• TABLE OF CONTENTS
HIDE
 Title Page
 Acknowledgement
 Preface
 Table of Contents
 List of Tables
 Abstract
 The Lowell of the South
 Breaking the ring
 Knights, capitalists and linth...
 Challenges to the reform coali...
 Return to reform
 The triumph of the reform...
 Augusta, Summerville and the...
 Some unfinished business
 Strikers, scabs, soldiers...
 The last battle
 Impressions of an era
 Appendices
 Bibliography
 Biographical sketch






Group Title: queen city of the Savannah
Title: The Queen city of the Savannah
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 Material Information
Title: The Queen city of the Savannah Augusta Georgia, during the urban progressive era, 1890-1917
Physical Description: Book
Language: English
Creator: German, Richard Henry Lee, 1937-
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Copyright Date: 1971
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Genre: bibliography   ( marcgt )
non-fiction   ( marcgt )
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Bibliographic ID: UF00097669
Volume ID: VID00001
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
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Resource Identifier: alephbibnum - 001037204
oclc - 18295925
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Table of Contents
    Title Page
        Page i
        Page i-a
    Acknowledgement
        Page ii
        Page iii
        Page iv
        Page v
    Preface
        Page vi
        Page vii
        Page viii
        Page ix
        Page x
        Page xi
    Table of Contents
        Page xii
        Page xiii
        Page xiv
        Page xv
    List of Tables
        Page xvi
    Abstract
        Page xvii
        Page xviii
        Page xix
    The Lowell of the South
        Page 1
        Page 2
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
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        Page 36
        Page 37
        Page 38
        Page 39
        Page 40
        Page 41
        Page 42
        Page 43
    Breaking the ring
        Page 44
        Page 45
        Page 46
        Page 47
        Page 48
        Page 49
        Page 50
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        Page 75
        Page 76
        Page 77
        Page 78
        Page 79
        Page 80
        Page 81
    Knights, capitalists and lintheads
        Page 82
        Page 83
        Page 84
        Page 85
        Page 86
        Page 87
        Page 88
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        Page 113
        Page 114
        Page 115
        Page 116
        Page 117
        Page 118
        Page 119
        Page 120
    Challenges to the reform coalition
        Page 121
        Page 122
        Page 123
        Page 124
        Page 125
        Page 126
        Page 127
        Page 128
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        Page 142
        Page 143
        Page 144
        Page 145
        Page 146
        Page 147
        Page 148
        Page 149
    Return to reform
        Page 150
        Page 151
        Page 152
        Page 153
        Page 154
        Page 155
        Page 156
        Page 157
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        Page 180
        Page 181
        Page 182
        Page 183
        Page 184
        Page 185
        Page 186
        Page 187
    The triumph of the reform spirit
        Page 188
        Page 189
        Page 190
        Page 191
        Page 192
        Page 193
        Page 194
        Page 195
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        Page 211
        Page 212
        Page 213
        Page 214
        Page 215
        Page 216
        Page 217
    Augusta, Summerville and the Savannah
        Page 218
        Page 219
        Page 220
        Page 221
        Page 222
        Page 223
        Page 224
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        Page 240
        Page 241
        Page 242
        Page 243
        Page 244
        Page 245
        Page 246
        Page 247
    Some unfinished business
        Page 248
        Page 249
        Page 250
        Page 251
        Page 252
        Page 253
        Page 254
        Page 255
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        Page 269
        Page 270
        Page 271
        Page 272
        Page 273
        Page 274
        Page 275
        Page 276
    Strikers, scabs, soldiers and arbitrators
        Page 277
        Page 278
        Page 279
        Page 280
        Page 281
        Page 282
        Page 283
        Page 284
        Page 285
        Page 286
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        Page 289
        Page 290
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        Page 293
        Page 294
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        Page 298
        Page 299
        Page 300
        Page 301
        Page 302
        Page 303
        Page 304
        Page 305
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        Page 315
        Page 316
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        Page 333
        Page 334
        Page 335
        Page 336
        Page 337
        Page 338
        Page 339
    The last battle
        Page 340
        Page 341
        Page 342
        Page 343
        Page 344
        Page 345
        Page 346
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        Page 355
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        Page 359
        Page 360
        Page 361
    Impressions of an era
        Page 362
        Page 363
        Page 364
        Page 365
        Page 366
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    Appendices
        Page 396
        Page 397
        Page 398
        Page 399
        Page 400
        Page 401
        Page 402
        Page 403
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        Page 414
        Page 415
    Bibliography
        Page 416
        Page 417
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    Biographical sketch
        Page 430
        Page 431
        Page 432
        Page 433
        Page 434
        Page 435
        Page 436
Full Text














The Queen City of the Savannah: Auousta, ezorgia,
During the Urban Progressive Era, 1890-1917














1By

RICHARD HENRY LEE GERL'bN


A DISSERTA'C'.ON PRT3hFNTJ'fi' TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF
'fTHE U'jrIv'SI''TY OF PLOGR.IDA T; PARTxIAL
FULILL.ME'T C T'E RQIlR2_r'NTS FOR L.HE DEG'REEJ OC
DOCTOR OF' PEILOSOPf"i


TUMT'ERSITY O F,.LRIDA
1971






























































UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA


3 1262 08552 5078














ACiKYCOWLEDGI4ENTS


Vario-is and sundry people have assisted me. Charles 0.

Phillips, Clerk of the City Council, and his courteous

secretary, Mrs. Louise S. Milton, were cooperative in

arranging access to the municipal records in the city-

county building. Miss Jean D. Cochran, after securing per-

mission from the Board of Directors of the Augusta-Richmond

County Library, willingly granted the right to utilize

library materials at my convenience and at the campus

library. The cooperation of the directors in this matter

w-ca certainly appreciated. Also3, the staff was most con-

r;genial and helpful, especially Mijs IFrances Blackmon and

M.iss DIcro'ty Rich,-y.

A. Ray Rol lland arn Virg_.i-ia iec Trevil.e of n-e R, Fich nmord

County HisLorica.] Society. in a similar fashion: were cq'its.

helpful, ermictiKing dire;: access to the .:pi0eial collec-

tions, informiing r-e ~~aol any net; .Iatc.r.i.al that wre cT :-

;qcised, sec'irig bcoks, journal s, periodical:-, theses and

disserLtations on interl.ibrary loans an-i accepting two short

essays for publication. Traveling to Georgia State Uni-

4i







versity, University of Georgia and University of South

Carolina, numerous, able and efficient staff librarians.

were of assistance. The Director of the Southern Historical

Collection, J. Isaac Copeland, after checking the holdings

of the special collections of the University of North Caro-

lina library, informed me that there were no relevant manu-

script collections pertaining to the Progressive mayors and

the principal financiers, industrialists and entrepreneurs

of Augusta and Richmond County. Although he acknowledged

that some family papers were available, Dr. Copeland pointed

out that they did not relate to my main period of research.

Personally checking the names of all major politicians and

most of the prominent businessmen in the index files of

The National Union Catalog of Manuscript Collections, it was

discovered that a few primary records existed at various

universities, but were not directly relevant; thereby

obviating the need for travel beyond the Georgia-Carolina

region.

Two close comrades, Ralph H. Walker and Clyde Erwin

Teasley III, both graduate students in political science

at the University of Georgia, listened to my many ideas,

commenting: criticizing and sharing their expertise in urban

politics, Also, influential in shaping some conceptions

about the political process, were numerous, extended

11







discussions with a third colleague, Constance Ashton Myers,

a doctoral student at Claremont Graduate School. Dr. Agos-

tino Carlucci offered personal encouragement when there v'ert

feelings of discouragement, and maintained a sincere, family-

type relationship. Dr. Edward Michael Silbert of the His-

tory Department of the University of South Florida, a close

friend since graduate school days in Gainesville, thought-

fully encouraged me and sharpened my perspective on the

nature of the historical past by many lengthy discussions

in the last eight years. To a select few persons in Augusta,

however, I acknowledge deep indebtedness for providing

brilliant insights into the nature of management-labor

relations, especially in the realm of alienation.

Dr. Herbert J. Doherty, Jr., my committee chairman,

has attentively listened to the ideas as they developed over

the last two years, criticized them as the dissertation

evolved chapter-by-chapter, suggested that some portions be

restructured and through raising other pertinent points,

prompted reorganization of thoughts, leading to further

research. On some occasions when other, non-research cir-

cumstance.r created a sense of personal despair, he gave

sound advice, bolstering my morale and reinvigorating my

determination to push ahead. Dr. John K. Mahon's pene-

trating quTestions provided another important source of

iv







intellectual stimulation, leading to the rethinking of

certain critical issues in a new dimension and the pur-

suance of additional investigations. I also thank Dr. E,

Ashby Hammond, Dr. Ruth McQuown and Dr. Richard T. Chang,

who served on the dissertation committee.

The late Arthur W. Thompson and Rembert W. Patrick,

my two former mentors, whose tragic deaths were a signifi-

cant personal loss, deserve special tributes. I bear wit-

ness to their generosity, their broad and liberal views,

their freedom from narrow prejudice and petty jealousies,

their devotion to scholarly research, but, above all, their

warm, humane interests in the welfare and development of

their students.

Last, but unquestionably most important of all, Nancy

Ann German has consistently been the supreme source of

attention, devotion and affection, sharing my life ambitions

and aspirations.














PREFACE


Since Charles C. Jones and Salem Dutcher's Memorial

History ofL A.qqu.ista was published in 1890, there have only

been .tw;o major books written about varying aspects of the

city's historical past. Earl L. Bell and Kenneth Crabbe's

The Augusta Chronicle, Irndomitable Voice of Dixie, 1_785-1960

is ..:.th.rut a doubt the account of the rise of the most im-

portant newspaper in the community and t-he South's oldest

nea;spa-er, including, to a certain extent, intermittent

g-impsaes into the social life. Florence Corley's Con-

. ar:tt:ci City is a brilliant, brief analysis of antebellum

uan industrial growth, greatly emphasizing the ways in

whit-h the Civil War- stimulated further economic growth.

i.-c:opt F-or th fi Aqusta i.ntennia and Augusta, both ex-

tr1:e.ly cursor-. and idmlittediy less thrn scholarly endeavors,

nc publiccatirns have seriously attempted to develop the

hisL:..orYJ o the Queen City of the Savannah in the twentieth



.'C stud-yingr the history of Augusta dut-ig th.e -;rban

Progressive Era, 1890-1917, in every conceivable way I have







endeavored to pose questions, create objectives, explore

issues and develop different topics not previously con-

sidered by others, attempting to go beyond routine explana-

tions by encompassing a far broader frame of reference on

the history of a major textile city of the New South.

Every dissertation, no doubt, has certain limitations

imposed upon it by the lack of availability of source ma-

terials. Unfortunately, some of the primary source materi-

als of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era were not found,

having been either destroyed by fires, floods and other

natural disasters, or remaining buried in closets, locked up

in attics, filed away in ancient vaults and tucked away in

obscure, remote places. Furthermore, as is often the case,

few diaries, memoirs, journals and biographies were written

or preserved for the historian, making his task far more

difficult.

Despite diligent, concerted efforts to discover and

preserve historic records, it has been virtually impossible

to locate all contemporary records and newspapers. Private

business records, exceedingly crucial to the study of the

development of corporations, were not available. Yet, had

they been discovered, subjected to examination and carefully

evaluated, they would have unquestionably provided invalu-

able insights into the internal growth of th- major enter-

vii







praises and critical decisions often made in closed con-

farence roor3s.

The files of certain public newspapers, moreover, were

apparently lost or inadvertently destroyed; or at least

their whereabouts are not presently known. -The Aucusta

Herald files from 1894 through 1904 are not available at

the public library, local newspaper library records, county-

city building, Richmond Cou'.ty Historical Society Collec-

tions, nc even the University of Georgia library. Several

other different weekly and daily newspapers, including lThe

Augusta Evening lNews, 1878-1895, '-he Augusta Progress, 1888--

1890, 'ihe Auusta Sunday__Phoenix, 1885, and The Aiqusta

Daily Tribune, 1895-1907, existed, but are not currently

available. Poth The Labor Advocate and The Augusta Union

Weeklv. 1S89-1904, were exceedingly fiery union newspapers

that would have provided additional, considerable insights,

ren.:c':osly beneficial to the scholar studying the complexi-

ti.: sf laborr unrest a:d revolt, but -tha files have vanished,

possibly Lost forever.

Several black newspapers existed, running off editions

n'.ha.c' apparently strongly protested con -tit ons in the

ghett--o, greatly advocated reforms and carefully documented

the rise of a small, ut im.por:ct.en middle class element in

Negro life. Tqhe Georgia Bantist, edited by Reverend William







Jefferson White, D.D., existed for a period of more than a

quarter of a century, from 1881-1909. It was proclaimed I-o

have been one of the oldest colored newspapers in America,

but the files have apparently been ruined, discarded or

concealed. Moreover, The Methodist Union, published by

A. W. Wiimberly, was another paper, commenting upon the

nature of the black experience, but it and a third paper,

The weekly Sentinel, were not discovered to exist--most

regrettable circumstances, to say the least.

Nevertheless, a tremendous abundance of crucial, pri-

mary source materials exist for the eager scholar. City-

county records, including the minutes of the council,

various subcommittees, departmental reports, year books,

directories and legal archives, are most complete and

primarily located in Augusta. The "Minutes of the Augusta

Flood Commission" are part of the special library holdings

of S. Herbert Elliott, former county-commissioner. Board

of Health records, albeit complete, are located in Augusta

and Athens. Some of the early presidential reports of the

board, however, are even tucked away in the drawer of a

cormiode in the rare book room of the Medical College of

Georgia, possibly known only to Dr. Walter B. Sheppeard and

myself. The files of The Auqusta Chronicle, dating back to

the pre-Civil War era, are carefully preserved on microfilm,

ix







providing a wealth of information. Original editions of

The Aucusta Herald, beginning in February, 1905, and dating

through March, 1919, are also reposited in the Augusta-

Richmond County Library. Moreover, limited editions of The

Augusta Daily Tribune and The Augusta Evening News are also

available. Responding to the overtures of a student, it was

discovered that Mr. and Mrs. Walter B. Murray had almost a

complete collection of The Wool Hat and scattered, badly

tattered copies of The Augusta Daily Tribune. Despite

suggestions to others that these newspapers be microfilmed

and made part of "The Murray Collection" of the Richmond

County Historical Society, they presently remain in a card-

board box in Dorothy Murray's bedroom. Learning about a

newspaper advertisement, placed by Sidney and Norma Preffer,

led to the discovery of a six-month file of The Augusta

Herald (IJly-December, 1898) and its purchase by A. Ray

Rowland, President of the Richmond County Historical Society.

Invitations by William Dush and Joseph B. Cumming to present

various papers to the board of trustees of Historic Augusta,

incorpcrated, resulted in fruitful discussions, comments,

criticisms and invitations to attend various social gather-

ings, but, to date, there have been no further leads on ad-

ditional primary source materi-als pertaining to any aspect

of urban life.








By no means should this dissertation be regarded as the

deEinitive, exhaustive study, eliminating the need for

additional research and further inquiry. On the contrary,

there are many areas that remain to be explored in the near

future, involving travel, research, revisions of certain

portions of the original work and eventually new conceptions

about the meaning and significance of my work. Until time

and money, both critical factors for the researcher, con-

verge, however, future professional study will be unavoid-

ably delayed.















TABLE OF CONTENTS


ACKNO". LEDGMENTS .. ... .. . .. .. ... .

RE AC . . . . . . . . .

LIST OF TABLES. . . . . . . . . . .

A STR . . . . . . . . . .




7 TIE LOWELL OF TIE SOUTH . . . .

Thre Confederate City and Wartime
Expansion. . . . . . . .

Postwar "Recovery" and Uninterrupted
Growth . . . . . . . ...

The Nature of the New City . . .

NOTES . . . . . . . . . .

BT BREAKING THE RING . . . . . . .

The Origins of a Reform Spirit ..

Patrick Wai-`, Tac Reformer. . . .

Tihe Structure and Strateagy of
th -a V.'ish Refor:r t'l . . . . .

NO'i'ES . . . . . . . .. ..

ALt K\.ECTS, CAPITALIST'S AND LR-) THELDS. . -

The Makirnc of the Lintheads: From
Loyant Expectations to Grim Reaiites .


:

Pace


ii

vi

xvi
xvi
xVil







TABLE OF CONTENTS (CONTINUED)


CHAPTER Paqe

III The Beginnings of Industrial Wars:
(cent.) Augusta, The Storm Center of the
New South. .. . . . . . .. 89

The American Federation of Labor and
the Augusta Textile Strike of 1898-
1899 . . . . . . . . 93

NOTES. . . . . . . . .. .118

IV CHALLENGES TO THE REFORM COALITION. ... .121

The Death of Mayor Patrick Walsh 121

City Politics in the Post-Walsh Era. 126

Charles A. Robbe and the Special
Mayoralty Election of 1899 . . .. .137

Alfred M. Martin, Jr., Jacob Phinizy
and Continuation of Reform Politics. 140

NOTES . . . . . . . . . 148

V RETURN TO REFOIM. . . . . . ... 150

Limits of Victory. . . . . .. .150

Return to Municipal Reforms. ... . 153

One More Time. . . . . . ... 169

NOTES . . . . . . . . . 185

VI THE TRIUMPH OF TiHE REFORM SPIRIT. ... .188

Like Father, Like Son. . . . .. 188

Resurgence of the Reform Spirit. . 195

The Reform Spirit Triumphant ... .205

NOTES . . . . . . . . . 216

xiii







TABLE 0' CONTENTS CONTINUEDD)


CHAPTER Paae_

VII AUGUSTA, SUMMERVILLE AND THE SAVANNAH . 218

The Businessman's Campaign for Mayor 218

The Battle for Annexation of
ummerrville. . . . . . .. 222

The "Destructive Freshets" and the
City . . . . . . . .. .227

The Building of the Augusta Levee. .242

NOTES . . . . . . . . ... 245

VIII SOME UNFINISHED BUSINESS, . . . .. .248

Thomas Parrett, Jr., and the Uncon-
tested Mavcrlty Race. . . . ... 248

The Ans:nextion of Sumrnerville and
the Battle for Cormaiiscion Govern-
ment . . . . . . . . 254

The March Flood of 1912 and the
Completion of the Augusta Levee. . 254

NOTES . . . . . . . .. 274

1]; STRIKERS, SCABS, SOLDIERS AND
ARBITRATORS .. . . . . . ... 277

The Trolley Car Strike of 1911 and
Temporary Resolution of Differences. 277

The Trolley Car Strike of 1912 and
Martial Law. ..... .. ... 286

The Georgia Railroad Strike, Atlanta
Joint Terminals Strike and the
Threat of a Southeastern Rail
Trannportati.cn Strike. .. . . ... 314

NOTES. . . . . . . . . 335

Xi.v








TABrLE OF CONTENTS (CONTINUED)


CHAPTER P. re

X THE LAST BATTL . . . . . 340

The Mayoralty Muddle of 1912: The
Hayne Revolt Against the White
Primary Commiittee . . . . . 340

Putting an End to Political Fevclts
and Progressive Democracy. . . . 354

NOTES . . . . . . . . ... 360

XI IMPRESSIONS OF AN ERA . . .. . . 62

The Economic Significance of Augusta
and American Historiography. . . 362

The Significance of the Augusta
Strikes, Southern Labor and Na-
tional Unions. . . . . . . 367

Augusta Politics in the Age of Re--
form: Progressivism, Plurali:sm
oc Scuchern Elitism? . . . . .372

NGTES . . . . . . . . . 390

APPENDIX . . . . . . . . . . . 396

BIBLIOGRAPHY. ..... . . . . . 41

B ICPTAPHICAL SKETCHI . . . ... . . . 0














LIST OF TABLES


TABLE Paje

I Declining Wages of Textile Workers in the
King and Sibley Mills: 1880-1898 ... 397

II Decli]ing Wages of Textile Workers in
Augusta, Georgia: 1880-1900. . . .. 397

III Wages of the Textile Labor Force
by'Sex and Age Groups in 1900 ...... 397

IV A Statistical Record of the History of the
Savannah River Floods and the City of
Augusta . . . . . . . . . 398

V The Special Bond Election for the Levee,
University Hospital and the New Water-
works System of 1912. . . . . ... 399

VI Councilmen and Business Associations,
1897-1917 . . . . . . . . 400

VII Mayors and Business Associations, 1897-1917. 403

VIII Aldermanic Elections, Primary & General,
1897-1917 . . . . . . . . 406

IX Rival Candidates in City Council Elections
and Their Business and Social Affiliations,
1857-1917 . . . . . . . . 413

X MaorkaliLy Statistics of Whites and Blacks,
1880-1918 . . . . . . . ... 415







Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment
of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

THE QUEEN CITY OF THE SAVANNAH: AUGUSTA, GEORGIA,
DURING THE URBAN PROGRESSIVE ERA, 1890-1917

By

Richard Henry Lee German

August, 1971

Chairman: Dr. Herbert J. Doherty, Jr.
Major Department: History

Understanding Augusta during the urban Progressive Era

revolves an appreciation of at least eight related patterns

of facts. First, the economic growth since the Civil War

revealed not only a relative continuity in the development

of railroads, banks, textile factories and other enter-

prises, but also showed that key important groups of busi-

nessmen were responsible for the rise of the Lowell of the

New South. Second, local men in business were greatly in-

volved in a reform movement for "Good Government" in the

1890's against "The Ring," a group of politicos charged with

controlling urban government to the detriment of the "good

people" and accused of failing to provide critical municipal

services by Patrick Walsh and his supporters. Third,

despite challenges to the Walsh Progressive reform coali-

ti-n, it originally represented a fairly well-organized,

strongly moralistic crusade, encompassing Protestants and

xvii







Catholics, but far more importantly, the socio-economic

elite and the lower class whites and blacks. Fourth, al-

though the Progressives were triumphant in getting the

"right kind of people" elected as mayors and aldermen, the

lower class ethno-cultural groups that had originally re-

sponded to the appeals of business leaders, who were

actively seeking political power, were not only mostly

deprived of access to positions of responsibility, but they

were gradually excluded from even participation in elections.

Fifth, initially Negroes were massively involved in urban

politics, but a cluster of rationales and means was invoked

.and devised by white reformers to disfranchise them,

creating the first large segment of society to be denied

participation in so-called democratic primary and general

elections and subsequently leading to the total inability

of blacks to directly influence the political, decision-

making prcc(ss---factors which probably substantially con-

tributed to the grossly inadequate public services and the

depressed conditions that prevailed in growing ghetto areas.

Sixth, among the important priorities established by the

ruling elite was the comiion consensus that those funda-

mental, pre-existing, long-range problems, that had not been

p-operly -esolved through ordinary voluntary civic associ-

ations and non-political organizations, could be best

xviii







resolved by effectively utilizing the power of municipal

government. Seventh, recurrent labor strikes erupted in

the mills, trolley cars and railroads of the "Greater

Augusta Area," indicating acute social tensions between

capitalists and laborers, revealing that the former were

always the victors, not the vanquished, showing the decisive

role of local and state officials in putting down civil

disturbances and pointing out that the city emerged as a

significant storm center in the New South as the representa-

tives of the Knights of Labor and the American Federation

of Labor attempted to unionize it as part of an overall

"Southern Campaign Strategy" to crack the bastille of anti-

unionism in the nation. Last of all, overconcantration of

wealth created a corresponding centralization of power

largely into the white primary executive committee to the

detriment of massive democratic participation in most

elections, primary or general, and to the probable dis-

advantages of the non-business groups.














CHAPTER I

THE LOWELL OF TIHE SOUTH



The Confederate City and Wartime Expansion

Augusta was extremely fortunate during the Civil War.

The war did not disrupt the economic development of the

emerging antebellum industrial city but, in many respects,

accelerated industrial growth. Numerous private textile

corporations increased their industrial production due to

the military needs of the Confederacy. Large-scale defense

induqsLries such as the Powder Works, Augusta Arsenal, Con-

federate Clothing Bureau and Army Quartermaster supply de-

pot--which manufactured artillery projectiles, cartridges,

balls, gunpowder, guncarriagesand caissons--emerged as part

of th military-industrial enterprises of the Confederate

City. Under the exigencies of the war, new manufacturing

concerns,which produced candles, soap, blankets, twilled

cotton goods for unifocirs, canvas for tents, army capes,

overcoats, tarpaulins, horse covers, small arms, rifles and

military field equipment foc infantry, artillery and cavalry

units, sprang up almost overnight as government contracts

1








were leT to private entrepreneurs. Thousands of "Johnny

kebs" benefited from the food products and consumer goods

that were produced, packed and shipped to the front lines.

Great quantities of valuable machinery were shipped by rail

into Augusta and became part of the new industrial equip-

ment. The work of expanding the plant operations of exist-

ing factories and building new enterprises in turn stimu-

lat.ed a general boom in the construction business. Scores

of wagon teams were busy daily hauling lumber, brick and

other construction supplies to the mills, defense industries

and railroad yards of the city. Wartime expansion, moreover,

promoted an expenditure of large sums of money in permanent

factor" improvements and the utilization of large tracts of

suburban property in the West End. Also, among the whole

progression of responses to the booming wartime economy was

very rapid increases in the urban population: from 1S40--1860

the city's population jumped from 7,502 to 12,493 people.l

Wartime visitors arriving in the c ity were frequently

amazed at the thriving activities. They observed the ar-

rival of trains and wagon teams bringing machinery for the

new ind..ustcries and departing with troops, food suppl es,

miliLary equipment and other articles of war. Walking along

the banks of the old canal, they noted that flat-bottomed

barges were jammed around the dock areas of the factories.








Peering up into the sky, they saw huge columns of dense

black smoke wafting upward from chimneys. Touring the

mills, they listened to the hiss of steam engines, the

clanking of wheels and the grinding of massive rollers pro-

ducing w-eapons of war. Driving down the main thoroughfares

of the business district, they watched shoppers and mer-

chants haggling over the prices of those imported goods

which had succeeded in running the Union blockade. "To

judge from Augusta, no one would have supposed that two

formidable armies were confronting each other within a

twenty-four hours' journey," Fitz Gerald Ross noted in his

journal. "Every one seemed engrossed in business, and the

shops were all plenteously filled with merchants and cus-

tomers."

Augusta, furthermore, was soared utter destruction by

General William Tecumseh Sherman in his "infamous" march

through Georgia. The"Apostle of Modern Warfare" chose to

by-pass Augusta and miss his `Thanksgiving dinner engagement

in order ;o spend a "jubilant Christmas in Savannah." For

strategic military reasons---nct romantic legendary accounts

of his infatuation with an Augusta belle, nor sentimental

feelings for the city---Sherman chose to drive straight

through Erom- Atlanta to Savannah, cutting Georgia in two.

He was aware that Brigadier-General Birkett D. Dry had








fortified Augusta against an impending attack. Reliable

informers had also told him that General Braxton Bragg and

other high ranking Confederate officers and several thousand

troops had arrived to defend the city and, it was hoped,

completely break up and disperse his sixty thousand "bum-

rers." These military situations alone dictated that he

avoid a prolonged seige and continue his "grand military

3
picnic" to the sea.

Augusta was one of the few southern cities which was

not destroyed by Union forces during the course of the war.

Unlike Atlanta, Richmond, Charleston, Columbia, Vicksburg

and Galveston, it suffered no physical damage, nor was it

efter.-.ard.s plundered by foraging soldiers. There was no

"Battle of Augusta." No artillery units lobbed screaming

she.l-l and cannon balls into the city, leaving the town's

so;-rcts pockmarked with shell holes and filled with debris.

Pjor !hadi bombardment left behind skeletal remains of ware-

ho'ises, buildings and homes standing in the midst of smolcder-

i:n blackoned war rubble. The railroad tracks of the major

lines leading into and out of the city wre not ri.pped up

nor r.he cross-ties stacked Tlike cords of wood, soaked with

kiroseno and burned. Nor had inv.-ading, hostile cavalry

ur.iits changed dowyv Broad, Greene or the other: thoroughfares

laying waste to the town. Nor in their deadly wake had








"damned Yankee" footsold.iers invaded the city, shooting out

windows, slaying rebels, molesting citizens, destroying

business firms, burning warehouses and wharves and otherwise

wreaking general havoc.

Augusta in 1865 was hardly a conquered town which had

experienced the ravages of modern war. When the war ended

it was perhaps in better condition than any other city in

the state. The central business district was still intact.

Banks, business firms, department stores, grocery stores and

other enterprises were not physically ruined. The indus-

trial zone of the city remained untouched by war. "happily

spared destruction by burning." Only the Belleville FacLory

did not remain to operate after the war but its demise v-as

the result of an accidental fire, not the hazards of nine-

teenth century warfare. Several. of the buildings of the

Confederate Polwder Works were dismantled by occupation

arise and some of the machinery removed but the plant and

most of the industrial ecuipmienr- wSs not totally ruined and

couid be readily converted to a peacet-tim indust:-ial opera-

iion. Because Au-.usta had escaped invasin;n anr destruction,

many neus enterprising ir nigrants f-om Atl.antca, Savap.nnh,

Ch-1rlestcn aind cthe!r %war-'torn cities chose to relocate in

Aunusta and .cst their iots -.ith the future growth of the

city. Most of those who arrived were former merchants,








businessmen and financiers who believed that such good for-

tunes would create most favorable circumstances for economic

growt.Lh in the postwar era. It vwas also commonly remarked by

federal soldiers when they arrived in the "Yankee City" that

they found more specie in circulation than they had ever
4
seen since before the war began.

Numerous comments revealed the buoyant, optimistic

spirit of material progress. "Stores, whose shelves were

t.hen empty, are laden now with the choicest goods. Mer-

chants have been North . acknowledging and liquidating

the debts contracted by them before the war, Cand] have

fE.rnd creditors. We witness stores undergoing repairs,

business houses and dwellings Phoenix-like, rising out of

ashes . The stores are stocked with goods; the streets

thronged with men . all proclaiming [ouy] city's in-

crcasiig prosperity. The flutter of wheels and the song of

the :aw on the canal are responded to by the lumbering of

heavily laden drays along the streets, caught up by the ring

of the h-ammer and the sharp clip of the adz, at the sbip

yard, 5and re-echoed by the same from the shores of South

Carol-ina. For from the boundaries of Dublin to the Banks of

the Savannah rises an unceasing hum--telling us that we live

in the midst of an enterprising and industrious people, :

Martin V. Calvin explained in the City Directorvfor 1865.








"Our city has become :o groat a centre for business that

merchants have been obliged to betake themselves to second

stories frc salesrooms. It looks as if Augusta was growing

a little--growing in population some, and in business a

great dial," the Daily Constitutionalist and Sentinel noted

in Septeirber, 1865. Vast quantities of cotton were stored

in and about the city; perhaps, in greater amounts than at

"any other point in the South." None of it had been burned,

nor destroyed. "Cotton Row" merchants commented about how

business remained "very brisk"; most of them failed to moan

about the "good old days." Returning to the city, W. A.

Ramsay stated that a "most kind" and "conciliatory spirit"

existed towards the South in New York, remarking that the

"leading merchants and businessmen of the great metropolis

.re anxious and striving to have business once more resume

its wanted channels with all sections."

Postwar "Recovery" and Uninterrupted Grow.th

Available evidence suggests that there was significant,

substantial ard swift "recovery" in the post-Civil War

period. According to data collected, three sectors of the

Augusta economy showed overwhelming giow'th: a new banking

syrstrem was quickly recreated to replace the antebellum hbnks

that had collapsed with the Confederacy: a greater, more

complex transportation network evolved as old rail connec-








tions were restored and new, direct rail connections were

estaLlished with a variety of major South Atlantic cities;

and a larger industrial 7one was created as the old, estab-

lished prewar mills continued to prosper, new textile mills

were founded along the banks of the enlarged canal and the

surplus wealth of Augustans was exported into the Horse

Creek Valley region of South Carolina or the "Greater

Augusta Area." Instead of a dark, bleak and tragic era--a

period of utter destruction in which all aspects of the old

economic order were torn asunder--the postwar era was a new

epoch of rapid "recovery" and unprecedented expansion.

Either Augusta's posLwar economic experiences were totally

unique or additional "reasonable doubt" is cast upon the

traditionaL hypothesis that few positive act:mrplishments

wa-ce attained in the Reconstruction era.

The financial history of Augusta during the Civil War

and Reconstruction era revealed that total economic ruin did

not transpire; nor were the postwar years an era of linger-

ing financial distress. On the eve ot the war a series of

banks constituted the "Big Six" in the city and possibly

the state. The .Bank of Augusta, Mechanics Bank, City Bank,

Augusta Tnsurznce and Banking Company, Union Bank and the

Georgia Rail-r'sod aind Banking Company had combined assets of

$2,675,000 out of an aggregate banking capital of $9,028,078








of the -twer.ty--fi.ve banks in Georgia. "At the outbreak of

the war the banks of Aucusta risked their all on the success

of the Southern Confederacy," Charles C. Jones and Salem

Dutchcer recorded in their Memorial History of Augusta," and

at the end of the struggle went down in common ruin."

One bank, however, failed to collapse in hideous bank-

ruptcy. The sole antebellum bank which survived was the

Georgia Railroad and Banking Company. The individual who

was responsible for its survival was John Pendleton King.

President King clearly recognized that the precipitous drop

in deposits and discounts were indicative of an imminent

financial collapse. Deposits and discounts dropped sharply

in 1863-18C4; falling from $626,849 to $99,844 and from

$559,066 to $181,319, respectively. Not only did King per-

ceive the impending financial death of the bank but, as he

observed the fortunes of war, he foresaw the inevitable

collapse of the Confederacy. Because of his recommendations

to the board of directors, the bank continued to exist as a

de fact institution in the comlrmunity. Under his able

executive leadership it emerged from a prewar position as

t'hild oj: fourth largest bank to become the dominant banking

concern in the city. During the so-called era of "Yankee-

0ayonct Rul.e'' i.he capital of the company rose to $4,200,000;

the volume of annual business transactions amounted to








$75,000,000 and over $4,000,000 in dividends were paid out
"7
to its stockholders.

The continued commercial prosperity and important

monetary needs of the city's institutions to handle finan-

cial transacLions between industrialists, cotton factors,

grocers, retail merchants, attorneys, real estate agents and

the general urban populace necessitated the creation of

other banking facilities. No one bank could service the

needs of the entire community. To fill the vacuum created

by the collapse of the Big Six, a series of new successor

banks were organized by dynamic, enterprising financiers,

merchants and businessmen, many of whom were the sons of the

"established families."

Within ten years after the end of the war a new cluster

of banks vwera created and in operation. The National Bank

w;s duly organized in December, 1865, and commenced the

business of b;.nking. Although two wealthy and powerful New

Yo k: cupircalists had put up the initial venture capital,

local entrepreneurs were largely responsible for the ad-

miJnistrntion of the new bank. Under the auspices of William

. Jacksoin aind Charles Estes, its total resources continued

to grow u;'ti rthey were estimated to be in excess of

$S50,000. The Bank of Augusta was chartered by the state

legislature in the spring of 1866 with Howard H. Hickman







as its President. Alfred Baker, former antebellum state

senator, proprietor of the Paragon mills, co-owner of a very

large wholesale grocery business, a leading director of the

old Mechanics Bank and director of the Enterprise Manufac-

turing Company and the Georgia Chemical Works, was most in-

fluential in assisting Ferdinand Phinizy and other prewar

commrnunity leaders in organizing the National Exchange Bank

in 1971. In later years its average annual deposits were

around $192,000 and loans and discounts exceeded $340,000.

Former governor Charles J. Jenkins, industrialists John P.

King and ex-mayor "Colonel" Thomas P. Branch were instru-

mental in founding during :he era of Reconstruction the

Planters' Loan and Savings Bank with a capital stock of

almost $1,000,000. The CoirLmercial Bank, originally in-

corporated in 1863, commenced its financial transactions in

1871. Organized by two industrialists, William Sibley and

George ii. Lombard; Joseph Rucker Lamar, a very prominent

attorney an. several other outstanding businessmen, its

yearly monetary transactions by the 1890's were greater

tha. S250,00. "Captain" Wiljiam B. Young, Patrick Walsh,

John P. King, Richard E. Allen and Alfred Baker pooled to-

gether some of their economic resources in 1575 to create

the Augusta Savings Tnstitute for small depositors. Its

deposits steadily increased to around $314,537 in the 1890's.







Other banks--the Irish-American Dime Savings Bank and the

Equitable Building and Loan Association--ware also estab-

lished by the "most substantial" businessmen who, in many

cases, were the former incorporators, executives, politi-

cians and officials of the antebellum banks, industries,

r-ilroads and other enterprises.

The significance of the new, postwar banking firms

cannot be blithely dismissed. Except for the loss of con-

fidence, runs on the banks and suspensions accompanying the

national Panic of 1873, clearing house returns published in

the financial section of the Chronicle showed a continuous,

steady increase over the corresponding period of the previ-

ous year. All of the new banks were consistently reported

to be in a 'very prosperous condition" or doing a "re-

markably fine" business and greatly assisting in the normal

economic transactions of the community. Indeed, in one case

the board of directors announced to stockholders that divi-

dends paid out amounted to the "lively tune" of 1.2 per cent

per annum on its $1,000,000 capital stock. Secondly, in

-mot. in.ctances, the banking firms were also closely aLlie.

wit-! the new manufacturing, mercantile and railroad inter-

ests. The same ;Len w .ho served as bank presidents werc often

as r-'ni pres.ildents, vice prjesiden;:s or mein:cor of the boards

cf directors of other coororations. William E. Jackson,






13

President of the Augusta Factory, played a critical role in

determining the policies of the National Bank. Another

member of the National Bank, Charles Estes, was the execu-

tive leader of the John P. King mill. William Sibley,

President of the Sibley Manufacturing Company, was one of

the principal organizers and directors of the Commercial

Sankt, The owner of the major iron foundry, George R. Lom-

bard, was both a member of the board of the Commercial Bank

and the National Bank. John P. King, a prominent, wealthy,

p-ewar attorney, ex-United States Senator and President of

the Georgia Railroad and Banking Company, was very influen-

tial in establishing the Planters' Loan and Savings Bank,

Augusta Savings Institute and the National Exchange Bank.

Bankers obviously played an influential role in the procure-

:ient of local venture capital for the further growth of the

established textile mills, creation of new industries and

the swift "recovery" of urban industrial prosperity in the

postwar era. Bankers were clearly eager and anxious to lInd

money to talented businessmen,

'The second sector of the postwar economy to reveal sig-

nificant- rapid recovery was the i-ailroad transportation

system which converged2 and departed from AugustLa. The war

had temporarily disrupted it but the disorders were quickly

corrected after Appomattox. By July, 1865, railroad cars








wepre operating from Chattanooga to Atlanta, indicative of

the ultimate successful reconstruction of the Western and

.Atlanta Railroad. The Macon and Augusta Railroad, a branch

of the Georgia Railroad, announced in mid-August, 1865, that

its services would be reopened shortly. Work on the resto-

ration of the South Carolina Railroad, it was stated by

executives of the "Best Friend, was being "vigorously

prosecuted." Two trains were running between Augusta and

Savannah per day by February, 1866. By the spring of 1866,

Augusta was again united by rail with Charleston, Columbia

and points north. Although some of the iron rails of the

Central Railroad of GeorgJ.a were heated, wrapped around

trees and shaped into fashionable "Sherman ties," not all of

the main lines were hopelessly destroyed. Officials pointed

with pride that within two years after the end of the war

the lines were reopened from Augusta to Macon and Savannah

and that the value of capital stock had risen to $5,300,000.

In 1873 the Charleston and Western Carolina Railroad Company

reopened its lines from Augusta to Port Royal. By the

1873's and 1880's through the railroad lines, Augusta was

being connected up with a pletho.a of southern cities--

Birmingham, Montgomery, Atlanta, Athens, Macon, Columbus,

Laurens, Spartanbur:g. Greenville. Savannah, Charleston,

,Wi~i.iilg-on, Norfolk, Port Royal and Baltimore--making it a








hub of one of the important rail centers of the New South.

Host ccnto:eporaries were impressed with the great energy,

remarkable enthusiasm and tremendous zeal exhibited by the

cwNers in rebuilding, repairing and restoring the old trans-

portation network that converged and departed from Augusta.

But they also perceived that a vast, new and far more com-

plex railroad network was being built that would create

greater corrnercial and agrarian trade relationships with

their city.

'ie Georgia Railroad Company, especially, showed the

continuation of the boom that had accompanied the outbreak

of the Civil Whar. Superintendent E. W. Cole's financial

report for Mtay 15, 1365, to March 31, 1866, showed that net

income paid before interest charges to investors exceeded

51.4,'08. It had "definitely not been ruined by the wa:r."

"'here were numerous explanations offered for the postwar

prosperity of "Old Reliable." War veterans, refugees and

other displaced persons were returned to their homes.

Co'ion, hoarde'i during the last days of the Confederacy,

was being shipped for export. The temporary elimination oc

soma competitors assured the Georgia Railroad more than its

nor m-al volume of trade.

It was not until 1871 that there was a decline in net

rofiits, but even then annual net profits often surpassed






16

?500,000. Furthermore, in a proper perspective, the decline

represented actual earnings and reflected sound company

policies. Additional miles of -rack were laid and the over-

all mileage increased. New locomotives and cars were pur-

chased from the gross profits. Many of the old, wood-

bu-ninqg engines were overhauled and converted to coal burn-

ers. Newer, more "elegant and comfortable" cars, which had

become the "syimol of safety and luxury," also were bought.

All 'chese expenditures naturally cut into the margin of net

profits but represented long-range investment gains rather

than short-term losses. Despite these alleged losses, from

18SC0-881 the Georgia Railroad paid out to its stockholders
10
dividends amounting to $5,154,576.

Railroads played a crucial role in the rapid develop-

ment of the city in the late nineteenth century. First, they

made Augusta the gateway through which passed most of the

agricultural products of several southeastern states. The

tru-nk lines and branches of these railroads travelled

Through scme of the best farm counties. Railrop.d cars

1od.vi.d ith every variety of cash crops- -wheat, oats, corn,

ry bsets, sweet potatoes, artichokes, peaches, pears,

rlll.a: and grapes--wer-e bound for Augusta and other urban

markets. Extensive agricultural trade helped to rtake it

into a commercial market for farmers and merchants of the








surrounding villages, towns and smaller cities. To the

business community, this steady stream of products from the

farm strengthened the rural-urban trade relationships and

assured it of greater profits.

Second, most of the lines reached the cotton growing

sections of Georgia, Alabama, South Carolina and even western

Tennessee where fertile black lands yielded tons of 'south-

ern snow" each season, making Augusta the second largest

inland cotton market in the United States. Each year after

the war as the railroads continued to increase their mileage

of track, they increased the size of the Augusta cotton

terci-tory and shipped more cotton into the city to be pro-

cassed, refined, baled, consigned, marketed and trans-

shipped in box cars or cargo holds of steamers to other

cities. A "boom" in cotton receipts was clearly evident.

The agg.-regate volume of cotton receipts from 1076-1886

.nmcunted to over 1,400,000 bales--or an average of around

134.000 bales. Cotton receipts jumped from 1889-1900 to

over 2,600,000 bales and a new average of 241,000 bales per

year. From 1900--1911 the total volume of cotton receipts

ju5rped to over 3,700,0000 bales and reached a new yearly

av'rag& of 343,000 bales. Over 4,700,000 bales were shipped

.from 1911-1922, representing a higher annual average of

435,000 bales. Cotton was unquestionably one of the major








forces creating the prosperity of Augusta in the urban
11
Progressive Era.

Third, without the railway and shipping facilities,

Augusta would not have conceivably experienced an "internal

boom" in urban growth, indus-rial expansion, business sales

and aggregate banking assets. "Cotton Row" merchants busily

constructed huge new warehouses and wharves all alcng the

Savannah to store the increased volume of cotton and to ex-

pedite the transfer of cotton from railroad box cars into

the holds of ocean-bound steamers. "It is quite an inter-

esting scene at the wharf these days," a reporter noted,

"with the quantity of freight all around and the number of-

teams loading and unloading.' At the port of Augusta "noth-

ing hut the snokestacks of steamers could be seen." The

boom in cotton receipts also had significant repercussions

upon the textile industries, creating a tremendous impetus

to the enlargement of existing mills, promoting the instal-

lation of more looms and spindles in all fn.ctcries and in--

creasing the volume of ind~scrial production. Manufacturing

enterprises wecrS probably flooded with more orders, turned

out more finished products and paid out greater profits than

possibly at any tiinm in the past. Concurrently, the sub-

stantial growth in the volume of freight receipts was a

major factor in the parallel rise in bank clearings. Annual









bank clearings throughout the Progressive Era rose from a

record high in 1900 of over $58,000,000 to an all time an-

nual oeakr of S230,000,000 in 1919. Financiers readily

explained that the marked increase was due to the "active

cotton traffic."12

Fourth, through the railroads and steamers, Augusta's

"local" economy become pare of a regional and national

economy. The various railroad and steamship companies

linked ip Augusta with the port shipping facilities of

Jacksonville, Brunswick, Savannah, Charleston, Newport, Port

Ruyal, Wilmington and Norfolk. Ships were loaded at these

South Atlantic port cities with cargoes and passengers

bound for Providence, New York, Boston, Washington and

Richmond as wcll as many of the major ports of Europe.

The economic pattern of recovery in banks and railroads

was especially rapid but postwar industrial growth pro-

ceedse more slowly because it necessarily involved greater

long-range decisions and preparations; acquisition of ad-

ditional mechanical equip )ent- enlargement of the canal for

ade.,rdat power; incorpora-ion and construction of new enter-

pI:I-.ss; internal migration of people and the formation of a

largr urb:in population: import and export of a greater

volume c goods; and, especially, the steady rise in the

volume of capital formation and financial commitments.






20

Industrial recovery, however, was not subjected to sporadic,

frecrlent interruptions nor drastic, sharp upward and down-

warcd movements commonly characteristic of business-cycle

fluctuations. Instead, the pattern was an overall upward

trend, showing the continuation of certain substantial

forward gains made during the war, revealing additional

immediate postwar advances through careful planning and

indicating to a great extent that there was an "interlocked"

sequence of changes occurring in all three sectors of

Augusta's urban economy culminating in the successful rise

of the city as a major textile center for Georgia and
1 3
western South Carolina.3

The rate of growth, net profits and other business

gains of the Augusta Factory, for instance, clearly re-

f.lected -the continuity of industrial development. Founded

in 1847 and reorganized in 1859 by William E. Jackson,

T'ho'mas Barrettand other prominent Augustans; the "Pioneer"

,ill showed almost uninterrupted growth during peace, war

..nd reconstruction. During the first three years after

Appomattox, it liquidated its debts, acquired a surplus fund

of nearly $250,000 and owned property valued at more than

$900,000. Aggregate net earnings from 1865-1870 far ex-

ceeded $800,000, cut of Ahli-az $540,000 was paid to stock-

holders, President Jackson reported in his annual report to








the board of directors. In May of 1873, Jackson reported

that stock paid in dividends amounted to a steady 20 per

cent per annum since the war and its value had more than

doubled. That fall the company reported that from 1868-1873

not e.acnings amounted to $790,500 and profits divided up

among stockholders exceeded $660,000. Moreover, the mill

had quadrupled the number of looms and spindles in opera-

tion, jumping to 800 looms and 26,000 spindles. Corporate

profits were very good from 1865-1875, paying out dividends

equal to 198 per cent on the original capital stock, or
14
approximately 15 per cent per annum.

The most important and most striking feature of postwar

gro'vth, however, was the plan formulated by the white

leaders of the "established families" to create, through the

enlargement of the canal, a new, more vast industrial zone

in the city. Mayor Joseph V. H. Allen's inaugural address

of December, 1869, included comments that "the power of the

oJd canal was not sufficient to run even the two mills of

the Augusta Factory." The mayor also expressed belief

-that the construction of the Langley mill in South Carolina

by Au;gusans had beer the result of the inadequate power

p:-;ovided by the old canal. Concluding his address, Allen

sia ted that 't.hs canal contained "the germ of the future

greatness of our city, and needs only to be developed to








bring a large increase of industrious population, millions

of added wealth and profitable labor for our poor."5

Businessman, industrialists, financiers, merchants and

acttoneys eagerly desired to improve the old canal to allow

for future growth, enlarge plant operations of the Augusta

Factory and other mills and encourage the founding of a

cluster of new industries, establishing Augusta as the

"LOCELL of the SOUTH." Many pointed out that the canal,

completed in 1845, was no longer adequate--supplying neither

sufficient power for existing mills nor providing power for

increasing the number of spindles and looms in the estab-

lished mills, much less for any new industrial enterprises.

Concerned interest groups, furthermore, pointed cut that

since the city had a heavy investment in the original

canal, its enlargement was naturally a matter of cooperative

effort between municipal authorities and the representatives

of private business firms. They also stressed that a bold,

new plan of expanding its size would be a major factor of

inducing investors at home and elsewhere to put up the

venture capital for mammotht" new manufacturing concerns.

Convinced of the enormous importance of the proposed

project, Mayor Charles Estes recc:aiended that experienced

nenirneers be hired to survey the canal, estimate the costs

and present their findings to the City council for an








ultimate decision in the matter. Chairman Thomas Barrett,

Jr., Patrick Walsh and two other mroraers of the special

canal committee accepted the findings of the engineers,

submitted a report endorsing the building of a "new" canal

and recommended that a special election be held. After

voting unanimously in favor of the project, the council

called for a special election. Consolidated returns of

the October, 1871, canal election showed that a majority of

voters favored the project. Gn the basis cE the mandate at

the polls, the city purchased the necessary dredging equip-

ment, awarded the contract to a private corporation and ar-

rangad for the importation of several hundred Chinese

Iabcrors to assist in the digging of the canal. Sluiceways

were cut from the canal to the river. A second and third

level to the old canal were built. After several years of

arduous labor, the project was completed at a cost of almost

16
$1, 900,900.1

As construction of the n-ne canal neared cor.pletion, it

prompted shrewd, cool-headed, business-minded Augustans to

travel North in search of Yankee money in order to re-

estiblish old financial and commr.rci.a ties, cr:.eate now

business associations, promote the expansion of the o ld

industri ies and found new factcrios along the banks of the

enlarged canal. Like many Bourbon crusaders of the New






24

South, they believed that the economic resources were being

drained away to Lhe textile industries in New England. They

were further cronv.nced 'hat the low cottUn pr;.ces were re-

spcnsible for the drain of these resources. Anxious to re-

tain that wealth and to beat the "Yankee Captains" of in-

dustries at their own game, they believed that the cotton

mills ought to be brought to the cotton fields. The new

business leaders who emerged as the economic elite---while

la-menting the demise of the Confederacy--shared a common

jision of an industrial, business civilization for the

17
South o

Completed in 1875, the new Augusta canal was cesponci-

blie oJr converting the "persistent" swampy lowlands, sitag-

nant pcnds and thick marshes on the estates of Cujnning,

Phinizy, Eve and other community influenrtials into a valu-

able industrial park. But of utmost importance was the

Eact tihat the plans, Dreparations and actions pursued Lt

"Southern Yankees" had secured subscription of funds from

some northern capitalists, succeeded in raising local ven-

ture c::pirtal. and been responsible for the founding of a

plethora of new textile mills and the proliferation n of

ceco-ndary or collateral industries. The John P. King,

Josiah Sibley, Entearprise, Algernon, Sterling and ;WaIhr;ick

cotton mills, along which Clark's Flour Mill, Artic Ice








Factory, Sin'jleton Silk Mill, Cotton Seed Oil Company, Lor-

tard Iron Works and other major industries were built along

the banks of the enlarged canal. The rise of "mamnr.oth" new

industries, in turn, stimulated the growth of over sixty new

collateral industries, including railroad shops, boiler re-

18
pair shops, lumber mills, compresses and brick works.

The Enterprise Manufacturing Company before 1873 was a

"small old stone mill, which had long reposed on the old

canal, and ground for its neighbors its slender lots of

lour and meal." In October of 1877, H. M. Clark of Boston,

Charles Estes, G. T. Jackson, Francis Cogin and James Grey

pooled their resources to reorganize the company. Within

less than a decade, the "giant" new corporation had over

30,,00 spindles, 900 looms and employed 700 mill operatives.

In November of 1879, Eugene F. Verdery, a leading indus-

trialist and financier: Patrick Walsh of the Aucrusta

Chron Lcle: Z. McCord, a prominent businessman; and former

mayocs. Robert May and Joseph V. H. Allen, pooled $160,000

cf local capital to organize the Sibley Manufacturing Com-

pany. Josjih Sibloy and William C. Sibley travelled to New

York and Cilcinonati, securing additional subscriptions from

Sar:uel Keyear and Walter Smith amounting to $540,000. The

following spring, construction began at the site of the old

Confednerate Powder Works. Completed and in operation in








February, 1882, the Sibley mill partially utilized the re-

finery, laboratory and incorporating mills and other build-

ings of the powder works. Initially it housed 35,000

spindles and 1,000 looms but increasing production demands

dictated increasing its operation to 40,256 spindles and

1,409 looms. Also on the first level of the new canal was

the King mill. Charles Estes, after travelling to Boston,

New York and Philadelphia, obtained subscriptions amounting

to almost $500,000. Returning to the South, he visited

Charleston and Savannah, raising the remainder of the funds

necessary for capitalization. Although the board of direc-

tors included C. H. Simpson and C. C. Baldwin, the vast

majority were prominent Augustans--H. B. King, John Davison,

Patrick Walsh, Alfred Baker, Thomas G. Barrett, Josiah

Sibley, James P. Verdery, William T. Wheeless and R. A.

Fl2ming. Within nine years the industrial capacity of the

John P. King mill increased from 544 to 880 looms and from.
19
26,46-i4 to 96,500 spindles.

The Au:gusta Factory, Sibley, King and Enterprise mills,

collectively, constituted the galaxy of large textile fac-

tores i.n the city. Around them were a cluster of smaller

cotton mills including the Globe, War..ick, Algerncn and

Stcrliirj wills ard a variety of secondary industries. The

rise of a well-developed money market, rapid railroad con-








struction, a greater volume of trade, significant urban-

suburban expansion and the growth of the acute need for

technological repair services to the basic textile indus-

tries produced a wave of incorporations and construction of

a plethora of collateral industries by shrewd, perceptive

entrepreneurs. They correctly realized that there was a

direct: correlation between the new level of urban-industrial

activity and the need for additional, effective subsidiary

industries. Thus, an economic "subsector" consisting of the

Georgia Chemical Works, Lombard Iron Foundry, Augusta Lumber

Company, Perkins Manufacturing Company, Augusta Ice Factory

and some sixty other, smaller supplementary industries

evolved. The completion of the canal had created a new

urban industrial sector valued at approximately $4, 000,000

which produced over $3,000,000 annually in manufactured

goods. By 1385 the aggregate capital investment in the

total industrial sector increased to almost $8,000,000 and

the manufactured products were valued in excess of

A10,000,000. Augusta, in the Gilded Agn, was clearly mnakLng

rapid strides toward becoming a significant urban indus-

trial city in Georgia as well as western South Carolina.0

The growth of banks, railroads .and industries was

dire'-tly .respconsibia for the increassing population of

Augusta. Hundreds of people left the cornfields, cotton








patches and redclay hills of rural Georgia every year to

find so-called "high-paying" industrial work in Augusta.

Every one of the major mills had a sizable labor force and

the other industries employed large numbers of wage-earners.

As a connecting point between rail and water transportation

systems, Augusta required great numbers of semi-skilled aid

un.ki-'.led laborers. Because the goods handled were bulky in

size, they required numerous hands to assist the transfer

of freight from the warehouses to railroad box cars and

steamers. Thousands of dollars of crates of merchandise,

boxes of canned goods, furniture, stoves and other consumer

goods needed to be efficiently unloaded from the ships which

docked at the port of Augusta and lifted from the wharves

to the streets above where stevedores, draymen and truckmen

carted it away in their horse-drawn wagons. The continuous

c-.rnsi;ructUion of new residential homes, business firms,

i.arger mills and warehouses was also responsible for en-

couraging bricklayers, carpenters and other skilled con-

str-.!ctlion workers to migrate to the city. The abundance of

job opportunities, therefore, naturally attracted more people

to the city. In 1360 the population of Augusta was little

more than 12,000; but by 1880 it had grown to over 20,000.

Ti..,'o decades later it had almost doubled, reaching 39,441.

By 1920 the number of people living in Augusta reached








59,551. In six decades the urban population had increased

21
about five times.

The rise of the "Lowell of the South" was not re-

stricted to the confines of the city limits, nor the boun-

daries of Richmond County, nor, for that matter, the geo-

graphicaL dividing lines between Georgia and South Carolina.

Another significant aspect of the third sector was, there-

fore, industrial expansion into the Palmetto state. The

genesis of Augusta's "industrial colony" dated back to the

:.340's with the founding of the G:.-aniteville and Vaucluse

mills. Although located across the Savannah, both were

Augusta enterprises since a substantial portion of the

capital and many of the men wno incorporated and directed

them were Augustans. In 1847 the Graniteville mill was

built. IThe following year the Vaucluse mill was built Erom

the surplus profits of its parent corporation. Both ex-

perriereced almost continuous growth for two decades, building

additions to the plants, acquiring several thousand acres of

land and constructing small wooden frame houses and company

stores in the emerging industrial plantations. President

William Gregg, returning to Augusta after an extended busi-

ness trip abroad, ar.nounced that he had purchased consider--

able new equipm-ent for greater expansion. Over 680 cases of

equipment and large quantities of building materials arrived






30

from Liverpool in May, 1866. But, in 1867, declining value

of shares, expenditures for the planned enlargements and

other internal business complications contributed to the
') 2
temporary cessation of production.

Under the single management of President H, H. Hickman

of Aagusta, the Graniteville and Vaucluse mills from 1867-

1899 showed considerable forward strides and significant

profits. Colonel Hickman successfully restored the joint

business corporation to a firm basis, eliminated unnecessary

exuendittues, increased the volume of business sales and

effected a thorough-going managerial revolution. In the

annual report for 1872, it was proudly announced that during

.he last five years stockholders had received an average

annual dividend rangir.g from 10 to 20 per cent of the total

cami-tal investlrint. Net gains for just 1th Graniteville

mill had added 5166,526 to the surplus funds in 1872; the

following year they exceeded $190,000. Gross profits in

1973 amounted to $217,685 and dividends paid out were in

excess of $100,000. The combined profits of the two mills

exceedc-d $356,000. In 1.74, although directors lamented

t:at p''ofits were "not very satisfactory," according to

buri.-.ess records the croipany recorded a net return of 22

per cent on its $700,000 capital. From 1874-1878 the Gran-

iteville alone paid out dividends amounting to $299,650,





31

representing .l-most 50 per cent on its capital stock. From

J878-1883 Craniteville earned gross profits of $468,977 and

paid out almost $250,000 to stockholders. In April, 1899,

HLcknmau rendered a thorough account of his thirty-two years

of stewardshipi" before turning over the direction of the

company to Tracy Hickman. The retiring president pointed

with great pride that shares had risen in value from sixty

cents on the dollar to $200 per share. Stockholders had

received $1,200,000 in dividends. Property holdings had

substantially increased, new machinery had been purchased,

physical facilities had grown with constant enlargements,

several hundreds of thousands of dollars had been trans-

ferred to the surplus funds out of the gross profits and

other industries had been founded in the "Greater Augusta
23


"ic continual return of steady, high profits to the

Augusta capitalists meant that they were most eager to

continue ho invest their surplus wealth in their "industrial

colony." In the 1370's, 1830's and 1890's an "aggressive

spirit' resulted in further "imperial exporting" of capital

Lo found the Langley, Aiken, Warren and Clearwater manu-

fa-ctu.-ring companies. The men who raised the capital stock,

promotiedr the ventur-es, organized the milltowm.s and made all

the key administrative decisions were prominent citizens of








Aucusta. By 1900 they had invested a total of $2,200,000

in their four Carolina-based factories.

The subscribed capital for the Langley Manufacturing

Company came in 1870 from William Langley of New York;

William E. Jackson, President of the Augusta Factory; William

C. Sibley, President of the Sibley mill; and other leading

local businessmen--Josiah Sibley, Edward Thomas, John Jay

Cohen and Thomas Barrett, Jr. The new corporation lived up

to their hearty expectations, showing net profits of

$325,A03 for the period 1972-1877 which represented about

13.5 per cent average annual return. President Thomas

Barrett, Jr. reported that the corporation was a real

'gcirg-concern, earning net profits of $338,525 from 1878-

1833 ror an 85 per cent return on the initial investment in
24
a four year period.2

At Bath, just six miles from Augusta, tie Aiken Manu-

facturing Company was organized, built and in operation in

thu 183C's. Among its important promoters and officials was

Charles Estes, President of the Kirng mill, former mayor and

close Lu5-iness associate of several mills, banks and other

industries. President Thomas Barrett, Jr., executive head

of the Langley mill since 1878, had greatly stressed the im-

portance of the plant's location between the Southern, South

Carolina and Georgia railways, pointing out that the exist-








ing spur switches afforded the company excellent rail fa-

cilities for shipping goods to other markets. Within five

years, the three-story brick plant was enlarged to accomr.o--

date 27,500 spindles and 766 looms, thereby almost doubling

its original industrial equipment.

James P. Verdery, President and Treasurer of the Enter-

prise mill: Charles A. Robbe, prominent construction con-

tractor; Linwood C. Hayne, a rising young financier associ-

ated with two important Augusta banks; and Eugene F. Verdery

currbinie their fortunes and talents to take over a mill at

Warrenville when it became "financially embarrassed."

President E. F. Verdery successfully raised the capital

funds to liquidate its debts and to equip it with 1,000

looms and 31,000 spindles. By 1900 the Warren Manufacturing

Company, it was frequently said, was larger in size, pro-

cuction, and equipment than both the Graniteville and Van-

clusa mills.

Experienced Augusta cotton men--Charles Estes, Thomas

Barrett, Jr., Frederick B. Pope and Landon A. Thomas, Jr.--

perceived that most of the southern cottcn mills had to send

their goods North to be bleached and then re-shipped back

down Southb. Recognizing that a demand existed, -hev will-

ingly put up the venture capital for the Clearv'ater Bleach--

eiy and Manufacturing Company. Since it was the only firm






34

of its type in the region, they knew that it would steadily

grow, paying back high profits to its subscribers.25

The Nature of the New City

Rapid urbanization and industrialization had sub-

stantially changed the nature of life in the new city. Vast

new municipal problems emerged, placing greater demands and

strains upon city government and the decision-makers. Water

for thu peop1- was a very crucial matter, requiring long-

range urban planning. Bad taste, strong odors, thick green

algae and flitting water bugs in public wells often caused

them to be "abandoned by man and beast." Sewerage and

drainage systems were rendered hopelessly inadequate by the

growing city. Existing sewers and drains were in an acute

stat of decay. Decaying animal cadavers demanded removal

by sc-avengers hired by the city. It was obvious to many,

especially professional medical authorities, that such

urban sanitation conditions were confronk:ing the city

fathers with major challenges and requiring a greater cen-
26
tralization of authority.

Second, the rise of urban Augusta had created a series

of slma. independent village clusters lying beyond the

official city limits. Sumn.erville, Harrisonvilli, Monte

Sano, North Augusta and Nollieville, for example, were on

the peripheral fringe of the city proper. Most of these








never residential areas on the periphery developed as an

inevitable result of the increase in material wealth of the

more prosperous white citizens. Property o-wners, anxious

to display their material success, endeavored to make full

use of their building sites to create the image of a sophis-

ticated, aristocratic society devoted to a leisurely way of

life. Grand and stately homes, surrounded by large plots of

ground, gardens and trees were inhabited by the wealthy in-

dustrialists, bankers, brokers, merchants, attorneys and

other well-to-do residents. Streets were shaded with elm,

oak, pine and pcplar trees to beautify the areas. Suburban

real estate corporations advertised that all lots and homes

wece sold with "proper restrictions" to insure the "quiet

and comfort" of the nno suburbanites and the "absence of

objectionable people." 'The Loop" circled the city, offer-

ing quick, fast and dependable trolley service in "first-

class" can's to the commuting members of the "respectable

stratcL of society." Rising, younger political aspirants,

who had often assisted in che building of the city and the

development of the suburbs, frequently were of the strong

opinion that cert'-i.n, select suburban areas ought to be

annexed, forn!ing a "Greater Augu:ta."27

Urban life styles in the "factory district" and "The

Terri" were far different from the leisure way of life in





36

suburbia. The region between the central business district

from upper Broad Street to around Lake Olmstead emerged

sharply defined as the "factory settlement." The vast ma-

jority of the white wage-earners lived in that district.

Most of the large textile mills took up a considerable amount

of space and were visibly present. Other industrial con-

cerns--ice plants, lumber yards, machine shops--also charac--

terizod the area, contributing to its distinctiveness as the

heart of industrial Augusta. Tall two-story brick and

wooden tenement houses, crowding several families into one

building with dark, ill-ventilated, dreary tiny apartments

were a common distinguishing feature. Company-owned cot-

tages, small wooden frame houses and other homes were built

in order to provide lodgings for the mill operatives and

their families.

The great mass of the black population resided almost

w'holly in the region south of Gwinnett Street and southwest

in "The Territory." During the war, and particularly after

the death of the Confederacy, many colored people abandoned

the plantation lands and flocked to the city in the hope of

gaining a better way of life. "'The Terri," as the Negroes

calli'd i., emerged in the postwar industrial city as a

community within a ( o-munity. Living and working ',ithin the

city, they were nevertheless shut off from white society and






37

prohibited by law from entering certain establishments, such

as theatres, restaurants and hotels. Separate business

firms, churches and schools emerged to provide for the needs

of the urban blacks, giving rise to a very small, but ex-

ceedingly ambitious black bourgeoisie. Merchants, grocers,

undertakers, saloon-keepers, ministers, professors, lawyers

and teachers catered to their exclusively colored clientele.

Rows of low-rent tin shanties, ramshackle buildings, wooden

shacks and older, former white residential homes lined the

dusty roadways, streets and alleys of the region, giving it

another distinct characteristic which separated it from the

lower class white factory district and the upper class white

suburbs.22

Third, rapid urban growth and industrial expansion had

contributed to acute new social tensions, especially between

the business groups and the non-business elements, confront-

ing the established political and economic elites with

several critical issues. The first fundamental problem was

the dramatic emergence of a new, highly moralistic public

sentiment favoring "Gcod Government" and advocating "re-

sponsible," "business-like" leadership in city politics

instead of "ward factionalism" and "corrupt elections."















NOTES


1. Augusta Daily Constitutionalist and Sentinel,
May 15, 1860, April 7, 18, Hay 15, 28, August 2, 29, Septem-
ber 7, 11, 1861, May 14, July 26, 1363, May 14, 1864;
Charles C. Jones, Jr., and Salem Dutcher, Memorial History
of Augusta, Georgia (Syracuse: D. Mason and Publishers,
1890), 416-425; George Washington Rains, History of the
Confederate Powder Works (Augusta: Chronicle and Constitu-
tionalist Print, 1882), passim; Joseph B. Milgram and Norman
P. Gerlieu, George Washington Rains (Philadelphia: Foote
Mineral and Company, 1961), passim; Florence Fleming Corley,
Confederate City, Augusta, Georgia. 1860-1865 (Columbia:
University of South Carolina Press, 1960), 46-62, 84-86;
Richard D. Goff, Confederate Supply (Durham: Duke Univer-
sity Press, 1969), 130-131; Charles B. Dew, Ironmaker to the
Con ederacy (New Haven and London: Yale University Press,
1966), 86, 125; T. Conn Bryan, Confederate Georgia (Athens:
University of Georgia Press, 1953), 103; E. Merton Coulter,
The Confederate States of America, 1861-1865 (Baton Rouge:
Louisiana State University Press, 1950), 207-209; Eiqhth
Cersus of the United States: 1860, Population (Washingt-on:
Government Printing Office, 1864), 74.

2. Fitz Gerald Ross, Cities and Camps of the Con-
federate States (Urbana: University of Illinois Press,
1958), 114-115, 141-144.

3. Corley, Confederate City, 84-86; Robert Selph
Henry, The Story of the Confederacy (Indianapolis and New
York: Dobbs-Merrill Company, Inc., 1964), 424-426; Alan
Ccrnwy, The Reconstruction of Georgia (Minneapolis: Uni-
versity of Minnesota Press, 1966), 10-14. Conway stresses
that Sherman's prime objective was to relocate his base of
military operations from Atlanta in the interior to Savannah,
a coastal citv where he could receive supplies from the
Union navy.








4. Augusta Daily Constitutionalist and Sertinel,
December 21, 1365, October 19, 1871, October 29, 1872;
'Minutes of the City Council, January 2, 1866-December 30,
1871,' 740-741; "Minutes of the City Council, January 1,
1872-April 7, 1879," 62-63; Richard W. Griffin, "Augusta
Manufacturing Company in Peace, iWa and Reconstruction,
1844-1877," business History Review, XXXII (Spring, 1958),
67; William L. Whatley, "A History of the Textile Develop-
mlent of Augusta, Georgia, 1865-1883" (M.A. thesis, Univer-
sity of South Carolina, 1964), 6. The continued postwar
existence of the buildings and equipment of the Confederate
Powder Works is a matter of local historical controversy.
George W. Rains, in his History of the Confederate Powder
Work3, 28, stated that "nothing" remained after the war.
However, municipal records and the files of the leading
newspaper confirm the thesis that the equipment and build-
ings were still in existence, almost undisturbed by the
ravages of the war, but that six years of neglect following
the war had its toll upon the plant. Roof-tops of remaining
buildings had caved-in, floors were warped, rotted-out and
badly damaged by the elements and the machinery that had
not been purchased by businessmen was rusted, possibly
beyond physical repair. The point is well-stated, however,
that greater damages had developed through neglect rather
than by the war and military occupation forces.

5. Calvin's Augusta City Directory for 1865-1806
(Augusta: Constitutionalist Job Office, 1865), 98; Augusta
Daily Consti-tutionalist and Sentinel, September 20, November
28, December 15, 1865; Augusta Chronicle, May 10, 1885;
Sidn-y Andrews, lThe South Since the War (Boston: Ticknor
and Fields, 1866), 353. Willard Range's, A Century of
Georgria _Ariculture, 1850-1950 (Athens: University of
Geo:rgia Press, 1954), 90, points out h thtthe "long
starved cotton mill." of New England, Britain and France
paid very high prices for southern cotton, offering 43
cents and 31 cents a pound in 1866 and .867, as compared to
8-10-11 cents per pound in the 1850's.

5. Jones and Dutchec. Memorial History of Aucpsta,
329, 333-340, 342-344, 346--348, 35b.

7. DAugusta Daily Constitutionalist and _3entijnel,
Decea boer 20, 1865, January 3, April 2, 1866, July 3, 1870,
Septtm-Tbr 1, 1872; Jones and Cutcher. Memorial History o-f
-lc'sta_, 3, 359-361, 488--501: Joseph B. Cum0ning, A History
of the Ceorqia Railroad and Banking Company and Its Corpor-







ate Affiliates, 1833-1958 (Augusta: Private Printer, 1958),
8-12; James F. Doster, "The Georgia Railroad and Banking
Company in the Reconstruction Era," Georgia Historical
a ._t-erly, XLVIII (March, 1964), 1-5.

8. Auausta Daily Constitutionalist and Sentinel,
May 2, 1866, July 3, August 27, 28, 1870, January 12,
February 7, 26, March 31, April 2, 4, 9, July 1, 9, August
13, September 26, 1871, March 15, September 1, 1872;
Auuusta Chronicle, February 11, 1900; Jones and Dutcher,
Memorial History of Augusta, 3, 133, 239, 360-362; The
Industrial Advantages of Auausta, Georgia (Augusta: Ake-
hurst publishingg Company, 1893), 109-110.

9. Augusta Daily Constitutionalist and Sentinel,
July 6, August 10, December 2, 1865, February 2, April 7,
18, 1866; Auust-a Chronicle, May 10, 1885, February 27,
March 6, September 5, 1897; Jones and Dutcher, Memorial
Historyof Auousta, 497, 505-506; Conway, The Reconstruction
of Georaia. 35-37; The Industrial Advantages of Augusta,
29-32; Eugene H. Hinton, A Historical Sketch of the Evolu-
t.ion of Trade and Lransportation of Auausta, Georgia (At-
lanta: The Southeastern Freight Association, 1912), 25-26.

10. Augusta Chronicle, May 10, 1885; Jones and Dutcher,
Memorial History of Augusta, 497-503; Doster, "The Georgia
Railroad and Banking Company," loc. cit., 1-5.

11. Aucusta Chronicle, February 27, 1897, April 16,
1905; "Hinton, Sketch of the Evolution of Trade, 21; Jones
and Dutcher, Memorial History of Augusta, 502; Tihe Ci+y
Council of Augusta, Georqia Year Book: 1909 (Augusta:
Augusta Chronicle Job Department, 1910), 127; Nineteen--
Twenty Year Book of the City Council of Aug-sta, Georgia
(Auciusta: Ridgely-Wing Tidewell Company, 1921), 13; Year
Book of the City Council of A.ugsta, Georgia: 1935
(Auousta: Publishers unknown, 193}6), 30-31.

12. Augusta Chronicle, August 19, 1898, September 1,
18999 Ma,,eor's Messages and Official Reports of the Demart-
um2ts _cfE the C.iy of Aucusta, 1904 (Augusta: Augusta
Chronicle Job Office, 1905), 52: Th'e City Council of
Augusta, Georgia Year Book: 1909 (Augusta: Augusta Chroni-
cle Job Department, 1910), 126; Nineteen Eleven Year Book of
the Cit, Council of Auausta, Geor.ca (Augusta: Phoenix
Printing Company, 1912), 160; Nineteen Sixteen Year Book
of tho City Council of Augusta, Georgia (Augusta: Ridgely-
iini--Tidewell Company, 1917), 137; Nineteen Nineteen Year








Book of the City Council of Augusta, Georgia (Augusta:
Phoenix Priri -u'ng Compar:ny 1920), 30; Nineteen Twenty-One
Year Book of the City Council of Augusta, Georgia (Augusta:
Phoenix Printing Company, 1922), 17; The Year Book of the
City Council of Au2usta, Georaia: 1935, 28; The Industrial
Advantages of Augusta, 49-50, 142.

13. Range, Georgia Agriculture, 77-159, stresses that
a "Long Depression" prevailed in Georgia from 1865-1900,
The Civil War had destroyed the textile mills and Georgia
industrialists had to start "almost from scratch." Such
was certainly not the case in Augusta; yet Range failed -to
mention in any way whatsoever the mills of "Greater Augusta"
as an example of industrial wartime prosperity and the post-
war increase in the volume of production and the return of
high net profits to their owners.

14. Augusta Daily Constitutionalist and Sentinel,
August 21, 1868, February 1, June 25, 1870, July 25,
September 5, 1871, May 7, October 2, 1873; Augusta Chronicle,
Hay 10, 1885, July 13, August 13, 1899, February 11, 1900,
D-cembe.r 6, 1905; Jones and Dutcher, Men.orial Hi.story .of
Augusta, 417-421.

15. "Minutes of Lth City Council, January 2, 1866-
L'ece~er 30, 1971," 531-532; Jones and Dutcher, Teemorial
UJistorj of Auju.sta, 418-419.

16. Auusta Dail.Jy Cos Li. t onali+ and Sentin l,
April 16, 21. 23, Juno 18, 27, 2, August 6, 9, 13, 22, 29,
Sep-tember 6, October 5, 1.87, January 17, February 24,
April 4, May 29, 1872; November 15, Decemiber 13, 1873;
Au.iusta Chronicle, May 10, 1885: ''Minutes of the City Coun-
C1l, January 2, 1866-Decei'ba: 30, 1871," 561-567; Jones
and Dutchor, tenor.ieal .isor of Augusta, 187-188, 418.

17. John S. Ezell, The South: Since 1S65 (Newv York:
lacmiillan Co'marvy, 1963), 136-143; Thomas D. Clark and
Albert D. Kirwan, TheI Soul Sin.-e. Apgoomattox (thew York:
Oxford University Press, 1967), 147-153: C. Vann Wcodward,
O'i.ins o? the New South, 1877-1913 ('ew; Orleans: Louisiana
Sttec University Press, 1951), 131.

18. Augusta Daily Cons tiutionalist and Sentinel,
'ebruar-r 22, 1882; _Auus-' Chronicle, May 10, 1885; Febru-
ary 27, 1897, July 13, August 13, 1899, February 11, 1900,
Decer-bcr 6, 1905; Jones and Dutcher, Hiistory of Augusta, 3,








347-349, 356-36.1; The Industrial Advantages of Auqista, 58-
59, 5--66, 79-30, 32-98, 109-110; William Phillips, The
'To;ograh and _Hydrography in the Vicinity of Augusta,
Georuia and the History of the Currents of the Savannah
River in Times of Freshet (Augusta: John M. Weigle and
Company, 1892), 8-10.

19. Auqusta Chronicle, May 10, 1885, January 26,
1898, July 13, 1899; "Minutes of the City Council, January
3, 1898-December 31, 1901," 453-456; Jones and Dutcher,
Memorial History of Augusta, 420-422, 425-428; Hinton,
A Historical Sketch of the Evolution of Trade, 6.

20. Auigusta Chronicle, May 10, 1885, May 30, January
24, 1897, November 27, 1398, August 13, 1899, February 11,
1900; Industrial Advantages of Augusta, 54-56, 58-59, 65-66,
71, 79-60, 109-111.

21. Eight Census of the United States: 1860, Popula-
tion (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1864), 74;
'Tenth Census of the United States: 1880 (Washington:
Governr.ent Printing Office, 1883), 127; Twelfth Census of
the United States: 1900, Population (Washington: United
States Census Office, 1901), 107; Fourteenth Census of the
United States: 1920. Population (Washington: Government
Printing Office, 1921), I, 385.

22. Auqu3ta Daily Constitutionalist and Sentinel,
April 22, 29, May 17, 1866; Aucusta Chronicle, May 10,
.1885; Jones and Dutcher, Memorial History of ALugusta 416,
423-425.

23. Luqusta Daily Constitutionalist and Sentinel,
IPe-rch 15, 17, 18, 22, 23, May 3, 1870, March 30, April 28,
MIy 12, 14, 1371, Alpril 21, 26, 1872, April 28, May 1,
Auqust 3, September 13, 14, 1873; August2, Chronicle. M-iv 10,
13885, November 14, 1898, February 11, 28, 1900, December 5,
1905; Jones and Dutcher, Me.moxial Hist rv- otf A-uusaI,-, 419-
:'20; industrial Advantages of Aucusta, 68-69, 87, 94-96.

24. Agugca Daily Con; i.iL.utionalist end Sentinel,
March 15, 17, 18, 22, 2., May 3, 1870; Aqgsta Chronicle,
May 10, 1885, February 11, 28, 1900, December 6, 1905;
Jones, and Dutc-her, M se:ioria. _Histo__y of_ AIgqstaa, 416-417;
I.ndista id .:e-.gs o of Aug sta, 79-80, 65-66, 68-69, 94-
9G.






43

25. Augusta Chronicle, February 11, 1900, December 6,
1905; Industrial Advantaoes of Augqsta, 109-110.

26. Third Annual Reocrt of the Board of Health of the
Ci-iy of Auust3, Geor'ia: 1880 (Augasta: Chronicle and
Constitutionalist Printers, 1881), 13-23; Fifth Annual Re-
porl of the Board of Health of the City of Auc_ .ta_, Georgia:
1_882 (Augusta: M. M. Hill arnd Company, 1883), 43-45;
Fifteenth Annual Report of the board of Health of the City
of Augqsa,_Georgia: 1892 (A;uus a: Richards and Shaver
Printers, 1893), 44-45; Sixteenth Annual Report of the Board
of Health of the City of uusta Georgia: 1893 (Augusta:
John M. Weigle and Corrany, 1894), 106.

27. The Industrial Advantages of Auq2-sta, 48-49, 63,
88-89.

28. Augusta Chronicle, May 1, 1899.















CHAPTER II

BREAKING THE RING



Thne Oricins of a Refo:rmSpirit

Arriving in America "tagged like a package" from

Dramnerhaven aboard a cattle boat, fourteen-year-old Wilhelm

Johann Hennig ultimately emigrated to Richmond county,

sci,:t.iag down on a farm in Gracewood about ton miles from

Augusta. In his spare time from farming his land, Tennig

taught himself the English language, acquiring a high degree

of proficiency. Greatly disturbed by political chicanery

and machninations on election days in his adopted country,

he had often thought about. taking action expressing his

dissatisfaction and observations. When one of the local

newspapers had refused to print a polemical editorial, the

stubborn forty-year-old GermermaArican, annoyed by the

-rebuff and convinced of the efficacy of his article, bought

a bai of used type, some printe-s' ink and paper and trudged

hack home. Using n-n old, discarded tobacco cr7te and a

sweet ium log covered with an old wool hat as the bed and

cylinder, he assembled a crude home-made newspaper press.

44






45

Several weeks later in June, 1892, the first edition of The

Wool Hat was printed and distributed. Standing on the

corners of the main thoroughfares of the downtown district,

farmer-turned journalist Hennig hawked the sma11 6" x 9"

flysheet to interested passersby.

Proclaiming to be the "organ of the people," Hennig's

weekly newspaper emerged as the sole voice of the Augusta-

Richmond County Populist Alliance, championing the cause of

"good government," calling for a "reform element" composed

of "good and true citizens" to break up "The Ring" and ad-

vocating the establishment of a new regime of men "who re-

gard a public office as a public trust." The Wool Hat, and

its successor, the Augusta Daily Tribune, iere probably the

first local newspapersto vividly expose to the general

reading public the corrupt machine tactics which enabled

"Ringsters" to influence the outcome of most elections in

the pre-Progressive Era.

Using a combination of "bocdle," "booze" and "bullpen"

politics, Ring candidates manipulated "lintheads," "niggers"

and, it was rumored, occasionally, even "members of re-

spectable society" to secure their political victories at

the polls. Prior to elections, massive drives were made in

every ward and militia district to register a full con-

tingent. Men were allowed to register under fictitious






46

names and to list places of residence which they positively

did nct occupy. Boys, it was charged, were frequently per-

mitted to register to vote. Many were improperly registered

under several names. But "Ring strategy" was especially

geared toward registering blacks; indeed, "the crop of 21

year-old negroes seems inexhaustible and the wonderful

adeptness of the Democratic workers in finding them and

waltzing them up to the registrar's office is nothing short

of miraculous."

The evening before the elections, wagons, buggies,

surreys and hacks bounced along the rutted roadways in the

city and county, rounding up blacks and transporting them

to prearranged spots. Corralled into make-shift cattle

pens near the polling booths, they were carefully guarded

during the long, bleak, dreary early morning hours by the

devoted lieutenantst" of the machine candidates. Wood was

carted to the sites, fires were built and considerable

quaintitities of liquor and buer were furnished to the penned-

up voter, to keep them bubbling over with confidence. Night

watchers knept the darkiess" happy as brass bands "boom-de-

ayed" to keep their spirits high for election day.

Early the next morning, wardheelers funneled them from

-hr: "bul erns" into orderly lines and marched them to the

polls. On their clothes were bright, shinny tin badges








with either a picture or symbol of their candidates and in

their pockets were crisp dollar bills. Some boldly marched

into the booths with rr.mney pinned on their shirts and

lapels; others filed outside, arms outstretched and eager

hands greeting the "paymasters." "Repeaters," after voting,

were quickly hustled aboard waiting vehicles to cast another

ballot. With a crack of the whips, the clatter of the

wheels and the click of the horses' hoofs, the wagons

luibrred off co the next station, unloading their passengers

to vote under assumed names "in plain view of the managers

of .he election." Throughout election day, in direct vio--

lation of city ordinances, "vile, brain-crazing liquors

were used to inflame the passions of men," as kegs

of beer and demijohns of whiskey were freighted from

"'Ring-controlled" bacs to the houses of "mystery" in the

city."

Vehenerntly criticizing such practices, Hennig and

fellow Pepul.st agitators had substantially contributed to

the ground swell of moralistic discontent, favoring the

destruction of such corruption, advocating the alteration

cf the established cower structure and calling for a "new

deal" in city, county and state politics. But neither lie

nor his supporters were the sole advocates of reform.

Cthers, too, clamored for changes.








Itinerant evangelists and local ministers comprised a

second group of articulate dissenters who advocated reform

politics in the 1890's. 'Augusta needs a cleaning up, and

you know it, but you are afraid to speak," Reverend Samuel

Jones exclaimed to an audience of six thousand attending

his Tabernacle Revival Meeting on Reynolds Street near

Jackson. Pitching into the fracas of corrupt local poli-

tics, the Right Reverend shouted "I wish we could get to

.crk for Christ as hard as the gang is at work for the devil

in this town." Pastor Weston R. Gales of North Carolina,

after touring the "factory district," exclaimed to the vast

crowds which attended his revival that he wanted to see the

"young :men saved from the hell holes of this city, the

salons and garrmbling shops. There are hundreds of places

in the city which are using all their arts they con employ

to lead young men and women into sin." H. I. Embry,

mninister of St. Luke's Methodist Church, delivered stinging,

powerful sermons to his congregation about the dishonest

outraces and disgraceful conditions. "Look at the shame

that is now going on, announced and prcven in a public news-

pal':r: every day and the Christian people sitting still and

allowing a miserable gang of men with white skins hugging

A.Fricans and rushing then in and rushing then on. I aem

ashamed of the Christianity of this town, which sits in








silence and has no word of condemnation for this crying

disgrace. If the honest people of this town do not rise up

and put a stop to it this city will go down in a worse con-

dition than did Sodom." The time has come, Embry asserted,

for every "moral and God-fearing Christian to vote for the

Right" and bring an end to the "rule of Sin." Exhorting

every good citizen to register and vote in the "mighty

struggle" between "good and evil," he pledged that right

would triumph. The pastor of the Asbury Methodist Church,

Reverend William Dunbar, likewise urged that it was the

Christian duty of the "good citizens" to acknowledge the

"debauchery going on at the ballot box" and to take action

to wrest government from the control of the "wicked."

M:Iany other prominent clergymen of the leading Protes-

tant churches joined forces with the traveling missionaries

to scaind the alarm for the acute need for thorough-going

formsm. The itinerant evangelists and most of the local

clergy repeatedly urged that the Christian brethren unite

together into "one solemn, earnest determined struggle

against the forts of sin in our city, and in an effort to

..in recruits to our armies.' Blistering hellfire and dan.a-

tion sermons vigorously condemned the "gambling hellholes,"

"houses of shaie," numerous saloons and other .imLmoral places

which were pervasive, placing the main burden of responsi-





50

ability for the existence of such conditions upon city govern-

meat and rebuking mayors and aldermen to live up to their
3
MIoral obligations as "stewards" of God Almighty.

A third dissenting group, more concerned with the

physical than the spiritual health of Augustans, was the

medical community.

"The taste of this water is so strong and disagreeable

that not even horses can be induced to drink it," Dr. Joseph

Jones, Professor of Chemistiy at the Medical College of

Georgia, noted. "The waters of this pump have a decided

saline taste, and are unfit for washing clothes, and produce

most deleterious effects when used for drinking or cooking.

I have experienced the evil effects of this miserable com-

pound in my own person, when I first removed to Augusta

S. not being aware of the condition of the pump water,

I used it for several days. The effects were intense, in-

satiable thirst, followed with derangement of digestion and

of the bowels." CC;mi c.nting upon yet another main public

well, he stated :that the bad taste and odors were so foul

that it had been finally "abandoned by man and beast."

Afucr making a careful, scientific, chemical examination of

sample-s taken from over seventy public wells, he discovered

that they contained substantial amou--ts of suspended matters,

conisisting of "particles of black and white mica, fine






51

silicious sand, minute particles of different non-fossilif-

erous primitive rocks, animaculos and clay colored red by

pe.cio::ids of iron." The incredible aspect to Jonas was that

he had originally examined and recommended to the city

council that such conditions warranted condemning these

wells ji i 1860 But well over two decades later, he was

still vigorously protesting the lack of municipal action

to improve the quality of public water for the dependent

urban populace.

Throughout the pre-Progressive Era, other physicians,

members of the Board of Health and concerned professional

persons continuously complained to municipal officials about

the need for pure water and the introduction of other urgent

public services. Some blatantly raised the question of how

long(, the people would have to continue to "drink the vile

and unhealthful water from pumps stinking with leachings of

ho:rse-s tables, human excreta and all uther forms of life."

"That the w at.er of the pumps is highly impure and detri-

mnonta to health cannot be denied, and why the city authori-

ties should persist in maintaining them is beyond my compre-

hension," the President of the Board of Health lamented.

Other- critics, further revealing the emergence of a

tlird di,.siclent group, pointed to the disturbing sanitation

problem confronting civil authorities and demanding political







action to introduce positive plans for a uniform system of

sewers and drains and the systematic removal of the trash,

rubble and debris of a growing urban community. Existing

underground hollowed-cut logs and wooden drains and sewers

installed before the Civil War were hopelessly inadequate,

either completely rotting away, caving in, splitting open

or clogging up with such thick deposits that waste matters

seeped up to the surface of streets and yards. Inspection

of those that miraculously remained intact revealed that

they were almost functionless. In some sections it was

discovered that shallow ditches were dug, pipes, drains and

culvvercs had been crudely constructed without grades fur-

nished by an engineer. "It was found that the builders of

sewers," in one region, "had frequently attempted to ac-

ccmplish the impossible feat: to make water run up hill."

Many perceptive observers concluded that when the antebellum

underground utilities were built their e was 'little concern

whether or- not they would be incorporated into a city-wide

network. "There are scores upon scores of squares in

Aug:.z:sta having n-ithe;r se e-res or drains. In such squares

the liquid household w;st:_s are discharged upon the lots,

or into mud trenchrWs in the streets, there to stagnate,

fester and c or eed disease."

The population had grown to over 33,000 by 1890, almost








tripling in size since Appomattox. From 1890-1910 it in-

creased -almost another 10,000 and the total population in

the county neared 60,000 people. New sections appeared.

The "factory settlement" in the fifth ward was jam-packed

with people living in tenement houses, small frame cottages

and other dwellings provided for the textile workers and

their families creating a type of urban industrial planta-

tion system for the "lintheads." "The Terri" emerged in the

second ward and beyond as a predominantly black ghetto. In

these densely populated regions, it was not uncommon for

residents to complain of the stench of sewer gases. Nor was

it unusual to hear chronic complaints of stinking side

gutters, foul drainage ditches, smelly privies and open

cesspools. "The drains in many of the streets are open

ditches; the privies which are sunk in the ground, are

scarcely if ever, cleaned out, and those which rest upon

the ground, are cleaned out not oftener than once a year,

the soluble portions of the excrement and the urine being

allowed to sink into the eaith and saturate the soil and

contaminate the water. The excrement and urine of horses

and cows in the streets, in like manner, are allowed to sink

into the porous soil. Lime is extensively cmployed during

the :,sur.ner season for the purification of the streets,

drains and privies, which excites decomposition in the or-








ganic matters." It was obvious to professional medical

authorities that the only remedy was for the city to rip up

the old, dilapidated utilities and replace them with kaolin

or cement pipes, brick side surface drains and sand traps in

a uniform city-wide manner, definitely improving the old
4
"hap-hazard system of sewers."

Human wastes, animal manure and decaying bloated

cadavers of cows, hogs, dogs and cats in vacant lots, yards,

alleys and streets were also cited as substantially con-

tributing toward deleterious public health conditions and

demanding public action to cart away offensive and putre-

fying substances to outlying garbage dumps by scavengers

hired by the city. As a justification for such dynamic new

programs---public waterworks, sewers, drains, roads,

dumps--many pointed to New York, Philadelphia, Boston,

Cincinnati, New Orleans, Memphis and Nashville, which, they

contended, experienced similar problems and had attempted to

cope with them by implementing dynamic new urban policies.

Throughout the 1890's the agitation for an urban

crusade had developed, particularly eliciting the moral

indignation of literate, middle and upper class citizens of

established society. Journalists, ministers, doctors,

professors, attorneys, teachers and entrepreneurs had become

too painfully aware of the reality of political chicane to








ignore the recurrent charges and complaints recorded in

editorials, sermons, municipal reports and other public

documents. They w;ere also fully convinced that until "The

Ring" forces were destroyed a comprehensive, reform-oriented

government totally dominated by efficient, business-minded

individuals would not be achieved. Thoroughly disgusted

with the past, scandously corrupt elections and utterly con-

vinced that a new leadership was needed to boldly and openly

challenge the "ringsters," they responded to the appeals of

the "Good Government" reform mayoralty candidate, Patrick

Walsh, pledging themselves to combine together and to "vote
5
straight" in the election of 1897.

Patrick Walsh, The Reformer

"Walsh' Walsh! Honest Pat Walsh! Who's Pat Walsh?

He's a Winner!" shouted a crowd of men marching two by two

up Broad Street to Walsh's home. Arriving at the former

United States Senator's domicile on September 7, 1897, the

enthusiastic crowd smashed down the front fence, assembled

on the lawn and shouted for him I: step out onto the spa-

cious, colonmaded veranda. Stepping out onto the front

porch, blond, curly-haired, blue-eyed Pat Walsh gazed out

over the f-iendly group, nodding and smiling. After the

brass band ceased blaring, councilman Charles A. Doolittle

of the third ward spoke: 'Mr. Walsh, I have been delegated








by the large assemblage of your fellow citizens to tender

to you in their name the mayoralty of the City of Augusta.

(Cheers) We have not come to talk, but we mean business.

All that we ask of you now is your formal acceptance of this

nomination, and the thing is ended." When the cheers,

shouts and cries of "Walsh! Walsh." died down, the soft-

spoken, mild-mannered and urbane fifty-seven year old

addressed his supporters: "If elected mayor (Cheers) I will

give to the people of this community a fair, honest and

economical administration, and I will endeavor in every

possible way to promote the manufacturing and commercial

interests of this great city. (Cheers)" "This demonstra-

tion," he continued after the chanting faded away, "means

that my fellow citizens will see ot it that I will be

elected."

A week later a Walsh "Good Government" reform meeting

was held at the Augusta Opera House. The pit was crowded,

the first gallery was filled and clusters of people were

gathered in the upper gallery.. Many janmred around the en-

trance, lined the aisles, leaned through the window sills

and milled around outside, listening to the campaign pledges

of a man whom Henry Woodfin Grady asserted was so Irish that

he "walked with a brogue." Over 1,200 Walsh boosters

cheered wildly and applauded loudly when their candidate








concluded his speech, stating "I have no machine behind

me."6

To many Augustans, Patrick Walsh was just the man to

break up "The Ping." Through patience, industry and dili-

genrce he had gradually worked his way up from an unskilled

immigrant to eJi tor and owner of the leading daily news-

paner, representing in the minds of the people the phe-

nomena of the American success tradition. For over thirty

years since he had first settled in Augusta, after being

released from the First South Carolina Rifle Militia in

18S2, Walsh had been deeply involved in journalism. Em-

plcyed first as a "printers' devil" on the Augusta Daily

Constitutionalist, he had steadily advanced upward to re-

porter, city editor and co-owner of the Auqusta Chronicle

and Sentinel, consolidated in March, 1877, by Henry Gregg

Wright. Upon the death of his partner, Walsh became the sole

editor, owner and president of the Augusta Chronicle, the

South's oldest newspaper corporation.7

As one of a coterie of southern newspaper owners, Walsh

h:id exerted a powerful influence in championing the doc-

trines of the New South. Like Francis W. Dawson of the

Chbarlston News and Courier, Virginius Dabney of the Rich-

mond '~.'.ies--Dis._iratch, Adolph S. Ochs of the Clhatatnooga

Times, Walter Hines Page of the Raleigh State Chronicle and






58

Henry W. Watterson of the Louisvi lle Courier-Journal, he had

worked untiringly, preaching the gospel of an industrial

civilization. In the Empire state of the South, he was

close friends of the major journalists, embracing the ob-

jectives of Joel Candler Harris. Evan P. and Clark Howell

and Henry Woodfin Grady of the Atlanta Constitution. Like

them he was intensely opposed to maintaining the artificial

divisions between the North and South, firmly believing that

the bitter, hyper-emotional feelings of the past be for-

gotten and a new, cohesive bond of national unity be forged

throIugh the attainment cf common economic progress. Pleas-

ant A. Stovall, owner and editor of the Savannah Press,

Edward Barrett, Owner of the Bi:rmingham Age-AHerald and Major

John S. Cohen, manainqg editor of the Atlanta Journal, had

all begun cheir early -ne\wspauer careers on Walsh's Chronicle.

Then the Associated Press extended its business operations

into the South, President William Henry Smith made Walsh the

general manager for the region. Subsequently, however,

Walsh, Howell, Ochs, John H. Est.il. of the Savannslh Norrninq

News3 and other sour.hern journali-ts allied themselves with

the United Press.

In his capacity as a local -entrepreneur he was one of

the city's "foremost civic promoters," being personally in-

volved in the promotion of the Augusta Expositions of 1881,








1891 and 1893. As a constant advocate of "Boom Augusta"

and ihe "voice" of the oldest newspaper he zealously en-

dorse'd the enlargement of the antebellum canal in the post-

war- era, greatly supported expansion of existing industries

and strongly assisted in the founding of new textile mills

in the "Greater Augusta Area."' n the Gilded Age, Walsh

emerged as one of the leading businessmen of the growing

city. A member of the board of directors of the Augusta

Real Estate and Improvermert Company, the Richmond County

Leltline Railway Company, Augusta Savings Institute, Irish

American investment Company and either president, vice

president or director of seven other land development cor-

porations3, he had obviously diverse business affiliations.

The real estate firm of Alexander and Johnson at 705 Broad

Stree- handled all transactions concerning his sizable

property holdings in the city and suburbs.

In 1870 the ambitious, talented, youthful dynamic

Irish--American made his initial debut in municipal politics.

being elected to the city council. In his capacity as

"atewar' of the people" he consistently supported all

legislation whicn favored -the business community and was

always closely "identified with the important business in-

t-ereste in th city." Mayor Charles Estes, recognizing his

merits,appointed him to the special canal commission to








assist Thomas Barrett, r. ,in considering the feasibility

of enlarging the old canal so that it would provide more

wataroower for additional textile mills.10

From 1872-1876 he served in the General Assembly as

representative from Richmond County, becoming a "warm and

effective supporter of every measure looking to the develop-

ment of the mining and manufacturing interests of the State."

During his years in the House he favored not only tax exemp-

tions for woolen mills, cotton factories and iron indus-

tries, but he also strongly advocated state aid to the rail-

roads. It was commonly believed that Walsh did not seek

personal power for his own aggrandisement, but only for the

benefit of Augusta, Richmond County and Georgia.

Moreover, in state politics. Walsh was regarded by many

as a "power." As a Georgia legislator he had gained a

reputation for being a very outspoken man, completely candid

in his sentiments and convicticus and known nol to be a

"trim~rier," nor to deal in "ruse or diplomacy." He gained

az solid political reputation as a gentleman of high charac-

:er, great honesty and personal integrity when, in 1880, he

indignantly rejected a deal to drop support of Governor

Alfred H. Colquitt at the state Democratic Convention when

ColrciAit lacked a rfw votes necessary for the two-thirds

majority needed for renomination. The bargain proposed








by the anti-Colquitt faction would have involved Walsh's

own nomination in place of Colquitt. Rather than accept

such political chicane, Walsh stood up in the convention and

with cool deliberation in his clear, robust voice stated,

:'We have come here to respect the voice of the people of

this state, and we are going to do it if it takes until

ChrisLras. The summer sun now warms this historic roof, but

before sacrificing the demands of the people, we will stay

here until the snow covers it." His unwillingness to bar-

gain was regarded as remarkable, especially since "one of

MR:. Walsh's honorable ambitions was to be governor of

Geocria."12

At the Democratic State Convention held in Atlanta on

the ninth day of June, 3830, Walsh was chosen as one of the

tLw.onty-two delegates-at-large to the National Convention in

Cincinnati. In 1884 be was also a delegate-at-large to the

National Convention in Chicago, enthusiastically championing

Governor Grover Claveland for the nomination, believing that

the election of a Democratic president would do more than

,-nything else to help recreate stronger national feelings.

Local rurcmrs, moreover, persisted that Walsh had been

largely responsible for convincing the powerEul boss of

Tanrmany Hall to sport Cleveland. For four years Walsh

served as a member of the Democratic National Executive








Committee. Yet, President BenDamin Harrison, a Republican,

appointed the rising young southern Democrat to the World's

Columbian Exposition Comiuission in 1893. The following

year, Governor W. J. Northern appointed Patrick Walsh to

the United States Senate to succeed the deceased Alfred H.

Colquitt, becoming the first Catholic to ever hold that

office in Georgia. In 1896 Walsh was a "Gold Bug Democrat"

and went as a representative to the Chicago convention that

ultimately placed its political fortunes with the Great

Commoner from Nebraska, William Jennings Bryan. As a per-

sonal friend cf Bryan, Walsh was convinced that the "Boy

Wonder" was truly responsive to southern interests.13

The Structure and Strategy of_the Walsh Reformers

Contrary to the traditional interpretation in C. Vann

Woodward, Tom Wato:on,_ Agrarian Rebel, of Patrick Walsh being

the "Catholic Boss" of the city, maintaining political power

through careful, shrewd manipulation of a well-organized

"Catholic block," his base of power appeared to be far

broader, iinlol.ving support of three different, contradictory

socio-acon'omAiic, athno-cultural groups.

As a chas.oion of "Good Government" reforms, he was en-

tlisinast i a,':lly endo. sied as a "businessman's mayor" by the

indusri.,l, cc--in'erciai and professional groups that f-vored

a candidate who pledged himself to further material progress








and an end to the embarrassing spectacle of political cor-

ruption at the pulls. The distinguished former associate

justice of the Supreme Court of Ceorgia, Joseph Rucker

Lamar, delivered numerous eloquent speeches for Walsh and

the reform cause. Henry C. Roney, the former judge of the

Superior Court of the Augusta circuit, greatly extolled the

virtues of "Pat" Walsh and advised voters not to be influ-

eced by the "whiskey and the small coin of the 10-cent

politicians." Bright, thirty-nine-year-old Henry C.

Hanmnond, who had served on the Superior Court of Georgia

and in the United States Circuit Court, also joined the

crusade for a business mayor, clean government and the

demand for new urban services. The "Dean of the Georgia

Dankers" and President of the Georgia Failroad and Banking

Company, Jacob Phinizy, not only encouraged the owners of

half-a-dozen or more textile enterprises to contribute to

the Walsh campaign fund but he also actively participated

in Walsh-Plhini zy political meetings to rally support for the

"e~Uorm candidate. Thomas Barrett, Jr., executive head of

mcsh of the cotton mills across the Savannnh, similarly,

endorsed Walsh and actively campaigned. The founder and

former business manager of the Augusta Evening News and ex-

ailderman from the first ward, John M. Weigle, was another

stalwart supporter of the Walsh crusade for good government.








Established politicians, influential judges, prosperous

bankers, wealthy factors of the "Cotton Row Crowd," includ-

ing Charles Estes, Hamilton H. Hickman, George Sibley,

George Lombard, James Verdery and William A. Garrett, were

staunchly allied together providing one of the main strengths

of the Walsh reform movement.

Realizing that he had substantial support from the vast

majority of the middle and upper strata, Walsh, as an astute

politician recognized that he also needed to muster support

from a second powerful segment of the constituency. Es-

pecially critical in the outcome of most elections j.n the

Gilded Age, the heavily populated fourth and fifth wards, or

the "factory district," figured prominently in his political

strategy. Accordingly, he directed his supporters, bene-

factors, friends and managers to stump in those wards, con-

stantly stressing Walsh's allegedly favorable attitudes

towards labor unions, pointing out his critical role as an

arbitrator in resolving the Knights of Labor Strike of 1886

and emphasizing his cwn personal successful rise upward to

a cbtter station in life. William H. Lougee, a "super" in

one of the mills and candidate for the council from the

Fifth wa-rd, and Georcge R. Lombard, owner of the major iron

foundry in the city and fourth ward aspirant, particularly

played an important role.






65

As a devoted Augustan and veteran politician, Walsh was

also very aware of "bull pen" politics with black voters

being herded through polling booths on election days, making

the black vote an extremely powerful factor. Thus, not only

did the coterie of Walsh supporters represent some of the

most highly respected members of the established white com-

munity and key individuals among the laboring classes in the

factory settlement, but. they also included many of the

prominent black citizens of Augusta. Directing his campaign

tactics towards soliciting support from the Negroes, Walsh

imade a concerted bid for support from an emerging black

middle class that constituted the leadership group in "The

Territory," recruiting articulate, urbane physicians, teach-

ers, pLrofessors, lawyers, ministers and businessmen to speak

out against past inefficient white "wardheelers."

Aleck Thomas, President of the colored Young Men's

Christian Association, attended a Walsh rally at Hick's Hall

In the fifth ward, addressing the crowd. Anthony Williams

Eo the Republican Ccmrmittee of the TeLIth Congressional Dis-

tL-'it addressed a large aud'cnce of over a thousand people,

advising them to cast their ballots wisely for a white re-

form mayor who wo-ild consider their best interests. Other

speaX:rs attested to Walsh's '"liberal spirit toward the

negro."








Walsh himself actively campaigned to keep an alliance

with the Negro citizens. His campaign speeches repeatedly

emphasized his sympathies for all social classes, rich or

poor, white or black. Negroes, he stated, were "citizens

of the greatest country on earth. God Almighty had put them

here; He had put them here. They were all children of Adam;

all children of God Almighty. . We are here together,

we are heirs of the greatest government on earth, and we

must work out our destiny, temporal and eternal, side by

side," Walsh asserLed. Through unity of whites and blacks,

he believed, honest, local reform government would be at-
14
taned.14

Thus, urban politics in the Age of Reform was based

upon a coalition of diverse social classes, apparently in-

volving little class tensions and superficially no racial

antagonisms. Upper and middle class whites, lower class

white wage-earners and blacks were united in a common drive

for supporting new, so-called "Progressive," "business-like"

reforms. The cohesive forces binding the contradictory

Walsh coalition together involved the powerful, charismatic

personality of its leader, common desire to gain new muni-

cipal services from urban government, conviction that

b'usinesnen-p ol'itic-ians were more ably suited to direct

further material gains for all people and the existence of

a commcon enenm to attack.






67

During the mayoralty campaign of 1897 the fierce wran-

gle over "Good Government" involved a massive offensive

against the "Ring" candidate, Daniel Kerr. Born Daniel

Carr in Tyrone County. Ireland, he had emigrated as a seven-

vear-old boy with his family to Georgia. When the young

Irishman grew up he directed his talents towards business

en.deavors, becoming an enterprising merchant with a thriving

retail store on Marbury Street. In 1886 he successfully ran

for the City Council, holding his first political office.

Once entering politics he continued to serve on the council

as chairman of the Water Works Committee, Finance Committee

and the Streets and Drains Committee during the administra-

tions of Mayors Robert H. May and James Hillhouse Alexander.

Many Augustans were convinced that since he was a close

personal friend of Mayor "Cap' William B. Young, he was
15
being groomed for the office.

Pat Walsh's Chronicle accused Kerr of having made a

"corrupt bargain" with "Billy" Young in the mayoralty elec-

tion of 189-, pointing out that Kerr-- had originally and

vigorously campaigned against Young, but shortly before

eleC tion day he had 'suddenly and mysteriously" withdrawn

from :ho riac and strongly urged his followers to vote for

foung. SubsT.quently, mayor-elect Young had placed Kerr at

the head of several city council committees which gave him







prominence in all municipal legislation and helped him to

advance his own personal fortunes. Kerr's strategic with-

drawal, it was charged, "had a string to it, and the end of

the string was attached to the race of 1897; and tied up

with that string was the agreement that all the power and

Influence and machinery of the administration should be used

to turn over the office to him at the end of the term of

Mayor Young, in whose interests he retired." Documenting

its charges, the Chronicle pointed to the fact that the in-

curment mayor, chiefs of the fire and police departments,

several lieutenants, sergeants and other bureaucratic of-

ficials were united into an active political force to secure
16
the triumph of lKerr over Walsh.

The Waish -eformers contended that a gang of irre--

sponsible and corrupt bosses had largely determined the

norineces in self-appointed and clandestine meetings and

secured victories for their candidates for mayor and the

council] Ulrough political manipulation of the electorate,

thereby controlling city government and failing to intro-

duce efficient, vitally necessary municipal services. They

further maintained that Walsh was free from control by the

bosses a;nd t'her'by in a position to introduce new urban

policies. A reform mayor. backed by councilmen with ap-

pointive powers,would be able to distribute patronage to






69

responsible citizens who would then help implement a public

waterworks system, create a more adequate fire and police

protection, organize an effective department of public

health and sanitation and methodically study urban condi-

tions to determine how to best resolve recurrent problems.

Dogmatically convinced of the efficacy of their cause

and tireless in their efforts, the Walsh party workers made

a systematic canvas of each ward appealing to voters regard-

less of class or color to turn cut and vote. They also

staged large political rallies which served to stimulate a

tremendous sense of how individual citizens would be per-

sonally affected if "The Ring" triumphed. Double carriages,

wagons, surreys and hired hacks rushed back and forth along

the streets with colorful streamers attached to attract the

Fttennticn of pedestrians. Concerned individuals crowded

into overflowing meeting halls to hear the eloquent speeches

and sprightly campaign talks. Amidst great and prolonged

cheering, Walsh boldly proclaimed, "I have every confidence

in Utht people of this city, that they will smash the machine

and defeat it. I do not underrate the potential influence

of the machine, but I do maintain that there is nothing more

powerf-l than public sentiment when it is aroused." Filing

out cf the halls, hundreds assembled and paraded in torch-

light processions shouting "Walsh!" and waved banners pro-





70

claiming "No Contract Mayor--Down with The Ring"; "Walsh and

Good Government"; "Honest Count--No Ring"; "The People Will

Prevail" and "The People vs. The Politicians." Two large

brass bands accompanied the parades blaring out "A Hot Time

in the Old Town."

Concurrently, an earnest effort was made to purge the

registry lists, hopefully making it impossible for persons

to register under fictitious names. Special precautions

were also taken to prevent any irregularities or frauds from

transpiring on election day. Spotters, who supposedly knew

the registered voters of a given ward, were placed outside

the polls to challenge the voters. Private guards, sta-

tioned at the booths, were instructed to maintain harmony,

break up any disorders and cooperate with the registrars in

arresting all illegal voters.17

In the end, Walsh had "emr a gwine and a coming "

Singularly free from bad breaks, his supporters exhibited

good judgment, tight organization and a well-planned steady

campaign pace to bring public moral indignation to a

crescendo on election day. Simultaneously, the Chronicle

cont-inued daily to keep alive the accusation of 'he Young-Kerr

collusion, charging the incumbent administration with abus-

ing "public trust." Vitrislic, inflairmmatory editorials un-

questionably served to destroy voter apathy and to especially







awaken bourgeois interests about the need for general re-

forms.

'The Kerr campaign, in sharp contrast, was replete with

blunders. The personality and temperament of Daniel Kerr

charmed many.of his backers, but it repelled and offended

tho aroused upper strata of society. A real public furor

arose over the muckraking accusations about the character

of Fat Walsh and William Dunbar, the third mayoralty con-

tesaant. Kerr, hoping to alienate the textile workers from

Walsh, called him a "high-toned, big-bellied, curly-haired

old man" who was opposed to "organized labor." TWhen he at-

tacked Cactain Dunbar as "the man who lost his arm in the

War, and has been sucking the political pig ever since, for

all it was forth," most Chronicle readers believed it to be

in .xtrnmely bad taste. Such vituperative tactics offended

the bourgeois sense of traditional honor and morality in

politics ard brought Kerr the general condemnation as a

villain who was obsessed with an ambition to gain power for

his cL;n personal glory.

Kerr also lost considerable popular support as various

scandals hit the newspapers. He was greatly criticized when

the chief of the fire department- entered the third ward

registry office and attempted to seize the voter registra-

tion lists. The Chronicle carried a complete coverage of








the shocking incident. The clerk in charge simply stated,

"Frank, I don't think you have any right to enter here."

But the chief snarled back, "Don't give me any lip, or I'll

kick your God --- --- out of here." Then there was a scuf-

fle. The assault became a public outrage in the community.

Another "cowardly assault" was made upon a party of cheering

ladies attending a Walsh rally. A "big drunken brute" also

attacked a youthful Walsh supporter during a parade. At a

meeting in the second ward, a "shooting scrape" disrupted

the session. Respectable citizens further reported to the

Chronicle that "can-cans and coochee-coochee" girls danced

"in the most immodest and abandoned way for the entertain-

mernt of the assembled men" at various Kerr meetings. A

",ni;day Orgie," complete with drunkenness, gambling and

fighting, "besmirched" the Lord's day in a "most shocking
18
and Godless manner."

Such scandals greatly h-ightened public awareness of

middle class Augustans that a "proper" political campaign

wa.:s being conducted by W;ish and that substantially weakened

support for Kerr and "The Ring." The alarming news about

the crr campaign tactics with its unabashed efforts to

align itself with the "disorderly elements" was shocking,

disgusting and revolting, but probably served to rally

support to the Walsh cause, instilling a grim determination

to p.t an cod to corrupt polit.ics.






73

In December, 1897, the Walsh reformers were victorious.

Patrick Walsh carried 3,358 votes; Daniel Kerr captured 2,534

votes and William Dunbar mustered 1,610 votes. Walsh car-

ried every ward save one by a substantial martin. Kerr had

no chance in the first, second or third wards. He made a

sizable showing in the fourth ward but carried it by a mere

fifteen votes. Only the fifth ward was carried completely

by Kerr. Over 7,000 voters had turned out to the polls on

election day, representing possibly the greatest number of

ballots cast in any mayoralty election in the history of

Augusta.9

Ac noon the following day, December 2, 1897, a vast

crowd assembled at the Augusta Opera House to observe the

i-nauguration ceremonies. When mayor-olect Patrick Walsh

proudly walked to the center of the stage, two large brass

bands in the gallery commenced playing "Diie." "The people

--thousands of them, as one rose to their feet; hats and

handkerchiefs were waved and mingling with the music there

went up a tremendous shout. A cry of victory, of applause

that seemed to raise the very roof," a Chronicle reporter

recorded. Some of the ladies were so overwhelmed with joy

chat the "usual waving of handkerchiefs was not sufficient

for expression, and they rose from their scats and mingled

their voices with those of their brothers, husbands and








fathers." Amidst the discordant notes of the brass bands

and the loud "Hurrahs," Mayor Pat Walsh thanked Augustans
20
for their vote of confidence for a reform administration.

l1he Walsh-Kerr battle of 1897 had been a "Ring" catas-

trophe; the reform candidate had captured the executive seat

of municipal government by a plurality of votes. Several

active partisan and ambitious reformers had also been highly

successful in their political campaigns for the City Coun-

cil. William A. Garrett, one of Walsh's campaign managers,

was elected to the City Council to represent the first ward.

Garrett, in stumping the city, had frequently stated "vote

for walsh, and never mind me." Jacob Phinizy, another con-

fidante of Walsh, was elected city councilman for the second

word. The Walsh councilman for the third ward was Thomas

Barrett, Jr. George R. Lombard and William Lougee, both

ardent campaigners for the reform cause, were elected as

representatives of the fourth and fifth wards, respec-

tively. 2"

Viewing politics as he did, Walsh naturally thought that

new talent should be brought into administrative decisions.

In justice to the reform cause, he began to select certain

of his a.Ovisors for key positions of power and responsi-

Lility in civil administration. Honest men, men of merit

with considerable talents, he believed, could then implement








indispensable policies and programs for the betterment of

the citv. Nisbet Wingfield, an accomplished civil engineer

and graduate of the University of 'Tnnessee at Knoxville,

was appointed Commissioner of Public Works to begin the

study of constructing a new modern waterworks and sewage

and drainage systems. The new city sheriff and assessor was

John M. Weigle. William A. Garrett became the new city

attorney and several other individuals prominent in the

Walsh reform movement were appointed to select positions in
22
the City Council to form the new "business administration.'

City government was restructured along lines which pre-

vailed in business circles. A new Department of Fublic

Works was created. The City Council appointed and con-

trolled the Commrissioner of Public Works. He in turn ap-

pointed the officials to supervise the canal, drains, pumps,

locks and streets, but the mayor and councilmen were ul-

timately responsible for every activity of the department.

'o obtain a purer quality of %ater, Nisbet Wingfield planned

to relocate the pumping station above all sew'.er outlets.

lwo power pumps with a cormined capacity of furnishing twelve

million gallons of water per day were to be purchased. A

reservoir basin with a filter system would provide fresh

clear water for the citizens and a network of cast iron

pipes would be laid to connect the pumping station, reservoir







and settling basin to a new underground series of water

pipes for every section.23

'he new duties, responsibilities and functions of the

city government officials also included reforming public

health policies. Laws concerning health conditions and

practices were amended. All city physicians were required

to make weekly reports to the Board of Health. The mayor,

city councilmen ind a hospital committee, composed of

representatives from the faculty of the Medical College of

Ge:orgia, and in cooperation with the President of the Board

of Health, were charged with the responsibility of imple-

menting necessary health inspection of all wards in the city

and providing some assistance to indigent, sick and injured

paepie in the community. Furthermore, the city was divided

inijo two "scavenger districts" in order to secure more

efficient service in the removal of piles of refuse from
24
the city to garbage dumps in the county.

'itere were, of course, some holdovers from the previous

administration who remained in office, but in subsequent

council elections other Walsh reformers took great pride in

identifying themselves wi h the reform cause and emphasized

the need to give Mayor Walsh a friendly majority in munici-

pal government. It was their declared purpose to continue

the work in succeeding elections until the City Council








would be representative of the "best elements" in the com-

munity. Thie general belief was that the businessman--a

person. who was familiar with practical daily economic trans-

actions--wouid be best suited to hold office, that personal

success in the business world would lead to success in

municipal government. This idea took deep hold upon the

public mind and the people became convinced that the

"altagonist.c forces" to Waish should be routed out and be

replaced with representatives who would assist the mayor.

Subsequently, Alfred Martin, Richard E. Allen, R. E.

Elliott, Alex(ander J. Gouley, Job A. A. W. Clark, who all

campaigned as Walsh reformers, were elected to the City

Council and duly sworn into office. "All the Good People,"

the Chronicle explained, had grown weary of corrupt

-oJ. 25
politics.















NOTES


1. Mrs. Dorothy Murray, private interview, Augusta,
Georgia, July 26, 1969. Mrs. Murray is the granddaughter
of Wilhelm J. Hennig. She permitted nea to organize her
private files of 'Te Wool Hat and its successor, the Auiusta
Daily tribune. These newspapers are supposed to be micro-
filmed and placed on reserve in the Augusta College Library
as part of The Murray Collection of the Richmond County
Historical Society. Dorothy Murray, "William John Hennig,
The Man-The Publisher," Richmond County History, II (Winter,
1970), 7-12; The Wool Hat, January 6, November 17, 1894;
Auicusta Chronicle. October 17, 1911; Auausta Herald, October
17, 18, 1911.

2. The Wool Hat, July 6, October 1, November 4,
n)ece.,er 3, 31, 1892. June 3, December 16, 1893, April 21,
Septembri- i, 1894; Auguta Daily Tribune, August 20, 1895,
November 11, 1898.

i. uouistJ Cnironicle, January 17, 28, May 12, 14,
.1S'7; 'iAuusa Daily Tr-ibune, 1Septem-ber 2, 1394, August 26,
13995.

'. Joseph Jon.es, frsnt Report of the Cotton Planters'
Coeuv'.:io, of Go- ta (Augc-sta: Steam Press of the Chroni-
cli. L n- Sentinel, 15'60), 252; T li'rd An.:Uua-l R_-port )- t_.he,
Ep.r-_j ofiejla!. t.Ie Cjit. of Alousta, CGorgia 1880
(Auclsta: Chronicle and Constituti -nal ist Princters, 188I),
18-23; Fi-th An:,na-. Recor- 0- o te Board of Health of the
Cilv of 7autst.a, G-orgia, 1882 (Augusta: M. M. Hi.l! and
Company, 1j83), 21, 42-43; S-venth Annual Report o the
Board of He'.l of the C itv of Augusta, Georgia, 1384
(Augusta: ChLron-icle Press, 1885), 109; Ninth Annual Report
Ss-he Eorrd of-- H-alth t the City of Aucus5ta, Georgia, 1__l_866
({AIgusts: Chroricle Book and -Job Presses, 1887), 9; ForL_-
teienth J'f _nil ?_.r,:ort of the Bo-rc: of health of the C.i.t of
A'.a'usta, _Georia_ i'391 (Augusta: Richards and Shaver,
Printers, 1892), 12, 47; Fifteenth Annual Report of the








Board of Hea.L-h of the City of A_ usta_ Georgia, 1892
(Augursta: Richards and Shaver Printers, 1893), 44-45;
SixLeenth IAnnual Renort of the Board of Health of the City
of Aucusta, Georcia, 1893 tAugusta: John M. Weigle and
Company, 1894): 106; Seventeenth Annual Reuort of the
Board of HIealth of the City of Auqusta, Georgia, 1894
(Augusta: John M, Weigle and Company, 1895), 152; The Wool
Hat, November 4, December 3, 1892, December 16, 1893,
April 21, September 1, 1894; AuCgst-a DailyTribune, August
20, 1895, November 11, 1896; Augusta Chronicle, May 23,
1897; James O. Breedin, "Joseph Jones: Confederate Surgeon"
(Ph.D., Tulane University, 1967); James O. Breeding, "Joseph
Jones and Confederate Medical History," Georgia Historical
Quarterly, LIV (Fall, 1970), 357-380. Breeding's disserta-
tion and article suggests that Dr. Jones was one of the
leading southern scientists in the late nineteenth century,
teaching at the Medical College of Georgia, the University
of Tennessee at Nashville and the Medical Department of
the University of Louisiana. When Jones was at the Medical
College in Augusta he was certainly one of the sharpest
-ritics of various municipal administrations for their
failure to respond to the growing sanitation crisis which
had accompanied rapid urbanization and industrialization.
Eleventh Census of the United States: 1890, Population
(Washington: Government Printing Office, 1895), 96;
Twelfth Census of the United States: 1900, Population
.'ashington: United States Census Office, 1901), 107;
Thirteenth Census of the United States: 1910, Population
(Washington: Government Printing Office, 1913), III, 355.

5. Agqusta Daily Tribune, February 23, 1894, February
1, April 6, August 24, 1895; Augusta Chronicle, May 11, 12,
13, 1897.

6. Augusta Chronicle, September 7, 14, 15, 1897.

7. Charles C. Jones, Jr., and Salem Dutcher, Memorial
Hi.st'or of Augusta, Georgia (Syracuse: D. Mason and Pub-
lishers, 1890), 44; Alien D. Candler, Georcia Comcrising
S..etches of Ccuities, Towns, Events, Institutions, and
P.'.soDn Arrancred in Cyclopedic Form (Atlanta: State His-
torical Associacion, 1906), III, 516; Lucian L. Knight,
Ge.ore'a's Landmarks, Memorials and Legqrds (Atlanta: Byrd
Printing Conpan-y, 1913), II, 958-960; Walter G. Coopec, The
tor_ of Gecorqa (New York: The Amnerican Historical So-
ciety, Inc., 1938), III, 239, 343; Earl L. Bell and Kenneth
C. Crabbe, The Augusta Chronicle (Athens: University of
Georgia Press, 1960), 84.








8. Aususta Chronicle, February 9, June 21, 1913;
Candler, Georcia, I, 312-314, II, 678-681, III, 388-389;
Joel Candler Harris, Memoirs of Georgia (Atlanta: Southern
Historical Association, 1895), I, 792, 802, 811, 826-827;
John S. Ezell, The South Since 1865 (New York: Macmillan
Company, 1963), 299-305; Thomas D. Clark and Albert D.
Kiiwan, The South Since Appomattox (New York: Oxford Uni-
versity Press, 1967), 203-210; Frank Luther Mott, American
Jour;;naLism (New York: Macmillan Company, 1962), 454-458,
549-550, 663-664.

9. Augusta City Directory_ 895-1896 (Augusta:
Matloney Directory Company, 1896), 17-18; Augusta City
Director-. 1896--.1897 (Augusta: Maloney Directory Company,
1397), 17; Gearqia Directorv Company's Directory of Augusta,
Georgia, 1898 (Richmond: J. L. Hill Printing Company,
1393), 52-53; Augusta City Directory, 1899 (Augusta:
Maloney Directory Company, 1899), 117; The Industrial Ad-
vantaces of Augusta, Georgia (Augusta: Akehurst Publishing
Company, 1893), 88-89, 106, 11..

10. "Minutes of the City Council, January 2, 1866-
December 30, 1871," 717-720; Augusta Daily Constitutionalist
and Sentinel, August 13, 16, 1871; Augusta Chronicle, March
20, 1899.

ii. Jones and Dutcher, History of AugLusra, 44; Issac
W. Avery, The History of the State of Georgia From 1850
to 1881 (New York: Brown and Darby, 1881), 496.

12. Augusta Chronicle. March 20, 1899; Patrick aelsh,
T'le Citizen. The Statesman. The Marn (Auqusta: Augusta
Publishing Company, i899;, 18; Avary, fistory2 of ,_Gorqji3,
573-574.

i.3. Bell and Crabbe, .irgnsta Chronicle, 84; Avery,
History of Georcia, 558-569; Candler, Georoia, Ill, 515.

14. Tn Tom Watson, _qr:cari:a-n Rebel (New York: Macmillan
Company; 1938), 419, C. Vann Wo:'..-dward maintains that "Boss"
?Ptrick Walsh's power was based upon a "solid and stra--
tegically important block of Catholic votes in Augusta."
Alti.-ough Robe-t M. Saundcrs' article on "The Transformation
of Tom Watson, 1894-1895, Geor cia Historical Quarterly,
LITV (Fsal, 1970), 347, disagrees with Woodward's interpreta-
tij.n of Watson, it nevertheless subscribes to the thesis
that a "signi.ficanm contingent of Irish Catholics' was the




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