base and

by feelings of anonymity, crowded conditions, and the relative lack

of primary ties, urbanites would have higher scale scores than would

rural residents. As can be seen in Table 13, the zero order

correlation coefficient was near zero and not statistically significant.

There does exist the possibility, however, that urban life in

Gainesville, Florida, does not represent enough of a contrast to the

local rural life to cause a significant difference in reported phobia

scores.

It was also thought that persons who attend church regularly

would be characterized by a higher prevalence of phobia because of

their belief in the supernatural. As also seen in Table 13, the










relationship was not significant; both gamma and Tauc were

computed to be -.02.

It was also believed that persons who are more active in club

activities would have a lower rate of phobic neurosis than would

persons who are less active. The data provide support with a gamma

coefficient of .17 and a Tauc coefficient of .13 ( p / .001 ).


Table 13. Gamma and Tauc Coefficients for the Relationships Between
Comprehensive Phobia Scale Scores and the Major
Independent Variables.


Independent
Variables N Gamma Tau, p

Race 1645 .44 .25 .001
Sex 1645 .42 .33 .001
Age 1643 .07 .05 .001
Education 1641 -.22 -.17 .001
Father's Education 1159 -.15 -.11 .001
Childhood Happiness 1641 .29 .10 .001
Residence 1642 -.05 -.03 N.S.
Retirement Satis-
faction 89 .19 .11 N.S.
Church Attendance 1644 -.02 -.02 N.S.
Club Memberships 1642 .17 .13 .001
Leighton Scale 1645 .46 .25 .001
Family Income 1455 -.18 -.19 .001
SES 1645 -.24 -.19 .001



Comprehensive phobia by subjects'
responses to social psychiatric
symptomatology questions

Since phobias are behavior patterns defined as neurotic, one would

expect phobia scale scores to vary directly with other indices of

psychoneuroticism. In Table 14 are listed 13 items measuring










Table 14. Gamma and Tauc Coefficients for the Relationships Between
Comprehensive Phobia Scale Scores and Social Psychiatric
S Symptomatology Questions.


Independent
Variables N Gamma Tau, p

Feels in Good Spirits 1644 .31 .10 .001
Wonders if Things
SWorthwhile 1629 .30 .20 .001
Worry Results in
Physical Strain 1629 .33 .11 .001
Worries without
Reason 1612 .34 .09 .001
Frequency of Worry/
Nervousness 1611 .32 .22 .001
Things Don't Turn
Out Right 1618 .23 .17 .001
Blames Self if Things
Go Wrong 1550 .08 .06 .001
Frequency of Crying
Spells 1641 .39 .19 .001
Don't Enjoy Things
in Life 1623 .34 .17 .001
Feels Alone and
Helpless 1637 .44 .20 .001
People Don't Care
Today 1622 .37 .17 .001
Feels That Life is
Hopeless 1635 .46 .16 .001
Future Outlook is
Poor 1592 .26 .14 .001


psychoneuroticism.


Each item was crosstabulated with the Comprehensive


Phobia Scale scores, and the zero order correlation results reported

in Table 14 along with the levels of statistical significance for the

Tauc values. As expected, scale scores were positively correlated

with each item.

Comprehensive phobia by subjects' responses
to questions tapping fatalistic outlooks on life

The relationship between phobia scores and fatalistic attitudes









is examined and reported in Table 15. As expected, the relationship

is positive and statistically significant beyond the .001 level for

each item.


Table 15. Gamma and Tauc Coefficients for the Relationships Between
Comprehensive Phobia Scale Scores and Questions Tapping
Fatalistic Attitudes.


Independent
Variables N Gamma Taur p

Lot of Average Man
Is Getting Worse 1586 .26 .18 .001
Unfair to Bring Child-
ren into World 1595 .25 .15 .001
One Must Live for
Today 1636 .33 .21 .001
Can't Count on
Anyone 1624 .34 .22 .001
Writing to Officials
Is Useless 1567 .24 .17 .001
People Today Are
Powerless 1600 .30 .19 .001



The explanation for this observation can probably be divided

into two parts. First, fatalistic attitudes occur more often among

persons who exhibit neurotic behaviors; phobic behavior is neurotic;

therefore, one would expect a direct correlation between phobic

neurosis and fatalistic outlooks on life. Second, persons characterized

by social oppression, that is, whose life chances are reduced by

structural arrangements, may place greater reliance on supernatural

events to explain their social situations rather than attribute their

lack of success to personal inadequacies. Such persons would be

expected to have higher rates of fear concerning supernatural phenomena,

and this would be reflected in higher phobia scale scores.










Prediction of Comprehensive Phobia Scale Scores
By Race, Sex, Age, and Socioeconomic Status


To complete the analysis, the data were subjected to stepwise

multiple regression in an attempt to determine the best predictor

variables sequence. Race, sex, age, and socioeconomic status were

the variables used in the procedure.

As seen in Table 16, race accounts for almost 9 percent of the

total variance in phobia scores. With the addition of sex, the next

most important variable in the variable list, 16 percent of the

variance could be explained. Socioeconomic status accounted for

an additional one percent; age contributed almost nothing to the

regression equation. The four variables together explained almost

18 percent of the total variance.


Table 16. Prediction of Comprehensive Phobia Scale Scores by
Race, Sex, Age, and Socioeconomic Status.


Independent Simple Multiple R
Variables R R Sauare Beta

Race .29764 .29764 .08859 .23616
Sex .28053 .40383 .16308 .26285
SES -.25490 .41737 .17420 -.12982
Age .05373 .41865 .17527 -.03443


Constant = -1.28186


Personal Phobia Subscale


Of the subjects in the sample, 31.3 percent (n = 512) responded

that they were afraid of at least one item included on the Personal









Phobia Subscale. The Personal Phobia Subscale, it will be recalled,

consists of the following fears: bodily harm, evil eye, strangers,

crowds, and driving or riding in a car. The mean response was a

scale score of 1.9; both median and modal responses were 0 (see

Table 17).


Table 17. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Personal Phobia
Subscale.


Scale Absolute Frequency
Score Frequency (Percent)

0 1133 68.9%
4 322 19.6
8 127 7.7
12 42 2.5
16 19 1.2
20 2 0.1
1605 -00.0%


Mean = 1.9 Standard Error = 0.08
Median = 0.0 Standard Deviation = 3.40
Mode = 0.0 Variance = 11.5


Of the male subjects, 22.3 percent (n = 164) admitted having

at least one fear included among the five scale items. Of the females

in the sample, 38.3 percent (n = 348) had a scale score of 4 or

higher. The Chi Square Test of Independence performed on these data

indicated that scores received on the phobia scale were not independent

of sex; the null hypothesis of independence between scale score

and sex was rejected at the .001 level of confidence (see Table 18).

From Table 19, one may observe that 27.1 percent (n = 346) of

the white subjects indicated possession of at least one phobia included

among the scale items. Among the black people in the sample, 45.4









Table 18. Frequency Distribution of Responses to
Subscale by Sex.


Personal Phobia


Scale Sex
Score Mal e Female

0 77.7% (572) 61.7% (561)
4 15.1 (111) 23.2 (211)
8 4.7 ( 35) 10.1 ( 92)
12 1.8 ( 13) 3.2 ( 29)
16 0.7 ( 5) 1.6 ( 14)
20 0.0 ( 0) 0.2 ( 2)
100.0% (73) 1500.0% (9097


Chi Square = 51.5; df = 5; p / .001


percent (n = 166) had a scale score of 4 or higher. With a Chi Square

of 90.9 (df = 5; p / .001), a statement of independence between scale

scores and race could not be made.


Table 19. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Personal Phobia
Subscale by Race.


Scale Race
Score Wh i te Black

0 73.0% (933) 54.6% (200)
4 19.2 (246) 20.8 ( 76)
8 5.8 (74) 14.5 (53)
12 1.4 ( 18) 6.5 ( 24)
16 0.5 ( 7) 3.3 (12)
20 0.1 ( 1) 0.3 ( 1)
1oo.o0% (12T"7 700.70 (3"6)


Chi Square = 90.9; df = 5; p / .001

There appears to be no relationship between personal phobia

scores and the subject's age (see Table 20) as both rank order coefficients

were computed to be -.01. An inverse relationship was observed,









Table 20. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Personal Phobia
Subscale by Age.


Scale Age (Years)
Score 17-24 25-34 35-44 45-54 55-64 65-74 75-91

0 64.0% 71.2% 73.7% 73.2% 68.0% 67.8% 56.9%
(247) (250) (191) (177) (123) (103) ( 41)
4 24.6 17.1 15.8 13.6 22.1 23.7 23.6
(95) ( 60) ( 41) ( 33) ( 40) ( 36) ( 17)

8 6.5 8.8 6.6 8.7 7.2 7.2 12.5
(25) ( 31) ( 17) ( 21) ( 13) ( 11) ( 9)

12 3.3 2.9 0.8 3.3 2.2 0.0 5.6
( 13) ( 10) ( 2) ( 8) ( 4) ( 0) ( 4)

16 1.3 0.0 3.1 0.8 0.5 1.3 1.4
( 5) ( 0) ( 8) ( 2) ( 1) ( 2) ( 1)

20 0.3 0.0 0.0 0.4 0.0 0.0 0.0
( 1) ( 0) ( 0) ( 1) ( 0) ( 0) ( 0)
10.0% 1000.0% 1007.0-% 70070% 14007.00 100.0. 1700.04
(386) (351) (259) (242) (181) (152) ( 72)


however, between scale score and the subject's level of educational

attainment (see Table 25) with a Tauc of -.11 (p / .001) and a gamma

coefficient of -.23.

Family income and the subject's socioeconomic status level

were also correlated negatively with scores on the Personal Phobia

Subscale (see Table 21 and Table 22). The respective Tauc values for

the two sets of data are -.12 (p / .001) and -.14 (p .001); the

gamma coefficients are -.27 and -.31.

Personal phobia scale score-s were dependent upon the subject's

marital status (see Table 23); there was also a positive association

between scale score and the subject's reported degree of childhood









happiness (see Table 24). Both relationships were significant beyond

the .001 level.

Table 21. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Personal Phobia
Subscale by Family Income.


Scale $0- $3000- $6000- $10,000- $15,000
Score $2999 $5999 $9999 $14,999 or more

0 54.8% 68.7% 72.2% 74.3% 83.2%
(153) (231) (247) (202) (188)

4 28.3 17.3 17.2 19.5 12.9
(79) ( 58) ( 59) ( 53) ( 29)
8 10.8 8.3 7.9 5.1 3.1
(30) ( 28) ( 27) ( 14) ( 7)

12 2.5 4.2 1.8 1.1 0.4
( 7) ( 14) ( 6) ( 3) ( 1)

16 3.2 1.2 0.9 0.0 0.4
( 9) ( 4) ( 3) ( 0) ( 1)

20 0.4 0.3 0.0 0.0 0.0
( 1) ( 1) ( 0) ( 0) ( 0)
o0.0i 1 o00.0o 0 Too.70 Ta7o.
(279) (336) (342) (272) (226)

Tau = -.12; p / .001
Gamma = -.27


Preliminary Analysis of Results

Personal phobia by sex

The general pattern which emerged during the analysis of responses

made to the Comprehensive Phobia Scale remained when considering only

those items which factored into the Personal Phobia Subscale. Women

continued to be characterized by a higher proportion of phobias than men.









Table 22. Frequency Distribution of Responses to
Subscale by Socioeconomic Status.


Personal Phobia


Scale Socioeconomic Status
Score 0-19 20-39 40-59 60-79 80-100

0 49.5% 63.8% 69.1% 77.2% 82.1%
(105) (242) (331) (271) (184)

4 27.3 20.1 19.4 18.5 13.4
( 58) ( 76) ( 93) ( 65) ( 30)

8 12.3 11.3 8.4 3.4 2.7
(26) (43) ( 40) ( 12) ( 6)

12 5.2 3.7 2.3 0.9 1.3
( 11) ( 14) ( 11) ( 3) ( 3)

16 5.2 1.1 0.6 0.0 0.5
( 11) ( 4) ( 3) ( 0) ( 1)

20 0.5 0.0 0.2 0.0 0.0
( 1) ( 0) ( 1) ( ) ( 0)
100.0 / 100.07 ooo/ 1T00.o0 T3007
(212) (379) (479) (351) (224)


Tauc = -.14; p / .001
Gamma = -.31

There would appear to be no reason to alter the theory of phobia

acquisition, as presented in earlier pages, on the basis of analysis

of these data.

Personal phobia by race

Once again, the pattern established in the previous section

with the Comprehensive Phobia Scale is repeated: blacks are

disproportionately characterized by a higher prevalence of phobic

neurosis than are whites, and the relationship is statistically







Table 23. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Personal Phobia
Subscale by Marital Status.

Scale Marital Status
Score Single Married Widowed Separated Divorced

0 62.7% 73.1% 61.2% 44.9% 73.5%
(185) (738) (104) (31) ( 75)
4 25.4 17.4 23.5 24.6 14.7
(75) (175) ( 40) ( 17) ( 15)
8 6.8 6.7 10.0 18.8 8.8
(20) ( 68) ( 17) ( 13) ( 9)

12 3.4 1.8 3.5 10.2 1.0
(10) ( 18) ( 6) ( 7) ( 1)

16 1.7 0.9 1.8 1.5 1.0
( 5) ( 9) ( 3) ( 1) ( 1)
20 0.0 0.1 0.0 0.0 1.0
( 0) ( 1) ( 0) ( 0) ( 1)
10I 0. O0. 1007 10-077 1""0"0.0""-
(295) (1009) (170) ( 69) (102)

Chi Square = 66.19; df 20; p / .001
Tauc = .01; N.S..
Gamma = .04

Table 24. Frequency Distribution of Responses to Personal Phobia
Subscale by Reported Degrees of Childhood Happiness.

Scale Childhood Happiness
Score Mostly Happy Mixed Happy Mostly Unhappy

0 72.1% (989) 53.9% ( 96) 49.4% ( 45)
4 18.3 (251) 24.7 ( 44) 28.6 ( 26)
8 6.6 (91) 14.0 ( 25) 12.1 ( 11)
12 2.0 (28) 5.1 ( 9) 5.5 ( 5)
16 0.8 (11) 2.3 ( 4) 4.4 ( 4)
20 0.2 (2) 0.0 0) 0.0 ( 0)
100.0% (1372) 100.0% T(1'7y 100.0% 91)

Tauc .09; p / .001
Gamma = .36




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