Title Page
 Table of Contents
 List of Tables
 Review of the literature
 Design of the study
 Results of analysis
 Discussion and interpretation of...
 Appendix A: Rotter's internal-external...
 Appendix B: Biographic data...
 Appendix C: Tabulations of biographic...
 Biographical sketch

Group Title: relationship of ethnic group membership, age, sex, achievement and locus of control to the self-report of a group of Cuban students
Title: The relationship of ethnic group membership, age, sex, achievement and locus of control to the self-report of a group of Cuban students
Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00098131/00001
 Material Information
Title: The relationship of ethnic group membership, age, sex, achievement and locus of control to the self-report of a group of Cuban students in the University of Florida
Physical Description: ix, 123 leaves : ; 28cm.
Language: English
Creator: Richardson, Raysa Carregado, 1948-
Publication Date: 1976
Copyright Date: 1976
Subject: Cuban students -- United States   ( lcsh )
Self-perception   ( lcsh )
Minorities -- Psychology   ( lcsh )
Foundations of Education thesis Ph. D   ( lcsh )
Dissertations, Academic -- Foundations of Education -- UF   ( lcsh )
Genre: bibliography   ( marcgt )
non-fiction   ( marcgt )
Thesis: Thesis--University of Florida.
Bibliography: Bibliography: leaves 113-122.
Statement of Responsibility: by Raysa Carregado Richardson.
General Note: Typescript.
General Note: Vita.
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00098131
Volume ID: VID00001
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: alephbibnum - 000163666
oclc - 02759837
notis - AAT0023


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Table of Contents
    Title Page
        Page i
        Page ii
        Page iii
        Page iv
    Table of Contents
        Page v
        Page vi
    List of Tables
        Page vii
        Page viii
        Page ix
        Page 1
        Page 2
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
    Review of the literature
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
        Page 12
        Page 13
        Page 14
        Page 15
        Page 16
        Page 17
        Page 18
        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
        Page 22
        Page 23
        Page 24
        Page 25
        Page 26
        Page 27
        Page 28
        Page 29
        Page 30
        Page 31
        Page 32
        Page 33
        Page 34
        Page 35
        Page 36
        Page 37
        Page 38
        Page 39
        Page 40
        Page 41
        Page 42
        Page 43
        Page 44
        Page 45
        Page 46
        Page 47
    Design of the study
        Page 48
        Page 49
        Page 50
        Page 51
        Page 52
        Page 53
        Page 54
        Page 55
        Page 56
        Page 57
        Page 58
        Page 59
        Page 60
    Results of analysis
        Page 61
        Page 62
        Page 63
        Page 64
        Page 65
        Page 66
        Page 67
        Page 68
        Page 69
        Page 70
        Page 71
        Page 72
        Page 73
        Page 74
        Page 75
        Page 76
        Page 77
        Page 78
        Page 79
        Page 80
        Page 81
        Page 82
    Discussion and interpretation of results
        Page 83
        Page 84
        Page 85
        Page 86
        Page 87
        Page 88
        Page 89
        Page 90
        Page 91
        Page 92
        Page 93
        Page 94
        Page 95
        Page 96
        Page 97
        Page 98
        Page 99
        Page 100
        Page 101
        Page 102
    Appendix A: Rotter's internal-external locus of control scale
        Page 103
        Page 104
        Page 105
        Page 106
        Page 107
    Appendix B: Biographic data sheet
        Page 108
        Page 109
    Appendix C: Tabulations of biographic data
        Page 110
        Page 111
        Page 112
        Page 113
        Page 114
        Page 115
        Page 116
        Page 117
        Page 118
        Page 119
        Page 120
        Page 121
        Page 122
    Biographical sketch
        Page 123
        Page 124
        Page 125
        Page 126
Full Text







To my parents who will never become acculturated and whose
love for Cuba has been an inspiration to my study.


My sincere appreciation goes to Dr. Robert William Pierce who,

through my years in this University, has been a guide and inspiration in

the completion of my Ph.D. program. I also want to express my gratitude

to my supervisory committee: Dr. Donald Avila, Dr. Hal Lewis, Dr. Vynce

Hines, Dr. Richard Anderson and Dr. Barry Guinagh. In each of them I

have found, not only a professor, but also a friend when I needed him.

Each of them has given me something essential which I will carry with

me as I leave the University and begin my professional career.

I also would like to thank Dean Joyce Taylor whose help in providing

data on the Cuban students and whose insight into the minority groups in

the University was essential in the completion of this dissertation. In

collecting the data, I am indebted to Lena Hobdy whose patience and

cooperation was greatly appreciated.

Special thanks are extended to my sister Maritza C. Ruiz, my long-

time friend Dr. Amalia Alvarez Lehman, and Lissette Ruiz who helped me in

the process of collecting the questionnaires from the students. To my

aunt Consuelo T. Carregado with whom I lived after I arrived in this

country as an unaccompanied child, I extend my gratefulness. Her counsel

and wisdom has been critical in the formation of my personality.

I cannot express in words my gratitude for the help and understand-

ing of my husband Randy. Our love has grown as we experienced both

hardships and happiness in our school years.

I am indebted to the classic works of Wundt, Leibnitz and Berkeley

which gave me a fresh new insight into psychology.

To all the Cuban students who took the time to participate in this

study, I extend my sincere thanks.



LIST OF TABLES . . . . . . . .

ABSTRACT . . . . . . . . .


I. INTRODUCTION . . . . . .

Purpose of the Study . . . .

Statement of the Problem . . .

Rationale for the Study . . .

Self-Report vs. Self-Concept . .


Historical Perspective of the Study

Literature Relating to


Hypotheses . . .

Subjects . . . .

Method . . . .

Instruments . . .

Statistical Analysis


Hypothesis 1 . . .

Hypothesis 2 . . .

Hypothesis 3 . . .


. . ..

. , . .

. . . .

. . . .

. . . .

. . .

. .. . .





Hypothesis 4 . . .

Hypothesis 5 . . . .

Hypothesis 6 . . . .

Hypothesis 7 . . . .




Hypothesis 1

Hypothesis 2

Hypothesis 3

Hypothesis 4

Hypothesis 5

Hypothesis 6


. . . . . . . .

. . . . . . . .

. . . . . . . .

. . . . . . . .

. . . . . . . .

Hypothesis 7 . . . . .

Suggestions for Further Research

Conclusions . . . . .


A. Rotter's Internal-External Locus

B. Biographic Data Sheet . . .

C. Tabulations of Biographic Data .

REFERENCES . . . . . . .


of Control Scale



AND TSCS NORM GROUP . . . . . . . . ... 63


CUBAN SUBJECTS . . . . . . . . ... . . 66

CUBAN MALE SUBJECTS . . . . . . . . ... 68

CUBAN FEMALE SUBJECTS . . . . . . . . . 70

TSCS VARIABLES . . . . . . . . ... . . 75


AMERICAN STUDENTS . . . . . . . .. . . 81

AMERICAN STUDENTS . . . . . . . .... . 82

STATES . . . . . . . . .. . . . . 91


Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements
for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy



Raysa Carregado Richardson

March, 1976

Chairman: Donald L. Avila
Major Department: Foundations of Education

The purpose of this study was to examine ethnic group membership,

social class, age, sex, length of time in the United States, grade point

average, and locus of control as variables in the self-report of a group

of Cuban students in the University of Florida. The subjects were 127

Cuban students, 48 females and 79 males, attending the University of

Florida. Subjects were given the Tennessee Self Concept Scale (TSCS),

Rotter's Internal-External Control Scale, and a biographic data sheet.

In addition, scores on a refined version of the Internal-External

Scale were correlated with self-concept to investigate a proposition

made by Mirels in 1970 that two significant factors are measured by this

scale. Items loading high in Factor I deal with the individual's feel-

ings of control over his life and Factor II items depict his feelings

of control over social institutions. Factor I has been predicted to be

more relevant for use in clinical research and psychopathology.

Hypotheses 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, and 7 were generated by this study

to investigate whether the seven variables of ethnic group membership,

social class, age, length of time in the United States, grade point

average, sex, and locus of control had significant relationships to

the self-concept of Cuban students.

A t-test was used in testing Hypothesis 1 to determine if there

were significant differences between the Cuban students' scores and

the mean scores of the American group used in standardizing the TSCS.

In testing Hypotheses 2, 3, 4, 5, and 7, Pearson's product-moment

correlation technique was applied to investigate relationships between

self-concept and social class, age, length of time the student has

resided in the United States, grade point average, and locus of control.

Possible relationships between self-concept and sex were examined in

Hypothesis 6 by a point biserial correlation analysis.

The results of this study indicated that Cuban students have

higher mean scores in self-concept as measured by the TSCS than the

American norm group. The Cuban group also scored significantly higher

in the Defensive Positive scores which is a subtle measure of defensive-

ness or reluctance to disclose derogatory information about themselves.

No significant relationships were found for the Cuban students

between self-concept and the variables: social class, age, length of

time in the United States, academic achievement, and sex. This study

revealed a significant relationship between self-concept and locus of

control. Those items loading high in Factor I were found to be much

better predictors of self-esteem than Factor II. Mirels' position was

therefore confirmed.



In the last decade the emergence of the civil rights movements

has awakened the ethnic consciousness of minority groups in America.

For example, "Black leaders are ardently emphasizing the need for self-

acceptance and black pride" (Williams & Byars, 1968, p. 121). Slowly,

cultural pluralism is replacing the old melting pot philosophy and the

idea of "cultural democracy" is being accepted. Alfredo Casteneda

(1971, p. 37-38) describes cultural democracy as "the right of each

child to experience an educational environment which accepts his pre-

ferred modes of relating, communicating, motivation and learning."

A learning setting emphasizing homogeneity is totally inappropriate

in a society where so many subcultures exist. John Ether (1969, p.

233) states that "we are faced with the reality of a concentrated thrust

for cultural identity and the recognition of this self-identity in

the schools." The social context in which the individual operates

serves as a frame of reference from which he perceives himself. Educa-

tor can no longer ignore the pervasive effect of ethnocentrism in the

culturally different student. Furthermore, there is sufficient research

on the subject to imply a positive relationship between the way that

the student perceives himself and his academic achievement. The social

connotations of this finding are tremendous since the more prestigious

occupations require a higher degree of educational attainment.

Consequently, if lack of identification affects achievement, the

cultural group as a whole may find itself at the bottom of the social

strata, and often does.

Purpose of the Study

The purpose of this study was to examine the relationship between

ethnic group membership, social class, age, sex, length of time living

in the United States, grade point average and locus of control and the

self-report of a group of Cuban students in the University of Florida.

An attempt has been made to contribute to an understanding of both

Cuban college students in the United States and our ability to assess

the self-report of an individual in a period of transition between two


Several studies (Carballo, 1970; Marcus, 1971; Portes, 1969; Rogg,

1970; Stevenson, 1973) have recently dealt with the social, political

and anthropological factors underlying the integration of Cubans into

American society. Very few researchers have investigated the psycholog-

ical characteristics of this population (Alvarez, 1971; Arguelles, 1970).

The college student group has particularly been neglected.

From a historical point of view it is important to understand the

psychological dynamics interacting in the process of assimilation.

Unfortunately, the available literature on self-imposed
political exile is meager and of uneven quality. Very
few systematic assessments of the several exile populations
have been made. With respect to the flight of East Germans
to the West, for example, there is little information aside
from that distributed by the German Federal Republic. Simi-
larly, very little work has been done on the Chinese who have
fled to Hong Kong from the mainland. Only the exile movements
originating in Russia and Hungary have been subjected to any
extensive analysis. (Fagen, Brody, & O'Leary, 1968, p. 6)

The fate of the Cubans in the United States, like other ethnic

groups, is to be assimilated into the American society. Since the time

element is crucial, there is a present need to conduct this type of


This investigator was particularly interested in studying the self-

perception of young Cubans in exile. Cuban college students, being more

exposed to an intellectual atmosphere, may be more inclined to question

traditional moral and political values. The study attempted to broaden

the research in the area of self-concept and ethnic group membership.

Since studies relating to the self-concept of minority group students

have yielded contradictory results (Healey & DeBlassie, 1974; Hernandez,

1973; Zirkel, 1971), the present study investigated the possible effects

of social and cultural factors in the self-report of young Cuban exiles.

Healey and DeBlassie (1974) have noted that Spanish-Americans have

not often been the subject of studies involving the self-concept, even

though this ethnic group is one of the largest in the United States.

The majority of research has been done on Mexican-Americans. Further-

more, Cuban students, being in a different situation than other minority

groups, may throw some light on understanding the relationship between

ethnic group membership and the self-concept as it is reflected by the


Statement of the Problem

There is actually very little hard data available that will help

us to solve the problems of our minority groups. If we are going to make

their assimilation into the larger culture a smooth process, more research

must be done. We must learn more than we now know about the character-

istics of the minority members themselves. The impetus for the present

study was in recognition of such needs.

Because of her own national origin, this student was most interested

in beginning the search for new information about minorities by examining

the characteristics of Cubans. Cubans now constitute a large and influen-

tial minority in the U.S.

Of particular interest to the writer are young Cubans enrolled in

American colleges and universities. There are large numbers of young

Cubans attending these institutions, essentially because of an educa-

tional loan program established for them in 1961. With such financial

assistance, greater numbers of young Cubans were able to afford higher

education. This age group was most appealing because they are so

typically caught up in the search for identity, and because any infor-

mation relating to them would be of special interest to educators.

The focus of the study related to selected psychological variables

of the population. An attempt was made to examine certain specified

psychological characteristics and the way the subjects of the study

perceived themselves in relation to the university they were attending.

Rationale for the Study

This study examined the relationship between such demographic

factors as ethnic membership, social class, age, sex, length of time in

the United States, and the self-perception of Cubans in the University

of Florida. Other variables such as achievement and locus of control

have also been investigated as possible correlates of the self-concept.

The relationship between self-concept and academic achievement has been

a controversial issue in educational psychology. Many psychologists

have argued for an interaction between these two variables stating that

the student's scholastic achievement correlates positively with his

perception of himself, while other investigators have rejected this

statement. This study attempted to throw some light on this controver-

sial issue.

In addition, a literature search showed that the relationship

between locus of control and self-concept has not clearly been estab-

lished. Although most studies imply that there is a positive relation-

ship between these two variables, the results in general are inconclusive.

This study was an attempt to add to the existing research in this area

and further correlate these two variables.

Self-Report vs. Self-Concept

Combs, Soper, and Courson (1963) have stated that the self-concept

and the self-report are two different concepts and that to use these

terms interchangeably has resulted in great confusion in the literature.

Combs and Soper (1957) argued that while self-concept is what an individ-

ual believes about himself, the self-report is only what he is willing to

disclose to others. On the other hand, Rogers has stated that self-

reports are valid sources of information about a person although "Rogers

acknowledges that self-reports do not give a complete picture of person-

ality nor do they divulge all the determinants of behavior" (Hall and

Lindzey, 1957, p. 482). Furthermore, Rogers (1951) stated that "the

best vantage point for understanding behavior is from the internal frame

of references of the individual himself" (p. 494).

Allport (1953, p. 109) indicated that "through techniques to assess

self other than self-report the individual's conscious report is rejected

as untrustworthy . thus the individual loses his right to be be-


Schlicht, Carlson, Skeen, and Skurdal (1968), in making a comparison

of self-report and projective measures, concluded that, in situations

where mass screening is necessary, it may be desirable to use a self-

report instrument "which lends itself to rapid, objective and economical

scoring rather than a projective technique, even one which is relatively

easy to interpret" (p. 527).

Although a one-to-one relationship between the self-concept and the

self-report does not exist, the self-report is an observable form of

verbal behavior and reflects certain aspects of the self-concept. Strong

and Feder (1961) indicated "every evaluative statement that a person

makes concerning himself can be considered a sample of his self-concept,

from which inferences may then be made about the various properties of

the self-concept." Combs, Soper and Courson (1963, p. 494) have enumer-

ated six factors which determine the approximation that the self-report

makes to the subject's "real" self-concept:

1. Clarity of subject awareness,

2. Availability of adequate symbols of expression,

3. Willingness of the individual to cooperate,

4. The social expectancy,

5. The individual's feeling of personal adequacy, and

6. His freedom from threat.

Throughout this study an effort was made to insure the cooperation

of fellow Cuban students by promising them anonymity and confidentiality


in handling the data. Therefore, an atmosphere free of threat

was created to encourage the veracity of the self-report.



Historical Perspective of the Study

Cuban Migration to the United States

Since many readers of this study may not be familiar with the

particulars of the Cuban migration to the United States and the problems

it generated, these factors will now be briefly examined. Such a review

is necessary in order to fully grasp the need for the present study.

The latest of the Spanish speaking immigrants to enter the United

States were the Cubans. When Fidel Castro overthrew the Fulgencio

Batista regime in 1959, those Cubans having political ties with the

deposed government fled the island. It was not the first time that

Cubans overridden by political persecution have sought refuge in the

United States. Previous Cuban political immigrations were small in

number and scattered over time and quickly merged into the American

society until conditions in Cuba allowed their return. Only a few

people could have predicted the social and political consequences that

the Cuban revolution was to have both inside and outside of the island.

A revolutionary government was established that in its attempt to

change the existing social order affected virtually every citizen on the


Next to arrive in the United States were members of the upper and

middle class who found conditions in Cuba unbearable. "Seldom has a


foreign group come to the United States so well prepared educationally

and occupationally and seldom has this country received one so well"

(Portes, 1969, p. 508). The refugee was not entirely from the upper

and middle classes. As Fagen, Brody and O'Leary (1968, p. 7) stated,

refugees although by no means representative of the Cuban population

are, nevertheless, socially and demographically varied.

In order to understand the rapid flow of refugees from the island,

the scope and the rate of change introduced by the Castro government

on the country's social and political institutions must be considered.

Inevitably, these changes were bound to affect adversely more
and more sectors of the old Cuban society. The wealthy, the
successful, the powerful, the educated saw their status chal-
langed, their influence radically curtailed, and their economic
position continuously menaced. The lower strata, whom they
have treated with condescension when not with open contempt,
appeared now to be effectively in power. First, the big
landowners and industrialists, then the middle proprietors and
professionals, and finally the white collar workers and the
petty bourgeoisie of small traders and shopowners all came
under the control of the socialist revolution. Inevitably
their discontent and opposition emerged and mounted. "They
wanted Revolution but not so much" said Fidel Castro in 1960,
admirably summarizing the attitude of the Cuban upper classes.
(Portes, 1969, p. 506)

Unlike the Puerto Ricans or Mexicans or any other group of

Europeans who saw a land of opportunities in the United States, most

Cubans were satisfied with their socioeconomic status and their decision

to leave the island was a difficult one. They were not "pulled" for

reasons of self-betterment but "pushed" out of their country because of

political conditions in Cuba.

Those individuals who were hurt by revolutionary programs, cut
adrift by institutional changes, saddened by the passing of the
familiar order or angered by the Marxism of the regime were
rudely shouldered aside. Those who were willing and able to
adjust and adapt themselves were allowed to do so; those who
would not or could not were treated harshly. Uncertainty,

suspicion and considerable organizational chaos were the
natural corollaries of the Castroite revolutionary style.
Thus, the style of change reinforced the scope of change to
create conditions perceived as unbearable by hundreds of
thousands of citizens. (Fagen et al., 1968, p. 101)

The city of Miami with its tourist dependent economy has long been

exposed to the presence of Latin Americans and it was not uncommon to

find people working at airports, in government agencies and other public

places who had some Spanish-speaking ability. Miami welcomed these

tourists but local sentiment changed when refugees arrived in large

enough numbers to threaten the city's capacity to absorb them. Some of

the city's burden was alleviated when the Federal government pledged

assistance to Dade County to provide services for this sudden increase

in population.

In the early period of the exile many children traveled to the

United States without their parents. It has been estimated that there

was a peak of over 10,000 unaccompanied children among the refugees

(Psycho-social dynamics in Miami, 1969, p. 315). When they feared

communist indoctrination, Cuban parents sent their children to relatives

or strangers living in the United States with the hope that they could

follow them later. Parents involved in counterrevolutionary activities

especially wanted to send their children to a safe place. Often a

family sent a child first to the United States and then the parents were

claimed through a "visa waiver" applied for by the child.

These young unaccompanied Cubans were boarded at receiving homes

sponsored by the Catholic Welfare Bureau and the Dade County Welfare

Department. For more permanent care, foster family placement was

initiated. "With the help of the National Conference of Catholic

Charities a pool was formed of 95 Catholic child-caring agencies and

institutions in 36 states which had been willing to take Cuban children"

(Close, 1963, p. 5). Living with American families and being exposed to

their values and customs helped accelerate the Cuban children's integra-

tion into American society.

Cuban children who came in contact with an American family may have

eliminated certain previously existing values and may have organized and

modified others. For example, "American emphasis on independent behavior

is not shared by all other cultures" (Johnson & Medinnus, 1969). The

child-rearing practices of Cuban parents tended to reinforce dependent

behavior. When a young exile was placed with an American family, he

was exposed to a home where self-reliance was highly rewarded. Cuban

refugee children were encouraged to assume responsibilities such as

sharing household duties, feeding a pet, or even taking a paper route.

Such behavior is unknown in Cuba where very few demands are placed on

children. Landy (1959) referred to this as a culture viewing the child

sin capacidad--without capacity. The new independence forced onto the

young Cubans may have altered his self-perception. As his feeling of

mastery of the environment increased, he was being encouraged to grad-

ually develop his own ideas about the world around him.

Perez-Stable (1971) conducted a study of the general attitudes of

the young Cuban exiles in the United States. A questionnaire was

distributed to a sample of students in Miami, Florida and Washington,

D.C. The questions focused on three themes: the degree of integra-

tion into the North American culture, the general political orientation,

and the attitudes toward Cuba. On the subjects of abortion and sexual

freedom the students are more liberal than the older exiles (Perez-Stable,

1971). Of course, it could be argued that the same results could be

found in other ethnic groups at this time.

To better understand the values of the young exile, a closer look

was taken at the process of integration of older Cuban exiles into

American society. In the early 1960's the heart of every Cuban was set

to the day of return to a free Cuba. Nobody considered their stay in

the United States to be permanent and the parents' attitude toward

school may have reflected this. Cubans wanted their children to learn

English with the hopes that it may broaden their education and job

opportunities if they returned to Cuba. The situation was one in which

Cubans wanted to perpetuate in their children the memories of the island

and integration into American society was frowned upon. In school the

children were prompted to learn and to speak English, while at home they

were ordered to speak Spanish. Other American customs like dating with-

out chaperons were viewed with disfavor. Assimilation at this point was

hindered because exiles brought with them a strong belief in their values

and cultural mores and "a clearly defined self-identity as Cubans"

(Portes, 1969, p. 507).

On October 3, 1965 Castro announced that Cubans who wanted to leave

the country would be allowed to do so with the exception of young males

between the ages of 15 to 26 who were compelled to enter the Cuban

military service. The prospects of military service induced families to

leave the island as soon as possible. As the "second wave" of Cuban

refugees began to arrive, the effects were felt in Dade County.

The "new" refugees brought with them a different attitude toward

the exile. After efforts to liberate Cuba failed, they realized that

they were here to stay. They had friends and relatives, who were

already established in jobs and business, making their adaptation to

Miami financially, if not psychologically, easier than for the first

group of exiles. This last current of refugees were mainly motivated

by the economic standards of living in the United States rather than

by the internal political process (Amaro, 1971).

Assimilation of Cubans

The disappearance in 1963 of the Cuban Revolutionary Council was

a turning point in the assimilation process of Cuban refugees. Their

mode of thinking changed from being Cuba-oriented to being basically

United States-oriented (Psycho-social dynamics in Miami, 1969). Changes

in international policies in the United States government toward Cuba

and financial pressures have prompted Cubans to reconstruct their lives

in this country.

Marcus (1971) made a clear distinction between structural and

attitudinal integration of a minority group into American society.

Structural assimilation is a superficial one, in which members of a

minority group work together, live in the same neighborhood and may even

share their own recreation with members of the dominant culture while

at the same time their thoughts are directed toward their own subgroups

and their efforts to return to their country. Conversely, attitudinal

assimilation is a deeper commitment to become a fully participating

member of the dominant culture. "If his efforts at structural integra-

tion meet with success, or even if he only perceives that they do, he

can be expected to continue on this avenue towards full assimilation"

(Marcus, 1971, p. 6).

The integration of Cuban refugees in the United States depends

upon several factors. A study with 48 Cuban refugee families in

Milwaukee was conducted by Portes (1969). In studying the motivations

which may accelerate their desires for integration, he found that

socioeconomic rewards did not affect integration significantly. The

important factor was the subjective comparisons of their lives in Cuba

prior to the exile and the socioeconomic rewards they receive in the

United States. In addition, permanent residence in this country could

be viewed favorably, if the expectations of their lives in the United

States prior to entry had been subsequently fulfilled.

A study done by Marcus (1971) interviewing 107 Cuban refugees in

the greater Miami area throws light upon the desire of the refugees to

go back to Cuba and their evaluation of life in the United States.

Work conditions and social environment seemed to weight heavily in the

refugees' decision to remain in the United States. Refugees staying

in the Miami area seemed to have a strong emotional commitment to their

friends and relatives and to preserve their Cuban style of life. Those

refugees who had most of their families and friends still in Cuba are

more likely to return to Cuba as soon as possible should Castro fall.

A study done by Rogg (1970) of Cubans in the West New York, New Jersey

area concluded that the refugee community was more of a factor in the

acculturation of the refugee than were programs implemented by the gov-

ernment. This study showed that a tightly knit community helps the ad-

justment of the refugee family although it may retard its acculturation.

Additionally Marcus (1971) found that socioeconomic reward was not

a significant factor in the desires of the refugees to go back to Cuba.

"The informant who felt that his income was better in Cuba than in the

United States was more inclined to want to go back to his homeland.

However, those who thought that their incomes were better in the United

States also expressed strong desires to return to their fatherland"

(Marcus, 1971).

To understand why labor conditions were such an important factor

in the Miami area in contrast to the refugee study done in Milwaukee,

the economic factors behind these results must be considered. A tight

labor market in Miami resulted in poorer working conditions than the

refugees could have found in the North. Despite these conditions the

refugees would rather stay in Miami, than to venture into other states

where more jobs were available.

The following variables may have affected their decision to stay

in the Miami Area:

1) The fact that they could associate with people in their same
situation may have reduced their anxiety and alleviated their
feelings of insecurity when making a transition into a new

2) The language barrier was reduced to a certain extent for the
refugee who only spoke Spanish since in Miami there were
Spanish-speaking clerks in most groceries, stores, banks
and even government facilities, and

3) Miami's climate, so similar to Cuba's, was more appealing
to the Cuban refugee than the cold weather of the North.

As an influx of more economically motivated refugees arrived in

Miami after 1965 coupled with the assimilation of the earlier arrivals,

new social classes are emerging within the exile community.

With very few exceptions, refugees have been and literally are
penniless upon arrival here, a fact that initially levels their
old socioeconomic distinctions. But as time goes by, class
differences reappear. Many of the formerly poor Cubans immedi-
ately found employment at menial jobs. Concentrated in the

predominantly Cuban districts of Miami, they do not make an
effort to learn the English language and American customs .
Although subsequently they generally prosper, they do not advance
educationally and socially: their assimilation is very slow . .
Educated refugees on the other hand, after a short period of
holding menial, low paid jobs, generally move up on the economic
and social ladder. Today, lawyers or engineers no longer wash
dishes or tend gardens in Miami. (Psycho-social dynamics in
Miami, 1969, pp. 96, 97)

Although, in general, Cubans look favorably upon assimilation into

the American way of life, there was a divergence of acculturation be-

tween the old and the new generation. Younger people have assimilated

into the American society more smoothly than older Cubans (Gil, 1968).

Attending school would naturally socially mix the former group with

Americans. "It is only at the school level that friendships between

the two groups are beginning to form, as Cuban boys (and to a lesser

extent girls) adopt current American mores" (Psycho-social dynamics in

Miami, 1969, p. 93).

Cubans In Dade County Schools

As the situation in Cuba worsened, the schools had a greater influx

of Cuban children. In the beginning it was difficult to secure adequate

figures as to the magnitude of the total problem (Cuban refugee in public

schools, 1962, p. 9). In October 1961 Federal funds enabled the school

system to hire Spanish-speaking personnel such as bilingual teacher aides

and to purchase special materials for the Cuban students. This additional

funding also served to limit the disruptive effects that a sudden in-

crease in pupil population, and a Spanish-speaking one at that, could

have had.

The program used by the school in the early 1960's provided

orientation classes where English as a second language was taught.

Other courses such as government and science were taught in English by

bilingual teachers. At other times a limited number of Cuban children,

usually four or five were placed in a regular classroom.

Students were grouped according to their ability to read and

understand English. Nonindependent students were those who had little

knowledge of English, intermediate students were those able to speak

and understand English but still in need of assistance, and the independ-

ent students were those whose proficiency in English enabled them to

participate in the regular school curriculum. "Orientation classes

were frequently organized on three levels of English language competence.

Many schools adopted a 'buddy system' consisting of pairing a bilingual

student with a non-English speaking student" (Psycho-social dynamics in

Miami, 1969, p. 317). Segregation of Cuban students was discouraged up

to the point where grouping was necessary to gain basic English skills.

Cuban aides working along with American teachers helped the Cuban

children' adjustment to the new school environment.

The Cuban aides in the early years of the exile have been of

immeasurable value as they also are now. They have had broad and diverse

duties such as assisting in instruction in Spanish or English as a

second language, assisting in the library and school office, and assist-

ing in communication between home and school. Their presence in the

classroom was reassuring to the Spanish-speaking child in making his

transition between the Cuban and American cultures.

In 1963, the Ford Foundation sponsored the nation's first bicultural

and bilingual program in Dade County's Coral Way Elementary School. The

school was organized in a split-day structure where vernacular classes

were offered in the morning and classes in English were offered in the

afternoon. Scores on county-wide tests were "somewhat higher"

(Psycho-social dynamics in Miami, 1969, p. 324) for bilingual school

pupils than for students from the same school prior to the program's

initiation. An evaluation of this program in 1968 showed that, in

addition to making normal progress in the regular school curriculum,

the English- and Spanish-speaking children will both learn a second

language by the end of the elementary school years (Logan, 1971, p. 17).

These favorable results have made Coral Way Elementary a model for the

present blueprint of Dade County education.

In summary, a review of the literature concerning the Cuban

migration and the adjustment of Cubans into the American culture was

considered necessary to understand the social forces acting upon the

Cuban students and how these forces may affect their personality dynamics.

Literature Relating to Self-Concept

This study was concerned with the self-concept of Cuban exiles in

their transition into the American culture. The review of the literature

has been divided into three sections. The first deals with a brief

review of the history of self-theory. The second section deals with a

review of the self-concept literature pertaining to ethnic group member-

ship, social class, and other demographic variables such as age, sex and

academic achievement. The last section presents a discussion of the

literature dealing with the relationship between locus of control and


Section I: Review of the Literature of Self-Theories


William James was one of the pioneers of American psychology and

also one of the first to have written about self by blending in his

writings the philosophical and psychological roots of this concept.

In his book Principles of Psychology (1890) he identified consciousness

as a subjective experience. James refuted the German influence in

psychology which placed emphasis on the analysis of the conscious process

in the laboratory. In the nineteenth century Wundt, subscribing to the

tradition of British associationism, atomized the mind by reducing it

to the elementary particles of sensations, feelings and images
Lindzey, 1957, p. 296).

To explain how one perceived the external environment, James

ingeniously made an metaphor of consciousness to water in a stream which

is continuously changing. He discussed self as being both a knower and

an object of knowledge. The former he discarded as a philosophical

matter. The self as an object of knowledge includes a material self, the

person's body, his material possessions and his family. The social self

according to James constituted how the individual perceived the way

others view him. The spiritual self referred to the individual's desires

and feelings. "James apparently views the self as having a unity as well

as being differentiated and being intimately associated with emotions as

mediated through self-esteem" (Epstein, 1973, p. 405).

Mead, Cooley and Sullivan

Cooley, Mead and Sullivan independently viewed the self as developing

out of transactions with the environment and so they have been called

symbolic interactionists (Purkey, 1970).

Cooley (1902) introduced the term "looking glass self" which means

that an individual internalizes as his own the perceptions of others.

George Mead (1934) further expanded Cooley's term by noting that an

individual learns to perceive the world as other people do so that he

can anticipate their reaction and regulate his behavior according to

their expectations. Mead argued that in the course of daily living

the individual is expected to play many different social roles. For

instance, one can be a teacher, a father, a husband, a Little League

coach, a driver, or an antique collector. These roles have varying

degrees of significance, some more important to the individual than


Mead felt that the definition of oneself as a specific role-
player in a given relationship was accomplished by recognizing
and sharing the meaning and values others have of you. This
Mead called the "me." That is, Mead saw the "me" as represent-
ing the incorporated "other" within the individual. (Nobles,
1973, p. 16)

According to Mead the "I" encompassed all the "me"s or the perception

the individual holds of himself after incorporating the shared meanings

and values of others.

. when a person asserts himself against a situation or when
he attempts to distinguish himself from others by doing things
which he can do better than others, when he attempts to
"realize" himself in terms of his unique capacities by asserting
his superiority as the means of preserving the self--then the
"I" is emphasized. (Diggory, 1966, p. 47)

Sullivan (1953) emphasized that the evolvement of the self is a

product of the child's interaction with "significant others," partic-

ularly the mother. According to Sullivan, a child internalized those

behavioral patterns that were approved by the significant others rather

than by society at large. Sullivan (1953, p. 165) defined the self as

"an organization of educative experience called into being by the

necessity to avoid or to minimize incidents of anxiety." According to

him, the child internalized good or bad behavior in terms of what he

called the "good me" and the "bad me."

Lecky (1945) introduced the notion of self-consistency as the

primary force of motivation in human behavior.

. all of an individual's ideas are organized into a single
system, whose preservation is essential. In order to be
immediately assimilated, the idea formed as the result of a new
experience must be felt to be consistent with the ideas already
present in the system. . The nucleus of the system, around
which the rest of the system revolves, is the individual's
idea or conception of himself. (Lecky, 1945, p. 150)

To illustrate, a young person coming to the United States from

Cuba may be proud of his ethnic origin. If, when he enters school, he

perceives that others view being Cuban with a negative connotation, he

has to reinterpret this disturbing situation in a manner that can be

assimilated. He may avoid socializing with Americans and become more

"clannish" toward other Cubans, or, after repeated experiences of

rejection, he may undergo a gradual change in his self-concept by

developing negative feelings toward himself. Thus, an individual strives

for consistency between his beliefs and the way he behaves.


Rogers (1951) agreed with Lecky's theory that the self strives for

consistency and that those experiences which are inconsistent with the

self are viewed by the individual as threats. How an individual reacts

to a stimulus depends on his own previous experiences. "The organism

reacts to the field as it is experienced and perceived. This perceptual

field is, for the individual, 'reality'"(Rogers, 1951, p. 484). Using

this conception reality differs from one individual to another. It is

a product of the individual's unique phenomenological world. Although

the self is considered conservative, Rogers argues that it can change as

a result of "maturation and learning" (Hall & Lindzey, 1957, p. 478).

Combs and Snygg

Combs and Snygg (1959) stated that the self is essentially a social

product developing out of social interaction. Through culture, man

passes to a new generation his conception of right and wrong. A young

child receives stimulation from adults and learns acceptable behavioral

patterns from them. Out of human interaction with significant others

emerges the mind, as self and others become part of the same transaction.

Combs and Snygg (1959) acknowledged the effects of the culture on

the development of the phenomenological self. When an individual is

brought into a subculture, his self-perceptions are a function of that

group. A Cuban student, who may feel inadequate taking a speech course

in the University of Florida, may feel very comfortable delivering a

speech to the Federation of Cuban Students. Combs and Snygg (1959, p.

142) stated that an individual may feel "completely consistent with

himself and the culture he had known but out of place in the one he

had entered." Combs and Snygg went on to say that the self-concept

is dynamic since an individual lives in a world which is continuously

changing. In the middle of these changes the individual strives for

consistency. In other words, he behaves according to his values and

beliefs; his behavior is geared to protect the self which is the center

of man's life. This does not imply that self is static since an

individual can undergo changes in his self-concept as a result of learn-

ing and maturation.


Although there are many conflicting views of what constitutes self-

concept, this study is concerned with the conceptualization of self as

employed by Fitts (1965) in constructing the Tennessee Self Concept

Scale. Fitts agreed with Combs and Snygg (1959) in describing the self

as a unified and dynamic whole. Consequently each part or the whole

itself can interact with the external features of the individual's

phenomenological self. Fitts stated that there are three principal

parts or subselves of the self: the self as an object (Identity Self);

the self as doer (Behavioral Self); and the self as observer and judge

(Judging Self).

The Identity Self deals with the question of "Who am I?" and with

the labels that an individual uses in describing himself. It involves

the individual's awareness of himself. To illustrate, I am a Cuban,

female, married student. The way an individual describes himself in-

fluences his behavior and vice versa. In order to swim, I have to be

a swimmer and in order to be a swimmer I have to swim. Hence t

an interaction between the Behavioral Self and the Identity Sel

It has been stated that "subselves are equally important,

each subself influences the other. True integration or actual

of the self requires free, continual, and accurate or realistic<

action between the two" (Fitts, Adams, Radford, Richard, Thoma!

Thompson, 1971, p. 16). Fitts et al. (1971) used the term "in'

consequences of behavior" to describe the drive or a need of a:

dividual to do the things he is capable of doing. The internal

satisfaction that a child derives from engaging in this kind o

behavior is so rewarding that it encourages him to engage in m

complex behavior. As the child grows he learns to regulate hi

havior according to the expectations of significant others. I

what Fitts called the external consequences of behavior. To i

a child who paints the walls with crayons soon learns that his

although fun, has a negative external consequence, since adult

it undesirable. This conflict between the external and interr

sequences of behavior can affect the way the individual indeni

himself, e.g., an individual thinks "I do something wrong and

I am bad." Or he may deny his behavior completely, rational:

he engaged in bad behavior but he is not that type of person.

(Fitts et al., 1971, p. 17). Man has a tendency to evaluate his

perception. He may be aware of physical characteristics (Identity Self)

such as his height, skin color, or weight and assign values to the

desirability of these characteristics. An individual may be aware of

his own feelings of love, hate, desire or jealousy and then he may con-

sider them good or bad. "This evaluative tendency of the self is a

primary component of self-perception, and it provides the material or

sustenance for self-esteem, which is a primary concern for most people"

(Fitts et al., 1971, p. 17).

High self-esteem implies satisfaction with the self. This means

that after the Judging Self has evaluated the Identity Self and the

Behavioral Self, if the behavior is self-enhancing, then the Judging

Self is pleased and therefore the behavior is considered to be good.

On the other hand, if the behavior is not self-actualizing, then it

is evaluated as bad. "Thus the Judging Self determines one's satisfac-

tion with self or the extent to which one can live and tolerate himself"

(Fitts et al., p. 20). In his presentation, Fitts emphasized the dynamic

interaction between the three subselves. He stated that in addition to

the internal dimensions of Identity Self, Behavioral Self and Judging

Self, there are other subselves that are external in their frame of

reference. These five scales which comprise the TSCS have been arbitrar-

ily labeled the Physical, Personal, Family, Moral-Ethical, and Social


The self-concept can be thought of as a cluster of the subselves:

Identity, Judging and Behavioral Selves. Another cluster of subselves

are the above mentioned five comprising the TSCS. The two classifica-

tions of subselves are overlapping. A geometrical model can be used as

an analogy to the interdependence of these two conceptions of the self-

concept. For the three internal dimensions of self, consider a spheroid

with a core and two concentric spherical shells. The core is the Iden-

tity Self, the inner shell is the Judging Self and the outer shell

represents The Behavioral Self. For a second model, imagine an orange

with vertical sections, each representing one of the five subselves

from the external frame of reference. Now merge these two models and

extract, say, one of the orange sections which will cut through the

three shells of Identity, Judging and Behavioral Selves. If instead, a

spherical shell is examined, the Judging Self, for example, it will be

found to contain portions of each of the Physical, Personal, Family,

Moral-Ethical and Social Selves.

Section II: Relationship of Self-Concept to Demographic Variables

Numerous studies have focused on the relationship of self-concept

with variables such as sex, age, anxiety, delinquency, academic perform-

ance, social class and, in recent years, ethnic group membership.

Ethnic group membership and social class

A search of the literature showed that there was far from uniform

agreement concerning the question of the ethnically different student

having a self-concept differing from the student population of the

dominant culture. In the literature review an emphasis was found in

studies centered on school-age children. The majority of the studies

were done with blacks followed in number by those done on Mexican-

Americans and to a much lesser degree on Puerto Ricans. No studies

could be found dealing with Cuban-Americans.

The author felt that studies done with blacks are relevant to

the present study because blacks, although not part of an immigrant

group, have been subjected to segregation from the dominant Anglo

culture. Only recently have they been attending racially mixed

schools and universities. To a certain degree they face the same

dilemma as a Cuban student since they strive to preserve their identity

in a college where their social reference group is different from their


Researchers have reported studies depicting the negative self-

concept of Mexican-American students when compared to their Anglo peers

(Coleman, 1966; Palomares, 1970). Evan and Anderson (1973) indicated

that Mexican-American students, regardless of the amount of English

spoken in the home, have a lower self-concept of ability than the

Anglo students. On the other hand, Muller and Leonetti (1974) stated

that, in a comparison of self-concept scores of Anglo and Chicano

students, the only difference between the two groups occurred at

kindergarten level with Anglo students having significantly higher self-


Anderson and Johnson (1971) argued that a Mexican-American's success

in mathematics and English enhanced his confidence to compete with his

classmates. The ethnically different student's confidence is greatly

influenced by the experiences he encounters in his first years in school.

Purkey (1970) explained that the self has a generally stable quality

which is characterized by harmony and orderliness. One of the organized

qualities of the self is "how success and failure are generalized through

the system" (Purkey, 1970, p. 7, 9). Diggory (1966) reported from his

research that failure in a highly valued ability lowers the individual's

ability in other areas.

Soares and Soares (1969) have found that a lower socioeconomic

child does have a higher self-concept than his middle-class peers. They

argued that culturally disadvantaged children do not exhibit lower self-

esteem or personal worth scores. Conversely, this group reported higher

self-perception than the middle-class group. Shares and Soares con-

cluded that if lower-class children are surrounded by adults holding

low expectation levels of them, then as long as these children function

according to significant other's expectations, they are content with

themselves. An approach given to this problem by Soares and Soares is

to realistically elevate the children's level of aspirations while

maintaining their positive self-concept. The conclusions reached by

Soares and Soares have been questioned by other self researchers. Long

and Henderson (1968) and also Wylie and Hutchings (1967) have previously

indicated a lower self-report for the lower-class child and adolescent.

Long (1969) questioned how much could be generalized from the Soares and

Soares study since the I.Q. variable was not controlled.

Clark and Clark (1947) noted that black children, when presented

with both brown and white dolls, chose the white dolls and attributed

negative characteristics toward the brown dolls. These negative feelings

about their own race were the product of segregational practice and

exclusion of blacks from the main Anglo society. Combs and Snygg (1959)

and Kelley (1962) stated that the self is achieved through social inter-

action. From his early years a child can perceive other's feelings

about his race and internalize these feelings. Even by reading

children's books and watching children's shows on television, he can

detect that these are directed toward middle-class Anglo children. Only

recently has emphasis been made in using mass media for conveying feel-

ings of pride in whatever cultural heritage the child may have.

Cultural heritage enables a child to look at himself and acquire
a feeling of strength and worth in terms of the people from which
he came. To identify with a people's hero, with a history, with
a movement gives strength and courage to children of many back-
grounds. The Negro child, however, has not been placed in such
a fortunate position as to have his heroes and his history.
(Lipton, 1963, p. 211)

Carter (1968) has argued that the ethnically different do not

necessarily internalize the feelings of the main society. He conducted

a self-report study on 98 Anglo high school students and 190 Mexican-

Americans, and found little or no difference between the two groups. He

discussed the conflict of children caught between two cultures, and

referred to them as marginal youth.

The search for identity is real and traumatic for most youth in
our kinetic world. The search for self for the marginal youth is,
without doubt, more real and more traumatic. The Mexican-American
suffers many frustrations and problems. Yet, experience indicates
that such youth are quite resilient as a group, and seems fairly
successful in withstanding the temptation to think of themselves
negatively. Rather than judge themselves solely by "Anglo"
standards, they appear to judge by norms established by their own
peer society or by the Mexican-American society of which they are
part. . "Anglos" tend to think of Mexican-Americans in negative
ways and conclude they see themselves in the same light. (Carter,
1968, p. 218)

Zirkel (1971), after reviewing self-concept and ethnic group member-

ship studies, has pointed out that the time factor is essential in under-

standing self-concept studies done with minority groups. "It is interest-

ing to know that studies reporting a significantly lower self-concept for

Negro children compared to white children have generally earlier dates

than do the studies reporting the absence or reverse of such differences"

(Zirkel, 1971, p. 221). Kvaraceus (1965, p. 43) also stated that "past

research may be quite wrong in the context of today's militancyT"

Williams and Byars (1968) conducted a study on the self-esteem of

black adolescents from a cross-section of rural and urban Georgia schools,

both segregated and integrated. The Tennessee Self Concept Scale (TCSC),

a standardized Likert-type self-report, was given to 134 black and 176

white senior high school students. The results revealed that blacks

in integrated schools achieved slightly higher scores in most of the

basic self-concept dimensions than blacks in segregated schools but not

to a significant extent. Analysis of the data indicated that the black

male in this sample is more defensive about his self-report than the

white male and the black female. He was more reluctant to disclose de-

rogatory information about himself. "The civil rights emphasis on

racial pride and self-respect may partially account for the defensiveness

manifested by the black subjects" (Williams & Byars, 1968, p. 123).

Thompson (1972) reviewed other studies using the TSCS that have

been done with college students. Bartee (1967) studied 100 disadvantaged

Negro college students with 100 disadvantaged Caucasian college students.

To control for the factor of economic deprivation,they established the

following criteria to define a disadvantaged student:

a. At least one parent was not a high school graduate and
neither had any education beyond high school, and

b. Family income met the requirements of the U.S. Office of
Education Scale enabling the student to obtain financial

The results indicated that no significant differences between the two

groups were found in regard to the general level of self-esteem. On

the other hand, Negro students had lower Self Criticism scores than

whites and were above average in Conflict and Variability scores. The

Conflict scores represent "a tendency to 'over respond' to either the

positive or the negative items" (Thompson, 1972, p. 3). The Variability

scores represent the amount of inconsistency among areas of the self-


Hands (1967) compared self-esteem scores of 59 black freshmen at

a predominantly black college and 61 white freshmen at a predominantly

white university. She found no significant differences between the

self-esteem scores of the two groups but she did find that blacks scored

lower than whites in Self Criticism. Runyon (1958), in a study compris-

ing 109 black college students and 89 white students, also found that

blacks were more self-defensive than whites but no differences were

found in general self-esteem scores.

Helen Johnson (1970) and Fitts and Bell (1969) also confirmed the

findings that black college students scored lower than whites in the

Self Criticism score. Thompson (1972) stated that depressed Self

Criticism scores in the Tennessee Self Concept Scale may be an expression

of feelings of self-worth stemming from the "Black Movement" and also a

reluctance on the part of blacks to admit weakness.

Samuel and Laird (1974) used the TSCS to compare seven dimensions

of the self-concept of black females on a predominantly white campus

with those on a predominantly black campus and found no significant

difference in self-concept between the two groups. It was hypothesized

that even though the two groups were in different social environments,

"Black females would be equally influenced by the 'Black Consciousness

Movement' and would articulate 'Black Pride' sentiments in assessing

their self-concepts" (Samuel & Laird, 1974, p. 229). Their study

concluded with the notion that race becomes a significant factor in

self-conception only when blacks use whites as reference points. On

the other hand, when other blacks are used for social reference, race

ceases to be a factor in determining self-concept.

Hodgkins and Stakenas have also argued that "previously segregated

Negroes, who enter integrated situations where prejudiced whites become

significant others, would collectively reveal an increase in the inci-

dence of 'negative' self-concepts" (Hodgkins & Stakenas, 1969, p. 375).

Perhaps one of the greatest effects of civil rights movements on the

self-concept of the culturally different is that it provides them with

heroes from within their group, enhancing their feelings of pride toward

their heritage. This can result in a more clearly defined ethnic

identity. When the questions of "Who am I?" and "Where do I belong?"

can be answered, the individual begins to find his place in society and

his reason for being becomes more evident. As he attains self-consist-

ency, he also begins to view himself more positively and may direct

his behavior toward meaningful social goals.

Healey and DeBlassie (1974) indicated the role that social and

cultural factors exert in the development of the self-concept. Using

the TSCS they carried out a study in a south-central New Mexico public

school system. The sample comprised 630 students divided into three

ethnic groups: Negroes, Spanish-Americans and Anglos. Results in-

dicated that for the two minority groups the Self Criticism score, a

measure of defensiveness, was significantly below the Anglo group. In

the Self Satisfaction scale they scored higher than the Anglo group, thus

expressing more acceptance of their perceived selves. "Spanish-American

and Negro groups were in fact more satisfied with the way they perceived

themselves than was the Anglo group because the two minority groups' own

ethnicity established norms by which they judged themselves" (Healey &

DeBlassie, 1974, p. 21). Healey and DeBlassie reported that the

Spanish-American group obtained the highest score on Moral-Ethnical

Self, a measure of how the individual feels about his relationship with

God and his religious feelings in general. They further argued that, in

the acculturation process of the Spanish-Americans, religion has been

the least affected area in making their transition into the American


In summary, it can be said that the contradiction in the findings

is primarily due to the faulty design of the studies and the different

research instruments used to measure the self-concept. Nevertheless

the inferences seem to indicate a relationship between the variables of

self-concept and ethnic group membership and social class.

Segregation and ethnocentrism may have affected the self-percep-

tion of minority group students. Conversely the emergence of militant

movements have instilled in them new feelings of pride and self-con-

fidence. Zirkel (1971, p. 220) stated that "whether self-concept is

significantly affected depends to a large extent on the efforts that

society and the school expend on desegregation and the disadvantaged."

There is a basic motivation in man to enhance his phenomenological

self (Combs & Snygg, 1959; Rogers, 1951); therefore, when an individual

is provided with a social environment free from the threats of prejudice

and hate, he may develop his potential to the maximum of his abilities.

One hopes that this will be the fate of the ethnically different student

in America.

Age as a factor in self-concept

One question of interest for researchers dealing with the self-

concept is that of age. Piers and Harris (1964) reported third- and

tenth-grade subjects to have a more positive self-concept than sixth

graders; however, after a four-month retest they found an increase in

self-concept for all ages. Engel (1959), assessing the self-concept of

preadolescent and adolescent subjects, found an increase in positive

self-evaluation over a two-year span. On the other hand, Katz and

Zigler (1967) found higher self-concept scores for fifth-grade than for

eighth- and eleventh-grade subjects.

Thompson (1972), reporting studies done with different age groups,

indicated a high degree of consistency within each age group. Further-

more, he found characteristic patterns in each group's self-concept

profile clearly distinguishing one from another. According to Thompson,

studies done with the TSCS seemed to indicate an increase in self-esteem

(P score) with age. "Junior high and high school Ss have below-average

P scores, college and adult Ss earn average P scores, and elderly people

score above average on most P scores" (Thompson, 1972, p. 18).

College students were overrepresented in the population when the

Tennessee Self Concept Scale was standardized (Fitts, 1965); therefore,

it follows that the college student scores will fall closer to the mean.

Thompson (1972), in describing the college student's profile, indicated

a high level of self-acceptance among them as reflected by Self

Satisfaction scores. Also, the Variability scores in this group are

below average. This score represents the amount of inconsistency from

one area of the self-concept to another. A low Variability score is

also a representative characteristic of the adult normal sample. High

school students, on the other hand, show a below-average P score

(Lossner, 1971; Pulliam, Wilkins, Womack & Wuntch, 1971); while elderly

people, in general, seem to have higher self-esteem scores (Postema,

1970). The elderly group also exhibited low Self Criticism scores and

high Defensive Positive (DP) scores, a measure of defensiveness. On the

other hand, high school students showed a higher Self Criticism score

which measured their willingness to disclose derogatory information

about themselves; this may result in a more depressed P score for this

group (Thompson, 1972).

In summary, there was inconsistency in the findings regarding age

as a factor in the self-concept due to methodological differences. It

was beyond the scope of this dissertation to investigate age differences

in the development of the self-concept. Most of the cross-sectional re-

search seemed to indicate systematic changes in the self-concept as a

function of age. In interpreting these results there must be an aware-

ness of changes in cultural values and societal goals which may confound

the results of cross-sectional research studies which presently are con-

sidered attributable to age differences.

Sex difference as a factor in the self-concept

Being a male or female in our society implies the acceptance of sex

role stereotypes. Furthermore, society's expectations toward males and

females are different. The question of whether sex influences the self-

concept involves a personal-social conflict to the extent that a subject's

self-perception conflicts with cultural sex role stereotypes.

Mead (1949) stated that sex role differences are greatly influenced

by cultural factors and that each society prescribes its own acceptable

behavioral patterns for each sex. A review of the literature showed much

ambiguity regarding sex as a factor in self-evaluation. Most of the

studies are directed toward elementary and junior high school students

(Hall & Keith, 1964; Hartley & Hardesty, 1964; McCandless, 1970; Meyer

& Thompson, 1956; Walker, 1964). From these studies it can be deduced

that for the early school years the school is geared to maintain the

cultural stereotype of females; thus girls tend to receive more approval

from their teachers than boys. The tendency was for boys to be more

aggressive and sports oriented with lower-class boys maintaining even

more rigid male sex roles than their middle-class peers.

Primavera, Simon and Primavera (1974, p. 215) state that "school

plays a greater role in the effective quality of the girl's self-esteem

because it is a major source of approval and praise for her, whereas

boys can seek approval through athletics and other more socially

stereotypic behaviors."

Another point to be considered in evaluating research across sexes

is that age differences may confound the results. Young boys may be

more concerned with mastering outdoor activities. However, as they

develop into adolescents, academic achievement becomes a source of social

approval, and at this point Primavera et al. (1974) reported no signif-

icant difference between male and female adolescents.

Bohan (1973) conducted a study with middle-class students in the

fourth, sixth, eighth and tenth grades and found significantly lower

scores for tenth-grade girls. The speculation can be made that it is

harder for a female adolescent to find her true identity in a male-

oriented society. Bohan, discussing the finding of his research on

this issue, stated that "with current trends toward an increased

evaluation of women's place in society this result will not be reflected

in later studies of this sort" (Bohan, 1973, p. 384).

McKee & Sherriffs (1959), conducting a study with male and female

college students, reported that males have a more favorable self-concept

than females; whereas, Matteson (1956) found no significant differences

across sex groups in a study conducted with 419 college freshmen.

Sarben and Rosenberg (1955), exploring differences between the

self-report of male and female subjects, stated that males surpass

females in using adjectives such as resourceful, logical, mature, ad-

venturous, realistic, deliberate and efficient. Conversely, in their

self-description, women chose such adjectives as emotional, pleasant,

temperamental or emotional. Thus, an individual's perception of him-

self may be influenced by social interaction and cultural expectations.

In another study, college student subjects were administered the

Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory and were found to have a

conflict between the actual, the personally desired, and the socially

desired self-report (Rosen, 2956). With regard to the effect of sexual

differences on this conflict, Rosen concluded that

males show some elevation in feminine interests, feel that
society wants them to show even more of these interests, probably
as a function of their adopted role as liberal arts college

students, but personally find somewhat greater masculinity of
interests desirable. Their conflict is thus essentially a
personal-social one. Females, on the other hand, have a quite
feminine mean score and both personally and socially find it
desirable to have more masculine interests, again probably as
a function of their role as college students, for it is well
known that college students progressively show more and more
interests which in the normal population are associated with
the opposite sex. But they personally consider this role
expectancy a desirable one, whereas the average male feels
he is pulled in a direction opposite to his own standards.
(Rosen, 1956, p. 156)

In evaluating these studies one should reflect upon the role of

higher education in the self-esteem report among sexes. The speculation

can be made that, among males and females sharing the same level of

academic environment, differences between self-esteem scores as a

function of sex role stereotypes tend to abate.

Self-concept and academic achievement

Purkey (1970) has studied the relationship between self-concept and

academic achievement. He stated that there is continuous interaction

between self and academic achievement and that each has a direct in-

fluence on the other. This relationship has also been confirmed by

other researchers (Bledsoe, 1967; Campbell, 1965; Primavera et al.,


Fink (1962), reflecting upon academic underachievement, suggested

that the problem stems out of a central rather than a peripheral

motivated force. The former he called the self-concept. To clarify

the relationship between underachievement and self-concept, Fink con-

ducted a study comprising high school students falling within the normal

range of intelligence. He concluded in his study that adequate self-

concept is related to high academic achievement and inadequate self-

concept is related to low academic achievement.

Caplin (1969) conducted a study of children from segregated and

desegregated schools. Subjects were matched on the basis of age, grade,

sex, race, intelligence, and socioeconomic status. He found a positive

relationship between academic achievement and self-concept. This re-

lationship was stronger for children from desegregated schools who

reported higher self-concept scores than children in segregated class-


Coombs and Davies (1966), in a study containing high school and

college students, reported that a student's evaluation of his academic

ability reflects significant others' expectations of him. According

to this view, significant others provide the "looking glass" by which

students measure themselves.

Jones and Grieneeks (1970) investigated the relationship of self-

perception and academic achievement among college sophomores. They

reported a student's self-perception as being an accurate predictor of

academic achievement. Catherine Kubiniec (1970), in a study of 468

incoming freshmen, also found that a self-reportmeasureof the self-

concept was helpful in predicting academic achievement. She stated

that "an individual's behavior is affected by his perceptions of himself

and his environment . responses on a self-report measure of self-

concept to observable behavior (academic achievement), provides

evidence that propositions from self-concept theory can predict observ-

able behavior" (Kubiniec, 1970, p. 333).

Bernard Borislow (1962), in a study of college freshmen matched on

scholastic ability and other demographic factors, reported that under-

achievers did not show lower self-report than achievers before or after

academic performance. For the students in this study who indicated a

desire to attain good grades, the underachievers were found to picture

themselves as more pessimistic students than the achievers.

Bailey (1971) studied differences in self-perception between

achieving and underachieving college students with below average

academic ability. He found that the achieving student reported a higher

achieving self, while the underachieving student projected a more

negative view of himself.

Such a student is continually using feedback from parents,
classmates and grade reports to support and stabilize a
negative self view of his academic ability. This negative
self view, in turn, results in poor to failing academic
performance which serves as "objective" evidence to the
student that he does not have the necessary ability.
(Bailey, 1971 p. 190)

Alvord and Glass (1974), in an investigation of the relationship

between self-concept and achievement, stated that although there is

no cause-and-effect relationship between these two variables, much of

the researchers' findings indicated that the two influence each other.

Fitts (1972) has suggested that optimal performance is related

to optimal self-concept. However, he made the distinction that perform-

ance is not primarily determined by the individual's self-concept. He

specified that "between persons of equal ability, the one with the more

optimal and the healthier self-concept will generally function better"

(Fitts, 1972, p. 4).

There have been numerous correlational studies between scores in

the TSCS and achievement scores from a standardized test. Some of these

studies reported a positive correlation between the two variables (Gay,

1966; Williams & Cole, 1968). Conversely, other studies have found no

significant relationship between self-report scores in the TSCS and

performance on achievement tests (Blamick, 1969). Reflecting upon

the inconsistency of the findings, Fitts (1972) mentioned that self

as conceptualized in the TSCS is a complex entity with many facets

and dimensions. Many studies have used the Total P score, which is

an overall measure of self-esteem, as a single score and have correlated

it to achievement in a unilinear faction. The findings, however, are

confusing because P scores can be elevated as a result of defensiveness

or reluctance to disclose information.

Fitts (1972) has defined for each of the 29 Major TSCS scores an

optimal range within which subjects considered high in personality

integration (PI) will tend to score. For college students of equal

ability, those scoring high in PI exhibit higher achievement as measured

by the grade point average (Seeman, 1966; Thomas, 1969). Thus Fitts

(1972, p. 29) suggested that high PI subjects "use their intellectual

resources more efficiently than the average person."

Fitts (1972) reported studies in which subjects were first classi-

fied by grade point average (GPA) and then their differences in self-

report were investigated. Moses (1967), studying a group of 182 students

on academic probation, found them to have normal self-concept scores.

Later Amberg (1968) used Moses' subjects and compared them to a group of

138 nonprobationary students. He found the students on probation to

have a more normal self-report than the latter group. Jackson (1967)

compared the self-reports of probationary students and of those who were

not on academic probation and found the opposite result to Amberg's


Parker (1965) found no relationship between TSCS scores and over-

and underachievement. Conversely, Pegg (1970), using a linear combina-

tion of five TSCS scores as a measure of personality integration, found

a significant correlation to an achievement-to-ability ratio.

Fitts (1972) concluded that scores from the TSCS correlate more

significantly with broad measures of academic performance such as GPA

which measure the total self rather than one single score in a

standardized achievement test. Even with measures such as GPA, the

findings have been inconclusive since the TSCS is a general measure

of the self-concept. Furthermore, Fitts argued that there are other

variables that are better predictors of school grades and achievement

test scores such as intelligence, motivation and a more specific

measure of the subject's self-perception as a student.

An individual's general image of himself as a person (as measured
by the TSCS) will usually show some slight relationship to his
academic achievement. If he has an optimal self-concept, he is
apt to use his intellectual resources more efficiently, and this
may be a critical factor in his achievement if his intellectual
resources or educational background are borderline. Otherwise,
his self-concept will probably be more closely related to the
noncognitive aspects of his behavior within the academic setting.
(Fitts, 1972, p. 43)

In studying the relationship between self-report scores and achievement,

Fitts suggested that each individual's capacity and potential be taken

into consideration rather than to correlate self-concept to achievement

on an absolute basis.

Section III: Locus of Control as a Factor in Self-Concept

Locus of control denotes the degree to which an individual feels

responsible for events that occur in his life (internal control) or

perceives events in his life as being dictated by forces beyond his

control (external control). In other words,

internal control refers to the perception of positive and/or
negative events as being a consequence of one's own action
and thereby under personal control, external control
refers to the perception of positive and/or negative events
as being unrelated to one's own behavior in certain situations
and therefore beyond personal control. (Rotter, Seeman &
Liverant, 1962, p. 499)

The concept of locus of control stemmed from Rotter's theory of

social learning. In Rotter's view,

the degree to which the individual perceives that the
reward follows from, or is contingent upon, his own
behavior or attributes versus the degree to which he
feels the reward is controlled by forces outside of himself
and may occur independently of his own actions. (Rotter,
1966, p. 1)

Locus of control has since become a widely researched dimension of

personality. Locus of control has been investigated in relation to

such variables as academic achievement (Crandall, Katkovsky & Preston,

1962; Harrison, 1968), motivation (Baron, 1967), parental antecedents

(Davis & Phares, 1969), birth order and sex differences (Eisenman &

Platt, 1968), social class and ethnicity (Battle & Rotter, 1963; Graves,

1961), and cultural differences (Alvarez, 1971; Hsieh, Shyhut & Lotsof,

1969; Schneider & Parsons, 1970). The relationship most pertinent to

this study is that of self-concept and locus of control.

Heaton and Durefeldt (1973, p. 4) stated that,

self-evaluation is an important factor in determining behavior,
and it is obvious that this is an internally programmed event.
A person's self-evaluation describes how he thinks about himself,
and the self-evaluative process can serve as an important moti-
vational force for personality growth. In general, it would
appear that the various terms used to describe these thoughts
and feelings--i.e., self-concept, self-esteem, self-evaluation,
and self-image--all mean the same thing.

These various terms have been used interchangeably in the literature.

Lefcourt (1966) described the external individual as one who

lacks in self-confidence. He stated that

Ss who are less external depict themselves as goal directed
workers who strive to overcome hardships, whereas high
external Ss portray themselves as suffering, anxious and
less concerned with achievement per se than with their affect
response to failure. (Lefcourt, 1966, p. 217)

The relationship between a favorable self-conception and internality

was the subject of further research.

A self-esteem measure (Ziller, Hagey, Smith & Long, 1969) was

developed with the assumption that individual's having high self-esteem

will also have a high potential for self-reinforcement. For this

measure, they defined self-reinforcement as the individual's tendency

to administer to himself a reward even in the absence of environmental

support. A study (Platt, Eisenman & Darbes, 1970) of the construct

validity of the Ziller self-esteem measure with Rotter's Internal-

External Control Scale was conducted with male and female college

students. As far as a relationship to perceived locus of control was

concerned, the results of the study did not support the construct

validity of the Ziller measure of self-esteem. Platt et al. stated

that although the Ziller measure did not receive construct validation

from the Rotter I-E Scale, it may from some other measure of self-


Fish and Karabenick (1971) further investigated Ziller's assumption

that people with high self-esteem have a greater potential for self-

reinforcement. To measure self-esteem they used the Janis & Field

Feelings of Inadequacy Scale instead of the Ziller self-esteem question-

naire. The Ss were 285 male college students. Their results showed

significant correlation between the self-esteem measure and the Rotter

I-E Scale thus supporting the Ziller formulation. According to this

study, men with high self-esteem tended to be internally oriented.

Ryckman and Sherman (1973) investigated the relationship between

self-esteem and locus of control as well as sex differences in locus

of control. The study consisted of 178 men and 204 women registered in

a psychology course. The findings exhibited a relationship between

locus of control and self-esteem.

Such an outcome is not surprising since early investigations
have indicated that internals describe themselves as being
self-confident, independent, assertive, persevering and
insightful, while externals tend to describe themselves un-
favorably, as being self-pitying, anxious and inadequate.
(Ryckman & Sherman, 1973, p. 1106)

The results of this study show that sex differences do not affect the

correlation between locus of control and self-esteem. In general, men

and women displaying higher self-esteem are more internally oriented

than those with lower self-esteem scores.

Heaton and Duerfeldt (1973) examined the relationship among self-

esteem, self-reinforcement, and internal-external control. The subjects

were volunteer college students in introductory psychology courses. The

James I-E Scale was used in conjunction with three measures of self-

esteem and a measure of self-reinforcement. Specific tasks were designed

to measure self-reinforcement. The findings of this study revealed a

relation between locus of control and self-reinforcement and that self-

reinforcement was also related to self-esteem scores. The relationship

between locus of control and self-esteem was positive but not significant.

The results suggested that these three concepts are probably not measuring

the same construct, but rather, only aspects of a general construct which

includes all three.

Dennis Organ (1973) investigated the relationship between locus of

control and clarity of the self-concept. According to Organ, the findings

of his study can be interpreted in the light of attribution theory. This

theory, promulgated by Kelley (1967), concerns itself with causative

elements of behavior. A particular act can be perceived as inner-directed

or stemming out of a person's own beliefs, values and goals. On the other

hand, an act can be the result of external forces operating upon the

individual (outer-directed) i.e., where he yields to influential others

or perceives his acts as a result of fate of luck. Attribution theory


that the more external the person (in terms of the I-E measure),
the less he could be certain about his self-concept. That is,
the more the person believes his behavior to be generally a
function of powerful other forces, the less his behavior would
ambiguously reflect his own goals, values and personal traits.
(Organ, 1973, p. 100)

Organ found a significant positive relation between clarity of the self-

concept and internal locus of control.

Pegg (1970) in a study using the TSCS with ninth graders, found a

positive relationship between the scores in the TSCS and internalized

locus of control as well as a relationship between TSCS scores and

intellectual efficiency.

In conclusion, this review of the literature disclosed discrepancies

in studies dealing with the relationship of locus of control and self-

concept. Sunh discrepancies may be a function of the variety of self-

reports used to measure self-concept and the conceptualization behind

each instrument. Different facets of this construct are tapped by each

instrument which may account for the ambiguous findings. In general,

research results pointed to a positive relationship between locus of

control and self-concept. It has also been speculated that these two

variables may be facets of one global construct.

Self-concept has been defined in a number of ways, but can be
generally described as the individual's personal judgment of
self-worth. Locus of control refers to the individual's belief
that events and circumstances are within or beyond personal
control, it identifies the degree to which the person has
confidence in efficacy of personal action as opposed to luck,
chance and other powerful influences. The two constructs, self-
concept and locus of control, are thus complementary aspects of
social-psychological development. (Statement on research agenda,
1974, p. 1)

The self-concept literature relating to ethnic group membership,

social class, sex, age, academic achievement, and locus of control

has been reviewed. The present study further examined the relationships

of all of the above variables to the self-report of Cuban students.



This study used a descriptive survey method to determine the

relationship of selected psychosocial variables to the self-report

of a group of Cuban students in the University of Florida. The

relationship between the self-report and demographic variables such

as ethnic group membership, sex, social class, and age were investi-

gated. In addition, the relationship of the self-report to grade point

average (GPA) and to locus of control was examined.


The following hypotheses were investigated:

H : There is no significant difference between the self-concept
as measured by the Tennessee Self Concept Scale (TSCS) of
Cuban university students and the American group used in
standardizing the TSCS.

H2: There is no significant relationship between the self-concept
as measured by the TSCS and the social class of Cuban students
in the University of Florida.

H3: There is no significant relationship between the self-concept
as measured by the TSCS and the age of Cuban students in the
University of Florida.

H4: There is no significant relationship between the self-concept
as measured by the TSCS and the length of time Cuban students
have resided in the United States.

H : There is no significant relationship between the self-concept
as measured by the TSCS and average academic achievement as
measured by the grade point average (GPA) of Cuban students in
the University of Florida.


H6: There is no significant relationship between self-concept
as measured by the TSCS and sex of Cuban students in the
University of Florida.

H7: There is no significant relationship between the self-concept
as measured by the TSCS and the locus of control as measured
by Rotter's Internal-External Locus of Control Scale.


The subjects (Ss) were 127 Cuban students, 48 females and 79 males,

attending the University of Florida, with ages ranging from 18 to 33.

Ss were given the TSCS, a self-report measure of the self-concept;

Rotter's Internal-External Control Scale; and a biographic data sheet.

Only those Cubans who came to the United States after Castro took power

in 1959 were selected as subjects.


The method of selection was complicated because Cuban students are

not listed under any denomination in the University of Florida's student

records. About 60 percent of the sample had marked a block in the reg-

istration form classifying themselves as Spanish-American surnamed. This

classification was arbitrary since it also included other individuals of

Spanish origin but who are not a member of the exile population such as

students from South America or students with Spanish surnames who were

born in the United States. Conversely, Cubans who have become American

citizens or who have married a non-Cuban may not have appeared in the

Spanish-American student list.

It was decided that the best way to contact Cuban students was

to set up a table in the University's administration building during

a registration period.

The sample may be somewhat biased as it was voluntary; however,

very few of the Cubans who were approached declined to participate.

The questionnaires were distributed to the subjects, and since approx-

imately 30 minutes were required to complete the instruments, they were

allowed to take the materials home with them. The materials were

collected at a later time. The collection of data took place during

two registration periods in May and August of 1975. In total, 180

questionnaires were distributed with a return of 127.


Tennessee Self Concept Scale (TSCS)

The TSCS consists of 100 items used by the individual to describe

himself. The subjects' responses are recorded in a Likert-type scale of

five choices ranging from completely false to completely true. The

instrument was developed to measure three aspects of self from an internal

frame of reference: Identity Self, Judging Self, and Behavioral Self.

The Identity scores indicate the individual's perception of his own

identity. The Judging Self if depicted by the Self Satisfaction score

which expresses the individual's feelings about his perceived self. The

Behavioral Self is measured by the Behavior score which deals with the

individual's perception of his actions.

Five scores were also developed to measure the self from the

subject's external frame of reference. The score representing the

Physical Self deals with the individual's perception of his body,

sexuality, physical appearance, and general state of health. The Moral-

Ethical Self is depicted by a score concerned with the individual's

feeling of moral worth, his relationship and feelings to God and his

perception of himself as a good or bad person. The score representing

Personal Self indicates the individual's feelings of personal worth, his

feelings of adequacy, and his feelings of self-respect and confidence

in himself. The Family Self score deals with the individual's perception

of his relationship with members of his family and closest friends, and

his feelings of worth and adequacy toward himself as a member of that

family. The Social Self score reflects the person's sense of adequacy

in his social interaction with others in a general way. Fitts (1965,

p. 3) went on to say that this scale measures "the person's sense of

adequacy and worth in his social interaction with other people in gener-

al." The scores for Identity Self, Judging Self, and Behavioral Self

comprise three sub-scores which, when totaled, constitute the Total

Positive score which reflects the overall levels of self-esteem and feel-

ings of confidence and self-worth.

Another group of scores were devised to promote more information

about an individual's self-concept. A brief description of each score


1. The Self-Criticism (SC) score deals with the measure of overt

2. Variability scores (V) reflect any inconsistency among different
areas of the individual's self-perception. There are three
(V) scores: Total V, Column Total V, and Row Total V. Fitts
(1965) stated that "high scoring persons tend to compartmentalize
certain areas of self and view these areas quite apart from the
remainder self."

3. The Distribution of Responses (D) score weighs the individual's
distribution of answers across the five response categories.
This score can also be interpreted as a measure of self-
perception since the predominance of choices may throw some
light on the way the individual describes himself.

4. The Net Conflict Score and the Total Conflict Score indicate
an individual's contradiction in answering items in the same
area of self-perception. Fitts (1965) stated that "more
directly, however, they measure the extent to which an in-
dividual's responses to positive items differ from, or con-
flict with, his responses to negative items in the same area
of self-perception."

5. The True-False Ratio Score (T/F) indicates the subject's
tendency to agree or disagree with an item regardless of its
content. There is a high correlation between T/F and the
Conflict scores. "A tendency to over-respond to either the
positive or the negative items is demonstrated in the Net
Conflict Score" (Fitts et al., 1971).

6. The Number of Deviant Signs (NDS) is an empirical measure
which quantifies the deviant features of all other TSCS scores.
Fitts (1965) states that the NDS Score is the TSCS's best
predictor of psychological disturbance.

7. The Number of Integrative Signs (NIS) score is a counterpart
to the NDS score. The NIS measures strengths in the self-
concept or signs of good personality integration. This score
is a count of the number of the 29 TSCS variables which fall
within an optimal range corresponding to TSCS administrations
to subjects considered high in personality integration.

8. Another score that can be extracted from the 29 TSCS scores
is the Self Actualization (SA) score determined by the formula:
SA = (2 NIS) (NDS). Fitts (1972) believed that this score
will provide the "total picture" by incorporating strengths
(NIS) and weaknesses (NDS). The SA score is a linear measure
with a high score indicating a well-integrated person.

9. Six scales which were derived by item analysis, are used to
provide a clear differentiation among avrious groups of subjects.
These empirically derived scales are as follows:

a. The Defensive Positive Scale (DP) indicates a more
subtle measure of defensiveness than the Self
Criticism (SC) score,

b. The General Maladjustment Scale (GM) differentiates
psychiatric patients from nonpsychiatric patients,

c. According to Fitts (1965, p. 5) the Personality
Disorder Scale (PD) distinguishes between people
"with basic personality defects and weaknesses in
contrast to psychotic states or the various
neurotic reactions,"

d. The Psychosis Scale (Psy) differentiates psychotic
subjects from the normal group,

e. The Neurosis Scale (N) distinguishes neurotic
subjects from the normal group, and

f. The Personality Integration Scale (PI) represents
an individual's optimal level of adjustment.

Test-retest reliability data (Fitts, 1965) based on a group of

60 college students over a two-week period are as follows: Self-

Criticism 0.75, Net Conflict 0.74, Total Variability 0.67, Total Positive

0.92, Distribution 0.89, ana NDS 0.90. /" 1 "

Validity as reported by Fitts (1965) in the TSCS Manual was based

on four different procedures:

1. Content validity,
2. Discrimination between groups,
3. Correlation with other personality measures, and
4. Personality changes under particular conditions.

Content validity was established by having a jury of seven clinical

psychologists analyze the items. An item was retained in the scale only

after a unanimous agreement about its content was reached by the jury.

Studies on a variety of groups have demonstrated that the TSCS is

a reliable discriminator between such groups as psychiatric patients

and nonpatients and between the average person and the psychologically

integrated person.

The TSCS was compared with other personality inventories to further

establish its validity. In comparing the TSCS with the MMPI (Minnesota

Multiphasic Personality Inventory), it was found that most of the scales

correlated with the MMPI scores. Fitts (1965, p. 24) stated that in

some instances (Variability scores, Distribution scores, and Conflict

scores) there is relatively little linear correlation. With the same

scores, however, the correlation ratios are substantially higher.

Comparing the TSCS with the Edwards Personal Preference Schedule,

Sundby (1962) reported a nonlinear relationship between the two tests'

scores. Quinn (1957) reported a correlation between Total P scores

and the Minnesota Teacher Attitude Inventory. Fitts (1965) stated that

"high scores on the Minnesota Teacher Attitude Inventory reflect un-

healthy attitudes toward children, the conclusion is that people with

positive self-concepts tend to have more desirable attitudes for teach-

ing" (Fitts, 1965, p. 28).

For validation by means of personality changes under particular

conditions, studies were undertaken which dealt with changes in self-

concept due to meaningful or detrimental life experiences. Gividen

(1959) observed, after giving the TSCS before and after a dangerous

army training exercise, that both the "Pass" and "Fail" groups reported

uncertainty in their self-description. The latter group was even more

so, for it showed a significant decrease in Physical Self scores and a

significant increase in T/F ratio. Ashcraft and Fitts (1964) studied

changes in subjects' TSCS scores due to psychotherapy. They reported

that those who received therapy changed direction favorably on 18 to 22

variables in comparison with the control group which reported changes

only in two variables. Fitts stated "there is considerable evidence

that people's concepts of self do change as a result of significant

experiences. The TSCS reflected these changes in predicted ways, thus

constituting additional evidence for the validity of the instrument"

(Fitts, 1965, p. 30).

Rotter's Internal-External Control Scale

Rotter's Internal-External Control Scale (I-E Scale) contains 29

forced-choice items. To make the purpose of the test more ambiguous the

scale was called a "Social Reaction Inventory" and six of the 29 items

were fillers. The subject was asked to indicate, after looking at a

pair of statements, the one he agreed with more strongly. A copy of

the Rotter Scale is given in Appendix A.

Schneider and Parsons (1970) have suggested five categories of

items easily identified in the I-E Scale.

These general categories were labeled: (1) General luck, fate
(e.g., "Many of the unhappy things in people's lives are partly
due to bad luck."); (2) Politics (e.g., "One of the major reasons
why we have wars is because people don't take enough interest in
politics."); (3) Respect (e.g., "No matter how hard you try,
some people just don't like you."); (4) Academics (e.g., "Many
times exam questions tend to be so unrelated to course work that
studying is really useless."); and (5) Leadership success (e.g.,
"Capable people who fail to become leaders have not taken advantage
of their opportunities."). (Schneider & Parsons, 1970, pp. 132-

In the Schneider and Parsons study with students from different countries,

these five categories were helpful in shedding light on additional dif-

ferences among the sample.

Mirels (1970) factor analyzed the 23 I-E items in the responses

given by 159 college male and 157 college female subjects, and he

identified two factors. He argued that

items loading high on Factor I concern the respondent's inclination
to assign greater or lesser importance to ability and hard work
than to luck and influences which determine personally relevant
outcome. . In sharp contrast, most of the items loading

high on Factor II focus on the respondent's acceptance or rejection
of the idea that a citizen can exert some control over political
and world affairs. (Mirels, 1970, pp. 227-228)

In other words, one factor had to do with an individual's personal

feeling of control over his own life and the second factor reflected

his perception of the social system as his target of control. A higher

correlation can be expected between a person's feeling of control

internalityy) and his self-concept. For the purpose of this study an

examination of possible relationships between these two factors and the

TSCS scores was made.

Rotter (1966) indicated internal consistency of the I-E Scale to

be relatively stable. The items in the test are arranged to sample

attitudes and are not ordered by level of difficulty.

Consequently, split-half reliability tends to underestimate the
internal consistency. Kuder-Richardson reliabilities are also
somewhat limited since this is a forced-choice scale in which an
attempt is made to balance alternatives so that probabilities of en-
dorsement on either alternative do not include the more extreme
splits. (Rotter, 1966, p. 10)

The test items, being additive, make internal comparison difficult. The

split reliability reported is below expectancy level ranging from .65 to

.79. Biserial item correlations for the 29 items ranged from .11 to .48

for a sample of 200 male and 200 female college students. Rotter (1966)

stated that the biserial item correlations are moderate but consistent.

Test-retest reliability for a one-month period was consistent in two

quite different samples: .71 for Colorado Reformatory prisoners and .72

for college students.

Rotter (1966) stated that the individual's attempts to better his

life condition and, consequently, to control his environment in important

life situations are perhaps the most important kind of data with which to

assess the construct validity of the I-E Scale. "The I-E Scale appears

to measure a psychological equivalent of the sociological concept of

alienation in the sense of powerlessness" (Rotter, 1966, p. 20).

Rotter referred to a study by Seeman and Evans (1962) with patients

in a tuberculosis hospital. It was found that the more alienated

patients obtained lower scores in a test designed to measure their objec-

tive knowledge of their disease. Conversely, internals knew more about

their own condition. Seeman (1963) extended his research to study a

group of reformatory inmates. He found a significant correlation between

external-internal scores and inmates information about how the reforma-

tory was run. Strickland (1965) stated that blacks active in civil

rights movements were more internal than those who were not involved

politically. Phares (1965) reported that internal subjects were more

successful in changing others' attitudes than the external subjects.

Rotter stated that a feeling of environmental control also implied

a feeling of inner control on the part of the individual. Regarding

inner control, Straits and Sechrest (1963) reported that nonsmokers are

more internal then smokers.

Other areas of construct validity investigated by Rotter were the

variables of conformity, suggestability, and independence and their

relation to locus of control. He reported that an internal individual

conforms only when he finds it beneficial to his goals. The individual

does it without yielding to external control; but, at the same time, he

is conscious of the consequences of his behavior. "The individual who

perceives that he does have control over what happens to him may conform

or may go along with suggestions when he chooses to and when he is

given a conscious alternative" (Rotter, 1966, p. 24).

Significant evidence of construct validity for the I-E Scale

evolved from predictive differences in behavior for individuals scor-

ing above and below the Scale's median. Rotter summarized the results

of studies conducted to establish the I-E Scale's construct validity

as follows:

A series of studies provides strong support that the individual
who has a strong belief that he can control his own destiny is
likely to (a) be more alert to those aspects of the environment
which provide useful information for his future behavior; (b)
take steps to improve his environmental condition; (c) place
greater value on skill or achievement reinforcements and be
generally more concerned with his ability, particularly his
failure; and (d) be resistive to subtle attempts to influence
him. (Rotter, 1966, p. 25)

Discriminant validity was implied by a low relationship between

the I-E Scale and such variables as intelligence, social desirability,

and political liberalness.

Biographic Data Sheet

The Biographic Data Sheet consisted of questions regarding the

student's sex, age, and marital status. Other questions regarding the

length of time the Ss have been in the United States and the occupation

of the parents in Cuba and in the United States as well as their educa-

tional level were asked. A copy of the Biographic Data Sheet is given

in Appendix B.

A variable measuring the subject's social position was constructed

from the information in the Biographic Data Sheet in a manner similar to

that used in The Hollingshead Two-Factor Index of Social Position

(Hollingshead, 1957). The two factors used in this study were the

father's level of education and the father's occupation in Cuba. As

has been explained before, the parent's occupation in the United States

is not a good indicator of social class for Cubans. A comparison of

occupations for the subjects' fathers indicated a shift from professional

and business occupations to manual and nonmanual occupations after the

families left Cuba. The distributions of occupations in Cuba and in

the United States are presented in Table 1. In addition, the Ss were

asked to indicate their ethnic self-perception--i.e., whether they

thought of themselves as Americans, Cubans, Cuban-Americans or belong-

ing to other ethnic groups. Tabulations of data from the Biographic Data

Sheet are presented in Appendix C.



In Cuba In United States
Occupation Number Percent Number Percent

Business 49 38.6 36 28.3

Professional 56 44.1 46 36.2

Nonmanual 5 4.0 8 6.3

Manual 9 7.1 27 21.3

Farm 8 6.2 2 1.6

Exceptions* 8* 6.3

Totals 127 100.0 127 100.0

* For those cases where the father was either still in Cuba or deceased.

Statistical Analysis

A t-test was employed in testing Hypothesis 1 to determine if

there were significant differences between the TSCS mean scores of

the Cuban students and the mean scores of a norm group of Americans

reported in the TSCS Manual (Fitts, 1965).

In testing Hypotheses 2, 3, 4, 5, and 7, Pearson's product-

moment correlation technique was applied to determine if there were

significant relationships between self-report and social class, age,

the length of time the Cuban student has resided in the United States,

grade point average, and locus of control.

Hypothesis 6 was treated by a point biserial correlation analysis

to determine if there was a relationship between self-report and sex.



The major questions proposed in this study were, Is there a

significant difference between the self-concept as measured by the

Tennessee Self Concept Scale of Cuban university students and Americans?

For Cuban students, is there a relationship between self-concept scores

and demographic and achievement variables? Is there a significant

relationship between the Cuban students' locus of control and their

scores in the Tennessee Self Concept Scale (TSCS)?

The results of this study are reported in seven sections correspond-

ing to the seven hypotheses.

Hypothesis 1

Hi: There is no significant difference between the self-concept
as measured by the TSCS of Cuban university students and the
American group used in standardizing the TSCS.

The null hypothesis to be tested is that for each of 23 TSCS mean

scores for the Cuban university students and the mean scores reported

in the TSCS Manual (Fitts, 1965) the difference in means will be zero.

The mean scores in the TSCS Manual were based on a standardization group

of 626 people representing a broad sample of all social, economic,

intellectual, and educational levels. The means and standard deviations

for the two populations and the results of t-tests for differences in

means are presented in Tables 2 and 3, respectively. Sample sizes of

the two populations were N = 127 for the Cuban subjects and N2 = 626

for the TSCS norm group.

The following TSCS scores had statistically significant mean values

for the Cuban subjects:

1. Total Positive, Behavioral Self, Family Self, Social Self, and
Row Total Variability at p < .05 and

2. Net Conflict, Judging Self, Personal Self, Total Variability,
Column Total Variability, Defensive Positive, Psychosis, and
Neurosis at p < .01.

The Self Actualization and Number of Integrative Signs scores were

not included in the comparison of means as data for these scales were

not given in the TSCS Manual. The Manual also did not present data for

the Number of Deviant Signs score as the distribution of this score was

too skewed for a meaningful mean and standard deviation.

The sign of the difference between the Cuban mean and the norm

group mean is given in Table 3 so that a sign test could be made to

determine if the Cuban students scored significantly higher or lower,

overall, on the TSCS instrument. The sign for the mean differences is

not always the algebraic sign as some of the scales are inverse scores

or are measures of less desirable traits. For these cases a plus sign

can be interpreted as a more favorable score.

Fourteen of the 23 t-values calculated were significant at the .05

level or beyond. With regard to sign, 12 of these 14 scores are positive.

The binomial probability of having m positive scores out of N trials is

N! 11N-
m! (N-m)! L2J



TSCS Variable


Self Satisfaction


Physical Self

Moral-Ethical Self

Personal Self

Family Self

Social Self

Total P

Self Criticism

Total Variability

Column Total Variability

Row Total Variability


Net Conflict

Total Conflict

T/F Ratio

Defensive Positive

General Maladjustment


Personality Disorder


Personality Integration

Cuban Students
Means SD

126.27 10.53

113.56 13.16

112.31 12.21

70.71 7.67

70.80 8.28

68.51 8.50

72.46 7.25

69.65 7.65

352.13 31.33

35.69 5.28

44.28 12.21

25.86 8.00

18.42 6.22

120.49 25.22

-0.17 13.78

30.92 9.31

1.11 0.28

59.00 11.04

97.48 9.21

49.32 6.05

75.30 10.75

86.36 10.18

9.96 3.45

TSCS Norm Group
Means SD

127.10 9.96

103.67 13.79

115.01 11.22

71.78 7.67

70.33 8.70

64.55 7.41

70.83 8.43

68.14 7.86

345.57 30.70

35.54 6.70

48.53 12.42

29.03 9.12

19.60 5.76

120.44 24.19

-4.91 13.01

30.10 8.21

1.03 0.29

54.40 12.38

98.80 9.15

46.10 6.49

76.39 11.72

84.31 11.10

10.42 3.88



Sign of Difference
TSCS Variable t-Value in Means

Identity .85

Self Satisfaction 7.42** +

Behavior 2.43*

Physical Self 1.45

Moral-Ethical Self .56 +

Personal Self 5.35** +

Family Self 2.03* +

Social Self 2.16* +

Total P 2.22* +

Self Criticism .24 +

Total Variability 3.53** +

Column Total Variability 3.64** +

Row Total Variability 2.08* +

Distribution .02 +

Net Conflict 4.07** +

Total Conflict 1.00 +

T/F Ratio 2.85** +

Defensive Positive 3.89** +

General Maladjustment .50 +

Psychosis 5.15** +

Personality Disorder .97 +

Neurosis 3.80*

Personality Integration 1.24

* p < .05 ** p < .01

For 12 positive out of 14 scores, the probability is .0056.

For all 23 scores, there were 18 of positive sign with a resultant

probability of .0040.

Overall, Hypothesis 1 can be rejected. Fourteen of the 23 TSCS

score means were significantly different compared to the norm group.

In addition, the Cuban students tended to score higher than the mean

of the norm group.

Hypothesis 2

H2: There is no significant relationship between the self-concept
as measured by the TSCS and the social class of Cuban students
in the University of Florida.

Data from Table 4 show significant, but low, positive correlations

with p < .05 between the social class variable and the self-concept

variables of Social Self (r = .206) and Defensive Positive (DP) (r = .197).

The social class variable, listed in Tables 4, 5, and 6, was based on the

Hollingshead Two-Factor Index which is an inverse measure. Hence, high

scores on this index correspond to lower levels of social status. Sub-

jects of higher social status tended to have low DP scores and low Social

Self scores. The data were subsequently computer sorted by sex and

correlations of social class with the TSCS variables are shown in Table

5 for male subjects and in Table 6 for female subjects. As mentioned

previously, the sample contained 79 males and 48 females. From the

data presented in Table 5, only the Social Self score (r = .236) had a

significant correlation with social class for males. The male DP

correlation was .209 but the p-value was beyond the p < .05 level


Grade Internal

TSCS Variable












Column Total

Row Total





























-.029 -.199*

-.037 -.066

Time in
the U.


























Locus of














TABLE 4 Continued

Grade Internal
Social Time in Point Locus of
TSCS Variable Class Age the U. S. Average Control

Distribution .062 -.103 .066 -.027 .211*

Net Conflict -.003 -.026 -.140 -.049 -.048

Total Conflict .040 -.055 -.089 -.060 -.139

T/F Ratio .061 -.036 -.074 -.034 -.029

Defensive .197* .014 -.032 -.052 .340***

General .165 -.021 .118 -.029 .392*

Psychosis .018 .049 -.108 -.042 -.061

Personality .131 .066 .037 .026 .299***

Neurosis .051 -.098 .116 -.088 .386*

Personality -.049 -.014 .123 .158 -.017

Number of -.053 -.039 -.081 -.087 -.201*
Deviant Signs

Number of .078 -.002 .031 .054 .169
Self .041 -.005 .027 .113 .231**

p < .05
** p < .01
*** p < .001



Grade Internal
Social Time in Point Locus of

TSCS Variable












Column Total

Row Total






























the U.S.







































-.060 -.247


TABLE 5 Continued

Grade Internal
Social Time in Point Locus of
TSCS Variable Class Age the U.S. Average Control

Distribution .141 -.165 -.001 -.040 .254

Net Conflict .006 -.031 -.190 -.042 -.192

Total Conflict .176 -.029 -.133 -.105 -.184

T/F Ratio .008 -.042 -.134 .006 -.184

Defensive .209 .040 -.016 .045 .431
General .185 -.055 .132 .015 .538

Psychosis -.084 -.004 -.082 .097 -.081

Personality .160 .084 .030 .070 .401
Neurosis .034 -.147 .149 -.058 .502

Personality -.036 .016 .301 .200 .008
Number of .010 -.017 -.160 -.104 -.290
Deviant Signs

Number of .069 -.040 .156 .139 .436

Self .048 -.019 .166 .129 .385

p < .05

** p < .01

*** p < .001


Grade Internal
Social Time in Point Locus of

TSCS Variable Class












Column Total

Row Total




























the U.S.










































TABLE 6 Continued

Grade Internal
Social Time in Point Locus of
TSCS Variable Class Age the U.S. Average Control

Distribution -.047 .092 .169 .010 .179

Net Conflict -.014 .023 -.083 -.041 .157

Total Conflict -.212 -.125 -.014 .016 -.036

T/F Ratio .017 -.008 -.007 -.067 .187

Defensive .179 -.046 -.054 -.192 .173

General .136 .092 .104 -.080 .163

Psychosis .129 -.172 -.143 -.184 -.053

Personality .090 .117 .069 -.006 .153

Neurosis .080 .071 .075 -.124 .174

Personality -.068 -.088 -.129 .104 -.214

Number of -.169 -.109 .050 -.061 -.008
Deviant Signs

Number of .048 -.133 -.164 -.068 -.362

Self .029 .021 -.211 .086 -.108

p < .05

** p < .01
*** p < .001

(p = .061). Table 6 shows that there is no significant correlation

between any TSCS variable and social class for females.

Hypothesis 2 was accepted, as stated, except for the TSCS

variables of Social Self and Defensive Positive.

Hypothesis 3

H3: There is no significant relationship between the self-concept
as measured by the TSCS and the age of Cuban students in the
University of Florida.

Correlation coefficients are presented in Table 4 for the age

variable. No significant relationships were found for any of the 26

TSCS scores. Likewise, for the male subjects, Table 5 shows that no

significant relationships were found between age and the TSCS variables.

For female subjects, Table 6 only shows a significant relationship be-

tween age and Self Criticism (r = .346, p < .05). The corresponding

correlations from the total group and the males for Self Criticism were

r = -.041 (p = .649) and r = -.162 (p = .149), respectively.

Hypothesis 3 was accepted with the exception of the TSCS variable

of Self Criticism.

Hypothesis 4

H4: There is no significant relationship between the self-concept
as measured by the TSCS and the length of time Cuban students
have resided in the United States.

Only one significant correlation was found between the time in the

U. S. variable and the TSCS scores and that correlation is low and

negative. Table 4 shows the correlation between time in the U. S. and

Row Total Variability for the total group of r = -.199 (p < .05). With

regard to sex, only the male group had a significant correlation for Row

Total Variability (r = -.246, p < .05). The correlation for females was

also negative, but was not significant.

Hypothesis 4 was accepted except for the Row Total Variability


Hypothesis 5

H5: There is no significant relationship between the self-concept
as measured by the TSCS and the average academic achievement
as measured by the grade point average (GPA) of Cuban students
in the University of Florida.

No significant correlations were found between GPA and the 26 TSCS

variables as shown in Table 4. For the female group, as indicated in

Table 6, there were also no significant correlations. Only one TSCS

variable, Total Variability, correlated significantly (r = -.226,

p < .05) for the male group.

Hypotheses 5 was accepted as stated.

Hypothesis 6

H6: There is no significant relationship between the self-concept
as measured by the TSCS and the sex of Cuban Students in the
University of Florida.

In computing the biserial correlation coefficients, the sex variable

was arbitrarily assigned as zero for females and one for the male

subjects. Hence, a negative correlation indicates a tendency for the

females to score higher than males for some particular TSCS variable

and, likewise, a positive correlation would indicate a tendency for males

to score higher.

Biserial correlation coefficients between the variable sex and the

26 TSCS variables are presented in Table 7. Three significant correla-

tions were found with the following variables: Moral-Ethical Self,

r = -.251 (p < .01); Distribution, r = -.187 (p < .05); and Personality

Disorder, r = -.218 (p < .05).

Hypothesis 6 was accepted with the exception of the TSCS variables

of Moral-Ethical Self, Distribution, and Personality Disorder.

Hypothesis 7

Internal Locus of Control

H7: There is no significant relationship between the self-concept
as measured by the TSCS and the internal and external locus
of control as measured by Rotter's Internal-External Locus
of Control Scale of Cuban students in the University of

The locus of control variable had significant correlations with 18

of 26 TSCS variables as shown in Table 4. The correlations given in

Tables 4, 5, and 6, are presented for the internal locus of control

score. On Rotter's Locus of Control Scale, the subject is forced to

choose between two answers, representing the internal and the external

choices. Hence, Pearson product-moment correlations between internal

locus of control and a TSCS variable will be equal to the negative of

the correlation between external locus of control and a TSCS variable.

The following TSCS variables were found to be significantly and positively

correlated to internal locus of control:

1. Total Positive, Identity, Behavior, Physical Self, Personal
Self, Family Self, Defensive Positive, General Maladjustment,
Personality Disorder and Neurosis at p < .001;


Biserial Biserial
Correlation Correlation
TSCS Variable Coefficients TSCS Variable Coefficients

Identity -.163 Distribution -.187

Self -.154 Net Conflict -.140

Behavior -.091 Total Conflict -.035

Physical -.044 T/F Ratio -.078

Moral-Ethical -.251 Defensive -.023
Self Positive

Personal -.066 General -.073
Self Maladjustment

Family -.135 Psychosis .093

Social -.109 Personality -.218*
Self Disorder

Total -.155 Neurosis -.094

Self -.116 Personality -.014
Criticism Integration

Total .055 Number of .002
Variability Deviant Signs

Column Total .004 Number of -.029
Variability Integrative Signs

Row Total .100 Self .045


* p < .05

** p < .01


2. Self Actualization, Self Satisfaction, Moral-Ethical Self and
Social Self at p < .01: and

3. Self Criticism and Distribution at p < .05.

Two TSCS variables, Column Total Variability and the Number of

Deviant Signs (NDS), were negatively correlated at the p < .05 level.

For these two scores, however, a high score was undesirable so the

correlations can be viewed as positive correlations between internal

locus of control and favorable traits.

When the data were examined by sex in Tables 5 and 6, similar

significant correlations were found for the male group but not for the

females. The Number of Integrative Signs (NIS) score was positively

correlated for the male group with r = .437 (p < .001) and negatively

correlated for females with r = -.362 (p < .01), but was not significantly

correlated for the entire group of 127 subjects. As in the case of the

total group, the male group had significant negative correlations between

internal locus of control and the Column Total Variability and Number

of Deviant Signs. These two variables did not show significant correla-

tions with internal locus of control for the female group but the cor-

relations were of the same sign as for the male and total groups.

Hypothesis 7 was rejected overall since the majority of the TSCS

variables were significantly correlated with internal locus of control.

Factors I and II

Factor analysis of Rotter's Locus of Control Scale was performed

by Mirels (1970) who identified two factors. The items which formed

Factors I and II are presented in Appendix A. Following Alvarez (1971)

for comparison purposes, the Factor I and II scores consisted of those

items in Rotter's Scale for which Mirels found loadings of .30 or

greater. Direct comparability between the results for male and female

subjects was limited as the items, as well as the total number of

items, constituting Factors I and II differed between the sexes.

Pearson's product-moment correlation coefficients between Factors I

and II and the 26 TSCS variables are presented in Table 8. The scores

for the two factors are based on the internal locus of control choices.

For the male group, the TSCS scores which had significant correla-

tions with the total internal locus of control score were also found to

be significantly correlated with Factor I with only exceptions for

Social Self (p = .088) and for Distribution (p = .059) which are just

beyond the p < .05 cutoff for significance. For the female group the

only significant correlation found with Factor I was the NIS score for

which r = -.291 with p < .05.

The significant correlations, all at the p < .05 level, were found

for the males between Factor II and the variables: NIS, r = .234; Total

Variability, r = -.259; and Row Total Variability, r = -.227. For the

females, no significant correlations were found between Factor II and

any of the TSCS variables.

Comparison With American Students

Comparisons of the locus of control scores between the Cuban

subjects of this study and an American group are presented in Tables 9

for males and 10 for females. The data for the American group were taken

from Rotter's original article (1966, p. 26). His sample consisted of

575 male and 605 female Ohio State University students in elementary



Males Females
TSCS Variable Factor I Factor II Factor I Factor II

Identity .339** .156 .017 .173

Self .383*** .076 .015 .006

Behavior .435*** .212 .148 .052

Physical .354* .101 .017 .069

Moral-Ethical .360** .184 .035 .161

Personal .445*** .147 .094 .086

Family .361** .090 .111 -.131

Social .191 .132 .022 .112

Total .451*** .173 .066 .077

Self -.319** -.134 -.064 .192

Total -.185 -.259* -.089 .002

Column Total -.225* -.213 -.083 .018

Row Total -.077 -.226* -.071 -.022

TABLE 8 Continued

Males Females
TSCS Variable Factor I Factor II Factor I Factor II

Distribution .211 -.091 .015 .167

Net Conflict -.210 -.127 .277 -.002

Total Conflict -.153 -.174 -.070 .196

T/F Ratio .137 .098 .121 .071

Defensive .370 .157 .237 -.113
General .436 .213 .079 .078

Psychosis -.057 .011 .189 -.200

Personality .397 .122 .014 .048

Neurosis .423 .149 .046 .167

Personality -.010 .170 -.176 .021

Number of -.267 -.140 .075 -.077
Deviant Signs
*** *
Number of .405 .234 -.292 -.172
Integrative Signs
Self .349 .205 -.114 .002

p < .05

** p < .01

*** p < .001


psychology courses. The internal score was used in calculating correla-

tions with TSCS variables but for purposes of comparison with Rotter's

work, the external locus of control score was used in Tables 9 and 10.

The mean external scores for the males and females in the Cuban

group were 9.29 (SD = 4.82) and 9.77 (SD = 4.33), respectively. For

Rotter's American university student sample the means were 8.15 (SD =

3.88) for the males and 8.42 (SD = 4.06) for the females.

Based upon the Kolmogorov-Smirnov Two Sample Test, the differences

in the cumulative distributions in Tables 9 and 10 are not significant.



External Locus Cuban Males* American Males**
of Control Score Frequency Cum. % Frequency Cum. %

* N = 79; Mean =
** N =575: Mean =














































= 4.82
= 3.88

0 100.00

1 100.00

1 99.83

4 99.65

10 98.96

10 97.22

10 95.48

15 93.74

31 91.13

32 85.74

32 80.17

49 74.61

53 66.09

73 56.87

52 44.17

52 35.13

41 26.09

43 18.96

29 11.48

22 6.43

10 2.61

5 0.87




External Locus Cuban Females* American Females**
Of Control Score Frequency Cum. % Frequency Cum. %

N = 48; Mean =
N =605; Mean =

0 100.00

0 100.00

0 100.00

3 100.00

2 93.75

0 93.75

2 89.58

4 85.42

4 77.08

3 68.75

1 62.50

3 60.42

3 54.17

6 47.92

4 35.42

5 27.08

5 16.67

1 6.25

0 6.25

2 4.17

0 0.00

0 0.00

9.77; SD = 4.33
8.42; SD = 4.06

1 100.00

1 99.83

3 99.67

7 99.17

10 98.02

8 96.36

17 95.04

23 92.23

37 88.43

31 82.31

42 77.19

42 70.25

64 63.31

53 52.73

50 43.97

66 35.70

37 24.79

42 18.68

37 11.74

22 5.62

8 1.98

4 0.66



This study has investigated seven hypotheses in order to examine

possible relationships between selected psychosocial variables and the

self-report of a group of Cuban students in the University of Florida.

The discussion in this chapter is presented by individual hypotheses

following the order used in Chapter IV.

Hypothesis 1

Hl: There is no significant relationship between the self-concept
as measured by the Tennessee Self Concept Scale (TSCS) of
Cuban university students and the American group used in
standardizing the TSCS.

Of the 23 measures of self-concept investigated in this study,

fourteen were related to the ethnic variables. The Total Positive score

which measures overall feelings of self-esteem and self-worth was signif-

icantly higher for the Cuban group than for the norm group. Healey and

DeBlassie (1974) found similar results with a Spanish-American group

scoring higher than an Anglo group. The data for the Cuban student group

indicated that the Defensive Positive score, a subtle measure of defen-

siveness, was significantly higher for the Cuban group than for the norm

group. Healey and DeBlassie (1974) also found significantly higher

Defensive Positive scores for Spanish-American and Negro students than

for the Anglo group. Williams and Byars (1968) also indicated that

Negro subjects scored significantly higher on the DP scale than

Caucasian subjects. They concluded that the increase in feelings

of self-respect and the refusal to admit derogatory statements about

themselves may be a result of the civil rights movements. Cubans,

like blacks and Mexican-Americans, are also clinging to their ethnic

roots to maintain a sense of identity, and may also be reluctant to

disclose negative information about their group.

In the scores dealing with the different aspects of the self

from an internal frame of reference, Cubans scored significantly lower

in the Behavior score which deals with the individual's perception of

his own behavior or the way he functions. On the other hand, Cubans

scored significantly higher in the Self Satisfaction score which is a

measure of their feelings of self-worth, self-confidence and self-

acceptance. Fitts (1965) mentioned that it is possible for an individual

to have a low opinion of himself as indicated by the Identity score or

the Behavior score and yet have a significant, high Self Satisfaction

score. It could be argued that being in a university setting, where a

high degree of competition prevails, may lower the individual's percep-

tion of his behavior in relation to others. At the same time, higher

education may offer opportunities for the Cuban students to find a higher

level of self-satisfaction than those of the norm group. Also, Fitts

(1972) reported significantly higher Self Satisfaction scores for

college students which indicated a higher level of self-acceptance than

for the norm group.

Of the five scores measuring the self from a subject's external

frame of reference, the Personal Self, the Family Self and the Social

Self scores yielded significantly higher scores for the Cuban subjects

than for the norm group. The Personal Self score deals with feelings

of personal worth, self-respect and confidence. The Family Self score

describes the nature of an individual's relationship with his primary

group and his sense of adequacy as a family member. Kluckhohn (1967,

p. 242), discussing the rate of acculturation of Italians and Spanish-

Americans, reported that Italians exhibited a degree of successful

adjustment in proportion to the length of time the collateral family

ties are maintained. This finding can be extended for a better under-

standing of cultural values of Cuban students since the Cuban culture

emphasizes close-knit family ties, not only within the nuclear family,

but also among other relatives such as grandparents, aunts, uncles,

first, second and even third cousins who are considered part of one's

family. It is not unusual to find Cuban households where three genera-

tions live under the same roof. Lowry Nelson, who did a study on Cuba,

contended that:

Family ties are strong, there is much sharing of resources, and
general assumption of responsibility one for another. When a
member of a family loses a job or money, the other members--
father, brothers, or sister--will be expected to come to the
rescue. The family definitely would lose caste if a member
were to go hungry or be compelled to ask for charity. Similarly,
if a member of a family obtains wealth or high position, he is
expected to spread the benefits among his relatives. If one
achieves a high government office, for example, it is expected
that he will use his authority to have his relatives appointed
to good positions. Nepotism is not condemned; it is the general
practice. (Nelson, 1950, p. 184)

Another category of the external frame of reference for which the

Cuban subjects exhibited significantly higher scores than the norm was

the Social Self score which deals with one's sense of adequacy or worth

in relationships with people in general. This score, together with

significantly higher Total Positive, Personal Self, and Self Satisfaction

scores, reflects an above average level of self-esteem for this group

which can be somewhat confounded by a significantly higher Defensive

Positive score which denotes a subtle degree of reluctance to disclose

derogatory information. In addition, the Cuban group yielded signifi-

cantly lower Variability scores than the norm group. The three Vari-

ability scores, which denote inconsistencies from one area of self-

perception to another, are called the Column Total Variability, the Row

Total Variability, and the Total Variability scores. Therefore, low Var-

iability scores are favorable since they indicate higher uniformity in

the individual's self-perception. Fitts (1972) reported several studies

using the TSCS which found college students to have below average

Variability scores, a feature also characteristic of adult normal

subjects. Cuban college students, as stated previously, have followed

the same pattern.

In conclusion, the Cuban group also exhibited higher Psychosis

and Neurosis scale scores. These scales differentiate psychotic and

neurotic patients from the normal population. Fitts (1972, p. 40)

stated that although these scores "are usually interpreted as signs of

maladjustment, it may be that the meaning of these scores should be

adjusted and reinterpreted for certain groups. . We can consider

the possibility that semantic factors or differences in values influenced

the scores." Therefore, the possibility must be acknowledged that

cultural bias may have influenced the way that Cuban students responded

to certain items in the questionnaire since the TSCS has not been

validated in the Cuban population.

Hypothesis 2

R2: There is no significant relationship between the self-concept
as measured by the TSCS and the social class of Cuban students
in the University of Florida.

To determine the social class of Cuban students is a difficult task.

The parents' occupation in Cuba and their level of education seemed to

be the most accurate measures, although in so doing, this study failed

to take into account those parents who attained a higher level of social

class in the United States than they had in Cuba.

In Chapter II the investigator discussed the reasons why Cubans

emigrated to the United States. It was stated that this group was not

pushed out of their country due to economic disadvantages but pulled to

the United States for political reasons which they found oppressive.

Although most Cubans were penniless when they first arrived in the United

States, those belonging to professional classes have, in most cases, been

able to restore their social position as a result of their labors in the

United States rather than their ascribed status in Cuba. For other

Cubans, unable to make a good living in Cuba, living in the United States

made available to them business opportunities which were not open to them

in Cuba and a greater probability of attaining a higher educational level.

For this group, social status increased after entry into the United


In this study's sample there predominated a pattern of decline in

social class after entry into the United States as shown in Table 1. This

decline in social class may somewhat affect how the student viewed his

social life.

Indeed the lower the former socioeconomic status of an exile
family, the higher the degree of its children's desires of
identification with the American society. This phenomenon
could be a result of the children's inherent social insecurity
and, possibly, to their need for a national identity, factors
which in many exile youngsters create a desire to discard
their Cuban characteristics and join as quickly as possible
the multi-national American society. (Psycho-social dynamics
in Miami, 1969, p. 96)

This study found that male students from low social status families

in Cuba scored higher in the Social Self score which measures a sense

of adequacy or worth in relationships with people in general. It was

hypothesized that this group of students may have experienced a lower

relative loss when forced to leave their country than those belonging to

higher socioeconomic classes. Therefore, they are more prompt to merge

into the American society and are more ready to accept its values which

can affect the way in which they perceive their relation with others.

They may feel that they have better opportunities to achieve social

status in the United States through the attainment of higher education

than they had in Cuba.

On the other hand, male students belonging to higher social status

portrayed themselves in this study as being less defensive than their

lower status peers. It can only be speculated that these higher status

male students may feel more secure and are more apt to disclose negative

information about themselves than their peers.

Overall, social position was found not to influence the way the

Cuban student perceived himself. Since no significant correlations were

found between the other 24 TSCS variables and social class, the null

hypothesis was accepted.

Hypothesis 3

H : There is no significant relationship between the self-concept
as measured by the TSCS and the age of Cuban students in the
University of Florida.

The findings supported the hypothesis with the exception of a

significant relationship found between age and the Self Criticism score

for the female subjects. In this study there was not a large distribu-

tion of ages. The female ages ranged from 17 to 28 years with a mean

age of 22.0 and a standard deviation of 2.3 years. The male group were

in the 17 to 38 age group with a mean age of 22.6 and a standard deviation

of 3.7 years.

Older males tended to score lower in Self Criticism scores than did

older females. Lower Self Criticism scores for the males may have indi-

cated a resistance on the part of the Cuban male to report any weaknesses,

while females, as they grow older, may be more open to disclose informa-

tion. Similar results were obtained by Williams and Byars (1968) who

have reported the Negro Male to be more defensive in his self-report than

the Caucasian male and the Negro female.

Hypothesis 4

H : There is no significant relationship between the self-concept
as measured by the TSCS and the length of time Cuban students
have resided in the United States.

Although a significant correlation was found for the TSCS score of

Row Total Variability, the correlation was only -.199 (p < .05).

After taking into account that low Variability scores are measures

of consistency in the way an individual perceives himself, the inference

could be made that those students who have been in the United States for

a long period of time will tend to have a clearer perception in

different dimensions of their self-report. By residing in the United

States for a long period of time, they may have a more thorough adjust-

ment into the American culture then the more recent arrivals. Other

factors, not subjected to investigation in this study, may have influ-

enced the Cuban students' scores.

The distribution of the residence times in the United States was

presented in Table 11. The mean time in the United States was 11.4

years. From Table 11 it can be seen that 52 percent of the subjects

have resided in the United States for 13 or more years.

Hypothesis 5

H5: There is no significant relationship between the self-concept
as measured by the TSCS and the average academic achievement
as measured by the grade point average (GPA) of Cuban students
in the University of Florida.

This study provided no support for a relationship between self-

concept and academic achievement. For the entire group of subjects, the

highest correlation found among the 26 TSCS variables, although still

not significant, was between the GPA and the Personality Integration (PI)

scale for which r = .158 with p = .072. The corresponding correlations

between GPA and the PI scale for males and females were r = .200 and

r = .104, respectively. The results for the Cuban student group were in

agreement with Fitts's proposal (1972) that the PI scale should produce

the highest correlation of any TSCS variable with the GPA because the

more integrated individuals tend to make more efficient use of their




Time (years)


















Totals 127

















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