• TABLE OF CONTENTS
HIDE
 Title Page
 Acknowledgement
 List of Tables
 List of Figures
 Abstract
 A cross-sectional and longitudinal...
 Relevant literature: Female participation...
 A review of longitudinal research...
 Longitudinal trends in female labor...
 Operationalization, and demonstration...
 Fertility and female participation...
 Female participation in the labor...
 Summary and conclusions
 References
 Appendix
 Biographical sketch






Title: Female participation in the labor force and fertility
CITATION PDF VIEWER THUMBNAILS PAGE IMAGE ZOOMABLE
Full Citation
STANDARD VIEW MARC VIEW
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00098151/00001
 Material Information
Title: Female participation in the labor force and fertility cross-sectional and longitudinal perspectives
Physical Description: xiii, 240 leaves : ; 28 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Marshall, Kimball Putnam, 1947-
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 1975
Copyright Date: 1975
 Subjects
Subject: Fertility, Human   ( lcsh )
Women -- Employment   ( lcsh )
Sociology thesis Ph. D   ( lcsh )
Dissertations, Academic -- Sociology -- UF   ( lcsh )
Genre: bibliography   ( marcgt )
non-fiction   ( marcgt )
 Notes
Thesis: Thesis--University of Florida.
Bibliography: Bibliography: leaves 198-206.
General Note: Typescript.
General Note: Vita.
Statement of Responsibility: by Kimball P. Marshall.
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00098151
Volume ID: VID00001
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: alephbibnum - 000195360
oclc - 03667326
notis - AAW2031

Downloads

This item has the following downloads:

PDF ( 5 MBs ) ( PDF )


Table of Contents
    Title Page
        Page i
        Page ii
    Acknowledgement
        Page iii
        Page iv
        Page v
        Page vi
    List of Tables
        Page vii
        Page viii
        Page ix
        Page x
    List of Figures
        Page xi
    Abstract
        Page xii
        Page xiii
    A cross-sectional and longitudinal study of fertility trends in relation to female participation in the labor force
        Page 1
        Page 2
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
        Page 12
        Page 13
        Page 14
        Page 15
        Page 16
        Page 17
        Page 18
        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
        Page 22
        Page 23
        Page 24
        Page 25
        Page 26
        Page 27
        Page 28
    Relevant literature: Female participation in the labor force and fertility, interrelationships, and determinates
        Page 29
        Page 30
        Page 31
        Page 32
        Page 33
        Page 34
        Page 35
        Page 36
        Page 37
        Page 38
        Page 39
        Page 40
        Page 41
        Page 42
        Page 43
        Page 44
        Page 45
        Page 46
        Page 47
        Page 48
        Page 49
        Page 50
        Page 51
        Page 52
        Page 53
        Page 54
        Page 55
    A review of longitudinal research regarding patterns of female participation in the labor force, marriage, and fertility
        Page 56
        Page 57
        Page 58
        Page 59
        Page 60
        Page 61
        Page 62
        Page 63
        Page 64
        Page 65
        Page 66
        Page 67
    Longitudinal trends in female labor force participation by age, structural conditions of female employment, and age specific rates of fertility
        Page 68
        Page 69
        Page 70
        Page 71
        Page 72
        Page 73
        Page 74
        Page 75
        Page 76
        Page 77
        Page 78
        Page 79
        Page 80
        Page 81
        Page 82
        Page 83
        Page 84
        Page 85
        Page 86
        Page 87
        Page 88
        Page 89
        Page 90
        Page 91
        Page 92
        Page 93
        Page 94
        Page 95
        Page 96
        Page 97
        Page 98
    Operationalization, and demonstration of hypothesis utilizing longitudinal data
        Page 99
        Page 100
        Page 101
        Page 102
        Page 103
        Page 104
        Page 105
        Page 106
        Page 107
        Page 108
        Page 109
        Page 110
        Page 111
        Page 112
        Page 113
        Page 114
        Page 115
        Page 116
        Page 117
        Page 118
        Page 119
        Page 120
        Page 121
        Page 122
        Page 123
    Fertility and female participation in the labor force in cross-sectional perspective: Operationalization and hypotheses formulation
        Page 124
        Page 125
        Page 126
        Page 127
        Page 128
        Page 129
        Page 130
        Page 131
        Page 132
        Page 133
        Page 134
        Page 135
        Page 136
        Page 137
        Page 138
        Page 139
        Page 140
        Page 141
    Female participation in the labor force and fertility: Empirical findings
        Page 142
        Page 143
        Page 144
        Page 145
        Page 146
        Page 147
        Page 148
        Page 149
        Page 150
        Page 151
        Page 152
        Page 153
        Page 154
        Page 155
        Page 156
        Page 157
        Page 158
        Page 159
        Page 160
        Page 161
        Page 162
        Page 163
        Page 164
        Page 165
        Page 166
        Page 167
        Page 168
        Page 169
        Page 170
        Page 171
        Page 172
        Page 173
        Page 174
        Page 175
        Page 176
        Page 177
        Page 178
        Page 179
        Page 180
        Page 181
        Page 182
        Page 183
        Page 184
        Page 185
        Page 186
        Page 187
    Summary and conclusions
        Page 188
        Page 189
        Page 190
        Page 191
        Page 192
        Page 193
        Page 194
        Page 195
        Page 196
        Page 197
    References
        Page 198
        Page 199
        Page 200
        Page 201
        Page 202
        Page 203
        Page 204
        Page 205
        Page 206
    Appendix
        Page 207
        Page 208
        Page 209
        Page 210
        Page 211
        Page 212
        Page 213
        Page 214
        Page 215
        Page 216
        Page 217
        Page 218
        Page 219
        Page 220
        Page 221
        Page 222
        Page 223
        Page 224
        Page 225
        Page 226
        Page 227
        Page 228
        Page 229
        Page 230
        Page 231
        Page 232
        Page 233
        Page 234
        Page 235
        Page 236
        Page 237
        Page 238
        Page 239
    Biographical sketch
        Page 240
        Page 241
        Page 242
        Page 243
Full Text










FEMALE PARTICIPATION IN THE LABOR FORCE AND FERTILITY:
CROSS-SECTIONAL AND LONGITUDINAL PERSPECTIVES






By

KIMBALL P. MARSHALL


A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF
THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE
DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY







UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA

1975


























Dedicated to my father,
Gordon K. Marshall, and my friends
Dr. Benjamin L. Gorman and
Susan Bailey














ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS


I wish to take this opportunity to express my sincere

appreciation to five persons in particular who have aided in the

completion of this work. First, Professor Benjamin Gorman, my

committee chairman, has provided far more time and consultation than

his official position requires. It is doubtful that any other person

would have been so willing to devote so much of his time and effort

to aiding a student. Without Dr. Gorman's kindness, and encouragement,

as well as his sound theoretical and methodological contributions, it

is very possible that the task would have been given up long ago.

Susan Bailey, a recent graduate of the University of Florida,

devoted extensive time during the 1974-75 academic year to the

acquisition and systematization of the longitudinal data regarding

trends in fertility and female employment over the period 1930 through

1970. Without the many hours which she spent, with no reward except

belated thanks, Chapters 3, 4, and 5 of this dissertation could not

have been constructed. Ms. Bailey has certainly proven her abilities

as a researcher devoted to precision in the gathering and recording

of data. I cannot express the great appreciation I feel for her

efforts, and encouragement.

Dr. John Oliver and Barbara Oliver, of the University of

Florida devoted their time, patience, and excellent programming skills,

and their contribution is also sincerely appreciated. Without their









patience and abilities it would have been impossible to create the

Public Use Sample Family subfile utilized in the cross-sectional

aspects of the present project. Especially appreciated is the

sensitivity to my research exhibited by John and Barbara Oliver, and

their ability to consider these needs within the context of programming

logic.

Finally, the moral and financial support of my father,

Gordon K. Marshall, should be recognized. Graduate school is a very

difficult time at best, but the encouragement and aid offered by Dad

relieved much of the burden. It is only hoped that this work, as well

as future work, will reflect well on his honor.















TABLE OF CONTENTS


Page

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .................................................. iii

LIST OF TABLES .................................................... vii

LIST OF FIGURES ................................................ xi

ABSTRACT .......................................................... xii

CHAPTER 1 A CROSS-SECTIONAL AND LONGITUDINAL STUDY OF
FERTILITY TRENDS IN RELATION TO FEMALE
PARTICIPATION IN THE LABOR FORCE ..................... 1

CHAPTER 2 RELEVANT LITERATURE: FEMALE PARTICIPATION IN
THE LABOR FORCE AND FERTILITY, INTERRELATIONSHIPS,
AND DETERMINATES .................................... 29

CHAPTER 3 A REVIEW OF LONGITUDINAL RESEARCH REGARDING
PATTERNS OF FEMALE PARTICIPATION IN THE LABOR
FORCE, MARRIAGE, AND FERTILITY ...................... 56

CHAPTER 4 LONGITUDINAL TRENDS IN FEMALE LABOR FORCE
PARTICIPATION BY AGE, STRUCTURAL CONDITIONS OF
FEMALE EMPLOYMENT, AND AGE SPECIFIC RATES
OF FERTILITY ........................................ 68

The Changing Age Structure of the Female
Labor Force ........................................ 71
The Changing Roles and Status of Women in the
Occupational Structure ............................ 75
Longitudinal Trends in Fertility Rates .............. 93

CHAPTER 5 OPERATIONALIZATION, AND DEMONSTRATION OF
HYPOTHESES UTILIZING LONGITUDINAL DATA ............... 99

Operational Definitions .............................. 100
Formulation of Longitudinal Hypotheses ............... 104
Demonstration and Interpretation of Longitudinal
Relationships ................................... 107
Conclusions Regarding Longitudinal Analyses .......... 120









CHAPTER 6 FERTILITY AND FEMALE PARTICIPATION IN THE LABOR
FORCE IN CROSS-SECTIONAL PERSPECTIVE: OPERA-
TIONALIZATION AND HYPOTHESES FORMULATION ............. 124

Operational Definitions .............................. 127
Formulation of Cross-Sectional Hypotheses ............ 133

CHAPTER 7 FEMALE PARTICIPATION IN THE LABOR FORCE AND
FERTILITY: EMPIRICAL FINDINGS ....................... 142

CHAPTER 8 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS ............................. 188

REFERENCES ..................................................... 198

APPENDIX .......................................................... 207

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH .............................................. 240















LIST OF TABLES


TABLE Page

1. MEAN IDEAL FAMILY SIZE, WHITE MALES AND FEMALES,
UNITED STATES, 1936-1966 ............................... 62

2. LONGITUDINAL TRENDS IN NUMBER OF WOMEN WORKERS, WOMEN
AS A PERCENTAGE OF ALL WORKERS, AND LABOR FORCE
PARTICIPATION RATES OF WOMEN WORKERS ..................... 72

3. LONGITUDINAL TRENDS IN PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF
EMPLOYED LABOR FORCE ............................ ......... 77

4. LONGITUDINAL TRENDS IN PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF
EMPLOYED WOMEN WORKERS .................................. 79

5. LONGITUDINAL TRENDS IN PERCENTAGE FEMALE WORKERS
COMPRISED OF ALL WORKERS BY OCCUPATIONAL CATEGORY ........ .83

6. LONGITUDINAL TRENDS IN MEDIAN SALARIES OF MALE FULL
TIME FULL YEAR EMPLOYED WORKERS BY OCCUPATIONAL CATEGORY 87

7. LONGITUDINAL TRENDS IN MEDIAN SALARIES FEMALE FULL
TIME FULL YEAR EMPLOYED FEMALE WORKERS BY OCCUPATIONAL
CATEGORY ........................................... .... 88

8. LONGITUDINAL TRENDS- IN FULL TIME FULL YEAR EMPLOYED
WOMEN'S SALARIES AS PERCENTAGE OF FULL TIME FULL
YEAR EMPLOYED MALES' SALARIES ............................ 90

9. LONGITUDINAL TRENDS IN AGE SPECIFIC FERTILITY RATES
AND TOTAL FERTILITY RATE ................................. 94

10. CORRELATIONS OF RATES OF FEMALE LABOR FORCE PARTICIPATION
WITH FERTILITY, BY AGE CATEGORIES: UNITED STATES, 1930
THROUGH 1970 ........................................... 108

11. INTERCORRELATIONS OF LONGITUDINAL TRENDS OF STRUCTURAL
CONDITIONS OF FEMALE EMPLOYMENT IN THE UNITED STATES ..... Ill

12. PEARSONIAN r ZERO COEFFICIENTS OF STRUCTURAL CONDITIONS
OF FEMALE EMPLOYMENT WITH FEMALE LABOR FORCE
PARTICIPATION RATES IN THE UNITED STATES, BY AGE GROUPS .. 114









13. PEARSONIAN r ZERO ORDER COEFFICIENTS OF STRUCTURAL
CONDITIONS OF FEMALE EMPLOYMENT WITH FERTILITY
RATES IN THE UNITED STATES, BY AGE GROUPS ................ 117

14. PEARSONIAN r ZERO ORDER COEFFICIENTS OF FERTILITY
RATES AND FEMALE LABOR FORCE PARTICIPATION RATES,
BY AGE GROUP OF WIVES ................................... 144

15. PEARSONIAN r INTERCORRELATIONS OF INDEPENDENT VARIABLES
FOR 42 STANDARD METROPOLITAN STATISTICAL AREAS, BY AGE
GROUP OF WIVES, 15 TO 49 ................................ 146

16. PEARSONIAN r INTERCORRELATIONS OF INDEPENDENT VARIABLES
FOR 42 STANDARD METROPOLITAN STATISTICAL AREAS, BY AGE
GROUP OF WIVES, 15 TO 19 ................................ 149

17. PEARSONIAN r INTERCORRELATIONS OF INDEPENDENT VARIABLES
FOR 42 STANDARD METROPOLITAN STATISTICAL AREAS, BY AGE
GROUP OF WIVES, 20 TO 24 ................................ 151

18. PEARSONIAN r INTERCORRELATIONS OF INDEPENDENT VARIABLES
FOR 42 STANDARD METROPOLITAN STATISTICAL AREAS, BY AGE
GROUP OF WIVES, 25-29 ................................... 153

19. PEARSONIAN r INTERCORRELATIONS OF INDEPENDENT VARIABLES
FOR 42 STANDARD METROPOLITAN STATISTICAL AREAS, BY AGE
GROUP OF WIVES, 30 TO 34 ................................. 154

20. PEARSONIAN r INTERCORRELATIONS OF INDEPENDENT VARIABLES
FOR 42 STANDARD METROPOLITAN STATISTICAL AREAS, BY AGE
GROUPS OF WIVES, 35 TO 39 ................................ 156

21. PEARSONIAN r INTERCORRELATIONS OF INDEPENDENT VARIABLES
FOR 42 STANDARD METROPOLITAN STATISTICAL AREAS, BY AGE
GROUPS OF WIVES, 40 TO 44 ............................... 157

22. PEARSONIAN r INTERCORRELATIONS OF INDEPENDENT VARIABLES
FOR 42 STANDARD METROPOLITAN STATISTICAL AREAS, BY AGE
.GROUPS OF WIVES, 45 TO 49 ............................... 158

23. PEARSONIAN r ZERO ORDER COEFFICIENTS OF OCCUPATIONAL
STRUCTURE AND FAMILY SITUATION VARIABLES WITH FEMALE
LABOR FORCE PATICIPATION RATES ........................... 163

24. MULTIPLE REGRESSION COEFFICIENTS OF OCCUPATIONAL
STRUCTURE AND FAMILY SITUATION INDEPENDENT VARIABLES
ON FEMALE LABOR FORCE PARTICIPATION RATES, BY AGE
GROUP OF WIVES .......................................... 166

25. PROPORTION VARIANCE IN FEMALE LABOR FORCE PARTICIPATION
RATES EXPLAINED BY MULTIPLE REGRESSIONS, BY AGE GROUP
OF WIVES ................................................. 172









26. PEARSONIAN r ZERO ORDER COEFFICIENTS OF OCCUPATIONAL
STRUCTURE AND FAMILY SITUATION VARIABLES WITH FERTILITY
RATES, BY AGE GROUP OF WIVES ............................. 173

27. MULTIPLE REGRESSION COEFFICIENTS OF OCCUPATIONAL
STRUCTURE AND FAMILY SITUATION INDEPENDENT VARIABLES
ON FERTILITY RATES, BY AGE GROUP OF WIVES ................ 179

28. PROPORTION VARIANCE IN FERTILITY RATES EXPLAINED BY
MULTIPLE REGRESSIONS, BY AGE GROUP OF WIVES .............. 183


APPENDIX TABLES

A-1. LONGITUDINAL TRENDS IN THE EXPANSION OF THE FEMALE
LABOR FORCE IN THE UNITED STATES, 1930 THROUGH
1970 ............................................ ....... 216

A-2. LONGITUDINAL TRENDS IN AGE SPECIFIC FEMALE LABOR FORCE
PARTICIPATION RATES IN THE UNITED STATES, 1930 THROUGH
1970 .................................................... 217

A-3 LONGITUDINAL TRENDS IN PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTIONS OF THE
TOTAL LABOR FORCE AMONG OCCUPATIONAL CATEGORIES, THE
UNITED STATES, 1930-1970 ................................ 219

A-4. LONGITUDINAL TRENDS IN THE PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTIONS
OF EMPLOYED WOMEN AMONG OCCUPATIONAL CATEGORIES,
THE UNITED STATES, 1930-1970 ............................ 220

A-5 LONGITUDINAL TRENDS IN PERCENTAGES WOMEN COMPRISED
OF ALL WORKERS BY OCCUPATIONAL CATEGORY, THE UNITED
STATES, 1930-1970 ...................................... 221

A-6. LONGITUDINAL TRENDS IN MEDIAN SALARIES OF FULL TIME
FULL YEAR EMPLOYED MALE WORKERS, BY OCCUPATIONAL
CATEGORY, UNITED STATES ................................. 224

A-7. LONGITUDINAL TRENDS IN MEDIAN SALARIES OF FULL TIME
FULL YEAR EMPLOYED FEMALE WORKERS, BY OCCUPATIONAL
CATEGORY, UNITED STATES ................................. 225

A-8. LONGITUDINAL TRENDS IN FULL TIME FULL YEAR FEMALE
MEDIAN SALARIES AS A PERCENTAGE OF FULL TIME FULL
YEAR MALE MEDIAN SALARIES BY OCCUPATIONAL CATEGORY,
THE UNITED STATES, 1955 THROUGH 1969 ..................... 226

A-9. LONGITUDINAL TRENDS IN FULL TIME FULL YEAR EMPLOYED
WORKERS' SALARIES, BY SEX, 1955-1970 .................... 227










A-10. LONGITUDINAL TRENDS IN FERTILITY RATES BY AGE GROUP:
THE UNITED STATES, 1930-1970 ............................ 229

A-ll. NUMBER OF FAMILIES IN SAMPLE AND INDICES OF STRUCTURAL
CONDITIONS OF FEMALE EMPLOYMENT, BY STANDARD METROPOLITAN
STATISTICAL AREAS, 1970 ................................. 231

A-12. LABOR FORCE PARTICIPATION RATES OF WIVES OF CHILDBEARING
AGE, HUSBAND PRESENT, BY AGE OF WIVES AND STANDARD
METROPOLITAN STATISTICAL AREAS ........................... 234

A-13. FERTILITY RATES OF MARRIED WOMEN, HUSBAND PRESENT, BY -
AGE AND STANDARD METROPOLITAN STATISTICAL AREAS .......... 237














LIST OF FIGURES


FIGURE Page

1. DETERMINANTS OF FERTILITY . . . . . . . . 4

2. THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN INCOME AND FERTILITY . . . 5

3. PROPOSED RELATIONSHIPS OF STRUCTURAL CONDITIONS OF
FEMALE EMPLOYMENT TO PROBABILITIES OF CHILDBEARING
AND FEMALE PARTICIPATION IN THE LABOR FORCE . . . 9

4. CHILDBEARING AND LABOR FORCE PARTICIPATION IN
AGGREGATE PERSPECTIVE . . . . . . . . . 10

5. THEORETICAL MODEL OF STRUCTURAL AND FAMILIAL
DETERMINANTS OF FERTILITY AND FEMALE PARTICIPATION
IN THE LABOR FORCE . . . .. . . . . . 28









Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy


FEMALE PARTICIPATION IN THE LABOR FORCE AND FERTILITY:
CROSS-SECTIONAL AND LONGITUDINAL PERSPECTIVES

By

Kimball P. Marshall

August, 1975

Chairman: Benjamin L. Gorman
Major Department: Sociology

In an attempt to clarify the relationship between female

participation in the labor force and fertility, considered at the

aggregate level, a theoretical model is offered which suggests five

structural conditions of female employment and three family situation

factors as determinants of rates of fertility and female participation

in the labor force. Following reviews of the literature, each concept

in the theoretical model is operationalized; seventeen longitudinal

hypotheses and twenty-three cross-sectional hypotheses are formulated.

Longitudinal hypotheses are tested by consideration of data obtained

from a variety of United States Government publications relating to

fertility and female employment for the period 1930 through 1970.

Longitudinal trends in the indices are traced and correlations of

trends are observed.

Cross-sectional hypotheses are tested in a series of eight

multiple regression models which control for ages of wives in the

sample. Data were obtained from the 1970 one in one hundred Public








Use Sample of the five per cent census long form questionnaires, by

random selection of family households within each of forth-two

randomly selected Standard Metropolitan Statistical Areas containing

populations of 250,000 or over. Results of the analyses lead to

policy recommendations regarding possible effects on fertility rates

of changes in women's occupational roles and income rewards associated

with employment.













CHAPTER 1
A CROSS-SECTIONAL AND LONGITUDINAL STUDY OF FERTILITY TRENDS IN
RELATION TO FEMALE PARTICIPATION IN THE LABOR FORCE


The objective of the present work is to develop and test an

empirical model of the relationships of social structural indices to

rates of fertility and female participation in the labor force. Rates

of fertility and female participation in the labor force are theoreti-

cally viewed as negatively related and responsive to conditions of the

occupational structure involving roles and economic statuses of employed

women. It will be argued that the range of occupational roles available

to women relative to men, as well as the economic rewards associated

with female employment, represent structural factors affecting the prob-

abilities of childbearing and labor force participation among women in

a society. It will be argued that these relationships are affected by

the occupational position of the husband and the age of the wife, due

to economic conditions characterizing the family situation at various

stages of the family life cycle.

Relevant literature dealing with the theoretical relation-

ships among the concepts involved will be reviewed, and a theoretical

model will be developed which will suggest hypotheses. Longitudinal

trends of the relevant occupational indices for the case of the United

States from 1930 to 1970 will be reviewed, and correlations of these

trends which bear on the hypotheses will be described. Actual









statistical testing of the hypotheses will be carried out utilizing

cross-sectional data from 42 randomly selected Standard Metropolitan

Statistical Areas of the United States.

The present study will attempt to limit consideration as far

as possible to structural indices of the occupational sphere charac-

terizing a given society, and to develop multiple regression models

predictive of Total Fertility Rates and female labor force participa-

tion rates. Justifications of structural indices implicitly and

explicitly rest on underlying assumptions regarding the relationships

of structural conditions to decision making processes and behavior

occurring at the level of individual families. These assumptions will

be clarified, and where possible explicitly formulated as theoretical

propositions for further research.


A Theoretical Framework of Relevant Variables

An adequate explanation of a relationship between two soci-

etal variables should be such as to suggest mechanisms by which changes

in social structures may affect the behavior of members of the society

which determine the societal dependent variable. Davis and Blake (1950)

have recognized the importance of such intermediate variables and have

suggested for consideration 11 which are believed to be directly re-

lated to fertility. Freedman (1967) has suggested several classes of

sociological independent variables which theoretically may affect the

intermediate variables. Combining each of these theoretical contribu-

tions, Yaukey (1969) has developed a model of hypothetical relationships









among the structural, normative, and intermediate variables, and

fertility. This model is reproduced in Figure 1.

Summarizing much of the theoretical and empirical work of the

effect of income on fertility, Simon (1974, p. 5-6) has illustrated a

more detailed model of the manner in which structural conditions of the

society may affect fertility levels through the intervening effects of

the family decision-making process viewed from a micro-economic per-

spective. This model is reproduced in Figure 2. The value of these

models is that they sensitize the sociologist to the requirements of

an adequate explanation of variations in fertility rates, while sug-

gesting structures of social norms, and the family economic situation,

as intervening mechanisms through which structural conditions may come

to differentially influence fertility.

Basic to the present theoretical orientation concerning fe-

male participation in the labor force and fertility is the assumption

that conditions of the occupational structure reflect normative role

definitions regarding the employment of women. It is also assumed that

conditions of the occupational structure affect the relative costs of

decisions by women to work, to bear children, to refrain from both

types of activity, or to carry out both simultaneously. In the pres-

ent view, female employment is seen as.fully legitimate under .condi-

tions in which employed women and men pursue similar occupational

roles. Under such circumstances, the range of role alternatives which

women may choose over traditional wife and mother roles, including

marriage and childbearing, is maximized. Thus, the possibility of

locating a desirable role alternative to traditional wife and mother

roles is increased.












FIGURE 1. DETERMINANTS OF FERTILITY


Class A


Class B


Class C


MORTALITY INTERMEDIATE VARIABLES
RATES
I, Intercourse Variables

A. Governing fonration & dissolution
of unions in reproductive perJud.

ABOUT 1. Age of entry into unions
BOT 2, Proportion of war.en never en-
-FA;ILY tering unions
SIZE 3. reproductive period spent after
or between unions
a. due to divorce, separation,
dese, tion
b. due to death of husband

B SOC:AL A;.D Governing exposure to intercourse
ECONOMIC within unions
STRJCTURE 4. Vclu-tary abstinenro
5. Involuntary abstircnce (from In-
NO?-S potence. illness, temporary sep-
ABOUT arat.crs)
INTER- 6. Coital frequency
V E IATr
VARIABLS I. Conception Variables

7. lcurodity and infecundity as af-
fected by involuntary causes
B. Use or ron-use of contraception
(all rcans)
9. recur. ity or infecundity as af-
focted by voluntary causes ('te-
x lization, etc.)

III. Gestation Variables

10. retal mortality, voluntary
.1. Foetal mortality, involuntary





Source: David Yaukey, "On Theorizing About Fertility" The American Sociologist, May, 1969, pp. 101.










FIGURE 2. THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN INCOME AND FERTILITY.













".BU ....1 .TAC E TOCI
SiTAl CION C DT























WIS OF PEFSONAL III AllON IPS--NUCLEAR AND ExIYNDED FAMILY, FRNTND. ETC.
__T____A___FCYt WOEAO IOY Of OIETY.CuiVl TO
------------ ----------------------















FA TAIIS M ); (IO -o n'. 1-A D1TI ON-, a tt-lG o N --. C 0.G ,,M ILt al0 A N PQ w t O xN T A i T.NQ



Source: Julian Simon,. The Effects of Income on Fertility, (Chapel Hill, N.C., Carolina Population
Center, 1974), pp. 5-6.
Center, 1974), pp. 5-6.









Conversely, concentration of women in a narrower range of

occupations reduces the probability of locating a desirable role al-

ternative to traditional wife and mother roles, and thus increases the

probability of acceptance of these traditional roles. The above argu-

ment suggests the following theoretical propositions.

Theoretical Proposition 1. Among social systems or within a

given social system over time, the greater the probability of labor

force participation among women of childbearing age, the lower the

probability of childbearing among women of childbearing age.

Theoretical Proposition 2. Among social systems or within a

given social system over time, the greater the differentials in sexual

distributions among occupational roles, the lower the probability of

labor force participation among women of childbearing age.

Theoretical Proposition 3. Among social systems or within a

given social system over time, the greater the differentials in sexual

distributions among occupational roles, the greater probability of

childbearing among women of childbearing age.

Differentials in sexual distributions among occupational

roles alone do not adequately represent conditions of female employ-

ment which may be influential on childbearing and female employment

decisions and behavior. Just as structural conditions affecting the

range of available occupational roles for women may be expected to be

related to levels or rates of fertility and female participation in

the labor force, so also may structural conditions involving the

economic rewards associated with female employment, and thus the

economic status of employed women. To the extent to which increased









income rewards make the employment role more desirable, higher income

rewards associated with female employment may be associated with in-

creased probabilities that women will choose employment as an alterna-

tive to traditional wife and mother roles.

Income rewards, however, may be viewed from various per-

spectives. In one sense it may be suggested that it is the absolute

level of income in standardized units which is related to prob-

abilities of childbearing and participation in the labor force. In

another sense it may be suggested that it is the level of income re-

wards relative to some point in the past which may be related to the

probabilities of these types of behavior. A third perspective would

suggest that it is the economic status of women relative to men which

may be negatively related to probabilities of childbearing, and posi-

tively related to probabilities of female participation in the labor

force. Several theoretical propositions are, therefore, suggested.

Theoretical Proposition 4. Among social systems or within a

given social system over time, the higher the income rewards associated

with female employment, the greater the probability of labor force

participation among women of childbearing age.

Theoretical Proposition 5. Among social systems or within a

given social system over time, the higher the income rewards associated

with female employment, the lower the probability of childbearing among

women of childbearing age.

Theoretical Proposition 6. Among social systems or within a

given social system over time, the greater the rate of increase in

income rewards associated with female employment from time t-l to time









t, the greater the probability of labor force participation among

women of childbearing age.

Theoretical Proposition 7. Among social systems or within a

given social system over time, the greater the rate of increase in in-

come rewards associated with female employment from time t-l to time t,

the lower the probability of childbearing among women of childbearing

age.

Theoretical Proposition 8. Among social systems or within a

given social system over time, the higher the income rewards associated

with female employment relative to those for males, the greater the

probability of labor force participation among women of childbearing

age.

Theoretical Proposition 9. Among social systems or within a

given social system over time, the higher the income rewards associated

with female employment relative to those for males, the lower the

probability of childbearing among women of childbearing age.

The propositions above suggest a logical but oversimplified

model of the relationships of structural conditions of female employ-

ment to rates or probabilities of childbearing and female participation

in the labor force. This crude model is depicted in Figure 3. Each

of the theoretical propositions listed above could, assuming avail-

ability of data, be subjected to operationalization and testing.

However, the model derived from these propositions is logical to the

extent to which underlying assumptions are valid. Two assumptions

are of particular importance and should be made explicit. The first

assumes that it is the occupational distribution of employed women










FIGURE 3. PROPOSED RELATIONSHIPS OF STRUCTURAL CONDITIONS OF FEMALE
EMPLOYMENT TO PROBABILITIES OF CHILDBEARING AND FEMALE
PARTICIPATION IN THE LABOR FORCE



differentials in sexual
distributions among -
occupational roles
-'+

income rewards associated + probability of
with female employment -l proabor force
participation
f_+ -
rate of increase in + probability of
income rewards associated childbearing
with female employment -


income rewards associated
with female employment
relative to those -
associated with male
employment









relative to that of employed men that is influential in the development

of actor's occupational expectations and perceptions of norms and op-

portunities, and is thus influential on women's decisions regarding

fertility and labor force participation. This stands in contrast to

the nature of work available to either, or both,sexes. A second

assumption suggests that female labor force participation and fer-

tility represent mutually exclusive forms of behavior. Each of these

assumptions rests on questionable foundations, and represents potential

theoretical flaws which without more detailed consideration may ser-

iously inhibit comprehension of the relationships among female par-

ticipation in the labor force, fertility, and their determinants.

Figure 4 suggests four states in which women may be located

with reference to participation in the labor force and childbearing

during a given period of observation. To the extent to which


FIGURE 4. CHILDBEARING AND LABOR FORCE PARTICIPATION IN AGGREGATE
PERSPECTIVE.


Total
In labor force Not in labor force Percentage

gave birth 1% of all women 2% of all women Probability of
during period a women of all wome Childbearing

did not
give birth % of all women 4% of all women
.during period

Total Probability of
Percentage Labor Force
Participation

participation in the labor force or childbearing would represent an

either/or choice, cells 2 and 3 would contain all the cases, and cells









1 and 4 would be empty. In such a case, all variation in probabilities

of labor force participation would be "predicted" by consideration of

the percentage of cases in either cell 3 or cell 2. Similarly, the

probability of childbearing could be completely ascertained by con-

sideration of the percentages in either of the same cells. In such a

circumstance there would be obtained a one to one inverse relationship

between probabilities of female participation in the labor force and

childbearing.

However, the above circumstance is not likely to occur.

Women may elect to neither participate in the labor force nor engage

in childbearing, while other women may both participate in the labor

force and give birth during a given year. Excluding considerations of

measurement error it remains necessary to suggest structural and

familial conditions which may affect changing percentages in cells 1

and 4, and so confound the predicted relationships.

To some extent, variations in percentages in cell 1 may

reflect the situation of women who either worked during the first

portion of the period under consideration and gave birth during the

later portion of that period, or vice versa. In the former case such

women may have chosen childbearing activity over their previous work

roles, while in the latter case family economic conditions, occupa-

tional role responsibilities, or tastes may have motivated a return

to work. In either case it is useful to inquire as to types of

structural conditions which may facilitate movement into and out of

the labor force with minimum conflict between occupational and mother-

hood roles.








Such structural conditions may be indicated by the prevalence

of the type of occupational roles which Turner (1964) has termed "sec-

ondary careers." In Turner's view such careers represent special roles

adopted by many women rather than alternatives or substitutes for the

traditional homemaker role. Within the occupational sphere such roles

may be expected to be those which require minimal training prior to

entry to the labor force, allow movement into and out of the labor

force, involve low levels of responsibilities, and involve tasks

which may easily be transferred to new workers. Such occupations

stand in contrast to the higher professions and managerial positions

which require extensive training and life commitments, and which en-

tail high levels of responsibilities (Weber, 1946, pp. 198-204; Hall,

1969, pp. 70-174). These secondary career occupational roles, and

particularly those occupations "sex typed" as female roles, might not

serve as inducements to postponed childbearing, or as desirable al-

ternatives to the traditional wife and mother roles due to corre-

sponding "lower rank" and "lesser pay" (Keller, 1972, p. 275).

Allowing easy mobility into and out of the labor force, such

secondary career occupational roles, as for example clerical and

service occupations, may permit the merging of labor force participa-

tion and childbearing, and movement between these roles over short

periods of time. Thus the prevalence of such roles may confound the

theoretical inverse relationship between probability of female par-

ticipation in the labor force and probability of childbearing by

producing a high percentage in cell 1 of Figure 3. Two theoretical

propositions may, therefore, be offered.









Theoretical Proposition 10. Among social systems or within a

given social system over time, the greater the prevalence of female sex

typed secondary career occupational roles, the greater the probability

of labor force participation among women of childbearing age.

Theoretical Proposition 11. Among social systems or within a

given social system over time, the greater the prevalence of female sex

typed secondary career occupational roles, the greater the probability

of childbearing among women of childbearing age.

In addition to the above propositions it should be recognized

that the prevalence of such roles may be related to other structural

factors in the model being developed. Unless explicitly considered,

such relationships may confound the effects of these other factors on

probabilities of female participation in the labor force and child-

bearing. As it has been suggested that lower rates of pay may be

associated with these roles, theoretical propositions 12 and 13 are

offered.

Theoretical Proposition 12. Among social systems or within a

given social system over time, the greater the prevalence of female sex

typed secondary career occupational roles, the lower the income rewards

associated with female employment.

Theoretical Proposition 13. Among social systems or within a

given social system over time, the greater the prevalence of female sex

typed secondary career occupational roles, the lower the level of income

rewards associated with female employment relative to those for males.

The prevalence of sex typed secondary career occupational

roles may also confound the relationships of differentials in sexual









distributions among the occupational roles to probabilities of female

participation in the labor force and childbearing. To the extent to

which women do not participate in the same occupational roles as men,

those occupational roles in which women are concentrated may represent

roles in which conflicts between wife-mother responsibilities and

occupational responsibilities are minimized. On this basis, theoreti-

cal proposition 14 is offered.

Theoretical Proposition 14. Among social systems or within a

given social system over time, the greater the prevalence of female

sex typed secondary career occupational roles, the greater the differen-

tials in sexual distributions among occupational roles.

The prevalence of secondary career opportunities may confound

the relationships of differential sexual distributions among occupa-

tional roles with probabilities of female participation in the labor

force and childbearing in another way as well. It has been suggested

that such occupational roles may require minimal training prior to

entry to the labor force, and may involve tasks which would be easily

transferred to a new worker; such roles may represent employment op-

portunities for women in the later childbearing years who have already

completed their families. Thus propositions 15 and 16 are suggested.

Theoretical Proposition 15. Among social systems or within

a given social system over time, the greater the age of the female

population under consideration, the more positive the relationship

between prevalence of female sex typed secondary career occupational

roles and the probability of labor force participation among women

in the age category under consideration.









Theoretical Proposition 16. Among social systems or within

a given social system over time, the greater the age of the female

population under consideration, the more positive the relationship

between differentials in sexual distributions among occupational roles

and the probability of labor force participation among women in the age

category under consideration.

Before turning attention from consideration of the effects

of structural conditions of female employment on probabilities of

labor force participation and childbearing, an additional theoretical

proposition may be offered. Although each proposition thus far pre-

sented has been stated as applicable to both longitudinal and cross-

sectional perspectives, the specifically longitudinal nature of

theoretical proposition 17 is mathematically inherent in the concepts.

Theoretical Proposition 17. Within a given social system

over time, the greater the rate of increase in income rewards associa-

ted with female employment from time t-1 to time t, the higher the

income rewards associated with female employment.

Although theoretical proposition 17 may appear tautological,

the problematic nature of the relationship becomes clear when it is

recognized that it is not income levels at time t-1 and time t which

are compared, but the respective trends over time. In the case of

theoretical proposition 17 the longitudinal trend in percentage in-

creases is compared with the longitudinal trends in the absolute level

of income.

Returning attention to Figure 4, cell 4 represents an addi-

tional condition which may confound the suggested relationships in









the model depicted in Figure 3. Cell 4 represents the case of women

who neither participated in the labor force or gave birth during the

period of observation. Such women would be characterized by some

source of "income" other than that provided by their own employment.

The present discussion will assume that most such women, in the child-

bearing ages, are married and living with their husbands, and will

direct attention to that situation. The question now becomes which

structural and familial conditions may influence these women such that

they choose neither work nor childbearing.

Such factors as the range of available occupational roles and

income rewards associated with female employment may reduce the desir-

ability of employment, but these factors have been discussed in the

context in which employment is viewed as an alternative to childbearing.

Nonetheless, even when desirability or probability of childbearing is

reduced for other reasons these factors may continue to act such as to

reduce the probability of labor force participation. In addition to

these structural factors, situational family factors which may enter

into decision-making processes may reduce the desirability of both

labor force participation and childbearing.

The range of family situation factors which may enter into

the decision-making processes regarding childbearing is quite large,

as indicated by the graphic model of total fertility per potential

parent provided by Simon and reproduced in Figure 2. However, the

present discussion is concerned not with total completed fertility

per potential parent, but with short run effects of family situation

factors on probabilities of wives' participation in the labor force








or childbearing during a period of observation. For this reason

attention at present will be limited to two concepts: relative income

affluence as perceived by the husband and wife in the family, and

prior fertility of the wife. In limiting consideration of family

situation factors to these two, the family decision concerning how

many children to have, and when, is here viewed as substantially an

economic decision. Excluding other "non-economic" factors contribu-

ting to such decisions narrows the research area, but at the cost of

reducing explanation in terms of some portion of variance.

To speak of relative income affluence, in the present

context, is to speak of the level of living obtainable at a given

level of income in contrast to some desired standard of living. The

desired standard of living is here viewed as related to the consump-

tion tastes of the married couple. The definition of relative income

must, therefore, consider the sources of the consumption tastes of the

married couple, and therefore, the reference group to which the husband

and wife are oriented in evaluating their own level of living and in

striving to achieve a desired standard of living.

This type of argument has been put forth most forcefully by

Easterlin (1966: 1969: 1971). While the present work does not intend

to "test" Easterlin's elaborate theories regarding the relationships

of income and economic cycles to fertility patterns, his work is valu-

able in the present context in that he suggests that the source of

consumption tastes, particularly among young couples, is the family of

origin. Easterlin suggests that the appropriate referent would be

the situation of the family of origin when the parents of the family








of origin were age 35 to 44 (1966, p. 140). During the period in which

parents were in that age range, he argues, the potential parents of the

next generation were in their teenage years and were forming their

consumption tastes. The argument then generally follows that as the

young couple's income is likely to be insufficient for both the "in-

herited" desired material consumption level and for childbearing,

fertility declines as material consumption desires are given priority.

It may be further suggested that to the extent to which childbearing

may be undertaken without threat to the achievement of the desired

material consumption level, probability of childbearing would be

expected to increase.

Unfortunately, the realities of data availability do not

always correspond with theoretical ideals, and such is the case in

the present study. Therefore, it is necessary to offer some proxy

for the theoretical referent, and such a proxy should be suggested

and justified on theoretical grounds. Initially, it might be sug-

gested that a ratio of present husband's income to the income of

husbands in age group 35 to 44 might be utilized as an index reflec-

tive of relative income affluence. (The wife's income would not be

considered in the present context as economic conditions of female

employment are already included in the model as a structural factor.)

Consideration of income alone is not adequate, as the "meaning" in

income is relative to such factors as tastes and style of life. For

this reason comparisons of income as an indicator should be made

within groups whose members are at least theoretically viewed as

characterized by similar tastes and styles of life.









For present purposes it is here suggested that broadly de-

fined occupational groups of husbands may be utilized for classifica-

tion of families for purposes of constructing indices of relative

income affluence. If such a classification were to be used the fol-

lowing assumptions should be made explicit.

1. Within occupational groups, actors hold similar

tastes and desire similar styles of life.

2. Within occupational groups, current incomes of

husbands age 35 to 44 are indicative of the

level of living enjoyed by families of origin

of husbands and wives of the current child-

bearing generation, when those actors were in

their teenage years and forming their con-

sumption tastes.

3. Incomes of husbands are indicative of the level

of living of the family which the potential

parents.perceive themselves able to enjoy when

they exclude consideration of the earning

potential of the wife.

4. The difference between the husband's income

and that for husbands age 35 to 44 in the

same occupational group, is reflective of

the difference between the family's present

level of living and the standard of living

desired by the husband and wife, based on

their consumption tastes and desired style

of life.








Assumptions 2, 3, and 4 underlie the use of income as a proxy for

level of living. Assumptions 1 and 2 underlie the use of broad occupa-

tional groups in the determination of the reference groups, and these

assumptions receive conflicting support from the literature. However,

Blau and Duncan (1967, pp. 38-48) have noted tendencies toward occupa-

tional inheritance within broad occupational groups of white collar,

blue collar, and farm workers, and Kohn (1969) has noted international

and intra-national conformity within white collar and blue collar

family types regarding parental values and childrearing practices.

Kiser (1968, pp. 179-207) has noted the long history of consideration

of occupational background in studies of differential fertility, and

reports on longitudinal trends and cross-sectional variations, as does

Cho (1970app. 176-243). Although recognizing the difficulty of

quantification of occupational class, the heterogenity of broad cate-

gories, and the probability of changes in occupation during an

individual's life, Kiser also. suggests that the broad occupational

groups of the U.S. Census do "provide meaningful delineations of

social status and style of life" (1968, p. 179).

1 The ultimate determination of the degree to which broad

occupational groupings of husbands adequately reflect the coales-

cence of family situation variables of tastes and style of life,

relevant to decisions regarding employment of wives and childbearing,

remains an empirical question beyond the scope of the present paper.

At present it appears that the use of such a classification may be

the best possible solution to a most difficult theoretical and

methodological task required by the present reserach.









Relative income affluence, in terms of the ability to

achieve a desired standard of living without employment by the wife,

may be expected to influence probabilities of labor force participa-

tion as well as probabilities of childbearing. Therefore, theoretical

propositions 18 and 19 may be offered, although these apply at the

family unit level of analysis and thus are not directly included in

the structural model under development.

Theoretical Proposition 18. Among families of wives of

childbearing age, the greater the level of relative income affluence,

the greater the probability of childbearing by the wife during the

period of observation.

Theoretical Proposition 19. Among families of wives of

childbearing age, the greater the level of relative income affluence,

the lower the probability of labor force participation by the wife

during the period of observation.

Theoretical proposition 19 rests on the assumption that

at least part of the reason married women may participate in the labor

force is perceived financial need, and that as this perceived need

declines the desire to seek employment would decline, all other fac-

tors being equal. Alone, this family situation factor would not

explain variations in cell 4 of Figure 4, and would have uncertain

relationships to the other cells. However, interactive effects of

this factor with prior fertility of the wife may be suggested as

related to variation in cell 4. Prior fertility of the wife may

affect probabilities of both future fertility and childbearing, as

well as adjust the "meaning" of relative income affluence in









accordance with the number of persons dependent upon the husband's

income. Here the assumption is that as the number of children a woman

has given birth to increases, the probability of additional births

decreases. This assumption is largely supported by the work of Ryder

(1970, p. 104) involving parity progression ratios among United States

cohorts from cohort 1881-85 to cohort 1941-45. Although short run

effects and period measures cannot be imputed from aggregate long run

effects, on a theoretical basis proposition 20 may be offered.

Theoretical Proposition 20. Among families of wives of

childbearing age, the greater the number of children a wife has given

birth to prior to the period of observation, the lower the prob-'

ability of childbearing by the wife during the period of observation.

As human births usually are singular, and require a nine

month period of gestation, it may be expected that prior fertility

may be related to age.

Theoretical Proposition 21. Among families of wives of

childbearing age, the greater the age of the wife, the greater the

number of children she has given birth to prior to the period of

observation.

In addition to reducing the probability of additional fer-

tility, prior fertility, or parity, may be expected to affect prob-

abilities of labor force participation. Under the assumption that

higher levels of prior fertility may also increase the intensity and

number of obligations associated with the wife and mother roles,

it may be suggested that higher levels of prior fertility may tend

to reduce the desirability of assumption of occupational obligations.









Theoretical Proposition 22. Among families of wives of

childbearing age, the greater the number of children a wife has given

birth to prior to the period of observation, the lower the probability

of labor force participation by the wife during the period of observa-

tion.

On the basis of propositions 20 and 21 it may be suggested

that the probability of childbearing may decline with the age of the

wife. However, before this proposition is formally stated it is use-

ful to observe also the possibility of a relationship between ages of

wives and relative income affluence based on husbands' incomes. As

the income of the husband is expected to rise with length of work

experience, theoretical proposition 23 is offered.

Theoretical Proposition 23. Among families with wives of

childbearing age, the greater the age of the wife, the greater the

level of the family's relative income affluence.

Theoretical proposisions 21 and 23 suggest positive rela-

tionships of the age of the wife to factors which have been suggested

as associated with decreased probabilities of both labor force

participation and childbearing. Therefore, theoretical propositions

24 and 25 may be offered.

Theoretical Proposition 24. Among families of wives of

childbearing age, the greater the age of the wife, the lower the

probability of labor force participation by the wife during the

period of observation.

Theoretical Proposition 25. Among families of wives

of childbearing age, the greater the age of the wife, the lower









the probability of childbearing by the wife during the period of

observation.

Taken together, propositions 18 through 25 suggest that the

family situation factors of relative income affluence and prior fer-

tility of the wife, in interaction, may be related to variations in

cell 4 of Figure 4. Let prior fertility of the wife be termed "marital

parity" and relative income affluence stand for the perceived differ-

ence between level of living enjoyed and standard of living desired.

The interaction of these factors may be expressed as parity stan-

dardized relative income affluence. As marital parity reduces the

perceived relative, income affluence to the extent to which additional

dependents may rely on the husband's income, the interaction of

relative income affluence and marital parity may be written as in

formula 1.

Formula 1. Parity standardized
relative income = relative income affluence
affluence (marital parity + 2)

The addition of 2 to the denominator permits the index to reflect the

estimated total number of persons dependent on the husband's income.

To the extent to which parity standardized relative income

affluence reflects the husband's and wife's perceived income need,

theoretical propositions 26 and 27 may be offered.

Theoretical Proposition 26. Among families of childbearing

age, the greater the parity standardized relative income affluence,

the lower the probability of participation in the labor force by the

wife during the period of observation.









Theoretical Proposition 27. Among families of wives of

childbearing age, the greater the parity standardized relative income

affluence, the greater the probability of childbearing by the wife

during the period of observation.

As theoretical propositions 18 to 27 are derived from

reasoning based on the family as the unit of analysis, it is at the

risk of ecological fallacy that these propositions may be restated in

terms of structural indices. However, on the assumption that struc-

tural indices may be developed to reflect the extent to which families

in a social system are characterized by various levels of marital

parity, relative income affluence, and parity standardized relative

income affluence, propositions may now be advanced to enter these

family situation factors into the present structural model.

Theoretical Proposition 28. Among social systems, the

greater the level of relative income affluence for families of wives

of childbearing age of a social system, the lower the probability of

labor force participation among wives of childbearing age.

Theoretical Proposition 29. Among social systems, the

greater the level of relative income affluence for families of wives

of childbearing age of a social system, the greater the probability

of childbearing among wives of childbearing age.

Theoretical Proposition 30. Among social systems, the

greater the level of marital parity among families of wives of child-

bearing age of a social system, the lower the probability of labor

force participation among wives of childbearing age.









Theoretical Proposition 31. Among social systems, the

greater the level of marital parity among families of wives of child-

bearing age of a social system, the lower the probability of child-

bearing among wives of childbearing age.

Theoretical Proposition 32. Among social systems, the

greater the level of parity standardized relative income affluence

among families of wives of childbearing age of a social system, the

lower the probability of labor force participation among wives of

childbearing age.

Theoretical Proposition 33. Among social systems, the

greater the level of parity standardized relative income affluence

among families of wives of childbearing age of a social system, the

greater the probability of childbearing among wives of childbearing

age.

Theoretical Proposition 34. Among social systems or within

a given social system over time, the greater the level of marital

parity among families of wives of childbearing age of a social system,

the greater the level of relative income affluence among wives of

childbearing age.

Theoretical Proposition 35. Among social systems or

within a given social system over time, the greater the age of the

female population under consideration, the more negative the rela-

tionship between the level of relative income affluence and the

probability of labor force participation among wives in the age

category under consideration.









Theoretical Proposition 36. Among social systems or within

.a given social system over time, the greater the age of the female

population under consideration, the more negative the relationship

between the level of parity standardized relative income affluence

and probability of childbearing among wives in the age category under

consideration.

The major propositions of the model which has been developed

in the preceding pages are graphically summarized in Figure 5. Ex-

cluded from the model are depictions of those theoretical propositions

(theoretical propositions 16 through 25) which were developed but

which apply strictly to reasoning based on the family as the unit of

analysis. Excluded also are such relevant structural indices as per-

centage of the female population married, and percentage women di-

vorced. The exclusion of these variables represents a limitation of

the present model. Finally it should be remembered that the model

is theoretical rather than empirical, and development of an empirical

model derived from the present model will be limited by availability

of data. Although developed to suggest explanations of longitudinal

trends in period measures, as well as cross-sectional variations in

rates of female labor force participation and fertility, limitations

of available data will require that not all suggested relationships

may be empirically evaluated from both perspectives. Therefore, in a

later section it will be necessary to determine which factors may be

operationalized from each perspective, and to derive more limited

empirical models with such operationalization in mind.








FIGURE 5. THEORETICAL MODEL OF STRUCTURAL AND FAMILIAL DETERMINANTS OF FERTILITY AND FEMALE
PARTICIPATION IN THE LABOR FORCE.


-Differentials in sexual
distributions among t
occupational roles +
Relative income- +
income rewards associated affluence
with female employment

Rate of increase in income Probability of Marital parity
rewards associated with .+ labor force
female employment (t-1 to t) participation --


Income rewards associated with Probability of + Parity standardized
female employment relative to childbearing relative income
those associated with male affluence
employment A /

-Prevalence of female sex typed/
L-secondary career occupational -
roles


Correlation changes in a positive
under study.
Correlation changes in a negative
under study.


direction with increases in the age of the female population

direction with increases in the age of the female population


--- Depicts a proposed cross-sectional and longitudinal relationship.
----- Depicts a proposed longitudinal relationship only.













CHAPTER 2

RELEVANT LITERATURE: FEMALE PARTICIPATION IN THE LABOR FORCE
AND FERTILITY, INTERRELATIONSHIPS, AND DETERMINATES

Although the inverse relationship of female labor force

participation and fertility has been considered one of the more obvi-

ous relationships among sociological variables, empirically the

relationship remains ambiguous when one does not limit consideration

to specific populations. Judith Blake (1965) has described the as-

sociation between married women working and family size as generally

one of the strongest and one of the most persistent associations over

time and space, as well as the most theoretically reasonable in studies

of differential fertility. Linking the question of the relationship

of female participation in the labor force and fertility to ideologi-

cal issues of population policy, she argues that if fertility reduc-

tion is to be the goal of population policy, it will not be sufficient

to encourage couples to limit fertility to expressed desires, but these

desires themselves must be lowered. Blake further argues that one way

to accomplish this is to demonstrate the advantages of gainful em-

ployment to potential mothers.

Davis (1967) has elaborately argued the need to concentrate

on programs to lower the desired number of children. He has suggested

that by orienting policy to limitation of fertility to expressed

desires, the leaders of current policies avoid inquiring as to the

reasons women desire so many children and how to influence these









desires. Davis then proposes several steps to encourage limitation of

reproduction as well as postponement of marriage. Non-familial roles

should be more highly rewarded. The educational system should redefine

sex roles. The occupational and economic structures should be such

that women would be paid as well as men. Women should be given equal

educational and occupational opportunities. Davis argues that in

organizing social life around the place of work rather than around home

or neighborhood, women would develop interests which would compete

with family interests. Davis notes that several communist countries

approximate such a policy, and that even the most underdeveloped have

low birth rates.

A similar theoretical and ideological argument is heard from

Alice Rossi (1965) who writes that boys and girls should be educated

for their adult roles.

This means giving more stress in education, at home
and at school, to the future family roles of boys,
and the future occupational roles of girls. Women
will not stop viewing work as a stopgap until
meaningful work is taken for granted in the lives
of women as it is in the lives of men.(1965, p. 1201)

Cynthia Epstein (1970a, p. 23) has suggested that certain

characteristics of female labor force participation, such as profes-

sional orientations, are seen by members of the society as mutually

exclusive with femininity. She points out that women who attempt to

combine such occupational aspirations with their sense of femininity

must deal with a great deal of strain.

Kupinsky (1971) has argued in a manner similar to Davis

and Blake that national populations' policies should be such as to









encourage females to participate in the labor force continuously, in

order that fertility may be reduced. In his own work Kupinsky has

demonstrated the negative relationship between number of children ever

born to women and the proportion of their married lives spent in the

labor force, and has related these findings to socioeconomic status

fertility differentials. These data indicate that female participation

in the labor force produces a larger reduction in the fertility for

upper class women than for lower class women. The findings are limited,

however, to rural women, and do not apply to urban women.

Tarver et al. (1970) studied the urban influence on fertility

and employment patterns of women living in homogeneous areas. Studies

of married, widowed, and divorced women in Atlanta, Indianapolis, and

Omaha indicated that the percentage of employed women declines con-

sistently with distance from the metropolitan center, and that fertility

increases consistently with distance from the metropolitan center. It

may be that such findings reflect the ecological spacing of bedroom

communities rather than the effect of urbanization on fertility.

As indicated by Kupinsky's (1971) recognition of variations

in relationships by socioeconomic status, obtained relationships of

female participation in the labor force and fertility are not con-

sistent. Elizabeth Haven (1972) has shown consistent inverse rela-

tionships between female participation in the labor force and

fertility, but also notes that the relationship varies significantly

within countries on the basis of such structural factors as income

rewards.









Edmund Dahlstrom (1971) reviewing conservative, moderate, and

radical issues in the Swedish debate on sex roles, has rejected the

notion of a causal association between low fertility and female par-

ticipation in the labor force. He notes that there was no marked as-

sociation between birth-rates and labor market participation rates

during the thirties, forties, and fifties, and that public statistics

are not such that one may study the co-variance between these two fac-

tors among women in different age and marital status groups over recent

decades. Dahlstrom also notes that findings indicating working women

have fewer children do not suffice to suggest a necessary causal rela-

tionship. He also notes that career interests on the part of women have

given rise to demands for facilities which would facilitate the com-

bination of motherhood and employment.

From an economic standpoint, Mincer (1963) has formulated

a conception of the relationship between female participation in the

labor force and fertility similar to that which guides the present work.

He notes that arguments of causality run both ways. On the one hand

it is claimed that responsibilities of child care prevent women with

more children from participating in the labor force, while on the other

hand it is argued that women in the labor force restrict the size of

their families. Mincer suggests from his economic perspective that

choices of family size and labor force participation are not causally

related to one another, but are rather choices simultaneously

determined by the same "basic economic variables."

The higher the female wage rate, and the lower the
husband's earning power, the higher the labor force
rate and the smaller the fertility rate. The








relation between fertility rate and labor force
participation is not considered autonomous; it
does not provide new insight once the two struc-
tural relations are specified. Indeed, as the
empirical findings indicate, a labor force
variable introduced in addition to the income
and price variable is redundant; it adds little
or nothing to the explanation. (1963, p. 78-79)

This is essentially the theoretical perspective taken in the

present paper, if the restriction of "economic variables" is lifted so

as to include the social structural conditions of female employment,

and summary indicators of the strength of family situation factors

operating within the social system. These factors merit inclusion, as

they affect probabilities or rates of labor force participation and

fertility among women in the population of the social system. Despite

the arguments of such sociologists as Judith Blake, Kingsley Davis,

Cynthia Epstein, Alice Rossi, and Stanley Kupinsky, little work has been

carried out regarding the relationships of female employment to fertility

rates at the aggregate and structural levels.

DeTray (1973) studied 555 United States counties using 1960

census data. He considered factors of male and female education,

housing equality, male median earnings, female median earnings, infant

death rate, percent urban, percent rural, and race. Using ordinary

least squares multiple regression methods, he found that female median

earnings, rather than male median earnings, had the strongest effect

on indices of fertility and children ever born, as well as on child

quality as determined by public school investment in child education.

Gardner (1973) studying wife's wage rate, family income

measured as a "permanent" annual flow of consumption services, wife's









schooling, husband's wage rate, and husband's education, among rural

North Carolina families, found that increases in wife's wage rate,

measured either as the wife's own wage rate or the wives' average rate

for the country, was related to reduced family size.

Sammuel Preston (1972) worked with the question of women's

earnings relative to men's, and with the extent to which the industrial

structure in a given area tends to hire women. In a sample of Standard

Metropolitan Statistical Areas in 1960, both variables were negatively

related to fertility. In Preston's study, education was not found to

have a strong effect on fertility when included in the multiple

regression model.

The effect of income differentials between male and female

employed workers on the relationship of cumulative fertility rates and

labor force participation rates was investigated by Havens and Gibbs

(1975). Essentially, their findings suggest that the negative rela-

tionship between female participation in the labor force and fertility

becomes stronger as female salaries approximate male salaries.

Information from various communist countries suggests the

possible effects of equality of occupational opportunity, although

data are too sketchy for adequate determination of the actual extent

of sexual equality in the occupational sphere.

The prospect of a causal relationship between occupational

integration of women and fertility declines has been tested in practice

in Red China. Kingsley Davis (d.) noted that the People's Republic of

China has, and continues to pursue, anti-natalist policies, including

de-emphasis on the family and the use of women in the labor force.









He observes that, in order to limit population growth, governments must

alter conditions by increasing the availability of contraceptives,

abortion, and sterilization, and by increasing female participation in

the labor force. The latter effort must be such as to make women not

only personally ambitious but also economically independent.

Tien (1970), reporting on Red China's anti-natalist policy,

noted that, since the marriage law of 1950, marital postponement has

occupied a unique place within China's social policy. He reports that,

from the Chinese perspective, delayed marriage, unlike other means of

fertility limitations, directly serves to channel the energies of

young men and women into study and work, and can profoundly restructure

the Chinese family.

E. Szabady (1968, pp. 387-408) has suggested that low

fertility in Eastern Europe may be attributed to working women. E.A.

Sadvokasova (1967) has also documented the inverse relationship of

female employment and fertility trends. He observes that:

One of the most important causes of the decline in
the birth rate in the economically advanced countries
has been the change in the social status of women
reflected in the entry to women in productive labor.
(p. 111)

Observing further that the Constitution of the Soviet Union has given

Soviet women equal rights with men in "all fields of life" (p. 111),

Sadvokasova (1967) cites statistics indicating that women constitute

48 percent of the total employed population, and 39 percent of the

labor force employed in industry and construction. Women constituted

61 percent of the labor force in trade, mass catering, procurement,

supplies and marketing, 71 percent of the labor force in the fields








of education, science, and public health, 70 percent of all teachers,

and 74 percent of all doctors.

Although claiming that in 1930 unemployment was eliminated

from the USSR, as well as the Armenian SSR and that in the economic,

cultural and scientific fields women in the Armenian Republic actively

work side by side with men, Davtyan (1967) does not tie sexual equality

in the occupational sphere directly to fertility declines. In his

analysis of population change in the Armenian Republic, Davtyan

emphasizes the influence of declines in the married proportion of

the female population of childbearing age, as well as the decline of

the fertility rate of married women, as causes for declines in natality

rates. However, he does report on a survey of women in the City of

Erevan carried out in 1963 which indicated that the mean fertility

rate of employed women was 36.6 percent lower than the fertility rate

of women not employed outside the home.

Urlanis (1967) reports similar findings as do Sadvokasova

(1967) and Davtyan (1967), and more clearly stresses the social posi-

tion of women in the Soviet Union as the "first which deserves note" of

the social factors influencing the birth rate. However, he compares

differential fertility of working women and dependent women rather

than variations in societal rates based on variations in the structural

conditions of female employment per se.

Mazur (1968) criticizes the studies of Urlanis and Sadvokasova

noting that they did not cross-classify the data by education and

marriage. Mazur suggests that the low age specific fertility rates of








working women could be due to the fact that a much greater proportion

of these women may have attained higher levels of education, and may

be more inclined to remain single, as compared with the dependent

women. After reviewing data from various Eastern European countries

and noting the tendency for working women to have lower fertility rates

than dependent women, Mazur suggests

that under an economic system of ridigly controlled
wages, the employment of women could be a spurious
factor in its apparent relation to fertility. It is
possible that low income of husband is the primary
motivational force that induces the wife to take a
job in order to help balance the family budget.
This is apparently easier to accomplish by women who
are childless or have no more than two children.
The concern for children in the state-controlled
system providing for their care is a secondary
consideration. (1968, p. 311)

Continuing to direct attention to differential fertility by

labor force status, Freedman et al. (1959) document the negative cor-

relation between female labor force participation and fertility in

West Germany. They report that on the average, working wives expect

0.4 fewer children than those who were not working, and that at the

time of the study, working wives had an average of 0.6 fewer children

than non-working wives.

Additional studies drawing on international sources regarding

the inverse relationship between female participation in the labor

force and fertility are summarized by the Department of Economic and

Social Affairs of the United Nations (1973, p. 101-102).

In Chapter 1, it was suggested that probabilities of

fertility, or societal fertility rates, would be negatively related

to the degree to which employed women participated in the occupational








structure in the same distribution as males. Outside of the studies

reviewed on the preceding pages, little or no work has been explicitly

directed at this question. It has also been suggested that the rela-

tionship of such differentials to fertility rates may be confounded

to the extent to which opportunities were present for adoption of

secondary career occupational roles which would entail minimal conflict

with familial obligations. Again, few studies have been explicitly

directed to this question. Important to this type of question, however,

are the works of various researchers concerned with role incompatibility

as it may pertain to relationships of female participation in the

labor force and fertility.

Stycos and Weller (1967) directed their attention to the lower

strengths of the inverse relationship of female participation in the

labor force and fertility characteristics of developing countries.

Studying data for Latin American Countires and Turkey, they advanced

the hypothesis that where female work and maternal roles are compat-

ible, there will be no reduction in fertility, as an explanation for

the lack of strong relationships in rural areas. If the roles are

incompatible, the relationship they suggest would depend upon the

availability of birth control technology. If such technology is

unavailable, the relationship would depend upon self-selection by

fecundity and marriage and would not be expected to be strong. Where

birth control is available, they suggest that working women would

reduce fertility to lower the strain of incompatible roles (p. 216).

In a later article also concerned with a developing society, Weller

(1968U reports that research in industrialized countries indicates









a negative relationship between female employment and fertility, but

observed that evidence from less developed countries was inconclusive.

Linking role conflict and decreased fertility, the hypothesis was

advanced, and subsequently supported, that the nature of female employ-

ment in less developed countries is such that joint occupancy of the

roles of mother and worker does not involve a great deal of role

conflict. Research which supported the hypothesis also suggested that

white collar employment, normative orientations to women as mothers,

and lack of available child care arrangement were aspects of role

incompatibility. On the basis of these studies, Weller (1968a) con-

cluded that female participation in the labor force per se may have

little or no effect on fertility. He also suggested that efforts be

made to increase white collar female employment as this had been found

to be related to later age at marriage and lower fertility.

These recommendations are in conflict with the position which

Weller took in a later paper reporting on studies to determine the

extent to which increased rates of female employment in non-agricultural

activities are associated with decreases in child-woman ratios in Puerto

Rico since 1940. In that paper Weller and Sakoda (1971) concluded that

as only slight negative relationships were found there is little value

in advocating raising levels of female employment until longitudinal

analyses are conducted which indicate that increases in the rates of

female participation in the labor force are associated with decreases

in fertility.

Additional support for Weller's and Stycos' (1967) hypo-

thesis regarding the effect of role incompatibility on the








relationship between female participation in the labor force and

fertility has been provided by the studies of Fererici (1968) in Italy

and the work of Goldstein (1972) in Thailand. Fererici noted that in

poor, agricultural, Southern Italy there is no relation between female

employment and lower fertility, although the inverse relationship in

the North is clear. After considering the proportion subfecund and

the mean ages of employed women, Federici suggests that agricultural

employment is not inconsistent with fertility, in the way that secon-

dary or tertiary employment is.

Goldstein (1972) using a special tabulation of a 1 percent

sample tape of the 1960 census to evaluate the relationship between

labor force participation, education of women, and fertility in

Thailand, compared rural and urban populations so as to investigate

the question of role incompatibility. Women in farming (87.4 percent)

had the highest fertility, followed by women who worked in crafts,

professions and administrative work. Noting that the negative rela-

tionship was strongest in the urban areas, the researcher writes

that:

This problem suggests that the greater the separation
of work and family roles among employed women in the
urban center lowers the fertility of urban working
women, whereas the general absence of such conflict
in rural society results in a minimum effect of
labor force participation on fertility. (p. 43)

Although the preceding studies introduced the idea of role

incompatibility by concentrating on the absence of this characteristic

in agricultural areas, it need not be assumed that female employment

in urban areas is necessarily incompatible with familial role

obligations. Two types of factors are relevant here. The potential









for conflict may vary with the stage of the family life cycle, as this

will suggest the extent and type of familial obligations incumbent

upon the wife. The potential for conflict may also vary by type of

occupation, as was suggested in the theoretical discussion of the

confounding effects of the prevalence of secondary careers on the

relationships between the other structural and familial situation

variables suggested as differentially related to female participation

in the labor force and fertility.

Woods (1959, pp. 504-504) has suggested that in the first

years of marriage, employment by the wife need not represent a threat

to the husband's status, particularly where the young people assume

companionship roles. However, Woods suggests that later, when the

husband is the major breadwinner, the family values may require re-

alignment, and if the wife remains employed family harmony may be

threatened by competition for prestige.

In a similar vein Nye and Hoffman (1963) suggest that when

labor force participation is timed to coincide with periods of "low

familial demands," labor force participation may be sanctioned as a

secondary pastime. However, Nye and Hoffman (1963) would differ with

Woods (1959) regarding the question of conflict due to competition for

prestige. They claim that as a consequence of challenges to ideolo-

gies of male supremacy and responsibility, and of emerging equali-

tarian ideologies, the married woman, as a second wage earner, poses

less of a threat to the husband. In addition they note that even

where male dominance remains an accepted norm, employment of the

wife is not inconsistent if her position is lower than her husband's









on the occupational hierarchy and so long as her employment yields a

smaller portion of the family income (p. 5).

Bancroft (1958, p. 62-64) investigated the relationship

between fertility and labor force participation of females, but from

a perspective giving causation to fertility as the stimulus to change

in the labor force. She in 1958 observed that "young women of today

find little opposition to continuing their jobs after marriage" (p. 62).

Thus, the proportion of single women decreased on an age standardized

basis, while "increases in labor force participation were in age

classes in which a high proportion were already married in 1940" (p. 62).

It is then suggested by Bancroft that the pattern of female employment

involved marriage in the early twenties, followed by removal from

the labor force with the birth of the first child. Women who place

a high value on a career may, it is suggested, postpone marriage and

motherhood, but once a family is started the working woman is as likely

as the housewife to have additional children.

Dahlstrom and Liljestrom (1971) have described the pattern

of female employment in Sweden in light of the family life cycle.

They suggest four stages. During the first phase, while the husband's

income is low and housework demands are low, conditions are favorable

for gainful employment of the wife. During the second phase, the

husband's income has tended to rise, pressures of children have

increased the housework demands, and the propensity for the wife to

work outside of the home is reduced. During the third phase, the

children are in school but the burden of financial need continues to

increase, and thus the incentive of the wife to return to work is








increased. During the last stage, the children have left home to

support themselves, and the burdens of financial need are reduced as

are the demands of housework. As the financial need is reduced, so will

be the propensity for the wife to return to the labor force. Rather

than causing conflict under such circumstances, employment of the wife

provides needed income. In support of the assumption that for married

women labor force participation is economically motivated, Dahlstrom

and Liljestrom (1971) note that women married to men in the lowest

income categories have relatively higher participation rates. They

also note that when Swedish women were questioned they indicated that

their motivation was economic. Work on the part of the wife may make

it possible to satisfy certain indispensable needs such as housing and

medicine, as well as contribute to fulfillment of status functions

and future security. One should be cautious, however, in assuming that

economic motivations are the only, or even primary, reason for female

employment. Epstein (1970, p. 65) suggests that although women often

cite economic reasons for working, this may be due to a felt need to

justify working for some reason other than job satisfaction.

Hoffman (1963, pp. 18-39) studied factors involved in

mothers' decisions to work. She observed that while a monetary motive

is frequently cited, technological advances have made the housewife

role less time consuming and satisfying, particularly when the youngest

child has entered school. She observed that frustrating aspects of

the maternal role itself might have motivated some women to seek

employment. Clare (1957) concluded that women who felt with confidence

that they would have no more children, either because of subfecundity or









experience with effective family planning, could make a more permanent

commitment to their jobs. It is important to note that these studies

indicate that employment may occur after childbearing, rather than

causing delays in marriage and childbearing.

Mildred Weil (1961) suggests that important factors involved

in the wife's decision to work include performance of an occupation

before marriage, husband's professional or managerial status, and

husband's attitude and willingness to adjust the division of labor in

the home.

One manner in which the employment of wives may affect

fertility is through changes in family structure. Whelpton, Campbell,

and Patterson (1966, p. 258-259) report that a couple is more likely

to have completely planned fertility if the wife has worked than if

she has not. This is partly due to the fact that some wives married

only a short time worked to save money before the arrival of the first

child. Even among couples with children, however, the presence of a

working wife is likely to mean more careful family planning, particu-

larly if the wife is working because she wishes to. The researchers

suggest that an interesting job for the wife motivates the couple

to practice contraception carefully.

Weller (1968b) studied the effects of female employment on

family dominance in San Juan. He advanced three hypotheses which

received empirical support: 1) participation in the labor force

was associated with increased influence of the wife in family deci-

sion making, particularly with regard to childbearing decisions;

2) increased influence in decision making was associated with lower








fertility among working wives and, 3) the negative relationship between

fertility and female participation in the labor force is stronger

among wife-dominant and equalitarian families than among husband-

dominated couples. Weller concluded that the pattern of family

decision making is a crucial intervening variable in the relationship

between employment of wives and fertility.

In light of such findings it is interesting that Stycos'

(1952) studies of family fertility in Puerto Rico indicated that the

lower classes had preferences for small families but had high fertility.

Cultural patterns countering low fertility ideals included: 1) a male

role encouraged sexual appetites under economic conditions in which

virility and fertility are major sources of prestige, 2) the sub-

ordinate position of women made them unable to prevent pregnancy

despite preferences for small family size, and 3) the wide gulf

between the sexes led to high levels of marital tension and fertility.

In 1956 Stycos suggested certain effects of poor communica-

tion between husband and wife. With poor communication there develops

a tendency of each spouse to assume that the other does not care how

many children they have, a failure to share birth control methods,

and a failure to adopt birth control methods. Lack of communication

was suggested as a result of excessive female modesty and of

traditional male dominance. Goodman (1968), who studied psychological

factors of different fertility and family planning types, noted that

pregnancy may be a means to achieve security among women who hope

that motherhood will provide love and self-esteem. Rainwater (1964),

drawing on studies of four cultures of the poor dominated by Western









European culture, suggested that where there exists a high degree of

family role segregation couples tend not to develop close sexual

relationships. Wives may be less inclined to look upon sexual relation-

ships as gratifying, but may desire sexual relationships as signifying

continued stability of the marriage.

Talcott Parsons' (1949; 1954) functional analysis of

Western families in which only the husband holds career employment

has, until recently, been widely accepted. Andre Michel's (1971)

study challenging Parsons' theory that differentiation and speciali-

zation of male and female roles enhances integration of the conjugal

family is significant in that no Parsonian based hypothesis was

supported. In a study of 450 Parisian families it was found that the

less specialization and differentiation of domestic roles and deci-

sion making,the more likely high levels of integration. Measures of

integration included: satisfaction of the wife, communication between

husband and wife, and a greater chance that the desired number of

children and family planning would be realized.

This issue was indirectly taken up by Blood and Hamblin (1958) who

studied 160 Michigan couples, in 80 of which the wives were employed

full time. Employed wives tended toward equalitarian authority

expectations, and housewives tended toward traditional authority

expectations. No statistically significant differences were found

between the husbands. Husbands of working wives, however, were found

to share in larger proportions of work than husbands of housewives.

There were no significant differences in percentage of adopted

suggestions offered by working wives and housewives.








Rodman (1965), reviewing Parsons' (1965) view of the changing

American family, notes that while Parsons has recognized that women

have increasingly entered the labor force, he responds to this as a

special kind of phenomenon insofar as these are seen as women who

either do not yet have children, or whose children are grown and in-

dependent. In addition it is suggested that these women are distribu-

ted in the less technological occupational roles. Rodman himself infers

that in recent years the female is less likely to be forced into choosing

either a domestic role or a career pattern, and argues that it has now

become acceptable and possible for her to combine a variety of dif-

ferent role patterns during the course of her life.

In light of the work of Blake, Davis, Weller, and various

other theorists and researchers cited over the preceding pages, it is

useful to consider the nature of work available to females in the United

States.

Eli Ginzberg (1968) has noted that of 33.8 million females

employed in 1965, only about 39 percent worked full time the full year,

and over 60 percent earned less than $3000 and 25 percent earned be-

tween $3000 and $5000. Ginzberg concludes that: 1) except for those

with small children, women are likely to be employed outside the home;

2) women generally work part time or part year; 3) an increasing

percentage of females with small children are now working, and 4)

mature women of 45-55 are most likely to be employed.

Gordon (1968) summarized the state of women in the labor

force by citing two problems: 1) the low proportion of females in the

professions, and 2) the inadequate education and training of girls









who become mothers too early. She attributes the low number of female

professionals to lower levels of career aspirations among females, as

wellasto discrimination in professional education.

Epstein (1970b)has suggested processes by which sexual dis-

crimination in the professions may operate. She notes that sex typing

and status-set typing have led to male dominance of the professions.

Enforcing these attitudes and further restricting female access to the

upper echelons of the professions are: 1) the colleague system of the

professions, 2) the sponsor-protege relationship, and 3) the inner

structure demands of the specific professions including associations,

beliefs involving dedication to the profession, and the exclusivity of

the elite.

Astin (1969) found that the married woman doctorate was

apt to be childless. Her family, if there was one, was usually small,

averaging two children, and her childbearing started at a much later

date than was the case with other females. Holmstrom (1972) studied

20 couples in the Boston area in which the husband and wife held pro-

fessional positions. She concluded that although wives in such couples

placed as much value on having children as did most Americans, their

actual childbearing practices were atypical in three ways. They tended

to have small families. Seventy-five percent had two or fewer children.

There was likely to be a relatively long interval between marriage and

the birth of the first child. Finally, most of the wives had their

first child while in their late twenties or beyond.

Coser and Rokoff (1971) suggested that cultural mandates for

women that they be committed primarily to family have led to conflicts








between work and home for the working female, and between the two

activity systems. As a result, women are concentrated in occupations

in which they are defined as replaceable and excluded from professions

and higher positions. It is argued that equality of women would re-

quire a family structure in which men would be expected to be committed

to their families in the same manner as would females.

Turner (1964) noted with regard to women's career ambitions,

that because the major social status determinate of a woman is her

husband's occupation some women may have no career ambitions, while

others may choose a pseudo or secondary career. With few exceptions,

the women he studied chose to add a special role rather than sub-

stitute a career for the traditional homemaker role. Turner suggested

that so long as wives accept such a traditional assignment they cannot

gain the intrinsic rewards of career accomplishment, as do their husbands.

Empey, in 1958, reported on a study of high school seniors and

college undergraduates in the state of Washington. He found statisti-

cally significant support for the hypothesis that high school seniors

and college girls preferred marriage to a career and were inclined to

aspire to jobs traditionally held by females. It was suggested that

young females may orient to both marriage and a career to follow should

it become necessary.

Family situation factors such as tastes, husband's relative

income, and marital parity have been suggested as influential on family

decisions regarding female employment and childbearing. Much of the

work which has considered family decision making processes has been

carried out at the micro-economic level and it is to such economic








research and theory that attention must be here directed. Bankes (1954),

evaluating fertility patterns in Great Britian over the period from

1870-1953, has suggested that a long run effect of a rise in average

family incomes (presumably husbands' incomes) is an increase in

aspirations for social advancement. This represents an increased

desire for consumer goods which competes with the desire for additional

children in light of family resources.

Of major importance to micro-economic theory of family fer-

tility decisions is the work of Gary Becker (1960) who formalized the

perception of children as "consumption" goods. He also distinguished

the concepts of "quantity" of children and "quality" of children in a

family's childbearing decision making. Central to Becker's formula-

tions is the notion that tastes and values may be unchanged as income

changes. In a later work Becker (1965) also suggested the inclusions of

the concept of allocation of time in evaluating parents' perception of

children as cost considerations.

The position taken in the present research holds that as the

husband's income rises relative to the mean income for husbands age 35

to 45 in the same occupational group, the probability of childbearing by

the wife increases. However, previous research on the effect of husband's

income on fertility is confusing. Sanderson and Willis (1971) suggest that

one should not assume, in the absence of more information, that the short run

relationship of income and fertility is positive. Using the one in 1,000

sample from the 1960 United States Census tapes, and working with cell means

of approximately 100 socioeconomic groups in three age levels, they found

that at higher levels of women's education and husband's income, an









increase in husband's income produced an increase in the number of

children, while at low levels of husband's income and wife's education

an increase in income was associated with a decrease in fertility.

Similar findings are reported by Ben Porath (1973) who tested the

Sanderson-Willis hypothesis using Israeli household survey data. He

found negative coefficients for husband's income and estimated wife's

potential earnings on fertility, but a positive interaction term. It

is possible, however, that the Israeli situation may be inappropriate

for comparison with the more Western Countries, given the recent

political, economic, and social situations of that nation.

Willis (1973) has suggested that within the context of economic

theory the family is treated as a complex institution. Behavior of

family members and the family unit is viewed as affected by preferences

and capabilities of members in interaction with present and antici-

pated social and economic environments. However, he noted that no

single testable model of the full range of family life-cycle behavior

is yet feasible. Willis has also noted that the family may be viewed

as both a demander and supplier of children. Directing attention to

husband's income and wife's education, Willis observed an important

empirical regularity in the cross-sectional relationship between

fertility and measures of husband's income that has become apparent in

the emergence of a U-shaped relationship between fertility and income.

This U-shaped relationship has been observed in developed countries

over past years. Higher-income higher-status socioeconomic groups have

fertility rates higher than predicted by current income alone.









In Gardner's study of rural North Carolina families (1973),

in addition to noting that increases in the wife's wage rates and

schooling were associated with decreased family size, Gardner observes

that husband's schooling and wage rate are both negatively related to

family size, and that the negative effect of husband's school is

significantly larger for families in which the wife does not work than

for families in which she does. Of indirect importance to the present

discussion, Gardner also observes that neither the wife's nor the hus-

band's years of schooling are linearly related to family size. Among

women, an increase in school from 0 to 4 years to 9 to 11 years reduces

family size much more than increases from 9 to 11 years of schooling

through college. Among males, the degree of non-linearity is weaker,

and works in the opposite direction such that latter years of school-

ing reduces family size by more than earlier years of schooling.

Closely related to the present study, Cain and Weininger

(1972), utilizing 1960 Census data for Standard Metropolitan Statistical

Areas of 250,000 and above population in a multiple regression of chil-

dren ever born on male income, female wage rate, female education, and

region of the country, found a positive effect for income on children

ever born. Noting that the relationship is stronger the younger the

age group, they suggest that the major effect on income may be on

timing rather than total number of births.

That the effect of husband's income on current fertility

need not always be positive has also been indicated by the work of

Cho (1970b). They note that for native whites, when fertility rates

are standardized for education, "fertility is positively related to









income up to the income category of $5,000-$6,999 and then is negatively

related, with a reversal at the highest income category" (1970b,p. 251).

A "flattened" normal curve is suggested for urbanized areas, with the

income category $5,000 to $6,999 having the highest fertility. In rural

areas the highest fertility occurs within the $4,000 to $4,999 income

category. For Negroes, in urbanized areas, when standardized for

education, fertility is positively related to income up to income cate-

gory $3,000 to $3,999, and thereafter negatively related. However,

Mincer (1963), using 1950 Bureau of Labor Statistics survey data on

urban white housewives whose husbands were fully employed, showed that

when the earnings of the wife and the education of the husband are held

constant, the relation of husband's income to fertility is positive.

As the present study deals with aggregate rates of fertility

and female participation in the labor force, the work of Heer and

Boynton (1970) and that of D. Freedman (1963) are of particular im-

portance. Heer and Boynton studied differentials in fertility among

United States counties in 1960, developing a multiple regression model

utilizing "independent" variables of: 1) infant mortality in or around

1960, 2) proportion of 1960 population nonwhite, 3) median income of

males among all males with income in 1959, 4) median years of school

completed by persons 25 years of age or older, 5) proportion of females

14 years of age and over in the labor force in 1960, 6) the log10 of

the population potential of the county in 1960, 7) the ratio of males

20 to 54 to females 15 to 49, and 8) the proportion Roman Catholic.

In the resultant multiple regression model the partial correlation of

median male income with the standardized fertility ratio was only -.02,









and the partial correlation of the proportion of females in the labor

force was only -.073. This last figure may reflect the need to utilize

finer categorizations of age in considering the relationship of aggre-

gate rates of female participation in the labor force to fertility rates.

Deborah Freedman (1963) treated the question of the relation-

ship of measures of husband's income to fertility. In her study the

measure of fertility used was the number of live births preceding the

date of interview. Two measures of husband's income were used. In

the first place his actual income in the year proceeding the survey

(1955) was considered. Second, his relative income, taken as a ratio

of his actual income and that expected for him on the basis of "a

regression on 1955 income of his occupation, education, age and resi-

dence in the South or elsewhere" (p. 417), was considered. The results

of the regression indicated a positive relation with a beta of .24 for

husband's relative income on cumulative fertility, and a negative rela-

tionship with a beta of .21 for husband's actual income on cumulative

fertility. The former relationship is consistent with that which would

be expected on the basis of the model developed in the present work in

Chapter 1.

Finally the relationship of income to higher birth orders may

be noted. Julian Simon (1974), reporting on the effect of income on

successive birth orders usinq subclassifications of the 1/100 1960

U.S. Public Use Census Sample, and applying discriminate analysis

within each cell, has observed that higher levels of husband's income

are positively associated with the family having at least one child

rather than none.. However, the relationship is described as moving








smoothly from positive to negative as one looks to higher birth orders.

Finally, around the third or fourth child the relationship becomes

negative. Simon (1974) concludes that other things being equal, "the

effect of husband's income is curvilinear among people in the United

States" (p. 65). Assuming that this interpretation recognizes the

implied interaction of income and marital parity on probability of cur-

rent fertility, these results also would be consistent with the pre-

dictions made in the model developed in Chapter 1.

The preceding pages have reviewed much of the theoretical

and empirical work bearing on the concepts and propositions presented

in Chapter 1. Although the importance of a longitudinal perspective

has been suggested, empirical studies reviewed in the present chapter

have largely been limited to cross-sectional considerations. It is

useful, therefore, to devote explicit attention to longitudinal rela-

tionships among female participation in the labor force, fertility,

and the social structural determinates of these. This, then, is the

broad goal of Chapters 3, 4, and 5. Chapter 3 begins this task by

directing attention to the findings of previous researchers regarding

longitudinal trends of the social structural factors involved in the

theoretical model developed in Chapter 1.













CHAPTER 3

A REVIEW OF LONGITUDINAL RESEARCH REGARDING PATTERNS OF FEMALE
PARTICIPATION IN THE LABOR FORCE, MARRIAGE, AND FERTILITY


Although relatively little work has been carried out to date

regarding longitudinal interrelationships of female participation in

the labor force, fertility, and the social structural determinants of

these, a number of researchers have devoted extensive effort to docu-

mentation and interpretation of the longitudinal trends of these phenom-

ena. It is the objective of this chapter to review the major contribu-

tions to empirical knowledge regarding these trends, with particular

emphasis on the case of the United States for the period 1930 through

1970. It is hoped that a familiarity with this body of literature will

facilitate comprehension and interpretation of the present researcher's

longitudinal analyses to be reported in Chapters 4 and 5.

Gertrude Bancroft (1958) provides an excellent review of

trends regarding the American labor force from 1890 to 1955. She

observes that "The most important development has been the decline in

the labor force participation of men of certain ages, which has been

more than offset by the great increase in the labor force participa-

tion of women" (p. 28). Bancroft suggests that factors affecting

the employment of women include the reduction of the work week to 40

hours, the vast expansion of clerical and sales jobs "for which women

can be employed" (p. 29), technological advances regarding home

appliances, and commercialization of housekeeping functions (p. 29).









Concerning age specific labor force participation rates of

women, Bancroft (1958) observed trends toward increasing employment in

all age groups with the exception of the teenagers for each sex (p. 30).

A trend toward an older labor force was observed. For women workers

the median age in 1955 was 28.5 as compared with 25 in 1890. Bancroft

also reviewed the changing occupational structure of employment and

noted that structural changes accounted for most of the increase in

women in managerial, sales, clerical, and service jobs (p. 37). She

also observed that there had been no movement toward skilled or crafts-

persons positions, and a movement away from operative and laborer

positions (p. 39).

With regard to family employment patterns, Bancroft (1958)

reported that while most family heads in 1955 were year-round full-time

workers, 13.1 percent of the wives of family heads worked full time

full year. Part time and/or part year employment of women was common

in 1950. According to Bancroft the majority of employed women of all

ages were "secondary workers" (p. 118). Data presented by Bancroft

suggest that in 1950 and 1956 those occupational categories in which

secondary workers of both sexes comprised greater than 40 percent of all

workers included the clerical, sales, service, and farm laborers and

farm forepersons categories (p. 119). Finally, Bancroft also reported

that data from the U.S. Census and from the Current Population Surveys

indicate that the married woman's decision to enter the labor force is

more strongly dependent upon whether or not she has young children at

home than upon her husband's income (p. 124).









Leopold (1958) has also documented increases in female

participation in the labor force. She noted that between 1940 and 1957

the percentage of married women over 35 increased 85 percent.

Knudsen (1969) reports on trends in sexual discrimination within

the occupational structure. He has taken the position that while modern

industrial society has destroyed traditional narrow definitions of

female roles,discrimination has not ceased. As evidence, census data

are reported for the period 1940 through 1966 which document decreasing

proportions of females in the professional, technical and kindred workers

class and substantial increases in the clerical, sales, service, and

farm worker classes. Income was studied by comparing the ratio of

female to male workers' incomes by each census occupational class. In

all classes females received less income than males, and in only the

professional class was the income discrepancy improved in 1966 by com-

parison with 1939. With regard to education it was concluded that

while the proportion of female college enrollments had increased, men

continued to be better educated, particularly with regard to degrees

beyond the baccalaureate.

Gross (1968) applied Gibbs (1965) Standard Measure of Dif-

ferentiation to sexual differentiation among specific occupational

categories using census data regarding numbers of males and females

in specific occupations for decennial years from 1900 to 1960. The

Standard Measure of Differentiation, which will be used in the present

study, may be roughly interpreted as the percentage of either sex which

would have to change occupations in order that each sex would have the

same standardized distribution among the occupational categories. Gross








observed that despite increased female participation in the labor force

there is almost as much sexual segregation of occupations as 60 years

previous. Increases in the proportion of women in the labor force

without reductions in the level of sexual segregation resulted from

expansion of heavily female occupations, continued and increasing

segregation of already male occupations, movement of females into pre-

viously heavily male occupations, and creation of new occupations initially

defined as female. Gross further observed that comparisons of mean

amounts of segregation within major occupational categories suggested

that such reductions as had taken place were largely a result of de-

segregation of heavily female occupations, simultaneous with continued

and increasing segregation of such heavily male occupations as farmers

and farm managers, managers, officials and proprietors, clerical and

kindred workers, sales workers, craftspersons, farm laborers and fore-

persons. Gross also noted that there was little change in segregation

over time for occupations within the professional and operative categories.

Reviews of past studies may also provide information regarding

longitudinal trends in ideal and actual family size. Freedman and

Goldberg (1955) reported on a probability sample of adults in metro-

politan Detroit in 1954, and compared these findings with those of 1952.

For both studies consensus centered on the two to four child family,

although the mean ideal family size was slightly but significantly lower

in 1954.

Yeracarir (1959) reported on a study of a random sample of

new mothers in Buffalo, New York, interviewed in 1956. Although income,

education, and occupation were related to ideal family size, most









mothers were found to prefer two, three, or four children. In addition

it was noted that fertility values expressed by young mothers were lower

than those expressed by older mothers.

Longitudinal trends were investigated by Whelpton, Campbell,

and Patterson (1966, p. 34) who compared American Institute of Public

Opinion data for 1941 and 1945, and Growth of American Families data

for 1955 and 1960, regarding number of children respondents considered

ideal. Average ideal numbersof children for those years were reported

to be 3.0, 3.3, 3.4. and 3.5, respectively. Over this same period the

most popular number of children increased from two in 1941 to three in

1945, and four in 1955 and 1960. Both indicators suggested a clear

tendency toward a larger ideal number of children, at least until 1960.

Similar findings using the same data were reported by Musham

(1956). In addition, their analysis of data from the Indianapolis

study of 1941 indicated that the mean husbands' desired number of

children was 2.177 and the mean wives' desired number of children was

2.359.

Blake (1966; 1967) also traced longitudinal trends in mean

ideal number of children. Gallup Poll, Roper Poll, and Growth of

American Families data were presented which traced mean ideal numbers

of children from 1936 to 1966 for the United States. It may be noted

that in 1936 females reported an ideal number of children as 3.1 and

males reported this ideal as 3.2. In 1966 the figures are 3.4 and 3.2,

respectively. Of course, there was some variation over the period for

both females and males. The maximum reported ideal number of children

for females was 3.6 in 1959 and 1961, and for males was 3.5 in 1959.









Her data regarding these trends are presented with her methodological

notes in Table 1.

In 1954 Whelpton used cohort fertility tables for cohorts

1875-79, 1875-1904, and 1905-1909, in order to evaluate changes in

family sizes. Although the overall trend appeared downward, five year

cohorts from 1910 to 1934 indicated an upward trend in family size.

He recognized a decrease in age at marriage but suggested that this

could not explain the changes in family size. Hammons (1957) turned

to census data for 1940 and 1950 and found that in 1950 the mean size

of families was increasing. There were fewer childless families than

in the past, and between 1940 and 1950 the marriage rate rose sharply,

particularly among the educated.

Glick studied the move toward the two or three child family

from 1940 to 1953 (1957, p. 37). On the basis of census reports he

concluded that over that period the proportion of families with two or

three children increased while the proportion with less than two or

more than three children declined. He also noted that over this period

there was an increase in employment of wives from one out of eight to

one out of five, and that the lowest rates of female employment during

the childbearing years were in the age groups under 25 (p. 90, 91).

Longitudinal trends of age at marriage in the United States

have also been studied. Hill (1970) studied intergenerational family

development and found evidence of a decrease in age of husbands at

marriage. Mean age of husbands in the grandparent generation, married

in 1907, was 25.3 years. The mean age at marriage for husbands in the

parent generation was 25 years. In the married children generation









TABLE 1. MEAN IDEAL FAMILY SIZE, WHITE
STATES, 1936-1966*


MALES AND FEMALES, UNITED


Date Age Range Females Males


20-34
21
21
18-25
40-55


1953
1955**
1955***


1960
1960
1961
1963


18-39


18-39

14-23
21


1966 21 3.4 3.2

*All of the Gallup polls (those dated 1936, 1941, 1945, 1947, 1952, 1957,
1959, 1963 and 1966) except the Gallup Youth Study of 1961 asked the
following question: "What do you consider is the ideal size of a family--
a husband, wife, and how many children?" The Gallup Youth questionnaire
(1961) asked: "How many children would you like to have?" The Roper
Poll of 1943 asked: "How many children would you like to have if you
had your choice?" and that of 1948: "How many children do you think
makes the nicest size family?" The Growth of American Families Studies
of 1955 and 1960 inquired concerning "the ideal number of children for
the average American family." The minimum distribution arises from
coding range answers (e.g., "two or three" to the lowest figure, and
the maximum results from coding them to the highest figure. For men,
the 1955 and 1960 data are responses by wives about the number their
husbands wanted and the ages given are those of wives who were interviewed.
**Minimum
***Maximum








married in 1953, husbands' mean age at marriage was 22.4 years. For

the same generations the parents were married an average of 6.58 years,

9.8 years, and 6.83 years, respectively, when the third child was

born. Depending upon whether the third generation goes on to have

more children, and with what spacing, it may be that a trend toward an

earlier duration of marriage by the birth of the last child would be-

come operative. With regard to number of children per family, the

grandparent generation averaged 5.2 children with the last child being

born an average of 14.6 years after marriage. For the parent genera-

tion mean family size was 3.5 children and the last child was born 10.4

years after marriage. The married child generation had an average of

2.4 children with 20 potential years of childbearing remaining. Re-

porting on labor force participation of wives, Hill also observed that

the percentage of wives in the labor force, at each point in time

throughout marriage, was higher by succeeding generations. However,

for each generation a sharp drop in labor force participation of

wives appeared following two to three years of marriage, and an

increase began after five years of marriage (p. 97).

Marriage rates, age at marriage, and birth rates for five

European countries, Canada, and the United States, were studied by

Kiser (1959, p. 65-83). All countries followed patterns of fertility

similar to that of the United States, which generally increased from

1933 to 1946, and declined until 1957. Kiser related these changes

to economic recovery from depression, war spending, and the creation

of new jobs.









Median age at first marriage declined for all countries from

1930 to 1950. The United States had a median age at first marriage of

20.2 years in 1950, 1.1 years lower than the median age at first

marriage for the United States in 1930 (Kiser, 1959, p. 67).

Parke and Glick (1967) reported more recent trends in

marriage and family statistics which indicated continued decreases in

teenage marriage rates, increases in mean female age at first marriage,

and declines in mean size of families. Decreases in the proportion

unmarried in the population were also reported.

Variations in age at marriage at given years may have more

of an effect on period fertility rates than on cohort fertility rates.

Veevers studied two groups of women with regard to the relationship

of childlessness to age at first marriage. After studying women from

rural agricultural Quebec and urban British Columbia, believed to have

known high and low fertility, respectively, Veevers (1971) concluded

that at least for women who marry before age 35, variation in child-

lessness should be explained in terms of psychological rather than

physiological factors. He reported finding a 94.8 percent probability

of an urban teenage bride having a child as compared with a 71.6 per-

cent probability for the urban bride in her mid-thirties.

In 1958 Kiser reported on long range trends in fertility,

marriage, and family size in the United States. At that time he noted

that the birth rate declined from 1800 to 1932, and in 1933 the marriage

rate was the lowest on record. However, over the period 1933 to 1950

marriage and birth rates increased. Kiser noted that fertility in-

creased sharply among younger women after 1940. Among married couples









there was also reported a trend toward increases in mean size of

families. This increase was suggested as due to the increases in the

number of families with three to four children, rather than to in-

creases in families with five or more children.

The importance of considering both period and cohort measures

is emphasized by the works of Goldberg (1967), Kiser (1958), Blake

(1967), and Ryder (1969). Goldberg noted that although the crude

birth rate, a period measure, declined from 1957 to 1966, cohort

measures of the number of children ever born by age suggested in-

creasing fertility. He argued that changes in period fertility

measures between 1955 and 1967 should be attributed to changes in age

at marriage, proportions marrying, and the spacing of births. Similar

observations regarding factors affecting period and cohort fertility

measures were made by Kiser (1968, pp. 237-254) in his longitudinal

study of economic factors and fertility.

Judith Blake (1967) analyzed the drop in birth rates in the

mid-sixties, and also recognized the importance of consideration of

timing and spacing in interpretation of annual birth rates. Using

cumulative fertility tables, she noted that family size increased

from 1959 to 1965 at each five-year age level of wives. Cumulative-

fertility rates for women in the 40-44 years of age category were

2426.6 in 1959 and 2831.2 in 1965. Blake, therefore, suggested that

the mid-sixties fertility declines were explainable in terms of age

structure.

Data have been presented by Ryder (1969) on United States

cohorts born between 1891 and 1945 regarding fertility, nuptiality,








and parity rates, as well as standardized mean ages of fertility and

nuptiality. The standardized mean age of nuptiality tended to decline

from 23.10 for birth cohort 1896-1900 to 21.55 for cohort 1941-45,

despite slight increases for cohorts 1901-05, and 1941-45. Mean age

of fertility declined from 27.54 for birth cohort 1891-95 to 25.94 for

birth cohort 1936-40, although birth cohorts 1906-10, and 1911-15,

exhibited higher ages than the preceding cohorts. Total nuptiality

rates increased for each succeeding cohort, from .91 for birth cohort

1891-95 to .98 for birth cohort 1936-40, suggesting that higher pro-

portions of women in succeeding cohorts were married at least once.

Cohort total fertility and cohort mean marital parity fol-

lowed a curvilinear pattern. Total Fertility Rates decreased for

secceeding cohorts from 1891-95 to 1906-10. However increases

occurred for birth cohorts 1911-15 to 1936-40. Estimates for cohort

1941-45 suggested the possibility of a new decline. A similar pattern

is observed for cohorts' mean marital parity. Mean marital parity

declined from 3.27 for cohort 1891-95 to 2.47 for cohort 1911-15,

but increased thereafter to a new high of 3.42 for cohort 1931-35.

In summary, various longitudinal patterns appear documented

in the literature. The last few decades have witnessed increasing

participation of females in the labor force. Sexual discrimination

among occupational roles may have changed only slightly, and may

have actually increased, while the overall status of women has been

suggested as declining. If these observations are accurate, it is

not surprising that other studies have indicated continued acceptance








of the wife and mother roles by females, although contingency planning

for a career may be more common today than in the past. Period

measures of fertility changed in the direction of increasing fertility

from the early 1930's to the late 1950's, before beginning a downward

trend which continued until 1970. The number of children considered

ideal for a family has remained concentrated in the two to four child

range, but has varied over time. The three or four child family may

have increased in popularity in the decade from 1950 to 1960.

Cohort analyses of fertility patterns offer conflicting

results. Earlier childbearing may be more common, and families may be

completed sooner than in the past. However there are indications that

mean family size may have increased until the decade of the sixties.

This increase may have been due to increased popularity of the three

or four child family. In the United States age at first marriage has

tended to decline and the proportion marrying has generally increased,

although recent estimates suggest the possibility of a reversal of these

patterns.













CHAPTER 4

LONGITUDINAL TRENDS IN FEMALE LABOR FORCE PARTICIPATION BY
AGE, STRUCTURAL CONDITIONS OF FEMALE EMPLOYMENT, AND
AGE SPECIFIC RATES OF FERTILITY


The theoretical perspective which stimulated the present

research involved the proposition that fertility would be reduced under

circumstances in which the occupational structure provided alternatives

to the wife and mother roles. The present chapter reviews the changing

nature of the occupational structure of the United States between 1930

and 1970, with regard to changing proportions of women,by occupational

category, changing age specific rates of female participation in the

labor force, and changing income rewards. Trends and variations in

age specific fertility rates and Total Fertility Rates for the United

States are also reviewed, in preparation for development of hypotheses

reflective of the theoretical propositions offered in Chapter 1.

The data from which changes in various aspects of the occupa-

tional structure may be ascertained have been drawn from publications

of the Women's Bureau of the United States Department of Labor, the

United States Department of Labor, the Department of Commerce, Bureau

of the Census, and other agencies and divisions of the federal govern-

ment. Statistics pertaining to fertility rates by age group were

obtained from the United States Department of Health, Education, and

Welfare publications. These publications are more completely and

efficiently cited in the appendix,.accompanying tables of the actual


data.









In addition to familiarizing the reader with the changes in

the structure of female employment over the past 40 years, this review

will permit the introduction of summary indices which essentially serve

to operationalize certain of the structural concepts involved in the

proposed theoretical model. Formulae for calculation of the various

indices are reported in the Appendix. Following reviews of longitudi-

nal variations in these indices, it will be possible to observe cor-

relations in trends over time, and the correspondence of these correla-

tions with the predictions of the theoretical model. Correlations may

not be actually "tested" for statistical significance using the avail-

able longitudinal data due to the inconsistencies in intervals between

observations, as well as occasional inconsistencies in the governmental

definitions of various categories and indicators. Nonetheless, observa-

tion of similarities in trends over time should certainly shed light on

the plausibility of longitudinal propositions involving structural

conditions of female employment, rates of female participation in the

labor force, and fertility.

In order to facilitate comprehension of the patterns which

have obtained, two statistical techniques are employed as descriptive

summary statistics of the trend of the variable in question over time.

To the extent to which the pattern of change over time has been

linear (i.e. that the amount of change over time intervals of

equal length is constant) the slope of the regression line expressed in

Formula 2 may be Y = a+bX

Y = the variable index in question

X = the year (time) of observation









considered as adequately describing the trend over time. Unfortunately,

longitudinal trends of social indicators are not limited to linear

progressions. In order to indicate the extent to which the regression

line adequately describes the trend it is necessary that a statistic

be utilized which will reflect deviations from the assumption of

linearity. Pearsonian r correlation coefficient is adequate to serve

as an indicator in that it will move in the direction of 0 to the

extent to which points fall off of the regression line, and thus

deviate from the linearity assumption.

The r coefficient may be reduced due to types of deviations

from linearity over time. In the first case the overall pattern of

changes from observation to observation follows a generally linear

trend, but the amount of change over a constant time interval is

highly inconsistent. In the second case a fairly consistent curvi-

linear trend may be obtained. Pearsonian r would underestimate the

consistency of the trend. The third case involves a highly inconsis-

tent curvilinear relationship. Finally, the r coefficient may be

reduced due to random variations in change over time.

In order to avoid confusion of such patterns, written

description will be used to supplement the descriptive statistical

indices. In addition, whenever available data permitted, slopes of

regression lines over time, as well as the Pearsonian r coefficients

of that line, are presented both for the period 1930 to 1970, and for

the period 1946 to 1970. The latter period is considered separately

in order that trends may be suggested which do not reflect distortions

due to the effects of the Depression and World War II.









The Changing Age Structure of the Female Labor Force


Table 2 documents the increases in the female participation

in the labor force over the period 1930 to 1970. The number of women in

the labor force increased an average amount of 504,011 women per year.

The trend was essentially linear, as indicated by the .97 Pearsonian

r correlation. For the period 1947 to 1970 the average amount of increase

was 596,439 women per year. The Pearsonian r coefficient increased to

.99, reflecting the removal of slight distortions imposed by rapid

increases in the number of women employed during the period of World

War II.

More important than increases in the actual number of women

working are the increases in percentages women comprised of all workers,

and percentages of women from each age category in the labor force

(i.e. age specific labor force participation rates). The percentage

women comprised of all workers increased in a somewhat steady manner

from 1930 to 1970, with an average amount of increase of 0.36 per-

centage points per year. The consistency of the linearity of the

trend was indicated by the .90 Pearsonian coefficient. Distortion due

to the war year figure (1945) was removed by consideration of the

period 1947 to 1970. For this period the average amount of increase

in the percentage women comprised of all workers was 0.41 percentage

points per year. The highly linear nature of the trend was indicated

by the Pearsonian r coefficient of .99.

The labor force participation rate of all women followed

a similar pattern, as would be expected to the extent to which the

percentage of all men working remained relatively constant. The








TABLE 2. LONGITUDINAL TRENDS IN NUMBER OF WOMEN WORKERS, WOMEN AS
FORCE PARTICIPATION RATES OF WOMEN WORKERS.


A PERCENTAGE OF ALL WORKERS, AND LABOR


Number of Years Number of Years
Pearsonian r Slope for Which Data Pearsonian r Slope for Which Data
Variable 1930-1970 1930-1970 Were Available 1947-1970 1947-1970 Were Available

Number of Women in
Labor Force .97 504011 28 .99 596349 24

Women as Percentage
of All Workers .90 .36 27 .99 .41 24

Labor Force
Participation Rate,
All Women .96 .43 27 .99 .44

Age Specific Female
Labor Force Participa-
tion Rates

Age Below 18 .45 .27 26 .01 .003 24

Age 18-19 -.05 -.02 26 .02 .004 24

Age Below 20 N.A. N.A. N.A. N.A. N.A. N.A.

Age 0-24 .62 .27 27 .84 .47 24

Age 25-34 .71 .29 26 .91 .44 24

Age 35-44 .95 .55 26 .98 .54 24








TABLE 2 CONTINUED


Number of Years Number of Years
Pearsonian r Slope for Which Data Pearsonian r Slope for Which Data
Variable 1930-1970 1930-1970 Were Available 1947-1970 1947-1970 Were Available

Age 25-44 N.A. N.A. N.A. N.A. N.A. N.A.

Age 45-54 .97 .92 26 .97 .89 24

Age 55-64 .98 .87 26 .99 .90 24

Age 45-64 N.A. N.A. N.A. N.A. N.A. N.A.

Age 65 and Over .63 .06 27 .34 .03 24









slope of the regression line from 1930 to 1970 indicated that the

percentage of women who were in the labor force increased an average

amount of 0.43 percentage points per year. The trend was highly lin-

ear, with the major distortion being the percentage in 1945. After

that date the rate dropped to a level consistent with the previous

pattern indicated by the measurements for 1930 and 1940. Considering

the period 1947 to 1970 the average amount of increase was 0.44 and

the Pearsonian coefficient was .98.

Statistics pertaining to trends in age specific labor force

participation rates of women are also presented in Table 2. The labor

force participation rates of women in the two youngest age categories

increased sharply from 1940 to 1945, but following World War II both

groups entered a period of cycles which yielded little net change.

However, from 1964 to 1970 the rates of both groups increased more

consistently.

Age groups 20tb24 and45 to 64 reflected greater average

amounts of increase per year, as well as greater linearity in the

trends. Age group 20 to 24 increased its labor force participation

rate sharply from 1930 to 1945, declined sharply in 1947, and then

began a cyclic pattern which continued to 1959. After 1959, labor

force participation rates of age group 20 to 24 began a series of in-

creases such that by 1970 the rate had increased to 57.8 percent from a

level of 45.2 percent in 1959. Generally, the older age groups also

exhibited increases over the period 1930 to 1970, but reflected

greatest consistency for the period 1947 to 1970. However, the oldest

age group, that for women 65 years of age and older, was less consistent








and followed a general pattern of irregular increases from 1930 to 1956,

after which tendencies toward reductions were observed.

In summary it may be suggested that the most rapid increases

in labor force participation rates occurred among women in the 45 to

55 and 55 to 64 year old age groups. Smaller average increases were

observed for age groups 25 to 34 and 35 to 44, although these also

exhibited basically linear trends. The labor force participation rates

for age groups 20 to 24 also increased over the period, although some-

what inconsistently. For this category, a stable pattern of increases

began only after 1959. Overall, age specific female labor force

participation rates suggest that while the female labor force expanded

over the period 1930 to 1970, this was primarily due to increased labor

force participation among women 35 years of age and older, rather than

to increased labor force participation of younger women whose work

experience would have been expected to have the more marked effect on

fertility.


The Changing Roles and Status of Women in the
Occupational Structure

Previously cited researchers have noted the increasing rates

of female participation in the labor force, have associated these with

the expansion of essentially white collar occupational categories, and

have noted the trends regarding sexual occupational discrimination. In

the present section the changing occupational distributions of workers

will be documented, as will be the changing economic status of employed

women vis-a-vis employed men. These considerations will permit apprai-

sal of the degree to which changes in the occupational structure









have provided, or have failed to provide women with realistic alterna-

tives to traditional wife and mother roles.

Tables 3 and 4 provide statistical summaries of longitudinal

trends in percentage distributions of the total employed labor force

and the female employed labor force, among the major census occupa-

tional categories. These data on occupational structures are essential

background for evaluation of hypotheses and correlations discussed in

Chapter 5. Consistent linear increases in the proportion of employed

workers engaged in the professional, clerical, and service occupational

categories were observed for the period 1947 to 1970. Over this period

the professional category increased its proportion of the employed

labor force by an average amount of .34 percentage points per year.

The clerical category increased its proportion an average amount of

.23 percentage points per year, and the service category increased by

an annual average amount of .15 percent.

Declines were observed for the farming categories. The farmer

and farm manager category declined an average amount of -.28 percentage

points per year. The farm laborers and farm forepersons category de-

clined an average amount of -.41 percentage points per year.

Other categories suggested less consistent trends. The

managers and proprietors category increased from 1930 to 1950, de-

clined to 1954, generally increased from 1954 to 1964, and thereafter

declined to below the level of the 1940 figure. The sales workers

category tended to follow a curvilinear pattern of increases until

1958, after which a period of net declines obtained. The crafts-

persons and kindred workers category presented an irregular pattern








TABLE 3. LONGITUDINAL TRENDS IN PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF EMPLOYED LABOR FORCE.


Percentage Distribution Number of Years Number of Years
Employed Labor Force Pearsonian r Slope for Which Data Pearsonian r Slope for Which Data
Both Sexes 1930-1970 1930-1970 Were Available 1947-1970 1947-1970 Were Available

Professionals .94 .24 17 .99 .34 15

Managers .48 .04 17 -.24 -.02 15

Clerical .63 .12 17 .98 .23 15

Sales .20 .007 16 .27 .011 15

Craftspeople .053 .004 17 -.31 -.032 15

Operatives -.08 -.009 17 -.77 -.109 15

Laborers -.85 -.15 17 -.84 -.10 15

Private Household
Workers -.85 -.09 17 -.62 -.05 15

Service Workers .96 .13 16 .97 .15 15

Farmers and Farm Managers -.9975 -.27 12 -.994 -.28 11

Farm Laborers and
Farm Forepersons -.99 -.17 12 -.96 -.14 11

Farmers and Farm Managers
Laborers and Forepersons -.99 -.45 17 -.99 -.41 15








of changes. This category reached a peak in 1954, but declined in its

percentages of the employed labor force from 1958 to 1962. The per-

centages increased over the remaining years. Irregularities were also

observed for the operatives category, which tended to increase its

proportion of the employed labor force from 1930 to 1947, but generally

declined thereafter. The laborers category generally exhibited ir-

regular declines over the entire period. The proportion of the employed

labor force engaged in private household work tended to decline from

1930 to 1970, but leveled off from 1947 to 1954. For this category

irregular changes occurred from 1954 to 1962, and sharp declines

obtained thereafter.

Table 4 directs attention to longitudinal trends in the

percentage distributions of employed women over the periods 1930 to

1970 and 1947 to 1970. These data suggest more explicitly those

occupational categories into which women tended to become concentrated.

The percentage of all employed women comprised by the professional

category declined sharply from 1940 to 1945, but began fairly steady

net increases thereafter. Between 1947 and 1970 the average amount of

increase was 0.19 percentage points per year, with a Pearsonian r

coefficient for the period of .93.

With only women considered, the trend of the managerial

category became more clearly defined, but continued to be curvilinear.

The pattern involved increases from 1930 to 1950, stability from 1952

to approximately 1963, and declines to 1970. The proportion of

employed women comprised by the clerical category increased in a

basically linear pattern from 1940 to 1970. For the period 1947 to







TABLE 4. LONGITUDINAL TRENDS IN PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF EMPLOYED WOMEN WORKERS.


Percentage Distribution Number of Years Number of Years
of Employed Women Among Pearsonian r Slope for Which Data Pearsonian r Slope for Which Data
Occupational Categories 1930-1970 1930-1970 Were Available 1947-1970 1947-1970 Were Available

Professionals .52 .08 19 .93 .19 15

Managers .43 .03 19 -.85 -.04 15

Clerical .80 .24 19 .93 .30 15

Sales -.20 -.01 18 -.59 -.05 15

Craftspeople -.03 -.0009 18 -.15 -.005 15

Operatives -.83 -.24 18 -.81 -.25 15

Laborers -.70 -.20 16 -.47 -.02 13

Private Household
Workers -.82 -.27 19 -.81 -.18 15

Service Workers .95 .20 18 .94 .20 15

Farmers and Farm Managers -.96 -.05 12 -.89 -.06 11

Farm Laborers and
Farm Forepersons -.90 -.09 13 -.88 -.14 11

Farmers and Farm Managers
Laborers and Forepersons -.87 -.17 18 -.95 -.17 15








1970 the average amount of increase was 0.3 percent, and the Pearsonian

coefficient was .94. As with the total employed population, the per-

centage of employed women comprised by the sales category presented a

highly irregular, generally curvilinear pattern, which involved in-

creases from 1945 to 1947, little change from 1947 to 1960, and de-

clines through 1969. The 1970 figure indicates a sharp increase.

The craftspersons category at no point comprised more than

2 percent of all employed women. The operatives category generally

indicated a pattern of declining percentages from 1945 to 1958, and

irregular fluctuations thereafter. The laborer category exhibited

only small changes over the period 1930 to 1970, but a basically

declining pattern was suggested by the data. The private household

workers category and the farming categories follow basically linear

patterns of decline in their proportions of all employed women.

In addition to the professional and clerical categories,

the only category into which women consistently tended to become

concentrated was the service category, which increased its percentage

of the employed female population in a highly linear manner. For

the service category the average amount of increase per year was

.204 percentage points, and the Pearsonian r coefficient was .95.

Preceding data describe the percentage distributions of

the total employed labor force, and the employed female labor force.

In order to ascertain the extent of differentials in sexual distri-

butions among occupational roles, or occupational sexual discrimina-

tion, attention should be directed to the longitudinal trends in

the proportions female workers comprise of each major occupational








category. To the extent to which male and female percentage distribu-

tions of employed workers differ, one or the other may come to domi-

nate certain occupational categories. From consideration of the

percentage female workers comprised of each category, a standardized

measure differentiation may be calculated. The Standard Measure of

Differentiation is that technique which has been attributed to Gibbs

(1965) and which was applied by Gross (1968) to occupational distri-

butions in the United States for the period 1900 to 1960.

Although Gross's findings have been reviewed, his actual

findings were not used in the present study as only decennial years

were represented, and the present researcher sought to observe the

trend at shorter intervals. The amount of segregation reported in the

present study is considerably lower than that reported by Gross, as

data regarding occupational categories were utilized. The SMD figures

reported here underestimate the amount of segregation as they are only

sensitive to between groups variations and insensitive to within groups

variations. The advantage is that a larger number of years of observa-

tion may be obtained, for consideration of trends in the Standard

Measure of Differentiation.

The procedure by which the Standard Measure of Differentia-

tion, hereafter designated SMD, is calculated may be conceptualized

as standardization of frequencies in an m by n matrix, where m is the

number of sexes (2), and n is the number of occupational categories.

Once the frequencies are standardized by percentaging each sex by

category, the percentages of each sex are then summed, and the

standardized percentages of each sex by occupational category are








obtained. The sum of the absolute values of the differences in these

percentages by each category is calculated and divided by two in order

to obtain the SMD value. This value may be interpreted as the

standardized percentage of either sex which would have to change occu-

pational categories in order that each sex would have the same percent-

age distribution among occupational categories.

When data with which one is working are already in the form

of the percentage of workers in each occupational category which are

of a given sex (in the present case female) the percentage female may

be subtracted from 100.0 in order to obtain the percentage male, for

each occupational category. The percentages male and female may then

be respectively summed as above, and percentages within each sex for

standardized frequencies. The SMD value may then be calculated from

these, as above.

Consistent with the work of Knudsen (1969), Gordon (1968)

and Epstein (1970b), as indicated in Table 5, the proportion female

of all professional workers declined over the period 1930 to 1970,

at the average amount of -.26 percentage points per year. However,

the trend entails a curvilinear pattern of declines obtained for the

period 1930 to 1959, after which time a slight upward trend began.

The upward trend, beginning about 1960, may reflect the expansion of

emerging professions, possibly health professions among others, which

may have been initially defined as female. Thus, the upward trend

does not necessarily indicate that women have gained entry to the

higher professions.






TABLE 5. LONGITUDINAL TRENDS IN PERCENTAGE FEMALE WORKERS COMPRISED OF ALL WORKERS BY OCCUPATIONAL CATEGORY



Employed Women as Per- Number of Years Number of Years
centage of all Employed Pearsonian r Slope for Which Data Pearsonian r Slope for Which Data
Workers in Category 1930-1970 1930-1970 Were Available 1947-1970 1947-1970 Were Available

Professionals -.79 -.26 18 -.35 -.07 15

Managers .71 .15 18 .58 .05 15

Clerical .90 .72 18 .97 .63 15

Sales .16 .08 17 .48 .12 15

Craftspeople .49 .04 18 .69 .06 15

Operatives -.08 -.02 18 .69 .12 15

Laborers .43 .06 14 .60 .15 12

Private Household
Workers .74 .45 18 .63 .19 15

Service Workers .95 .57 17 .97 .62 15

Farmers and Farm Managers .37 .03 13 -.008 -.001 11

Farm Laborers and
Farm Forepersons .61 .45 13 -.17 -.18 11

Farmers and Farm Managers
Laborers and Forepersons -.24 -.11 7 -.84 -.14 5

Standard Measure of
Differentiation (SMD) .07 .023 18 .80 .26 15









Although women tended to increase their proportion of the

managerial category over the period 1930 to 1970, the majority of the

increases occurred between 1930 and 1945.

In contrast is the consistency of the linear increases in

the proportions of the clerical category comprised by women. In this

category the percentage female increased over the entire period. The

period 1947 to 1970 the increase averaged .63 percentage points per

year, with a Pearsonian r coefficient of .97.

Between 1947 and 1970 the percentage of the sales category

comprised by women fluctuated from a value of 40.0 in 1947 to 36 in

1958, and rose to 43.0 in 1969. The percentage female of all crafts-

persons increased slightly but irregularly over that period, changing

from a low of 1.3 percent in 1930 to highs of 5.0 percent in 1945 and

1970. Although, the operative category generally reflects slightly

increasing percentages of women, deviations from linearity are

considerable. It should also be noted that the most rapid increases

occurred between 1965 and 1969, during which time the percentage fe-

male of this category increased from 27.7 to 31.2. From 1930 to 1969

changes in the percentage female of the laborer category fluctuated

between 2.0 and 4.0 percent, however, a sharp increase was found for

1970 when the percentage female was found to be 8.36 percent.

Large and relatively consistent increases occurred in the

percentages female of household workers and service workers categories.

The percentage female of the private household workers category rose

from 92.0 in 1947 to 99.0 percent by 1959. The percentage women

comprised of the service category increased particularly rapidly and









consistently compared with other categories. Major deviations from

linearity occurred only with the sharp rise to 48.0 percent in 1945,

followed by a sharp decline to 44.0 percent in 1947. The average

amount of increase from 1930 to 1970 was .57 per year, and Pearsonian

r coefficient was .95. Finally, it may be observed that the farming

categories exhibited slight declines, however, there are no clear

patterns.

In summary, the proportions women comprised of each occupa-

tional category generally tended toward net increases. However, in

only the clerical and service categories were the average annual

amounts of increase greater than .21 of a percentage point. In the

clerical category, the average amount of increase was .63. In the

service category, the annual average was .62. In both categories the

trends were sufficiently linear that the Pearsonian coefficients were

above .97.

Table 5 also reports the SMD values calculated from the

preceding data. Viewed longitudinally the SMD values formed a

curvilinear pattern of net increases from 1945 to 1962, followed by a

leveling period with small declines to 1969. A rise of 1.45 points

during the final year of observation brought the SMD to a value of 51.53

in 1970. Overall, these findings, together with those above, suggest

the post World War II years as a period in which the status of women

declined, while women's occupational alternatives narrowed.

The changing status of women may also be viewed in terms of

the income rewards which women receive relative to those of men. This

issue is taken up in Tables 6, 7, and 8. Tables 6 and 7 report the









median salaries of full time employed males and females by occupational

group, in terms of dollars standardized to the 1970 consumer price

index (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1974, p. 411). Table 8 reports on

the changing ratios of female salaries to male salaries by occupational

groups.

As may be observed in Table 6, median salaries of full time

employed males of each occupational category, increased over the

period 1955 to 1969. For the most part, these increases occurred as

basically linear trends. The farmers and farm managers category sug-

gests a slightly curvilinear pattern, indicating increasing rates of

change during the later years of observation. For males the most rapid

absolute increases occurred among the managerial, professional, sales,

and clerical categories. Smaller increases are noted for craftsmen,

operatives, and service categories. The lowest increases are observed

among the farm laborers, laborers, and farmers and farm managers

categories.

As indicated in Table 7, female salaries increased among all

the reported occupational categories. Although the trends are

generally linear, most of the Pearsonian r correlations are reduced in

comparison with the data for males. Rather than reflecting curvi-

linear relationships, these reduced coefficients result from inconsis-

tencies in year to year changes. Thus female managerial workers

median salary fluctuated irregularly from 1955 to 1963, but began a

steady linear increase following that period. Median salaries of

female sales workers also fluctuated somewhat until 1963, but entered

a period of steady increases from 1964 to 1969. Missing data and










TABLE 6. LONGITUDINAL TRENDS IN MEDIAN SALARIES OF MALE FULL TIME
FULL YEAR EMPLOYED WORKERS BY OCCUPATIONAL CATEGORY



Median Salaries Full
Time Full Year Male Number of Years
Employed Workers, Pearsonian r Slope for Which Data
By Category 1955-1969 1955-1969 Were Available

Professionals .99 267.53 15

Managers .98 272.66 15

Clerical .99 163.58 15

Sales .98 198.13 15

Craftspeople .99 154.62 14

Operatives .99 136.31 15

Laborers .94 106.12 14

Private Household
Workers N.A. N.A. N.A.

Service Workers .96 125.57 15

Farmers and Farm Managers .85 58.05 14

Farm Laborers and
Farm Forepersons .88 104.43 13




University of Florida Home Page
© 2004 - 2010 University of Florida George A. Smathers Libraries.
All rights reserved.

Acceptable Use, Copyright, and Disclaimer Statement
Last updated October 10, 2010 - - mvs