Group Title: Inhamuns
Title: The Inhamuns
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 Material Information
Title: The Inhamuns a community in the Sertao of Northeast Brazil, 1707-1930
Physical Description: ix, 263 leaves : illus. ; 28 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Chandler, Billy Jaynes, 1932-
Publication Date: 1967
Copyright Date: 1967
Subject: History -- Ceara, Brazil (State)   ( lcsh )
History thesis Ph. D   ( lcsh )
Dissertations, Academic -- History -- UF   ( lcsh )
Genre: bibliography   ( marcgt )
non-fiction   ( marcgt )
Thesis: Thesis - University of Florida.
Bibliography: Bibliography: leaves 257-262.
Additional Physical Form: Also available on World Wide Web
General Note: Manuscript copy.
General Note: Vita.
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Bibliographic ID: UF00097824
Volume ID: VID00001
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: alephbibnum - 000565994
oclc - 13615514
notis - ACZ2420


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June, 1967

Copyright by
Billy Jaynes Chandler


This study is intended as a general history of a community in the

sertao of Northeast Brazil from the era of colonization until 1930.

Secondarily, the attempt is made to present some of the changing aspects

of the relationship between the private power of the dominant families

in the area and the agents of external authority. No claim is made that

the Inhamuns, in all its aspects, is a typical Brazilian community; yet,

the basic structural framework of the society of the area appears to have

contained a large proportion of the characteristics which generally are

attributed to rural Brazil. Thus, in spite of peculiarities dictated by

geographical setting and historical development, the Inhamuns may be

more typical of Brazil than, at first glance, its isolation might suggest.

The community of the Inhamuns, as defined here, refers to a rather

large physical area whose parts have been historically interrelated,

rather than to a more limited area in which the inhabitants maintain

frequent primary contacts with one another.1 The boundaries of the com-

munity are both geographically and historically determined. Geographi-

cally, the Inhamuns is that portion of Cearg lying along the Rio

Jaguaribe and its tributaries to the west and north of Sao iatheus

(renamed Jucts in recent years). Historically, it is the area which was

settled chiefly under the domination of the Feitosa family and in which

that family maintained preeminence for many years thereafter.

1. The Inhamuns is currently divided into the MuniciDios of Taut,
Parambd, Cococy, Arneir6s, Aiuaba, and Saboeiro.

Within the confines of those definitions, at least three limitations

have been imposed. First, the area of Sao Matheus has been excluded.

Although it was considered a part of the Inhamuns in the era of coloniza-

tion, its subsequent development was but little related to the history

of that community. Second, although Saboeiro is included, it is given

less attention than other portions of the area. In the first place, it

was the initial part of the Inhamuns to be separated from the dominion

of the Feitosas, after which it tended to evolve as a distinct community.

Considerable attention is devoted to Saboeiro only in the period of the

Empire, years in which political factors often brought it into conflict

with the remainder of the Inhamuns. In addition, the lack of attention

given to the internal development of Saboeiro was not wholly determined

by choice, for the sources for the study of that area were found to be

less abundant than those for the other areas. Third, this study is, in

many ways, a history of the Feitosa family. Entirely apart from the

fact that the Feitosas have constituted the most colorful element in

the history of the Inhamuns, they were, for many years, the dominant one.

A termination date short of the present was imposed not by a lack

of interest in the more recent years but largely by the limited amount

of time which could be devoted to the research. The year chosen--1930--

was not entirely arbitrary, for it appears to be a convenient point at

which to close out a period in the history of the Inhamuns, as well as

of the nation;

Certain difficulties may present themselves in the study, the first

of which might well be organization. A chronological organization was

judged to be unfeasible, while, on the other hand, the long time span

did not lend itself to a topical arrangement. The resolution of the

problem, a shifting combination of the two which often leans heavily

toward the latter, is not wholly satisfactory, and, to partially com-

pensate for the difficulties, cross-referencing frequently has been

utilized. Second, the wealth of names of persons and of references to

kinship relations is certain to bewilder all but the most painstaking

reader; but, for those who have the interest and fortitude to wind

through the maze, many of these references document the importance of

the family in the society of the Inhamuns. For others, they may be

skipped over as just so many extraneous data. Third, an explanation

regarding names is necessary. Parents not infrequently assigned them

arbitrarily to their offspring. Thus, Manoel Ferreira Ferro was the

legitimate son of Francisco Alves Feitosa, just as Eufrasio Alves Feitosa

and Jose do Vale Pedrosa were the legitimate sons, respectively, of Joo

Bezerra do Vale. and Jose Alves Feitosa. In addition, other inhabitants

of the Inhamuns also were acknowledged members of families whose names

they did not bear, a situation resulting from the tendency of the

dominant families to absorb the descendents of male outsiders who

married into them. Thus, regardless of their legal names, the descen-

dents of Leandro Cust6dio de Oliveira Castro, an outsider who married a

Feitosa, were popularly known as Feitosas rather than Oliveira Castros.

Fourth, variations in spelling, including usage of distinctive markings,

of Portuguese words will be noted. No alternations of words appearing

in quotations have been made from the original, while, outside of

quotations, current usage in regard to persons' names usually has been

adopted. Finally, a glossary of Portuguese words used frequently in

the text is appended.

Tho debts of gratitude which I incurred to people and institutions

during the course of my research are numerous. The initial plan for the

project was worked out in collaboration with Dr. Josg Arthur Rios, a

Visiting Professor of Sociology at the University of Florida in 1964. He

suggested Ceara as the area for the study, and, after my arrival in

Brazil, aided my efforts in many ways. I am deeply indebted to my super-

visory committee, particularly to its chairman, Professor David Bushnell,

whose wise and friendly counsel made the task much more pleasant, as well

as profitable. I am grateful to Professor Alfred Hower, who, in addition

to teaching me Portuguese, first urged me to choose Brazil as my field of

research, and to Professor L. N. McAlister, who has worked on my behalf

in numerous ways. I also wish to acknowledge my debts to the two organ-

izations which jointly sponsored my research in Brazil: first, The

Henry L. and Grace Doherty Charitable Foundation, Inc., and, second, the

Mutual Education and Cultural Exchange program of the Department of

State of the United States Government.

After my arrival in Brazil, personnel at the following institutions

lent me valuable assistance: the Biblioteca Nacional, Institute His-

t6rico, Arquivo Nacional, and the library of the Institute Brasileiro

de Geografia e Estatistica (all located in Rio de Janeiro); the

Biblioteca Pu'blica, Arquivo P6blico, Institute do Ceara, the archives

of the Assemblea Estadual, Institute de Antropologia of the Universidade

Federal do Ceara (all in Fortaleza); the two cart6rios and the prefeitura

in Taug and the first cart6rio in Saboeiro. In addition, special mention

should be made of the following persons: General Carlos Studart Filho,

Professors Francisco de Alencar and Mozart Soriano Aderaldo, and

Antonio Teixeira Cavalcante, all of Fortaleza, Dr. Derval Peixoto, of

Crato, and Manoel Gomes de Freitas, a former state deputy from the

Inhamuns who now resides in Rio de Janeiro. I am very much indebted

to two sons of the Inhamuns, who currently reside in Fortaleza, for

sharing with me their knowledge of the area and enabling me to use their

personal historical collections: State Deputy Antonio Gomes de Freitas

and Judge Carlos Feitosa.

Above all, I remember nostalgically the many residents of the

Inhamuns who made my stay in the area in November, 1965, and from March

to August, 1966, the most pleasant and rewarding part of the 15 months

which I spent in Brazil. Especially, I acknowledge my gratitude for the

gracious hospitality and warm friendship of: Colonel Antonio Vieira

Gomes of Taut; Dr. Lourengo Alves Feitosa and Dona Eufrasia of the

Fazenda Cana, Cococy; Colonel Armando Arrais Feitosa of Aiuaba; and

Oziel Freire Cidrdo and his numerous and charming family of the Fazenda

Alagoas in the Marrugs area of Taut.

Finally, I wish to thank Dr. Charles Nissly, for his direction of

the preparation of the maps, and Mrs. Mary Alice Cullen, for the dis-

criminating care with which she typed the manuscript.


I. THE SOCIETY TAKES SHAPE, 1707-1832........................ 1

The Montes and Feitosas.................................. 11
The Forral Structure of Local Government................. 34
Capitao-mor Jos5 Alves Feitosa.................... .... 44
Aspects of Social and Economic Life.................. 57


The Formal Structure................................ 64
Families and Parties................................. 77
"By the People".......................................... 91
Conclusion.............................................. 1ll

III. CRIE AND JUSTICE, 1834-1916.......... ................ .... 114

Land of the Lawless........................ ... 114
The View front Within............................... ..... 135
Politics................ ..... ....................... 136
The family................................. .......... 142
Private justice...................................... 149
Conclusion... ......................... ....... .......... 156


The Structure ............................................. 159
Colonel Lourengo, 1889-1912............................162
Transition, 1912-1919 ............................... 169
Colonel Domingos, 1919-1930 ........................ 175

V. THE SOCIETY AND ECONOIMY................................... 189

The Distribution of the Land ............................ 189
The Fazenda and Its Inhabitants......................... 196
The Econom~ ................... ............ ...... ......... 203
Culture: The School and the Church....... ............... 214

VI. NEGRO SLAVERY..................................... ....... 219

VII. THE SECAS.......................................... 235

COMI"UIITY: AN OVERVIE....................................... 250

GLOSSARYj .................................................... 254

BIBLIRAP .......................................... ...... 257

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ............ .............. ......... 263



1. Cear 1930..................................................... 2

2. The Inhamuns ................................................ 3


Effective Portuguese .colonization of Ceara, located on the upper

side of Brazil's Northeast, began in the last quarter of the 17th cen-

tury. Efforts to establish footholds in the area dated from before the

arrival of the Dutch to that region in the 1620's, but these attempts

were confined to the coast and were of a strategic or military nature.

In contrast, those who came in the last decades of the century were

seeking land on which to establish cattle fazendas. It was they, to-

gether with their vaqueiros and slaves, who conquered the interior of

Ceara. The first of them settled along the Rio Jaguaribe from Aracaty

south to the confluence with the Salgado, in this latter location

founding Ic6.1 From this base, they began to ascend the river and its

tributaries, reaching the Inhamuns by 1707.

The Inhamuns, an area extending in its extreme points some 70 miles

from east to west by 95 from north to south, is located in the south-

western portion of Ceart in the headwaters of the Jaguaribe. Separating

it from neighboring areas is a rim of serras, among them the Joaninha

and Guaribas on the north, the Flamengo on the east, the Basti5es in the

south, and the high Serra Grande, forcing the border with Piaul on the

west. Tho Inhamuns, with altitudes varying from 750 to 1600 feet, is

the highest portion of CcarS's central sertTo. The nature of the topog-

raphy varies considerably within the Inhamuns, some portions being

1. Cruz Filho. Hist6ria do Ccard (Sao Paulo, 1931), pp. 46-76.


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characterized by rolling, open country, especially in the upper half,

while, particularly in the south, the landscape is rendered highly ir-

regular by numerous serras and serrotes. The Jaguaribe is born in the

upper portion with the confluence of the Trici and the Carrapateira;

its other principal tributaries in the Inhamuns are the Favelas, Puid,

Jucg, and Umbuzeiro.

The Inhamuns, like much of Northeast Brazil, is a hot, wind-swept,

semiarid land, crippled by a climate which limits rainfall to the winter

months from January to June and which occasionally denies even these

months of moisture. Rain rarely falls during the other half of the

year, known as the summer, as a consequence of which rivers become dry

and the luxuriant grasses and other plants die, except for those species

specially suited to the seasonal changes. These hardy, deep-rooted

plants and trees, some with perpetually green foliage, save the land-

scape from giving the appearance of complete desolation during the

summer. The density of the vegetation varies, some portions being made

virtually impenetrable by a low scrub forest, while others are compara-

tively open with only scattered trees and cactuses. Bathed by a sun

which seldom fails to appear, the days are hot during whatever season,

though the nights often bring a refreshing coolness, which, particular-

ly during the months from June to November, may become decidedly chilly.

Actual temperatures vary from 60 to 95 degrees Fahrenheit.2

The rigorous natural characteristics of the Inhamuns did not pre-

vent the entrance of settlers into the area, most of whom, coming from

2. The description of the geography of the Inhamuns is based, in
part, on Thomaz Pompeu Sobrinho, Esboco Fisiogrffico do Ceara (3rd. ed.;
Fortaleza, 1962), pp. 48, 65-68, 109-110, and Joaquim Moreira de Sousa,
Estudo sobre Ceara (Rio de Janeiro, 1955), pp. 57-58, and, in part, on
the writer's observations.

Pernar.buco and Bahia were already acquainted with similar terrain and

climate. Ascending the Jaguaribe, they discovered the Inha-uns and coon

spread the news of an area with lush ;.inter pastures. In this runner, a

movement began which, in time, turned the Inhanuns into one of the chief

cattle producing sections of the Northeast.

The sesmarias, Portuguese land grants, afford a picture of how dis-

covery and settlement proceeded.3 The sesmaria had been used since the

14th century in Portugal, where it was a means of granting abandoned or

uncultivated lands to those who would utilize them. This served as a

precedent for a similar practice in Portugal's new-world colony, where

land was so abundant. The sesmarias were granted by the caDitao-mor,

the chief military and administrative officer of the Captaincy of Ceara.

The size of the property was generally one league in width by three in

length, though much more than this was sometimes awarded in one ses-aria.4

Of greater consequence, no limit was placed on the number of seszrias

that one person could be given. Basic to the description of the land

was frontage on a river or riacho or the existence of a spring, a fac-

tor of importance in a land where water was scarce.

The first sesmaria in the Inhamuns was given in 1707, the last in

1821, two years before this system of granting possession of land was

abandoned. The first one was granted by Capitao-mor Gabriel da Silva

do Lago on January 26 to Lourengo Alves Feitosa, his brother, Francisco,

Domingos Alves Ecteves, Lourengo Gongalves de Moura, Antonio Pinto

3. The secrarias for Cearg are found in: Estado do Cear5, Datas
de Secr.rias. 14 7ols. (Fortaleza. 1920-1928), hereinafter referred to
as Sesrnrias. The follo:.-ing general description of the sesnaria is
based on Tristao do Alcncar Araripe, Hist6ria do Ceara desde os Teroos
Prinitivos atW 1850 (2nd. ed.; Fortalcza. 1958). pp. 9b-101.
4. A league is 3.72 miles. while a Iclua de ses-:ria is 4.10

Correia, and Sinro Rodrigues Ferreira, each one receiving three leagues

along the Rio JucN As was commonly done, the request noted that the

lands were unused and, as such, were producing no revenues for the royal

treasury.5 The next oldest sesmarias were granted on September 30 of

the same year: one awarding Cosme Ferreira, Venceslau Gomes da Silva,

and Joao Martins Fragoso nine leagues, three to each one, in the north-

ern area of the Inhamuns along the Carrapateira; and the other giving

to the same SimTo Rodrigues mentioned above, Raulino Gomes da Silva, and

I-anoel Gomes Teixeira lands in the area of the Carrapateira and the

Trici.6 The latter request stated that the petitioners were residents

of the Jaguaribe, that they were prepared to defend themselves against

Indians, that they had risked their lives and fortunes to discover these

lands never before seen by white men, and that they had no lands on

which to pasture their cattle. Moreover, they had planted crosses in

the area, and, presenting an accomplished fact, added that they had es-

tablished two fazendas on the lands requested and had constructed a

fortified village for the defense of the settlers. All this at their

own expense and to the glory of His IMajesty. In answer to such achieve-

ments and determination, the capitlo-mor granted to each one of the

three the nine leagues he requested.

From 1707 to 1744 numerous sesrarias were granted within the

Inhamuns to the above and other supplicants. Prominent among the

largest landholders were Lourenco and Francisco Alves Feitosa, Fran-

cisco Ferreira Pedrosa. brother-in-law of the Feitosas, and Sirao

Rodrigucs Ferroira. These and others of the sesmeiros held additional

5. Sesmarias, IV, 31-32.
6. Ibid., V, 14-15. 34.

lands outside the area; Lourengo Alvos 'uitoau was wr V.cac L. toQ.U_ of

some 20 sosmarias scattered along the Jaguaribe and its tributaries fro=

the Inhamuns to near Ic6.7 Only a few sesmarias were granted after 17-.

and the greater portion of those wore awarded to persons already resi-

dent in the Inhamuns. By mid-century the basic framework of an economic

and social structure was built, a structure in which the latifdndio was

the principal characteristic and in which the Feitosas were the most

powerful element.

The sesmeiros, along with their vaqueiros and slaves, were not the

first humans to confront the Inhamuns. The history of Cears's Indians

of the 17th and 18th centuries is not easy to write, for they handed

down no written documents and left very few traces of their existence,

excepting those which can be found in the customs and physical features

of today's cearense.8 Within the Inhamuns, all that remains of their

history during these centuries are a few references made by their con-

querors. The groupings mentioned by the early settlers were the Jucts

and the Inhamuns, though there is little assurance that these were not

the same Indians, since nomenclature given by the pioneers was very im-

precise.9 Similar to other Indians of the region, they were nomadic in

habit and limited their industry to simple agriculture and hunting and

fishing. The characteristics which most impressed the settlers of Ceara

were their warlike nature, their disdain for the white man's work, and

their disregard of his laws.

7. Antonio Bezerra, Algumas Origens do Ceara (Fortaleza, 1918),
p. 131.
8. An historical account of Ceara's Indians is given in Carlos
Studart Filho, Os Aborigines do Ceara (Fortaleza, 1956).
9. Ibid., p. 97.

Eajor efforts to eliminate the Indian threat to settlement were

made between 1703 and 1727. After the last of these, an expedition

which ascended the Jaguaribe to its headwaters, no more major Indian

raids occurred against villages and fazendas.10 References to major

Indian wars in the Inhamuns are few. The first capitao-mor of Ic6,

Eento da Silva e Oliveira, stated in 1741 that he was made a judicial

official of that vila largely because of services rendered in 20 years

of fighting the Inhamuns Indians,11 and the descendents of Francisco

Ferreira Pedrosa later claimed that that pioneer made various conquests

of Indians, among them the Jucas.12

That the warlike propensities of the natives could be useful is

attested by the fact that the Portuguese frequently used them to fight

not only other Indians, but, on occasions to be related later, fellow

settlers as well. In at least one case, the services of Ceara's war-

riors were requested by the authorities in Piaul. In an appeal in 1733

to the Capitao-mor of Cearg, the Piaui officials stated that Indians

were destroying fazendas and killing cattle and settlers, by their ac-

tions impeding mining, commerce, and the coming of additional colonists.

He then named six aldeias in Ceara, including the one inhabited by the

Inhamuns Indians, and asked that 150 braves from them be sent to his aid,

10. Araripe, Hist6ria do Ceara, p. 55.
11. Pedro Theberge, "Extractos dos Assentos do Antigo Senado do
Ic6 desde 1738 ate 1835," Revista do Instituto do Cearg, XXVI (1912),
224. -The Revista is hereinafter referred to as RIC. The formal struc-
ture of colonial government is outlined in Ch. I, pp. 34-44.
12. Petition of Jose Alves Feitosa, Sept. 15, 1807. This document
is from the Studart Collection, a massive accumulation of historical
materials brought together during the late 19th and early 20th centuries
by Guilherme Studart and now held by the Instituto do Ceara in Fortaleza.
References herein to unpublished items in this collection identify the
item and give the date and following designation: SC.

adding that while there were sufficient men in his comarca to fight, a

war could not be waged without "gentio." The report made by the capitao-

mor to the Governor of Pernambuco in regard to the matter sheds light on

attitudes toward Indians. It was with "muito grande g8sto," he wrote,

that he ordered the local officials to gather the warriors and their

women and children and march them to the neighboring captaincy. Noting

that they were Indians who had escaped death in the late wars, he recom-

mended that they remain in Piaui. Being few in number, he added, their

continued presence in the captaincy could serve little purpose.13

Extermination and forced emigration were not the only answers the

Portuguese had for the Indian Cear,. Whether for religious

motives, for the hope of using their labor, or merely to keep them from

being a nuisance, or for a mixture of these reasons, attempts were made

to gather surviving natives into aldeias. Such settlements were under

the jurisdiction of a missionary, though it was custom to name a civil

administrator to assist him. Theoretically, the missionary was the

absolute authority in the aldeia, civil and military authorities and

secular clergy being barred from entry without his permission. Royal

orders required that each aldeia be given one square league of land, on

which a church was to be constructed and on which the Indians were to

build houses for themselves and for the missionary, as well as make

their plantings.14

A number of missions were established in the captaincy, including

several in the south, The Indians of the Inhamuns were placed in a

13. Capitao-mor of CearS to Governor of Pernambuco, Feb. 1, 1733,
14. Pedro Theberge, Esbogo Hist6rico sobre a Provincia do Ceara,
Pt. I (Fortaleza, 1869), pp. 104-105.

mission at Telha (later Iguatu),15 located between the Inhamuns and Ic5,

at Sao I*atheus, at the entrance to the Inhar uns, and at Arneir6s. The

last named, then mkown as the Mission at Jucds, was established where the

Rio Juca meets the Jaguaribe in the heart of the lands granted to the

Feitosas. The traditional date given for its foundation is 1727, while

surviving records of the mission date from 1733.16

The mission Indians, as the story is told by their conquerors,

proved to be unwilling pupils. The residents of the Telha area regis-

tered a complaint in 1742 against the Indians there, who, they said,

used their fishing trips outside the mission as pretext for stealing

cattle and pillaging whatever else they found, this with the tolerance

of the missionary.17 The Governor of Pernambuco, the following year,

ordered an investigation of charges that the Feitosas had persuaded the

Indians at Telha to desert their mission, presumably to live on the

lands of that family, leaving the mission virtually uninhabited as a

result.18 In 1749, because of continued raids on cattle, permission

was given civil and military authorities to enter the missions at Telha

and Jucas, among others, in order to arrest the erring Indians.19

By the late 1770's the Feitosas tired of their Indian friends, who

continued to disregard the white man's laws in regard to property, and

began to exterminate them.20 Within the Feitosa family, there is the

tradition that the persecution of the Indians, in at least one case, was

15. Studart Filho, Aborigines do Cear', p. 152.
16. Francisco de Assis Couto, Ori.ens de Sao I-ateus (Crato, 1966),
pp. 11-12.
17. Theberge, '"xtractos," pp. 225-226.
18. Theberge, Esbogo Hist6rico, pp. 165-166.
19. Theborge, "Extractos," p. 227.
20. Thebergo, Esbogo Hist6rico, p. 194.

caused by their mistrcat-ent of a Negro vaquoiro who had pursued then as

a result of their raid on cattle. The Indians, according to the story.

captured the vaqueiro, broke his arms and legs and gouged his eyes.

Another story handed down by the family relates that the Indians killed

cattle only when they were hungry.21 At any rate, the attitude of the

Feitosas led the authorities to direct that the Indians at Arneir6s be

removed to an area near the coast, an order reported carried out in 1780

by Lieutenant Colonel Eufrasio Alves Feitosa, grandson of Francisco

Alves Feitosa, the colonizer.22

The Montes and Feitosas

Scarcely had the first colonizers of the Inhamuns time to concen-

trate on their major business of breeding cattle when, in 1724, the

conflict which came to be known as the war between the Montes and

Feitosas brought fear, turmoil, and, not infrequently, death to the

headwaters of the Jaguaribe, as well as to the entire southern portion

of the captaincy. It was a severe shock to a society in formation; more

profoundly, it was a rigorous test of royal authority in an outlying

area of Portugal's new world empire. On opposing sides in tho struggle

were powerful family groupings, constituting centers of social, economic,

and military might, in the face of which the capitao-mor at the fort on

the coast was virtually helpless.

The first of the M:ontes to arrive in Ceara preceded the Feitosas by

several years, settling in the Ic6 area in 1682. By 1707, the year of

21. Leonardo Feitosa, "Para a Hist6ria do Ceara" (unpublished
manuscript, written in Arnoir6o in 1923-1924, now held by the Instituto
do Ceara), Chapters XV-XVI. Pages are unnunbered.
22. Bczerra, Alurmas Crigens do Ccara, p. 233.

the appearance of the Feitosas, the Eontes, their number still increas-

ing by new arrivals, were counted among the potentates (potentados) of

the land.23 Their future antagonists achieved an equally prominent

position in the years prior to the opening of the conflict, one well

fortified by landholdings and military commissions. Francisco Alves

Feitosa was appointed conrmanding officer in 1719 of the cavalry of

Quix:el8 and the Inhanmuns. while Lourenco, his brother, held the post of

comissario.24 Initial relations between the two families appear to have

been at least moderately peaceful, since Francisco Alves Feitosa chose

as his first wife the widowed sister of one of the Montes.25

The origins of ill will between the Montes and Feitosas are obscure.

The oldest known story of the war, first published in 1867, mentions a

matter of honor botwcon Francisco and his first wife's family and gives

an account of rivalries over land grants.26 The second oldest story of

the struggle, published in 1869 and written by Pedro Theberge, a French-

born physician who lived in Ic6, treats of the war in greater detail,

furnishing additional information on the land questions, but also only

mentioning the matter of honor.27 Both of these histories lack refer-

ences to sources in their considerations of the origins of the war, and

other portions of their accounts of the conflict, when compared to con-

temporary documents, are found to contain information of doubtful


23. Francisco de Assis Couto, Hist6ria do Ic6 (Crato, 1962),
pp. 37-39.
24. Antonio Bezerra, "Algumas Origens do Ceara," RIC, XV, Nos. 3
and 4 (1901), 265. The militia, a civilian army to which most men be-
longed, was the chief military force in Ceara during the colonial era.
See Ch. I, pp. 34-38.
25. Leonardo Feitosa, Tratado Geneal6gico da Familia Feitosa
(Fortaleza, 1952), p. 7.
26. Araripo, Hist6ria do Ceara, pp. 159-160.
27. Ezbono Hist6rico. pp. 127-130.

Succeeding studies of the causes of the conflict either repeat the

two earlier histories or are based on the scsnarias. The latter ap-

proach buttresses the contention that land rivalries occupied a promi-

nent position among the causes. The fact that the Feitosas and the

Montes were given large numbers of sesmarias in the same or neighboring

areas strengthens the supposition that they were engaged in a race--per-

haps friendly but, in any case, potentially explosive--to acquire as

much land as possible. Specifically, the Feitosas were granted lands

which the Montes earlier had been given, this on the contention of the

former that the lands had not been used, a practice authorized by pro-

visions governing the awarding of sesmarias. The sesmarias in question,

located along the Riacho Trugu in the vicinity of Telha and along the

Rio Carids, were given to the Montes between 1706 and 1709, and to the

Feitosas from 1720 to 1723.28

The one known contemporary document that deals specifically with

the causes of the conflict suggests that ill feeling may have existed

between the chief contenders even before they made their appearances in

Ceara. Desembargador Antonio Marques Cardozo, a judicial official who

investigated the conflict, noted in a report presented in 1738 that

rivalries existed between the two families when both were residents

along the Rio Sao Francisco in the Captaincy of Pernambuco.29

Whatever the causes may have been, their results engulfed the

south of Ceara in a struggle of no small import during 1724 and 1725

28. Bezerra, "Algumas Origens do Ceara," pp. 265-266, and Couto,
_ist6ria do Ic6, pp. 37-40. Among the nc-:er accounts of the war, in
addition to those of EiBorra and Couto in the aforementioned itens, is
L. A. Costa Pinto, Lutas do Fanmlias no Brasil (Sgo Paulo, 1949),
pp. 150-172.
29. Oficio of Antonio Marques Cardozo, Apr. 20, 1738, in
"," RIC, LXXVIII (1964), 167.

and continued to threaten the peace of the region for many years there-

after. The first official notice of trouble in the valley of the

Jaguaribe was an oficio (official letter) dated lay 21, 1724, from a

local magistrate of that area to the c-nara at Aquiraz.30 Juiz Ordinfrio

Clemente de Azevedo related that on the previous day a "grossa tropa de

gente," led by Lourenco and Francisco Alves Feitosa, had arrived in

Cariri INovo, there combining with Colonel JoSo da Fonseca Ferreira, a

pioneer sesmeiro in the Rio Salgade area,31 and his Genipapes32 to launch

an attack on the local residents. Sacking homes and fazendas and killing

four persons on the first day of the raid, they kidnapped Negroes,

married women, and "viuvas honradas." The judge further reported that

the attackers claimed they were carrying out orders of the ouvidor, a

royally appointed judicial official, and he lamented that they paid him

very little attention, even threatening to expel him and his officials

from the area. Azevedo ended his letter with an appeal for aid and in-

structions.33 In reply Capitao-mor Kanoel Frances, the highest ranking

official in the captaincy, ordered Sargento-mor Antonio Lopes Teixeira

to proceed to the area with 20 men to investigate the matter and to con-

sult with the ouvidor, who should be, the capitao-mor added, already

nearby with a contingent of men.34

30. Until 1738 all of Ceara was within the jurisdiction of the
caara (also called senado) .or municipal council at Aquiraz, located near
the coast. See Ch. I, p. 38.
31. Couto, Hist6ria do Ic6, pp. 29-33.
32. The Genipapos were one group of Indians which took part in the
conflict between the Montes and Feitosas; others were the Inhamuns,
Jucas, Carius, Tapuyas, Ic6s, and Quixerarius.
33. From "In6ditos Relatives ao Levante Occorrido na Ribeira do
Jaguaribe no Tcmpo de Ihnoel France: e do Cuvidor l:cndcs iachado quo
Fazem Partc da CollcccSo Studart," introd. by Guilherme Studart, RIC, X,
No. 1 (1896), 157-158, hereinafter cited as "In!ditos."
34. Oficio, June 5, 1724, ibid. p. 153.

The ou.-idor whose presence -:as awaited in Cariri Novo was Jose I:endes

'achado. Nar-.d the first head of the newly created Co-arca of Ccarh35 in

Aoril, 1723, he :was a center of controversy almost from the time of his

arrival fro- Portugal the following September. Charged with policing the

collection of taxes as well as exercising judicial functions, his vigor-

ous actions and apparent zeal to enforce the letter of the law stirred up

strong opposition in an area unaccustomed to both taxes and justice.36

The capitao-mor took notice of Mendes Machado's activities in the sertgo

in mid-August of 1724, stating that he had received complaints concern-

ing the new magistrate's conduct.37

The complaints were many, according to the ouvidor's enemies. A

letter to the capitgo-mor written early in 1725 in the name of the resi-

dents of the valley of the Jaguaribe gave an account of the ouvidor's

activities during the preceding year. In all the captaincy, the letter

reported, the ouvidor conducted inquiries, demanding that the persons

investigated pay costs of 80$000 reis each, even in those cases in which

several persons were involved in the same case. Moreover, the complain-

ants charged, ho condemned single men who cohabited with single women to

fines of 4$000 reis each, and, even worse, those who "se peccavan com

duas" were fined double the amount. Besides these affronts, they con-

tinued, he initiated legal action against those who had killed cattle

not theirs even though the owner consented, ordered men in the Inhamuns

to be bound and undergo indignities even though their guilt had not been

leqally established, and verbally injured various persons without cause.

35. A judicial district embracing all of Ceari. A fuller dis-
cussion of the ouvidor's duties is found in Ch. I, p. 39.
36. Introd. to "Inditos," pp. 145-146.
37. Oficios, Aug. 18, 1724, ibid., pp. 159-160.

The most serious charge against Jose Mendes IMachado centered around

the alliance he had made with the Feitosas. According to the letter,

the ouvidor encountered the Feitosa brothers, accompanied by their rela-

tives and sequazes (partisans). and Colonel Ferreira at Sao latheus. They

had just returned from an attack on the o:ontes, a raid in which they used

Indians to sack fazendas and murder vaqueiros, the Iontes themselves

being forced to flee for their lives. The ouvidor, in the face of such

acts, the petitioners indignantly reported, not only did not arrest the

leaders, but entered into an alliance with them, integrating his troops

with theirs. The combined forces then launched new attacks on their

enemies, sacking and killing and stealing the arms which the people had

as defense against Indians. Ior again were women e::empt. Their gold

and clothing were taken and they were insulted by words and actions, the

raiders "mettendo-lhes as maos pelas maneiras das saias" and firing on

them as they sought to flee.

The magistrate on his own initiative, the letter continued, gath-

ered a force of 80 Genipapos and 200 soldiers in an attempt to force his

will on the people of the captaincy. They, fearing they would be

totally destroyed, offered him gifts of gold, silver, and other valu-

ables, but, this not satisfying him, he continued his attacks, "nao 1he

escapando coisa viva...."38

The known official documents furnish only scant information on the

reaction of the Montes and their allies to the alleged depredations of

those grouped around the Feitosas, and they give little insight into

whatever defense the ouvidor and the Feitosa group ray have given of

38. "Requerimcnto do Povo." Feb. 3. 1725, ibid.. pp. 185-189.

their actions. With few cxceotions--those few to be noted in due course--

the docu-.cnts contain only inforr-ation furnished by enemies of the

ouvidor and the Feitosas, a fact which led Leonardo Feitosa, the gcnc-

alogist as well as one of the chief apologists of his family, to contend

that accounts of the struggle based on these documents treat unfairly of

his ancestors.39

Theberge's history may be used as an antidote to the version re-

vealed by the documents, though it would be helpful to know where he

found his information. He wrote that the Montes and their allies, tiring

of being mauled by their enemies, resolved to end the war with one great

blow, amassing their forces and marching toward the Inhamuns with a

"verdadeiro exbrcito." Passing by the aldeia at Sao Matheus, they added

the Inhamuns Indians to their forces, who, being long-time enemies of

the Jucs Indians, partisans of the Feitosas, were more than willing to

participate in the planned massacre. All did not go as planned. The

Feitosas, warned of the army's approach, gathered their people and

awaited its arrival. At the place later christened Bom Successo, they

surprised the would-be surprisers with a rout that was complete. Flushed

with success, the Feitosas and their Indian allies marched to Sao IMatheus

the following Sunday, where, surprising the Inhamuns Indians at mass,

they massacred all of them.

Theberge also wrote that the Montes assassinated a judicial of-

ficial who was sent south to investigate their conflict with the

Feitosas, and that they attacked the ouvidor's forces after their re-

quest for his recall had gone unheeded.40

39. Foitosa. Tratado Gcncal6gico. p. 9.
40. Esboco Hist6rico, pp. 131-133.

I:eam:hile, Capitao-mor Frances, alarmed by events in the sertSo

and having been unable to influence their course, unleashed a barrage

of orders in August and September of 1724. Lamenting that colonels and

other officials of the militia were involved in the war, he decreed on

August 13 that arny such officials persisting in these activities would

be condemned to death and their wealth confiscated. In the sane order,

he forbade that arms belonging to the militia should be used in the con-

flict.41 Four days later in a joint oficio with the camara, he appealed

to the ouvidor to retire from the area in the interest of his personal

safety, advising him that in tumults such as those sweeping the sertao

one must use prudence in the performance of his duties.42 Apparently

not sure of his sources of information and wanting to use caution in his

relations with the ouvidor, Frances requested on September 11 that local

magistrates and other officials of the camara inform him as to why the

people were dissatisfied with the ouvidor's actions and why so many

deaths had occurred in the areas in which he had been present.43 Frances,

on the following day, ordered Colonel J.oao de Barros Braga to go to the

valley of the Jaguaribe, where he was to locate the principal residents

and forbid them to take any actions against the ouvidor, who, he warned,

was sent by His Majesty to administer justice.44

Before his order to prevent reprisals against the ouvidor had time

to be executed, the capitao-mor took stronger action. On September 13,

he ordered the ouvidor to retire from the sertao by the best means pos-

sible, leaving his followers behind, since, 1.:ondes 1iachado was warned,

41. "In6ditos," p. 161.
42. Ibid., pp. 161-162.
43. Ibid., p. 160.
44. Ibid., pp. 162-163.

they were in his company more for the purpose of exorcisin; their ven-

geance than for service to the king. He added that should the ouvidor

not heed the order he would use force to insure that it was carried out.45

And two days later an order was addressed to Colonel Ferreira, Comis-

sario Lourengo Alves Feitosa, and Captain Antonio de Souza Gularte

directing them to abstain from committing any actions, under penalty of

being declared disloyal to the king, which would impede the ouvidor's


The capitao-mor apparently was convinced by mid-September that the

ouvidor was largely responsible for the conflicts in the interior. On

the 13th, in an order directed to an official of the militia, he stated

that the residents of the sertgo were in arms because the ouvidor had

allowed his office to become a shield for private vengeance. As a re-

sult of such imprudence, he continued, more than 400 persons had been


During the next several weeks, relations between Mendes i'achado

and the other officials of the captaincy did not take a turn for the

better. On September 15, the camara at Aquiraz, which throughout the

struggle opposed the ouvidor and his allies, sent a report to the

Governor of Pernambuco in which its members stated that the ouvidor

had ordered the arrest of the Montes and joined his forces with those of

their enemies. The cc-bined forces, the report continued, invaded the

home of Francisco de Montes and engaged in killing and looting.48 In

45. Ibid., p. 163.
46. Ibid., pp. 167-168.
47. Ibid., pp. 163-164.
48. Ibid., pp. 165-167. The report was sent to the Governor of
Perna-buco, for until 1799 the Captaincy of CcarS was, in effect, a
sub-captaincy of Pernanbuco.

the first week of October, an appeal in the nane of the people of the

Jaguaribe was directed to Frances requesting that all of the official

acts of the ouvidor be repudiated-and that he be arrested.49

Though not as yet prepared to order the arrest of the royal magis-

trate, the capitao-mor did move to curtail his power by directing

Comissdrio Fcdro da Rocha Franco on October S to deny hin troops to

further his ends. He also stated in the oficio that the camara had

elected a new ouvidor to replace Mendes .Machado.50 The election of

Captain Valentim Calado Rego, the oldest juiz ordinario of the carara,

was highly irregular, although it was consented to by the capitUo-nor.51

In effect, the potentates of Aquiran usurped the power of the crown in

their desire to rid themselves of the official it had appointed. The

sa.e oficio of October 8 indicated that the struggle in the interior

still continued, the capitUo-nor stating that half of the population

was found in the camp of the ouvidor. Before the end of October, he

dispatched two more oficios.52 The first, dated the 22nd, informed

Mendes Machado that before his arrival the captaincy had been peaceful,

but because of his actions the sertao was now in war. And on the fol-

lowing day, he took the long-demanded action, directing Lieutenant

Colonel Manoel Pereira Pinto to conduct the ouvidor to the fort. He

ordered that the best security measures be employed and cautioned the

official to take no action which might offend His Majesty's appointee.

Three days later, Frances wrote the camara that should his previous

49. "Requerimento do Povo," Oct. 3, 1724, ibid., pp. 171-172.
50. Ibid., pp. 172-173.
51. Oflcio, Cct. 27, 1724, ibid., pp. 175-176.
52. Ibid., pp. 173-175.

action not be sufficient he did not possess sufficient troops to bring

about the ouvidor's retirencnt from the sortao by force.53

The order for the detainrment of Mendes Iachado--it was not to be an

arrest, according to the capitao-ror--may have made a belated impression

on him. It was later reported that he retired to Piaul with his offi-

cials, though it appears that he did not do so until near the end of the

year. When Jose Mendes Machado did leave, his enemies were convinced,

he bade his allies goodbye with orders to continue the fight.54

As indicated by official correspondence, the fight, indeed, did

continue. Three days before Christmas, the capitao-mor stated that it

appeared the people were determined to perish in battle rather than

heed his orders,55 this opinion following a proclamation of late Novem-

ber in which he had ordered the residents of the Jaguaribe to return to

their fazendas and comport themselves as good vassals.56 On the 26th,

noting that peace still did not reign in the valley and that many kill-

ings continued to be reported, he repeated the order and further di-

rected that Indians participating in the conflict be returned to their

aldeias.57 The next oficio, dated January 27, 1725, directed that no

more than seven persons in one group would be allowed to travel in the

theatre of the conflict, excepting those conducting official business.

53. Letter referred to in: Valentim Calado Rego to Capitao-mor
Manoel Frances, Sept. 28, 1724, ibid., pp. 170-171. Apart from the
militia, military forces in Ceard during the 18th century generally
consisted of 50 to 60 regular troops, who manned the fort on the coast.
Araripe, Hist6ria do Cearg, p. 85.
54. "Requerimento do Povo," Feb. 3, 1725, "In6ditos," pp. 185-
55. Ibid., pp. 177-178.
56. Ibid., p. 177.
57. Ibid., pp. 178-179.

As if he had little hope that his newest move would be effective, he

added that "tao repetidas vezes" his orders had been disregarded.58

I-anoel Frances. nonetheless, continued his release of instructions

relative to the war, two of them during January ani Februal-, 1725,

directed at the Feitosas.59 The first of these, a proclamation dated

January 28 to be posted in the Inhanuns, suspended LourenQo and Fran-

cisco fron their posts in the militia, ordered the residents of the area

not to obey then, and gave Capitao-mor Josg de Araujo Chaves temporary

cor'nnd of the Inhamuns. The new commander was not a stranger in the

dominion of the Feitosas. A founder of one of colonial Ceara's most

distinguished families, Chaves held land grants in the Inhamuns, though

his residence and principal seat of power were in the region later to

become Vila Nlova d'El Rey (later called Ipu).60 The second of Frances'

orders, dated February 18 and addressed to the Feitosa brothers, threat-

ened to declare them public enemies if they did not terminate their


:!ows from the Inhamuns during late February, 1725, was not of a

nature to cheer the capitao-mor. He was informed on February 25 by

Padre Domingos Dias da Silveira, a sesmeiro in the Inhamuns, that the

Feitosas continued to destroy those who opposed them. According to the

padre's letter, they had gathered a band of Genipapos and Carius, which,

under the guidance of a son of Francisco Alves Feitosa, murdered several

residents of the Inhamuns, among them Captain Luiz Coelho Vital, a

58. Ibid., p. 179.
59. Ibid., pp. 180-181.
60. See Ch. I, pp. 58-59.

ses.eiro cince 1717 near the confluence of the Trici and the Carrapa-

teira.61 As a result of recent events, the padre told Frances, the

greater part of the inhabitants of the area were remaining close to

their fazendas or had fled to the church in fear that the Feitosas and

their Indian allies would launch new attacks.62 That the Inhamans con-

tinued in a state of turmoil appears to be indicated in oficios released

March 10 directing various officers of the militia to aid efforts to

bring peace to the strife-torn area.63

While the Feitosas were drawing fire from the pen of the capitao-

mor as a result of their raids, their antagonists attempted to improve

their position relative to that royal official. In the appeal to him

dated February 3, 1725, in which they gave the review of the history of

the war referred to before, they apologized for scme of their misdeeds.

They had taken Indians from the aldeias to use against the forces of the

ouvidor and his allies, even without the consent of the capitao-mor,

they confessed, but only because their forces alone could not hold back

the enemy and only as a last resort to defend their lives, honor, and

property. Excessive deaths and destruction had occurred, they admitted,

but only because of the tumult, the just grievances of the people, and

the exigencies of war. After having explained in this mannor the rea-

sons for their disregard of the capitao-mor's instructions, they

brought their appeal to a close with a moving plea for a general pardon

in the name of His I.ajesty.64

61. SeZrnrias, X, 101-102.
62. Letter referred to in an oficio of Feb. 28, 1725, in
"InXditos," pp. 183-184.
63. Ibid., p. 192.
64. Ibid., pp. 185-189.

The only immediate reply to their petition was the capitro-mor's

oficio of February 23 directing Antonio i.endes Lobato, son of a recently

deceased, leading potentate of the south of Cear!,65 and Manoel do Souza

Barbalho, along with their relatives and other allies of the Montes, to

end their aggressions and subject themselves to the law as good vassals

should.66 Possibly affecting Frances' actions was a letter he had re-

ceived some two weeks earlier from the Indians of the Jaguaribe com-

plaining that they had been called upon to fight the Genipapos, allies

of the Feitosas, having been shown false orders to that end said to have

been signed by the capitao-mor.67

A measure of peace began to return to the south of Ceara before the

end of 1725, if the dininishin; number of orders relative to the con-

flict was a reliable indication. Several events occurring during the

year .ay have contributed to a lessening of the struggle, the first be-

ing action taken by the Governor of Pernambuco, Dom Manoel de Rolim de

Moura. This official issued a proclamation on April 10, 1725, ordering

the residents of the Jaguaribe to return to their homes, to abstain

from violence, and to obey Frances, under penalty of being declared

rebels and having their fazendas confiscated by the crown. He then ex-

tended a piece of the olive branch in conceding a general pardon to the

participants in the war, excluding from it the principal leaders.68

Also during the month of April, it was reported that one of the

chieftains in the war, Jose !cndes Machado--the ex-ouvidor--had arrived

in Eahia several weeks previously "muito satisfeito" with the glories

65. Bezerra, "Algumas Origens do Ceara," p. 255, and Joao Erigido,
"Hist6ria," Cearense (Fortaleza), Aug. 15, 1875.
66. "In6ditos," pp. 182-183.
67. "Requerimento dos Indios," ibid., pp. 189-190.
68. Ibid., pp. 193-194.

he had acquired in Cearg. The judicial officials there did not think

that he would attenDt to return to Ceara, but in the event that he should

want to do so, they stated, he would be ordered not to leave Bahia with-

out royal pornission.69

Now arrned with the proclamation of the governor, I-anoel Frances re-

solved to assume a more active role in the pacification of his jurisdic-

tion. On 1:ay 30 he reported to the camara his intention to journey to

the Inhamuns, taking in his company a force of 10 regular soldiers, 24

cavalrymen, and 30 Indians, for the purpose of reinforcing the troops

already there and personally giving the orders of the governor to Fran-

cisco Alves Feitosa and other residents of the area. The plan to go to

the Inhamuns, Frances told the camara, was occasioned by several factors.

First, it was evident, according to reports from that area, that the

Feitosas would disregard a recent order directing them to deliver their

Indian allies to officials designated by the capitao-mor. Second,

Frances said, the Feitosas had not repented of their misdeeds. Fran-

cisco had written him, he continued, that an unfriendly attitude ought

not to be takon toward his activities, that, if he was guilty of wronrg-

doing, it was only a result of his zeal to defend the ouvidor, and that,

in whatever case, his faults were not as ugly as his enemies claimed.

Such obstinacy, the capitao-nor told the cacara, indicated insufficient

fear of the king and that in all likelihood the Fcitosas would continue

their hostilities, which, indeed, he added, they had as yet shown no

desire to brinr to a conclusion. Recent complaints frc- the Inha-~ns,

he said, indicated that the Foitosas and their Indian allies were con-

69. Oficio of Vasco Frz. Cezar de 1-:nczes. Apr. 6, 1725, ibid.,
p. 193.

tinuing to employ violence against those who refused to cooperate with

them.70 Hence, the determination of Frances to confront the potentates

of the Inhamuns face to face.

Keanw-:hile, on July 30 the governor extended the pardon to the

leaders of the uprising and, at the same time, further strengthened the

hand of the capitZo-mor by declaring that no person of whatever "quali-

dade ou condiggo que seja" would henceforth be permitted to possess

troops, even though they be as few as six, without official permission.71

In another order, later reported by the capitgo-mor to have been given

at the same time, the governor directed Frances to arrest or exterminate

any Indians who failed to obey him.72

The capitao-mor reported on December 10, 1725, that his moves had

been only partially successful. All obeyed the orders to abstain from

violence and relinquish their Indian followers and other troops, he in-

formed the camara, except Colonel Ferreira and the Feitosas. Ferreira

had fled to Pianc6, in nearby Paralba, with his Tapuyas, Frances said,

and the Feitosas also had retired with their followers. But both the

colonel and the Feitosas, he affirmed, had made their moves only so as

to be able to return at a later date to continue the destruction to

which they had become accustomed. Frances mentioned in his report that

he had gone to the Inhamuns in an attempt to punish the criminals, but

he failed to give information as to what had happened on the expedi-

tion.73 If, as appears likely, the Feitosa chieftains retreated from

the area before his arrival, the journey may have been rather unevent-


70. Ibid., pp. 194-195, 197-198.
71. Ibid., pp. 195-196.
72. Referred to in an oficio of Dec. 10, 1725, ibid.. pp. 197-193.
73. Ibid.

Although it appears that the war di-Linishcd during its second year,

at least in part as a result of the intervention of the governor and the

succeeding moves of the capitSo-nor, its after-ath threatened to plunge

the sertio into a bloody encore for ranry years. On I.arch 8, 1726,

E noel Frances ordered a proclamation posted in all public places of

his jurisdiction which indicated that stringent orders and pardons had

not been sufficient to repress rancors and passions. Giving a brief re-

view of the struggle between "uns chamados Feitosas contra os Eontes,"

Frances argued that his efforts to suppress the hostilities had been

made difficult by the imprudence of the ouvidor, the use of Indians by

both sides, and the 130 leagues separating his fortress fro- the home

of the Feitosas. Then proceeding to the reason for the proclamation.

he stated that the opposing sides were threatening to reopen the war,

and, having met with his officials, he had resolved to issue a number

of orders. First, he directed that the Genipapos, Ic6s, and Quixerarius

be removed to Piaul. Second, he ordered Colonel Ferreira, Francisco

Alves Feitosa and his son by the same name, and Lourengo, the chiefs of

one side, and Antonio Mendes Lobato, Kanoel de Souza Barbalho,

Theod6sio Nogueira, and Antonio Gongalves de Souza, frc the opposing

side, to absent themselves from the captaincy. Third, he directed per-

sons in possession of horses or other animals belonging to either of

the two factions to restore them to their o;.-ners, already having stated

that those expelled could leave their fazendas in the care of legally

appointed ad-ministrators. Persons disobeying these orders were to have

their wealth confiscated, and they were to bo declared rebels and con-

de-.ned to suffer the ultimate penalty.74

74. Antonio Bozerra. "Algutas Crigcns do Ccar., Parte Dccu-.ental,"
"-'-. *:,' (I:-.2). .- 15 -155.

By 1727 news of the conflict had reached officials in Portugal, for

in that year the cromw ordered the Rclaago of Pahia, the colony's high-

est judicial body, to conduct an investigation of the recent uprising in


On April 2, 1731. seven years after the outbreak of the war, Cuvidor

Pedro Cardozo de IIorves of Cearg informed his superiors that he had en-

countered evidence that a new uprising in the offing, even though,

he added, he had been told that the principal leaders of the previous

hostilities were dead. The ouvidor stated that the only definitive an-

swer to the threatened reopening of the conflict was the destruction of

the potentates of the captaincy, in which case the area would be left

deserted and lost to the crown. Before taking such a harsh move, he

recommended, it would be wiser to give some lesser demonstration of

royal power in the hope that it might make more stringent moves unneces-

sary. To this oficio, an advisor of the crown attached a note stating

that Norvaes had been sent orders instructing him not to spare punish-

ment to any person disobeying the king, though recommending a measure

of prudence in the dispensation of justice.76

The representative of the Relaggo of Bahia who ultimately con-

ducted the investigation of the war and who sought a definitive solu-

tion to the problems left by it was Desembargador Antonio Marques

Cardozo. His report of April 20, 1738, from Ceara, pointed to some of

the difficulties involved in a resolution of the conflict. The

desembargador, noting that many members of the Monte and Feitosa

75. Referred to in Secretary of State to Conselho Ultramarino.
July 5, 1730, "Ineditos," pp. 199-200.
76. Ibid., pp. 200-201.

families and their allies continued to hold posts in the militia, recon-

mended that he be ordered to relieve then of such positions. This action,

he said, would strip then of some of their po:er and leavo then less

equipped to plunge the area into another war, for, he added, they ;:ere

certain to resume their :wayward conduct after his departure. Cardozo in-

formed his superiors that he had also ordered the arrest of the loaders

of the uprising, but, he emphasized, the execution of the order would en-

tail great difficulties in regard to the Feitosas. They were in their

homes, located many leagues from the fort, and it would be i-pessible to

send a contingent of troops to arrest then, he said, without their being

informed of its approach, since almost all of the residents of the area

were connected with that family. To skirt this problem, he ordered the

colonel of the militia in the Inhamuns to perform the task, and the

colonel in his reply agreed that, indeed, the problem was a difficult

one. Having his home in the area, he did not think that it would be

wise to execute the order himself, but, having been ordered to do so,

he would attempt to comply "achando occasiao opportuna." Should the

Feitosas be arrested, the desembargador concluded, they would be sent

to Pernambuco, since the jail at the fort could not be made secure with-

out considerable effort.77

Desembargador Cardozo presented the results of his investigation

to the officials in Lisbon on iarch 26, 1745. The desembargador noted

that, as a result of an eye ailment from which he suffered, the in-

vestigation had been much delayed. By the time he recovered from his

illness, he stated in apology, Jose Xendes Machado had died; and, con-

sequently, no inforr-tion from hin was included in the report. De-

77. "DocumentSrio," RIC (1964), p. 167.

parting with the controversial magistrate, presumably, was his side of

the story. In the covering letter to the report, Cardozo stated that

147 persons had been killed during the years of hostilities--a figure

considerably smaller than that given earlier by the capit'o-mor--deaths,

he said, for which the IIontes and Feitosas, along with their partisan,

were responsible.78

It does not appear that the leaders of the warring sides suffered

greatly at the hands of the officials, if Francisco Alves Feitosa was

representative. While he did lose six leagues of property in the Riacho

Trucu, sequestered from him to pay the costs of the investigation,79

Capit.-o-or Francisco da Costa in 1747 granted him three leagues near

the Serra TimbaGba in the Inhamvns.80 From this action, it appears that

the Feitosa chieftain not only recuperated a portion of his losses but

returned to the good graces of the officials as well.

Theberge again supplements the official documents with some in-

teresting details, and indicates that recriminatory acts continued for

many years after the sounds of the major battles had died. According to

him, Lourengo Alves Feitosa retired to Pernambuco during the height of

official efforts to repress the conflict, while, somewhat later, Fran-

cisco moved over into Piaul, from which he continued to terrorize the

Montes and their allies, being yet responsible for the deaths of nine

of that faction. Theberge also wrote that the records of the camara at

Ic6 indicated that several killings related to the struggle occurred

after that body was ir~a_'-rated in 173S. One of t'.e- was the -- rder of

78. "Iniditos," pp. 207-208. Only the covering letter is in-
cluded in the Studart documents.
79. Bezerra, "Algumas Origens do Ccara," p. 269.
80. Sesmarias, VIII, 193-194.

Captain ianool de Montes Pereira in the Rio Salgado area, a crine in

which Lourcrno and Francisco Alves Feitosa, a slave of the former na-ed

Andre, and Captain Alvaro de Lima Oliveira were implicated. This act

was followed by the assassination of Captain Oliveira by Colonel Fran-

cisco de Monte.81

The story of the war between the M:ontes and Feitosas serves as a

valuable commentary on the society of the Inhamuns as well as of the

entire captaincy during the first half century following the arrival

of Portuguese settlers to the area. The principal element of social

control during this period was private power as contrasted to govern-

mental power. The crown, attempting to people the sertao and erase the

Indian menace at a minimum of expense and official effort, relied on

the promise of generous land grants to attract fazendeiros sufficiently

powerful to accomplish the task. The might of these potentates was

officially blessed by conferring commissions in the militia on them,

and, in some cases, the patent as local capitao-mor.

The crown-fazendeiro relationship lacked the necessary element

of reciprocity. While the crown needed the potentates and demanded

much of them, they, in turn, had little cause to respect or place

reliance on the crown. They presided over miniature kinddo-.s their

vaquoiros, artisans, and agriculturists filling the ranks of their

private armies. If these non-landed elc-cnts were also members of

the militia, as many of them were, this was only an incidental fac-

tor, for to then the chief lines of authority ceanated from the

fazondoiro not because he was an officer in the militia but because he

01. .-1-n9 Hirt.rico, pp. 136-138.

was their DatrFo. Highly important, the patrao relationship involved

elements of respect for one's social superiors, economic ties, affection

or fear or both, and, not infrequently, kinship links. These small king-

doms of one given area, when interlocked by blood relations of the

owners--as was the case in the Inhamuns--constituted clans in possession

of concentrations of power of no small import. Adding to their strength

was the they were able to e:-:ert over Indian tribes, this in part

given to them by the crrwn and in part assumed by them as a means of

social control in the vacuum left by the weaknesses of civil and eccle-

siastical power. In contrast to the power of the potentates, the

authority of the crown was weak. Represented by the capitao-mor, w-hose

base '.:as the fortress on the coast manned by a small detachment of

regular troops, and the ou-.idor, royal authority could do little but

plead or threaten. The militia as an element of royal power was of

questionable reliability, as events proved.

The system broke down in Ceara when a conflict originated which

involved or came to involve a complex: of family rivalries, alleged in-

sults, unpopular actions by a government official, and old enmities

among the Indians. A stronger more efficient governm-ent, in all likeli-

hood, could have prevented the outbreak of violence, finding a solution

through a combination of the use of official force and the machinery of

justice, two elements which did not e:xist to significant degrees in

early to mid-18th century Cear2. In their absence, a resolution of the

problems was ought utilizing the channels which were available. The

ouvidor, alone possessing insufficient strength, attempted to take ad-

vantage of the power of one of the family groupings in an attempt to

assert his authority. The two original family groupings resorted to

war. seeking to fulfill their ends by the extermination of the pcrzonz

and of the opposing camp. Additional fazendeiros and fa-ily

groupings were drawn into the war, adhering to one side or the other,

for reasons, it would seem, of sympathy, blood ties, protection, and,

quite likely, private ends of their own.

The war and its aftermath of continued violence were brought to a

conclusion, it appears, by a greater number of factors than the threats

and limited actions of the officials. A possible contributing factor

was the sica (drought) which assaulted Ceari during the mid-1720ts.82

This natural calamity may have hastened the lessening of the war by

destroying the resources with which it could be waged, as well as by

adding to the decision of some of the leading participants to flee from

the captaincy. It also seems likely that the opposing sides satisfied

their thirst for revenge and in time arrived at what they considered

to be an accommodation which no longer demanded further reprisals. Con-

tributing to such an accommodation may have been the attrition exacted

by the passing of the years, as old warriors disappeared from the scene

and once-intense passions lost some of their urgency.

Tradition records that the Montes were so impoverished and deci-

mated by the conflict that they never recovered; and, indeed, by the

virtual disappearance of the family's name from the history of CearS,

it appears that such may- well have been the case. As for Francisco

Alves Feitosa and his numerous and hardy descendents, the last had not

been heard from them, as so many of these follo'.-in. pages attest.

82. Ibid., p. 141.

The Formal Structure of Local Government

During the century or so between the War of the Montes and Feitosas

and the end of the colonial period, Ceara assumed many of the character-

istics of the more advanced units in Portugal's colonial empire. The

culminating event was Ceara's elevation to a captaincy of the first order

in 1799. at which time it acquired a governor (replacing the capitao-mor),

its subjugation to Pernambuco coming to an end. The Inhanuns kept pace,

as evinced by its promotion to a vila three years later in 1802.83 The

steps toward this latter event included, among other factors, develop-

ments in the three areas of the formal structure of local government:

the military, civil, and religious.

The first permanent Portuguese authority in the Inhamuns appears

to have been of a military nature. That, in any case, a military unit

was in existence in the area by 1719 is indicated by the nomination of

Francisco Alves Feitosa, as mentioned before, as colonel of the cavalry

of Quixel3 and the Inhamuns in that year. The cavalry of the Inhamuns

was a unit in the ordenancas, a militia composed of men aged 18 to 40

years who had visible means of economic support.84 Organized by vilas,

or by special districts in the absence of a vila (as was the case in

the Inhamuns in the 18th century), the ordenangas were under the local

command of a colonel or capitao-mor,85 who, in turn, was subordinated

to the ranking royal officer--governor or capitao-mor, as the case

83. The vila was the basic local unit in Portuguese government.
It included the population center which served as the seat and the
surrounding territory assigned to it.
84. In general, the description of the militia presented hero is
based on Araripe, Hist6ria do Ceara, pp. 83-86. Also Lec: Caio Prado
Junior, FormapSo do Brasil ContemporSneo (7th ed.; SOo Paulo, 1963).
pp. 310-311. Additional data are drawn front the sources noted.
85. The commanding officer often was referred to as both colonel
and capitao-mor.

might be--of the captaincy. Second in com..and was either a lieutenant-

colonel or a zargento-mor. The militia of the vila or special district

was further organized into sub-areas, also called districts, each one

under the co-.nand of a captain who was responsible to the local capitao-

nor. As examples, in 1752 the Vila of IcN, then comprising all of the

south of Cearg, was organized into nine special districts, each having

its own militia under the command of a capitao-mor.8 The Inhamuns was

one such district, Quixel8 forming a separate one by that year. To pro-

vide an example of the sub-areas, in 1813 the Inhamuns, by then a vila,

was divided into the eight districts of Cococy, Flores, Arneir6s,

Umbuzeiro, PuiM, Carrapateira, Maria Pereira, and the Riacho das Favelas,

each commanded by a captain.87

The colonel was named by the governor, the nomination being sub-

ject to royal approval. To fill his staff, down to and including

captains, the colonel, in consultation with the cn'ara of the vila, pro-

posed three names for each vacancy to the governor, who made the final

choice.88 The captains, in theory, named their inferior officers, sub-

ject to the approval of the colonel, but, in practice, the governor

could direct the entire process by his control of royal patents.

Governor Eanoel Ignicio de Sampaio in 1812 complained to the capitaes-

mores that many captains were neglecting to secure royal patents for

their nominations;89 and later in the year when he wrote the co.-rndinr

86. Theberge, Esbogo Hist6rico, p. 173.
87. Entry of Sept. 16, 1813, Register of oficios of the Governor
of Ceari to the capitaes-norcs, Vol. 31, Arquivo Publico, Fcrtaleza.
This register and others of the kind are cited hereinafter as: ROGC.
Follc::in; this designation is the volume nurbcr used by the archive.
88. Entry of Oct. 7, 1812, ROGC, Vol. 433.
89. Entri- of Apr. 30, 1812, ibid.

officers of the Inhamuns requesting nominations for the posts of alferes

and other inferior officers, he stated that he would order patents

issued only in the event that he approved of the names submitted.90

Uniforms and hair styles for the officers and soldiers of the or-

denancas were minutely specified. The former, down to and including

alferes, were to dress in white coats and trousers made of hitch-quElity

cloth, with yellow buttons, and in a hat adorned with silver lace and

silk bands. The uniforms of the lesser officers and soldiers were of

the same general appearance, though of less elegant cloth and with hat

bands of wool, while both groups t-ere required to wear spurs on both

feet. The only hair style permitted was the pigtail, one for the

officers and two for the soldiers.91 Inspections were conducted by the

governor (or capitao-mor). as in 1775 when Antonio Jose Victoriano

Eorges de Fonseca directed Colonel Lanoel Ferreira Ferro, son of Fran-

cisco Alves Feitosa, to assemble his regiment for that purpose on Sunday,

October 22 at 7:00 A.Mi. at Cococy.9~

The principal function of the militia, once conquest of the sertZo

was accomplished, was to serve as the police force. The capitio-mor

was, in effect, a liberally endowed chief of police, the captains of the

district acting as his chief lieutenants. lAmong his duties were keep-

in; the governor informed of happenings in the area. arresting criminals

as well as e:-pellin; all those whom he considered undesirable. prohib-

iting public gatherings when he deemed such action necessary, and

90. Entry of Oct. 7, 1812, ibid.
91. Entry of Aug. 3, 1768, RCC, Vol. 537.
92. Entry of July 22, 1775, ROCC, Vol. 534.

taking any measures the situation demanded to prevent strife and to settle

quarrels.93 The oficios of the governors of Ceara to the capitles-mores

of the Inhamuns provide proof that the latter, in concert with the gover-

nor, did possess broad discretionary powers. While on occasion the

governor would order him to free a criminal who had been arrested or

specify the term of imprisonment, on other occasions he would direct

that the criminal in question be held until the capitgo-mor considered

him sufficiently punished. Although the capitgo-mor was to keep the

governor minutely informed on all happenings and consult with him on all

important moves, in practice he, of necessity, operated with a great deal

of independence because of the slowness of communications and the dis-

tance from the coast.

The post of capitgo-mor, filled for three-year terms until 1749 and

afterwards for life,94 was much sought. The crown usually awarded it to

the most powerful figure of the area, and not without reason. Though a

juiz de fora could be placed in any vila where the crown considered this

official necessary,95 it was the capitgo-mor who was expected to care

for the crown's interests in the vast majority of the vilas. Naming the

already established chief of the area to the office made the task easier,

at least in theory. It was an attempt of the crown to utilize the

power of the existing leaders to its own end, which, in fact, was about

93. Diogo de Vasconcelos, "Linhas Geraes da Administraggo
Colonial," Revista do Instituto HistSrico e Geografico Brasileiro,
Special Volume, Pt. III (Primeiro Congresso de Hist6ria Nacional,
1914), 296.
94. Araripe, Hist6ria do Ceara, p. 85.
95. On the juiz de fora, see Ch. I, pp. 40-41.

the only accoo-ndation the erc-n could r-:e to rri-:ate po-:er in the ab-

sence of a large regular arr- or anr other agency of effective social

control. o

Civil authority on the local level was e::ercizcd b-y the ca-nara and

judicial officials.97 The Inhar-un:, as was all of Ccarg, was originally

included in the Vila of Aquirac, founded in 1700. 'W.ith the inau ration

of the Vila of Ie6 in 1733, the inharruns parsed into its jurisdiction,

where it remained until 102.

The cEarra was comeo-ed of t.-:o or three vereadores and two juices

ordinlrios, all of :.:horm were elected by the ho-.ens bonds. the vereadores

for three-year term_, the juizse o.rdinirios for terms of one year. !Io

:atisfactor-, all-irnclusive definition of an homen bc= exists. though it

is clear that he -.ra a person w-ho w:as regarded as belonging to the upper

strata of the conmunity- in which he lived. The system of election ::as

indirect, the voters choosing si: electors -.:ho then made the selection

of the officials.

The car.ra, presided over by one of the juizes ordinarios. included

anong its functions: lc,-ying ta:-es on sone items and professions, others

being rezer-ve to the cro'w.n; responsibility for the construction and up-

keep of roads and bridges; legislating for the vila by adopting local

la:s, called postura:; judging sone infractions of la-.: of li-nited con-

sequence: providing for the routine administering and policing of the

vila; naming some of the minor officials. Amon:_ the minor officials were

9,. Victor Nunes Leal, Coronelismo. En::ad. c Voto, (Rio de Janoiro,
1948). pp. 153-154. The most famous of the capitges-mores of the
Iniharuns. Joz3 Al-:c Feitosa, rates a section of his o-wn later in this
chapter. See pp. 4W4-55.
97. The following description of civil government is based chiefly
on the follo.-ring: Araripe, Hist6ria do Cearl. pp. 81-93; ; Hist6ria Ad miniztrativa do Erasil (2nd ed.: So Paulo. 1925), pp. 32-38;
Leal, Coronclizmio, pp. 3'-45. 74-76, 137-140.

a procarador, whoso function was to insure that the postures were obeyed,

a treasurer, a clerk, a jailer, ar.i thb c-adriLheiroz, who served as

local guards.

The judicial structure reached from minor local magistrates to the

crown, by route of the juizes ordinarios, ouvidores, the relagSes, and

the Conselho Ultramarino. Ccarl was included within the jurisdiction of

the RelagSo of Bahia, the highest court of appeals in the colony until

the crown itself moved to Brazil in the early 19th century. With the

creation of the RelaSgo of Recife in 1821, Cearl passed into its juris-

diction. Below the relac o was the ouvidor, whose jurisdiction was a

conarca, this unit subdivided into terms, each term usually consisting

of a vila. Only one comarca existed in the captaincy until 1816, when

the Comarca of Crate was created, including the Inhaanns within the


The functions of the ouvidor were many. Having original jurisdic-

tion over crimes involving homicide or large suns of money, he also was

required to visit each tcrmo annually to inspect the work of the judges

inferior to him and to correct any errors he located, including order-

ing the inferior judges to proceed against any criminals they may have

neglected. In addition, he was to: inspect jails; police the election

of the cAnaras; insure that roads, bridges, and other public works were

kept in good repair; examine postures, annulling any which were illegal

and asking the king to annul those considered prejudicial to the crown's

interest, even though they night be legal; insure that unlicensed physi-

cians did not practice medicine; and police the collection and handling

of royal rcvenuC:.

The chief resident r_icZLratcs in a vila -:ere the juices ordintrios. with both and civil jurisdiction. They were officials

of the c-ar.a, rather than of the ter-.o. In the case of grave,

they ordered the arrests and held inquiries before passing the case on

to the ouvidor. The juices ordinTrios also policed the w-ork of the

alnotaccs, rinor judicial posts rotated monthly among 24 persons chosen

from the juizes ordinGrios themselves, vereadcres, and persons named by

the carara. ALnotaces h?.d both .nagisterial and police duties, including

original jurisdiction in involving ninor sums and the policing of

pozturas in regard to weights and r.easurcs, public sanitation, and the

like. More populous vilas right also have a juiz do orfaos, whose func-

tion -.:as to inventor,- the property of orphans and, in general, to look

after their interests.

In the outlying villages having population sufficient to need a

judicial official -:ere the .uizes de vintenas. their jurisdiction

limited to civil crimes of a cpcuniary., nature. In addition, evidence

e;:ists that provisions .-:ere nade to placca ragistrates with higher juris-

diction than these juices de vintenas in populous areas far from the

seat of the vila. The Ilnanuns had a juiz ordinrrio presiding over a

judicial unit kno..-n as a julgado froz 1795 until the inauguration of the

vila in 1i02.98 The seat of the julgado ::as the v:.llage of Taut, located

near the confluence of the Trici and the Carrapateira.

A special judicial official was the juis de fora, no.-inated by the

cro-.. to servo in populous vilas or in any other area where the pro-

longed presence of a representative of the cro:-rn was considered necessary.

98. The proceedings of the juices ordin!rios of the Julgado of
TauS are found in Cart6rio No. 1, Taua.

Chosen only from aon; graduates of schools of la-. he asur.c:d the

dutice of the juizez ordinrrios and. in addit-on, p zsccccd sone fune-

tions not c::ercizcd by those officials. A juin do fora :-'i. never sent

to the Ir-ac.--ns, though a former governor of Ccar2, Luiz Earba Alard? de

!enczcsc, reco--.e-ndcd to the cro:-.'n in 1814 that such a =moe be r-de, for

the purpose, he -.:rotc, of bringing pc:ce and civilization to that te-.o.99

In spite of its elaborate formal organization, local govern-.cnt was

poorly supported. That portion of taxes collected in the vila which was

destined for its support was small, the major portion going to the crc-.n.

Belonging to the vila w;as revenue from: taxes levied on cattle killed

in the public slaughterhouse, where all cattle destined for sale were

required to be slaughtered; taxes on the sale of meat in the public nar-

ket; fines collected from infractions of the posturas; and taxes on the

sale of some processed or manufactured items, such as alcoholic bever-

ages. The royal taxes were chiefly on cattle, the definition of cattle

also including sheep, goats, and horses. The dizimo or tenth -:as the

original and largest tax on cattle, but, as additional funds :-.ere needed,

lesser taxes were also levied on that item. Among the,? were the nili-

tary subsidy and the literary subsidy, the latter established in 1772

and designed for public instruction. Collection of the r-in.r taxes ---as

entrusted to the officials of the vila, :.-:ile the di-zio -.'as far-.e out

by contract to one of the local potentates or, in some cases, to cne

front outside the arca.100

99. :.ria zobrc a Capitania do Ccara," Revista do Instituto
Hist'rico. C-corr~rhico e Ethno-rrhiico do Frasil, YXvXIV, Pt. 1 (1871),
100. Araripc, HistGri.'. do Ccarr, pp. 78-81.

That the tax collector was an unwelcome caller in that era was at-

tested by a complaint, dated April 7, 1747, of the "vereadores, nobreza,

clero, homes bons, povo e filhos da folha" of the Vila of Ic6. Pointing

to the unfertile soil, the constant threat of droughts, and the general

poverty of the country, they stated that the newest tribute on cattle,

to be exacted at the rate of one head for each 100, was clearly exorbi-


The basic unit of ecclesiastical organization was the freguesia,

presided over by a priest known as the viggrio who resided at the igreja

matriz, the head church of the jurisdiction. Usually included in a rural

freguesia were smaller churches, called capelas, located on fazendas or

in small villages. A capela might also have a resident priest, if it

had sufficient resources, in which case it was known as a curato. The

boundaries of the freguesia did not always coincide with those of civil

and military government.

The Inhamuns was initially included in the Freguesia of Aquiraz,

but with the creation of the Freguesia of Ico in the 1720's102 the area

passed into the new jurisdiction, where it remained until 1755. The

first organized religious effort in the Inhamuns was the mission for

Indians at Arneir6s, located near the meeting of the Rio JucS with the

Jaguaribe and founded at least by 1731. By 1763 Eufrrsio Alves Feitosa,

a grandson of Francisco Alves Feitosa, had constructed a substantial

building for the mission, which was served by a resident priest.103

The second oldest outpost of the faithful in the Inhamuns was the capela

101. Theberge, "Extractos," p. 226.
102. Couto, HistSria do IcS, p. 68.
103. Francisco Carlos de Moraes, "Apontamentos sobre as Freguezias
de Arneir6s e de Saboeiro," RIC, XVI, Nos. 1 and 2 (1902), 72.

on the 7azcnda Cococy, located on the upper Jucd. Its construction, con-

pleted by 1748, was ordered in 1740 by Francisco Alves Feitosa, who had

come to live on that fazenda following the deaths of his brother, Lourengo,

and his nephew, Lourengo Penedo, the original owners of the Fazenda

Cococy.104 The capela at Cruz, later called Saboeiro and located on the

Jaguaribe in the southern portion of the Inha.uns, was in existence by


In 1755 the Inh.-ans, together with the valleys of the Curiu and

BastiSes, was dismembered from the Freguesia of Ic6 to form the new

Freguesia of Nossa Senhora do Carmo dos Inhamuns, with the uratriz at Sao

Matheus.106 In the following decade a capela, named Nossa Senhora do

Rosario, was constructed by Sargento-mor Jose Rodrigues de Katos on the

Fazenda Taug, situated near the confluence of the Trici and Carrapa-

teira.107 The capela at Flores, on the upper Trici, was founded during

the same decade. Ecclesiastical boundaries in the Inhamuns were further

altered in 1784 with the creation of the Freguesia of Nossa Senhora da

Paz, the former curator at Arneir6s serving as the matriz. The dividing

line with Sao 'atheus, from which it was dismembered, was set between

the Fazendas Cangalhas and Pogo Verde on the Jaguaribe, the territory

of the upper portion of the river being awarded to the new freguesia.108

Completing the changes in ecclesiastical organization in the Inhamans

during the century and a quarter following 1707 was the dismemberment

104. Feitosa, "Para a Hist6ria do Ceara," Ch. III.
105. Couto, Ori ens de Sao Kateus, pp. 27-28.
106. Ibid., and Thoberge, Esboco Historico, p. 174.
107. Feitosa, "'ara a Historia do Cear-," Ch. XXIV.
108. Copy of the act of erection of the freguesia, furnished to
the writer by Carlos Feitosa from his private archive.

of the upper Irhamuns fro:. Arnir&s in 1832 to fcrn the Freucsia of

clssa Senhcra do Rosario, the fcr.or curato at Tau! serving as the


Caritio-mor Jos A.Ilves Feitosa

Tne most distinguished and durable of the capitees-rorcs of the

Inha-nuns :as Jose Alves Feitosa, who assumed the post in 1791, holding

it until his death 32 years later in 1323. His long public career pro-

vides a central theme around which to trace nany of the developments in

the Inhamuns during the last decades of the colonial period.

A great-grandson of Francisco Alves Feitosa, the colonizer, and a

grandson of Sargento-mor Francisco Ferreira Pedrosa, one of the earliest

and largest sesmeiros of the Inhamuns, the capitao-mor was a son of

Captain Jos6 Alves Feitosa of the Fazenda Varzea da Onga, as well as

nephew and son-in-law of Pedro Alves Feitosa of Papagaio, one-time

capitko-mor of the Vila of Crato. The elder Jos6 Alves, in addition

to serving as commander of one of the companies of the cavalry, was, at

various times, juiz ordinario of the Vila of Ic6 and, after the creation

of the Julgado of Taua, served there as juiz ordingrio and juiz de

orfaos. The younger Jose Alves was well fortified with the solid

lineage and the landed wealth necessary to place him among the poten-

tates of the Inhamuns. When he was married in 1781 in the capela at

Cococy, only 11 years after the death of Francisco Alves Feitosa, it

was to a granddaughter of that venerable colonizer.110

109. Thomaz Pompeu, Ensaio EstatIstico da Provincia do Cear5,
Vol. II (Fortaleza, 1864), 140.
110. Petition of Jos5 Alves Feitosa, Sept. 15, 1807, SC; Feitosa,
Tratado Geneal6gico, passim.

Prior to being named capitgo-mor, Jose Alves Feitosa served as a

lieutenant in the cavalry, and in 1790 was awarded the post of collec-

tor of the royal tenths for the Vila of Sobral.111 The letter naming

him capitao-mor of the Inhamuns praised his previous services to that

area and noted his substantial wealth and social position, adding that,

while the post paid no salary, he would enjoy the privileges and

respect accompanying it.1l2

The first half of his regime appears to have been peaceful, the

second portion being the occasion for opposition from within the Inhanuns

as well as from outside the area. After assuming the post, he served as

a juiz ordinario of Ic6 and of the Julgado of Taua,113 but the most note-

worthy event of his early years as capitao-mor was the elevation of the

Inhamuns to the status of vila in 1802. Authority for the creation of

the vila was a general order14 of 1766 directing that the vagrants,

vagabonds, and criminals who inhabited the sertao be grouped into vilas

of not less than 50 hearths for the purpose of instructing them in the

ways of civilization. Any persons unwilling to accept such regimenta-

tion were to be considered thieves and declared enemies of the state.

The inhabitants of Arneir6s were apparently the first in the Inhamuns

to attempt to secure a vila for the area. Their efforts met strong

opposition from Ic6, the camara of that vila arguing in 1767 that al-

though Arneir6s was appropriately populated by thieving Indians and

111. Oficio, Aug. 16, 1790, SC.
112. Carta patente, July 7, 1791, SC.
113. Petition of Jos6 Alves Feitosa, Sept. 15, 1807, SC.
114. Text found in Guilherme Studart, "600 Datas para a
Chr6nica do Ceard na Segunda Metade do Seculo XVIII," RIC, V, Nos, 2
and 3 (1891), 156.

other vagabonds it lacked personnel capable of staffing a local govern-

ren. 115

'.'Ten orders were given to erect a vila in the Inhaurrns, the place

selected for its seat was not Arneircs, the head of the freguesia, but

Taut, there there e::isted a capela, the julgado, and the home of the

capit-o-mor. Governor Bernardo !-hnoel de Vasconcelos later explained

the reasons for the decision to erect the vila and for the selection of

Taug as its seat.116 A principal factor was the distance from Ic6, the

people of the Inharuns telling him that an inheritance was virtually

all consumed '7 the juizes ordinarios and juizes de orfaos, together

ijith their clerks and lesser officials, who were required to journey

to Ico to legally settle the estate. A second consideration was the

administration of justice. The governor noted that the Inhamuns lay

only a day's ride from sparsely settled regions outside of Cearg, to

which criminals could easily flee, returning another day to perpetrate

additional crimes. It was his hope that with the erection of a vila

the area would be better prepared to handle this troublesome problem.

Tau was selected as the seat of the vila, he said, by virtue of al-

ready possessing a part of the structure of government and because the

people of that village, aided by some of its wealthiest residents, had

offered to construct a house for the camara, a jail, and the pelourinho,

the last named being the stocks in which criminals were placed.

The first official step toward the creation of the vila was taken

115. Theberge, "Extractos," p. 233.
116. "Bernardo Manoel de Vasconcelos, Documentos para a
Hist6ria do Governo (Colleccao Studart)," RIC, XXVIII (1914), 363-364.

by Governor Vacconcclos on December 14, 1601. He directed Cuaidcr

Grog5rio JosS do Silva Coutinho to create the vila, in the evcnt that

he four.d conditions in the Inhamuns suitable for such action.117 ippar-

ently finding conditions satisfactory, Coutinho published an edital on

April 20, 1802, instructing the people of the Inhamuns to appear in TauC

on the following lay 3 in order to participate in the erection of the

vila, the fine for non-attendance set at 6$000 reis. On Tay 3, the

greater part of the inhabitants being present, according to the official

account, the church bells were rung to signal the commencement of the

event. The edital was read, and the pelourinho, the symbol of a vila,

was raised, after which the bailiff first and then the people shouted

three times: "Real, Real, Real, Viva o Principe Regente, Nosso Senhor."

There was also an address by the ouvidor, who provided philosophical

justification for the occasion. God had ordained, he said, that men

should be congregated in groups, for only in this could they be

happy and prosperous. History demonstrated, he continued, that men

living independently of other men in conditions of anarchy were as

brutes; but once transplanted to organized society, they lost their

ferocity and acquired virtue.

The new vila was christened SEo Joao do Principe, the rame chosen

by the governor. Its boundaries were the same as those for the

Freguesias of Sao athcus and ArneiroE, except that, in addition, an

area to the east of the Inhamuns, in the vicinity of the village of

Maria Pereira, was included.118 ninety-five years had passed since

117. J. B. PerdigEo de Oliveira, "0 Resumo Chronol6gico, Ligoira
Apreciaco," RIC, II, No. 1 (1888), 45.
118. The preceding; account of the creation of the vila is based
on the documents found in "Taut, Anno de 1802," RIC, XXI, Nos. 1 and 2
(1907), 189-201.

the arrival of the first sesmeiros.

Friends as well as enemies of CapitSo-mor Jose Alves Feitosa were

later to claim that he was responsible for the creation of the vila. His

friends in 1807 attested under oath that he secured the creation of the

vila, this over the strong opposition of rany of the inhabitants of the

area, and that he bore all of the expenses of its elevation.119 One of

his major enemies, Joao intonio Rcdrigues de Car':alho, Cuvidor of Cear

from 1815 to 1317, charged that the capitgo-mor worked for the creation

of the vila to serve his c;n. private ends, and that Tau i was selected

as its seat only because it was his horie. Carvalho ventured the opinion

that Arneiros would have made a better seat, in view of its more central


Having been at least partially responsible for its creation, Jose

Alves Feitosa occupied a prominent position in the affairs of the vila,

as well as in the region. He was the administrator of the vila's liter-

ary and military subsidies and was the overseer of the property of

deceased persons and those absent from the vila. He again served on

several occasions as the collector of the royal tenth, not only in

various areas of Ceara but as far afield as the valley of the Sao Fran-

cisco. In addition, in 1805 he was appointed general commander of the

boundary between Cearg and Piauf.121

Following this period of apparently peaceful exercise of his many

duties, the capitgo-mor, near the end of the first decade of the century,

119. Petition of Jose Alves Feitosa, Sept. 15, 1807, SC.
120. Antonio Jose da Silva Paulet, "Descripqao GeogrSfica
Abreviada da Capitania do Ceara," RIC, XII, No. 1 (1898), 24. The
author of this document is believed to have been Cuvidor JoSo Antonio
Rodrigues de Carvalho. See statement by Guilherne Studart, pp. 31-33,
in the above.
121. Petition of Jose Alves Feitosa, Sept. 15, 1807, SC.

began to co-front a series of difficultic :: which lasted for several

years. 'irst, thore were problems from within the Inhamuns. Sc.--eti-.e

between 1809 and 1812, according to Jos' Alves, his enemies attempted

to steal a portion of his holdings. In 1819, he successfully appealed

to the governor to restore land to him which he said had been taken in

that manner during the aforementioned years. Employing lies and deceit,

he charged, his enemies had been granted a sesmaria in lands legally

held by him and family for many years.122

The most serious difficulties of his career aopear to have com-

menced in 1810. The capitao-mor was ordered arrested by the Relacgo

of Bahia, and was subsequently imprisoned in late 1810 or in the first

days of 1811 in the jail at Taug. This action came shortly after his

receipt of the Habito da Orden de Christo, bestowed on him by the crown

on the recommendation of the governor in acknowledgment of a large gift

he ha promised to make toward the construction of a new military in-

stallation at Fortaleza.123 The reasons for the arrest appear to have

been of a financial nature. In answer to an appeal made by the

capitao-mor's son, Captain Jose do Vale Pedrosa, to Governor noell

Ign-cio de Sampaio for aid in absolving his father, the governor re-

quested information concerning the handling of property left by the

deceased Antonio de Sousa Carvalhedo, particularly in regard to cattle

ar.d "outros objects" which were apparently lost. He also spoke of

the need to "legalisar" the debts owed to the estate. Whether or not

the capitao-mor may have been charged with mismanagement or a crime of

122. Sos. rias, IX, 129-139.
123. CGfcios, Dec. 18, 1810 and Jan. 6, 1811, in "Correspondr6ncia
Official Administrativa Earba Alardo (Collecgao Studart)," RIC, )2XX
(1915), 299.

a n.ore serious nature in connection wiith his duties as administrator of

estates is a matter for conjecture, for tho governor's letter fails to

state the charges against hirn. The governor assured JozC do Vale that

ho would do all ho could to aid the capitlo-.or in recognition of the

services ho had lor.g performed in the captaincy.124 Prior to this, out-

going Governor 1-cr.cues in January, 1811, had appealed to the crown in

Rio de Janeiro to aid the capitao-mor, stating in his oficio that the

arres' was the result of intrigue by enemies of that loyal vassal.125

That the capitao-mor did, indeed, have enemies in the Inhamuns was

indicated by a formal complaint which he had recorded in 1811. Stating

that he was imprisoned on order of the relacgo, he charged that his

enemies were using the opportunity occasioned by his confinement to

destroy his property. They had reduced the houses and corrals on the

Fazonda Retiro to ashes, he lamented, by their actions rendering vir-

tually impossible the caring for that year's calves. Moreover, he

charged that the officials of justice of the vila had made no attempt

to punish the guilty or protect his property.126

is a result of his troubles, Jose Alves was suspended from the

post of capitao-mor from May 24, 1812, until February 7 of the follow-

ing year.127 By this latter date he had been absolved, for Governor

Sampaio on January 20, 1813, congratulated him on proving his innocence

to the relacgo and granted him permission to journey to Fortaleza,

124. Entry of Nov. 6, 1812, ROGC, Vol. 434.
125. "Correspondgncia Official Administrativa Barba Alardo,"
p. 299.
126. Petition of Joss Alves Feitosa, 1811, day and month il-
legible, Cart6rio No. 1, Taul.
127. Entries of hay 24, 1812, and Feb. 7, 1813, ROGC, Vols. 433
and 434, respectively.

adding that he was anxious to become personally acquainted with him.128

The acting commander of the ordonangas during the imprisonment of

the capitao-mor was Sargonto-mor Leandro Cust6dio de Oliveira Castro,

Jose Alves' brother-in-law.129

The circumstances surrounding the difficulties of Jose Alves Feitosa

suggest that changes had occurred in the Inhamuns since his great-grand-

father confronted the authorities some ninety years earlier. First, it

appears that the virtually absolute power which the Feitosas enjoyed

during the earlier era had eroded to a significant degree. Not only was

JosS Alves imprisoned on his home ground, but elements in the community

used his troubles for attacks on his property, with the apparent tolerance

of the local officials. Such would seem to indicate that the power

structure in the area had come to be somewhat more broadly based.

Second, the events point to the conclusion that the power of government

had become more effective in the curtailment of the private power of the

potentates of the Inhamuns, perhaps as a result of a greater balance

of power among the potentates themselves.130

During the years following 1813, Governor Sampaio, who headed the

captaincy until 1820, came to have considerable admiration for his

capitao-mor in the Inharuns. The governor congratulated Jos6 Alves in

January, 1817, for the order and tranquility which he had reestablished

in his district, this action following a recommendation by the governor

128. ROGC, Vol. 434.
129. Entry of May 24, 1812, ROGC, Vol. 433.
130. The capitao-mor, it appears, may have had less than solid
backing from his family in the dispute, this being a probable contri-
buting factor to his difficulties. At the time, he appears to have
been involved in bitter intrigue with his brother-in-law (each was
married to a sister of the other), the influential Lieutenant Colonel
Eufrrsio Alves Feitosa of the Casa de Estreito. Feitosa, Tratado
Geneal6gico, pp. 22-23.

ir COctober of the preceding year that he spend a few; weeks in the seat of

the vils to curb disturbances there.131 Eut the principal cause of

S:x-.-io's action for the capitEco-=or uas the support that the latter

gave- t'-heo ryalist cause in the short-lived republican revolution in

Ccar,; in 1317.

The r-epublican efforts of that year were centered in Perrambuco,

frm. which they spread to Ceara, partly as a result of the work of a

p:-icst, Josg Xartiniano de Alencar of Crato. Having a duration of some-

what over- two months in Pernambuco, the republic in Cearg lasted only

eight days, from iay 3 to 11, and even then confined to the areas

of Crato and Jardim.132 Though Alencar in later years received much of

the credit for instigating the revolution in Cear, the ground for his

work was assiduously prepared by Ouvidor Joao Antonio Rodrigues de

Carvalho. Carvalho, a native of Bahia and a former juiz de fora, was

installed as Ouvidor of Ceara in May, 1815. In the course of his travels

throughout the captaincy in exercise of his duties, he spread republican

ideas and enlisted support for the planned revolution.133

According to the ouvidor's enemies, Carvalho attempted to destroy

the power of Jose Alves Feitosa, after failing to obtain his support for

the planned revolution. It was charged that the ouvidor initiated legal

action against hir, in the course of which he ordered property of Josg

Alves' son, Jose do Vale, sold at public auction. But in spite of it all,

131. Entries of Oct. 16, 1816, and Jan. 16, 1817, ROGC, Vol. 465.
132. The general information presented here on the Revolution of
1817 is from Cruz Filho, Historia do Ceara, pp. 109-117.
133. The contributions of Carvalho to the revolution are em-
phasized in Carlos Studart Filho, A Revolucgo de 1817 no Ceara e Outros
Estudos (Fortaleza, 1961).

the captlo--cr rer-.incd Icyal to the cro-:n.134.

Carvalho gave a different version of his relations with Jocs ,lvez.

Arrivirn in S`o Joao do Principe, he related, he found the people cuff.r-

inr under the tyranny of tho capitao-mor, who used his position and the

ars of the militia to dominate and terrorize the area. Protecting mur-

dorers and thieves in return for their support, he arrested innocent

persons who opposed his rule or who incurred his displeasure for any

other reason, always providing witnesses against them front ar.cng his own

partisans. The ouvidor told the story of Leonor Pereira do Canto, charged

by the capitao-mor with the slaying of her husband. The woman was sent

to jail at Ico, he said, where she was forced to live from al.s and

where she gave birth to a child of her late husband, her other children,

in the meanwhile, left homeless. All this was persecution, the ouvidor

charged, for a debt of 30$000 reis the couple owed to a vaqueiro of the

c>pit-o-mor. Leonor's husband, he concluded, died a natural death as a

result of sickness he suffered during the last month of his life. Kore-

over, Carvalho asserted, Jos6 Alves had disregarded his order to release

the ,wc an.

Other aspects of the potentate's behavior were equally unsavory,

Carvalho continued. He appointed a man to the post of captain of the

district of the seat of the vila who was not only an alcoholic but a

criminal as well. His mistreatment of the clerks of the vila, which in-

cluded charging them with false crimes and threatened beatings, had re-

sulted in eight different persons being successively appointed to fill

that position. Finally, the ouvidor related, Jose Alves had even

134. arnoel Ig.._cio de Sa.paio to the -ter and Secretary of
State for ?oroi:. Affairs, Jan. 21, 1818, in "Docunentos para a Historia
do Ceara (Collec.o Tristo .'_raripe)," RIC, XXVI (1912), 99-101.

offered him a bribe, using the vigario of Crato as an intermediary, to

decide a case in his favor. Such was the basis of the rule of the

capitao-mor, according to Carvalho, who concluded that the choice of

Jose Alves Feitosa for the post had been a greater calamity than a seca,

His investigations into the capitao-mor's activities and the legal pro-

ceedings resulting from them, he asserted, were all justified and in

accordance with the law,135

After the republican menace of 1817 had been bloodlessly eliminated,

Governor Sampaio thanked Jos6 Alves for his loyalty and for an offer he

had made to march against the rebels, adding that his services to the

crown would not go unnoticed in the royal family.136 The governor, in

contrast to his praise for the capitao-mor, was not certain that all

residents of the Inhamuns had been unaffected by the subversive propa-

ganda of the republicans. He was convinced that the vigario of

Arneir6s, Antonio Jose de Lima, was one of the conspirators.137 Sampaio

was particularly anxious to learn why the vigario, in a journey to

Fortaleza, had stopped at Campo Maior, a minor center of the plotters,

on both his trip from Arneir6s and on his return.138 He was also per-

suaded that two of the district commanders, Francisco Fernandes Vieira

and Gongalo Batista Vieira, had been sympathetic toward the rebellion,139

these two brothers being members of an increasingly powerful family

located in the area of Saboeiro.

135. Statement by Carvalho, May 31, 1817, in: Biblioteca Nacional,
Documents Hist6ricos, Vol. 101 (Rio de Janeiro, 1953), 242-243; Paulet,
"Descripoao Geogrffica," p. 24.
136. Entry of June 2, 1817, ROGC, Vol. 465.
137. Entry of Oct. 31, 1817, ibid.
138. Entry of Sept. 30, 1817, ibid.
139. Entry of June 30, 1817, ibid.

Capitao-mor JosS Alves Feitosa died 1ove.-.ber 9, 1823,140 livi: cvr

a y_.& after the Prince Regent declared Brazil independent of Port:ual

and assumed the title of Pedro I. His immediate reaction to the events

of 1822 is not known, but early in the following year, he offered to send

troops to Piaui to aid Pedro's supporters in their efforts to free that

area from the pro-Portuguese element.141 The offer being accepted,

Colonel Jo0o de Araujo Chaves and Captain Jose do Vale Pedrosa, the

capitao-mor's only offspring, took 300 cavalrymen to Piaul, re-ainir.;

there until the Portuguese departed some few months later.142

The death of Jos6 Alves Feitosa serves as an appropriate symbol of

the end of a period in the history of the Inhamuns, for the event co-

incided with the formal termination of Feitosa domination over the entire

area. In 1823 the Vila of SEo Matheus was created, the Saboeiro portion

of its territory being dismembered from Sao JoSo do Principe. In the

area of Saboeiro the influence which the Feitosas once exercised had

been supplanted by that of Francisco Fernandes Vieira and his numerous

relatives. 43

During the years immediately following the death of Jos6 Alves

Feitosa, several persons from the Inhamuns achieved prominence in local

and provincial affairs. Francisco Fernandes Vieira was one of six mem-

bers of the temporary junta established in CearS in January, 1823, to

140. Feitosa, Tratado Geneal6rico, p. 189.
141. Governor of Piaui to Jos6 do Vale Pedrosa, Apr. 2, 1823, SC;
F. A. Pereira da Costa, Chronolo-ia :ist6o:ica do Estado do Piaui
(Recife, 1909), pp. 172, 180.
142. Oficio of the President of Piaui, July 22, 1825, SC.
143. The vila was created by Imperial Alvar= of Oct. 17, 1823.
The laws, resolutions, alvarrs, and decrees of Ceara and Brazil are
found in the official collections, Leis do Cear and Leis do Erasil,
the first ccr.or.ncin; with 1835, the latter with 1808. Laws in these
collections generally are identified by number, although in some cases
only the date of promulgation is employed. Cn the Fernandes Vieira
family, sce Ch. II, pp. 77-81 and nassin.


replace the pro-Po_:.-guese go.ver.nnt.144 Jos6 do Vale's assault on t.e

Portuguese in Piaui later in the year has been noted. The r-.ot pro:-nent

of the sons of the inha-.runs during the l820's w:as Colonel Jobo de Araujo

Cha'.rcs of the Fazer.da Estreito, the cc.:-randing officer of the troops sent

to Piau. Th-e grZat-grardson of Joko de Ar-aujo Chaves, a seZ-eiro of the

ARio Car-apateira, Colonel Chaves of Estreito '.as r-rried to Josefa .11'es

Feitosa, a grea:-grar.ddaughter of Francisco A'lves Feitoza, the colornizer.

Indeed, his rmjor facer:-i, Estreito, iL;as ii-he:-ite6 by him from his father

:ho, in turr., had received it from his Feitosa connections.145

\.'en in 1824 Cear again experimented with republicanism, adhering

to the Confeden-aTion of the Equator which for a few months exercised con-

trol of Iortheas-ern Brazil, it vas Colonel Chaves who represented the

-I;-.amra-. in the ne.: government.146 But when the shaky creation of the

republicans be-a n to fall, Chaves turned against the government to which

he had sworn loyalty and, joined by Jose do Vale, raised the royalist

banner in the Inhanmuns.147 He not only escaped the fate of the principal

leaders of republicanism in Cearg, most of whom were killed or executed,148

but assumed an even more important role in the succeeding royalist

government. He was made military commander of the Vila of Ic6 during

the last days of republican resistance and, before the end of the decade,

was appointed commander of the military forces of Cearg.149

His younger brother, Antonio .Mrtins Chaves of the Fazenda Sgo Bento,

144. Guilherme Studart, "Datas e Factos para a Hist6ria do Ceara,"
RIC, XXXV (1921), 218.
145. Feitos", Tratado Geneal6oico, pp. 33, 139-140, 154.
146. "Confeaeragao do Equador, Documentos," RIC, XXVI (1912), 296.
147. Guilherme Studart, "A ConfederaQgo do Equador no Cear," RIC,
Special Volume (1924), p. 158.
148. Cruz Filho, Hist6ria do Cearg, pp. 136-139.
149. Theberge, "Extractos," p. 269; entry of Apr. 25, 1829, and
tassim, ROGC, Vol. 103.

was the Inhamuns' last capitao-mor. Though the last holder of the post

was inappropriately hot a Foitosa, he was married to a first cousin, who

did bear that name.150

The marital connections of these two potentates point to a signif-

icant observation: that while political leadership in Sao Joao do

Principe, following the death of Jos6 Alves Feitosa, passed, in consider-

able measure, to the Araujos, the portion of that family which lived in

the Inhamuns was being absorbed by the much more numerous Feitosas. Seen

from this viewpoint, the change was not as deep-seated as a simple re-

lation of names would indicate.

Aspects of Social and Economic Life

During the first century and a quarter following 1707, the main

lines of social and economic development in the Inhamuns established

their directions. The principal families assumed leadership or began

their ascent toward influence, and kinship links among some of them were

made. Centers of population were founded, and the industry of cattle

raising assumed a secure place in the fabric of the society.

The outstanding family during the period unquestionably was the

Feitosas.151 Lourengo and Francisco Alves Feitosa, according to the

family genealogist, were the sons of Jos6 Alves Feitosa, a Portuguese

who established himself as a sesmeiro in the valley of the SKo Fran-

cisco during the 17th century. Within the Inhamuns, it was Francisco

who founded the family, for both Lourengo and his son, Lourengo Penedo,

are believed to have left no descendents, bequeathing their property

150. Feitosa, Tratado Geneal6gico, pp. 140, 154.
151. The following account of the history of the family is based
on ibid., pp. 7-30.

and influence to Francisco. He resided in the Inhamuns somewhat over 60

years, contractingr three rmrriages, all with uidows, from which issued

four da-:htzrs and two sons. Ey these marriages, he gaine- at le-st five

additional offspring, children of his wives by former r_-arlriages, From

hi-., his rivees, and their combined offspring, with their spouses,

th-. i-. toss of the I-harn nr.s \:ere descended.

-i stu-u of the *Ienealo-- of the family leads to the conclusion that,

for 'reasons of convenience, preference, lack of other contacts, or other

reasons, -nny of the descendents of Francisco and his i:ives chose er-sons

fro.m ithin the family group as their rmates, family group bein; defined

as the dcsce:.dents of and his uives. This becomes particularly

evident in the third generation born in tt.e Inha?.ins, considering the

children of Francisco and his lives s as the first. Of the 32 persons con-

trac-ting marriages in that generation, eight chose spouses outside the

fa-'-ly group while the remaining 24 married within the group.

Though the majority of the members of the Irnharuns' most numerous chose spouses from among their own group, a significant number

r.arried outsiders. Not only was net: blood brought into the family in

this .ar-, r.r, valuable alliances were formed with other families, such

as the i.raujos. The Araujos in Ceara descended from two brothers and

a sister, one of them being CapitEo-mor Jose de Araujo Chaves. In their

ar-a of Vila Nova d'El Rey, they were as powerful, if not more so, as

the Feitosas in the Irhamruns. 'They extended their influence into the

Inhamuns during the early years of settlement, receiving ses-narias in

1717 and 1720.152 The union of the families had its beginning with tho

152. Sesmarias, V, 202; VT, 165.

second ger.oration of ~:ico-'o s in the Inhraruns, tw:o grar.idaugz'.trs of

Francisco .arryin; a son ar.d a repne:. of C-pitro-r.or Cnavoc,. I ::-as

exzendcd in the fourth generation :-'ith th-ee rr-iriage:, one of tne.n be-

tween Jose do Vale Pedrosa and a daughter of l-inoel artins Cr.a-.v, he-

late 18th century chief of the Araujos, while another was between Colcr.el

JoLo de Araujo Chaves and a daughter of Lieutena:nt Colonel uifr'sio .1.lves

Feitosa. .'ith these alliances as a base, the union deepened in succee:-

ing generations, as the result of marriages between r.e.ers of 'r.e v:wo

families resident in the Inhamuns, as well as bet.:een Feitosas of

area with Araujos of Vila .'ova. d'El Rey.153

In some cases, the Feitosa ranks were increased by the addition of

persons who came to the Inhar.uns as strangers, a notable example beirn

Leandro Cust6dio de Oliveira Castro, who bequeathed his r.z-.e and r.'

progeny to the clan. Leandro, according to tradition, left his native

Rio Grande do Iorte because of difficulties surroundinr. a love affair.

A young lady, whom he had promised to marry, consented to his auisieC and,

as a result, became pregnant. Having charged his minr as to the pro-sed

marriage, Leandro was imprisoned, and in spite of the appeals of his

153. Feitosa, Tratado -enealo'ico, pp. 139-155. In numerous his-
torical works, the two familiez--the .'eitosas of the inhar.uns cr.d -::e
Araujos of Ipu--have been confused, chiefly, it seems, because of an
error made by Henr-y Koster in his frequently cited ravelss in .:ra l,
Vol. I (2nd ed.; London, 1517), 195-199. The incident dcalL :.iztn b,
Koster, concerning the arrest an2 ir.prisonmrent of a not-ntae ::.T.c'.
1:oster simply calls "Feitosa"--ar. event which took placo in Either lo05
or 1806--involved :-'anoel ;-rtirs C-.av.zs, rather than any Feitosa. .1-
though the Araujos of Ipu, of :ho. '_artins Chaves was -.e chief', had
kinhip links ::ith the Feitosas, they re.iair.ed a separate family. Only
those Araujos ;:ho -.oved to the Inhamuns rer7ed with the Feitosas. Cn
thc :rtins Chaves case, see C-uilherme Studart, "Jo0o Carlos .uc-usto de
Ceyn*.c-usn e i-nool :-.rtins Chaves," RIC, XXXIII (1919), 3-21. lover, as to :cdlock-. ut, the inprisonx.ent con-

tinuing, he consenrtcd to wu-d Ana Tere:a, who, by then, had decided she

did not want an un-.rilling husband, whereupon Leandro was released. He

left Rio Grande do p1orte ani found his way to the In~~hamuns, where in 1789

he -:rried a 14-year-old sister of Jos Al1ves Feitosa, who iea soon to

become capitZo-nor. Later visiting his native captaincy, he claimed the

po-oiuct of his earlier : indiscretion and returned to the Ina-r.uns '.:ith

h-.-154 This son, Leani-dro CustdIio Bezerril, also married into the

Feitosa fa-ily, and was selected as one of the vereadores of the first

cr-.ra of S-ao Joao do Prfncipe.1~5 The elder Leandro, living along the

Rio Juca, beca-.e one of the potentates of the Inhamuns, serving as tem-

porary co.--_ander of the militia during the period of his brother-in-law's


Although the Feitosas augmented their influence by marital alliances

uith other fariilies, these were not numerous enough to perpetuate the

near-absolute domination of the Inhamuns which they enjoyed during the

early years. By the opening decades of the 19th century, other family

groupings had assumed control of some areas of the Inhamuns or were

laying the foundation for future domination, this, sometimes, in spite

of limited kinship relations with the Feitosas. Already referred to was

the rise of the Fernandes Vieiras in the area of Saboeiro. Among other

family groupings which were ending or diluting the power of the Feitosas

in given areas were: the descendents of sesmeiro Theodozio Gomes de

Freitas of the Rio Trici; the Rodrigues Pereiras, also of the Trici; the

families of Custodio Andre dos Santos and I'-noel Goncralves dos Santos in

154. Feitosa, Tratado Geneal6gico, pp. 48-/9.
155. "Taua, Anno de 1802," p. 198.

thc valley of the Puid; and the Canpo Proto group, conpozcd of Caval-

cantos, 2cixeiras, Lotas, and Ferrcira do Sousas, along the Rio

Favoc.s.156 This is not to say that these families, in all caces, were

opponents of the Feitosas; but they .wore numerous and influential enough

to achieve a measure of independence in their areas. In the valley of

the Carrapateira, the Araujos exercised their greatest influence, and,

while the Feitosas could be found in most areas of the Inhar~uns, their

bastion was the Rio JucS.

The lack of information precludes a detailed description of society

in the Inhaauns during the 18th and early 19th centuries. In general

lines, it appears that a small number of fazendeiros, who made their

living from cattle raising, owned the land and dominated the society,

while, beneath this numerically insignificant but privileged group, there

lived the remaining inhabitants, vast classes of slaves and landless

agriculturists. The fazenda serving as the main economic and social

unit, towns and villages were small. Ouvidor Carvalho wrote that Taua,

-,he seat of the vila, possessed 55 houses, which were rapidly going to

ruin, and that it had no house for the cmnara or jail. Carvalho added

that the vila, in addition, had four other places improperly called

villages: Arneir6s with 23 houses; Cruz with 16; and Flores and 2:Iria

Pereira, each with six.157 Form.1 education of the young does not seem

to have been especially fostered, for no school existed in the area in

1798.158 In the early decades of the 19th century, atte-pts were rmde

to establish schools, but they did not enjoy great success. The school

in Tau" had five pupils in 1629, while the one in Arneir6s reported an

156. Antonio Gooes de Freitas, "Inha.runs, Sua Crigen e Seu
Desenvolvimen-o Inicial," 0 Povo (Fortaleza), Sept. 19, 1964.
157. "DescripDo C-eoorifica, p. 24.
158. Pl'cido Aderaldo Castclo, "His-tria da Instrug-o e da
Educacao do CearS," RIC, L.rI (1943), 56-58. of one,159 In spite of its distance from major population

centers, the Inhanuns was not a totally isolated region, for both Taua

and ArneirSs lay on the highway linking Piaul uith Ezhia and Pernaubuco,

this being in that era one of the chief cattle trails in Northeast

razil.160 And after 1821 TauE had binonthly rail service with

Fortal a.l161

Or.n traveler whose observations would have been especially valuable

nve:- reached the Inharnuns, although his arrival nust have been eagerly

awaited. A r-issive was sent front Portugal to the Governor of Cearg in

1800 inmornins him that one Ale:.cander von Hu.boldt was journeying in the

.Amriczs under the pretext of making geographical observations, although

his true intent, Lisbon warned, was to tuidei%,nine the cro.-n's control by

the disseiination of subversive ideas. The governor relayed the message

to the vilas, adding- that 200$000 reis--the value of appro:'xitely 40

cc..s--irould be a-uarded for the capture of that "viajanto perigoso. "162

159. Oficios of Sgo Jogo do Principe, Sgo Jo0o dos Inhamuns, and
Taua, 1829-1920, oficio dated Oct. 3, 1829. This is an unbound collec-
tion of correspondence from the camara to the provincial (or state)
authorities. It is found in the Arquivo Publico, Fortaleza, Also
Iound there are similar collections from Saboeiro (1851-1920) and
Arneir6s (1874-1920). Hereinafter, items from these collections are
cited in the follc.rir.g general rirmner: COficios, Saboeiro, Jan. 1, 1860.
160. Carlos Studart Filho, "Vias de Conmunicac.o do Cearg
Colonial," RIC LI (1937), 31-34, 40-41, 44-46.
161. Studart, "Datas e Factos," p. 186. A fuller discussion of
society in the Inhamuns is given in Ch, V, pp. 189-218,
162. Quoted in Tneberge, Esbcco Hist6rico, p. 205.

II. GOv-.x.:-..::T '...D POLITICS SU....C- T.-i L .L-:

During the quarter of a century or so following the end of Portu-

guese rule in Brazil, local government underwent considerable change.

As it finally emerged in a stable form during the early years of Lhe

reign of Pedro II, it contained elements of two movements: the first

tending in the direction of centralization, while the second veered to-

ward representative democracy. Both of these movements faced heavy odds

in their confrontation with the Inhamuns. in the first place, the

chieftains of the area prized their independence and resisted the er.-

croachrent of whatever agencies of outside authority they could not

dominate. As a result of the nature of the society, in the second case,

democracy in the 19th century inhamuns was stillborn.

The functioning of local government in the Empire can be under-

stood only within the context of the provincial and central government.

The element of prime importance was the emperor, who formed ministries,

dissolved legislatures, sanctioned laws, and named provincial presidents,

in addition to numerous lesser officials. Representative in-

cluded a senate, a house of deputies, and, after the Additional Act of

1834,1 provincial assemblies. These last named were limited to largely

routine functions. 'hnile they could alter administrative, legislative,

judicial, and ecclesiastical boundaries and legislate ir. regard to na-

nicipal and provincial budgcts and education, deter.-inring basic policy

1. Law 16 of Aug. 12, 1834.

:-as e:.:clu6ed fro:- the:1. The chief ele.ner.t in the provincial Ecvc,-'iri.t -hc prident, o..-:'.in in conjunction ::ith the imperial ..ini sry.

f'he .Tor:'_. Structure-

Of the t.-ree br-nchec of local goverre:.:t, t:c police .:as con-

*roilii oy tre ce-ntral go'.r.'rnert its rep-recentativez, the judiciary,

'..'as of a pi:-:ed nature, :n-ile ci'il -adinisration lay .-:ithin 'the rovi-'cs

of locally selected officials. Elections, as a part of the representa-

tive element in the governmental structure, were, at least in :-heo-,-,

also locally determined.

By law of August 18, 1831, the militia, which had r:-mined essen-

tially unaltered during the reign of Pedro I, was replaced by the iation-

al Guard (Guarda lacional). On the local level, the guard was subdivided

into legions, battalions, and companies, each municloio2 having at least

one company, while large ones might have a battalion or even a legion.

. co.r.pany, usually consisting of from 60 to 140 men, was commanded by a

captain, assisted by a lieutenant, alferes, first sergeant, and other in-

ferior officers. A battalion, composed of four to eight companies, was

commanded by a colonel, while the ruling head of a legion was a supreme

commander, Eligible to serve as officers were the electors of the

manicipio, while any citizen could be enlisted in ordinary service.

As formed by the law of 1831, the guard reflected the early de-

centralizing tendencies of the Regency under Diogo Antonio Feij6:-

officers were elected by their fellow officers; enlistment for ordinary

service was performed by a conselho de qualificacao, composed of

2. Leal, Coronelisro, pp. 8-10.
3. With the end of t.he colonial priod, the unit which h had oCn
called a vila became mown as aa .municiio, the sea- of .:n.ich ::as either
a vila or a city, dopendinr- on official dcei.;nazion.

clcctors; and the zuara waz declared to be subordinate to the local

officials of justice, as well as to provir.cial prczidcrts ar.d hi-.:cr

authorities. La: 602 of Septenoer 19, 1850, placed the guard under

.orc centralized control. It was subordinated only to the provincial

presidents and the .--istry of Justico, officers wore appointed by

higher officers or by provincial or irpcrial civil authorities, and the

conselho de qualificagao was composed of officers of the guard itself.

The national Guard had as its purpose, as defined in the 1831 legis-

lation, the maintenancee of internal order and aid to the regular ar-y,

should circumstances demand this latter function. But, in practice,

apart from service in the war Paraguay in the 1860's, it w-:as soon

reduced to a largely honorific position. As a local police force, it

was replaced for the most part by other agencies, although it was so-.e-

times called upon to furnish troops for local police duties.

In the Inhanuns, the carara of Sao Jo0o do Principe reported in

1833 that four companies had been organized in the municipio, one each

in the vila, Flores, Arneir6s, and Cococy.5 General references by the

provincial presidents to the guard in Ceara indicate that it lacked the

training, equipment, and discipline necessary to constitute an effective

police and military force. A typical view of the guard was that ex-

pressed by President Joao Silveira de Sousa, who in 1858 reported to

the legislature that the force was not yet organized in all the province,

and that where it had been organized, it was "completamente desari.ada,

sen discipline, o sen habits n ilitares....,,6 Yet, conmmissions in the

4. -eal, Coroneeli-.o, p. 157.
5. Oficioc, E'o Jo0o do Principe hereinafterr cited as: Oficios,
SJP), Oct. 23, 1833.
6. Relat6rio do Presidente da Provincia do Ccara, 1858, p. 6.

Iatiornl Gul-rd e-'e -r-atly prized by *'hoze occupying, or to

positions of influence in The cc.cmiunity.' ~.l'atever fazoaeiro, provin-

cial deputy, local politician, or other person of the upper "trat-tL' of the

co7r.-ntity- :who laclke the title "do'toi"--conf'el'ed on those cc -.pletin a

iuii-.-ersity course and i.:n the 19th cen.tua-, iLharnw.s limited to a fe;:

people--usuaclly could produce a title in the national l Guard.

The I'_ional Guard being a largely ineffective force, local police

po:er duri:-n the Empire was usually exercised by other officials, the :ost

inpootani- of whom was the delegado. Created by Imperial Law 261 of Decem-

ber 3, i1-l, that official possessed broad police and judicial powers.

He could rma!:e arrests, confine persons suspected of crime and those sus-

pected of ha-ing the intention to corm it crime, levy fines, and mete out

other uriishLent for minor offenses. In the case of serious crime, he

interrogated the accused, held hearings on the alleged act, and made the

decision as to whether or not evidence warranted bringing the accused to

trial. The delegado was named by the imperial authorities and he worked

under the supervision of a provincial police chief. His territorial

jurisdiction consisted of a termo, a police and judicial district whose

boundaries were usually, but not always, the same as those of a municipio.

Serving under him wore the subdelegados, one for each distrito, a sub-

division of a termo. They too were appointed by imperial authorities.

As examples of organization, in 1860 Sao Jo0o do Frincipe, a termo, had

a delegado, with subdelegados in the vila, harrecas, Arneir6s, Cococy,

and Flores. Saboeiro (a municipio since 1851) also had a delegado, with

7. Leal, Coronelismo, p. 157.

subdelcgados in the vila, zobcdouro, Brejo Seco, and Poco da ?edra.8

The delezados were, on occasions, persons from outside the area and, on

others, residents of it. which h it was dcpor.ded largely on whether the

nominating authorities wished to cooperate with, or thwart the dominant

local powers.

Working closely with the delegados was the police corps, a pro-

vincial force created in Ceara by Provincial Law 44 of September 14, 1836.

Urder the supervision of the provincial president, who had the authority

to station and move the detachments at will, it aided other officials in

the maintenance of order and public security. Enlistment in the corps

was voluntary, with the result that the force was usually undermanned.

Recruits were given little training, and discipline was poorly main-

tained.9 The number of soldiers of the corps stationed in the Inha.uns

depended upon how much influence the provincial president wished to

exercise there. Sao JoEo do Principe in 1875 had 15 soldiers and one

officer, while Saboeiro had seven soldiers and one officer. In 1885

the detachment at Sao Jo0o do Principe consisted of only four soldiers,

Sabociro and Arneir6s (the latter a municipio since 1873) possessing


Troops from the regular ar-r could be stationed in the municipios,

if the imperial authorities deemed this necessary. Such detachments

8. Pompeu, Ensaio Estatistico da Provincia do Ceara, Vol. II, 93,
chart following 243.
9. See: Relat6rio do Presidente da Provincia do Ceara. ADr. 26,
1871, p. 8; Relatorio do Presidence da prov-r.cia co Ceara, ..: 9. 9Ic:l,
P. 0.
10. Falla do Presidente da Pro:-incia do Ceara, Jul- 2. 1875. .nexo
::o. 7, p. 2; Relat6rio do Presidente da Provincia do Ceari, Feb. 19,
1885, p. 52A.

were reported in 1572 to be located in four interior mcunicipioc, in-

cludingZ S3 Jo.o do Prrncipe.11

The judicial structure wias a reliable arm of the central go,.v.'n- onily, in par-t, for it r-posessed a n.easure of indeper.dence, as well

as a partial bas, in the ccrnity, which the police authorities did nct

have,12 The highest court of appeals was the reiacac, Cear reia-irnin

under Recife until 1h,7 w "hen a reiac'.- was created in Fortaleza.1S

.ear7r the local level, the province was divided into coarcrc-s and

ter.:os, the comarca consisting of one or more terms. A juiz de direito

p--esided over the comarca, assisted by a prosecuting attorney, called

the' orcr.motor o blico, Both of these officials were named by the emperor,

the judges from among graduates of law schools, although, if no lawyers

%.:were available, a layman could be appointed promoter. The juiz de

direito held his post for life, the promoter being named for terms of

four years, subject to reappointment to the same or another cormarca. To

the ja iz de direito belonged original jurisdiction in all criminal cases,

as '.ell as in civil cases of a serious nature.

The Inhamun-s remained within the jurisdiction of the Ccrrmrca of

Crato until 1832, in which year the province was divided intc si:-

comarcas, the Inhamuns falling within the Comnarca of Qui::erarm.o in. Four

years later, in 1836, the Cc.iarca of Si.o Joac dc Principe dos Inharurns

was created.14 The cnily other major alteration durin the Empire was

11. Relat6rio o Presidente da FPrcvincia do Cea-'.!, Jan. 8, 1872,
p. 12,
12. The judicial system of the Empire was for in the
criminal code, promulgated by, La'-: f l'cv. 29, 1832 and altered by' Law
261 of Dec. 3, 1c41. The version Dresented here is roct-1841.
13. Created by, Decree of ; 6, 1873. See: Euebio de Sousa,
Tribunal de AnelacEo do Cear (Rio de Janeiro, 1945), pp. 1C-21.
14. Provincial La: 52 of Sept. 25, 1836.

the creation- of the Co-arca of Sabociro in 1856, it beirn diz.r.-.ered

from Ic5.15

The ter-.o, the sacm unit .nrtioned in regard to the dele'adoc, ::a

presided over by a -uiz ranicioal, whose jurisdiction -:as co:-nincd to

civil cases. He w:s appointed by the emperor from arong Craduato lawyers

for a term of four years. The Comarca of the Inhanuns varied in the

number of terms it embraced. Sometimes having only the Termo of S-o

Jcoo do Principe, at times it included the Termo of -"ria Pereira, lyir-

across the serras on the east of SSo Joao do Principe; and after 1873 it

included the Termo of Arneir6s, which w*as dismembered from the Ter..o of

Sao Jolo do Principe when Arneir6s was made a rmunicipio.

The most radical innovation of the Empire in the realm of the

judicial system was the jury, a body which, unlike the judges, .:as

based in the community. It was provided for in the Constitution of

1824,16 and was retained in site of the fact that it did not accord

with the centralizing tendencies of the reign of Pedro II. Bearing the

name of the conselho dos jurados, it was implemented only in regard to

criminal cases, Eligible to serve as jurors were those citizens quali-

fied to be electors, wi-th the additional requirement that they be

literate and of good reputation, A list of such persons was d-ra-n up

annually by the delegado and reviewed by the juiz de direito and the

president of the camara. Before a jury session, these two officials

selected 70 persons by c.._:-cc from those on the list and summoned them

to appear for duty. On the appointed day, a boy drew out 48 by

chance of those appearing, from which the 12 to serve on the jury :-ere

15. Provincial Law 757 of Aug. 5, 1856.
16. Article 152.

selected. If only 3~ appeared, the for.ration of the jury could proceed,

the accused and his accuser each having 12 challenges. The 12 jurors

judged the guilt of the accused, the sentence resting .ith the juiz de


The ju;y aside, the chief ele:.ent in the judicial system the

juiz de direito, who could not be ejected flrom the system, e::cept as a

result of conviction for crine. On the other hand, he could be renoived

front. one c.-.arca to anothcer- at the pleasure .f the royal authorities.

his fact had a potential co promisin. effect on the independence of

the system, not only because the will of the judge might be bent by the

th-"eat of remaining in, or being sent to an undesirable location, but

also because the appointing authorities night heed the wishes of local

political chiefs in regard to removals and appointments. In practice,

the posts of juiz de direito and juiz municipal, both of which required

gr-aduate lawyers, were difficult to fill in isolated areas of the

sertEo. Resulting from these difficulties was the liberal use of sub-

stitutes, the juiz de direito being replaced by the juiz municipal,

i:ho in turn was substituted by six local citizens designated by the

pr-.:vincial president. Thus, in the Inhamuns, it was not uncommon for

the acting juiz de direito to be a substitute juiz municipal who was a

local political figure with no special qualifications for the post,

The branch of government reserved to local control was civil ad-

ministration, the basic unit of organization being the mulniclpio and

the machinery being the crmara, composed of vereadores. Imperial Law

of October 1, 1827, set the basic structure for municipal government

during the Empire. In those .municlpios h-aving a vila for a seat, as

distinguished from- those :.'ose seat vJas a city, the chaTra consisted

o, seven v'ereadorc.z, Clectcd by the qualified voters for four-ycar ter.-C,

.he .:.-.bcr rcccivin; the nost votes servin- as president. Substitute".

for nr. of the seven vereadorcs who did not appear for a .eetin : was the

unsuccessful candidate receiving the highest number of votes, and, in

his absence or in the need for other substitutes, the one receiving the

next highest, etc. The cir.aras were declared to be purely ad.inistra-

tive, possessing no judicial functions. Regular sessions -.e-e held at

intervals of three months, the president being empowered to call special


The chief functions of the cm tra included: legislation~ for the

rnanicipio, establishing the posturas, although they were not effective

until approved by the provincial assembly; policing the nunricipio to

ensure compliance with the posturas, the car.ara having the power to

hire officials for this purpose; setting penalties for infractions of

posturas of up to 30$000 reis and eight days in jail; construction and

upkeep of public buildings, such as jails, slaughterhouses, and -arkets,

and roads, bridges, and cemeteries; and, as charged by law, encouragir.

the introduction of imn.roved seeds and new races of animals.

The oldest municlpio in the Inhamuns was Sao JoSo do Princine.

The second oldest was Sao 0Katheus, created in 1823, which included the

portion of the Inharuns in the area of Saboeiro. In 1851 the seat of

So Matheus was moved to Saboeiro, and the name of the nunic~pio changed

to accord with the alteration,17 the nar.e of a nuniclpio and its seat

always oein the car.c. c Eight years later, in 1859, SEo :-.theus was

dlsr.en.ercrd fro-. Saboeiro and ' rlclcvated to a ru:niciDio in its o-0:.

rih.- Th~e area's ne.:cs .-.'unicipio was .'.r.cirs, inaugurated in 1573

17. Provincial L.:: of ::o'. 27, 1851.
13. Provincial La: .59 of July 22, 1859.

ac :c -csult of Provincial Resolution 1123 of ilovember 21, 1864. As

created, r'-ieiros included E-oocdouro and Cococy, in addition to the

vils. In practice, both .neirSz and Saboeiro claimed ebeudouro, as

S'o JoLo do Princi:e had earlier done.

seinerss of the r.unicipal car--as ucre not alway held at the

appointed tinis, ror .were special meetings ali- ys promptly called to

care for r-Ltterzs arisin~ in the interi- -, The c.r-Lara of SEo Joao do

Pri-cipe reported on Januanir 7, 1861, that all of the vereadores had

rot been :.:orn in, a result of travel difficulties caused by heavy

rair..19 In a reply to an inquiry as to why they had not acted on a

mater, the vereadores of the same municipio in 1842 somewhat indig-

antly, informed the provincial president that they could not always

convenicntly appear to take care of a special matter, since some of

the ~er.:.oes lived 12 to 16 leagues from the vila.20 Durin the major

secas, business was suspended completely, as a result of the absence

from the area of many of the vereadores and their substitutes.

Posturas were adopted by the camara to cover most of the major

concerns which lay within the jurisdiction of municipal government.

Reflecting the economic interests of the inhabitants w-ere numerous and

detailed regulations in regard to agriculture and cattle breeding,

while others dealt with commerce, the physical appearance of the com-

munity, public tranquility, slaves, sanitation, and morals. Cattle

were required to be slaughtered in places designated by the camera,

this in order to insure the collection of tax-es, and fines '.ere in-

posed on merchants nisrepresentin the ucight or quality of their

products. Per.its were required for construction, and in the vila the

19. COfcios, SJP.
20. Ibid., 1:o0,. 14, 1i42.

iiccal, an clficor wno enforccd the posturas, insured that each buildir.n

was veall aligned in reference to others on tho samo street. Property

owners :.:re to keep their houses in good repair, though special provision

;::. made to grant the poor additional time in which to bring their

property up to required standards. Clothing or hides could not be :-ahced

i.. places from which the inhabitants customarily drew their drinking


One could not ride his horse at excessive speeds through the vilas,

ana in Sao JoSo do Frincipe a tavern keeper was to be fined if he allowed

a slave to loiter in his establishment after he had made his purchase,

the fine to be six times as great if the slave was gambling, singing,

or dancing. In Saboeiro, located on the Jaguaribe, a person was for-

bidden to bathe in a place where public morality might be offended.21

The portion of taxes collected in the nunicpio which was destined

for its support remained little changed from the colonial era. Belonging

to it was income from taxes on cattle slaughtered for consumption, li-

censes required for commercial activities, and fines resulting from

infractions of the posturas,22 municipal expenditures reflected the

scarcity of revenues. In 1886, a fairly typical year, the budget for

SEo Jo0o do Principe was as follows: salaries for the secretary of the

camera, janitor, fiscal, and custodian of the municipal corral, 850$000

rcis; light and water for the jail, 40Q000; rented house for the cmara,

120$000; expenditures to provide water for the vila, 100000; and costs

21. Tne posturas referred to arc found in Oficios, SJP, Apr. 19,
1634; Provincial Laws 667 of CcO. 4, 1854 and 807 of Aug. 25, 1857; and
Oficios, Arneir6s, Jan. 12, 1857.
22. 2ach session of the provincial assembly passed an act regu-
lating municipal income. Typical is Law 701 of Doc. 15, 1854.

of -ury ar.d elections, 200~0C0.23 The prcvincial president in 1880 told

the legislature that the bac.kwardness of the n.unicipios was due in large

part to the financial poverty under t:hich they operated, adding that in-

cor.e insufficient for rdmin.un e:-penses of salaries, upkeep, and

ad-.i:stration. After these necessary exrenditures, he concluded, the

c ~-ra was left ua:thr nothing to devote to improver.ents.24

.'Ithoueh election regulations dated from the earl,, 1820's, the

electoral ystem.. which in its essentials lasted throughout most of the

E.-orc ,:as outlined by Irperial La'J 3o7 of August 191, 184. The bascl

electoral unit was the freguesia, with elections to be conducted only at

the m-a;iz. Eligible to be qualified as voters were males aged 25 and

over (reduced to age 21 in the case of married men, military officers,

university graduates, and clergy) who had an annual income of not less

than 100$000 reis, excepting, in whatever case, ordinary servants, mem-

bers of monasteries, sailors on ships of war, and a few other special

classifications. Electors, who participated in elections of the second

grade, were chosen from among the qualified voters who possessed incomes

of at least 200$000 reis.

The two most important steps in the electoral process were the

formation of the junta de aualificacao and the mesa eleitoral. The

junta de qualificacgo was composed of the most-voted juiz de paz25

from the distrito de paz in which the matriz was located and four other

23. Provincial Resolution 2134 of Nov. 22, 1886.
24. Falla do Presidente da Provincia do Cear`. July 1, 1880,
pp. 69-70.
25. The juizes de paa, created by Imperial La. of Cct. 15, 1827,
were originally endowed ith the broad police ar.d judicial powers '1:hich
were exercised by the dole:ados after 18-41. After 1841, the juires de
paz remained important by' reason. of their roles in electior.s. 'our such
officials were elected eve x four years in each district de paz of the
mur.icioio, the one receiving the nost n'aber of votes being as the
julz de paz mais votado, partially translated here a-s the r.ost-voted
juil de paz.

rc.-.berz chosen fro:.-. aor.- the elcctor-s and their substitutes w~ho appeared

for the organizing nceting. To choose the four ne.c-.brs, the juiz de paz,

who cuto.-:tic:lly served as president, divided the electors in two ccqal

groups: one c.-.posed of those receiving the most votes for their posts

as electors and the other of those receiving the least votes, arrangcd

within each group according; to the number of votes each elector iad re-

ceived. The ones chosen to serve were the last of the nost-voted gr'up

and the first of the least-voted group. The process '-:as then repeated to

select two members from among the substitutes. The eleitoral

formed in the same runner and was presided over by the sar.e juiz de paz,

except when he did not appear, in which case the ne:t most-voted juiz de

paz presided. The four other members were the sa-me only if the identical

electors and substitutes reappeared for the organizing .eetir.;.

Following its formation on the third Sunday of January of each year,

the junta held sessions to revise the list of qualified voters, ir.cludir.;

the enlistment of new ones, meeting again 30 days after the last session

to consider complaints. Appeal by a citizen who believed he had been

wronged was madc to the ccnselho r.unicioal de rccurso, co.-.osed of the

juiz municipal, the president of the carmra, and the elector who had re-

ceived the most votes in the fraguesia in which the vila was located.

Further appeal could be carried to the relacgo.

Electior.n for vereadores and juizes de opa -.:ere held every fourth

year, these posts bein; filled by direct voting. Elections for electors,

::ho then in electoral colleges to choose provincial deputies, general

deputies, and senators, were nor.-ally held in the year preceding the

e:-.-iration of the current legisla-ive body. In addition, special elec-

tions were called when circumstances .ade their. necessary.

On the appointed day, ma.s3 :aws said at 9:00 A..':., after which h the

-.cs ele-toral ::as organized and the election held, all of the events

tak:!_;z place in the church. Following completion of the voting, the

r.esa eleitoral counted the results. In the event of complaints concern-

ing the cc.unting, the decision rested uith tne c.r-fra in regard to

vorcedores and juizes de paz. Further recourse was available by appeal

to the e.Deror for nullification of the election. The legislative bodie.

judged the validity of the selection of their members, having the power

to order new elections for electors in any freguesia.

Candidates for provincial and general legislative bodies were not

required to be residents of the district or province they sought to

represent. The power to redra:: boundaries of districts and assign elec-

toral votes rested with the provincial assembly.

Royal Decree 3,029 of January 9, 1881, altered some of the prac-

tices of the electoral system. The juiz municipal was entrusted with

forming the list of qualified voters, while appeals from his decisions

were made to the juiz de direito, further recourse still being permitted

to the relacSo. The four places on the mesa eleitoral which had been

filled by electors and their substitutes were delegated to the juizes

de paz and those receiving votes for those offices, a change made neces-

sary by the abolition of eleitoral colleges and, hence, electors. After

1881, all elections were direct. _AmToni other changes, the pre-election

mass was abolished.


Far.ihi's and ?Parti.os

Politics, in the sence of elections involving a si-nificant portico.

of the population, was an innovation of the Empire. It was a serious

matter in the Inhamuns, for at stake in the ar.o of politics w:as the

privilege of exorcising considerable authority in the com:-unity. Se-

lecting vereadores and juizes de paz was not the only aim of the local

political chiefs; had they been able to maintain their domination of the

community through possession of these offices, their task would have

been simple. But, with the introduction of agencies of police linked

to outside authorities, the traditional prerogatives of the local chiefs

were threatened. As a result of this threat, they had to arrive at some

accommodation with provincial and imperial authorities. Because of the

introduction of representative forms of government, the principal chan-

nels for arriving at such an accommodation were the political parties.

-hile the political parties of the Empire bore the names of liberal

and conservative, they possessed little identification with the then

current European use of those terms. In reference to the Inhamuns, there

is no basis for believing that ideology played any role whatsoever in

party conflicts. The cor.T.cnt by Heitor Lira in his study of Pedro II

can be most appropriately applied to that area: "o que havia, no mundo

partidSrio, era sobretudo una luta de paix8cs, de sentiments antagonicos

ou interesses contrariados."26 In the Inhamuns, the party divisions

broke along family lines, the Feitosas carrying the liberal banner,

while the Fernandes Vieiras commanded the conservative forces. As a

result of the preeminence of these families, the intensity of the

struggle between then, anr the fact that only two parties existed, the

26. Hist6ria de Der Pedro TT, Vol. II (Sao Paulo, 1938), 333.

other inhabitants of the rrea uore forced to fall in behind one or the

other of these leadi;nr families.

The Fernr.air:d Vici:-as, in co.parLison ::ith the Feitosas, arrived

late to a position of influence in zhe Inrha-muns. According to tradition,

the founders of the family were si:: sisters and one brother, at least

sc::e of w.nom settled o-' lands once o:rned by, Loureano Alves Feitosa in

t.-e area of Saboeiro. The descendents of these first Fe-nandes Vieiras

came to be called Carcaras, a n:r.e uhich u.:as passed on to them fron

their Fazenna Carcari, located near the village.27 The family began to

ass-L.-. a pr;-rirnent pc.siticn in the In-hmuns in the early ,years of the

19th century, this as a result of the growing wealth and prestige of

Francisco Fernandes Vieira. In 1810, at the age of 27, he was a juiz

ordinario of Sao Joao do Principe and an aiferes in the militia.28 Two

years late-r, the governor, on the recommendation of Capitgo-mor Jose

Alves Feitosa, appointed h-im captain of one of the militia companies.29

Already mentioned were the roles he played in the revolts and changes

associated ::ith the coming of independence to Brazil. His older brother,

Gor-,-alo Eatista Vieira, was also a public figure in the area, serving

as vereador-0 of Sao Jo0o do Principe and as captain in the militia,31

holding these posts by 1812. Later, he became the capitzo-mor of the

Vila of S-ao "atheus.-3

27. Carlos Feitosa, "Origens de Saboeiro," A Verdade (Eaturit6),
Jan. 8, 1961.
28. Proceedings of the juizes ordinarios of SSo Joas do Principe,
1802-1822, Cart6rio No. 1, Tau6.
29. Entry of Oct. 7, 1812, ROGC, Vol. 433.
30. Petition of Jose Alves Feitosa, Sept. 15. 1807, SC.
31. Entry of Oct. 7, 1812, r:iOC, Vol. 433.
32. Cruz Abreu, "Presidentcs do Cear, Irgncio Francisco
Silveira da R:-ota," RIC, .C.:VIII (1924), 155.

,Af1'r h'is fa:-ily began its ascer.T. t.::ard p-::cr in Cca-r., Fran-

cisco Fr.:andcs Vicira served one term in the provincial azse:,.bl:, and,

during of the 1840's, :as supreme of the legion of t-.c

National Cuard of the south of the province. Though he was said to .ave

been a mule driver in his youth, when ho died in 1862 he left what was

probably the largest fortune in the province and he brought his life to

a close with the title of Viscount of Ic6.33 He owed the title less to

his own prestige than to that of his sons, five of the 17 whom he

fathered completing university courses.34 WiFthout them, in all likeli-

hood he would have died a plebeian.

It was Y1iguel Fernandes Vieira, born in Saboeiro in 1816 and

graduated in law at Olinda in 1837, who was the most influential poli-

tician of the family, and it was he, in fact, who acquired the title

for his father. The conservative party in Cearg, of which Kiiguel be-

came the chief, had its origin in the middle 1830's, rising in opposition

to the regime of Jos6 Kartiniano de Alencar, who as provincial president

represented the liberal faction of Feij6. Formed by a group of intel-

lectuals, the conservative element in Ceara at first attracted little

popular support, but with the recruitment of now members, among the.-

Francisco Fernandcs Vieira and his sons, and -he fall of Feij6 the

party took on new life. Favored by the imperial government during most

of the time between 1838 and 1845, the conservatives established them-

selves as one of the two major political factions in Ceara. During this

33. A bio;raphical sketch of Francisco Vicira is found
in Hu;o Victor S-uir.-a'ec, Derutados Provincials e Estaduis do Coars
1835-1947 (Fortale:a, 1952), pp. 256-260.
34. Pedro II, July 19, 1862.

period, in 1838, Miguel and an associate founded the newspaper, Pedro II,

in Fortaleza, which until the end of the Empire championed the conserva-

tive cause.35

Miguel directed the fortunes of his party in Ceara for over 20 years,

although his tight control and liberal favors to his family resulted in

constant bickering and more than one schism, including the exodus of

many of the founders of the party. When he died at the age of 46 in

1862, the same year in which he was elected senator, leadership of the

party passed to his first cousin, Gongalo Batista Vieira, a son of the

capitao-mor with the same name. Goncalo, who took two of the senator's

sisters as well as his widow for his wives, served as general deputy

and in 1871 was made the Baron of Aquiraz.36 Also outstanding in the

family was Miguel's brother, Manoel, who served as a general deputy.37

In addition, many lesser offices were filled by the family, not fewer

than 12 Fernandes Vieiras occupying seats in the provincial assembly

during the Empire.38

Saboeiro, as the home ground of Ceara's leading conservative family,

began to flower in mid-century. In 1851 the seat of the municipio was

moved to Saboeiro, an act followed two years later by the creation of

the freguesia. Shortly thereafter, in 1856, the Carcargs were granted

a comarca, thus completing their acquisition of all the chief units of

35. On Miguel Fernandes Vieira, see Guimaraes, Deputados,
pp. 454-455. On the history of the conservative party, see: Jogo
Brigido, "A Queda da Facqgo Boticaria," 0 Araripe, Feb. 21, 1857, and
Abelardo F. Montenegro, Hist6ria dos Partidos Politicos Cearenses
(Fortaleza, 1965), p. 8 ff.
36. Guimarges, Deputados, pp. 275-277.
37. Ibid., p. 421.
38. Ibid., passim.

local government. The last named move, the liberals claimed, was done to

give a Carcarg lawyer a post as judge, there being no vacancies in other

areas. Though the liberals conceded that Ic6, the judicial unit to which

Saboeiro had belonged, was a long distance away, they thought that a

better solution would have been annexation to the Comarca of the Inhamuns.39

While liberal reasoning as to the exact cause of the creation of the

Comarca of Saboeiro may not have been correct, the Fernandes Vieiras did

staff the municipio with their own. In 1858 the juiz de direito was

Gongalo Batista Vieira, son-in-law and nephew of the viscount, the juiz

municipal was a cousin of the viscount and an uncle of the juiz de direito,

the delegado was Jos6 Fernandes Vieira, son of the viscount, the sub-

delegado was Francisco Fernandes Vieira, also son of the viscount, while

the promoter was Francisco Rodrigues Lima Bastos, nephew of the viscount

and cousin of the juiz de direito, the delegado, and the subdelegado.40

Commissions in the National Guard were also liberally bestowed

upon the family. Already noted was the post of supreme commander held

by the viscount. In addition, InTcio Bastos de Oliveira, local party

chief and nephew as well as son-in-law of the viscount, held the same

post,41 as did Francisco de Paula Fernandes Vieira, son of the viscount

and twice brother-in-law of the Baron of Aquiraz.42 Serving under the

latter in the early 1870's were Jose Gomes Fernandes Vieira Leal, as

lieutenant colonel on the supreme commander's staff, and Lieutenant

Colonel Francisco Fernandes Vieira Bastos, as commander of the battal-

ion in Saboeiro.43

39. 0 Ararine, Xar. 28, 1857.
40. Cearense, Dec. 17, 1858.
41. Guinaraes, Deoutados, p. 292.
42. Cearense, Sept. 11, 1868.
43. Almanak do Cear 1873 (Fortaleza, 1873), pp. 169-170.

In spite of the po':or and prestige of the Carcaras, an crpozition

e:'-ted in Saboeiro. A correspondent frori Sabociro in i860, stating

that he hincelf was a Carcar7, co!-.plainrd in a letter to the Fortalea

liberal journal, Cearense, that Saboeiro was an "infeliz Siberia,

esquecida -o governo, e parece que de Deos!" The police, he contincd,

v;.ws used to pursecute the people and guarantee conservative victories,

ihile cri-irnals wentr unpunished. SSboeiro, he ::anted the readers to

lo'.::, :as a land in which the lau:s gove-'ning the rerIinder of Erazil

had not yet entered.' Si;L: years later, another resident of the land

of t.e Fer.zndes Vieiras informed his liberal friends that being in the

opposition in that area was not a comfortable position. When their

party was in power, he charged, the Carcargs robbed, arrested, and

assassinated, and, for this, they were proclaimed to be strong men and

faithful bcare--s of the conservative tradition. But when their party

did -.ot enjoy official favor, he continued, they cried and shouted that

the governr.-ent was not obeying the law and was letting criminals go un-

punished, a.d, for this, their friends declared them to be rich men who

':er-e inteteested in the maintenance of law and order.45

mDpposition within the municlpio was furnished by dissident Carcaras,

such as the correspondent mentioned above and Francisco Rodrigues Lima

Bastos, ex-conservative stalwart who in 1872 was a member of the liberal

party directorate of Saboeiro46 as well as by families which never

entered the conservative fold.

These latter were concentrated in the western portion of the

44. July 6.
45. Cearenz :-:ar. 18, 1866.
46. Ibid., July 4, 1872.

r.umcslioL in the district of Lobcdoura, created :n lc'.0 WuL'.ir. t..c ter.o

of Sabociro. ''c The r.cluzion of .cb-odro ir. the .-.unaic"p o" t'.o

Carc-ra s resulted in cor.,licts :.ich -lasted for a cmentu-ryu. Lcbedouro,

which. cane to oc a -illao; wi:th a capcl: onl" in che 19th ccntu-:,, .:a

settled by 'eitosas, ..rr-is, ..:ndades, and Goes. jiiL.oZio y

between the t-:o areas dated fro. before the creatlr. of tr.c .uricsio of

Sao 1-.theus in 1823, being initially based on a rivalry be'-.:ecn .'ran-

cisco :crnar.aes Vieira and Captain Dordinos Alves de Goes over a lar.C

question. Goes, a friend and relative of the FeiLosas, resorted -c

legal action to Cthwa-rt the efforts of the Carcar" chief to acquire a

ses.mria along the Rio Unbuseiro.48

The leader of the Bebedouro 7eitosas in the last decades of zhe

Empire was Pedro Alves Feitosa, his second -.arriage "oein; to

an Arrais, while his children married into the Arrals anr .'.ndr-ade fa.i-

lies, among others. The Arrais chief was Colonel :.icolau d'Albuquerque

Arrais, a najor political figure in the municipio from the 188c's un-:1

well into the Republic. All in all, the liberal elements in Bebedouro

constituted a rather closely-knit group.

Before the provincial legislature, in August, 1860, declared

Bebcdouro to be within the Municipio of Sabociro, jurisdiction of the

area was in dispute. The c.nara of Sao JoEo do Fr'ncipo in April, 1860,

complained to the president that the village--fo-:.rln. a oarL of th.e

district of Cococy, the -vercador'es said--had been --.vadsed by the

delegado of Saboe_'o, who had named as a local police officer a person

who was illiterate and only 15 years old. Since 5o JoZo do Principe

,'. rov"r.cial La-.: 29 of A.u. 6, 1860.
So. Cearense, .ay 22, cl0.

already had police officers therc, the c.acra rCrortced, the r-cidentz

'..:cr in doubt as to w;ton to obcy.9 n'. c-:_ra of S-o Jc'o do Pr--cipc

l.te-r ricog.rnized th- jurisdiction of Sacociro i'n the arca, although unrdcr

protest. 'he vereaiores in c1.31 i:arnca tine president that placir:: a

lar,:-. nu.bcr of Feitosas unr.der the Fe'r.-andes Vieira faraily--w.ihich, they

said, :n-ued "co.-o qLqualuE.- saltLsr no C-ie:.te"--could Icad only to serious


L-rini the followingg years, the district remained in almost con-

sza:-i tariail and uuicertainty, a situation aided by the fact that while

the -area passed cack-: and forth between the two municlpios it remained

it:ithin tr.e 're.uesia of Arneiros. Thus, in local elections, the Carcara

ele::.ecnt elected juices de paz in the voting at Saboeiro, while the

liberal faction took similar action in Arneir6s. The Feitosas and their

allies .iwon a tnerorary victory in 1864, when the law which authorized

the creation of the iunicipio of Arneir6s declared the disputed district

to be within the boundaries of the new raunicipio. But as a result of

the long delay in effecting the provisions of the act, Bebedcuro con-

tinued under the rule of Saboeiro. Even with the elevation of Arneir6s

to a municipio in 1873, Saboeiro tarried somewhat in relinquishing con-

trol of the district. The cSmara at Arneir6s in 1874 was forced to ask

the president to forbid Saboeiro to collect taxes in the area, a re-

quest repeated in 1875.51 Apparently, the Arneir6s officials did gain

control, for after the passing of the district back to Sabociro in 1876,

the Carcargs complained that they were being prevented from establishing

49. Ofcios, SJP, Apr. 24, 1860.
50. Ibid., Jan. 11, 1861.
51. Oficios, Arneir6s, Feb. 24, 174., and Jan, 7, 1"75.

jurisdiction ar. they requested the suspcnzion of Juiz dc Paz Pcdro .'.lvc:

7oitosa Ti2baua.52 Previously, the A.rncir5s cnara, statir.n that it had

never been properly informed of the chan:o, had told the president that

it would exercise jurisdiction in the area until so notified.53 .e

Arneir's vereadoros conceded in April, 1877; in submitting their budget

they asked the president to carefully note that they had lost over half

of their revenue as a result of the alteration.54

But just before conceding, the opponents of the Carcargs enjoyed

ono last moment of triumph on 1arch 18, 1877. It the Sunday on which

the priest came to say mass at the capela, this event, as was the custom

in the scrtEo, also being the occasion for a market day and general

festivities: merchants from Saboeiro came to sell their goods; people

came in from the fazendas to trade and enjoy the fellowship of others;

and the vila sent soldiers to maintain order. According to the vereadores

of Saboeiro, the celebration was orderly until a group of some 70 armed

men arrived, among them the "celebre criminozo," Luiz de Goes. Various

members of the band, "comn toda audacia e ostentacgo," provoked arguments

with the soldiers and the subdelegado, whereupon the 70, with "vivas ao

partido liberal," began an uproar which drove home the more peaceful of

those in attendance and brought the business transactions to a close.

The vereadores charged that the disorder was planned and directed by

Juiz de Paz Pedro Alves Feitosa Timbadba.55

52. Oficios, Saboeiro, p..r. 9, 1677.
53. Olicios, ..rneir6s, Jan. 13, 1L77.
54. Toid., Apr. 3, 1077.
55. Oficios, Sabeoiro, .-.r. 20, 1677. The cebedouro cuostion
continued to arouse rcscior.s for yet many years, subsiding only in 1956
when the assembly, by L;:- ,332, raised the district to a ur.uicipio
under the name of .iuaba, ta.e .na.e the district had borne since 1943.
The political chief large :'zcornzible for securing the move was,
appropriately, --rando .rrais Feitosa, a grandson of Ti~Lbr-b.

Ey the ti.e of the Bc&Oc2ouro incid"eit irn ', 1877, the

Carcaras .nas passed the pcal: of tneii- The years of their

greatest prestige lay in the three to four dec-des irC diately follc::ing

13`:, a period which coincided with the height of' the conserv-ative

party's influence in the province. Cor.tribtutin' t tthe decline of the

f. aily after t-iat period wias -he deepening of cor:-scr'ative dissension

i:. Cca-: ti:hich follo:-ed the death of Senator I-iguel. In 1863 a group

of conservatives founded in Fortaleza the newspaper, Constituicao, in

opposition to tn Carcara element, and in 1871 a split ensued which was

never healed, .-n*.e faction following the Baron of Aquiraz while the other

,:as led by Joasuin da Cunha Freire, the Baron of Ibiapaba.56 The con-

flict between the t:ro conservative factions was, on occasion, as bitter

as the fight rith the liberals. Adding to the discord were alliances

which one or the other of the conservative factions made with its

former enemies. After one defeat at the hands of a liberal-Ibiapaba

coalition in 1872, a Saboeiro correspondent, writing in Cearense, re-

ported that the Fernandes Vieiras, rather than submit to Ibiapaba's

rule, were talking of becoming republicans or even communists.57

As a matter of fact, a group of the former persuasion was formed

in Saboeiro on election night in 1872, an event reported in Cearense

on August 18 of that year. But the chairman of the organizing meeting

was Captain Salustio Tertuliano Bandeira Ferrer, a bitter enemy of the

Carcar&s. In a keen observation on coming things, the reporter called

the republicans "verdadoiros operarios do future." Though this early

movement was short lived--Captain Ferrer soon rejoined the liberals,

56. Guimnares, Deputados, p. 276; Iontenegro, Hist6ria dos
Partidos, p. 19.
57. i'ar. 10, 1872.

and nc-e of tho :arty coazed to roach the .o pre--it did exist lor. cnr.-h

to order a rass said, also in lc72, on the death of one enc.-j of royalty,

Ecnito Juarez of le::ico. 5

W'ith such a powerful family on their doorstep, the Feitosas ;:ere

hard n-esscd to :-ir.nain their dominance over the center of the Lr .a.-r.z.

The e::act reasons why the Feitosas became liberals, and hence cppson'-r.z

of the Fernandes Vieiras, are somewhat obscure. In 1868 a cor.erv.'ai'.'e

correspondent writing in Pedro II, Francisco Earbosa Cordeiro, sta-ed

that the Feitosas' conversion to liberalism dated only from the early

1850's. Previous to this, he wrote, they dealt with the Fernr.ares

Vieiras, giving them their votes when such a move appeared to be ad'cr.-

tageous. But because of the vigorous efforts of a conservative govern-

nent to prosecute criminals in the Inharuns in the early 1850's, arong

them many Feitosas, they became liberals.59 Contributing to their

change of heart, he continued, was the aid given them during this

difficult period by Thomaz Pompou, who in 1848 succeeded the Alencar

family as leader of the liberal party.60

Various bits of evidence appear to lond support to Cordeiro's

version of the reasons for the Feitosas' late entry into the liberal

ranks. They had little cause to support that party during the 1830's,

for President Alencar denounced crime in the Inhamuns,61 while a

liberal juiz de direito, Joz= Antonio do !-.ria Ibiapina, resigned from

his post at least in part as a result of the Feitosas' obstruction of

58. Cearense, Sept. 13, 1372.
59. See Ch. III, pp. 119-135.
60. Pedro II, July 12, 1868.
61. Paulino ..oueira, "Senadcr Jo;C :artiniano de Alencar,"
RIC, XIII, ::os. 3 and 4 (1899), 161.

his efforts. 6 ': .ith the creation cf the Corarca of tile InhaTmuns in 1836,

Antonio LzopoldiLno de Araujo Chave whoce another was Josefa Alves

Feitosa, was appointed to preside over the ne'. jurisdiction, re:rining

there until 1851. 63 His mania yeav s as jude in his hone territory would

indicate that the Feitosas were able to nake a catisfactor- acco.-odation

to ;;.htever 7cverrrnment happened to be in Thus, the mcst likely

anr'.cr to tne question as to the political stance of the fa-mily prior to

1650 is that they dealt with both parties in an attempt to preserve their

dor-inant position in Sao Joao do Principe. Only as a result of the

bitterness engendered by the events of the early 1850's, it appears, did

they definitively enter the liberal camp.

In gaining the Feitosas to their side, the liberals acquired a

faailjy of remarkable qualities, one of which was a high degree of in-

ternal cohesiveness. Although the writer in the course of research on

19th century politics in the Inhamuns frequently encountered Carcargs

i:ho left their family to become liberals, not one Feitosa or Araujo was

fcur.d r-making the move from the liberal party to the conservative party.

Eeing in the opposition in the 19th century Inhamuns was not a desirable

position, for the ai. cf the wiLr-inir. element was not to-distribute

justice but to exact revenge. A family with less solidarity would have

had at least occasional deserters to the winning side, but not the

Feitosas. Aiding the maintenance of cohesion was the strength to be

found in numbers, for, though they might be in opposition, the Feitosas

were not totally defenseless. Also, soe.iiwhat in contrast to the Fernandes

Vieiras who had a greater interest in educating their sons, and conse-

62. Paulino Nogueira, '0 Padrc Ibiapina," R C, I,, Io. i (lIS8),
63. Guimarges, Deputados, p. 1&4.

quently, in seo'.ir.n desirable positions for them, the Fcitosas and, to

a lesser extent, the Araujos ecn'.rally ror-lincd on the fazenda, imper-

vious to the lure of public employment which the winning side could

grant. Although, as will be seen, political solidarity in the family

was broken in the 1880's, it came more in the nature of an intra-fanr.ily

quarrel than a desertion to the enemy.

All of the most Drominent liberal chiefs of SSo Jo0o do Principe

were either Feitosas or Araujos, this as a result of the preeminence

which the family held. As noted earlier, leadership within 5So JcSo do

Principe passed to the Araujos following the death of Capitto-mor Jose

Alves Feitosa, the nost noted of his successors being Colonel Jogo de

Araujo Chaves, who was married to a Feitosa. The colonel's brother,

Antonio Xartins Chaves, was the last capitao-mor of the ordenangas and

in 1847 was appointed supreme coriander of the guard of Sao JoEo do

Principe.64 Ti.o sons of Colonel Jo0o occupied leading positions among

the chiefs of the Inhanuns, the first being the long tine juis de

direito, Antonio Leopoldino de Araujo Chaves. A graduate of the law

school in Olinda, he served two terms in the provincial assembly, in

1838-1839 and 1842-1843.65 His brother, Joaquin Leopoldino de Araujo

Chaves, was for many years the local chief of the liberal party. This

position was complemented by the post of supreme commander of the

National Guard, which he held from the late 1850's into the 1870's. A

correspondent from Tau,6 writing in Pedro II in 1868, said that the

64. Entry of Aug. 14, l147, Re-ister of nominations for officers
of the N:ational Guard, 1636-1852, Arquivo Fublico, Fortaleza.
65. Gu imares, Denutacds, p. 1o4.
66. Although the name of the m"nicpio was SZ JSo do Principe
its seat continued to be referred to popularly as Taut, originally the
name of the fazor.a from which the village grew.

colonel distr-ibuted justice at nis pleasure, giving orders hhich the

local authorities obeyed.67

Although the Araujos hold tti upper hand during those years, the

Feilosas e\ro :ot unrepresent-e in the councils of po:.'er. Succeeding

An..tnic .--rtins Cha:ves as supreme co -ianrder in .1.49 uas Fedro Al:ve

Foitosa e Vale, w.o held the post for only a short unile as a result of

the widespread dismissal of i-embers of the fariily from rlitary offices

in the earl!, 1850's.

Cczrnencing during the decade of the 1860's, a closely related

group of Feitosas began to reclaim leadership from the Araujos. All

uer, descendants of the marriage of Sargento-mor Leandro Cust6dio de

Olivoira Castro of Rio Grande do Norte with a sister of Jose Alves

Feitosa. Colonel Pedro Alves Feitosa e Vale, mentioned above, was

married to a daughter of the sargento-mor. Leandro Cust6dio de Oliveira

Castro Juc9, a grandson of the elder Leandro, served as acting promoter

and in 1864-1865 as provincial deputy, during which time he introduced

the legislation elevating Arneir6s to a municlpio. His career was cut

short by his death in Fortaleza in the last year of his term as deputy.68

Succeeding Colonel Joacuim Leopoldino as chiefs of the family after the

early 1870's were two grandsons of the elder Leandro, both sons of a

marriage of his daughter to Pedro Alves Feitosa of the Fazenda Cococ".

These twin brothers were iajor Francisco Alves Feitosa and Colonel

Joaquim Alves Feitosa, the latter having served one term in the pro-

vincial assembly in 1868-1869.69 In the closing years of the Empire,

another grandson of the elder Leandro began a political career which was

67. Oct. 31.
68. Feitosa, Genealoria, p. 110; Guinar-es, Deoutados. pp. 401-
69. GuinarZes, DeTutados, p. 322;, June 16, 1831.

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