Group Title: expulsion of the Spaniards from Mexico, 1827-1829
Title: The expulsion of the Spaniards from Mexico, 1827-1829
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 Material Information
Title: The expulsion of the Spaniards from Mexico, 1827-1829
Physical Description: x, 467 leaves. : illus. ; 28 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Sims, Harold Dana, 1935-
Publication Date: 1968
Copyright Date: 1968
 Subjects
Subject: History -- Mexico -- 1821-1861   ( lcsh )
Colonies -- Administration -- Spain -- America   ( lcsh )
History thesis Ph. D   ( lcsh )
Dissertations, Academic -- History -- UF   ( lcsh )
Genre: bibliography   ( marcgt )
non-fiction   ( marcgt )
 Notes
Thesis: Thesis -- University of Florida.
Bibliography: Bibliography: leaves 454-467.
Additional Physical Form: Also available on World Wide Web
General Note: Manuscript copy.
General Note: Vita.
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00097812
Volume ID: VID00001
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: alephbibnum - 000570812
oclc - 13748871
notis - ACZ7794

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THE EXPULSION OF THE SPANIARDS FROM

MEXICO, 1827-182S1














By

HAROLD DANA SIMS


A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF
THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE
DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY












UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
1968


. . ......... .. ...... . ................................................................................... .. ....














































UNIVERSITY OF FLORIOA


3 1262 08666 482 7










































Copyright by


Harold Dana Sims



1968


.... ...... ........... ..












ACKNOWLEDGMENTS


The initial Inspiration for this dissertation was provided by

the chairman of my committee, Dr. Lyle N. McAlister. His constant

interest in the project, as well as his thorough criticism of the

results were invaluable.

The research was conducted under two grants from the Foreign

Area Fellowship Program, New York, during the years 1964-1966. With-

out the generous financial assistance of this worthy organization, I

could not have completed the work at Berkeley, Austin, and Mexico City.

Among the many who advised me along the way, the archivists deserve

a special vote of thanks. Dr. Nettie Lee Benson and Mr. James Breedlove

of the Latin American Collection, University of Texas; Professor Rubio

MHun, and Sr. Guzmrn of the Archivo General de la Naci6n Mexicana, Mexico

City, were of invaluable assistance to me during my researches.

The stout encouragement and untiring copying hand of'my wife,

Retsuko, who sacrificed her Spanish classes in order to aid me in

the Archives, should not be left unmentioned. Finally, a vote of

gratitude to Mrs. Cella Lescano, who typed and proofread the final

manuscript.












jiijjjI













TABLE OF CONTENTS


Page

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS .......... . . .... .. . ill

LIST OF TABLES . . . . . .. . . . . . vii

LIST OF FIGURES . . . . . .. . . . . x

INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . .

The Conflict between Creoles and Spaniards in the Early
Nineteenth Century . . . . . . . .
The Three Guarantees Contained in the Plan of Iguala . 6

CHAPTER

I. THE SPANIARDS OF MEXICO IN 1827 . . . . .. 14

The Spaniards Remaining in 1827 . . . . 14
The Spaniards' Occupation in 1827 . . . .. 23
A Comparison of Spanish and Creole Occupations
in Durango . . . . . . . ... 42
Conclusions . . . . . . . . . 53

II. THE SPANIARDS AND THE ITURBIDEAN EMPIRE . . .. 57

The Introduction of the Scottish Rite and Its
Link with the Spaniards . . . . . . 57
The Escoces Opposition to the Iturbidean Empire 62
The Fall of the Iturbidean Empire . . ... 65
The Spaniards under the Executive Power .... 81
Conclusions . . . . . . . . . 91

III. THE OPPOSITION TO THE SPANIARDS IN THE NEW REPUBLIC 102

The Revolt of General Lobato, January, 1824 . 102
The Conflict between the Escoceses and the
American Creoles in 1824 . . . . .. 114

IV. THE YORKINOS AND THE SPANISH QUESTION . . . .. .139

The Emergence of the Yorkino Party . . . 139
The Yorkino Party and the Spaniards, 1825-1826 150


I I .. .. ...... ...









TABLE OF CONTENTS (cont.)


CHAPTER Page

V. THE SPANIARDS AND THE ARENAS CONSPIRACY ...... . 169

The Conspiracy of January 1827 . . . . .. 169
The Reaction of the Victoria Government ..... 180
The Effect of the Arenas Affair on Mexican Politics 189

VI. THE REMOVAL OF THE SPANIARDS FROM GOVERNMENT POSTS:
THE FEDERAL LAW OF MAY 10, 1827 . . . ... 198

VII. THE MOVEMENTS AGAINST THE SPANIARDS IN THE STATES .' 239

The Removal of the Spanish Employees in the States 239
The Renewal of the Expulsion Mover.,ents in the States 243
The Expulsion Law of Jali.sco . . .. . .... 259

VIII. THE EXPULSION OF THE SPANIARDS FROM THE STATES AND THE 276
FEDERAL LAW OF DECEMBER 20, 1827 . . . . .

The Expulsion Laws of the Remaining States .... 276
The Evolutior. of the Federal Law in the Congress . 298

IX. THE ENFORCEMENT OF THE FIRST FEDERAL LAW OF EXPULSION:
PART . . . . . . . . . . . . 316

The Reaction of the Escoceses: The Revolt of Vice
President Bravo ................. 316
The Enforcement during the First Three Months . 324

X. THE ENFORCEMENT OF THE FIRST FEDERAL LAW OF EXPULSION:
PART II ................ . ..... 349

The Enforcement during the Second Three Months . 349
The Cases of Six Prominent Spaniards ....... 373

XI. THE RESULTS OF THE FIRST GENERAL EXPULSION OF SPANIARDS 385

The Extent of the Exoulsion . . . . ... 386
"he Effects of the Expulsion on the Clergy .... 398
The Results of the Expulsion . . . . . . 4C5
Conclusions . . . . . . . ... . 415

APPENDIX

A. PLAN DE LOBATO ............... . . 438










TABLE OF CONTENTS (cont.)


APPENDIX Page

B. THE PLAN OF THE ARENAS CONSPIRACY OF JANUARY 1827 . 439

C. THE LAW OF MAY 10, 1827 .............. .. 444

D. THE LAW OF DECEMBER 20, 1827, WITH THE INITIAL
INSTRUCTIONS FOR ITS ENFORCEMENT . . . . 445

BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . . 454


r - -_ ~












LIST OF TABLES


Table Page

1. Spanish Immigration to the State of Oaxaca: 1762-1826 . 18

2. Spaniards Entering, Departing, or Denied Entry into the
Republic, 1826-1827 . . . . . . . .... .19

3. A Report by the Secretary of Relations on December 31, 1827 20

4. Distribution of the Estimated Spanish Population of Mexico
in 1827 . . . . . . . . . . ... .22

5. Occupations of Spaniards Residing in the Republic of Mexico
in 1827 . . . . . . . . . . ... .24

6. Occupations of Spaniards in the State of Chihuahua in 1827 28

7. Occupations of Spaniards in the State of Jalisco in 1827 29

8. Occupations of Spaniards in the State of Nuevo Le6n in 1827 31

9. Occupations of Spaniards in the State of Oaxaca in 1827 33

10. Occupations of Spaniards in the State of Queretaro in 1827 35

11. Occupations of Spaniards in the State of Tabasco in 1827 37

12. Occupations of Spaniards in the State of YucatAn in 1827 38

13. Populaci6n de todas las Partidas del Estado de Durango . 44

14. Occupations of Spaniards in the State of Durango in 1827 45

15. A Comparative View of the Occupations of Criollos and
Peninsulares in Durango in June 1827 . . . ... 47

16. The Occupations of Criollos and Peninsulares in Durango
in 1827 Summarized . . . . . . . . 49

17. The Resolution Completed by the Chamber of Deputies on
December 11, 1827, Summarized with the Votes on Key
Articles . . . . . . . . ... .. . . 308

18. A Summary of the Report Submitted to Congress by the
Ministry of Relations on February 20, 1828, Spaniards
Receiving Passports, December 20, 1827-February 20, 1828 335

vii









LIST OF TABLES (cont.)


Table Page

19. A Summary of the Report Submitted to Congress by the
Ministry of Relations on March 20, 1828, Spaniards
Receiving Passports February 21-March 20, 1828 . . 341

20. A Summary of the Reports Submitted to Congress by the
Ministry of Relations on May 20, 1828, Spaniards
Given Passports and Excepted, April 20-May 20, 1828 363

21. A Summary of the Lists Submitted to Congress by the Min-
istry of Relations in 1828 . . . . . .. 364

22. Spaniards Issued Passports by the Governors of States,
Territories and the Federal District, December 1827-
January 1829 . . . . . . . . ... .. . 387

23. Departures by Spaniards, Their Wives and Children as a
Result of the Law of December 20, 1827 . . ... 389

24. Departures by Spaniards from Mexican Ports, December
1827-February 1829 . . . . . . . ... 392

25. Departures by Dependents of Spaniards from Mexican Ports,
December 1827-February 1829 . . . . .... 393

26. Travel Expenses Reported Extended to Spaniards Expelled,
1827-1828 . . . . . . . .... ... .. 395

27. The Destinations of Ships Bearing Expelled Spaniards,
December 1827-February 1829 . . . . .... 396

28. Distribution of Spaniards Excepted from the Law of
December 20, 1827 . . . . . . . .... 399

29. Estado de Chihuahua . . . . . . . .... 400

30. The Changes Occurring in the Number of Regular Clergy in
Mexico, 1826-1828 . . . . . . .... 403

31. The Spanish Regular Clergy of Mexico, 1827 . . ... 404

32. The Changes Occurring in the Number of Secular Clergy in
Mexico, 1826-1828 ................. 406

33. 1828: Estado que maniflesta los espaneles eclesibsticos
del clero regular y secular ............ 407


viii


....... ' ll' '[' ''[........... ".............. ............ .........'.....i .......... ...... .. ......... ......... ........ ........... ..... ............. ........ . ...................................... ........... ....... ...








LIST OF TABLES (cont.)


Table Page

34. The Expulsion Law of December 20, 1827: A Summary of
Reports from the State and Federal Governments .... 408

35. The Final Report to Congress by the Ministry of Relations
on the Results of the First General Expulsion of
Spaniards . . . . . . . ... .. . . 410

36. The Fate of Spaniards in the Federal District, December
1827-January 1829 . . . . . . . .... .414

37. Estimated Changes in the Spanish Population of Mexico, 1827-
1828 . . . . . . . . . . ... . . 417

38. Occupations of Spaniards Given Passports, 1827-1828 . . 418

39. Occupations of Spaniards Departing from the Ports of Mexico,
1827-1828 . . . . . . . .... .... . 420

40. Occupations of Spaniards Departing from the Ports of Campe-
che, Guaimas, Mazatlan and Tampico . . . . .. 422

41. Revenue and Expenses of the Federal Government of Mexico,
1822-1828 . . . . . . . . ... .... . 426

42. Customs Receipts from 1823 to the Fiscal Year Ending 1828 427

43. Mexican Imports and Exports from 1826 through 1828 . . 429

44. The Commercial Transactions between Mexico and the United
States from 1826 through 1828 . . . . .... 430













LIST OF FIGURES


Figure Table

1. The Personnel Directing the Executive Power: March 31,
1823-October 10, 1824 . . . . . . . . 105

2. The Five Cabinets of the Victoria Government: 1824-1829 151

3. The Conspirators of 1827 Reported in Published Sources 176

4. Thirty-Nine Conspirators of January 1827 Whose Trials
Had Not Been Completed by June 1828 . . . ... 177

5. The Laws Removing the Spaniards from Their Government
Posts in 1827 . . . . . . . .... .. 240

6. Some Armed Petitions of 1827 Calling for the Expulsion
of the Spaniards . . . . . . . . 245

7. The Provisions of the Expulsion Laws of 1827 in Eleven
States . . . . . . . . ... .. .. . 297

8. The Expulsion Proposals Considered by the Chamber of
Deputies in 1827 and the Law of December 20 .... 303

9. A Partial List of the Officers Involved in the Montano
Revolt . . . . . ...... .. . .. . 321


I I _












INTRODUCTION


The Conflict between Creoles and Spaniards
in the Early Nineteenth Century

The principal focus of discontent in early nineteenth century

Mexico was to be found in the creole segment of society. Historians

of the independence movements have emphasized the creole's dissatis-

faction with his minor role in the colonial government and Church. The

creole was prone to make invidious comparisons between his own polit-

ically subordinate position and the advantageous position traditionally

enjoyed by the European Spaniard.

The conflict dated back to the sixteenth century when:

The widening rift between the descendants of the conquerors
creoless] and Spanish officialdom was one of the most active
ingredients in the nascent nationalism which split New Spain
permanently into two factions, criollos and gachupines.2

Luis Gonzblez Obreg6n has actually attributed the independence movement

of the nineteenth century to the Spanish officials suppression of the

encomiendas held by the creole descendants of the conquerors in the

sixteenth century. The conflict did not cool in the seventeenth century

as Thomas Gage bears witness:

This hatred is so great that I dare say nothing might be more
advantageous than this to any other nation that would conquer
America.5

Hugh M. Hamill, exploring the creole-Spaniard conflict in its

late eighteenth century manifestation, decided that the most concise

exposition of creole grievances and charges against the Spaniards were









to be found In two appeals drawn up by the creole-dominated cabildo

(municipal council) of Mexico City for presentation to Charles III in

1771 and Charles IV in 1792. Hamill concludes from the fact that the

two appeals are basically similar that little or no action had been

taken to redress creole grievances during the intervening 21 years.

Creole complaints against the Spaniards were many and varied.

Perhaps the most disturbing fact for the creole was his awareness that

the mere geographical location of his birth hampered his efforts at

obtaining political or ecclesiastical office, even though he might be

qualified by wealth and education. Important appointments were usually

distributed in Spain and the recipient of royal favor was, more often

than not, a Spaniard. The practice of granting offices to Spaniards

was crown policy, adhered to throughout the colonial period, and the

monarchy made no secret of the fact that it considered this to be the

safest policy.

In the matter of officeholding, written law allegedly favored the

creole of ability, particularly if his lineage included a conquistador

or early colonist. In this, as in other colonial matters, Spanish

law was no reflection of Spanish practice. The common belief in Europe

that creoles were inferior to Europeans by virtue of their American

birth provided the rationale for the superior positions acquired by

Spaniards.

The appeals submitted to the crown by the cabildo of Mexico City

in the late eighteenth century focused on officeholding as "the

greatest and most enormous injustice."9 An example cited by the









reqidores (council members) was the newly created tobacco monopoly

(renta de tabaco) which was operated as a section of the royal treasury.

Though it had been planned by a creole, only one-twentieth of the ranking

officials of the monopoly were creoles.10

Creoles felt that the typical Spanish official was incapable of

fulfilling his duties in America. They pointed to the expense of

maintaining a foreigner and his entourage and bemoaned the fact that

a newly appointed Spanish official soon filled the subordinate offices

at his disposal with his hangers-on who had followed him to America.

Qualified creoles who had waited patiently to fill a vacant position

in Church or state were brusquely shunted aside by an unqualified

Spaniard who came as the friend of a prelate or a government minister.

The crown moved slowly and too late to ameliorate creole dis-

satisfaction with their disproportionately small share of offices. A

royal order of February 21, 1776 guaranteed that one-third of the

canonships and benefices in Spain as well as in America would be re-

served for creoles. But in 1777 "all the prelates, archbishops, bi-

shops, viceroys, presidents of audiencias (higher courts), and governors

in the capital cities were [Spaniards] and . these were all royal
1,12
appointments." The creole actually acquired fewer high offices in

the eighteenth century than his fellows had enjoyed in the sixteenth

and seventeenth.13 The regular ecclesiastical orders, led by the

Franciscans in 1618, had adopted a system of alternating a Spaniard

with a creole in all benefices, but here too preference was being extended

to Spaniards in the late eighteenth century.4










Hamill noted a further reason for creole dissatisfaction with

the status quo:

The wealth which some gachupines were able to command, due to
their high positions in the government and commerce as well as
in mining and the operation of haciendas, was a5cause of envy
among those criollos who were less prosperous.

Social position was denied the creole who possessed neither wealth

nor an honorific position in society.

The creole's complaints and petitions to the crown produced no

solid results in the colony.16 By 1808 little had changed with respect

to officeholding: one bishopric had fallen to a creole but no other

high office in either Church or state was held by an American. The

Spaniards of New Spain were aware of creole discontent but they seem

to have taken a light view of its importance.17 Archbishop Alonso

Nunez de Haro obstructed a royal order of 1792 granting additional

ecclesiastical posts to creoles.18 The Spaniards were obviously reacting

from a position of strength within the state and the Church.

Moreover, the Spaniards of New Spain had their creole supporters,

many of whom did not desert the Spanish cause even after independence.

Hamill suggested, in light of the division which existed within the

creole sector, that in discussions of social reality on the eve of

independence, a distinction must be made between two basic creole
19
types. The first type, the "European criollo" was drawn toward Spain.

Hamill explains:

He was usually the son of a gachupfn or closely related to some
prominent peninsular family. He often enjoyed the distinctions
of the nobility. He was, perhaps, sent to Spain for his educa-
tion. His devotion to his king was traditional and the Divine


IIIIIIII I I . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ........ ........... II.II






5



Right was uncritically accepted. Europe was the distant core
of his universe and whatever culture existed in America was of
little importance. The European criollo was apt to have com-
mercial or financial connection with the mother country. The
chances of his being rich were good . his vested interests
in the economy were of such importance that he was unwilling to
see a change28f government which might jeopardize his material
possessions.

The size of the "European creole" population is uncertain, but it must

have been a small percentage in view of the fact that the majority of

creoles were not well placed in society.

The creole majority, then, falls into Hamill's second type--the

"American creole":

Unlike the European criollos, they were not usually rich. Since
. the Mexican elite was based almost exclusively on wealth
. American criollos did not belong to this aristocracy . .
it was characteristic of them to have been long associated with
America. But if their forebears had been fortunate enough to form
an entailed estate, succeeding generations were likely to have
wasted the founder's wealth a9d position to which they were heir
.. The Mayorazqos . might remain in the hands of the
eldest born, but the properties were inefficiently maintained
. .. Racial purity among the American criollos was not in-
variable . .. A large portion of the criollo population was
made up of petty municipal officials, artisans, night watchmen
and unemployed . owners of ranchos, provincial shopkeepers,
and little businessmen . some, who had no real estate at all,
made their living by administering the haciendas of absentee land-
lords . .. The2 were attracted by the law, the Church, education,
and the military.

The poorest of the American creoles were known as criolloss de la plebe."

The Spaniard's presence was tolerated by the American creole only

because the latter was powerless to alter the status quo. Political

revolution did not represent the awful spectre to the American creole

that it raised in the minds of the Spaniard or the European creole.










The creole was "the crux of the social and political organization

of New Spain," according to Hamill.23 Due to their location in the

small villages and in the countryside, "a fact which stemmed from

their holding the magistracies and curacies of lesser importance," the

creoles held sway over the mestizos and Indians in the provinces.

Should the Spaniard be removed from the scene, the creole would in-

herit the entire apparatus of control intact and without serious social

disorganization.

The American creole--European creole division, which will be used

throughout the study, should be understood as a cultural phenomenon.

The American creole was culturally Mexican and his identity as such was

a source of pride to him. His image of Spain and Spanish culture was

largely negative. His counterpart, the European creole, consciously

attempted to become culturally Spanish. He admired and approved of

Spanish culture, as he understood it. Consequently, the European creole

lacked faith in the future of a non-Spanish Mexico. In the 1820's he

would see ruin for Mexico in the expulsion of the Spaniards. The Amer-

ican creole would see, in the act of expulsion, the salvation of Mexico--

his Mexico.


The Three Guarantees Contained in the Plan of Iguala

On February 24, 182L Agustfn Iturbide made public his plan of Iguala

which was directed to the "Mexicans," a term which included "the Europeans,
24
Africans and Asiatics" who resided in Mexico. The plan contained three

principal articles or essential ideas, which were 1) the conservation of









the Apostolic Roman Catholic religion, without tolerance of any other,

2) independence under the "moderate monarchical form of government, and

3) union between Americans and Europeans.25 These were the "three

guarantees," which the officials and troops of Iturbide's army swore to

uphold. The guarantees were represented by the three colors on the

banner adopted for the cause: white, red, and green. Red symbolized

the guarantee of union between Spaniards and Mexicans, or the third

guarantee.2

The guarantee of union was embodied in articles 13, 15, and 17

of the plan of Iguala.27 These three articles promised the Spaniard

security in the ownership of property, permanence in his civil or

military post and, finally, conservation of his military rank. The

Spaniard could see in the plan of Iguala a guarantee of Mexican citizen-

ship and, aside from the severing of formal ties with the peninsula, the

continuity of institutions which offered him a secure future in Mexico.

These were the guarantees which the Spaniard who supported Iturbide
28
desired. Spanish liberals supported Iturbide out of their belief in

the virtue of independence while, on the contrary, the Spanish upper

clergy gave his movement their support in order to remove the dangerous

influence of the liberal government in Spain. The plan of Iguala en-

countered the Spaniards divided into three camps: liberals, upper

clergy, and supporters of the viceregal government. The revolutionary

plan was designed to attract the first two of these groups away from

their dependence upon the third, or the government. Iturbide's plan

was attractive to the European creole and the Spaniard because of its










guarantees. The plan of Iguala was attractive to the American creole

as a means of achieving independence.

Iturbide's plan may have been of his own design, but it is evident

that he operated in accord with influential Spaniards and creoles.29

Manuel G6mez Pedraza, a friend who never abandoned Iturbide, revealed

the important role played by the Spanish general Pedro Celestino Negrete

in the movement:

. when I was commissioned by [Iturbide] to arrange the capitula-
tions, he told me with the accent of truth which never deceives:
"tell Negrete that what I have done has been by his counsel or with
his approbation": I shall never forget this remarkable message.3

The conciliatory direction which the revolution took disarmed its op-

ponents and united all those with interests to defend. The gradual

transition prescribed by the plan from a colonial to an independent

government was designed to avoid any taint of illegitimacy which might

jeopardize titles to property or ancient privileges.31

The treaty of C6rdoba, which resulted from the conference between

Captain General Juan O'Donoj6 and Iturbide on August 24, 1821 was a

reaffirmation of the plan of Iguala, with two basic changes. Should

the ruling family refuse the proffered crown, the cortes would be free

to select a monarch of Its choice without being restricted to the

Bourbon house. This alteration, noted Alaman, left the way open to

32
Iturbide's ambition.3 The second modification in the plan of Iguala

to appear in the treaty of C6rdoba concerned the Spaniards. All

"Europeans" who were opposed to Mexican independence were to be allowed

to remain by articles 15 and 16.33 Article 15 of the treaty declared

also that Spaniards were to be allowed to leave the country with their


1::' = ^;*.. .-......._ .









fortunes if they so desired. Article 16 required the "notoriously

disaffected" among the military officials and public employees to
34
depart within a time period to be set by the regency. By the terms

of article 17, O'Donoj6 agreed to employ his authority to arrange

the capitulation and departure of the expeditionary troops located

in the capital.35

Each Spanish soldier was issued a document at the time and place

of his capitulation which would serve him in the future as proof that

he had surrendered in 1821. In 1828, following the passage of the first

expulsion law, these documents were required of the former soldiers by

the federal government as proof that they had not entered the country

after 1821.36

Numerous Spanish military officials were participants in the

independence process in New Spain. For Spaniards of established

position, the guarantee of union offered by Iturbide's movement provided

the necessary assurances to allow them to support independence as a

feasible solution to the problems posed for them by the Spanish consti-

tutional government of 1821. Alam5n summarized the Spaniard's role

succinctly:

A Spanish [cleric] was the first to place in practice an effective
means of achieving independence: a Spanish merchant is credited
with having enabled Iturbide to seize the funds destined for
Manila . .; numerous Spanish chiefs and officials signed the
acts and pronouncements of Iguala and Sultepec; a Spaniard con-
vinced Iturbide to march to the baifo: a Spaniard proclaimed the
independence of Guadalajara, caused it to be proclaimed in all
the provinces of the north, and was the only one of the principal
chiefs to receive an honorable wound . .; a Spaniard opened
the gates of Mexico without the loss of blood to the Army of the
Three Guarantees; and, finally, a Spaniard loaned the necessary7
money to solemnize the triumphal entry into the capital ..










The significant military engagements were often sustained by Spanish

expeditionary units who had defected. It is probably correct that there

were more expeditionaries in the ranks of the army of the three guaran-

tees which besieged Mexico City than were in the city itself at the side

of the government.

Untold numbers of Spaniards would remain in Mexico, anticipating

personal security under the protection of the "third guarantee." Many

of the expeditionary troops would remain, marry Mexican wives and begin

raising families in towns and villages across Mexico. Their future

seemed assured in a land where Spanish immigrants had made their way for

three centuries. Expeditionaries who had joined the army of the three

guarantees expected financial rewards and promotions in the new military

establishment. The upper clergy anticipated greater freedom from the

Church, protected from the reforms decreed by the Spanish cortes. The

Spaniards in general must have anticipated favor and position under the

new regime, although many who held posts under the viceregal government

may have feared for their sinecures. Spanish liberals and masons, no

doubt, hoped to secure the installation of a constitution similar to

that of Spain. For the American creole, however, the achievement of

independence was merely the first step in his conflict with the old order.

The Spaniards who had played a leading role in the success of the Itur-

bidean movement would now be confronted with threats posed by the Amer-

ican creoles far more serious than those created by the Spanish cortes.


. ..... ............... ................i~ ........ .................................................. .........."..TT 'iir'T T "T.. ............ .irT.... .......r' "' "









Notes

IThis theme received considerable attention in Jorge Juan y Antonio
de Ulloa, Noticias secrets de Am6rica (2 vols.; Madrid, 1918), Chapter V.
Their investigation was conducted in America in the 1740's.
2
Lesley B. Simpson, The Encomienda in New Spain (Berkeley, 1950),
p. 145.

Encomiendas were allotments of Indians granted, as a form of pay-
ment for services rendered, to the conquerors. Their descendants at-
tempted to retain these grants but met with considerable resistance from
the crown. See ibid.

Luis Gonzalez Obreg6n, Los precursores de la independencia mexi-
cana en el siqlo XVI, cited in ibid., p. 145.

5Thomas Gage, A New Survey of the West Indies (London, 1699), p. 20.

"Representaci6n humilde que hace la muy noble y leal ciudad de
M6xico en favor de sus naturales a su amado Soberano, el Senor Don Carlos
IV, en 2 de mayo de 1792." Mariano Cuevas Collection, Colegio Maximo de
Cristo Rey de la Provlncia Mexicana de la Companfa de Jesus, San Angel,
D.F. The 1771 version was published in J. E. Hernandez D5valos, Colec-
ci6n de documents para la historic de la querra de independencia de
M6xico de 1808 a 1821 (6 vols.; M6xico, 1877-82), 1. 436, cited in
Hugh M. Hamill, Jr., The Hidalgo Revolt: Prelude to Mexican Independence
(Gainesville, 1966), p. 225, note 2.

71bid., p. 31. In his chapter entitled "Spaniards and Mexicans,"
Hamill presents a thorough treatment of the creole-Spanish controversy.

A provision to that effect was included in the Recopilaci6n de
leaves of 1681. See Richard Konetzke, "La condici6n legal de los
criollos y las causes de la independencia," Estudios Americanos,
11 (1950), 31-54.

9"Representaci6n humilde," p. 14, in Hernandez y Davalos, I,
453. Cited in Hamill, p. 22.
01 bid.

Konetzke, pp. 48-49.

12This complaint was contained in an appeal directed to the king
by the Claustro (professors) of the university. Cited in Hamill, p. 25.

131bid., p. 27.









14Ibid., p. 28.

15Lbid., p. 29.

16Ibid., p. 31.

17bid., p. 32.

18Lucas Alamnn, Historia de MEilco (5 vols.; M6xico, 1849-52), I, 58.

19Hamill, pp. 33-35.

20Ibi., pp. 33-34. Hamill cited Manuel del Campo y Rivas as the
European creole archtype.

21A Mavorazqo was an entailed estate in the form of a mine or
hacienda.

22Ranill, pp. 35-36.
23Ibid., p. 43.

24Alaman, V, 105.

251bid., V, 113.

26Ibid., V, 113-14.

27Mariano Galvan Rivera (ed.), Colecci6n de 6rdenes y decretos de
la soberana iunta provisional Qubernativa v sobcranos congress qenerales
de la raci6n Mexicana (8 vols.; M6xico, 1829-40), I, 7-8.

28Luis G. Cuevas, Porvenir de M6xico (2nd. ed.; Mexico, 1954), p. 36.

291bid., pp. 28-9; Alamin, V, 70-73.

30Manuel G6mez Pedraza, Manifiesto que . c, de la Repqblica de
M6iico. dedica a sus compatriotas: o sea una reseia de su vida PGblica
(Nueva Orleans, n.d.), pp. 16-17.

3Alaman, V, 120.

32Lid.., V, 261; Cuevas, p. 74.

33Galv5n Rivera, I, 9-10.

34A decree of October 21, 1821 reiterated this provision. Galvan
Rivera, I, 18-19.

35Alaman, V, 267.





13


A number pf these capitulaciones submitted by former expedi-
tionaries in 1828, have been preserved in Mexico. Archivo General de
la Naci6n. Ramo de espulsi6n.

37Alaman, V, 333-34.













CHAPTER I


THE SPANIARDS OF MEXICO IN 1827


The Spaniards Remaining in 1827

An untold number of Spaniards fled Mexico following independence

and during the empire of 1821-23. A second wave departed following the

declaration of a republic in late 1823. In spite of the separation

from Spain, however, a substantial number of Spaniards were resolved

to remain in the republic. More than 6,000 were still present in

December, 1827, when the first expulsion of Spaniards was legislated.

The purpose of the present chapter will be to examine the Spanish com-

munity of Mexico in 1827 in order to discover the economic and social

position of the former colonial elite. Our analysis of the general

expulsion movement in subsequent chapters may then be considered in

light of the data presented here on the position of the Spaniard in

Mexico on the eve of the first expulsion.

Spanish immigration to Mexico did not cease with the achievement

of Mexican independence in 1821. While complete data on this immigration

are lacking for both the colonial and post-independence periods, an

examination of statistics for one region of Mexico may prove helpful.

Lists preserved in the Ramo de espulsi6n were found to contain immigra-

tion data on 55 per cent of the Spaniards residing in Oaxaca in 1827.2

While this state may not have been typical, since regional variations









are to be expected, the general pattern is nonetheless suggestive.

For example, immigration was heaviest for a single year in 1812, the

year of the Liberal Spanish Constitution. Immigration declined but

did not halt between 1819-26. Santander appears to have been the

most important single source of immigration to Oaxaca for most years

between 1762-1826.

Government statistics on the arrival and attempted entry of

Spaniards during the period 1826-27 are less than complete.3 Ministerial

reports of 1827 and 1828 indicate that legal passports for entry were

extended to somewhat more than 84 Spanish males while passports for

departure were granted to 55 in 1826 alone. During the year 1827, at

least 35 Spaniards were prevented from entering the republic after

having arrived at the ports.

A report submitted to the congress by Minister of Relations Juan

J. Espinosa de los Monteros on December 31, 1827, indicated that ten

Spaniards had been admitted with passports in 1827, while 207 had

departed with passports during the same year. Of the 207 Spaniards

departing in 1827, 113 were ecclesiastics and all but eleven of the

latter were regular clergy. The departing Spaniards were accompanied

by 186 family members and no less than 54 servants. These departures

resulted from the intensification of anti-Spanish feeling and activities

throughout 1827. Merchants were prominent among the departing Spaniards

but the regular clergy constituted nearly half of those who chose to

leave the republic legally in 1827.









The effects of the expulsion law of December 20, 1827, fell upon

an estimated 6,015 Spaniards who were still residing in Mexico on that

date.5 Their geographical distribution throughout the republic is

shown in Table 4. More than one-fifth of the Spanish community resided

in the Federal capital. The actual Spanish population of the Federal

District was increasing throughout 1827 as a result of the intensifica-

tion of persecution and legal sanctions in the states. Aside from the

capital, some states had comparatively large Spanish populations.

Particularly notable were the Spanish communities of Puebla, Oaxaca,

and YucatAn, in that order. Puebla contained over 12 per cent of the

Spanish population of Mexico while Oaxaca and Yucat6n contained over

10 per cent and 7.5 per cent respectively. The comparatively small

percentage of the national total residing in Veracruz (3.7 per cent)

would seem to indicate that a considerable part of the Spanish mercantile

colony of that important port had migrated to Havana since 1821.6

The total Spanish population of 6,015 constituted only 0.09 per

cent of the estimated total Mexican population of 8,000,000 in 1827.7

The importance of the Spaniard in Mexican society clearly did not depend

upon his numbers. Rather, his prominence in government posts, military

positions, ecclesiastical sinecures, and commercial enterprises gave to

him an importance which reflected his pre-independence status in a man-

ner which could not have failed to attract the notice of American

creoles. In the section which follows, the occupational distribution

of the Mexican Spanish population in 1827 will be considered at some

length.
















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TABLE 2

SPANIARDS ENTERING, DEPARTING, OR DENIED ENTRY
INTO THE REPUBLIC, 1826-1827


1826 April 26, 1826- 1827
December 20, 1827


Spaniards entering with
passports issued by
the Federal Government 84a 62b

Spaniards departing with
passports issued by
the Federal Government 55a

Spaniards detained in the
ports of Mexico and
forced to reembark 35


Note: Blank spaces indicate that data were unavailable.

aMinisterio de Relaciones Interiores y Exteriores, Memoria del
ministerio . 1827 (Mexico: Imprenta del Gobierno, 1827),
Cuadro Num. 1.

bMemoria del ministerio . 1828, Cuadro N6m. 2.

cMemoria del ministerio . 1828, Cuadro N6m. 1.










TABLE 3

A REPORT BY THE SECRETARY OF RELATIONS
ON DECEMBER 31, 1827

(Manifesting the entry and departure of Spaniards from the republic
during the present year, indicating also the members of their families,
servants, their occupations and distinguishing those who pertained to
the clergy, according to the passports issued by this secretariat.)




ENTRIES


Spaniards

4
0

0
0
0
4
0
0
0
1
_.0


Fami 1y Members

3
5
I
0
0
1
0
0
4
0
0
-J


Occupat ions

Commerce










Co.wnerce
II
II
II
II
II
Private
II
II
'I
Commerce
II


Totals


DEPARTURES


Spaniards Family
MeRbers


Servants Occupations


1 Commerce
1 3 id. & I
private
0 Commerce
0 3 commerce
I 1 commerce &
2 private
1 Commerce
1 3 commerce &
2 private
0 Commerce


Clergy
Reg ular Secular


Months

January
February
March
April
May
June
July
August
September
October
November
December


5 5


2 0









TABLE 3 (cont.)


DEPARTURES


Spaniards Family Servants Occip.uat.ons Clergy
Members Regular Secular

15 18 2 Id., 3 idem. 3 0
15 14 5 Id., 3 Idem. 3 1
41 56 8 Idem. & I 34 2
proprietor
84. _Z Id., prop., 51 _
capits., emps.
207 186 54 102 11


Notes: aOf the individual Spaniards or subjects of the Spanish govern-
ment who appear to have entered the republic during the present
year, in accordance with the faculty possessed by the government
under articles 2 and 3 of the law of April 25, 1826, one has
left and four are minor children, born in Habana: and the
family members were limited to women and children under the pre-
cautions which have been considered convenient, the same as
those who came earlier to join their families residing in the
republic, a part of them being Mexicans in origin.

bThe individuals cover In the statement of departures were
only those who have obtained passports from the supreme govern-
ment by means of this secretariat of relations.


Mexico, December 31, 1827


Espinosa


Source: Ministerio de relaciones interiores y exterlores, Memoria del
ministerio . .1828 (Mexico, 1828), Cuadro N6m. 3.









TABLE 4

DISTRIBUTION OF THE ESTIMATED SPANISH
POPULATION OF MEXICO IN 1827


Political Divisions Spaniards
December, 1827
Number Per Cent of Total


California, Terr. de. -
Chiapas 69 1.15
Chihuahua 178 2.95
Coahuila y Tejas 39 0.65
Colima, Terr. de 8 0.13
Distrito Federal 1,337 22.23
Durango 240 3.99
Guanajuato 90 1.50
Jalisco 237 3.94
M6xico 187 3.19
Michoacan 219 3.64
Nuevo Le6n 83 1.38
Nuevo Mexico, Terr. de 12 0.20
Oaxaca 615 10.24
Occidente (Sonora y Sinaloa) 248 4.12
Puebla 726 12.08
Quer6taro 255 4.24
San Luis Potosf 286 4.75
Tabasco 77 1.30
Tamaulipas 127 2.11
Tlaxcala, Terr. de 15 0.25
Veracruz 221 3.67
Yucatan 454 7.55
Zacatecas 292 4.85

Totals 6,015 100.00


Sources: Lists submitted by the governors to the Minister of Relations
in compliance with the law of December 20, 1827, found
throughout the AGN:RE. The statistics resulting from the
author's count of the names present in these lists can only
be termed an "estimate" because of the uncertainty which he
entertains concerning the presence of all the original lists
in the AGN:RE. Legajos 2, 3, 5, 7, 8, 9, and 10 contained
numerous lists of Spaniards, dl of which were used in the
compilation of the above figures.









The Spaniards' Occupations in 1827

The expulsion movement of 1827 attacked an economically important

segment of Mexican society. The Spaniard's occupational pursuits were

by no means limited, though they were primarily commercial, military,

and ecclesiastical. The Spaniards listed in the governors' reports

to the ministry of relations were engaged in over 100 different occu-

pations, and their social ranks ranged from bishop to beggar. The data

contained in Table 5 represent the occupations of roughly 40 per cent

of the minimum figure of 6,015 Spaniards who were still in Mexico in

1827. While the unavailability of evidence concerning the occupations

of 60 per cent of the Spaniards is disturbing, some general patterns

of employment are indicated by the available data. Fortunately, the

charts for Spanish occupations in eight states are very nearly complete.9

In Tables 5-12 the numerical importance of occupational groupings

has been shown by ranking them according to the number of Spaniards in

each group or category. Table 5, which attempts to present the occupa-

tional picture for the roughly 40 per cent of Spaniards in the republic

whose occupations are known, demonstrates that commerce attracted more

than any other economic pursuit. The military ranked second and the

Church third.

Relatively complete occupational data were available for eight

states of the federation.10 In the northern states of Chihuahua and

Durango, mining ranked second behind commercial occupations. Laborers

and the unemployed ranked second in Jalisco and Nuevo Le6n, while land

owners and wheat farmers held second place in Tabasco and Oaxaca










TABLE 5

OCCUPATIONS OF SPANIARDS RESIDING IN
THE REPUBLIC OF MEXICO IN 1827

(Derived from reports submitted by the governors of the states, ter-
ritories and Federal District in compliance with the law of December
20, 1827.)



Commercial Occupations:
Comerciantes 662
Mercaderos 62
Dependientes de comercio 32
Tenderos 31
Pulperos 9
Panaderos 7
Traficantes 5
Carniceros 3
Tratantes 3
Vendedores 3
Importador 1
Estanquero de tabaco I
Bodeguero _
Sub-Total 820

Military Personnel:
Generales de division 2
Generales de brigada r 3
Oficiales retirados 160
Sargentos retirados 61
Soldados retirados 247
Cirujanos militares retirados 3
Capellan military I
Sub-Total 477

Ecclesiastics:
Religiosos 309
Seculares 55
Legos
Sub-Total 373

Land Owners:
Laboradores 193
Mineros 89
Hacendados 50
Duenos de fincas urbanas 4
Duenos de fincas rurales 3









TABLE 5 (cont.)




Due'o de rancho de pesquicia dependiente 1
Due'no de enge o de azicar 1
Rico
Sub-Total 343

Marine Occupations:
Marineros 59
Pilotos 26
Contramaestres 13
Pescadores 4
Barqueros 3
Calafates 3
Navegantes _
Sub-Total 110

Professional Occupations:
Empleados federales cesantes 23
M4dicos 9
Escribientes 8
Cirujanos 4
Preceptores 4
Curanderos practicantes 2
Agrimensores 2
Administradores generals de rentas 2
Facultativo en medicine y sirugfa
Procurador de la aduana
Tutor de menores
Empleado estatal cesado
Maestro de primeras letras
Director de primeras letcas
Profesor
Catedrt ico
Contador de rentas federales
Recontador de rentas federales
Ministro federal cesado
Administrador de diezmos
Abogado
Boticario
Arquitecto _
Sub-Total 69

Servants:
Sirvientes dom4sticos 32
Corredores 12
Sirvientes mineros 5
Sirvientes rurales 4










TABLE 5 (cont.)




Guardas federales cesados 3
Porteros 2
Criados 2
Sereno I
Guarda de Almacgn 1
Calafate
Sub-Total 63

Industrial Occupations:
Fabricantes de pa'nos 6
Sastres 4
Carpinteros 4
Hortelanos 3
Tabaqueros 3
Dependientes de minas 2
Sigarreros 2
Zapateros 2
Herrero
Ferrero
Grabador
Fabricante de aguardiente
Tejedor
Curtidor
Carretero
Alambiquero
Estampador
Albanil
Refinador de az6car
Plastero
Artesano 1
Sub-Total 39

Labores 19

Agricultural Occupations:
Administradores de haciendas 7
Dependientes de haciendas 3
Arrendatario I
Dependiente rural I
Part6n de cerdos I
Mayordomo 1
Sub-Total 14









TABLE 5 (cont.)




Miscellaneous Occupations
Barberos 4
Arrieros 2
Cosmero [sic.]
Dutilador [sic.] I
Organito [sic.]
Ruador [sic.]
Utinero [sic.]
Sub-Total II

Unemployed Persons:
Vagos 28
Viandantes 18
Tornilleros 14
Miserables 5
Sin empleo 3
Dementes 3
Ancianos 2
Pordiosero I
Mendigante 1
Demandante 1
Ynsolvente 1
Baldado _
Sub-Total 78

Grand Total 2,416



Spaniards 6,015
Occupations 2,416
Unknown 3,599


Sources: Occupations were listed in reports from the governors to the
federal government on the progress of enforcement of the
federal expulsion law of December 20, 1827. AGN:RE, leg. I,
Vol. 4; leg. 2, Vob. 4, 5, 8; leg. 3, Vols. 7, 8; leg. 4,
Vols. 7, 9; leg. 5, Vol. 11; leg. 6, Vol. 13; leg. 7, Vol. 16;
leg. 8, Vols. 18, 19; leg. 9, Vol. 22; leg. 10, Vols. 20, 23;
leg. 13, Vol. 28.










TABLE 6

OCCUPATIONS OF SPANIARDS IN THE STATE
OF CHIHUAHUA IN 1827

(Derived from lists submitted to the secretary of relations by the
governor of Chihuahua following the passage of the law of December
20, 1827.)



Comerciantes 60
Mineros 28
Sirvientes 14
Ecles isticos:
Religiosos 13
Seculares 1
Sub-Total 14

Laboradores 9
Hacendados 4
Empleados federales cesantes 3
Oficiales cesantes 2
Cirujanos militares cesantes 2
Sargento cesante 1
Capellan military 1
Alquilote 1
Carpintero I

Grand Total 140


Spaniards 178
Occupations 140
Unknown 38


Source: Occupations were noted on lists of Spaniards expelled or
excepted from the law. Lists of the expelled were found
in AGN:RE, leg. 2, Vol. 4, exps. I, 12 and 16. Lists of
those excepted were found in expediente 1 only.









TABLE 7

OCCUPATIONS OF SPANIARDS IN THE STATE
OF JALISCO IN 1827

(Derived from lists submitted by the governor of Jalisco to the
secretary of relations in compliance with the law of December 20, 1827.)



Commercial Occupations:
Comerciantes 97
Dependientes de comercio 2
Importador _
Sub-Total 100

Laborers 23

Eclesiasticos religiosos 21

Military Personnel:
Oficiales cesados 12
Sargentos retirados I
Soidados retirados
Sub-Total 16

Professional Occupations:
Empleados federales 5
Empleados federales cesados 4
Preceptores de escuela 2
Profesor 1
Ministro cesado* I
Escribiente 1
Sub-Total 14

Land Owners:
Hacendados 8
Mineros 3
Due'no de fincas urbanas 1
Rico _
Sub-Total 13

Other Occupations:
Corredores 2
Hortelano
Zereno
Sirviente
Guarda cesado
Plastero _
Sub-Total 7










TABLE 7 (cont.)




Unemployed Persons:
Miserables 3
Loco I
Initil 1
Ynsolvente I
Sin oficio _
Sub-Total 7
Grand Total 206


Spaniards 224
Occupations 205
Unknown 18


*Francisco de Paula Martfnez.

Source: Occupations were noted in lists of Spaniards expelled and
exempted from the law in AGN:RE, leg. 2, Vol. 4, exps. 12
and 17.









TABLE 8

OCCUPATIONS OF SPANIARDS IN THE STATE
OF NUEVO LEON IN 1827

(Derived from lists submitted by the governor to the secretary of
relations following passage of the law of December 20, 1827.)



Commercial Occupations:
Comerciantes 26
Dependientes de comercio 4
Mercadero 1
Sub-Total 31

Unemployed Persons:
Tornilleros 15
Vago _
Sub-Total 16

Ecclesiastics:
Regulares 5
Seculares _.
Sub-Total 8

Professional Occupations:
Oficiales retirados 2
Administradores de haciendas 2
Administrador de diezmos 1
Escribiente _
Sub-Total 6

Servants:
Sirvientes 3
Criados _2.
Sub-Total 5

Skilled Laborers:
Barberos 2
Curanderos practicantes 2
Zapatero 1
Sub-Total 5

Laboradores 4
Retired Soldier 1


Grand Total





32



TABLE 8 (cont.)


Spaniards 83
Occupations 76
Unknown 7


Source: Occupations were found in lists of Spaniards excepted or
expelled from Nuevo Le6n in AGN:RE, leg. 2, Vol. 4, exp.
14; leg. 2, Vol. 5, exp. 53.









TABLE 9

OCCUPATIONS OF SPANIARDS IN THE STATE
OF OAXACA IN 1827

(Derived from lists submitted by the governor of the state to the
secretary of relations in compliance with the law of December 20, 1827.)




Commercial Occupations:
Comerciantes 161
Vendedores 2
Tratante
Sub-Total 164

Laboradores 61

Military Personnel.
Oficiales retirados 15
Sargentos retirados 2
Soldados retirados 9
Cirujano military retirado I
Sub-Total 27

Ecclesiastics:
Religiosos 22
Seculares
Sub-Total 23

Professional Occupations:
Empleados federales cesados 7
Agrimensor 1
Procurador de la aduana 1
Administrador de rentas 1
Medico I
Sub-Total 11

Other Occupations:
Corredores 8
Mineros 5
Jornaleros 4
Herreros 2
Marineros 2
Sirviente
Estampador
Utinero [sic.]
Guarda de tabaco
Due o de enge'o de azucar










TABLE 9 (cont.)




Arriero
Albani 1
Sastre
Refinador de azicar
Castrero
Portero
Barbero
Zapatero _
Sub-Total 34

Unemployed Persons:
Viandantes 15
Tornilleros 10
Vagos 9
Demandante _
Sub-Total 35

Grand Total 355
*------------------------

Spaniards 615
Occupations 355
Unknown 260


Source: Lists of Spaniards residing in the state were found in AGN:RE,
leg. 2, Vol. 4, exps. 9 and 10; leg. 3, Vol. 7, exp. 5. A
list of Spaniards w:o requested passports voluntarily in early
1829 was found in Correo de Federaci6n. VII (March 8, 1829), 4.
Lists of Spaniards given passports by the governor were found
in AGN:RE, leg. 2, Vol. 4, exp. 9; leg. 3, Vol. 7, exps. 2 and
5. Lists of Spaniards excepted were found in leg. 2, Vol. 4,
exp. 9; leg. 3, Vol. 7, exp. 5; leg. 3, Vol. 8, exp. 1.









TABLE 10

OCCUPATIONS OF SPANIARDS IN THE STATE
OF QUERETARO IN 1827

(Derived from lists of Spaniards expelled or excepted from the law
of December 20, 1827, submitted by the governor of the state to the
secretary of relations.)



Comerciantes 103

Ecclesiastics
Religiosos 43
Seculares 6
Legos 6
Sub-Total 55

Laboradores 37

Other Occupations
Fabricantes de panos 6
Militares retirados 2
Vagos 2
Empleado cesado federal _
Sub-Total 11

Grand Total 205


Spaniards 245
Occupations 205
Unknown 40


Source: Lists of Spaniards expelled or excepted from the law who
had lived in the state of Queretaro were found in AGN:RE,
leg. 2, Vol. 4, exp. 29; and leg. 13, Vol. 28, exp. 1.





































Source: Lists of Spaniards expelled from
AGN:RE, leg. 2, Vol. 4, exp. 27.
excepted from the law were found


Tabasco were found in
Lists of Spaniards
in the same expediente.









TABLE 11

OCCUPATIONS OF SPANIARDS IN THE STATE
OF TABASCO IN 1827

(Derived from lists of Spaniards residing in and expelled from the
state, submitted by the governor to the secretary of relations in
compliance with the law of December 20, 1827.)



Commercial Occupations:
Comerciantes 16
Mercaderos 8
Traficantes 1
Dependiente de comercio 1
Panadero I
Bodeguero _
Sub-Total 28

Land Owners:
Hacendados 14
Laboradores 6
Dueno de rancho 1
Sub-Total 21

Other Occupations:
Oficiales retirados 4
Ancianos 2
Pilotos 2
Galafate
Administrador General de Rentas
Dueno de fibrica de aguardiente
Facultativo en medicine y sirugia
Maestro de primeras letras
Contramaestre
Escribiente
Corte de palo triste
Dependiente de labor de caa
Sordo
Vago
Sub-Total 19

Grand Total 68


Spaniards 77
Occupations 68
Unknown 9










TABLE 12

OCCUPATIONS OF SPANIARDS IN THE STATE
OF YUCATAN IN 1827

(Derived from lists of Spaniards expelled or excepted from the law
of December 20, 1827, submitted by the governor of the state to the
secretary of relations.)



Commercial Occupations:
Comerciantes 116
Mercaderes 35
Tenderos 31
Dependientes de comercio 5
Traficantes 4
Panaderos 4
Sub-Total 195

Maritime Occupations:
Marineros 55
Pilotos 22
Contramaestres 12
Pescadores 4
Calafates 3
Navegantes _.
Sub-Total 98

Military Personnel:
Oficiales retirados 15
Sargentos retirados 2
Soldados retirados II
Sub-Total 28

Land Owners:
Labradores 15
Hacendados 13
Sub-Total 28

Skilled Craftsmen:
Sastres 3
Carpinteros 3
Tabaqueros 3
Sigarreros 2
Hortelanos 2
Dibujante 1
Tejedor I
Curtidor ]


































Source: Lists of Spaniards expelled and excepted from the law were
found in AGN:RE, leg. 2, Vol. 4, exp. 25.










TABLE 12 (cont.)




Agrimensor 1
Carretero 1
Alambiquero 1
Arquitecto _1
Sub-Total 20

Professional Occupations:
Empleados federales cesados 4
Medicos 4
Catedraticos 3
Cirujanos 2
Preceptores de primeras letras 2
Abogado I
Boticario 1
Contador de rentas (federal) 1
Recontador de rentas (federal) I
Sub-Total 19

Ecles isticos:
Seculares 13
Religiosos 4
Sub-Total 17

Other Occupations:
Tornilleros 3
Tratantes [sic.] 2
Dutilador [sic.] 1
Guarda de almacn
Mozo de tienda
Portero 1
Mayordo.o I
Arriero 1
Sirviente 1
Organito [sic.]
Ruador [sic.] 1
Pordiosero _
Sub-Total 15

Grand Total 420


Spaniards 449
Occupations 420
Unknown 29









respectively. In Queretaro ecclesiastics constituted the second largest

group while in Yucatan maritime occupations were second in importance to

merchandising. Third position was held by the military in Queretaro,

Tabasco, Yucatan, and Oaxaca. In the case of Nuevo Le6n, the occupations

of all but seven Spaniards were noted in the lists. But the lists of

Spaniards from Oaxaca only revealed roughly 60 per cent of their oc-

cupations.

Commercial occupations characterized the economic activity of a

major segment of the Spanish community. In some cases, for example in

Oaxaca, the overwhelming majority of the Spaniards were so engaged.

In each of the eight states analyzed here commerce attracted between

40 per cent and 50 per cent of the Spanish male population. The Church

attracted from 4 per cent to 10 per cent of the Spanish population in

those same states, excepting only Queretaro. The state of Queretaro

provided a striking exception; 25 per cent were ecclesiastics, while

in Tabasco there were no Spanish clergy.

The Spaniards were evident among the lower ranks as well as in

the officer corps of the Mexican army in 1827. Among the Spaniards

reported as active or suspended military personnel in 1827, ap-

proximately one-half were officers and one-half soldiers. The majority

of the capitulados had apparently melted into the general civilian pop-

ulation. They increased the ranks of the unemployed, as well as the

class of laborers and agricultural workers. In the eight states

analyzed here, Spanish military men varied in number from a reported

low of one in Chihuahua and Durango to a reported high of 28 in Yucatan










and 27 in Oaxaca. The state of Mexico and the Federal District un-

doubtedly contained more Spanish officials than other areas but the

reports from these locations were incomplete in the Ramo de espulsi6n.

The weakness of the data for the republic as a whole (40 per

cent of Spanish occupations) is overcome by the more complete data

compiled for the eight diverse states. The pattern is similar in each

region: Spaniards were usually to be found in positions of economic

and social importance but seldom or never occupying political offices in

1827. Their condition was strikingly similar to that of the creoles in

early 1821, if one momentarily overlooks the obvious fact that the

Spaniards were a numerically insignificant minority in 1827. It would

be highly desirable at this point to compare the occupational positions

of creoles and Spaniards in order to locate foci of stress or competi-

tion. While data on the creole population are notably lacking for the

post-independence period, useful information was located by the author

for Durango. In the section which follows a comparison of the relative

economic positions of Durangan Spaniards and creoles will be attempted

and some conclusions concerning the position of the Spaniards in the

Mexico of 1827 will be considered.


A Comparison of Spanish and Creole
Occupations in Durango

Durango provides a fruitful area for analysis of the creole-

gachupfn dichotomy in its post-independence and pre-expulsion manifesta-

tion. Governor Sahtiago Vaca presented a report on the occupational

distribution of the men of Durango, as of June 1, 1827, to the state congress









on September 5, 1827.11 The report provides a breakdown of the occupa-

tions of Durangans without distinguishing between Spaniard and creole

(Table 13). Data were derived from the Ramo de espulsi6n to reconstruct

the occupational distribution of Durangan Spaniards12 (Table 14). By

utilizing these two sets of data, a comparison of Spaniard and creole

in the microcosm which was Durango becomes possible (Tables 15-16).

The Spaniards constituted less than one-third of 1 per cent of

the Durangan population in 1827. The ratio of creoles to peninsulares

was roughly 311:1. The 240 Spaniards who resided in the state consti-

tuted a numerically insignificant minority. The true measure of their

importance rested, not in their numbers, but in their position, wealth,

family ties, education, and all the other attributes of membership in

a dominant (or formerly dominant) ruling elite. The Spaniard's

importance may be gaged by observing his participation in the occupa-

tions most respected and coveted in those days.

If a line were arbitrarily drawn on Table 15 between the

categories dependientes rurales y de minas and artesanos y iornaleros,

a division would result which may very well have approximated the

contemporary view of society expressed in the terms, so frequently

used in the 1820's, gente decent and el pueblo. The preserve of the

gene decent, of course, would rest above the line. Although informa-

tion does not allow for a better division than the imperfect one proposed,

nevertheless a comparison of the relative positions of criollos and

peninsulares may be made.










TABLE 13

POPULATION DE TODAS LAS PARTIDAS DEL ESTADO DE DURANGO




Distinci6n de classes


Eclesiasticos seculares 113

Eclesiasticos regulars 443

Militares, inclusos los cfvicos 375

Empleados en rentas de la federaci6n 24

Empleados del estado 34

Abogados 12

Escribanos 3

MEdicos 2

Boticarios 5

Comerciantes 1,143

Artesanos y jornaleros 60,446

Sirvientes domesticos 12,967

Presos 139

Suma 75,706


Note: The actual population of Durango in June, 1827 was reported to
be 149,421, including 74,115 women and children, according to
the Memoria prepared by Governor Vaca.

Source: "Memoria de los ramos que son a cargo del Gobierno del Estado
de Durango . lefdo ante el Segundo Congreso Constitucio-
nal . 5 de septiembre de 1827," AGN:RE, leg. 13, Vol. 29,
exp. 28b, fol. 69.









TABLE 14

OCCUPATIONS OF SPANIARDS IN THE STATE
OF DURANGO IN 1827


.. . .. ... --- --- CI ~ ~ ~ ~ ---- ----- -- .. i,,- -

Comerciantes 57

Dependientes de Comercio 21

Mineros 31

Dependientes de minas 2

Labradores 32

Sirvientes 21

Eclesiasticos seculares 5

Eclesiasticos regulars 2

Empleados federales cesados 3

Empleados estatales cesados 1

Escribanos 3

Cirujanos 2

Director de primeras letras I

Dependientes rurales 2

Guarda de la federaci6n 1

Ferrero 1

Part6n de cerdas 1

Barbero 1

Corredor 1

Sargento 1

Preso I

Total 210





46



TABLE 14 (cont.)


Spaniards 240

Occupations 210

Unknown 30


Source: Lists of Spaniards residing in Durango, found in AGN:RE,
leg. 2, Vol. 4, exps. 3 and 5; leg. 3, Vol. 7, exp. 2; and
an article in El Aquila Mexicana. VI (July 16, 1828), 3.















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THE OCCUPATIONS OF CRIOLLOS AND PENINSULARES
IN DURANGO IN 1827 SUMMARIZED


Criollos Peninsulares Totals Per Cent
of Total

Ecclesiastics 549 7 556 00.84

Military Personnel 374 1 375 00.50

Government Employees 54 5 59 00.08

Lawyers 12 12 00.02

Scribes 3 3 -

Medical Practitioners 2 2 -

Druggists 5 5 -

School Master 1 1 -

Merchants & dependents 999 145 1,144 01.60

Artesans & laborers 60,409 4 60,413 79.71

Domestic servants 12,946 21 12,967 17.11

Prisoners 138 1 139 00.18

Unemployed 20 20 00.03

Occupations Unknown 30 30 00.04


240 75,793 100.00


Totals


75,553









Roughly 2.6 per cent of the criollos were to be found among the

gente decent, while 68.3 per cent of the Spaniards had achieved that

distribution. The following table illustrates the point:


Criollos Peninsulares

Gente decent (2.224) 2,060 164

Pueblo (73,569) 73,493 76

It should be noted that the number of peninsulares in the gente decent

category may have been still higher since 30 Spaniards whose occupa-

tions were unknown have been relegated to the lower category, though

they may have held positions according them gente decent status.

In a majority of occupations the criollos enjoyed an impressive

numerical advantage. Two noteworthy examples were the regular clergy,

with two Spanish friars, and the military, with a single Spanish

saroento. Governor Vaca's inclusion of the cfvicos in the military

figure may indicate that the urban militia, which in colonial times

had been drawn primarily from the commercial sector, was recruited

from the ranks of the gente decent, though some recognized artesanos

were probably present in the ranks.

In six occupational categories the peninsulares enjoyed not only

a majority but a monopoly of positions. Apparently, the only primary

school in Durango was directed by a Spaniard. No one who has read

Lucas Alamanl3 or Lorenzo Zavalal4 will be surprised to observe that

the Spaniards were supervisors on haciendas and in the mines, or that

they were scribes and medical practitioners. But the presence of 31









Spanish mine owners in a silver mining region without mention of a single

miner in Governor Vaca's report demands explanation. Perhaps the governor

included mineros among the comerciantes who constituted roughly 1.5 per

cent of the Durangan male population. If indeed this was the case, any

attempt to determine the number of creole miners will be frustrated.

Could this also explain the absence of creole labradores15 (grain farmers)

in the report? It seems highly unlikely that Governor Vaca could have

overlooked mineros and labradores in Durango where'they gave direction

to the economy.

The fact that Durangan society utilized nearly 13,000 male domestic

servants tends to indicate that Durango was indeed a traditional society.

Had these been distributed evenly among the male members of the gente

decent category, there would have been six for'each employer. Some male

domestics may have been employed by successful artisans. But wealthy

Spanish and criollo families probably employed the great majority as

personal servants, guards, coachmen, footmen, and messengers. It is

probable from the testimony of Lucas Alaman, that Spanish domestics were

attached to a number of Spanish households.16

Viewing the occupational data as a whole, one is impressed by

the full height of the social pyramid in Durango. The gente decent,

as defined above, consisted of approximately 3 per cent of Durangan

society. A minimum of 68 per cent of the Spaniards of Durango was a part

of that 3 per cent. While 17.1 per cent of Durangan males were domestic

servants, only one-third of 1 per cent of Durangan men were peninsulares.

Representing nearly 7.4 per cent of the gente decent, the Spaniards were

more in evidence than their numbers might suggest.










Competition between peninsular and criollo gene decent in the

economic sphere may have been more important than the charts would in-

dicate at first glance. If figures for comerciantes were adjusted on

the apparently sound assumption that Governor Vaca lumped hacendados,

labradores, and mineros under that category, the following results would

be noted:


Criollos Peninsulares

Merchants and their employees 999 145


Spaniards constituted 12.7 per cent of the redefined commercial sector.

Apparently, this was the locus of competition in 1827 between creole and

Spaniard in Durango. Table 16 illustrates the point more closely by

simplifying the occupational picture.

The Spaniard was viewed as a threat and an obstacle to upward

social mobility by the criollos of Durango in 1827. It would seem that

the resentment of the creole gente decent and the frustrations of the

criollos de la plebe who found themselves yet on the margin of or excluded

from the gene decent, derived from the presence of the Spaniards. In

this respect, Durango was no different from the other states of the Mexican

federation. Provincial landlords and state officials in the federal

entities worked to extricate their ecological power bases from the tradi-

tional authority of the Mexico City-Veracruz axis. This did not prevent

their looking to this populous and more cosmopolitan region for profitable

markets for provincial agricultural products. The Spaniard, whether he

resided in the capital or in the provincial cities and towns, represented









for creole political elites an objectionable reminder of the colonial

past and an enduring threat from the network of special interests which

continued to characterize Mexico City.


Conclusions

Deprived of political office by 1827, the Spaniards retained,

nevertheless, their economic importance in Mexico. Without them, the

stagnation which already characterized the post independence Mexican

economy would be accelerated.17 It was precisely the fact that the

Spaniard was still an important, visible and comparatively prosperous

beneficiary of the economy in an era of stagnation, that excited creole

jealousy and hostility.18 The continued presence of a significant number

of peninsulares within the gente decent sector of Mexican society, fol-

lowing the separation from Spain, was of greater importance for determin-

ing social tensions than the Spaniard's meager numbers would appear to

warrant.

The contemporary designation of pulperos (peddlers of oil and

vinegar), which was frequently applied to the Spaniards en masse is

indicative of the source of their unpopularity. The decline of the

mines and of the principal export enterprises by 1827 as well as the

Spaniard's heavy export of specie contributed greatly to the economic

difficulties of the time.9 The Spaniard provided a useful scapegoat

for creole explanations of the cause of the nation's ills. The state

of public opinion indicates that the American creoles accepted the "guilt"

of the Spaniards in this matter and, consequently, foresaw a splendid

economic future for Mexico, once free of the remaining peninsulares.










Empleomanfa, the desire for public office, was also a factor in creole

frustrations in 1827. The Spaniards continued to occupy positions

stemming from the colonial regime. A number of these posts were no

longer "functional." In the bureaucracy, as in commerce, the penin-

sulares were prominent occupants of numerous "inalienable" posts.

Viewed from this perspective, the Spaniard's position in 1827

would appear to have been tenuous at best. The difficult international

questions confronting Mexico made the situation even more unpromising

for the peninsulares. Mexico's dependence upon foreign loans and

fluctuating customs receipts for her solvency; Spain's refusal to

recognize the independence of her former colony and the interruption

of customary lines of commerce which this entailed; British insistence

upon free trade in her commercial negotiations with the young republic,

all contributed to the complexity of the problems facing the American

creoles as they sought to organize and regulate their nation. Each of

these factors would play a role in the criollo decision that the Spaniard

could not be tolerated in the Mexican republic.









Notes

ISee Table 4.

2See Table 1.

3See Table 2.

4See Table 3.

SSee Table 4.

Evidence for this migration may be found in the petitions of
Spanish merchants, formerly resident in Veracruz, directed to the captain
general of Cuba, Francisco Dionisio Vives. See Jos4 L. Franco, Docu-
mentos para la historic de M1xico existentes en el Archivo Nacional de
Cuba (Havana, 1961), pp. Ixxvii-lxxix.

7The Mexican population in 1827 was generally said to be 8,000,000
by the popular press, though no attempt was made by the government to
verify the figure.

8See Table 5.

9See Tables 6-12.

10Chihuahua, Durango, Jalisco, Nuevo Le6n, Oaxaca, Quer6taro,
Tabasco, and Yucatan.

11"Memoria de los ramos que son 5 cargo del Gobierno del estado
de Durango . lefdo antes el segundo congress constitutional . .
5 de setiembre de 1827," in M4xico. Archivo General de la Naci6n. Ramo
de espulsi6n, leg. 13, Vol. 29, exp. 28b, fol. 69 [cited hereafter as
AGN:RE].

13Lists of Spaniards residing in Durango were found in AGN:RE,
leg. 2, Vol. 4, exps. 3, 5; leg. 13, Vol. 29, exp. 28b, fol. 69; and in
one issue of El Aquila Mexicana, VI (July 16, 1828), 3.

14Ensavo hist6rico de las revoluciones de M6xico desde 1808 hasta
183Q (2 vols.; Paris, 1831), I, passim.

150n labradores and their importance see Robert C. West, The
Mining Community in Northern New Spain: The Parral Mining District
(Berkeley, 1949), p. 166.

16Historia de MAiico (5 vols.; M6xico, 1849-52), I, 17.

17For an introduction to the Mexican economy of the 1820's see
Robert A. Potash, El banco de avfo de Mexico. El fomento de la industrial.





56-



1821-1846 (Mexico, 1959), pp. 7-68; Luis ChSvez Orozco, Historia de
M6xico (1808-1836) (M-xico, 1947).
18
8Lorenzo Zavala emphasized this point in his Juicio imparcial
sobre los acontecimientos de fl6xico en 1828 v 1829.(Mexico, 1830), pp. 8-9.
19
1H. G. Ward treated these matters in detail in his Mexico in
1827 (2nd ed., 2 vols.; London, 1829).












CHAPTER II


THE SPANIARDS AND THE ITURBIDEAN EMPIRE


In order to attack the historical questions raised by the expul-

sion of the Spaniards, it will be necessary to first survey the status

of the Spaniard during the Iturbidean period, 1821-23. The Spaniards

drifted into the opposition--first the merchants, then the military

officers--for a number of complex reasons. The third guarantee had

attracted the support of prominent Spaniards to the cause of independ-

ence. Iturbide had favored Spanish military officials and continued

to do so following June, 1821. Their defection from the Iturbidean

cause should be approached first through an inquiry into the role of

the Scottish Rite lodges in early nineteenth century Mexico. As the

economic interests of important sectors of the Spanish community came

to be threatened by the empire, they tended to identify their interests

with those of the escoc4s lodges. Ultimately, their fate would be

shared by the Scottish party.


The Introduction of the Scottish Rite and Its
Link with the Spaniards

The introduction of masonry into Mexico is clouded in mystery,

due, in part, to the secret nature of the movement and, in part, to

the existence of the Inquisition prior to independence. Frank

Brandenburg, who claimed to have seen sources "unavailable to the






58

historian," found some evidence for the existence of masonry in Mexico

from the mid-eighteenth century.' Felix Navarrete, a Catholic op-

ponent of Mexican masonry, found no evidence for the existence of a

regular lodge prior to 1806.2 Navarrete supported the position of

Dr. Richard E. Chism and Josd Marfa Mateos, both of whom were Masons,

in this matter.3 Brandenburg noted the "existence of 'Masonic group-

ings' during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries" who

allegedly utilized "rituals adopted by Spanish lodges under original

patents from Great Britain." Asserting that these informal lodges

followed "Scottish or Ramsey rituals," Brandenburg concluded that:

. it was not until after Napoleon invaded Spain in 1808 that
regular lodges began to mushroom in New Spain--first in Mexico
City, Yucatan, and Veracruz, and later spreading into many regions.
Some of these lodges followed Spanish rituals; others drew their
patents from Cwba, France, New Orleans, and from lodges in the
United States.

All authorities seem to agree that the first formal lodge was

founded in 1806 and met in a house owned by Regidor Luyando at No. 4,

Calle de las Ratas (now Bolfvar) in Mexico City. The origin of this

lodge is obscure since so little is known concerning the transfer of

masonry to Mexico. A brief look at the origins of Spanish masonry

should throw light on its Mexican counterpart.

In 1801, the "Ancient and Accepted Scottish Rite" was founded

in Charleston, South Carolina. The new rite was a prototype of

"French Templar Masonry, in combat for the Natural rights of Man

against the so-called religious and political despotisms . .." The

Count de Grasse-Tilly, of French origin, was one of the founders of









the lodge. His brother, the Conde de Tilly, was a General in the

Spanish army. Assisted by two other Spanish generals, the Conde de

Tilly organized "Ancient and Accepted Scottish Rite" lodges in Spain.

Spain had already developed her own peculiar masonic institu-

tions.9 Among the most interesting of these were the trincheras, or

military masonic lodges. Mariano Tirada y Rojas, a Spanish historian

of masonry explained:

The organization of the military lodge differed . [It] was
not called 'lodge,' but Trinchera; the chief was not called
Venerable, but Gran Capithn; the Master of ceremonies, Ayudan-
Le; the Expert, Maestro de Armas or Preboste; and the Guarda-
templos, Escuchas. The writings which in the jargon of the lodges
were called planchas, in the primitive military lodges were called
salvas; the labors commenced not a medio dfa en punto, as they
say in the lodges, byu al toque de diana, and consequently, ended
al toque de retreta.

Whether these military lodges came to Spanish America is not certain.1

Probably, they did come, brought by the Spanish officials who entered

the colonies in large numbers during the wars of independence. This

was an age of intense masonic activity, in harmony with the liberal

movement which produced the Spanish Constitution of 1812. Liberal

ideas were widely held among the officer corps which came to America

with the expeditionary forces. But, as Brandenburg has warned, to

demonstrate that an individual possessed ideas which were in harmony
12
with the "landmarks" of masonry, is not to prove that he was a mason.1

The Cortes of CAdiz, which produced the Liberal Constitution of

1812, contained numerous representatives from the American colonies.

It also provided a platform for Spanish masonry. Vicente de la Fuente

declared that, in 1812:










. there was in CAdiz a lodge of the first and most important
in Spain, not only because of its antiquity, but also due to the
wealth of its members, the fact that most of the maritime chiefs
of Spain belonged to it, and the influence of many other members,
not only in local government but in the governments of populous
areas throughout Spain. [The lodge's] importance reached its
peak in the period 1809-12, during which time it was the center
of Spanish masonry, in counterposition to the 'Oriente Afrance-
sado de Madrid.'13

CSdiz, as the agent for a large part of colonial commerce and ship-

ping, was in a position to exercise a strong influence in America.

The masonic lodges of CAdiz, according to Navarrete, were of the

"Ancient and Accepted Scottish Rite."14

Little is known about the introduction of masonry into the

Spanish Colonies. Lorenzo Zavala, commenting on its origins in New

Spain, said only that:

We have seen established from the beginning of independence a
secret society, which was called "Ancient Scottish Rite," in
which the generals Bravo, Negrete, Echavarri had joined, and
many others who formed this party, which took the name of the
rite to which their masonic sect pertained.

Mateos, the founder of the Mexican National Rite in 1825, traced the

origin of the Scottish lodges to 1813:

The Mexicans began to abandon their Lodges (1813) and to attach
themselves to the division commanded by Gral. D. NicolAs Bravo,
where the first purely Mexican Lodges of Scotland were formed;
these were the nucleus of those which were later diffused
throughout the Republic.16

It is clear that during the period 1821-27, if not earlier,

Spaniards joined the Scottish Rite lodges and, consequently, the

party of the same name. Whether these lodges were of the "Ancient

and Accepted Scottish Rite," as Navarrete contends, or of the Ramsay

ritual, as Brandenburg insists, cannot be resolved here.17 The









origins of the escoc6s party, and the ties of the Spaniards with that

party, stem from events in 1821. The achievement of national in-

dependence and, subsequently, the coronation of Iturbide in 1821

terminated Spanish control of affairs in New Spain, but Spanish

influence was not to be destroyed so quickly.

The ideas of Liberal Spain and the Constitution of 1812 were

present in the escoces lodges, brought by the Spaniards who immigrated

to Mexico and by American deputies who returned from the Cortes of

C6diz in 1821-22. Lucas Alaman emphasized the impact of Lt. General

Juan de O-Donoj6, the Irish-born Captain General sent to New Spain

by the Junta of Cadiz in 1821. O-Donoj6 was reputed to be:

. a person of great importance in masonry, and he was even
credited with trying to form a new sect of masonry, in order 5o
rival Riego, whose glories he viewed with envy and jealousy.

Alaman attributed considerable influence on Mexican masonry to the

Spaniards who came with O-Donoj6:

. the persons who accompanied him were incorporated into the
lodges already existent and formed other new ones, all under the
Scottish Rite. Of these latter, one was called del sol, to which
the periodical f the same name pertained, edited by D. Manuel
Codorniu, a medical doctor who came with O-Donoju, whose object it
was to sustain the plan of Iguala, and 1o propagate the liberal
principles established in Spain ..

The periodical El Sol the outspoken defender of the Spaniards in

Mexico during the troubled 1820's, was the organ of an escoces lodge

in Mexico City. The earliest Lancastrian schools for popular educa-

tion in Mexico were dependent of the lodge del sol.20 Alam5n lamented

that "From this time forward, the Franc-masons came to be a powerful

force, which we will see in action in all subsequent events."21










The Escoces Opposition to the Iturbidean Empire

The return of the deputies sent to the Cortes of Cadiz and of

Mexican military officials who had served in Spain, contributed to

the strengthening of the escoces lodges.22 Alaman noted that those

influential individuals aided greatly in "the establishment of the

Scottish masons, who came to form almost the majority of the congress

and were growing in the provinces and, above all, in the army."23

Among the last to return was Jos4 Mariano de Michelena, who had been

sent to serve in Spain following his involvement in the conspiracies

of 1810, and who would, according to Alam6n, play a vital role in the

rapid spread of the escoces lodges during the reign of Iturbide.24

The multiplication of the escoces lodges and the development

of the ideas associated with the so-called "party of progress"

owed much to the opposition felt by many European creoles and

Spaniards to the erection of an American throne by Iturbide.25 The

escoces lodges recruited constitutional monarchists and republicans

alike, provided that the social credentials of the latter were ac-

ceptable to the aristocratic membership. Opposition to Iturbide,

first as president of the regency, then as Emperor, was instrumental

in bringing about temporary cooperation between liberal Spaniards,

republicans and old insurgents. Alaman explained the complex make-

up of the opposition in this manner:

To those who sustained the plan of Iguala aid liberal principles,
had been added the Spaniards who could not think of emigrating
and who saw no other salvation for themselves but in the comple-
mentation of the plan . what seems more strange, the republicans
had joined because they thought chances remote that the









[monarchical] plan could be carried out and they feared the
ambition of Iturbide as a more immediate danger . the old
insurgents . hated him.26

Zavala viewed the rise of the escoc6s party from a different per-

spective:

The individuals of the opposition formed a party which acquired
greater force with the establishment of the masonic lodges which,
under the title of 'Scottish Rite,' was established for them and
their followers. A group of people became affiliated with these
lodges who hoped to become deputies or employees of whatever type:
the existing employees joined also, in order to preserve their
posts.27

Spaniards who had received government posts in New Spain from the

Bourbons or their ministers must have found the plan of Iguala at-

tractive. Aside from its guarantees of union and of respect for the

property of foreigners, the plan promised them a Bourbon prince who

could make use of their services. Members of the many sections of

the colonial bureaucracy, considering their posts as personal property,

were uncertain of their future in Mexico.

Spaniards who had recently arrived in Mexico, particularly those

who came with O-Donoj6, were strongly opposed to Iturbide's imperial

aspirations. They spoke out against Iturbide in the lodge meetings

in Mexico City. Zavala, a member who was present at these meetings,

reported two such incidents:

In one meeting . a colonel in the heat of his discourse,
shouted: 'If a Brutus is lacking to take the life of this tyrant,
he would offer his arm in the service of the fatherland.' In an-
other, presided over by the Spanish colonel Antonio Valero, one
of those who had come with O-Donoj6, it was decided that Iturbide
must be assassinated.28

Zavala reports that Iturbide, having learned of the masonic resolu-

tion, undid Colonel Valero's plan by confronting the escoceses with










his knowledge of the resolution and by promoting Valero to brigadier.

These actions on the part of Iturbide led the masons to believe that

Valero had betrayed their secret and the new brigadier beat a hasty
29
retreat to Spain.2

The nucleus of the escocds lodges was not united simply on the

common ground of opposition to Iturbide. The spirit of nineteenth

century liberalism united them, attracting members whose attachment

to modern ideas was more apparent than their interest in masonic "land-

marks." For this reason, the escoceses were known as the "party of

progress" or even the "popular party" in 1821. The man most qualified

to express the liberal idea, as it was understood in Mexico during her

first century of independence was Jos4 Marfa Luis Mora. Dr. Mora

defined his conception of liberalism, on one occasion, in the follow-

ing manner:

In order to avoid disputes over ill-defined words, I shall state
immediately that by 'march of progress' I understand that which
tends to affect, in a more or less rapid manner, the occupation
of the ecclesiastical properties [bienes]: the abolition of the
privileges [fueros] of this class and of the military; the dif-
fusion among the popular classes of popular education, absolutely
independent of the clergy; the supressip of the monopolies; [and]
the absolute liberty of opinions ....

These were, in brief, the ideas which were circulating in Mexico City

and in the provincial capitals among the literate sector of society

in the 1820's and 1830's. Alamin noted that liberal ideas were being

spread through translations of French works made in Mexico by Spanish

afrancesados, or supporters of King Joseph Bonaparte who had emigrated,

following the fall of the Francophile party in Madrid. These translations,









said to be financed by book sellers in Mexico, were devoted to "all

the works most pernicious for politics, religion and customs, cor-

rupting at the same time not only these but the language."31

That the fate of the Spaniards residing in Mexico in 1821 was

entrusted to the escoces party, must be understood in light of what

has been said above. In exchange for their support in the removal

of Iturbide, the liberal or escoces party afforded the Spaniards

protection for their property and the hope of future success in

independent Mexico. What the Spaniards could not have known was

that once Agustfn I was removed, the potential for disunion, which

was inherent in the alliance of the opposition, would divide Mexican

society into irreconcilable factions, making constitutional guarantees

unenforceable and, therefore, residence in Mexico virtually impossible

for Spaniards. Peninsulares, in turn, would conspire to return the

former colony to Ferdinand and, as a result, contribute to the

expulsion of their fellow countrymen from Mexican soil. For the

majority of Spaniards, who did not participate in the political struggle,

it would mean exile from families and death in an alien land. These

Spaniards, or the majority of them, had lacked the social standing to

belong to the escoces lodges.


The Fall of the Iturbidean Empire

The leaders of the opposition to the empire found support for

their goals within the military hierarchy. In Michoacan, Brigadier

Joaqufn Parrss, a creole, planned a republican revolt but was arrested

and imprisoned in Mexico City. Deputy Juan Pablo de Anaya of Guada-

lajara, a field marshal during the original insurrection, headed a










republican conspiracy in the capital with Padre Servando Teresa de

Mier and Miguel Santa Marfa, a native of Veracruz who had been named

minister of Colombia. Support for their conspiratorial plan centered

in the congress and in the military.32 On the night of August 26, 1822,

Iturbide ordered the imprisonment of a number of persons who had been

implicated by government agents in the conspiracy. The deputies ar-

rested included republicans and liberals alike, five of whom were

Spaniards while more than 14 were creoles. The Spanish deputies

implicated were Jose Marfa Pagoaga, Juan de la Serna Echarte, General

Juan Orbegozo, and Manuel Carrasco, of Mexico City and Rafael Leandro

de Echenique of Yucatan. The Spaniards, Brigadier Jos4 Antonio Echa-

varri and Colonel Francisco de Paula Alvarez, were in charge of the

arrest and prosecution of the conspirators.

A policy aimed at preserving their traditional privileges might

have attracted additional Spanish supporters to the emperor's cause.

But protective'legislation was notably lacking under the empire. On

September 17, 1822, the constituent congress passed a measure designed

to prohibit the classification, in official documents, of citizens by their

origin.34 The decree was intended to fulfill the promise contained in

article 12 of the plan of Iguala concerning the eligibility of all

residents for government posts with merit the sole criterion. The

measure established the equality of rights required for a more

broadly based bureaucracy rather than assuring citizenship or residency

privileges to Spaniards.

The peninsulares were not yet wholly united in their opposition

to the government. The congress insisted that deputies were immune









from arrest, recognizing in the events of August 26 an indication

of its impending dissolution.35 Armed revolt threatened in New

Santander, where Brigadier Felipe de la Garza had called for the

establishment of a republic by congressional decree. Garza was

said to be under the influence of Miguel Ramos Arizpe whose republican

sentiments were well known. When other provinces failed to respond,

the attempt failed completely. The government charged that the revolu-

tion was to have been financed by deputies; the miner Jos6 Marfa

Fagoaga, the merchant Rafael Leandro de Echenique, both Spaniards,

and the creole jewel merchant Joaqufn Obreg6n of Mexico City. A

number of the prisoners were held due to their revolutionary potential

when evidence implicating them could not be uncovered.37

The arrest of Bourbonists and republicans alike contributed,

according to Alaman, to the union of the two camps against the

emperor.8 Iturbide attempted to introduce a system of provincial

courts for the castigation of seditious persons but his move was

checked by the congress. The emperor attempted to reform the congress,

which was illegally constituted, having been organized in a single

chamber rather than two as prescribed in its instrument of convocation.

Deputy Lorenzo de Zavala advocated congressional reorganization.

The creole military leadership agreed with the emperor concerning the

necessity of dissolving the congress. On October 31 this was ac-

complished by Brigadier Luis Cortazar with the cooperation of the

captain general Jose Antonio Andrade.39










In order to avoid the charge that he had usurped the legislative

function, Iturbide named an "instituting junta" (junta instituvente),
40
composed of one or two deputies from each of the provinces. The

new deputies were selected from among the Iturbideans in and out of

the former congress. On November 2 the junta was formally installed

and the bishop of Durango was named its president.4 The awesome

financial problems of the empire awaited the attention of the junta.

Spaniards had continued to depart from Mexico following'in-

dependence, shipping their specie to Havana whenever possible. In

July, 1821, the Cuban government had received a petition from 75

Spanish merchants who had emigrated from Mexico to Havana.42 Their

nearly 20,000,000 pesos of valuables and merchandise were being

detained at the Castle of San Juan de Ula by General Jos4 DSvila

due to a shortage of soldiers and warships for the transportation

of the fortune to Cuba. Spanish merchants converted the Castle of

San Juan into a black market by the act of extracting their wealth

from Mexico. In his correspondence with Havana General DSvila

revealed the grave incidents and risks taken by those who attempted

to escape from Mexico with their money and jewels by means of

disguises and subterfuge.43

The instituting junta, while considering the state of the

treasury, learned that a shipment of specie bound for Veracruz had

been detained at Perote. The greater part of it belonged to

Spaniards who either had left or were leaving Mexico. The serious

state of the treasury and the slowness of negotiations for loans from









English bankers led the junta to consider new sources of income. On

November 5, the junta decreed a new forced loan of 2,800,000 pesos

to aid the government in meeting its immediate obligations.4 Once

again wealthy Spaniards, principally merchants, were to be subjected

to financial exactions by the imperial government. In order to meet

the most pressing immediate expenses, the government decided to seize

the funds detained at Perote.45

Jos6 Antonio Echavarri had been appointed to fill the post of

captain general vacated at Puebla by the death of the Spanish Field

Marshal Luaces in September. Echavarri, who was trusted explicitly

by the emperor, was ordered to accompany a convoy of specie which was

departing the capital for Veracruz. Spanish merchants who had hesitated

to risk their capital on such a convoy were encouraged to do so by the

presence of Echavarri.46 A similar convoy had been robbed previously

at Tortolitas. Echavarri reached Perote where he was ordered on

October 9 by the ministry to deposit the funds in the castle and to

retrieve a convoy that had departed Perote for Veracruz, least the

latter fall into the hands of Brigadier Francisco Lemaur at Ul6a. An

order of October 19 advised the consulado of Mexico City to keep on

deposit at Jalapa, in the power of the Spanish merchant Pedro Miguel

de Echevarrfa, 557,000 pesos and at Perote 740,200 pesos, a total of

1,297,200 pesos.47

Brigadier Echavarri was then ordered by Minister of the treasury

Antonio Medina to send the 740,200 pesos to Mexico City, depositing a

small part in Puebla en route, for the use of the treasury. Of the

557,000 pesos deposited in Jalapa, 200,000 were to be sent to C6rdoba










and Orizaba for distribution to the tobacco growers. The remaining

337,000 pesos were to be used for government expenses in the

province and City of Veracruz.48 In his manifesto, Iturbide at-

tributed the seizures of capital to the congress.49 The treasurer

Medina, however, said that the decision was made by the instituting

junta.50 The actions were tantamount to a declaration of war on

the merchants. By this act the government's credit was destroyed

and the wealthy Spaniards no longer doubted that the government was

their enemy.

Echavarri was next ordered to Veracruz, where he arrived on

October 25, to consult with Santa Anna concerning a plan reportedly

conceived by the latter for the capture of the castle of San Juan

de Ulua.51 While the plan was in the process of execution, a

detachment of Spanish soldiers from the fortress landed and attacked

the city, frustrating the arrangements allegedly made by Santa Anna.

The expeditionary troops were forced to reembark for the castle,

leaving behind a small number of prisoners. These developments

resulted in an appeal by the emperor to the junta for strong measures

to be taken against Spaniards who wished to emigrate. A new decree

prohibited a Spaniard departing Mexico from either shipping or taking

with him specie and jewelry. He could depart with his personal lug-
52
gage and nothing more.5

In either November or December 1822 an order was issued by the

emperor demanding that all Spaniards who had served in the royalist

army and obtained a discharge present themselves to local authorities









to give an account of their political conduct.53 The Spaniards were

ordered to provide evidence of their allegiance to the empire, their

mode of employment, and their marital status. Local authorities were

ordered to respect the rights of those whose families were born in

Mexico and who possessed employment or property (bienes). A Spaniard

found to have no employment or who could not obtain employment within

three days, was to be handed over to the local iefe polftico (pro-

vincial governor) who should attempt at the expense of the imperial

treasury to find employment for him. In Puebla and Veracruz those

in this category were to be sent to the governor of the province of

Mexico. Former officers of the Spanish army were also covered in the

decree. The governors of the provinces were instructed to compile

data, to be relayed to the minister of war, on each former officer.

Discharged Spanish soldiers were invited to join the Mexican ranks

where they were promised fair treatment and promotions according to

merit. Those residing in Puebla or Veracruz who wished to accept

this offer were instructed to report to the captain general at Mexico

City.54 Iturbide must have desired to incorporate into the imperial

army all Spaniards who might take up arms against him.

Iturbide recommended to the junta that war be declared on

Spain and a decree to that effect was issued on December 21, 1822.55

In addition, the junta of government and the emperor issued a demand

to Brigadier Lemaur that the fortress of Ul6a be surrendered within

48 hours or an embargo would be placed on the "property and possessions"

of all Spanish subjects.56 Severe measures were to be instituted for










the discovery of all such property. These threats had an immediate

effect, not on Lemaur, but on the Spaniards of Mexico whose security

and commerce was now further jeopardized. A new wave of Spaniards

attempted to depart with their realizable wealth.57

Reports in the periodicals of the capital had treated the

fighting at Veracruz as a surprise assault by the Spaniards who

had been repelled by the Mexicans.58 The emperor promoted the

principal officials involved in the affair. The Spaniards Echavarri

and Gregorio Arana attained the ranks of field marshal and brigadier

respectively. But in a secret report Echavarri informed the emperor

that the affair seemed to have been contrived by Santa Anna who had

been ignored in the selection of a captain general at Puebla to replace

Luaces.59 Santa Anna was suspected of plotting to remove Echavarri,

by capture or death, even if it meant the loss of the city of Vera-

cruz. As a result of complaints against Santa Anna, Iturbide, ac-

companied by Echavarri, went to Jalapa in person to meet and depose

the brigadier from command at Veracruz. The attitude and influence

of the Spaniards in the province of Veracruz were readily apparent

at Jalapa where the emperor received a hostile reception.6

Following the interview, Santa Anna returned to Veracruz, where

he announced his adherence to the republican cause and organized an

armed force with which he hoped to retain his control over the

province and end the Iturbidean empire.61 While the Spaniards of

Veracruz had little liking for Santa Anna, there can be no doubt

that their disapproval of Iturbide was of greater consequence.









Spanish trade with Havana and the export of specie through Veracruz

resumed immediately.62 The cause of the peninsulares of Veracruz was

identified with the revolution, despite its republican theme.63

While General Santa Anna organized his movement the financial

difficulties of the empire were being debated by the instituting

junta in Mexico City. According to a new plan it prepared, the

government's monetary difficulties were to be overcome by funds from

four sources: the government monopolies, a head tax on individuals,

a 10 per cent tax on consumption, and an issue of paper and copper

money.64 Beginning on January 1, 1823, all office workers, government

and private, were to be paid one-third of their salaries in paper.

All sales of three pesos or more were to be transacted in the same

proportion of paper money. Paper money to the value of 4,000,000

pesos and 500,000 pesos of copper money was placed in circulation.65

A general lack of faith in the government affected the public ac-

ceptance of the paper currency, causing it to be discredited im-

mediately.66

In the meantime, the republican revolt in Veracruz was joined

by Miguel Santa Marfa, the minister of Colombia who prepared the main

plan.67 General Lemaur offered financial aid to the revolutionists.6

The local political authorities joined in support of the plan which

demanded the reestablishment of commerce with Spain, the restoration

of the privilege to export specie, and the necessity of arranging an

armistice with General Lemaur.69 The wishes of the merchants of

Veracruz were clearly set forth in these demands. Guadalupe Victoria










had escaped from confinement in Mexico City with the aid of the

Spanish merchants Echarte and Carrasco, former deputies in the

congress. When the revolt commenced, Victoria was hiding on an

hacienda belonging to the Spanish merchant Francisco de Arillaga,

as the old insurgent had done from 1818 until the proclamation of
70
Iguala. Victoria emerged to join the revolt in Veracruz. Vicente

Guerrero and Nicol5s Bravo fled Mexico City to join the movement,

abandoning the empire which they had served as field marshals.71

As the rebel force took shape, it appeared that the revolt would

be carried out by the old insurgents with the financial aid of Vera-

cruz's Spaniards and wealthy creoles.

With the province of Veracruz in revolt, a delegation of Spanish

diplomatic agents arrived at San Juan de Ul6a, appointed by the cortes

to treat with the governments established in America, "excepting

those that prevent or limit in any way the freedom of the Spaniards

or Americans to remove or dispose of their persons, families or

properties."72 Negotiations proved to be impossible, however, due

to the fact that neither side would concede on the principal issue,

that of independence itself.

The revolution seemed under control, or at least limited to

the state of Veracruz.73 Santa Anna was operating within the city

itself, Guerrero was presumed dead from a severe wound which he had

received and Bravo's whereabouts was unknown. Field Marshal Echavarri

departed Puebla to regain Veracruz, leaving Jos6 Morin in charge of

the captaincy general. Echavarri established his general headquarters









at Casa Mata near the port city. The creole brigadiers Luis Cortazar

and Jos6 Marfa Lobato were camped to the north of Veracruz, awaiting

orders from Echavarri.7

At this point, the political and military situation was dras-

tically altered when the masons entered the movement, determined to

end the empire.75 This was to be done by turning the army against

the emperor. Iturbide had complete confidence in Echavarri, as he

later revealed in his manifesto.76 The purpose of the plan of Casa

Mata was to end the empire while respecting the person of Iturbide

and leaving the question of the type of government to be established

to a new congress.77 The plan, which was published on February 1,

1823, called for the convocation of a new congress, the maintenance

of the army as constituted under the empire, and pledged its sup-
78
porters to sustain the congress at all costs. The escoceses ap-

parently anticipated a leading role for themselves in the new congress,

after winning the resultant elections by means of their growing organ-

ization. The masonic officers who had adhered to the plan of Veracruz

joined the plan, dropping all reference to a republic as the goal of

the revolt.79 Since the lodges were comprised of persons with widely

differing commitments, it was essential to postpone political deci-

sions until the revolt had succeeded.

The leadership of the escoces lodges included creoles such as

Mariano Michelena and Miguel Ramos Arizpe, as well as Spaniards.

Casa Mata was a movement supported by a number of Spanish liberals,

but it was not led solely by Spaniards or for the peninsular cause.










The two months which passed between the Plan of Veracruz and the Plan

of Casa Mata, according to a report by a Colonel Arana at San Juan

de Ul6a:

. favored in an extraordinary manner the interests of the
European Spaniards, who accomplished the embarkation of their
fortunes, which had been prohibited by the declaration of War
made to the Nation on November 9 of the said year of 22; since
then Santa Anna, in order to gain the respect of the Peninsula-
res as well as that of his countrymen, has permitted all com-
merce, exhibiting a conduct different from that of Yturbide,
the recent abductor of 1,400,000 pesos which had been charged 8
to the well-known conductors Solabarrieta, Guerrero and B. Rueno.

The Spanish and European creole supporters of Casa Mata shared two

things in common; their dislike for the imperial government under

Iturbide and their conviction that Mexico was well on its way to

economic ruin.

The old insurgents Brigadier Antonio Le6n of Oaxaca and Nicolas

Bravo joined forces in the south, but without adopting the plan of

Casa Mata.81 At Jalapa, however, Brigadier Jos0 Marfa Calder6n

adhered to it. Iturbide sent a commission headed by the Spaniard

Lt. General Pedro Celestino Negrete to treat with Echavarri, hoping

to terminate the revolt on the basis of a promise to reconvene the

congress. In Puebla, the ayuntamiento, the provincial deputation and

the commander, Jose de MorAn, elected to support the plan on February

14. Casa Mata was adopted rapidly by provincial deputations through-

out the country in February. Military commanders who resisted en-

countered stiff opposition from the provincial deputations and political

officials of their provinces. The commanders Jos6 Gabriel Armijo in

Cuernavaca, Miguel Barraggn in Queretaro, and Pedro Otero in Guanajuato

rapidly abandoned the government.83









The parties to the conflict agreed that their purposes would

be best served by avoiding civil war.84 A means to this end would

be the reestablishment of the congress, but the representatives of

the two sides were hard pressed to agree on a means of convening it.

Iturbide's ministers had resigned from the government following the

revolutionary proclamation. Jos6 Manuel Herrera, minister of rela-

tions, went into hiding in Guadalajara, having been charged publicly
85
with conceiving the financial exactions declared by the junta.8

Iturbide's secretary, the Spanish colonel Francisco de Paula Alvarez,

became universal minister. The emperor situated himself at Iztapa-

luca on the road to Puebla with a body of troops to await the results

of the negotiations.

Desertion occurred on a grander scale than during the revolt of

Iguala as entire bodies of troops with their officers joined the

revolt of Casa Mata.86 In the capital militia marched to the Inquisi-

tion where they released political prisoners, with the exception of

Anastasio Zerecero whose views they considered suspicious. Zerecero

would later prove himself to be a vocal enemy of the Spaniards in

congress.87 The junta forwarded a plan for the selection and instal-

lation of a congress to the emperor at Iztapaluca with the observa-

tions of the creole liberal Andr6s Quintana Roo, who had published

his views prior to relaying them to Iturbide. Since Quintana opposed

placing restrictions on the matters to be treated in future congres-

sional deliberations, the way would be left open for discussion of

religious toleration, which would have alienated the Church, and the










form of government, which could not please Iturbide. Quintana was

forced to flee to Toluca, following his attempt to reconcile the
88
government to the liberal's demands.

An effort was made by the supporters of Iturbide to portray

the revolt as a conspiracy led by Spaniards who were in communica-

tion with the castle of San Juan de UlIa. The rumor was sanctioned

by the junta which, since the announcement of Casa Mata, had been
89
diligently seeking a means of saving the government. This inter-

pretation of the movement would become the theme of the Iturbidean's

attack on the Spaniards in subsequent years. The "conspiracy of the

Spaniards" hypothesis, however, was weakened by the presence of

Mexicans in the movement and by the presence of Spaniards like Bishop

Cabanas, Miguel Cavaleri, the colonels Francisco de Paula Alvarez,

and Josh Antonio Matiauda and even the merchant Antonio Teran and

others in the camp of the emperor.

The Liberating Army, as it was called, moved to Puebla, where

Echavarri ceded command to Josh de Moran, the marquis of Vivanco.

When Iturbide's commissioners departed for Mexico City without

achieving a diplomatic solution, Lt. General Negrete remained in

Puebla.90 The government attempted to quiet the rumors which this

event produced, but Negrete's adherence to the revolt was confirmed

by the general himself on March 8, 1823.91 Three paths of action

were now open to Iturbide: he could recall the old congress, summon

a new congress, or surrender his title and depart for Puebla where

the generals had offered to accept him as their commander, but not

as their emperor.92 Iturbide chose to recall the old congress,









knowing that it would be his enemy. On March 7, 58 of the original

150 deputies convened, but decided to await the arrival of the neces-

sary majority before attempting to pass legislation. Jos6 Marfa Fa-

goaga and Manuel Sanchez de Tagle soon rejoined the body, which they

had left following the imperial proclamation, and the number of

deputies rose to no more than 70.93 The plan of Casa Mata had called

for the establishment of a new congress. The first constituent

congress had cause to fear that it might not gain recognition by the

provinces which had adhered to the plan.

At this time Iturbide summoned Brigadier Manuel G6mez Pedraza

from the Huasteca to Mexico City to become commanding general and

governor of the capital. Pedraza had made public his allegiance

to the emperor and his views that republicanism was inappropriate

for Mexico, that the Spaniards were responsible for the revolt, and

that the movement would rebound to the discredit of the peninsula-

res.4 These statements by Pedraza would give rise to future ac-

cusations that during his subsequent tenure in public office he

sought to avenge Iturbide by persecuting the Spaniards.

In the capital, armed groups from the lower class barrios (wards)

had been raised to defend the empire.95 The congress, sharing the

fear of persons of property in Mexico City, had demanded that the

emperor "disarm the people," raising instead a national militia. The

military junta at Puebla decided, in response to the proposal of Ne-

grete, to draw nearer to the capital. Santa Anna sailed with his

regiment from Veracruz, where Victoria was in charge, toward Tampico,










In order to aid the revolt in San Luis Potosf. Jos4 Marlano Michele-

na, a member of the provincial deputation of Michoacan, acted as the

escoc6s liaison In the revolutionary junta.9

Iturbide offered to withdraw from the capital while the congress

prepared a constitution.97 Delegates from the congress proceeded

toward Puebla to confer with the revolutionary junta. Generals Mor5n

and Negrete met with the emissaries and, following a lengthy discus-

sion, the revolutionists agreed to recognize the old congress if its

ranks were sufficiently replenished to pass laws. The generals agreed

to obey the congress as long as it was permitted to operate with

complete freedom. Iturbide, learning of this resolution, called the

body into extraordinary secret session on the night of March 19, in

order to announce his resignation and his determination to leave the

country within a few days. Iturbide asked only that the congress pay

the debts incurred by his household, since he had devoted his own

income to the payment of the army and the government employees.98

The military junta proposed that Iturbide depart with his

family from Tulancingo.99 The revolutionary army occupied the

capital and the congress increased its numbers to 103 when deputies

who had fled the capital from fear of public disorders returned to

their seats. The congress decreed on March 31 the establishment of

a provisional government, or Executive Power, composed of three men

who would alternate the presidency among them on a monthly basis.1

Elected to the Executive Power were generals Negrete, Bravo, and

Victoria. Due to the absence of Victoria and Bravo, two substitutes,









Jose Mariano Michelena and Jos4 Miguel Domfnguez, were also elected.

Jose Ignacio Garcfa Illueca was named sole minister of the provisional

government.0 Among the members of the new government, only Negrete

was a Spaniard.

The congress next resolved the question of Iturbide's future,

adopting a proposal, opposed by the spokesman for the Church, Jos6

Miguel Guridi y Alcocer, that the emperor depart for Italy with a
102
yearly subsidy 'of 25,000 pesos. The ex-emperor was accompanied

into exile by his secretary, the Spaniard Colonel Alvarez. His needs

during the voyage were supplied by the Spanish merchant of Veracruz,

Pedro del Paso y Troncoso. Iturbide embarked on May 11, 1821 with his

family, including his Spanish cousin, Brigadier Jose Ram6n Malo, and

his retainers. "The course of events surrounding the fall of Itur-

bide," observed Alam6n, "was remarkably similar to that of the

previous revolution, which Iturbide himself had led."103


The Spaniards under the Executive Power

A cabinet was erected, composed of prominent persons from the

province of Veracruz but headed by Lucas Alaman. Dr. Pablo de la

Llave of C6rdoba accepted the ministry of justice and the Spanish

merchant of Veracruz, Francisco de Arillaga, who had concealed Gua-

dalupe Victoria on two occasions, became minister of the treasury.
104
Jose Joaqufn de Herrera of Veracruz assumed the ministry of war.1

The captains general created by Iturbide were eliminated and a com-

manding general was placed in each province. Compared with the epoch










of the empire few Spaniards remained in high places in the new order.

Negrete was in the Executive Power; Arillaga in the treasury ministry;

Echavarri was commander of the province of Puebla, and a few Spaniards,

such as Fagoaga, remained in the congress. The victory belonged to

the masonic, or liberal party, whose membership included prominent

creoles as well as a number of Spaniards, and to the provincial

deputations.

The first acts of the Executive Power were designed to eliminate
105
the decrees of the empire which had injured the opposition. The

release of all remaining political prisoners was ordered and the

exportation of specie was allowed to resume, with the proviso that

the duty prescribed in the tariff schedule must be paid. The issue

of paper money was suspended and the paper in circulation was retired.

The institutions created by Iturbide, such as the council of state

and the Order of Guadalupe, were suppressed.0 On April 8, the

congress officially nullified the plan of Iguala, the treaty of

C6rdoba and the imperial proclamation of February 22, 1822. By

article two of the decree of April 8, "the three guarantees of religion,

independence and union" were declared to be in force "by the free will

of the nation." 07 By the terms of article three, all the provisions

of these documents not specifically referring to the type of govern-

ment Mexico should enjoy were declared to remain in force. This

qualification preserved the safeguards for government posts and

personal property which had been written into the plan of Iguala and

the treaty of C6rdoba in 1821. The preservation of the third guarantee









provided the Spaniard with a legal claim to Mexican citizenship.

The escoces political program was determined with the preservation

of the third guarantee in mind.

The Church had lost the revolution, inasmuch as the new govern-

ment was responsive to liberal demands. As the principal banker and

property holder of the nation, the Church's financial position would

be severely damaged by the type of liberal legislation enacted in

Spain. The legislature soon turned to the Church's possessions as a

possible source of revenue.108 Congress ordered the sale of the

temporalities pertaining to the Jesuits, Hospitalarios and the Inqui-

sition. But when the sale of these properties proved impossible,

the Executive Power, like Iturbide before it, turned to the English
109
bankers for a loan to support their government. Forced loans were

not decreed by a government established to prevent that expedient.

The funds obtained from the English bankers were used for military

purposes, principally for the construction of two warships to be used

against the Spaniards at San Juan de Ul6a. The Spanish merchants of

Mexico benefited indirectly by the foreign loans. A part of the

customhouse revenues was freed for the repayment of the funds owed

to Spanish merchants who had lost vast sums in the Manila convoy, in

the funds detained at Perote, and in the forced loans.1

Political divisions emerging after the fall of Iturbide attained

a level of complexity which had not previously been apparent. The

republicans divided over the republican alternatives of centralism









and federalism. The escoceses in the coalition of government supporters

would cause federalist republicans to band together in new masonic

organizations which, in turn, converted the older masonic body into a

defender of the old mercantile elites of Mexico City and Veracruz.

The Iturbideans joined the federalist camp, partly to separate

their provincial strongholds, such as Guadalajara, from the grasp of

Mexico City, and partly to oppose more effectively those who had

defeated Iturbide. Each faction, or party, established periodicals

in Mexico City and In the provincial capitals. El Sol reopened in the

capital to speak for the escoceses in their quest for a centralized

republic.11 The federalists, aided by the Iturbideans, began a

periodical in the capital called, at first El Archivista. and later

Aquila Mexicana.112 The federalist periodical was edited by a

prominent Iturbidean, Juan G6mez Navarrete, while the centralist organ

often featured articles written by the Colombian minister, Santa

Marfa, who wrote under the name "Captain Chinchilla."ll3

El Sol began its renewed existence, on June 15, with an editorial

defense of the Spaniards' role in the recent revolt. The editors noted

that the Europeans aided independence in order to protect their posi-

tions and properties, and wisely so. The Spaniards had prevented much

loss of life by their cooperation, which had shortened the war. The

/ first congress had,wisely disregarding the question of origins, a

policy which had given confidence to the Spaniards. The editors as-

serted that many Spaniards had remained with their interests while

only a few had left Mexico following independence. This feet had been









instrumental in the reestablishment of commerce following the treaty

of C6rdoba. El Sol charged that Iturbide attempted to drive out the

Spaniards. Those he attacked had caused all business activities and

began to collect their interests in order to depart. Commerce had

been threatened with destruction, the editors concluded, and for that
114
reason Iturbide was driven out.

The present danger, according to the editors of El Sol, stemmed

from the federalist threat. Civil war would result from the adoption

of the federal system, while the good of the nation rested in the quest

of "union and brotherhood." The editors appealed to all Mexicans to

accept the presence of the Spaniards. It was only by doing so that

Mexico could live in peace and, consequently, commerce would prosper

once again.115

The federalists had machinery in the provinces already in opera-

tion which favored their cause. The provincial deputations were, in
116
a concrete sense, the beneficiaries of federalism. The provincial

deputations lacked faith in the reestablished congress, which was

suspected of furthering the cause of centralism in the capital.

Guadalajara was among the most insistent of the provinces in demanding

a new congress.117 The congress, in turn, attempted to forestall the

movement by granting the provincial deputations additional powers,

such as the right to nominate jefes polfticos (provincial governors)

and virtually all the employees of the provincial governments, as well

as control over the tax revenues collected in the provinces. But the

will of the provincial deputations prevailed and an election was called










for a new constituent congress, which was to be Installed on October

31, 1823.118

In Guadalajara the Iturbideans, led by the creole generals Luis

Quintanar and Anastasio Bustamante, were planning to resist the

authority of Mexico City.119 The Iturbidean party published Iris de

Jalisco in Guadalajara, a periodical which attacked the Spaniards for

their role in the fall of Iturbide and in the new government. It

should be recalled that Iturbide's most faithful and generous patron

had been the Spaniard Bishop Juan Cruz Ruiz Cabanas of Guadalajara.

The Executive Power organized a two thousand-man army to restore the

control of Mexico City over Guadalajara.120 General Negrete was

selected for the task in view of his connections in Guadalajara, but

due to the anti-Spanish feeling which was being propagated there,

General Bravo assumed command of the army, while Negrete accompanied

him during the march.121

The presence of Negrete and Bravo in the west and Victoria in

Veracru; where he had remained to prevent Santa Anna from renewing

his revolt, deprived the Executive Power of its principal members.

Vicente Guerrero was added to the Executive Power as a suplente

(substitute) in July. Neither General Guerrero nor the aging JosG

Domfnguez could reduce the influence of the escoc4s Michelena and
122
the Colombian minister Santa Marfa in the government. The

expedition against Guadalajara was successful. Negrete ordered the

district of Colima separated from New Galicia in order to weaken

Guadalajara. General Bravo reached an amicable agreement with

Cortezar in an interview at Lagos.









The congress reorganized the army and prescribed new grades
123
for general officers.123 Generals were now of two classes: general

of division and brigadier. The lieutenant generals and field marshals

of the empire became the generals of division under the republic. The

brigadiers "with letters" of the empire became the brigadiers of the

republic. Bravo and Victoria were named generals of division by the

congress while the escoc6s political figure Mariano Michelena was made

a brigadier. Mexican officers newly returned from Spain, such as Jose

Antonio Facio and Joss Joaqufn Ayestarin, were made colonels and given
124
units to command.2

The congress passed a law on September 27, 1823, designed to

punish "conspirators and thieves" who appeared in armed groups of

four or more men (en cuadrilla).125 These persons "whatever their

condition or class" were to be judged by "ordinary council of war"

rather than by a civilian court and the decision of the court was to

be placed in effect immediately. This law would serve the various

parties in the future in their political conflicts. The congress was

stimulated to pass such a law by the revolutionary efforts of the

Iturbideans since the emperor's departure. The most serious of these

conspiracies was discovered on October 2, resulting in the arrest of

a number of officials and troops, as well as a certain Lorenzo Za-

valsa [sic~.126

In the meantime, tentative agreement had been reached between

General Guadalupe Victoria and the Spanish commissioners at Veracruz










on a treaty of commerce between Spain and Mexico.127 But the restora-

tion of absolutism in Spain, facilitated by the French invasion, spurred

Ferdinand VII to conspire for the reconquest of Mexico. Brigadier

Francisco Lemaur at San Juan de UlIa began a sustained bombardment of

the city of Veracruz on September 25. Since most of the property in

Veracruz pertained to Spaniards or to persons in the employment of
128
Spaniards, the resulting damage was principally to Spanish commerce.2

New ports were being established at Sacrificio and Alvarado where goods

bound for the central and southern provinces were landed.129 Tampico

received a stimulus from the change, which made it the port for goods

bound for the northern provinces.130 Lemaur's decision to shell the

city of Veracruz may have stemmed from steps taken by the Executive

Power. On September 8, the Mexican government had declared the castle

blockaded, although the republic lacked the navy needed to implement

the measure.131 Consul Taylor at Veracruz charged that Lemaur had

threatened to bombard the city if the plan to open alternate ports was

carried out, causing the Spaniards of the city to flee to the safety

of the castle, leaving their unguarded homes to the mercy of Lemaur.132

The bombardment of Veracruz was sustained, at intervals, until the

capitulation of the castle in November, 1825. Contemporary observers

agreed that the lengthy bombardment of Veracruz endangered the future

of Mexico's Spaniards, providing fuel for the burgeoning anti-Spanish

campaign.133









The commencement of hostilities by Brigadier Lemaur led to

retaliatory legislation from Mexico City. On September 30, the

minister of the treasury, Francisco de Arillaga, informed the intendent

of Veracruz, Guadalupe Victoria, that all mercantile and political

relations with Spain were to be terminated and Spanish merchant ships
134
were ordered to leave Mexican ports.13 Evidence for the existence

of commerce between Havana and Veracruz may be found in the fact that

from 1821 until October 1823 Mexican silver pesos had been arriving

in the Cuban port transported by North American and Spanish merchant

ships.135 On October 25, the Executive Power, like Iturbide before

it, declared war on Spain.136

The elections for the new congress resulted in a federalist

majority, with an anti-iturbidean orientation.37 The escocds party

no longer possessed the preponderance it had enjoyed in the first

constituent congress. Monarchists were eliminated from the new

congress, forcing the temporary retirement of Tagle and the Spaniard

Fagoaga. The new congress opened its sessions on November 7, with

the members divided into two factions: federalist and centralist.

Though there were no Bourbonists in the congress, the federalists

were prone to call their opponents by that name. Dr. JosH Miguel

Ramos Arizpe of Coahuila emerged as the leading spokesman for the

federalist majority, while the centralists were led by Dr. Jos6

Luciano Becerra of Veracruz, Fr. Servando Teresa de Mierf Monterrey,

and Lic. Carlos Marfa Bustamante of the capital.138




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