• TABLE OF CONTENTS
HIDE
 Title Page
 Acknowledgement
 Table of Contents
 List of Tables
 Problem
 Method
 Results
 Discussion and conclusions
 Summary
 Appendix
 References
 Biographical sketch














Group Title: congruence of past and ideal self concepts in the aging male
Title: The congruence of past and ideal self concepts in the aging male
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Title: The congruence of past and ideal self concepts in the aging male
Alternate Title: Aging male, Congruence of past
Physical Description: vi, 51, 1 leaves : illus. ; 28 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Dimmitt, J. Sterling, 1925-
Publication Date: 1959
Copyright Date: 1959
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Subject: Self   ( lcsh )
Gerontology   ( lcsh )
Human beings   ( lcsh )
Psychology thesis Ph. D   ( lcsh )
Dissertations, Academic -- Psychology -- UF   ( lcsh )
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Thesis: Thesis - University of Florida.
Bibliography: Bibliography: leaves 47-50.
Additional Physical Form: Also available on World Wide Web
General Note: Manuscript copy.
General Note: Vita.
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Bibliographic ID: UF00098000
Volume ID: VID00001
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: alephbibnum - 000568409
oclc - 13656399
notis - ACZ5143

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Table of Contents
    Title Page
        Title Page
    Acknowledgement
        Page iii
        Page iv
    Table of Contents
        Page v
    List of Tables
        Page vi
    Problem
        Page 1
        Page 2
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
    Method
        Page 12
        Page 13
        Page 14
        Page 15
        Page 16
        Page 17
        Page 18
        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
        Page 22
    Results
        Page 23
        Page 24
        Page 25
        Page 26
        Page 27
        Page 28
        Page 29
    Discussion and conclusions
        Page 30
        Page 31
        Page 32
        Page 33
        Page 34
        Page 35
        Page 36
    Summary
        Page 37
        Page 38
        Page 39
        Page 40
        Page 41
    Appendix
        Page 42
        Page 43
        Page 44
        Page 45
        Page 46
    References
        Page 47
        Page 48
        Page 49
        Page 50
    Biographical sketch
        Page 51
        Page 52
        Page 53
Full Text











THE CONGRUENCE OF PAST AND IDEAL

SELF CONCEPTS IN THE AGING MALE












By
J STEkLING DIMMITT












.1 [*I -ITiiril.:., P, LE iLD TO Ti-F GRADUATE COUNCIL OF
T"E I.'tl.ERSITY OF FLORIDA
IN PF.J.FTIL Fi.I.FILI Mi T OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE
DLIftLEE F O.)CTOR OF PHILOSOPHY


UNi\'ERSIT- OF FLORIDA
u,. n r. 1959












ACKNOWLEDGMENTS


I should like to express my gratitude to my chairman, Dr. Justin

E. Harlow, not only for his assistance with this study, but also for the

encouragement he has given me throughout my doctoral program. In

many ways Dr. Harlow has served to guide me toward professional

identity as a clinical psychologist. For providing me with a model, I

shall always be deeply indebted to him.

I should like also to offer my sincere gratefulness to the other

members of my committee. Dr. Richard J. Anderson gave me gener-

ous help with the statistical operations in this study. And, he gave me

the benefit of his breadth of knowledge and scholarship in the interpre-

tation of the results. Dr. Dorothy A. Rethlingshafer shared with me

her research wisdom, thus allowing me to avoid the pitfalls of an in-

adequate research design and procedure. To Dr. Elmer D. Hinckley,

for replacing a committee member at the last hour of my work, I ex-

press my sincere appreciation. And finally, for the generous support

that Dr, Theodore Landsman has given me during the formulation and

pursuit of my research, I offer my heartfelt thanks.

Dr. Will A. Justiss, Director of the Moosehaven Research Labora-

tory, was very helpfid in arranging for my use of the facilities there. I

am also indebted to the Loyal Order of Moose Fraternity for granting me


iii & k









the privilege of woricing at Moosehaven and using their members as

subjects.

I should like to acknowledge my debt to Mr. Carroll M. Wright

for his cooperation in allowing me to obtain subjects at the Memorial

Home Community. Miss Ethyl Ml. Neelands, one of the residents at

this community), merits special acknowledgment for her very able

assistance in contacting subjects and setting up testing sessions.

I am particularly grateful to those persons who served as subjects

in this study. Their generosity, interest, and helpfulness will always

be remembered.

In closing I should like ta acknowledge those "behind the scenes. "

My wife, Joan, and my daughter, Michele, are deserving of my highest

praise and gratefulness as they have borne the brunt of rather severe

neglect and have yet reirained sympathetic and understanding during

the long months of this research.













TABLE OF CONTENTS



Page

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS .................................. iii

LIST OF TABLES ....................................... vi

CHAPTER

I PROBLEM ......................................... 1

II METHOD........................................... 12

HI RESULTS ................. .......................... 23

IV DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS ..................... 30

V SUMMARY ............. ............................ 37

APPENDIX .......................... ............................ 42

REFERENCES ................................ ............ 47

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ................................. 51













LIST OF TABLES


LBLE Page

I. t Tests Between Past Self Concept and Ideal Self

Concept Means For Groups E and Cy and Between

Adolescent Self Concept and Ideal Self Concept

leans For Group Ca ................. 25

2. t Test Between the Past-Ideal Self Concept Differ-

ence Score Means of Gote E and Cy . . . .. 27

3. t Teats Between the Adolescent-Ideal Self Concept

Difference Score Mean of Ca and the Past-Ideal

Self Concept Difference Score Means of E and Cy 28












CHAPTER I

PROBLEM


It is a part of the normal life cycle to age. Thus, scientific

inquiry into the process of aging becomes important as it contributes

to our knowledge of life as a whole. Basic research has not been the

greatest impetus for the study of the aging, however. Stimulation has

come principally from social need. With regard to this need three

major factors seem to be prominent determiners. The first of these

is the increased longevity of people due to improved medical and health

practices. The second factor has resulted from the first. Increased

longevity changed the character of our population from one largely com-

posed of the younger and middle ages to one heavily weighted by aging

persons. Social change has produced the third factor. It has become

accepted as a norm of our society that persons of 65 should retire. The

retiree comes from some 40 or more years of work, where the job de-

fined what he did, to a situation of leisure where activities must be

initiated by the person himself. Social problems were a natural conse-

quence of these factors, and science has been enlisted to help with their

solution.

Psychology, in no small way, has risen to meet the social need.

Psychologists are contributing to knowledge of the aging through the use











of their special skills in studying learning, motivation, psychomotor

abilities, intelligence, and personality. The area of personality in-

vestigation has been the one which seems to be receiving the major

emphasis at the present time. Most of the research effort with regard

to the personality of the aging has been concentrated on the personal ad-

justment of the aging person. As a case in point, the title "Personal

and Social Adjustment" defined a principal segment of interest at a

recent conference on psychological research in aging (Anderson, 1956).

This orientation seems to stem from the practical need for arriving at a

formula for successful aging.

With regard to most research on the personality of the aging, the

study to be presented here seemed to be less practical in orientation. In

essence, the present study attempted to relate the aging person's involve-

ment with the past to a certain hypothetical level of personality organi-

zation.

There are several vantage points from which personality organi-

zation may be studied. Important among these is that one emphasized by

Theorists such as Rogers (1951) and Snygg and Combs (1949). These

Iriste see as significant data the person's own self descriptions. Rog-

*W lOroup, using methodology ensuing from the Q-sort technique of

slipenson and following the implications of Rairny's study (Raimy, 1948)

of Laage in self with sueehsful psychotherapy, has done pioneer research

IO this point of view.











The concepts and research techniques of self theorists and

researchers were depended upon rather heavily in the present study.

This dependency may be clarified by the following history.

Theorizing about the self which is pertinent to psychology be-

gan with William James (1890). His chapter on self in the Principles

is considered a classic in self theory. And rightly so, as every self

theorist following James has been influenced by him either indirectly

or directly.

James thought of the self as a summation of everything which a

person saw as belonging to him. He distinguished such aspects of the

self as a material self, a social self, a spiritual self, and a pure ego.

The spark of James' self theory failed to kindle a flame, how-

ever, as psychology had turned to the investigation of phenomena that

could better be studied within the rigorous context of scientific method-

ology. The self was not the proper subject matter of the psychology of

the time as it could not be discovered through introspection. Neverthe-

less, the spark continued to glow. Calkins (1900, 1915) fanned it

Sgorously and, with somewhat less vigor, so did Knight Dunlap (1914)

)id the karly social psychologist, James Mark Baldwin (1906).

JMead (1934), gathering strength from the teachings of Cooley,

414d on and contributed to the continuity of self theory during the days of

.#tivioriam. His ideas. ticularly those which concerned the social ori-

of the self, have be .Are influential with regard to recent theory.
E"











In his presidential address to the Eastern Psychological

Association, Gordon Allport (1943) probably did much toward elevating

the station of self as a concept. Although Allport's paper was con-

cerned with ego, some of the meanings that he attributed to this con-

struct are now seen as being the province of the self. A direct result

of Allport's paper was the theorizing of Chein (1944). This theorist,

in his attempt to reconcile some of the conflicting meanings of ego

listed by Allport, distinguished between a self and an ego. He defined

the self as a "content of awareness" around which a "cognitive-motiva-

tional" structure (the ego) was built.

It has actually been within the past decade that the concept of self

has been significantly revived as a productive construct. Outstanding in

this revival have been the contributions of Snygg and Combs (1949) and

Rogers (1951). These self theorists have had an impact not only on

psychology, but also on education, the ministry, medicine, nursing, and

industry.

As Hall and Lindzey (1957, p. 468) pointed up in their chapter on

Rogers' theory, the self in its contemporary usage has come to have two

distinct connotations. It can refer to a person's beliefs about himself,

or it can refer to a constellation of psychological processes governing

behavior.

Recent theory (Rogers, 1951, p. 498) holds that beliefs about one's

self develop from contact with other persons. To use the language of










communication theorists, the self is a product of a person's interpre-

tation of the feedback of his interpersonal behavior. Some theorists,

for example, Jourard (1958, Ch. 9), conceptualize the active agent

which does the interpreting as the ego. Thus, the ego is seen as the

agent which constructs the self. As the individual's behavior in rela-

tion to others is fed back to him, the ego selects and assimilates the

self.

Within the hypothetical structure of the self two constructs that

theorists have found useful are the self concept and the ideal self con-

cept. Snygg and Combs (1949) and Rogers (1951) made much use of

the former. The latter gained impetus through the research of Rogers

and his colleagues (1954). In the present study the self concept, defined

in terms of the data that contribute to it, consists of an individual's

description of the way he is; and the ideal self concept, defined in a like

manner, consists of an individual's description of the way he would like

to be. When looked at in this fashion a certain characteristic of these

constructs stands out. This characteristic is that of temporality. The

self concept is concerned with the present and the ideal self concept with

the future. This was an interesting observation, especially in light of

the relatively recent contributions of existential psychoanalysis (May,

Angel, and Ellenberger, 1958). Existential analysts have been struck

by their clinical finding that the most stirring human experiences, such

as joy, fear, depression, anxiety, occur more significantly in the











dimension of time than that of space. As a consequence they placed

time in the center of the psychological picture. Time was studied not

as an analogy to space (clock time), but as it related to the subjective

time of one's inner experience.

Ellenberger (1958, p. 104) held that the most immediate experi-

ence of time is the "flowing of life. lH said,

Flowing time is automatically structured in the ir:. versaile
sequence of past, present, and future, each of them being
experienced in a basically different way. Present is the
'constantly now'; past is what 'leaves us, although it remains
more or less accessible to memory; future is that toward
which we are going and is more or less open to previewing
and planning.

Considering the definitions of the self concept and ideal self

concept presented above and the contributions of existential theorists, it

seemed logical to add another construct to the self structure in order to

complete a temporal frame of reference. A past self concept was postu-

la:'.. It was defined by the data that contributed to It as consisting of

the individual's description of the way he used to be. As memory is

significantly involved in the description of one's past, the research con-

tinuity of motivated memory (Meltzer, 1930; Gilbert, 1938; Osgood, 1953)

seemed to be important in connection with this construct.

In an attempt to bring together the preceding information before

going into the actual problem of the present study, the following sum-

mary is presented: the present investigator held with recent theorists

that valid personality data may be derived from the individual's own











self description. As it is conceived in the present study, such data

contribute to our knowledge of one level of personality, namely the

level that Leary (1957) has called "conscious communication. The

hypothetical self structure is seen as the constituent of this level. The

self structure consists of the self concept, the ideal self concept, and

the past self concept. Their most salient characteristic is that of

temporality. These constructs are directly concerned with the indi-

vidual's description of himself in relation to perceived time.

In summarizing the proceedings of a recent national conference

concerned with research planning in aging, Anderson (1956, pp 283-284)

noted that a number of conferees emphasized the need for studies inves-

tigating the self of the aging person. A survey of the literature and of

proposed studies registered with the Bio-Sciences Research Exchange

showed that such an emphasis was indicated as there were found only

four studies which were directly concerned with the self of the older

person. Following is a brief review of these studies.

Through the use of a self concept questionnaire technique, Mason

(1956) found that economic conditions were significant factors in the

feelings of self-worth of the aging person. She studied an indigent, in-

stitutionalized group and a middle class, independent group of aging

persons. A young group was used as a control along the age dimension.

The indigent, institutionalized group had significantly more negative

feelings regarding self-worth than did the independent group. The latter












viewed self-worth more negatively than the young controls.

In a study designed to answer the question, "How do people of

different ages classify themselves with respect to broad age categories?"

Tucknan and Lorge (1954) asked groups of persons varying in ages from

slightly below 20 through the 80's to circle whether they considered

themselves young, middle-aged, or old. Most every respondent below

30 saw himself as young. Less than 1 per cent of those between 30 and

59 classified themselves as old. Up to the age of 59, there was a steady

increase in the percentage of people classifying themselves as middle-

aged and a corresponding decrease in the percentage of "young" classi-

fications. Persons in their sixties and seventies primarily classified

themselves as middle-aged and young. About half of the subjects 80

and over saw themselves as old. The investigators held that their

findings supported the notion that age classification is a function of the

person's self concept. One generalization that seemed appropriate from

this study was that aging people tend to hold on to the picture of themselves

as younger than they actually are for as long as possible.

The third study which touched on the self of the aging person was

directed toward establishing a relationship between anxiety over retire-

ment and the self concept of the aging individual (Walter, 1956). Using

a modified version of the index of Adjustment and Values as a measure

of self concept, and measuring anxiety over retirement with a scale

which was tailored for this study, Walter found that those individuals











who have positive self concepts were not nearly so anxious over im-

pending retirement as those with negative self concepts.

The only study directly relevant to the present investigation was

referred to by Peck (1956, p 53). It was relevant in that the concept

"past self" was used. Peck mentioned a study being done by the Kansas

City Studyl group which was attempting to assess the amount of dis-

crepancy between the aging person's perceived present self and per-

ceived past self. Through personal correspondence with Dr. Bernice

Neugarten (1958), a member of the Kansas City Study team, the present

investigator found that their approach to this assessment took the form

of a single question. They asked aging persons, "How have you changed

most in the past ten years?" Dr. Neugarten stated that the responses

elicited from this question had not been systematically analyzed. It

was her impression, however, that the responses were relatively flat;

that is, they were stereotyped to the point of being uninformative.

Though no research has concerned itself with the problem of the

present study, Haire (1950, p. 55) has made a succinct statement of this

problem. While addressing himself to the topic of the aging in an indus-

trial society, he said,

We base our thinking for the most part on studies and theory
made up from experience with the adolescent and the early



IThe Kansas City Study of Adult Life is being conducted by the
Committee on Human Development of the University of Chicago.










middle aged. What happens to the need for achievement in
older people when the time for achievement is clearly much
Less than formerly? What happens to restriving and the
need for counteraction when the time is so limited? It seems
likely that many of these things which in the young are essen-
tially thoughts of the future, must subside in favor of evalua-
tions of the past, and that one's ego ideal must progressively
become not 'I will be' but 'I have been. '

Though the language vehicles are not the same, Haire's latter

statement was the essence of the basic hypothesis tested in the present

study. The hypothesis was arrived at in the following way.

It is obvious to anyone who has ever considered the matter that

aging persons are profoundly involved with their pasts. And, as it is

very rare indeed to hear an aging person refer to his past in a deroga-

tory way, it would seem that he has idealized his past. Unquestionably,

Hairs was stating this contention. And, the social theorist Parsons

(1954) seemed to be hinting in this direction when he pointed out that

aging persons, in their reaction to our youth-valued culture, tend to

idealize not present day youth but the youth they themselves might have

had. The conceptual language of self theory was ideally suited to the

generating of testable hypotheses concerning these observations.

If it is assumed that the aging person does idealize his past, then,

from the standpoint of his self structure, it would seem to follow that he

might also idealize his past self concept. Should the latter be true, then

it would be expected that the aging person's past self concept would tend

to be congruent with his ideal self concept. This statement conveys the







11


most significant aspect of the problem that was investigated. Within

the context of the method used to investigate this problem, the major

hypotheses stated formally were: (1) there is no significant difference

between the past and ideal self concepts of aging males and, (2) the

difference between the past and ideal self concepts of aging males is

significantly smaller than the difference between the past and ideal self

concepts of young males.

Several other hypotheses were also tested, but they are most

appropriately brought out and stated in the context of the chapter on

method that follows.













CHAPTER U

METHOD

Subjects


There were three groups of 40 subjects each used in this study.

One of the groups contained young males between the ages of 18 and 35.

The other two groups consisted of aging males who were 65 years of

age or older.

It was not feasible to attempt the drawing of representative

samples of aging men or young men, nor was it possible to select ran-

dom samples of these two age groups. The samples selected were

perforce accidental.

Certain criteria were used in selecting subjects. For the aging

groups the following were used: (1) male, (2) 65 years old, or older,

(3) neither severely disabled, chronically ill, nor senile, (4) literate,

and (5) neither severely nor moderately emotionally disturbed. Young

subjects were selected on the basis of being: (1) male, (2) between the

ages of 18 and 35, (3) neither severely disabled nor chronically ill, (4)

literate, and (5) neither severely nor moderately emotionally disturbed.

Of the two aging groups one was designated as the experimental

group, symbolized by E. The other was a comparison group, symbolized

by Ca. E consisted of 11 aging persons residing in the usual community











setting and 29 who lived at Moosehaven2 in Orange Park, Florida. The

typical educational level was around the 8th grade; however, there were

several persons in the group who had college degrees, including one

person with aPh. D. and an M.D. Most of the members of the group

were retired, but some were still quite actively engaged in business

and professional work.

All of the aging comparison group (Ca) subjects came from

communities for the aging. Four subjects were from Moosehaven and

the other 36 were from the Memorial Home Community3 of Penney

Farms, Florida. The educational level of Ca was much higher than

that of E--the mode for the former being a college degree. Though all

Ca subjects were residing in a retirement community, many were

carrying on some professional or business activity.

The reader has doubtless noticed that the sample drawn from

the Moosehaven population was not proportional to the sample drawn

from the Memorial Home Community. This biasing came about because

group Ca was added to the design after most of the E group data had al-

ready been collected. Nearly all the potential subjects at Moosehaven



2A community for the aging which is operated and subsidized by
the Loyal Order of Moose fraternity (Kleemeier, 1954).

3The Memorial Home Community was originally a retirement
home for aging ministers; however, about one-fourth of its population
is now made up of lay persons.











had been used, thus the investigator had to turn to the Memorial Home

Community for the major portion of the Ca sample.

Most of the subjects making up the young group (Cy), another

comparison group, were college students. But, there were those in

Cy who were out in the world of work. Of the latter, the educational

level ranged from 10th grade to college degree and the occupational

level from filling station attendant to public relations man for a large

institution.

The non-institutional subjects in E were obtained through con-

tact by telephone. They were told of the study and asked to volunteer.

There were no refusals. The Moosehaven constituent of E volunteered

by responding to a notice placed on the institution's bulletin boards.

The four Moosehaven residents used in Ca were obtained in the

same manner as above. The Memorial Home Corrmmunity segment of

Ca was obtained on an individual, personal contact and volunteer basis.

Only three persons out of 40 contacted did not volunteer. One person of

this group decided not to cooperate after coming to the initial experimen-

tal session.

Thirty-one subjects of Cy were recruited from a University of

Florida fraternity. No fraternity person contacted failed to volunteer.

The remaining nine subjects in this group were also obtained by personal

contact. No one refused.










Research Design


As it was brought out in Chapter I, principal interest in the

study was directed toward investigating the idea that the past self

concepts of aging males tend to be congruent with their ideal self

concepts. In testing this hypothesis an experimental and two compari-

son groups were used. Their size and general characteristics were

discussed in the preceding section. The rationale for these three

groups was as follows: Group E, the experimental group, provided

the means for testing the hypothesis that there is no significant dif-

ference between past and ideal self concepts of the aging male. A

measure of E subject's past and ideal self concept was obtained. These

measures were compared with each other as a direct test of the hypoth-

esis.

The young comparison group Cy was used for two principal

reasons. One reason was that(Cy)served to control for the fact that

past-ideal self concept congruence, as hypothesized in the aging group,

might also occur in a different age group. With regard to this control,

it was hypothesized that there is a significant difference between the

past and ideal self concepts of young males. The second reason was

that Cy could be compared to E with regard to past-ideal self concept
4
difference scores, thus providing a test of the hypothesis that the


4A past-ideal difference score was obtained by summating the
discrepancies scores of each individual item of the past andklcal self
concept measures.












difference between past and ideal self concepts of aging males is

significantly smaller than the difference between the past and ideal self

concepts of young males.

Obviously, E and Cy subjects looked back on different seg-

ments of their lives when they were requested to produce a past self

concept. An attempt to control for this possible bias was made by

adding another group of aging males. This group.Ca, instead of being

asked to produce a past self concept was requested to describe them-

selves as adolescents. For convenience this production was termed

an "adolescent self concept. It had been determined by pilot work that

the young subjects, for the most part, looked back on the middle adoles-

cent period when asked to give a past self. Therefore, the aging and

young comparison groups looked back on the same period of their lives

in the experiment.

It was expected that the self descriptions obtained from Ca would

not differ significantly from those of Cy. Thus, three additional hypotheses

were generated: (1) that there is a significant difference Detween the

adolescent and ideal self concepts of aging males; (2) that the adolescent-

ideal self concept difference scores of aging males do not differ signifi-

cantly from the past-ideal self concept difference scores of young males;

and (3) that adolescent-Ideal self concept difference scores of Cy group

aging males are significantly larger than the past and ideal self concept

difference scores of E group agin.e males.











Research Instrument


The Interpersonal Adjective Check List (LaForge & Suczek,

1955), a check list developed by researchers at the Kaiser Foundation

Psychology Research Project,was used in this study. A copy of the

Interpersonal Adjective Check List (IACL), as it was used, may be

seen in the Appendix.

The IACL was designed to quantify a person's conscious descrip-

tion of himself relative to interpersonal traits. It was tailored to fit

the interpersonal theoretical schema of Leary (1957). However, as

this schema attempts to deal with all the interpersonal aspects of

personality, the IACL is comprehensive and therefore had usefulness

independent of Leary's system. Its value as a measure of self is quite

obvious when it is remembered that the self is seen as a product of an

individual's interpersonal behavior.

The initial source for the items of the IACL was a 334 item check

list which was representative of lists of traits existing in the psychological

literature up to 1950. Over a five year period, during which time the

list went through four revisions, the IACL was administered to several

thousand subjects. The most frequent administration called for a

description of the self. The form which was used in this study is the

fourth revision. It consists of 128 words or phrases. An intensity di-

mension is built into the check list so that there are 16 intensity one











items, 48 intensity two items, 48 intensity three items, and 16 items

having an intensity of four. Intensity one reflects a mild or necessary

amount of the trait; intensity two, a moderate or appropriate amount

of the trait; intensity three, a marked amount of the trait; and inten-

sity four, an extreme amount of the trait. In devising the intensity

ratings for the items, the rule was set up that intensity one words

should be answered "yes" by about 90 per cent of the normative popu-

lation, intensity two by about 67 per cent, intensity three by about 33

per cent, and intensity four by about 10 per cent.

A reliability coefficient of .78 was obtained with the 1ACL on a

sample of 77 females who were retested after a two-week interval. The

validity of this instrument is based upon the judgments of from four to

six psychologists that each item included refers to an important aspect

of self. Further information regarding rationale, construction, and

revisions of this test are available in detail elsewhere (Freedman, Leary,

Ossorio, & Coffee, 1951, pp. 156-159; LaForge & Suczek, 1955; Leary,

1957, pp. 455-463). Examples of the use of the IACL in research may

be seen in the studies of LaForge, Freedman, Leary, Naboisek, and

Coffee (1954) and Leary and Harvey (1956).











Procedure


Each subject described himself by use of the IACL on two

occasions and each session was at least four hours apart. Examina-

tion of the sample IACL in the Appendix will disclose that there are

spaces for two ratings at the left of each item. Prior to beginning

the second rating session, the subject's initial session responses were

removed from the test booklet so that he would not have access to his

initial self descriptions.

Group E and Cy subjects were requested on one occasion to

rate themselves relative to the way they used to be (past self concept).

On another occasion they were requested to rate themselves relative

to the way they would like to be (ideal self concept). Instructions for

past and ideal self concept ratings respectively were as follows:


INSTRUCTIONS

These words and phrases are to help you describe the way you
used to be. Please respond to them as if you are picturing the
way you were in the past.

Read each word and phrase. Place a check mark in front of the
ones that you feel describe the way you used to be. Leave the
answer spaces blank in front of the words and phrases that are
not descriptive of the way you were.

Look at the example below. This person has found number 1 to
be descriptive of the way he used to be, so he checked it. Num-
ber 2 did not describe his past self, so he left it blank.












1
W'well behaved
2
() suspicious


INSTRUCTIONS

These words anC phr.stes are to help you describe the way you
would most like to be. Please respond to them as if you are
picturing your ideal self.

Read each word and phrase. Place a check mark in front of
the ones that you feel describe the way you wish you were.
Leave the answer spaces blank in front of the words and
phrases that are not descriptive of the way you would like to
be.

Look at the example below. This person has found number I
to be descriptive of the way he would like to be, so he checked
it. Number 2 did not describe his ideal self, so he left it
blank.

I
U well behaved
2
( ) suspicious


Group Ca subjects also had two experimental sessions. During

one session Ca subjects were asked to check the list relative to their

ideal selves. During the second session they were requested to check

the list in relation to the way they now see themselves as having been

as adolescents. Instructions used to obtain the ideal self concept were

the same as those used with the other groups. To obtain the adolescent

self concept, the following were used:











INSTRUCTIONS

These words and phrases are to help you describe the way you
were as an adolescent. Please respond to them as if you are
picturing yourself as you were around the ages of fifteen or
sixteen.

Read each word and phrase. Place a check mark in front of the
ones that you feel describe the way you were around fifteen or
sixteen. Leave the answer spaces blank in front of the words
and phrases that are not descriptive of the way you were then.

Look at the example below. This person has found number 1
to be descriptive of the way he was as an adolescent, so he
checked it. Number 2 did not describe him at this period, so
he left it blank.

1
('I'well behaved
2
() suspicious


At the beginning of the initial experimental session an attempt

was made to establish rapport with the subjects by talking with them

informally about the study with which they had volunteered to help. At

this time the study was presented to them as one concerned with a per-

son's attitude toward himself. After this "getting acquainted" period

the subject was handed the IACL and an instruction sheet. He was re-

quested to read the instructions. After the subject had finished reading

the instructions, the examiner reviewed them carefully with him. When

the examiner was assured that the subject completely understood the

instructions, he asked the subject to begin checking the list. The

examiner remained close by to clear up any difficulties arising for the

subject during a session. On several occasions during the session the












examiner asked the subject to verbalize what he was doing so that any

failures to maintain the proper temporal set would be detected.

At the second experimental session subjects were oriented to

the task briefly. Then the same procedure as was followed in the first

session was resumed with the only difference being in instruction. At

the end of this final session those who were interested learned the real

nature of the study.

Most of the subjects were tested in small groups of from three

to five persons. However, about one-fifth of the subjects were tested

individually. About two-thirds of Cy were tested as a group. It was

assumed that the young subjects would have far less difficulty in main-

taining the proper sets.

As order of presentation of instructions might have created a

bias, a counterbalanced instruction order was introduced. Approximately

half of the subjects m each group had a task sequence which was the re-

verse of that used with the other half.












CHAPTER III

RESULTS


The various hypotheses tested in this study were as follows:


1. There is no significant difference between the past and ideal

self concepts of aging males.

2. There is a significant difference between the past and ideal

self concepts of young males.

3. There is a significant difference between the adolescent and

ideal self concepts of aging males.

4. The difference between the past and ideal self concepts of aging

males is significantly smaller than the difference between the

past and ideal self concepts of young males.

5. The adolescent-ideal difference scores of aging males do not

differ significantly from the past-ideal self concept difference

scores of young males.

6. The adolescent-ideal difference scores of the aging comparison

group differ significantly from the past-ideal difference scores

of the experimental group.

As it was pointed out in the preceding chapter, two methods were

employed for obtaining summary scores for each individual. The method

was dictated by the kind of comparison made. In testing hypotheses 1-3











within group comparisons were being made. The method for obtaining

summary scores for these comparisons was a simple addition of the

individual item scores obtained under the different instructions. For

example, in E the individual item scores under the instructions to

produce a past self concept were added for each subject. The individual

item scores for the ideal self concept were also sumnniated. Thus, each

E subject had a summary score for his past self concept and his ideal

self concept. For within-group comparison mean past self concept

and mean ideal self concept measures were used.

The other method for obtaining a summary score was dictated by

the between-group comparison called for in hypotheses 4-6. In testing

these hypotheses, a difference score sumnary technique was needed.

This technique will be elaborated upon later in the present chapter.

To test the hypotheses listed on the preceding page, the t test

for assessing the significance of difference between means was used.

The t formula for independent groups (raw data formula) was the specific

statistical technique employed.

One of the principal hypotheses of this study was that there is no

significant difference between the past and ideal self concepts of aging

males. The data presented in Table I were concerned with this hypothesis.











TABLE 1

t Tests Between Past Self Concept and Ideal Self Concept

Means For Groups E and Cy and Between Adolescent Self

Concept and Ideal belf Concept Means For Group Ca


Past or Adolescent Ideal
Group Mean Mean t df p

E 100.07 94.72 1.50 78 ns*


Cy 98.75 85.52 2.22 78 0.05


Ca 79.92 83.35 0.61 78 ns*

*Not significant


It will be noted in Table 1 that the t for the past and ideal self

concept means of E was 1. 50. A t of this magnitude was not significant.

Thus, it was inferred that the difference that did occur between past

and ideal self concept means was dueb chance variability in this

sample.

As it was pointed out in the preceding chapter, one reason for

the addition of the young comparison group was to control for the possi-

bility that past-ideal self concept congruence might also occur in younger

males. It was hypothesized that in a young group there would be a statis-

tically significant difference between past and ideal self concepts. This

hypothesis was supported by the data presented in Table 1.












The t for the Cy past and ideal self concept means was 2. 22.

A t of this size was significant at the 0. 05 level of confidence. A

difference as large as that obtained here would occur in less than 5 -

per cent of cases by chance.

It was hypothesized that the aging comparison group, the group

requested to produce adolescent and ideal self concepts, would closely

resemble Cy in certain respects. As with the past and ideal self con-

cepts of the Cy group, it was predicted that Ca would show a statistically

significant difference between adolescent and ideal self concepts. This

prediction was not supported.

As shown in Table 1, the difference between adolescent and

ideal self concept means for Ca yielded a t of 0. 61. A t of this size

would be expected by chance; therefore, it was inferred that the differ-

ence between the adolescent and ideal self concept means of Ca occurred

on the basis of chance variation in this sample.

As it was pointed out earlier in this chapter, hypotheses 4-6

require a difference score summary method. There are several tech-

niques by which a difference score may be extracted from two measures

obtained with the IACL. The most sensitive difference score was derived

by summating the discrepancy scores between individual items of the past

and ideal self concept and adolescent and ideal self concept measures.

This is to say, for example, that item 1 Jndnr past self concept in-

structions was compared with itecn I under ideal self concept instructions.











Any discrepancy between the responses to this item was noted and added

to any discrepancy obtained from the other 127 item comparisons for

each individual subject. The total of these individual item comparison

discrepancies constituted the difference score for the subject. Means

of the difference scores obtained in this manner were utilized in the t

analyses appearing in Tables 2 and 3.

It was expected that past-ideal self concept difference scores of

aging males should be small when compared to past-ideal self concept

difference scores in young males. Table 2 presents data in support of

this hypothesis. That these difference scores were also significantly

different from one another was also supported.


TABLE 2

t Test Between the Past-Ideal Self Concept Difference

Score Means of Groups E and Cy




Mean Past-Ideal Difference Score


E Cy t df p


47.22 79.50 4.68 78 0.01



The mean difference score for E was 47. 22-smaller than the

mean for Cy by 32. 28 points. Interpreting the t test between these means,












such a difference would occur less than 1 per cent of the time by

chance. Thus, the difference between theme means was statistically

significant.

It was predicted that group Ca should produce difference scores

similar to those of Cy. Thus, mean adolescent-ideal self concept dif-

ference scores should not be significantly different from past-ideal

*elf concept difference scores in group Cy. And, adolescent-ideal

self concept difference scores should be larger and should differ signi-

ficantly from the past-ideal self concept difference scores of E. Table

3 indicates that two of these predictions were verified


TABLE 3

t Tests Between the Adolescent-Ideal Self Concept Difference

Score Mean Of Ca and the Past-Ideal Self Concept Difference

Score Means Of E and Cy


Group


Difference Score Mean t df p

Ca 63.67

E 47.22 2.80 78 0.01


Ca 63.67


Cy 79.50 2.39 78 0.02







29


As it was predicted, mean difference scores for Ca were larger

than those of E. And when these mean difference scores were compared

in a t test they yielded a t of 2. 80. A t as large as this would be expected

to occur by chance less than 1 per cent of the time; therefore, the hypoth-

esis that Ca and E mean difference scores would differ significantly from

one another was supported.

A t of 2. 39 was obtained with Ca and Cy mean difference scores.

It would be anticipated that a t of this magnitude would occur less than 2

per cent of the time by chance. Thus, contrary to hypothesis, Ca and

Cy mean difference scores were significantly disparate.













CHAPTER IV


DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS


Most pertinent to the principal interest of this study were the

data and statistical operations that either supported or failed to support

the position that aging males of 65 or older tend to idealize their past

self concepts. A logical hypothesis stemming trom this idea was that

there is no significant difference between the past and ideal self con-

cepts of the aging males. Results of a direct test of this hypothesis,

that is, the direct comparison of measures of past and ideal self con-

cepts of aging males, supported it. That there was a statistically

significant difference between these same measures in the young group

also lent support to this hypothesis. Results of the direct adolescent-

ideal self concept comparison in the aging comparison group failed to

conform to expectation. But prior to analysis of the difference score

data, the fact that the aging comparison group showed no statistically

significant difference between adolescent and ideal self concepts was

tentatively interpreted as further support for the major hypothesis. At

this time the interpretation was tendered that idealization of the past

was so strong that the aging person even idealized his adolescence.

This interpretation became suspect when the difference scores were

analyzed, however.










It was noted that the aging comparison group had a relatively

large mean difference score (see Table 3). It did not seem feasible

that such a difference score, if valid, could go along with another set

of data which seemed to support the idea of no significant difference

between adolescent and ideal self concepts (Table 1). This led to an

examination of the raw data which revealed that direct summations of

scores with the IACL yielded spurious, artificial results. This in-

strument was not built for such a scoring technique, and because it was

used in this way difference effects were obscured. For this reason all

the results presented in Table I were seen as unreliable and were con-

sequently rejected.

The calculation of difference scores avoided the difficulty men-

tioned. Thus, the data and statistical operations involving difference

scores became the focus of interest (see Tables 2 and 3).

A comparison between the past-ideal self concept mean difference

scores of the aging and young groups revealed that the aging group had a

significantly smaller mean difference score. This finding strongly sup-

ported the notion that aging persons tend to idealize their past self

concept. Further support for this contention was found in the results

presented in Table 3. These findings gave indication of stability of the

results presented in Table 2. As it has been stated previously, the aging

comparison group was put into the design in order to have a control for

the young group. Both of these groups looked back on the same age range











as they described their past; therefore, they should have produced re-

sults which were similar. Such was the case. Like the young comparison

group, the aging comparison group had a significantly larger adolescent-

ideal self concept mean difference score than the past-ideal self concept

mean difference score of the experimental group. And, although there

was a statistically significant disparity between the adolescent-ideal self

concept mean difference score of the aging comparison group and the

pst-ideal mean difference score of the young group, the trend of the

former was definitely away from idealization of the adolescent self concept.

The results of this investigation were accepted as demonstrating

that aging males tend to idealize their past self concepts. Further, this

demonstration showed one aspect of the impact of involvement with the

past on the personality organization of the aging male. These findings

were also seen as supporting the suppozitioni of H.'ire (:50) ar. Parsons

(1954) which were brought out in Chapter I.

It was interesting to speculate why the aging male is so involved

with the past and why he tends to idealize it. The reasons that seemed to

hold up best were those which have to do with social forces. Bateson

(1950, p. 52) has made a pertinent statement regardingg this issue. He

said,

The question of what aging means in psychological terms can only
be answered in terms of the local psychology which determines
what aging means in the particular community concerned . .
Man lives by propositions whose truth depends upon his believing
them. If he believes that : old are no good, weak, stibbbcrn,












whatever terms of abuse he likes to attach to them, then to
a great extent that will become true of the old in the popula-
tion where that is believed, and the old themselves will
believe it and will reinforce the general belief that it is so.


With respect to our "local psychology, Parsons (1954) has

made some cogent observations. He has pointed up the significant

tendency in our society for all age groups to idealize youth, and he has

emphasized that because youth patterns are so important, the negative

status of the aging person is thrown into particularly strong relief.

These observations began to suggest why the older person involves him-

self with the past. A quotation from Dr. Halbert Dunn (1959, p. 7),

who is Chief of Vital Statistics and who is himself in the 70's, seemed

appropriate in terms of tying the observations together. Dr. Dunn, con-

cerning himself with personal dignity of the aging person, said:

With advancing age, personal dignity is usually rudely handled.
On the whole, most of us accommodate to the loss of attractive-
ness which sets in at middle age. This loss is compensated
during those years by our ability to work and our prestige,
which is usually at its peak. Gradually, however, we begin to
lose even these assets. . The crushing blow to human
dignity is to lose the useful and respected roles that were en-
joyed at younger ages. . At retirement, the man loses
his contact with the line of work in which he was qualified. His
knowledge about it becomes 'old fashioned, and soon he finds
himself no longer consulted. In general, the older person is
still respected for what he was but not for what he is. Yet
respect for what one is is the foundation upon which personal
dignity rests. A person must feel that he is useful to those
around him. Personal dignity requires one to live in the
present and for the future, not in the past.

Most experts implied that the younger person is easily able to

find new avenues for gaining respect, but they saw the aging person as











facing a blind alley. May (1958, p. 69) has aaid, "What an individual

seeks to become determines what he remembers of his has been. In

this sense the future determines the past." If the aging person is made

to feel that there is no future for him and that his self respect is tied

up with his past, then the "has been" tends to become the future. Or,

to use the terminology employed in the present study, the past self

concept tends to become the ideal self concept. As a case in point, a

quotation from one of the experimental group subjects is presented.

This man, a 73-year-old former inventor, said, "I have to look back-

wards--to live my life in retrospect. It's like my brother said, 'you

and I have a great future behind us'. "

Under the social conditions that have been emphasized by the

observers presented here, it seemed quite reasonable that the aging

person should turn to the past and idealize it. However, cross-cultural

studies would be needed in order to verify the role of society in this

phenomenon. Lipset (1950, p. 64) has pointed out that rural Ireland

might be an ideal area for cross-cultural comparison with regard to the

aging. Lipset said that adulthood is achieved very late in Ireland due to

the fact that this status is not reached until a man takes over the family

farm. It is not unc -ITmon for a man of 40 or more to be in the status

position of an adolescent in our society. Thus, old age is something to

be looked forward to and to be respected.











The reader has doubtless noticed that no mention has been made

of the aging female. Aging female subjects were purposely left out of

the sample because it was guessed that there would be a sex factor in-

volved in the present study. The aging female does not appear to be

so involved with the past. She, unlike the aging male, usually continues

in the activities that have given her self-respect throughout her life. It

was supposed that she would show significantly less tendency to idealize

her past self concept than the aging male. This conjecture would hold

for the typical woman who is a contemporary of the aging male of the

present study. However, if the typical present generation woman depends

upon her extra-domestic occupation for self-esteem, then possibly she

will also tend to idealize her past when she is old.

It was believed that this study contributed to the continuity of

research on negatively motivated memory. Comprehensive reviews of

this research have been presented elsewhere (Meltzer, 1930; Gilbert,

1938; Osgood, 1953). The principal stimulation for the study of the effect

on memory of the unpleasant was the Freudian hypothesis of repression.

According to his hypothesis, events, etc., that produced strong anxiety

would be pushed out of the conscious mind and therefore be unavailable

to memory under ordinary circumstances. The principal difficulty in

testing this hypothesis has been the problem of being assured that the

subject has sufficient anxiety with regard to the test material to be said

to be under negative motivation. Those experiments that have come











closest to this condition (Koch, 1930; Sharpe, 1938) have been inter-

preted as verifying the Freudian hypothesis, It was assumed by the

present investigator that the experimental group subjects were under

sufficient anxiety to be said to be negatively motivated with regard to

admitting unpleasant things about their past. Results indicated that the

past self concept was idealized. This finding was held to be supporting

of the Freudian repression hypothesis.

It would be pure guesswork to say whether the past self concept

has any dynamic significance, or not. Further research is needed to

answer this question. Certainly, results of the present study suggest

that the past self concept tends toward being equal to the ideal self con-

cept in the aging male. If by the use of another self concept measure-

meat the past and ideal self concepts of aging males are shown to be

not significantly different, then it would seem to follow that the past

self concept would have the same relationship to the personal adjustment

of aging males as does the ideal self concept in younger persons (Block

& Thomas, 1955; Butler & Haigh, 1954; Hanlon, Hofstaetter. & O'Conner,

1954; Raymaker, 1956; Turner & Vanderlippe, 1958). That is, the

wider the difference between the past self concept and the (present)

self concept, the poorer the adjustment of the aging male.












CHAPTER V

SUMMARY


The present study was concerned with demonstrating one effect

that profound involvement with the past has on the personality of the

aging male of 65 or older. For the purpose of this investigation, per-

sonality was seen as being multileveled. The level of conscious self-

description was the one dealt with here. The hypothetical organization

ofthis level was a self structure which consists of a self concept, an

ideal self concept, and a past self concept. These constructs were

defined as the subject's description of the way he is, the way he would

like to be, and the way he used to be, respectively.

The major interest of this investigation was to support the ob-

servation that the aging male tends to idealize his past. In terms of

the language vehicles used, this would mean that the aging person tends

to see his past self concept as being close to his ideal self concept.

The Interpersonal Adjective Check List (IACL), developed by

LaForge and Suczek, was selected for use as a measure of the various

aspects of self. This check list consisted of 128 self-referent words or

phrases which were assumed to be adequate in aiding a person to describe

himself.

Three groups of 40 males each were used in this study. Two of

these groups were made up of normal aging males. The third group

37











consisted of normal young males between the ages of 18 and 35. One

of the aging groups was designated the experimental group. From

ilese subjects a past and ideal self concept was obtained. These meas-

ures were compared as a direct test of the hypothesis that there is no

statistically significant difference between past and ideal self concepts

in the aging male. In order to control for the fact that younger males

might also show significant past-ideal congruence, the young group

(referred to as the young comparison group) was utilized. Two more

hypotheses were generated from the addition of the young group. The

first, that there is a statistically significant difference between the

past and ideal self concepts of young males; and second, that past-

ideal self concept difference scores of aging males are significantly

smaller than those of young males. The third group, the aging com-

parison group, was added in order to control for the possible bias

introduced by having the experimental group and young comparison

group look back on different parts of their lives as they produced a

past self concept. In addition to an ideal self concept, this group was

required to produce a description of themselves as adolescents (ado-

lescent self concept), thus looking back on a period of life similar to

that recaptured by the young subjects in their production of a past self

concept. It was predicted that the aging comparison group would produce

self measures of much the same magnitude as the young comparison group.

Thus, it was hypothesized that they would produce self measures Lhat would











not differ significantly from one another. It was also hypothesized

that the aging comparison group would have adolescent-ideal differ-

ence scores which would differ significantly from the past-ideal

difference scores of the young comparison group.

With regard to procedure, each subject described himself by

use of the IACL on two occasions. The experimental group and young

comparison group subjects were requested on one occasion to describe

themselves as they used to be (past self concept). On another occasion

they were requested to describe themselves as they would like to be

(ideal self concept). Subjects of the aging comparison group also had

two sessions. During one session they described their ideal self. At

another time, they described themselves as they were as adolescents

(adolescent self concept).

The various hypotheses were tested by use of the t test for

assessing the significance of difference between means. Results ob-

tained by testing the significance of difference between past and ideal

self concept measures of the experimental group, between past and

ideal self concept measures of the young comparison group, and between

the adolescent and ideal self concept measures of the aging comparison

group, appeared to support the hypothesis that there is no statistically

significant difference between past and ideal self concepts in the aging

male. But it was determined through further analysis and a recheck of











the raw data that these results were unreliable. Under this circum-

stance, these results were rejected.

The difficulties involved in the direct comparison of two aspects

of self concept were avoided when difference scores were calculated. A

comparison between past-ideal self concept mean difference scores of

the aging group and young comparison group indicated that the aging

group had significantly smaller mean difference scores than the young

comparison group. This result strongly supported the hypothesis that

aging males tend to idealize their past self concept.

As it was hypothesized, the aging comparison group produced

mean difference scores that were similar to those of the young comparison

group. Results obtained by comparing the difference scores of the aging

comparison group with those of the experimental group and the young

comparison group gave further support to the notion that aging males

tend to idealize their past self concept.

The results of the present study were accepted as demonstrating

that aging males tend to idealize their past self concept. This demon-

stration was accepted as supporting the observation that aging males

idealize their past.

It was speculated that aging persons are involved with their past

and tend to idealize the past because of two major social factors opera-

tive in this culture. The first is that our culture is youth oriented; that







41


is, youth is valued very highly in our culture. The second factor is

that aging persons tend to be respected for what they used to be and

not for what they are.

By assuming that the experimental group subjects were strongly

motivated not to admit unpleasantries about their past self, this study

was seen as supporting the hypothesis that unpleasant memories tend

to be repressed.


































APP-ENDLX




1
S ell thought of
2
S akes a good impression
3
S ble to give orders
4
( orceful
5
( elf-respecting
6
S) independent
7
S ble to take care of self
8
S) n be indifferent to others
9
S an be strict if necessary
10
S irm but just
11
S :an be frank and honest
12
S) critical of others
13
) can complain if necessary
11
S often gloomy
15
able to doubt others
16
( frequently disappointed
17
( ) able to criticize self
18
( ) apologetic
19
( ) can be obedient
20
( ) usually gives in
21
( ) grateful
22
( ) admires and imitates others
23
( ) appreciative
24
) very anxious to be approved of
25
( ) cooperative
26
( ) eager to get along with others
27
( ) friendly
28
S) affectionate and understanding
29
( ) considerate
30
( ) encourages others
31
( ) helpful
32
) hie-hearted annA iinslfish




()

()

()

()

()

()

()

()

()

()

()

()

()

()

()

()

()

()

()

()

()

()

()

()

()

()

()

()

()

()

()

()


33
often admired
34
respected by others
35
good leader
36
likes responsibility
37
self-confident
38
self-reliant and assertive
39
businesslike
40
likes to compete with others
41
hard-boiled when necessary
42
stern but fair
43
irritable
44
straightforward and direct
45
resents being bossed
46
skeptical
47
hard to impress
48
touchy and easily hurt
49
easily embarrassed
50
lacks self-confidence
51
easily led
52
modest
53
often helped by others
54
very respectful to authority
55
accepts advice readily
56
trusting and eager to please
57
always pleasant and agreeable
58
wants everyone to like him
59
sociable and neighborly
60
warm
61
kind and reassuring
62
tender and soft-hearted
63
enjoys taking care of others
64
gives freely of self





( ) always giving advice
66
( ) acts important
67
( ) bossy
68
( ) dominating
69
( ) boastful
70
( ) proud and self-satisfied
71
( ) thinks only of himself
72
( ) shrewd and calculating
73
( ) impatient with other's mistakes
74
( ) self-seeking
75
( ) outspoken
76
( ) often unfriendly
77
( ) bitter
78
( ) complaining
79
( ) jealous
80
( ) slow to forgive a wrong
81
( ) self-punishing
82
( ) shy
83
( ) passive and unaggressive
84
( ) meek
85
( ) dependent
86
( ) wants to be led
87
( ) lets others make decisions
88
( ) easily fooled
89
( ) too easily influenced by friends
90
( ) will confide in anyone
91
( ) fond of everyone
92
( ) likes everybody
93
( ) forgives anything
94
( ) oversympathetic
95
( ) generous to a fault
96
( ) overprotective of others





( tries to be too successful
98
S expects everyone to admire him
99
S manages others
100
S dictatorial
101
S somewhat snobbish
102
S egotistical and conceited
103
S selfish
104
S cold ahd unfeeling
105
S sarcastic
106
S cruel and unkind
107
S frequently angry
108
S hard-hearted
109
S resentful
110
S rebels against everything
111
S stubborn
112
S distrusts everybody
113
S) timid
114
S always ashamed of self
115
S obeys too willingly
116
( spineless
117
S) hardly ever talks back
118
S clinging vine
119
S likes to be taken care of
120
S will believe anyone
121
( wants everyone's love
122
agrees with everyone
123
S friendly all the time
124
S loves everyone
125
S too lenient with others
126
S tries to comfort everyone
127
S too willing to give to others
128
S spoils people with kindness











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50


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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH


J. Sterling Dimmitt was born on August 22, 1925 in Sherman,

Texas. He attended Kemper Military School, Texas A. and M., the

University of Colorado, and was awarded the Bachelor of Arts degree

by Austin College in May 1948. Another Bachelor of Arts degree was

awarded him by the University of Oklahoma in August 1952. A year

later he received the Master of Science degree from this institution.

Mr. Dimmitt was a teaching fellow (clinician) with the University

of Florida Psychological Clinic from July 1, 1957 through June 30,

1958. On July 1, 1958 he joined the staff of the College of Health Re-

lated Services of the University of Florida as research associate. He

holds this position at present.

Mr. Dimmitt is a member of Psi Chi and Phi Sigma honorary

societies. His professional memberships include the American

Psychological Association and the Florida Psychological Association.











This dissertation was prepared under the direction of the

chairman of the candidate's supervisory committee and has been

approved by all members of that committee. It was submitted to the

Dean of the College of Arts and Sciences and to the Graduate Council,

and was approved as partial fulfillment of the requirements for the

degree of Doctor of Philosophy.


August 8, 1959



Dean, College of Artdtsd
Sciences





Dean of the Graduate School




Sup visory Committee:



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