• TABLE OF CONTENTS
HIDE
 Title Page
 Dedication
 Acknowledgement
 Preface
 Table of Contents
 List of Tables
 Abstract
 Introduction
 Review of related literature
 The problem
 Results
 Summary
 Appendices
 References
 Biographical sketch






Group Title: personal theory of the counselor
Title: The Personal theory of the counselor
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 Material Information
Title: The Personal theory of the counselor some biographical and psychometric correlates of selection of a theory of personality and a method of counseling by selected counselors
Physical Description: xi, 164 leaves. : ; 28 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Rothman, Leslie Kenneth, 1938-
Publication Date: 1970
Copyright Date: 1970
 Subjects
Subject: Counseling   ( lcsh )
Personality   ( lcsh )
Counselor Education thesis Ph. D
Dissertations, Academic -- Counselor Education -- UF
Genre: bibliography   ( marcgt )
non-fiction   ( marcgt )
 Notes
Thesis: Thesis--University of Florida, 1970.
Bibliography: Bibliography: leaves 151-162.
Additional Physical Form: Also available on World Wide Web
General Note: Manuscript copy.
General Note: Vita.
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00097741
Volume ID: VID00001
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: alephbibnum - 000871998
notis - AEG9231
oclc - 014372829

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Table of Contents
    Title Page
        Page i
        Page i-a
    Dedication
        Page ii
    Acknowledgement
        Page iii
        Page iv
    Preface
        Page v
    Table of Contents
        Page vi
        Page vii
    List of Tables
        Page viii
    Abstract
        Page ix
        Page x
        Page xi
    Introduction
        Page 1
        Page 2
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
    Review of related literature
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
        Page 12
        Page 13
        Page 14
        Page 15
        Page 16
        Page 17
        Page 18
        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
        Page 22
        Page 23
        Page 24
        Page 25
        Page 26
        Page 27
        Page 28
        Page 29
        Page 30
        Page 31
        Page 32
        Page 33
        Page 34
        Page 35
        Page 36
        Page 37
        Page 38
        Page 39
        Page 40
        Page 41
        Page 42
        Page 43
        Page 44
        Page 45
        Page 46
        Page 47
        Page 48
        Page 49
        Page 50
        Page 51
        Page 52
        Page 53
        Page 54
        Page 55
        Page 56
        Page 57
        Page 58
        Page 59
        Page 60
    The problem
        Page 61
        Page 62
        Page 63
        Page 64
        Page 65
        Page 66
        Page 67
        Page 68
        Page 69
        Page 70
        Page 71
        Page 72
        Page 73
        Page 74
        Page 75
        Page 76
        Page 77
        Page 78
        Page 79
        Page 80
        Page 81
        Page 82
        Page 83
        Page 84
        Page 85
        Page 86
        Page 87
        Page 88
        Page 89
        Page 90
        Page 91
        Page 92
    Results
        Page 93
        Page 94
        Page 95
        Page 96
        Page 97
        Page 98
        Page 99
        Page 100
        Page 101
        Page 102
        Page 103
        Page 104
        Page 105
        Page 106
        Page 107
        Page 108
        Page 109
        Page 110
        Page 111
        Page 112
        Page 113
        Page 114
        Page 115
        Page 116
        Page 117
        Page 118
    Summary
        Page 119
        Page 120
        Page 121
    Appendices
        Page 122
        Page 123
        Page 124
        Page 125
        Page 126
        Page 127
        Page 128
        Page 129
        Page 130
        Page 131
        Page 132
        Page 133
        Page 134
        Page 135
        Page 136
        Page 137
        Page 138
        Page 139
        Page 140
        Page 141
        Page 142
        Page 143
        Page 144
        Page 145
        Page 146
        Page 147
        Page 148
        Page 149
        Page 150
    References
        Page 151
        Page 152
        Page 153
        Page 154
        Page 155
        Page 156
        Page 157
        Page 158
        Page 159
        Page 160
        Page 161
        Page 162
    Biographical sketch
        Page 163
        Page 164
        Page 165
        Page 166
Full Text








The Personal Theory of the Counselor: Some Biographical and

Psychometric Correlates of Selection of a Theory of

Personality and a Method of Counseling by Selected Counselors














By
LESLIE KENNETH ROTHMAN













A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF
THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE
DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY












UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
1970

































To Louise, Torsten, and Britt













ACKNOWLEDGE NT S


No matter how individual an endeavor, other persons may

facilitate and expedite, if not actually make possible, its

completion. So it is with this dissertation. Many more

persons than could reasonably be mentioned here have contri-

buted their ideas, encouragements, criticisms, and support to

make this effort a success.

First, committee chairman and friend, Dr. James L.

Lister, spent maony hours sharing ideas with the author and

thinking through the difficulties attendant in translating a

conception into a workable inquiry. Dr. A. Garr Cranney,

committee member and friend, was, among many other things,

particularly helpEul in assisting in the development of the

principal instrum-ent of measurementn. The other committee

member, Dr. Richard J. Anderson, was particularly generous

with his tiiZL.Le cALd n addition to -is vaL uaole co0I Iients about

the manuscript, lent his expertise to the selection of the

appropriate statistical treatment of the results.

As the nature of the study was such that it could not

have been easily complete ed without the assistance of the


iii






following groups, sincerest thanks are due to the: Department

of Clinical Psychology, Departmient of Counselor Education,

Department of Rehabilitation Counseling, Reading Laboratory

and Clinic, Student Mental Health Services, and the University

Counseling Center.

Finally, note is taken of both the outstanding particular

and general contributions of Dr. William E. Kline, psychologist

and friend, Mrs. Arden P. Goettling, the patient typist of

this manuscript, and Mrs. Leslie Kenneth Rothman, wife of the

author and mother to his two young sons,for efforts extended

above and beyond the call of those two roles.



















If a man does not keep pace with his

companions, perhaps it is because he hears

a different drummer. Let him step to the

music which he hears, however measured or

so far away.

Henry David Thoreau














TABLE OF CONTENTS


Page

Acknowledgments ......................................... iii

Preface .............................................. v

List of Tables........................................ viii

Abstract............................................... ix

Chapter

I Introduction.................................. 1

Definitions ................................. 7

II Review of Related Literature .................. 8

Counselor Personality and Behavior.......... 10

The Effects of Training ..................... 22

Client-Counselor Similarity.................. 30

Commonalities in Theory and Practice ........ 39

The Counselor's Personal Theory.............. 51

III The Problem. .................. ................ 61

Procedure................................... 75

Methodology................................. 76

Instruments................................. 77

Treatment of the Results..................... 89







Chapter Page

IV Results....................................... 93

Descriptive Data of the Sample............... 93

Descriptive and Sampling Data of the
Instruments................................. 95

Testing the Hypotheses....................... 99

Discussion and Implications of the Results.. 104

Some Possibilities for Future Research...... 116

V Su nm ary....................................... 119

Appendices ........................................... 122

List of References.................................... 151

Biographical Sketch ................................. 163


vii













LIST OF TABLES


Table Page

1 Subjects' Professional Affiliation, Number
Volunteering to Participate, and Number and
Percentage Completing Instruments ............. 94

2 Thirty White Male Subjects by Age, Degree,
Years of Experience, and Primary and Secondary
Responsibility................................ 96

3 Theoretical Range and Mean of Scores and
Observed Range, Mean, and Standard Deviation
of Scores for the 30 Subjects on the Four
Instruments................................... 98

4 Therapist Orientation Questionnaire X Frequency
of Interpersonal Experiences.................. 100

5 Cognitive Complexity X Frequency of
Interpersonal Experiences..................... 101

6 Frequency of Interpersonal Experiences X A-B
Scale Score ................................... 102

7 Therapist Orientation Questionnaire X A-B
Scale Score ................................... 103

8 A-E Scale Scores X Biographical Information
Blank A/B Scores .............................. 103

9 Frequency of Responses of BIB Questions 13,a
14,b 15,c 16d Tallied as Either "Same" or
"Different," as Measures of Counseling
Orientation for 30 White Male Participant
Counselors.................................... 114


viii





Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the
Graduate Council of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillrment
of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

THE PERSONAL THEORY OF TIE COUNSELOR: SOME BIOGRAPHIICAL AND
PSYCIHOMIETRIC CORRELATES OF SELECTION OF A THEORY OF PERSONALITY
AND A METHOD OF COUNSELING BY SELECTED COUNSELORS

By

Leslie Kenneth Rothman

June, 1970


Chairman: Dr. James L. Lister
Major Department: Counselor Education


The general problem examined by this dissertation was

the following: With the myriad theories of learning and the

process of behavior changing, personality development and

counseling and psychotherapy extant, and assuming soie merit

in all of them, how does one go about either choosing or

developing the most appropriate one for one's own use as one

becomes a professional counselor. An extensive review of the

literature led to the conceptualization of this problem under

the rubric, The Counselor's Personal Theory. The major propo-

sition from which the hypotheses tested were derived is that

the theory and practice of counseling is the articulated

intellectual understanding the counselor has of his own

development and successful life patterns formally stated as

a theory of hu-ran behavior and development and implemented in

practice by the counselor who helps the client find more ef-

fective ways of dealing with his internal and external worlds.
ix








Thirty practicing counselors and teachers of counselors,

all of whom had obtained the doctorate, voluntarily completed

four instruments designed to assess their theory and practice

of psychotherapy (Therapist Orientation Questionnaire), their

degree of cognitive complexity in the interpersonal realm

(Construct Repertory Test), their A-B Scale score (Whitehorn-

Betz A-B Scale), and aspects of their life histories

(Biographical Information Blank).

Nine hypotheses, which predicted specific relationships

among groups of individuals differentiated by their scores

on the above instruments, were evaluated with appropriate

correlational and analysis of variance techniques.

Results basic to the main problem indicate that it will

be possible to predict a counselor's orientation to both theory

and practice from his biography. Cognitive complexity was

found to be correlated with both the therapeutic position

taken and aspects of past experiences. Specifically, it was

found that those with a relatively high cognitive complexity

score tended to take an experiential orientation, as opposed

to an analytic orientation, to counseling theory and practice

and to have experienced relatively a greater number of inter-

personal experiences during their lives than those whose

cognitive complexity scores were relatively low. Additional

evidence supportive of the general proposition was afforded

x







by the significant relationship found to exist between A-B

Scale scores and Biographical Information Blank items described

as "social dependent conformity" and "social independent non-

conformity." Specifically, a significant correlation was

found to exist between "A" scores of counselors on the A-B

Scale and "social dependent conformity" scores on the Biog-

raphical Information Blank and between "B" scores of counselors

on the A-B Scale and "social independent nonconformity" scores

on the Biographical Information Blank. It was suggested that

these designations are very closely related to the concepts

of "field dependence" and "field independence" noted by other

investigators in A-B research. The factor of comiplemen.tari y

was mentioned as a possible explanation of the oft-noted

differential therapeutic success of "A" and of "B" therapist-s.

It was concluded that the results were promising enough

to support further research on a larger and more geographically

dispersed sample toward the end of establishing the limits of

the predictability of a device to measure counseling orienta-

tion from biographical information. Development of such an

instrument with at least moderate predictive power would find

certain use in counselor education programs, both in the

selection and advising of students and in counseling practice

for the assignment of a client to a counselor most likely to

assist him efficiently.













CHAPTER I


INTRODUCTION


Man who lives in a world of hazards is compelled to
seek for security. He has sought to attain it in two
ways. One of them began with an attempt to propitiate
the powers which environ him and determine his destiny.
It expressed itself in supplication, sacrifice, ceremo-
nial rite and magical cult. In time these crude methods
were largely displaced. The sacrifice of a contrite
heart was esteemed more pleasing than that of bulls
and oxen; the inner attitude of reverence and devotion
more desirable than external ceremonies. If man could
not conquer destiny he could willingly ally himself
with it; putting his will, even in sore affliction,
on the side of the powers which dispense fortune, he
could escape defeat and might triumph in the midst of
destruction.

The other course is to invent arts and by their
means turn the powers of nature to account; man con-
structs a fortress out of the very conditions and
forces which threaten him. He builds shelters, weaves
garments, makes flame his friend instead of his enemy,
and grows into the complicated arts of associated
living. This is the method of changing the world
through action, as the other is the method of changing
the self in emotion and idea. It is a commentary on
the slight control man has obtained over himself by
means of control over nature, that the method of
action has been felt to manifest dangerous pride, even
defiance of the powers which be. People of old wavered
between thinking arts to be the gift of the gods and
to be an invasion of their prerogatives. Both versions
testify to the sense of something extraordinary in the
arts, something either superhuman or unnatural. The
souls who have predicted that by means of the arts
man might establish a kingdom of order, justice and







beauty through mastery of nature's energies and laws
have been few and little heeded (Dewey, 1960, pp. 3-4).

One of the more conspicious "arts" invented during the

twentieth century and of particular concern to the following

discourse is that of scientific explanation and controlled

alteration of human behavior known respectively as personality

theory and counseling and psychotherapy. To be sure, the

explanation and control of human behavior has occupied man's

endeavors throughout history to which prisons and witchcraft

bear partial witness. However, the scientific approach to

this effort is, by and large, of this century. Science

aspires to, and indeed has often been successful in, ob-

taining unitary, nonoverlapping explanations for the data

extracted from the phenomena of interest. In the area of

personality theory, we find that Hall and Lindzey (1957) are

able to present 15 personality theories, while Ford and Urban

(1964) explicate 10 systems of behavior change without claiming

to have exhausted the possibilities. Coan (1968) using multi-

variate procedures to study basic trends in psychological

theory was able to extract a number of dimensions. He labeled

his six first-order factors: subjecitvistic--objectivistic,

holistic--clementaristic, transpersonal--personal, quantitative--

qualitative, dynamic--static, and endogenist--exogenist. lHe

named his two second-order factors: synthetic--analytic and






functional--structural, while he called his third factor:

fluid--restrictive.

What do these multiple theories and the dimensions along

which they are constructed mean for the traditional scientific

goals of explanation, prediction, and control of behavior? Is

it a truism here too, as it is accepted in medicine, that when

there are so many cures extant, the disease is probably incur-

able? Are none of the proposed theories or, at best, only one

of the proposed theories, as its author would have you believe,

correct? As Coan points out, "theoretical orientations are

at least in part a faction of temperament" (1968, p. 719).

It is the contention of the present writer that all the more

or less scientific explanations offered of behavior develop-

ment and change are valid within limits, and that these limits

are set by the direct and vicarious experiences of the theo-

retician/therapist. Kelly (1964) in "The Autobiography of

a Theory" describes the course of certain psychological ex-

periences which led him to formulate personal construct

theory, wherein he suggests that the means by which man has

coped most successfully with his obstacles are in some general

way the basic devices he can extend and improve in coping with

his personal distress. Robert Watson's (1963) chapter, "Freud:

Psychoanalysis and Related Viewss," clarifies the zeitgeist as

well as the personal development of Freud, Alder, and Jung.






Boring and Lindzey (1967) afford Rogers and Skinner, among

others, the opportunity to present themselves in autobiography,

and it is not difficult to "get a feel for" and, thereby, make

some hypotheses about the thought processes and behaviors of

these two contemporary influential thinkers.

Rather than assuming all previous personality theorists

to have been fools, we will assume the option that all, in

fact, have had much of value to offer in understanding man

in a particular mode of existence and at a particular level

of conceptualization of that existence; their error lies in

failing to recognize the limited generalizability of their

own experiences.

The investigator uses a method and becomes its captive.
So do his students. He develops a theory which can
only predict phenomena elicited by that method or a
closely related one. What is not amenable to study
by those methods ceases to influence the theory. In
turn, all theories whose methods do not apply to the
realm of phenomena in question are somehow considered
"wrong," and if they are tested at all, it is by method
alien to them, and so they are obviously found wrong.
Usually, however, they are ignored altogether. As a
result, certain methods become "canonized," the study
of a limited range of phenomena becomes the only
"proper study of man," and those who try to reunite
the field of psychology, so fragmented by a few
methods, are regarded as "philosophers" in a pejora-
tive sense of the word (Rapaport, 1959, p. 166).

To encompass the multiple theoretical positions, this dis-

sertation shall make use of the rubric, the personal theory

or the implicit theory of the counselor. Specifically, an





5

attempt will be made to offer evidence, both quantitative and

qualitative, of the relationship between the life experiences

of the theoretician/therapist and said theoretician/therapist's

theory of human development and his practice of behavior

changing.

At least three assumptions underlie this position: (a)

all present models of man are oversimplified and, therefore,

inadequate to the task of dealing effectively with the whole

person;1 (b) all theories of personality and psychotherapy are

"true" to some functional degree;2 and (c) while theoreticians,

for the most part, speak as though they possessed the truth,

those who engage in therapy are successful to the degree that

their clients are like or have the potential. of becoming like

themselves and/or have congruent value systems and/or that

they, the therapist, have a wide acquaintance with life's

experiences enabling them to more flexibly eclecticallyy)




1IHitt (1969), after reviewing both experimental and
logical evidence for both the behavioristic and phenomeno-
logical models of man, concluded that (a) the acceptance of
either model has important implications for the everyday
world, (b) truth in both views indicates it is premature to
accept either model now, (c) one or both models may be use-
ful depending on the problem under investigation, and (d)
both systems' proponents should communicate with each other.
2i.e., they all legitimately claim to be effective.
Razran (1965) suggests, in a similar vein, that the present
multiple learning theories are probably part of a whole
learning model which has developed in the evolution of man
(see p. 48).







engage the client in the problem solving, i.e., therapeutic

endeavors.

This point of view leads to the position that any theory

of personality/behavior and counseling/behavior changing

(including thoughts and feelings) is the articulated intel-

lectual understanding the theoretician has of his own

development, mental experiences, and the solutions to his

own personal exigencies, abstracted so as to be generalized

to be applicable to the theoretician's model of man qua Man.

The practice of counseling and psychotherapy is the teaching

of the implementation by the therapist to the client of the

more or less successful ways the therapist discovered and

conceptualized as he learned to solve his own experienced

difficulties.

If this position has substance, the problem then becomes

one of discovering the contingencies in the theoretician/

therapist's history that led him to his present theory/practice.

This information should then make it possible to better predict

counseling outcome from counselor and client biographies as

well as permitting more effective control of the products of

therapy training programs by the matching of students with

counselor educators for projected theoretical compatability.

It goes without saying that this matching will never wholly

subsume all the available variance because the dynamics of a




7

culture so change the life experiences of each generation that

the best matching of teacher and student as well as of client

and therapist will only approximate similarity.


Definitions

Relatively few terms are in need of defining to render

clarity to what is to follow. Specific notation should be

taken of the fact that for the purposes of this dissertation

the author has chosen to view as synonymous the terms grouped

as follows:

(a) Counseling, psychotherapy, personal problem solving,

personal teaching, behavior altering;

(b) Counselor, psychotherapist, therapist, teacher,

mentor, priest, witch doctor, shaman;

(c) Client, patient, counselee; and

(d) Neurotic, psychotic, mentally ill, problems in

living, crazy, insane, deranged, possessed.

In the text, the terms counseling, psychotherapy, client

and patient will most often be found, while the conceptuali-

zation "problems in living" (Szasz, 1961) will be, unless

otherwise stated, the focus of their discourse.













CHAPTER II


REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE


Insofar as these assumptions contradict more traditional

positions of behavior altering and, in addition, may appear

in some degree "unscientific" in their personalistic approach,

the following evidence is presented in support of this outlook.

That present models of man are oversimplified and inade-

quate to account for the observed facts of psychological

processes had been explored by Coan (1968) and Bitt (1969) as

noted above. Opler (1967) proposed that an adequate model of

man must be capable of at least accounting for "the supreme

ability of men to bring to bear upon conscious and unconscious

motivations the past, present and future, as if these were

immediately available ." (p. 139). Lawrence La Fave (1969),

in a short philosophical analysis entitled, Why Psychology Is

Not Yet A Science, said among other things:

Any science worthy of the name contains a body
of theory which enjoys such properties as 1) compre-
hensiveness, 2) consistency, 3) nullifiability,
4) parsimony, and 5) precision.

Any psychological theory is either a) cognitive,
b) behavioristic, or c) both. If both, then that

8







psychological theory is self-contradictory -- . .

Thus a psychology which preaches self-contradic-
tory, hodge-podge eclecticism is a transvestite --
scientism bedecked as a science.

The struggle is between positivism and phenome-
nology -- . . Psychology can only resolve its
basic dilemna by defuzzing phenomenology -- by
adequately formalizing cognitive theory (p. 2).

Much contemporary difficulty is generated by the battle between

behaviorism and phenomenology for the allegiance of psycholo-

gists. Much of the heat is generated by the naivete of the

combatants who while superficially appearing to do battle for

"humanity" against "science" are in fact representing, on the

one hand, classical Aristotelian essence philosophy and, on

the other, classical Lockian empiricism which depends on

nature as it is as the ultimate reality which unaided percep-

tion can come to know. Modern science, however, is interested

in the interrelationships among data, essentially abstractions,

with phenomenal experience by reducing human experience to

"nothing but" systems, thereby reifying the existence of

synthetic concepts and thus subtly smuggling back in "essences."

It is unnecessary that knowledge should be concerned
with existence as it is directly experienced in its
concrete qualities. Direct experiencing takes care
of that matter. What science is concerned with is
the happening of these experienced things. For its
purpose, therefore, they are happenings, events. Its
aim is to discover the conditions and consequences of
their happening. And this discovery can take place
only by modifying the given qualities in such ways
that relations become manifest. . these relations







constitute the proper objects of science as such.
We are here concerned to emphasize the fact that
elimination of the qualities of experienced exist-
ence is merely an intermediate step necessary to
the discovery of relations, and that when it is
accomplished the scientific object becomes the
means of control of occurrence of experienced things
having a richer and more secure equipment of values
and qualities (Dewey, 1960, p. 104).

With due awareness for the dangers of eclecticism and

scientism, clinicians and a number of recent theoreticians are

also profoundly conscious of real people with real problems

pressing for immediate solution. Increasingly, experienced

clinicians' eclectic points of view and behaviors are being

corroborated by both process and outcome studies which have

led to formulations transcending single theories of behavior

change. While this at first, understandably, leads to a

"hodge-podge eclecticism," it also holds out real hope for

an eventual powerful new synthesis, perhaps along the lines

of cognitive phenomenology proposed by Levy (1968).

The recent professional literature of greatest relevance

to the presented position will be reviewed under five cate-

gories: Counselor Personality and Behavior, The Effects of

Training, Counselor-Client Similarity, Commonalities in

Theory and Practice, and The Counselor's Personal Theory.


Counselor Personality and Behavior

Empirn ica Approcaches

Studies in this area have taken a limited though interesting




11

variety of strategies. Empirically, valuable stimulation has

come from Whitehorn and Betz at Johns Hopkins Medical School

who, in 1960, reviewed their series of studies of 1954, 1956,

and 1957 in which they had discovered that differences in

therapeutic effectiveness of psychiatrists with schizophrenic

patients were predictable from their responses to the Strong

Vocational Interest Blank. They presented validation criteria

and a shortened form, 23 items, which predicts the successful

"A" therapists from the nonsuccessful "B" therapists just as

reliably as did the 400 items. They attempted to explain the

demonstrated differences by suggesting that "A" type thera-

pists have a problem solving approach to patients rather than

a regulative or coercive approach and that this is acceptable

to patients who typically feel controlled or influenced.

They see the "B" type therapist as one who is likely to view

the patient as a "wayward mind" needing correction, an alien-

ating approach. "A" therapists are preceptive of the

individualistic inner experiences of the patient while

functioning themselves in responsible individualistic roles.

While the "B" therapist's value structure is weighted toward

deference and conformity, the "A's" expecting and respecting

spontaneity evoke self-respectful social participation.

McNair, Callahan, and Lorr (1962) studied the "A-B"

variable with two groups of 20 Veterans Administration




12

psychotherapists at seven mental hygiene clinics. Using both

therapists and patient reports, they found that psychiatric

outpatient neurotics treated four months by "B" therapists

improved significantly more than those treated by "A" thera-

pists and that this improvement continued to manifest itself

one year after treatment had begun. These results were oppo-

site to the Whitehorn and Betz results with hospitalized

schizophrenics. There was little indication that "A" and "B"

therapists in the McNair et al. study reacted differently to

their patients. An analysis of the internal consistency of

the A-B Scale suggests that "B" type therapists had more

interests in common with their patients, more similar life

backgrounds, or were more familiar with the daily living

problems encountered by their patients. McNair et al. suggested

that a similar interpretation could account for the success of

the "A" therapists in the Betz studies, since the two patient

samples differed markedly in socioeconomic levels.

These studies were followed-up by Carson, Harden, and

Shows (1964) with two laboratory experiments involving ana-

logues of psychotherapy using untrained subjects selected on

the basis of their performance on the A-B Scale. They tested

the idea that the responses of the subjects in the therapist

role would be an interactional function of their A--B typing

as well as certain patient characteristics. The patients






were experimentally varied on a trust-intropunitive versus

distrust-extrapunitive dimension. Results indicated statis-

tically significant interactions in the predicted directions

in regard to depth directedness and degree of exploratory

activity in the behavior of the experimental therapists.

They interpreted their findings as confirming an hypothesized

differential sensitivity among A--B type individuals to dif-

fering forms of behavior pathology. Specifically, "A's" in

relation to patients who turn against others or avoid others

and "B's" in relation to patients who turn against self tend

to be interpretative and depth oriented in therapeutic behavior

because "A's" in relation to persons exhibiting distrustful-

extrapunitive behavior and "B's" in relation to persons

exhibiting trusting-intropunitive behavior are more sensitized

and alerted to and, at the same time, are more capable of

understanding and formulating what the other is saying and

doing.

Betz (1967) reviewed all previous research with the 23-

item scale and after discounting the possibility that either

"A" type or "B" type therapists were better therapists in one

study or another, suggested that the therapist's style is

important to the specific patient group involved and supported

the McNair, Callahan, and Lorr interaction hypothesis.

Berzins and Seidman (1969) tried to account for the






differential effectiveness of "A" and "B" therapists with

schizoid and neurotic patients, respectively, by studying

behavioral differences that emerged with untrained subjects

in the appropriate interpersonal contexts. "A" and "B" groups

were selected with the A-B Scale, which asked them to indicate

their liking for manual technical activities; "B's" like these

activities while "A's" do not. In a 3 x 2 factorial design,

72 male undergraduates rated "A," "AB," or "B" responded to

tape-recorded schizoid and neurotic communications by writing

self-chosen helpful responses. Analyses of these responses

confirmed the predicted therapist-by-patient interaction.

When "A's" were paired with the schizoid and "B's" with the

neurotic patients, relative to the opposite pairings, the

subjects gave longer responses and emitted more responses of

a declarative rather than a questioning form and showed more

positive and fewer negative Bales social-emotional reactions.

The intermediate "AB" subjects did not react differentially

to the two patient types.

Research with the A-B Scale continues to produce a

variety of interesting data. Dublin, Elton, and Berzins (1969)

were able to relate personality and intellective scores of

undergraduates to their A-B status such that the differences

between "A's" and "B's" involved largely the joint effects of

masculinity-femininity scores with verbal and numerical







abilities measured respectively by the Omnibus Personality

Inventory and the American College Test. They also found

differences in "cognitive style," consistent with previous

research. Their correlational and factor analytic data sug-

gested that the A-B variable cannot be regarded as linearly

related to those measures which discriminated "A's" from "B's."

Segal (1970) studied the therapeutic behavior of "A's"

and "B's" and found that "A's" were more direct and inter-

pretive and seemed willing to assume responsibility for the

structure of the therapeutic process by providing the client

with information or a frame of reference. "B's" tended to be

more facilitative, less direct, and more encouraging of

greater client experssion. Segal suggested that the anxiety-

plagued neurotic using defensive reactions requires a more

facilitative experience to gain self-awareness while the

schizophrenic client who is experiencing a breakdown in his

ability to interact with the world around him requires a

direct, active approach to stimulate him to self-awareness.

Berzins, Seidman, and Welch (1970) used an analogue

format to evaluate the differential reactivity to patient-

communicated hostility by "A" and "B" type therapists.

Testing the notion that therapist-patient "complementarity"

with respect to extrapunitive versus intropunitive modes of

handling anger is an important aspect of noted "A" and "B"





16

successes, they found only limited support in analyzing "self--

selected helpful responses to brief tape recorded patient

communications" written by 90 male "A's," "B's," and "AB's."

However, the predicted interaction effects were supported for

subjects' evaluations of their helping performances. That is,

"A's" paired with extrapunitive and "B's" paired with intro-

punitive patients were more satisfied than oppositely paired

subjects. Moreover, satisfaction ratings varied inversely with

the subjects' perceived similarity to the patients.

In an attempt to clarify some of the diversity of findings

in A-B studies, Anzel (1970) included severity of pathology

and socioeconomic background data along with her neurotic and

schizophrenic patient variables. Using 48 experienced thera-

pists and 80 undergraduates as subjects, her results suggested

that severity of pathology and socioeconomic background as

well as avoiding-of-others and turning-against-self were

related to "A-B" typing. There was some evidence that "A"

therapists responded more favorably than "B's" to avoiding-

of-others, severely disturbed, and upper-class patients while

"B's" responded more favorably to turning-against-self, mildly

disturbed, and lower-class patients. Student "A's" and "B's"

were neither consistently nor inconsistently similar nor

dissimilar to therapist "A's" and "B's" in their ratings of

patients. Anzel noted that among her student subjects,





17

significantly more "A" than "B" students expressed an interest

in psychology or psychiatry as a profession. She noted that

Witkin reported that field-dependent children as compared to

field-independent children are more socially oriented and

probably go into socially oriented professions and indicated

that two studies (Pollack & Kiev, 1963; Shows & Carson, 1966)

have shown that "A" persons are more field dependent than "B"

persons.

In summary, the empirically valid A-B Scale does indeed

separate therapists who work more successfully with one diag-

nostic classification of patient than with another, but why

this is so or what it means in a personality theoretical

framework is only beginning to be understood.


Theoretical Approaches

Counselor personality and behavior in therapy has also

been approached from the theoretical spectrum yielding mixed

results. In 1963, Mueller studied 11 counselors, attempting

to predict their need structure from their counseling behavior

and hoping to account for these predictions with Horney's

three modal personality types. He was unsuccessful.

A 1964 doctoral dissertation by Chapline utilized 163

graduate students in counseling and guidance from both the

departments of psychology and education. They were measured





18

for cognitive complexity using the Construct Repertory Test,

demographic data from a biographical inventory blank, and an

experimental tape recording of client statements to which

they responded in writing to obtain "counseling behavior

samples." Those subjects who measured high on cognitive

complexity were also high on evaluative responses while the

low cognitive complexity scorers were high on understanding

responses as measured using Porter's categories of 1950. This

difference was also evidenced when measured by curriculum

groups; i.e., those students from education made higher-than-

chance use of evaluative responses while those from psychology

made higher-than-chance use of understanding responses. The

type of response was found to be unrelated to sex, age,

training level, previous personal counseling, or teaching

and/or experience at counseling.

Freedman, Antenen, and Lister (1967) found a strong

predictable relationship between counselor personality char-

acteristics and counselor verbal-response patterns. After

the California Psychological Inventory, the Guilford-Zimmerman

Temperament Survey, and the Porter Interview Analysis Scale,

essentially Rogerian, were administered to 37 counseling

students and applied to typescripts of their 15-minute role-

played interviews, they suggested among other things that

this might be a useful procedure for both selection of students





19

for counseling potential and evaluation of student counselor

learning.

Using a Freudian framework, Gordon (1967) was able to

confirm her findings of 1966 in that she again found that

high "anal" clinicians have less confidence in their clinical

interpretations, make fewer specific predictions, and find

less pathology in their patients than do low "anal" clinicians.

In a client-centered framework, Gruberg (1969) tested

the concept that the construct "tolerance for ambiguity"

would significantly relate to effective counseling. Using

the complexity scale of the Omnibus Personality Inventory,

he took the extremes, 10 highest and 10 lowest, and the mean,

5, of 137 certified counselors and recorded them interviewing

a counselee-actress. Data analysis revealed a significant

relationship between the high tolerance for ambiguity

construct and client-centered, little-counselor-talking

approach and effectiveness; low tolerance was associated

with directive, much-counselor-talking approach and

ineffectiveness.


Other Approaches

A statistical approach was taken to the problem of

counselor effectiveness and counselor personality by McClain

(1968). He administered the Sixteen Personality Factor







Questionnaire to 137 counselors in five NDEA Counseling

Institutes. The effectiveness ratings of the counselor

education supervisors were correlated with the questionnaire,

and those correlations were used as weights in separate

specification equations for men and women. In four out of

six tests the equations were able to differentiate competence

levels. The authors indicated that most competent males and

most competent females reflect their respective sex-cultural

stereotypes.

Spilken, Jacobs, Muller, and Knitzer (1969) summarized

recent studies of the significance of the psychotherapist's

personality and arrived at 10 variables which they then used

to assess the conscious attitudes of 54 psychiatrists, 77

psychologists, and 78 social workers toward these variables.

They found that 5 of the 10 qualities were valued by all

therapists, with the other 5 differentially valued according

to the training of the psychotherapist. Comparison with

other "related" professions indicates that psychotherapist

differ from them in personality. The authors hypothesized

that this is due to either self-selection or to the type of

training received and suggested that these values may reflect

either actual behavior or merely goals. The data only allow

one to state that there are certain general patterns of over-

all agreement among a broad range of psychotherapists regarding







the concepts in the abstract.

In summary, then, counselor personality and behavior is

measurable and becoming increasingly used to effectively

predict counseling outcome. However, most of the instruments

which have proved effective have been derived empirically,

and the plethora of personality theories extant to predict

client behavior have not been found in any consistent way to

be efficacious in predicting counselor effectiveness. Kiesler

(1969), while proposing a research model, presented his hope

that ultimately we will be able to say to a particular

student pursuing a counseling degree:

It is very unlikely with your personality type that
you'll ever work effectively with psychopathic patients.
Instead, it seems likely that you will do very well
with obsessive-complusives and with paranoid schizo-
phrenics. Further, we know that a relatively rational
approach of "confrontation of contradictions" and
focus on patient role-playing behavior outside the
interview are the treatments of choice for these
patient types. Hence, we will focus our supervisory
efforts primarily with these types of patients. We're
going to make you an effective specialist -- an expert
in interpersonal relationships for obsessive-compulsive
patients and paranoid schizophrenic patients. You'll
not be all things to all patients, but you will be
one hell of a specialist as we have described (in Eron
& Callahan, 1969, p. 142).

Kiesler sees the effect on patient diagnosis and placement both

in clinics and private practice as taking the following tack:

Patient X is obviously a hysteroid personality. Dr. B,
you're a specialist with hysteroids --- we've already
established that your personality and techniques are
the best for this type of patient. Hence, we are







assigning Patient X to you. We certainly don't want
to assign him to Dr. E, since we know that pairing has
to be incompatible and the patient would terminate
after three interviews (in Eron & Callahan, 1969, p. 143).


The Effects of Training

The effects of training have been approached from the

points of view of initial student selection, student change

during the educational program, evaluation of the effective-

ness of student counselors as well as the effectiveness of

minimally-trained nonprofessionals. Personality and knowledge

variables as well as communication process variables have been

most prominent in the literature.


Selecting Students

Dispenzieri and Balinsky (1963) studied the relationship

between authoritarianism and manifest anxiety and hypothesized

a relationship of them to the ability to acquire interviewing

skills. Using 50 students in a counseling program, they

administered the Porter Interview Analysis Scale, the California

F Scale, and the Taylor Manifest Anxiety Scale at the commence-

ment and the conclusion of a semester. Their hypotheses that

students with high anxiety measures and high authoritarianism

scores would have greater difficulty in obtaining interviewing

skills were not confirmed. They felt this failure to confirm

was an instrument rather than a theoretical failure.





23

Allen (1967) predicted that "psychological openness" is

a construct useful in predicting the effectiveness of student

counselor trainees. Over an academic year, 26 students who

had been evaluated with the Rorschach Index of Repressive

Style in October were seen in group supervision and in May

were evaluated on their responses to a filmed counseling

interview. Counseling effectiveness as rated independently

by two supervisors was shown to be related to the counselor's

psychological openness to his own feelings concerning the

process. Parenthetically, the authors stated that the Miller

Analogies Test and the Graduate Record Examination did not

predict these results and suggested the variable "psychological

openness" as useful for counselor-student selection purposes.

Studying attitudes and attitude change, Patterson (1967)

measured 54 NDEA Institute counselors, 25 regular counseling

students, and 26 noncounseling students with the Baron Ego

Strength Scale, the California F Scale, and a counselor

attitude scale at the beginning and end of an academic year

of full-time study. While only slight differences were in

evidence between NDEA Guidance Institute and regular coun-

seling students, expected differences did manifest themselves

between counseling and noncounseling students. Although all

groups showed increases on the counseling attitude scale and

decreases on the F scale, the total counseling group was higher





24

on the first and lower on the second, both at the beginning

and end of the year.

To assess the persistence of attitude change, Rochester

(1967) studied 126 counselor trainees, in eight one--year NDEA

Institutes, with the Porter Test of Counselor Attitudes and

the Allport, Vernon, and Lindzey Study of Values, adminis-

tering the instruments at the beginning and end of the

Institutes and one year later. The results suggested that the

permanency of attitudes, significantly changed during the

Institutes, was minimal. The trainees appeared to revert to

attitudes present prior to training, and attitudes appeared

similar to pretraining attitudes one year after training

except for the drop in religious value which did not recover.


Education Outcomes

Joslin (1965) was unable to find a relationship between

knowledge of counseling and guidance and judged counseling

competence for 39 students.

After McGreevy (1967) factor analyzed the commonly used

counselor-candidate selection data and evaluated the 14 ex-

tracted factors against the performance of 86 enrollees in

three NDEA Institutes, he concluded that only the Miller

Analogies Test was predictive of performance, but served only

to identify the academically talented.





25

Schumacher (1967) examined the interjudge reliability in

rating the competence of professional counselors. Seventeen

college counselors rated each other and themselves on adminis-

trative and counseling competence and revealed that they were

not able to more reliably rate those colleagues with whom

they closely worked than they were with whom they had con-

siderably less contact. Correlation between the two rated

variables was .56, significant at the 5 percent level of

confidence, and this low reliability coefficient was explained

in part by the wide divergence of theoretic viewpoints among

the relatively large number of judges.


Subprofessionals

With the constantly increasing demand for psychotherapists

and their services and the equivocal results obtained by highly

trained professionals, a number of educators and practitioners

have turned to minimally trained nonprofessionals. Korsen and

Hayes (1966) reported using "buddy teams" of student nurses

trained in using the relationship to understand themselves

and their patients who were severely chronically-regressed

males hospitalized for an average of six and one-half years.

The 126 patients were seen in groups of eight and the authors

reported impressive improved percentages (so impressive, in

fact, that they add up to more than 100 percent and, therefore,





26

are not herein reported). If nothing else, this study shows

the positive effects attractive, young girls enthusiastic to

help have on old men.

Magoon and Golann (1966) reported above average to average

ratings by supervisors of eight "bright, mature women" age

40 to 44 all holding at least a B.A. degeee who were trained

for a period of two years as mental health counselors.

Poser's (1966) study compared the effects of therapy by

young, untrained, college girl volunteers with that of trained

psychiatrists and psychiatric social workers, with 5 to 17

years experience, on 343 patients in 34 groups. Of these,

6 groups were designated as untreated controls, and the

other 28 were randomly assigned to therapists. All groups

were equated on pretherapy status by means of psychological

tests and met one hour per day, five days per week, for five

months. In terms of therapeutic effectiveness, while test

score measures at the end of treatment showed the lay thera-

pists to have obtained superior results to the professionals,

there was no difference for the 3 groups in the discharge

rate from the hospital. This study likewise shows that young

college girls get better results, i.e., test taking behavior

changes, from chronic male schizophrenics than a group of

mixed-sex, older professionals. Rioch (1966) commented on

the foregoing article that the low-status college girls were





27

better able to bridge the social distance gap than were the

professionals, while Rosenbaum (1966) suggested that the

enthusiasm of the volunteers raised the activity level of

the patients.

A process study, by Carkhuff, Kratochvil, and Friel (1968),

compared clinical and nonclinical trainees cast as counselors

in their ability to communicate the therapeutic facilitative

conditions of empathy, warmth, genuiness, concreteness, and

self-disclosure. There was a nonsignificant decline in the

levels communicated by the clinical students from the beginning

of training to advanced stages of training. Ratings of nine

clinical professors suggest that, in general, the trainees

moved in the direction of the level of functioning of their

professors. While there was evidence that trainee discrimi-

nation of the therapeutic conditions improved with training,

the ability to communicate these conditions deteriorated.

Carkhuff (1968) said the evidence indicated that with or

without training or supervision the patients of lay counselors

do as well or better than the patients of professional

counselors.


Opinions of Counselor Educators

In turning to counselor educators and their conceptions

of what they think should be done and/or what they are trying







to do, we note a variety of concerns.

Blbcher (1966) proposes a science of human effectiveness

in which the counselor, uniquely interested in human effec-

tiveness, would be well grounded in sociology and anthropology

as well as psychology and would see counseling as organized

around the dimensions of social roles, coping behaviors, and'

developmental tasks.

Ofman (1967) notes the disparity between what counselors

really do and what they were taught, and proposes: first,

proper selection to get students who will be growth facili-

tators; second, a through grounding in counseling psychology;

and third, basic confrontation group experiences to aid the

development of empathic understanding.

Lister (1967) laments his observation that counselor

candidates reject theory. Listing a number of possible sources

of theory aversion, he suggests that it could be minimized by,

among other things, matching personal views of students with

those of university programs and by assigning philosophically

compatible advisors within university programs, providing

opportunities for the examination of personal attitudes and

values, researching the question of how theory and technique

are integrated, and by helping the counselor conceptualize

his work environment within an appropriate theoretical

framework.





29

Carkhuff (1968) claims that no assumptions can be made

about counseling as a helping relationship because all of

the evidence points to the opposite effect. Counselor edu-

cators must be high-level facilitators to produce adequate

professional counselors.

Knowles and Barr (1968) reviewed the stressed integration

of the subjective and objective in counselor education but

found the literature of ideal counselor characteristics heavily

loaded with emphasis on the subjective; studies of effective

and ineffective counselors on the subjective/objective con-

tinuum appeared inconclusive. However, studies of effective

people in general show them to be characterized by objectivity

toward themselves, others, and the world. Counselor educators

would do well to bring into their programs objectively ori-

ented students as well as objectifying experiences for the

subjectively oriented.

Ames (1968) reported the development of an instrument for

assessing the philosophical positions of counselors and sug-

gested its use in counselor candidate selection, counselor

education staff self-selection, and self-study in describing

the program's influence.

Miller (1969) demonstrated the feasibility of inducing

"understanding" type verbal responses in prepracticum students

by allowing practice in responding to a tape of a client,







having a supervisor model the understanding response when

emitted by a student. Thus, a technique is available to

educators to create the desirable outcome in their students.

In summary, we find that personality variables outweigh

intellectual variables in judged counseling effectiveness by

supervisors but, at the same time, professional counselors

have difficulty in reliably rating their own and their

colleagues competence. Programs may change values and

attitudes, but these changes are transitory. Minimally

trained counselors often do as well or better than profes-

sionally trained experienced therapists but their success is

probably due to incidental social factors. Counselor edu-

cators are concerned with the disparity between theory and

practice, the rejection of theory by students, and the lack

of integration of the subjective with the objective. Finally,

counselor educators must be able to communicate high levels

of facilitative conditions in their contacts with students,

or the students' ability to communicate these conditions to

their clients will deteriorate both during and after training.


Client-Counselor Similarity

The following review of the recent literature relative

to client-counselor similarity and its effect on psychothera-

peutic outcome is remarkable in both its research and commentary





31

in its unitary approach and singular findings within defined

chronological periods. The early 1960 studies contrast

sharply with those of the later part of the decade in finding

no advantage for patient-therapist similarity.


Early Studies of Similarity

Currier (1963) using graduate students in clinical

psychology and patients of a university counseling center

and a mental health service attempted to test whether greater

patient change would occur if the patient and the therapist

have initially similar values, if the therapist is not con-

flicted over a patient-need conflict, and if the therapist

is more sensitive to a patient need than is the patient him-

self. Findings were opposite to those expected in that

attitudes changed most when client-counselor attitudes dif-

fered, and the conflict and sensitivity variables did not

relate to the criterion. The combination of the hypothesized

variables did produce more patient change, but this was con-

founded by the interaction of the uncontrolled sex variable

in that opposite-sex pairs were rated higher on change than

same-sex pairs, and opposite-sex pairs were also less likely

to miss appointments.

Ourth (1963) tested the hypothesis that the degree of

similarity of therapist-client pairs as measured on a





32

researcher developed internal-external orientation instrument

determines the length of stay in counseling and the therapist-

rated improvement. Using 42 student patients and 6 staff

therapists at the mental hygiene clinic, the predictions

were not supported. The data indicated that positively

judged patient movement was related to an internal orienta-

tion by the "external" judge. A therapist approaching the

patient's ideal self tended to keep the patient in therapy.

Additionally, less disturbed patients were more internally

motivated and could move toward or away from the therapist

model while the more disturbed patients tended to accept the

therapist as a model indiscriminately.

Stefflre and Leafgren (1964) hypothesized that clients

tend to choose counselors like themselves. Eleven pairs of

mutual choices, 11 pairs of mutual rejections, and 11 pairs

randomly determined were compared on age, intelligence,

dogmatism, vocational values, and personality. All observed

differences were attributable to chance, and the hypothesis

was not confirmed.


Later Studies of Sim'iarity

At this juncture in time, 1964, studies began to appear

that supported the hypothesis of therapeutic efficacy due to

patient-therapist similarity. Beatty's (1964) dissertation





33

clearly indicated that both the sex and the sexual identifi-

cation of the counselor as measured by the MMPI Mf scale play

a significant role in the development of communication in the

counseling interview. When the sex and the identification

of the counselor-client pair were the same, there were no

differences in agreement to the topics discussed. However,

when the counselor identified with his opposite-sex parent,

differential impact occurred. Male counselors with mother

identifications had greater ability to communicate with a

client no matter what the client's sex and identification,

whereas father-identified female counselors showed poorer

ability to communicate.

Wolf (1966) in discussing short-term group therapy

argues in favor of diagnostic testing in assigning patients

to therapists "best suited by talent and experience, to

treating the particular problems involved" (p. 223). He

continues by saying that "Therapists, no matter how much

they deny it, often make unconscious choices in choosing

patients to treat and methods to use" (p. 223).

Keith-Spiegel and Spiegel (1967) asked 74 patients upon

being discharged from a mental hospital who was most and

least helpful to them and found a significant relationship

between the intelligence level of the patient and the chosen

group. The more intelligent and sophisticated patient tended







to choose the psychiatrist and psychologist while the less

sophisticated patient tended to choose aides and other

patients as most helpful. An opposite relationship was

found for the least helpful choice.

Gabbert, Ivey, and Miller (1967) examined client atti-

tudes toward the counselor by means of the Counseling

Evaluation Inventory, short form. Strong support was found

for their major assumption that counselors vary in their

ability to work with different types of clients. Sex dif-

ferences, diagnostic categories, and duration of counseling

were found to be important factors which were related to the

attitudes that clients held toward counselors. It was sug-

gested that the ability of a counselor to obtain positive

client attitudes may partially relate to his capability to

relate to both sexes, work with problems of a vocational or

personal nature, and to maintain meaningful long-term

relationships.

Bare (1967) found that counselor personality charac-

teristics and counselor-client similarity on personality

measures were related to counselor's general effectiveness,

empathy, and facilitation of a close relationship. Clients

and counselors agreed that these criteria of counseling

success are best met when (a) counselor characteristics

include high original thinking, high vigor, low achievement








needs, and low order needs, and (b) counselors are unlike

clients on original thinking, vigor, and responsibility.

Freeman (1967) studied patients' and therapists' recip-

rocal need compatibility, their judgment of the psychotherapy

relationship, and their estimate of patient improvement.

Using the FIRO-B Scale of interpersonal needs, she tested

three hypotheses concerning the relationship of patient-

therapist compatibility to (a) patient improvement, (b) the

quality of the therapy relationship, and (c) premature

termination. With patient-therapist compatibility the

predicted positive variable, she found her first hypothesis

was not confirmed, her second only partially confirmed, and

her third untested because of the small sample size. Her

general summary curiously argues favorably for the patient-

therapist goodness-of-fit hypothesis.

In 1968, Ivey, Miller, and Gabbert, in a follow-up to

Gabbert, Ivey, and Miller (1967), again used the Counseling

Evaluation Inventory to examine client attitudes toward their

counselors in individually varying patterns. Those counselors

with more experience and those who maintained interviews over

a long period of time tended to have clients with more favor-

able attitudes toward them. Attitudes toward counseling

varied with the client-counselor combination.

In the Annual Review of Psychology for 1968, Rosalind





36
Dymond Cartwright reviewed 14 studies of effective patient-

therapist dyads and found that (a) different patients must

be approached in different ways, and (b) patient-therapist

similarity in regard to social class (i.e., expected behaviors)

level of adjustment, values, and intelligence/education is

important to successful therapy outcome. Cartwright pre-

sented her own recent research in which pairs of patients

were matched on age, sex, presenting symptomatology, and the

total number of interviews they would have. The therapists

were matched on age, sex, and experience level (all were

highly experienced senior therapists); one group was analytic

and the other client centered. The question she asked was,

Will there be more similarity in the process of therapy

across different patients in the same treatment or across

similar patients in different treatments? Results indicated

that similar patients move similarly despite marked dif-

ferences in the techniques used. The therapists were

homogenous within treatments while school differences were

extreme; that is, matched patients in two different treatments

responded similarly in their movement process. On three dif-

ferent scales, an open affective experiencing (Rogerian)

scale, a self-observing (ego-analytic) scale, and a Bales

interaction scale, matched patients behaved similarly and

reached similar levels. This study, Cartwright pointed out,







suggested that commonalities of the two treatments are far

greater than is usually acknowledged. She concluded that

the techniques are not as important as the quality of the

therapist's confidence in his ability to use the techniques

to produce behavior change.

Patton (1969) simulated a treatment situation in a

laboratory to test the effects of positive versus negative

interpersonal attraction and of communication similarity

versus communication discrepancy. Using 3 male counselor

accomplices and 72 male subjects, he found that a client's

response to a counselor who attempted to modify the client's

behavior was contingent upon how personally attracted the

client was to his counselor and on how congruent their

discussion was with the client's prior expectations.

A similar study with similar findings was carried out

by Hurst, Weigel, Thatcher, and Nyman (1969). They used the

Missouri Diagnostic Classification Plan to evaluate the rela-

tionship of counselor-client diagnostic agreement and client-

perceived outcomes of counseling. The counseling services

assessment blank was developed to elicit from clients a self-

diagnosis corresponding to the Missouri scale. Counselors

used the Missouri scale to diagnose clients, and a self-

diagnosis and perceived growth index was obtained from the

same clients using the counseling services blank. Results







indicated a positive relationship between diagnostic agree-

ment and perceived growth in the specific categories of the

counseling services assessment blank that corresponded to the

Missouri Diagnostic Classification Plan. The authors suggested

in conclusion that essential, accurate, agreed-upon diagnosis

leads to perceived improvement, and suggested that counselors

and clients should communicate explicitly their diagnostic

judgments to avoid working at diverse goals.

Finally, we look at Houts, Macintosh, and Moos (1969)

who had each of seven patients interviewed by each of four

therapists twice. After each session, the therapists rated

how they thought the patient and the therapists should behave

during psychotherapy. In addition, these patient and thera-

pist behaviors were independently rated from tapes of the

meetings. Utilizing a balanced 4 by 7 design, behavior-

rating data indicated that therapists were more influenced

by patients than patients were by therapists. Comparisons

of the questionnaire and the behavior-rating data indicated

that differences among therapists were more evident in how

therapists think than in how they or the patients behave.

Differences between patients were a major determinant of both

patient and therapist behaviors. Differences between thera-

pists were more evident in how they thought about patient and

therapist strategies to achieve therapeutic goals (a cognitive







process) than they were in either patient or therapist be-

haviors during therapy sessions (a behavioral process).

These differences are probably due to different role expecta-

tions for therapists when they are with patients than when

they are with colleagues ( a phenomenal process). This

study provides an interesting umbrella under which the

studies of Fiedler (1950a, 1950b), Strupp (1955a, 1955b,

1957), and Sundland and Barker (1962) can be related. The

reports of these research projects will be undertaken in the

following section.

In summary, we may say that it appears that in regard

to counselor-client dyads certain aspects of similarity are

important; i.e., social class, adjustment level, values,

intelligence/education, and diagnostic agreement, while

others might better be dissimilar to achieve therapeutic

effect; i.e., sexual identification and original thinking.


Commonalities in Theory and Practice

As already alluded to in the last section, there is some

evidence to suggest that commonalities in practice as assessed

by both client and counselor behaviors are more readily dis-

cernible than are commonalities in theoretical therapeutic

positions. There is, in fact, a surprising amount of research

that lends itself to this interpretation, as well as some to







the contrary, and it is to this research we shall now turn.

The by-now-famous Fiedler studies (1950a, 1950b) first

demonstrated that expert therapists of various schools, when

forced to use the same language, agree more with experts of

other schools than they do with the nonexpert, i.e., less

experienced, of their own school in describing their concept

of the ideal therapeutic relationship and, second, that

expert psychotherapists of three differing schools create

a relationship more closely approximating the ideal thera-

peutic relationship than one created by nonexperts, that

this relationship created by experts of different schools is

more alike than relationships created by nonexperts of the

same school, and that the most important dimension of those

measured which differentiates experts from nonexperts is the

therapist's ability to understand, communicate with, and

maintain rapport with the patient. Fiedler speculated that

the relationship itself may be the therapy and that a theory

gives a therapist security by providing an integrated frame-

work, a cognitive crutch, if you will.

Strupp in an initial 1955 study was able to conclude

that professional affiliation exerts a relatively minor

influence upon the kinds of techniques used by psychiatrists,

psychologists, and social workers. With theoretical orienta-

tion held constant, all therapists adhering to psychoanalytic





41

principles employ similar techniques. When experience level

was taken into account, however, psychologists emerged as the

most homogenous group, while psychiatrists evidenced more

conspicuous differences between experienced and inexperienced

therapists. Strupp stated that intensive training in psycho-

therapy leads to a general diversification of technique. In

a later article in 1955, Strupp reported studying the effects

of personal analysis upon the verbal responses of therapists

to patients' communications and found that analyzed practi-

tioners (a) tended to be more active, (b) preferred interpre-

tation, silence, and structuring in dealing with transference,

and (c) gave fewer silent responses to schizoid productions

of seriously disturbed patients, in comparison with nonanalyzed

therapists. Strupp (1957) compared two nationally renowned

therapists of the client-centered and analytic schools,

Rogers and Wolberg, respectively, in a multidimensional

analysis and found that the therapist's personality and his

theoretical orientation and techniques intercombine predict-

ably. Indicating that some combinations may be better than

others, he suggested that psychotherapeutic techniques may be

studied by analyzing therapeutic communications. In the 1957

study, data indicated clear-cut differences between the two

therapists in their therapeutic behaviors in treating two

different patients they both judged to have had successful

outcomes.







Hobbs (1962), writing of sources of therapeutic gain,

said that the relationship allows symbols to be divested of

their anxiety-provoking nature while the patient's under-

standing of the transference leads to his learning to be

responsible for making decisions. The therapist provides a

cognitive structure for the client to construe his world and

build a personal cosmology. Hobbs went on to suggest that

the cosmology the therapist's theory implies should be some-

what compatible with the patient. For example, psychoanalysis,

being cognitive, cogent, and mundane might be for the pragmatic

man; existential analysis for those who suspect all institu-

tionalized solutions to the problem of meaning; rational

emotive therapy for the bright, articulate, nonreligious,

well educated, not too disenchanted who find the process and

model appealing and convincing; client centered for those who

have well developed but conflicting cognitive structures, and

Kelly's fixed-role therapy for those who need a cognitive

structure for construing the world. This writer would add to

Hobb's list, behavior therapy for those w1ho feel like objects

needing repair or whose symptoms are disowned or have no

meaning in the individual's cosmology.

Sundland and Barker (1962), in an attempt to develop a

measure of psychotherapeutic orientation and to obtain actu-

arial information on the methods and attitudes of therapists,





43

constructed the Therapist Orientation Questionnaire (Sundland,

1960) and administered it to a sample of American Psychological

Association psychotherapists. Analysis of the data revealed,

contrary to Fiedler's (1950a, 1950b) findings, that experienced

and inexperienced therapists of the same orientation were more

similar in attitudes than were those of the same experience

level but of different theoretical persuasions. The authors

commented that while Fiedler used items generally agreed upon

they had used more controversial items. Additionally, neither

study gave any evidence for changes over time, i.e., with

increasing experience. A longitudinal study would be necessary

to adequately test the attitude change hypothesis.

Schwebel (1962) said that causes of problems appear to

be the important missing links in counseling and this makes

all theories suspect. He suggested directing research toward

what kinds of problems we can and cannot alleviate, what the

nature of these problems are, what their causes are, and what

new methods can be developed in light of new formulations to

solve these problems, and finally which problems are not reme-

dial by any known methods. Schwebel concluded by saying,

"what we listen for, hear, and respond to, and how we respond

depends on our orientation . ." (p. 328).

The effect of philosophical commitment to psychic deter-

minism on the behavior of the psychotherapist was investigated





44

in 1963 by Gatch. Typescripts of therapeutic hours of psycho-

analysts and existential therapists were compared with a

modified Strupp Multidimensional System. Findings indicated

no differences between the two on the number of verbal state-

ments which referred to the patient's past experiences nor

in the number of verbalizations of interpretations in the

form of hypothesized causal mechanisms. Differences were

found in the number of statements which referred to choice,

decision, and responsibility, with existential analysts

exceeding the orthodox.

Truax and Carkhuff (1964) and Carkhuff and Truax (1966)

said that recurring themes more and more supported by research

indicate that across all theories the variables that account

for over half the variance in therapeutic outcome, for better

or worse, are empathy, nonpossessive warmth, and genuineness

and that these facilitativee conditions" can be taught to

teachers and counselors by educators who possess them them-

selves. They also suggested that the rest of the variance in

the therapy equation will be accounted for by the therapist's

personality, role concept, and by his specialized techniques

and by the patient's degree of disturbance, situational

variables, and the "atmosphere" of the therapy.

Gardner, in a 1966 paper devoted to developing the point

that the following basic principles are common to all







psychotherapies, including behavior therapies, discussed

establishing rapport with the patient, trying to influence

the patient by such interventions as reassurance, catharsis,

suggestion, interpretation, and manipulation of interpersonal

events between the patient and therapist as well as between

the patient and other individuals, and the alteration, if

possible, of environmental forces which affect adversely the

patient's functioning. This writer must point out the obvious

fact that many therapists would reject in theory, if not in

practice, Gardner's contention that these are common to all

theories.

Ehrenwald (1967) in a similar attempt took a different

tack in offering the following three ingredients of which

each school makes use of one or more as a guiding rational:

(a) the therapist's motivation to help and the patient's

corresponding hopes and, at times, self-fulfilling expectations

to be helped; i.e., these dovetailing and mutually reinforcing

patterns of attitudes form the virtually ubiquitous core of

the treatment situation; (b) rational guidance and education,

ranging from persuasion to analytic "working through" and

Pavlovian or Skinnerian conditioning; and (c) the deliberate

application of psychodynamic principles ranging from insight

and interpretation to management of the transference neurosis.

All schools have the common denominator of primitive healing







called the "effective myth" for education and reeducation.

Psychoanalysis has added insight dynamics. This core may not

be stated by the different positions. The treatment may be

countered by the patient's severity and doubts and by the

patient's and the therapist's resistances and by the culture.

These "armchair essays" continue with Patterson (1967)

who, after first documenting divergence in theories, pointed

to convergence which he sees in the fact that all schools

report cures, see man in pain as undesirable and as a state

capable of alteration, and of the influence of the future on

the present. All therapists expect the client to change,

believe in their own method as the best to elicit that change,

and hold to an honest relationship with the patient. All

patients need and recognize that need for help, believe they

can change, and that the counselor can help them and engage

in some activity. Although different approaches may be

synthesized along the dimensions of rational-cognitive-

planned and personal-effective-spontaneous, all of them rest

on (a) a relationship with a therapist which offers the oppor-

tunity for extinction of unrealistic anxiety, of desensitization

of threatening stimuli by offering understanding and acceptance

while keeping the external threat level at a minimum, thereby

allowing the initial anxieties to be expressed; (b) the re-

inforcement of behaviors which are therapeutically productive





47

by interest, attention, and praise; and (c) the provision of

the opportunity to learn how to relate in a good relationship

by experiencing one which is honest and upon which the patient

can model his future behavior.

Arbuckle (1967) summarized a lengthy review and analysis

of counseling theory by saying, "All counseling is client

centered as long as there is a client; all counseling involves

ego . .. There is analysis . interpretation . .and

reflection . .. There are cognitive elements . ." (p. 222).

Arbuckle continued by saying that thinking and feeling cannot

be separated, that all counseling is developmental, and that

counselors are conditioning agents with patients and in this

sense may be considered behavior therapists. The real question,

he argues, is "What sort of person are you?" (p. 222).

Carkhuff (1967) proposed that after assessing "the central

core of interpersonal functioning" one may make differential

predictions concerning the potential value of particular inter-

actions. For example, clients at developmental level one (his

scale) may need touching and other physical communication;

those at level two may respond to nondirective and psycho-

analytic listening; clients at level three may respond best

to trait-factor and other educational approaches; while level-

four and five clients may need questioning, stimulation,

agitation, and a sharing experience.





48

Carkhuff and Alexik (1967) performed an experie-ment and

thereby illustrated how a client could manipulate a non-

facilitative counselor but not one operating at high levels

of empathy, warmth, concreteness, and genuineness'which would

seem to be one answer to the question posed by Arbuckle above.

Berenson and Carkhuff (1967) summarized a voluminous

amount of research to illustrate that no matter what the

orientation of the author, the implications are that the

facilitative conditions must always be present for therapy

to take place. Carkhuff and Berenson (1967) then proposed

how this knowledge might be utilized in theeducation of all

those concerned with the human development of others.

Dreyfus (1967), existentially oriented, agreed with the

foregoing and said simply that the relationship is therapy.

He wondered whether behavior therapists might have different

personality characteristics than relationship therapists

because doing something takes the pressure off establishing

a relationship. Parenthetically, however, Ford and Urban

(1964) observed "that they (the existentialists) have developed

a new way of thinking about patients, but it does not lead

them to do anything different in treatment" (p. 469). Further-

more, Gelder, Marks, and Wolf (1967), after first demonstrating

that speedier and greater relief of phobic symptoms was

achieved with desensitization than with psychotherapy by





49

group or individual treatment of 42 patients in three groups,

concluded that the effects of the doctor-patient relationship

and of the transference were important in desensitization as

in "talking" therapy. However, relationship variables do not

formally get "worked on" in desensitization, but they act to

motivate the patient to carry out the tasks which help over-

come the phobias. In talk therapy, the relationship is

central and contributes to nonspecific personality changes.

These contentions were specifically contradicted by a

study conducted by Krapel and Nawas (1969) who matched 40

snake-phobic female subjects on the degree of behavioral

avoidance and subjective fear and then randomly assigned them

to one of four groups: (a) a conventional desensitization

group using standard interpersonal procedures; (b) a semi-

automated desensitization group in which treatment was

delivered by tape recording; (c) a pseudo-desensitization

control group; and (d) a no treatment control group. The

subjects in both desensitization groups showed significantly

greater improvement than did subjects in either of the two

control groups. No differences were found between conventional

and semiautomated procedures. It was concluded by the authors

that the relationship was neither a primary nor a critical

factor in desensitization.

Thus, the controversy continues. Shapiro, Krauss, and




50

Truax (1969) were able to demonstrate that the "facilitativc

conditions" lead to personal disclosure outside of therapy

among friends and relatives. Interestingly, while most dis-

closure of all kinds was given to understanding, warm, and

genuine persons, females were given least negatively toned

behavior disclosures by both males and females, although,

they elicited the greatest disclosure. These results are

similar to those found by Beatty (1964), reviewed above.

Greenberg, Kagan, and Bowes (1969) asked 31 professional

counselors to rate the client's feelings as presented in 11

filmed scenes of counseling. Each scene was rated on 26

semantic differential scales. Factor analysis of the scales

yielded a three-factor first-order solution and a four-factor

second-order solution. The first-order factors were dependency,

anger, and avoidance. The second-order solution contributed

the additional factor of apprehension while maintaining the

former three factors. Together, these factors accounted for

more than 50 percent of the variance in clinical judgment of

the counselors. This indicates a relatively tight conceptual

frame of reference in counselor assessment of clients.

Finally, Eron and Callahan (1969) in their book, The

Relation of Theory to Practice in Psychotherapy, had in

summary, this to say:

As practitioners of an applied science, it would be







well if we could claim that our procedures stem
directly from a comprehensive body of theory and
research. As pragmatic American psychologists,
coming from a tradition of behaviorism and func-
tionalism, we would like to demonstrate that our
theory points directly to operations and it is
through these operations that reconstruction and
modification of personality and behavior are
effected (p. 147).

[A] summary of the relevant research indicates
not only that therapist variables are important
in determining what happens in psychotherapy but
also that what the therapist does is related to his
theoretical orientation, despite the fact that many
therapists, especially the more experienced ones,
do much the same thing regardless of theoretical
orientation. .. the possibility that those
differences that do emerge are a function not of
the specific theories and the operations to which
they lead but rather of the personality of the
practitioners who choose one theory over another
must be considered (p. 148).


The Counselor's Personal Theory

This final section of the review of the literature rela-

tive to the assumptions of the theory herein presented leans

heavily on social perceptual theory and expert opinion.

In 1954, in attempting to explain observed differences

in people's perception of other people, Brunner and Tagiuri

suggested that the important question to ask was "what kinds

of naive, implicit 'theories' of personality do people work

with when they form an impression of others" (p. 649).

Cronbach (1955) reviewed 34 studies designed to reveal

various aspects of perceiver and perceived, in an attempt at






examining the variables relative to accurate judgment of

others, and concluded that "the judges implicit personality

theory" was one such aspect.

McGowan (1956) reviewed 12 studies relative to the

counselor's style, personality, techniques, and client

satisfaction and outcome and concluded that:

It would seem advisable Cor educators engaged in
the training of counselors to give less emphasis to
the development of response techniques, as identifLied
with a particular school of counseling, and to encour-
age their students to develop response methods in
line with their own past experience and natural style
of speech (p. 249).

This was not to imply that counseling was the same as any

other social relationship or that the needs of the counselor

were to take precedence over those of the client but was only

meant as a sugesi:ion to capitalize on the basic interpersonal

skills already acquired.

Alexander (1962) suggested that we understand others

because of common experience, but that this understanding is

limited by conscious distortions in the narrator, unconscious

distortions in the narrator, differences in ago, sex, race,

social class, nationality, and perceptual distortions in the

observer. The observer's, e.g., counselor's, distortions are

easiest for him to elimiinate by his own,, self-observation and

annaysis. Disto:rtions in the narrator are reduced by free

associa tion.





53

Moving far afield from the analytic point of view, one

finds Williamson (1962) writing:

I refer to the counselor himself as a technique of
counseling, not only what he does or says in the
interview, but how he conducts himself is an extremely
important and effective technique in counseling. I
shall argue . .that consideration of the counselor
as technique leads us at once to the phenomenon of
the student's perception of the counselor as he
directly observes and actually experiences the
counseling relationship (p. 108).


Williamson went on to spell out the role model he could like

to see the counselor represent. As a "hero-model," the coun-

selor should show the student an optimistic philosophy of

human development, self-acceptance, integrity, academic

virtues, professional virtues, and personal excellence. To

do this, he must relate as an equal, have full development as

an aim, be broadly cultured, have a commitment to academic

freedom and convictions, and unequivocally exhibit the non-

avoidance of ethical questions.

Mueller, Gatsch, and Ralston (1963) found that counselors

do not maintain a consistent counseling relationship with

their clients. Their 1.2 certified counselors and 21 clients

differed with judges of the taped interviews in their percep-

tions of the relationship. Counselors and clients consistently

described their relationship more like Fiedler's therapeutic

ideal than did the judges listening to tape recordings of the





54

same interviews. No presently available commonly used mechani-

cal device of which this writer is cognizant can perceive all

that is communicated in a dyadic interaction and this would

be particularly true if at least one of the participants were

Williamson's "he:ro-model," as above. As Oplcr (1967) sug-

gested, man being the only symbol-using animal tends to forget

that he also communicates on other levels and that he ].earns

without awareness in his culture. Robinson (1963) said that

"The counselor as a person is the most important variable in

in the conference room" (p. 673). Questioning whether neutral

ambiguity is the only mode for a counselor to follow, he

prescribed a likeable, integrated person with definite charac-

teristics and views who can take on different roles so that.

the client can learn. These suggestions by Robinson have been

obliquely supported by research already cited and are similar

to Williamson's propositions (cf. BeLz, 1967; Cartwright, 1968).

Shoben writing in 1962 said that theory is inevitable but

is bound to have a less than perfect fit to a particular client.

The theory of choice is an internally consistent system of

ideas that conforms to our own previously developed ideas about

the ways in which man behave, as well as our own set of values.

Therefore, a counselor's explicit theory is related to his

implicit one. This, Shobn clad, is a cognitive trait w-hich

both facilitates and inhibits understanding just as affective







attitudinal characteristics can.

In a slightly different vein, Slavson (1964) discussed

the qualifications and functions of the group psychotherapist.

Ironically, one of the requirements for a good
therapist is a difficult childhood which has been
adequately worked through in an analytic procedure.
This gives him not only knowledge and wisdom, but
aids the essential empathy with his patients. A
person who has not suffered cannot emotionally
"understand" the suffering of others and the out-
comes of that suffering. However, the therapist
must have overcome. the effects of his own diffi-
culties, reserntm'ents, hostilities and the like,
without residual bitterness or cynicism, or he may
reinforce such feelings in his patients on the one
hand, or he may over-ide.ntify with them, on the
other (pp. 402-403).

It is important to note that recent research by Carkhuff and

others cited above has shown that empathy can be taught.

Lister (1964) stated that the counselor's personal

theory refers to the hypotheses he has come to view as reli-

able guides to personally effective and satisfying relation-

ships, and that the formal theories chosen by counselors are

probably related to their personal theories (cf. Shoben, 1962).

In writing of "The Counseling Experience as Personal

Development," Shoben (1965) quoted a study by Rosenthal (1955)

in which it was demonstrated that patients judged improved

were those who had become like their clinicians, whereas

unimproved patients sohio''ed no such movement. Shoben went on

to say that the counselo.c, as a model of the kind of person





56

that is effective and self-fulfilling, uses his professional

role to benefit another human being as a representative of a

decent person.

The effects of modeling have been demonstrated by

Thoresen, Krumboltz., and Varen orst (1967) wherein they were

able to increase information-seeking behavior in junior high

school students. Their data yielded definite interaction

variance between the sex of the model counselor and the

client, and it also supported the "innate therapeutic qualities"

idea.

While Crisp (1966) made a reasonably logical attempt to

account for the success of behavior therapy via the rubric of

"transference," Truax (1966) preferred to interpret the

behavior therapy success data to mean that those psycho--

therapists who are high on the conditions of empathy, warmth,

and genuiness are more effective because they themselves are

more potent positive reinforcers.

Williamson (1966) faced the value imposition question in

counseling by stating that the "good" is determined only by

its worth in developing human lives. He suggested the

counselor explicate his own value hierarchy so that the

client 1ay perceive his as one of many possible desirable

role models. All counlselin:g aids the individual to become

aware of alternatives, so as to form his own cosmology, a







statement congruent with Kelly (1955) and lobbs (1962),

examined above.

On the same theme, Mowrer (1966), after a cogent review

of Wolpian, Skinnerian, and modeling therapies, concluded

that all therapies require relearning by the patient. How-

ever, he rejected the position of Holpe, for example, who only

wants to relieve distress without any concern for the social

utilization of anxiety for changing behavior. Mowrer strongly

stated that ethics and morals must be considered and that the

community is the standard to apply.

Lister (1967), in discussing the advantages of theo-

retical eclecticism, said that it enables the counselor to

work out for himself an internally consistent, coherent

rationale for his counseling behavior. But, he warned that

"home-grown" theories do not generate research hypotheses and

often mix incompatible elements unknowingly. Since a coun-

selor behaves in terms of what he believes to be true, he

must examine his personal beliefs about people and the nature

of the helping task. lIe may then find a compatible theory,

or, if not, may synthesize one out of external and internal

elements.

Braimer (1969) offered a point of view he described as

emrvLng enclecti cj sm which he posits as a position for a

practitioner faced with the need to be com preh pensive, flexible,





58
and open in theory and method. He said the emerging eclectic

is a skilled observer in the scientific behavioral tradit-ion

who knows the history of counseling theory and contemporary

views and is aware of his own unique style and the deimnds of

his counseling setting. From these the emerging eclectic

forges his own comprehensive evolving view of behavior change.

Finally, in turning to an intriguing study by Bednar and

Parker (1969), we see theory looked at as a belief system

which affords placebo effect. A randomized design with a

2 x 2 x 2 factorial arrangement of treatments was employed

to investigate the role of susceptibility to persuasion,

expectations for personal growth, and divergent counseling

treatments in the process of beivior change. The results

indicated that (a) the divergent counseling treatment proce-

dures, rational-emotive and self- theory, were equally effective

in producing change of equi talent magnitude, but in divergent

directions; (b) there were no differences in client satisfac-

tion between the two counseling treatinents in spite of opposite

directions of change, i.e., control veisus expression of

feeling; (c) susceptibility to personsion and heightened

expectations did not signifJ cntly i nfiluenc i the magnitude

of change; and (d) the high pIrs.uas-ibi. ity subjects perceived

the counseling treeatLenits as uiorC val-ui.bi to t.hiemse] vcs and

to ot hcJrs and e.prssed greater inte st in con-ti.nuing





59

treatment as well as attempting new, behaviors. Essentially,

belief in a system as a cure gives the desired "placebo"

effect. It would seem that all systems accurately report

success because they impart the expectation of improvement

along with a belief system.

In sun iary, we have a surprising commonality of agreement

on the counselor's personal theory especially among the "talk"

therapists, with a few trying to incorporate the behavior

therapist's position into the scheme also. Little research

evidence is available to directly support these positions

taken by some of the most prominent men in the counseling

field.

A recapitulation of the foregoing recent history leads

us to conclude that (a) counselor personality definitely

effects client and counselor behavior in the counseling

setting, although the degree and direction of the effect

needs significantly more specification than it has had to

date; (b) the effects of training in relation to values and

attitudes are minimal at best, and personality variables

outweigh intellectual variables in judged counseling effec-

tiveness, by supervisors, who must be able to communicate

high levels of facilitative conditions in their contacts

with students, for the students to be able to communicate

them, in turn, to their clients; (c) client-counselor





60

similarity is important in some aspects of the relationship

and harmful in others; (d) coiuLnoitaslities in theory and

practice are apparent among experienced therapists but not

to the exclusion of real differences based upon theoretical

orientation; and (e) many leaders in both the theoretical and

practical aspects of counseling agree-that the counselor's

personal theory is of singular importance in determ-ning

which formal theory a counselor will choose to render his

therapeutic interactions meaningful and how, in fact, he

will conduct himself in (and out of) the therapeutic situation.













CHAPTER III


THE PROBLEM


The contemporary literature clearly indicates both

convergence and divergence in theory and practice (Patterson,

1967). Whether similarities or differences are stressed is

clearly a function of the theory chosen. While evidence other

than ancedotal accounts for the efficacy of psychotherapy was

lacking, Eyseecks (1952, 1961) charges of ineffectiveness of

verbal psychotherapy, which essentially amounted to charges

of fraud or a large-scale professional "confidence game,"

further stimulated the already ongoing research (Betz, 1967;

Whitchorn & Betz, 1954, 1956, 1957, 1960) into the sources of

therapeutic gain so that Carkhuff and Truax (1966) could report

that therapists indeed do have a significant impact on their

patients and that this impact could be for better or for worse.

Research, as it had been conducted with groups of patients

for treatment and groups for controls, often showed no mean

differences, as the positive and negative changes tended to

cancel each other; however, the variances measured were found

to be significantly higher in the treated group. The measurement

61





62

and control of the therapeutic facilitative conditions lead

to predictable therapy changes (Truax & Carkhuff, 1964).

However, only a portion of the variance in the data is ac-

counted for by the facilitative conditions, and this remains

true even when specific theories and techniques are considered.

Among the other important variables to be considered is the

person of the counselor himself that he brings to the coun-

seling situation.

Originally, and still primarily, theorists were of

western European origin (Ford & Urban, 1964). They were and,

in America, are primarily of Anglo-Saxon orientation and

share the Creco-'Judeao-Christian heritage. Most were medi-

cally trained. The theorist was a practicing therapist using

naturalistic observations in clinics treating adults of

middle- and upper middle-class social status. These and other

limitations not noted combine to bias the generality of the

generated theories. One bias engendered by the observation

of troubled adults exclusively for the generation of data

from which to construct theories is the case with which

learned behavior is interpreted to be genetically determined.

The "oodipus complex" is a most obvious of numerous examples.

Another bias evidencing itselF in theoretical emphasis is

that due to the fortuitous experiences of theoretician's

clinical encounters. Additionally, most theoreticians lose







sight of the relativity of values from culture to culture

and age to age, especially in construction of their explicit

or implicit models of healthy man. Even within the confines

of the continental United Scates there are an astonishing

number of subcultures which largely determine the observed

behaviors of their members, symptoms included (Opler, 1967).

It is safe to say at this juncture in our knowledge that

man is both a pilot and a robot. It is further alleged that

to the degree that man's vegetative, that is, life support,

systems are functioning as a robot, on automatic control, and

to the degree that his cognitive-conative self-awareness

systems are under the pilot control, that is, self-control,

he will be capable of solving most of his encountered problems

using his earnings from experience creatively. Freedom is

the subjective phenomenon of knowing your determinants and

acting within them to your own best perceived advantage. Some

suggest we study which kinds of behaviors function according

to which laws (Ford & Urban, 1964; Kiesler, 1969). This

valuable nomothetic molecular approach is studying the robot.

This writer prefers to look at the pilot.1




ISometime after the original writing of this paragraph,
the author was most gratified to discover an essay by Gregory
Razran called Evolutionniry jPsycholo.v which clearly sets
forth the evidence gathered in both American and Russian







Levy (1968), in attempting the devclopiment of a cognitive

theory of counseling, said the following:

Postman (1955) has stated that the defining charac-
teristic of a cognitive theory of behavior is its
attempt to explain regularities of behavior in terms
of how the organism discriminates and categorizes
its environment. Kelly (1955) has suggested the
unit of analysis which might be applied in such a.
theory: the personal construct. Each person is
assumed to evolve a system of personal constructs
by means of which he structures his experience and
anticipates events. These constructs are dichotomous
and arranged in a hierarchical system so that they
bear certain inferential relationships to each other.
In Kelly's view, behavior is largely governed by
expectancies. As he puts it in his Fundamental
Postulate: "A person's processes are psychologically
channelized by ways in which he anticipated events"
(p. 46). By an analysis of the structure of an indi-
vidual's system of personal constructs -- the kinds
of constructs used as well as their number and ordinal
relations with each other --- Kelly maiainains that it
is possible to account for his behavior and his
experience (p. 66).

Levy went on to say that:

Personal construct systems evolve so as to help the




experimental laboratories which is interpreted as supporting
the view of the existence of an evolutionary hierarchy of
four levels of learning. The view propounded suggests that
all levels co-exist with the highest normally dominating the
others and with the ability for successively lower levels to
become manifestly dominant when for some reason the next
highest is not fully functioning. It seems clear, though no-
where is it noted by Razran, that these proposed learning
levels are isomorphic with counseling called cognitive (cf.
trait-factor; rational-emotive), affective (cf. client-
centered; analytic), behavior modification (cf. modeling
plus certain Gestalt techniques) and conditioning therapies
(cf. reciprocal inhibition as well as the various operant
and respondent techniques).







person anticipate events. If he finds himself trapped
by the facts, if he has run out of alternatives, it
is because of the way he has construed events. The
point of personal construct theory is that what is
taken as a fact and what are considered possible
alternatives are entirely dependent upon the indivi-
duals system of personal constructs. In effect,
the structure of his construct system determines
the structure of his experience. But personal con-
struct repertoires, like scientific theories, are
also responsive to validating and invalidating
evidence. Thus, the counselor, by explicating the
constructs his client has been using, by bringing
into juxtaposition events which had previously been
separated in his client's thinking, by the kind of
experience he provides his client through his rela-
tionship with him in counseling, helps the client
re-evaluate his constructs, try out new orderings
among them, and possibly expand his construct
repertoire. And as construct repertoires change,
so changes behavior (pp. 67-68).

The final remarks to be used here from Levy are these:

The means for doing all these are many and run the
gamut from free association to role-playing and
from providing normative information to psycho-
logical interpretation. They depend upon the client,
his problems and the setting . . The client is
responsible for his own life and his choices; the
counselor is there to help him explore new ways of
construing them (p. 68).

At this point it is appropriate to restate the two

propositions, assumptions, or working hypotheses which, if

substantiated, will, in good measure, account for the pre-

viously unaccounted for variance in the reviewed process and

outcome studies and which this writer will call, after Lister

(1964, 1967), the counselor's personal theory (cf. McGowan,


1956; Shoben, 1962; Williamson, 1962).







Proposition I. Any theory of behavior and behavior
changing (personality and counseling/psychotherapy/
education) is the articulated intellectual under-
standing the theoretician has of his own experiences
in living and in learning the solutions to his own
life's exigencies abstracted and generalized to apply
to the theoretician's conceptual model of man "gua
Man."

Proposition IT. Any application of a theory of
behavior and behavior changing (personality and
counseling/psychotherapy/education) is the teaching
of the implementation by one more knowledgeable to
one less knowledgeable (counselor--client; therapist--
patient; teacher--student; parent--child; native--
alien; friend--friend) of the variety of more or less
successful ways of meeting and successfully coping
with life's vicissitudes the more knowledgeable
person discovered through his own developmental
experience as he learned to meet and solve his own
life's perplexities.

Proposition I and Proposition II are to be understood as

of equivalent and related status. The word theory in Proposi-

tion I answers the question why does one propose such a point

of view in explaining human behavior and the word application

in Proposition II answers the question how one goes about

transmitting one's beliefs about successful living. It is

quite possible to move from Proposition II onto Proposition I

as has been done by a number of clinicians as it is for the

reverse procedure to take place as is evidenced by their more

academic brethren. It is to be noted that the first postulate

delineates an intellectual understandjdng as is apropos for

the presentation of a theory. This is not meant to imply

that emotional factors are absent in the theoretician but







only that the presentation. of a scientific theory is an

intellectual exercise. The second proposition which relates

to a different mode of human activity, i.e., imp] ementation,

clearly does not limit the therapist's understanding of the

ways of solving or at least dealing with life's contingencies

to an intellectual mode, but rather allows both cognitive

and conative factors full play. For example, some situations

might best be met with the expression of grief such as crying,

etc. when confronted by the death of a loved one. The expres-

sion of grief is a conative behavior clearly a part of the

application discussed in Proposition II; the understanding of

the expression as a tension relieving activity necessary for

the maintainance of the organism's physical and emotional

integrity is the intellectual theorizing noted in Proposition

I. Thus, the mode of activity is at least one of the dif-

ferences between theory and practice.

Now, if these assumptions indeed do account for both

convergence and divergence in the theory and practice of

psychotherapy, that is, the variance not accounted for by the

facilitativee conditions" in the research findings discussed

above, it should be possible to deduce testable hypotheses

which would then lend inferential support to the validity of

these assumptions. Essentially, we are required to relate

the experiences of learning to live-in-the --world of the





68

theoretician and/or his implemented practices in regard to

the whys of behavior and the hows of communicating one's

beliefs concerning behaviors leading to successful patterns

of living. Furthermore, Proposition I, the theory of theories,

states that theorizing is essentially an intellectual activity,

developmental in character, and thus implies continuous adjus-

tive modification. Under "normal" circumstances, the variability

would be expected to diminish over time, as new experiences

would have proportionately less potency against previously

validated lifetime learning. Radical alteration of theo-

retical position would be expected when and if the theoretician

undergoes "abnormal" experiences. Proposition II says that

implementation includes both emotional and intellectual

behaviors and is otherwise characterized by the same stric-

tures delineated for Proposition I. Proposition II may be

called the theory of therapies.

Thus, we are now in a position to operationally define

our variables and to construct the attendant testable hypothe-

ses. The theoretical orientation to which a counselor/

theorist subscribes shall be assessed by the Sundland and

Barker Therapist Orientation Questionnaire (TOQ), Form 1960.

This method is deemed superior to simply asking for a state--

ment of theoretical corcmiitnant as it permits a degree of

emphasis intensity variability on an interval scale continuum







not afforded by a label of a "school" alligence.

The intellectual understanding of his experience that

our theory says the theoretician has is viewed in terms of

the "personal constructs" it is assumed the theoretician has

developed to explain his experience to himself and to antici-

pate the future. Personal constructs relate to many different

aspects of one's human experiences and are useful in fore-

casting future experiences. Since we are concerned with both

theoretical and operational aspects of human behavior and

because we are assuming that most, but not all, of the

vicissitudes of life involve interpersonal relations, we

shall measure the variety of interpersonal constructs avail-

able to the counselor/theoretician to construct his theory

of behavior. This shall be accomplished with the Construct

Repertory Test (REP Test), wherein "interpersonal relations"

will be the focus of construct assessment. This instrument

follows the work of Kelly (1955).

The experiences in living and learning through which

the personal constructs develop to give the articulated

intellectual understanding our theory calls for shall be

assessed with an author-constructed Biographical Information

Blank (BIB). The BIB assesses both descriptive and experien-

tial material, and the experiential material may be evaluated

both qualitatively and quantitatively. For the purposes of





70

this study, the quality of experience will not be considered.

Attention will be directed toward the descriptive data and

the quantitative data, the latter of which may be made to

yield a frequency count of the particular experiences under

consideration. The descriptive data will be used for classi-

ficatory purposes, e.g., an item analysis, and as a source

of alternative explanations which will be offered if the

quantitative data do not yield the expected outcome that the

greater the frequency of interpersonal experiences and poten-

tial experiences in the interpersonal realm an individual

indicates he has had, the greater will be his cognitive

complexity in the interpersonal realm and the greater his

tendency to score in the Sullivanion realm of the TOQ. That

is, the greater the complexity of life's situations with

which one must deal, the more different people with whom one

would have faced,1 the more cognitively complex the person

will be in the interpersonal realm and, thereby, will have

a greater variety of interpersonal constructs with which to

construe behavior and to assist others in their construing.

This is defined as eclecticism.




IFor example, without detailed information on each
specific instance, it is assumed that on the average, urban
living provides more of these than does rural living. Of
course, any particular example may contradict this assumption.





71

We have stated in the second proposition that conative

as well as cognitive aspects of human interaction are in-

volved in effecting behavior modification. To measure the

emotional life style of a counselor, his long-range affective

approach with which he has learned to habitually face the

world, the A-B Scale has been chosen. This measure, derived

from the Strong Vocational Interest Blank, is composed of

questions related to interests such that there is a clear

inferred distinction between the modes of interaction in the

interpersonal behaviors of those scoring "A" and those

scoring "B" to the extent that psychotherapeutic success may

be unambigiously predicted. Research already reviewed indi-

cated that distinctly different emotive reactions were

required to achieve successful therapeutic outcomes with

schizophrenics and with neurotics; the A-B Scale can make

this distinction. The research conducted to date with this

scale suggests that "A" therapists might be characterized as

social--independent-nonconforming individuals while those

therapists achieving a "B" rating could fairly be described

as social-dependent-conforming individuals. Since it is

assumed that interests are learned developmental phenomena,

A-B disposition should be predictable from the BIB.

It is important to note that the TOQ is used herein to

assess both the stated orientation and the practiced approach





72

to counseling; that is, when measured with this instrument

and in accord with the assumptions of this study, theory and

practice are congruent. It is further recognized that to

measure cognitive complexity in terms of interpersonal con-

structs weights the Sullivanian position on the TOQ more

favorably than the analytic or experiential ends of the

continuum. To begin with, Sullivan's theory claims to be

an interpersonal theory and, therefore, theoretically, one

should expect a stronger relationship between cognitive com-

plexity measures in the interpersonal realm and said theory.

While it is true that analytic and experiential thinkers,

notably Freudian and Rogerian, concentrate considerable

attention on the individual often seemingly suspended from

any interaction with his culture, both note the efficacious

and deleterious consequences social-cultural interaction may

have on an individual and both prescribe a social, solution

to the variety of difficulties noxious interpersonal experi-

ences can engender. Additionally, it is this writer's

position that most distress-causing factors of life can be

traced to a failure in learning to solve the difficulties

generated by the ambiguities in interpersonal relations.

Therefore, interpersonal constructs are most germane to all

counseling theory and practice. Of practical consideration,

interpersonal experiences are, in principle, publicly







observable phenomena more readily investigated than those

hypothetically constructed concepts, e.g., ego, self, etc.,

of which only inferential evidence, at best, can be obtained.

At this point, hypotheses are offered whose terms have

just been. defined and which, if substantiated, hold promise

of supporting the assumptive propositions.

Hypothesis 1. There will be a significant positive
relationship between the total number of potential
and actual interpersonal experiences reported on
the BIB and a medium score (m.s.<.43330o; .4333
= 33.3% of the area under the normal probability
curve) on the TOQ by theoreticians and/or therapists.

Hypothesis 2. There will be a significant negative
relationship between the total number of potential
and actual interpersonal experiences reported on
the BIB and an extreme score (e.s.>.4333d) on the
TOQ by theoreticians and/or therapists.

Hypothesis 3. There will be a significant positive
relationship between the total number of potential
and actual interpersonal experiences reported on
the BIB and the degree of cognitive complexity as
measured on the REP Test by theoreticians and/or
therapists.

Hypothesis 4. There will be a significant positive
relationship between the total number of potential
and actual interpersonal experiences reported on
the BIB and a medium score (m.s. A; m.s.- B; m.s.
= AB) on the A-B Scale by theoreticians and/or
therapists (since the A-B Scale contains 23 items
its mean is 11.5; with the standard error = i-Npq
if N = 30 the standard error = 2.74; therefore, A
15 or more, B = 8 or less, and AB = 9 through 14,
inclusive).

jHypothesis 5. There will be a significant negative
relationship between the total number of potential
and actual interpersonal experiences reported on the
BIB and an extreme score (c.s. = A; e.s. = B; A -15;







B-8; e.s. # AB) on the A-B Scale by theoreticians
and/or therapists.

Hypothesis 6. There will be a significant positive
relationship between the scores at the experiential
end of the TOQ (exp. i-.43330) and an "A" score
(A 115) on the A-B Scale by theoreticians and/or
therapists.

Hypothesis 7. There will be a significant positive
relationship between the scores at the analytic end
of the TOQ (ana. -+.4333o) and a "B" score (B 8)
on the A-B Scale by theoreticians and/or therapists.

Hypothesis 8. There will be a significant positive
relationship between "A" scores (A 15) on the A--B
Scale and socially independent behaviors on the BIB
by theoreticians and/or therapists.

Hypothesis 9. There will be a significant positive
relationship between "B" scores (BE8) on the A-B
Scale and socially dependent behaviors on the BIB
by theoreticians and/or therapists.

The following schematic diagram and equation is a summmjry

of the hypothesized outcomes of this study:

social independent BIB social dependent
interpersonal experiences

experiential TOQ analytic
Sullivanian

"A" type A-B Scale "B" type

cognitive complexity REP Test cognitive simplicity


BIB = f(TOQk +- COC +- A-Bq)n + e


This equation states that some nonlinear function of the

measures provided by tle three instruments (TOQ, REP Test,

A-B Scale) plus measurement error are accounted for by the







Biographical Information Blank, the fourth instrument.


Procedure

This section will explicate the details of the subjects

to be studied to make inferences relative to the afore-

mentioned hypotheses, the methodology to be used to implement

this assessment, and the instruments with which the subjects

will be assessed.


Subjects

Thirty male counselors and teachers of counselors with

a variable number of years of post doctoral professional

experience were drawn from the fields of education, psycho-

logy, psychiatry, social work, and rehabilitation counseling.

The sample was restricted as indicated for three reasons.

First, the restriction to males will control the sex inter-

action variable noted as a contaminant in previous research

in general and which has a particular effect upon one of the

instruments of assessment. Second, most theoreticians and

practitionersI of counseling are male. Third, experts, as

they are defined by academic degree and years of experience,

are expected to more clearly manifest the hypothesized charac-

teristics than would those less expert and/or still in training,




1Social work excepted.







as the experts possess more autonomy from social pressures

which could contribute to the inhibition of expressing a

point of view by the less expert.

Subjects were drawn from the local environment. The

assumption made was that the University of Florida and its

home city of Gainesville is shelter to as large an assortment,

in theory and practice, of psychotherapists as one would

find in the Southeastern United States. Since it was expected

that a good number of these people would be represented in

this research, a claim for representativeness of the diversity

of viewpoints in the counseling field has been made. This is

not to gainsay the lack of random sampling from the universe

of counselors, counselor educators, and theoreticians which

might have been included.


Methodology

A survey of professional and academic associations, area

facilities, and knowledgeable recommendations was utilized

to develop a register of the names of prospective subjects.

These subjects were then contacted by telephone and in person

and asked to participate in this research. They were approached

in the vein of "co-experimenters" for they were, after all,

the experts.

The research was explained to the subjects to the degree







that each was told the basic assumption that their life

history determines their theory and practice and that an

attempt was being made to isolate some of these determinants.

Their agreement or disagreement with this point of view was

solicited during the data collection.

In some instances, it was necessary to gather the data

from each subject on an individual basis. However, whenever

feasible, the data collection took place in small groups.

Recognition of the nonsystematic bias interjected into the

data collection by such nonstandard procedures is here noted,

and its possible effects upon the outcomes of the research

will be considered in the discussion of the results.

Since it was not possible to pay these "co-experimenters"

for their valuable time and effort, and because of their

assumed interest in the study's outcomes, they were offered

a copy of a summary of the study when it was completed as

well as an invitation to attend its oral presentation. For

those individuals curious as to their individual scores on

the particular instruments, they were instructed to code

number their instrument packet and contact this investigator

after scoring was completed. All participants were guaranteed

the choice of anonymity.


Instruments

Four instruments were chosen to gather data relevant to





78

the hypotheses. These instruments were (a) the Therapist's

Orientation Questionnaire, Form 1960, developed by Sundland

and Barker, 1962; (b) the Construct Repertory Test following

the work of Kelly (1955) as modified by Bieri, Atkins, Briar,

Leaman, Miller, and Tripodi (1966); (c) the A-B Scale following

the work of Whitehorn and Betz (1960) as modified by Betz

(1967); and (d) a Biographical Information Blank constructed

by the present author after the work of Glennon, Albright,

and Owens (1966).


The Therapist's Orientation Questionnaire

The Therapist's Orientation Questionnaire, Form 1960,

was developed by Sundland and Barker (see Sundland, 1960) to

obtain a measure of psychotherapeutic orientation and to

gather actuarial information relative to the methods and

attitudes of practicing psychotherapist. Using therapy

theories to construct controversial items, they administered

their questionnaire to a sample of psychologists who listed

psychotherapy as their primary occupation in the directory

of the American Psychological Association. The questionnaire

based on these replies contains 94 items which are grouped

into 16 scales of attitudes and methods. The 16 subtests

yielded six factors and a general factor labeled analytic

versus experiential. The subtests were used to characterize







the methods and attitudes of the sample and three major

therapy orientations were described, orthodox analytic,

Sullivanian, and Rogerian.

Subjects were asked to respond to each item, which is

couched in the form of a declarative statement, by indi-

cating their relative degree of agreement or disagreement by

checking one of five positions on a Likert type scale.

The thrust of the present study requires the dimen-

sioning of the respondant's therapeutic orientation along

the analytic-experiential continuum. This task was accom-

plished by defining each of the three orientations as though

it occupied 33.3% of the continuum. Assuming a normal

array of scores, one is able to define the three orientations

thus: analytic +.4333d; experiential -.4333d; --.4333 G-

eclectic midrange +.4333c'.

It was expected that this instrument would yield adequate

behavioral data to differentiate therapeutic procedures

though it is noted that this method is at best inferential

in nature and, therefore, less accurate than direct observation

and rating of ongoing therapeutic interactions.


The Construct Repertory Test

The Construct Repertory Test, abbreviated REP Test, has

been used to assess the degree of complexity of a person's







construct system with which, it is assumed, one construes

the world. Bieri (1961) reviewed a number of studies of the

complexity-simplicity dimension as a personality variable.

A structural concept of personality, which emphasizes both

the process used and the manner in which various types of

organizations of these constructs lead to either more or less

efficient anticipation and prediction of the social environment,

cognitive complexity (CC), reflects relative differentiation

of a person's construct system. This is presumed to mediate

perception of others and anticipation of their behavior; the

cognitively complex person has more constructs to construe

others' behavior than does the cognitively simple. Studies

show that those persons who are high on CC are better able

than low CC persons to predict others' behavior, predict

others as being different from themselves, judge others'

attitudes toward authority, and to show social intelligence.

High CC persons, in relation to persons relatively lower on

the dimension measured stress differences rather than simi-

larities, are less likely to change an attitude or behavior

in light of new information and also are more moderate in and

show less confidence in their judgments. The relative degree

of complexity a person shows is not uniform across all stimu-

lus domains. Crockett (1965), in his discussion of cognitive

complexity and impression formation, said, among other things,





81

that the impressions formed from a standard set of stimulus

information suggest that perceivers use an "implicit per-

sonality theory" to predict their own and others' behaviors

and that this theory is a cognitive system composed of

interpersonal constructs whose degree of complexity relates

to the number of extended inferences the perceiver makes

relative to attributes not observed. The complexity depends

upon the number of elements as well as the hierarchial

integration which is a developmental, i.e., learning,

process. Those valuing interpersonal relations should have

more complex systems than those less valuing, but any indi-

vidual may show differential complexity relative to different

categories of people depending upon the context of his inter-

action with them. Research supports the contention that

high CC people more than low CC people use both favorable

and unfavorable information in their descriptions of acquain-

tances and are able to entertain the possibility of unbalanced

interpersonal relationships. Additionally, high CC persons

are able to view others ambivalently and assimilate contra-

dictory information into a unified impression. This is

another way of defining what in other contexts has been

called "tolerance for ambiguity." The relative differences

are limited by differential experiences with categories of

people as well as by values and motivational states. Bieri,





82

Atkins, Briar, Leaman, Miller, and Tripodi (1966) summarized

the CC and judging research. For our purposes it is relevant

to note that low CC judges show greater discrimninability as

the dimensionality of the stimulus increases when the addi-

tional dimensions are congruent with the previous information.

High CC judges, on the other hand, are more certain of judg-

ments of incongruent information and discriminate among it

better. Therefore, the internal structure and the sequential

mode of presentation are important also. High complexity

judges are "set" to seek diversity in terms of the social

environment; low complexity judges prefer to emphasize

regularity and recurring uniformities.

The modified group version of the REP Test will be

employed in this study.

Each judge is presented with a 10 x 10 grid. Each
of the ten columns is identified by a different role
type selected to be representative of the meaningful
persons in the judge's social environment. The ten
rows of bipolar constructs which are provided were
selected on the basis of being representative of the
dimensions elicited from college-trained subjects.
After the judge has listed the name or initials of
each of the ten persons who best correspond to the
ten role types, he is instructed to use a six-step
Likert-type scale in rating all ten persons he has
listed on the first provided construct. For example,
the first construct dimension is "outgoing-shy."
Each judge rates each of the ten persons on a scale
of +3 (outgoing) to -3 (shy). Following this, the
judge rates all ten persons on the second construct
dimension and so on through all 10 rows. Thus each
subject makes ten ratings for each of the role types,
for a total of 100 ratings.







Cognitive complexity is measured by, comparing
each rating in a row with the rating directly below
it (i.e., for the same person) in the other rows on
the matrix. In comparing any two construct rows, a
score of one if given for every exact agreement of
ratings on any one person. This matching procedure
is carried out for all possible comparisons, and
the scores for each comparison are added to give one
total score. Since there are 45 possible row
comparisons in a 10 x 10 matrix, the highest possible
score is 450. A score of 450 would indicate that the
judge gave the same rating on all bipolar constructs
to all of the role types. This judge would be rela-
tively congitively simple because he is using his
construct dimensions in an identical manner to con-
strue all the individuals on the grid. On the other
hand, a person with a score as low as 100 is presumed
to be relatively cognitively complex because he uses
constructs differently in discriminating among people
(Bieri et al., 1966, pp. 190--191).

Because the position presented herein could be character-

ized as a cognitive one (cf. Kelly, 1955; Levy, 1968), it was

expected that a measure of cognitive complexity would yield

important information in relation to therapists' preferred

theories as a personality theory is, after all, a way of

predicting others' behavior.


The A--B Scale

The A-B Scale developed by VWhitehorn and Betz in the

early 1950's and used extensively in research since then

(Whitchorii & Betz, 1960; McNair, Callahan, & Lorr, 1962;

Carson & Harden, 1964; Betz, 1967; Berzins & Sjidmain, 1969)

is a 23-item instrument derived from the Strong Vocational

Interest Blank. 3t has been empirically determined that







psychotherapist called "A" type therapists respond to the

23 items differently than do those psychotherapists called

"B" type therapists, and that "A" therapists more success-

fully treat schizophrenic patients while "B" therapists are

more successful assisting neurotic individuals. No differen-

tial therapeutic outcomes are reported for a third group of

therapists whose responses to the scale lie midway between

those of the other two groups; the therapists who respond

thus are called "AB" types. As the above cited research has

been discussed on pages 10 through 17, it will not again be

reviewed here.

Since we desired to separate our sample of therapists

on the A-B dimension, we assumed the dimension to have an

underlying distribution of scores that was both normal and

continuous and, thereby, was able to define the three types

of therapists in terms of the standard error as follows.

The mean of a 23-item scale with scores normally distributed

about the mean is 11.5. The standard error of measurement

is computed by taking the square root of the product Npq.
11 5
With N equal to 30 and p equal to q equal to ----s the
23

standard error is equal to 2.74 (std. err. Npq --

v30 x 11.5 x 11.5 = 2.74). Therefore, type "A" therapists
23 23

were herein defined as those therapists who responded to the







A-B Scale by choosing 14 or more of the 23 items shown to

select "A" type counselors in previous research. "B" type

counselors would select 8 or fewer "A" type responses (i.e.,

they will select 15 or more "B" type responses). "AB" type

therapists would choose between 9 and 14 "A" type responses

inclusive. Briefly, A = M -+ 1 std.err. and B = M 1 std.err.

while 1 std.err. zAB4+ 1 std.err. The probability of

anyone obtaining a type "A" or a type "B" rating by chance is

less than 1 in 100.

Little integration of the empirical findings obtained

with the A-B Scale has been made with theories of personality

and counseling. The findings do support the efficacy of

matching patients and therapists at least along the specific

dimension of interests and perhaps more generally in "style

of living." It was included here as an empirical finding

for which theoretical understanding is being projected.


The Biographical Information Blank

The Biographical Information Blank had been constructed

by the author along the lines laid out by the Research Con-

ference On the Use of Autobiographical Data as Psychological

Predictors sponsored by the Creativity Research Institute of

the Richardson Foundation and held at the Sedgfield Inn,

Greensboro, North Carolina, June 10-11, 1965, with Edwin R.

Henry as chairman.







It has long been a dictum in the behavioral sciences

that the best single predictor of future behavior is past

performance. Due to its efficacy as the "single best pre-

dictor" (Henry, 1965), in combination with the growing

awareness that the limit of statistical prediction may well

have been reached with standardized tests, and prodded as well

by the generalized reaction on the part of the public and

the federal government that is antithetical to testing, the

Biographical Information Blank (BIB) has grown in popularity.

Many psychological theoreticians have long contended that a

person's past determines his future (Freudians and behav-

orists). Others (phenomenologists, Gestaltists, and

existentialists) contend that present expe-ience is the

determining factor in behavior but still admit to the effect

of the past on the future when they find the locus of per-

ceptual distortion in the no-longer-viable expectations of

the perceiver.

The BIB used herein had been constructed by selecting

from A Catalog of Life History Items (Glennon, Albright, and

Owens, 1966) those questions which bore some theoretical

relationship to one or more constructs in the various systems

of personality and counseling as well as items whose pre-

dictive validity has been empirically established. These

items met criteria established by Owens and Henry (1966).





87

After a review and evaluation of the use of biographical data

in industrial psychology, of both theoretical formulations

and empirical research, they established the following cri-

teria to maximize validity and reliability of biographical

items: (a) brevity, (b) numeric gradation to define options

and alternatives, (c) total coverage of all response options,

and (d) neutral or pleasant item conotation.

Each item had been keyed a priori to yield measures of

(a) potential and actual interpersonal experiences, (b) attri-

butes that have the supposed potential of producing an "A"

type or "B" type therapist, and (c) descriptive data for

identification and categorization.

Potential and actual interpersonal experiences were

thought to be assessed by those items which indicate that

the subject was confronted by interpersonal situations

demanding his attention. This obviously is a relative

measure as everyone faces greater or fewer of these. There-

fore, comparisons were to be made between, for example, uban

and rural living, as a child with urban-living experience

will rate higher than his rural counterpart in the number of

potential and actual interpersonal situations with which he

has been confronted. The words potential and actual were

given equal weight as modifiers of the concept interpersonal

experience, as the assumption was made that the chosen







situations (e.g., some siblings--no siblings, many changes

of residence--no changes of residence) in comparison to both

their opposites do indeed provide, on the average, more

interpersonal experiences. However, any single instance may

contradict this assumption. The interpersonal experiences

assessed by the BIB had been assigned weights of zero, one,

two, and three.

The attributes of "A" type and "B" type therapists,

culled from the literature, had been labeled herein social-

independent-nonconforming and social-dependent-conforming,

respectively. A number of the descriptive items of the BIB

had been keyed to be scored either as indicating its con-

duciveness to "A" type or "B" type individuals or to the "AB"

interface. For example, the response to the religious pref-

erence or a personal religion is noted. In general, the

rule followed was one of defining the average as a "B" type

response and the atypical as an "A" response. Even the

height and weight items are scored subject to this rule which

in this particular instance relies on the Statistical Abstract

of the United States for average height and weight tables for

the middle 50 percent of the population.

The descriptive data, which was otherwise uncoded in

most cases, referred to habitual practices (e.g., smoking) or

to persons and/or situations only passively involving the




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