• TABLE OF CONTENTS
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 Title Page
 Acknowledgement
 Table of Contents
 List of Tables
 Abstract
 Statement of the problem
 Review of literature
 Procedures
 Results
 Discussion, conclusions, and...
 Appendices
 Bibliography
 Biographical sketch






Title: Mental health of the unemployed
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Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00097443/00001
 Material Information
Title: Mental health of the unemployed an analysis of a CETA program
Alternate Title: CETA program
Physical Description: x, 201 leaves : ; 28 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Sanford, John Anderson, 1948-
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 1981
Copyright Date: 1981
 Subjects
Subject: Mental health -- Florida   ( lcsh )
Unemployment -- Florida   ( lcsh )
Counselor Education thesis Ph. D
Dissertations, Academic -- Counselor Education -- UF
Genre: bibliography   ( marcgt )
non-fiction   ( marcgt )
 Notes
Thesis: Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Florida, 1981.
Bibliography: Bibliography: leaves 178-200.
Additional Physical Form: Also available on World Wide Web
General Note: Typescript.
General Note: Vita.
Statement of Responsibility: by John Anderson Sanford.
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00097443
Volume ID: VID00001
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: alephbibnum - 000294816
oclc - 07803537
notis - ABS1151

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Table of Contents
    Title Page
        Page i
        Page ii
    Acknowledgement
        Page iii
    Table of Contents
        Page iv
        Page v
    List of Tables
        Page vi
        Page vii
    Abstract
        Page viii
        Page ix
        Page x
    Statement of the problem
        Page 1
        Page 2
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
        Page 12
        Page 13
    Review of literature
        Page 14
        Page 15
        Page 16
        Page 17
        Page 18
        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
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        Page 76
    Procedures
        Page 77
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    Results
        Page 104
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    Discussion, conclusions, and recommendations
        Page 143
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    Appendices
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    Bibliography
        Page 178
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    Biographical sketch
        Page 201
        Page 202
Full Text













MENTAL HEALTH OF THE UNEMPLOYED:
AN ANALYSIS OF A CETA PROGRAM















By

JOHN ANDERSON SANFORD


A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE
COUNCIL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL
FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY







UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA


1981






















This study is dedicated to the memory of



RICHARD H. JOHNSON

His challenges to the old way;
His joy in learning new things and
thinking new thoughts;
His delight in living
Touched all who knew him.















ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Many people have contributed time, energy, and support during the

course of this project. First, I would like to thank Harold Riker,

Rod McDavis, and James Wattenbarger for their unrelenting encouragement.

Regardless of how long each stage of this study required, they never

lost faith that the effort would reach a satisfactory conclusion.

Second, I would like to express my appreciation for the cooperation of

the staff and participants of the Northeast Florida Employment and

Training Consortium. Their tolerance of repeated testing sessions

and active participation in the collection of data made this study

possible. I would also like to acknowledge the staff and participants

of the Alachua County Comprehensive Employment and Training Program,

past and present, whose very existence provided me with the idea for

this effort. I would particularly like to recognized Jess Brannen from

the program for his guidance and encouragement in understanding the CETA

experience.

I would like to thank my parents, Richard and Jo Ann. It was from

these two students of life that I first learned the importance of

learning and clear thought in a happy life.

Finally, and most importantly, I would like to express my gratitude

to my wife, Robin Runyan. She had the thankless task of supporting the

creation of this study while trying not to interfere with her pursuit

of her own education. During the smooth and the rough, she hung in there.

Thank you.


















TABLE OF CONTENTS


ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .

LIST OF TABLES . .

ABSTRACT .

CHAPTER


I STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM .

Need for the Study .

Purpose .

Research Questions .

Value of the Study .

Rationale .

Definition of Terms .

II REVIEW OF LITERATURE .

Unemployment .

Mental Health .


Summary .

III PROCEDURES .

Overview .

Hypotheses .

Subjects .

Research Design .

Data Collection .

Instrumentation .


Page

. iii


vi

Sviii


5

5


6

6


11

. 14

. 14

. 46

. 75

. 77

. 77

. 78

. 80

. 85

. 89

. 91
. 91








Analysis of Data .

Limitations of the Study .

IV RESULTS .

Evaluation of Comparison Groups . . .

Evaluation of Hypotheses . . . .

Comparison of CETA Subjects with Subjects From
Selected Validation Studies


Summary .

V DISCUSSION, CONCLUSIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS

Overview . .. .

Discussion .

Conclusions .

Mental Health of the CETA Subjects: A Composite
Picture .

Recommendations for Counseling . . .

Recommendations for Further Research

Summary .


APPENDICES

A

B

C


D

E


CETA ELIGIBILITY CRITERIA . . . . .

CETA PROGRAM SIGNIFICANT SEGMENTS . . . .

TEST PACKAGE INTRODUCTION AND PERSONAL DATA
QUESTIONNAIRE .

CETA APPLICATION .

INFORMED CONSENT FORM . . . . . .


BIBLIOGRAPHY

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH


99

103

104

104

110


138

141

143

144

145

157


160

163

166

168
















LIST OF TABLES


Table Page

1 Cell Size of Comparison Groups . . . . 81

2 Recoded Values of Demographic Variables of Age and
Education 102

3 Comparison of Intake Group Subjects and Training Group
Subjects on 12 Selected Demographic Variables: Matched
and Unmatched for Education . . . . 106

4 Comparison of Unmatched and Matched Groups on the
Independent Variables and on the Dependent Mental
Health Variables 107

5 Comparison of Adult Work Experience Subjects and
Public Service Employment Subjects on the 12 Demo-
graphic Variables 109

6 Comparison of Intake (Group 1) Subjects and Training
(Group 2) Subjects on the Personal Orientation
Inventory 111

7 Comparison of Intake (Group 1) Subjects and Training
(Group 2) Subjects on the Bem Sex-Role Inventory . 113

8 Comparison of Program 1 (Adult Work Experience)
Subjects and Program 2 (Public Service Employment)
Subjects on the Personal Orientation Inventory . 115

9 Comparison of Program 1 (Adult Work Experience)
Subjects and Program 2 (Public Service Employment)
Subjects on the Bem Sex-Role Inventory . 117

10 Distribution of Bem Sex-Role Inventory Sex-Type
Classifications by the Demographic Variable of Sex
for the Combined Group, Group 2 (Training), and
Program 2 (Public Service Employment) Subjects . 132

11 Distribution of Bem Sex-Role Inventory Sex-Type
Classifications by the Demographic Variable of Race
for Group 1 (Intake) Subjects . . . . 133








12 Comparison of CETA Subjects with Normal Adult Sub-
jects Reported by Shostrom (1974) on the Personal
Orientation Inventory 139

13 Comparison of CETA Subjects with Two Samples of
College Students Reported by Rotter (1966) on the
Internal-External Scale 139

14 Comparison of CETA Subjects with Two Samples of
Stanford University Students Reported by Bem (1974,
1977) on the Bem Sex-Role Inventory . . . 140
















Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy


MENTAL HEALTH OF THE UNEMPLOYED:
AN ANALYSIS OF A CETA PROGRAM


BY


John Anderson Sanford

March, 1981

Chairman: Dr. Harold C. Riker
Major Department: Counselor Education

The purpose of this study was to examine the mental health charac-

teristics of unemployed persons and the impact of participation in

employment training activities funded under the Comprehensive Employment

and Training Act of 1978 (CETA) on those characteristics. This study

endeavored to obtain mental health information not currently available

from previous research for use in the development of counseling and

training strategies used with unemployed persons.

The subjects for this study were 191 participants (61 males, 130

females) in a north Florida CETA program during April and May, 1980.

All subjects participated in either the Title II-B Adult Work Experience

(AWE) program (N=69) or the Titles II-D and VI Public Service Employment

(PSE) program (N=122). Each subject had either just begun training

(Intake Group, N=96) or had just completed four months of training

(Training Group, N=95).


viii






The dependent mental health variables were self-actualization,

psychological androgyny, and locus of control. These variables were

measured using the Personal Orientation Inventory (POI), Bem Sex-Role

Inventory (BSRI), and Internal-External Scale (IES), respectively.

The test package was pre-recorded and presented to the subjects in a

written and recorded format to control for the effects of limited reading

skills. The Intake and Training groups were matched on 12 independent

demographic variables to establish between group comparability.

Of seven null hypotheses tested four were rejected as a result of

finding significant differences between groups on the dependent mental

health measures. The Training Group subjects perceived human nature in

a more positive manner and perceived themselves as less feminine than

Intake Group subjects. AWE subjects were more self-actualizing than PSE

subjects in the Awareness dimension of the POI. Subjects who were older,

unmarried, with 12 or more years of education, or affiliated with liberal

religious denominations were more self-actualizing and more internally

oriented than subjects who were younger, married, less education, or

affiliated with fundamentalist denominations. Non-white subjects were

more external in locus of control than white subjects.

An examination of differences between AWE and PSE subjects on the

demographic characteristics revealed the AWE subjects more likely to be

female, older, unmarried, and unemployed longer, with less education and

more children than PSE subjects. It was concluded that the AWE program

and PSE program serve different elements of the unemployed population.

Significant differences were found between the mental health charac-

teristics of CETA subjects in this study and subjects reported in

selected validation studies of the dependent mental health measures.

ix







With the exception of the POI Self-regard scale, the CETA subjects were

less self-actualizing than a normal adult sample and were more externally

oriented than two college samples. In contrast, the CETA subjects scored

higher on the BSRI scales and had a higher percentage of androgynous

subjects than two college samples. It was concluded that the CETA sub-

jects experienced difficulty in objectively completing sophisticated

self-evaluative tasks.

These findings suggest three important implications for counselors.

Unemployed persons may be more responsive to directive or structured

counseling and training strategies as opposed to introspective approaches.

The findings also suggest that unemployed persons have difficulty per-

ceiving themselves as needing "help" or identifying problems areas,

implying that the counselor may wish to re-examine how his/her role is

presented to the unemployed client. Finally, the utility of the demo-

graphic characteristics in predicting willingness and ability to engage

in mental health growth related activities was discussed. Additionally,

recommendations were made for further research.














CHAPTER I

STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

Need for the Study

Work and mental health have been repeatedly related (Maslow, 1970a;

Tiffany, D., Cowan, & Tiffany, P., 1970; Work In America, 1973).

Extended unemployment has been strongly associated with increased evi-

dence of mental illness (Cassel, 1966; Work In America, 1973). Tiffany,

D.,et al. (1970) found that work inhibition, one of the causes of long-

term unemployment, is directly related to poor mental health. Maslow

(1970a), in describing self-actualization, identified a direct link

between work and mental health. Maslow found that one of the identi-

fying characteristics of self-actualizing persons was a desire to have

a line of work external to their own lives without regard to the eco-

nomic benefits of working. Furthermore, food, water, shelter, and

security, the basic needs which serve as a foundation for mental health

(Maslow, 1970a), have been shown to be among the basic reasons people

work (Kaplan & Tausky, 1972; Morse & Weiss, 1955; Weiss & Kahn, 1960).

Work has long been viewed as basic to the smooth functioning of the

national socio-economic system (Lebergott, 1964). Most members of

society are expected to work; with work defined as a means of making

one's contribution to society, as a source of identity, and as a means

of supporting one's self and family (Super, 1976; Wilensky, 1966; Work

In America, 1973).









Prior to the depression in the 1930's and World War II, national

interest in work was primarily focused on vocational choice rather than

unemployment. Related federal legislation, the Smith-Hughes Act of 1917,

was limited to vocational education. Efforts to help the unemployed

occurred largely through agencies supported by private donations (State

of Florida Office of Manpower Planning, 1978).

Beginning in the depression and continuing after World War II,

national interest in assisting those without work increased rapidly

(Ginzberg, 1968; Levitan, 1967). This interest was reflected in the

passage of such legislation as the Wagner-Peyser Act of 1932, the Social

Security Act of 1935, the Employment Act of 1946, the Manpower Develop-

ment and Training Act of 1962 (as amended in 1963, 1965, 1966, and

1968), and the Comprehensive Employment and Training Acts of 1973 and

1978.

These legislative actions established programs designed to insure

full employment, help the unemployed, and meet the nation's manpower

needs. The goal of these programs was the development of a manpower pool

of adequate size and skill level through the provision of educational

and financial assistance to persons experiencing difficulty in finding

work. The Manpower Development and Training Act and the Comprehensive

Employment and Training Acts in particular were designed to provide

training, counseling, placement, and supportive services to the long-

term unemployed (State of Florida Office of Manpower Planning, 1978).

Interest in assisting the unemployed was stimulated by several

factors. Some, such as how to respond to the technological threat

represented by the Russian Sputnik, were of international origin.

Others, however, were of intranational origin. These included economic






3

demands for an adequate manpower pool, social demands that employment be

available for returning servicemen, and altruistic demands to help unem-

ployed persons improve their lives (Ginzberg, 1968; Levitan, 1964;

Levitan, 1967). Underlying these social factors was the belief that it

was better for the individual to be working than to be unemployed (Cassel,

1966; Work In America, 1973).

During the period following the depression and World War II, inter-

est was also increasing among psychologists in the development of the

healthy personality. Several theoretical descriptions of how and why

people develop a healthy, well-rounded, well-adjusted personality have

been presented (Jourard, 1963; Maslow, 1970a; Rogers, C., 1951; Rogers, C.,

& Dymond, 1954). These descriptions represented a shift from earlier,

problem-oriented theories of personality to a growth or health orienta-

tion. Rather than describe human functioning and personality development

in degrees of pathology, the health-oriented theorists focused on descrip-

tions of the personality in degrees of strengths (Wilson, 1972).

The psychology of mental health results from the blending of exis-

tential philosophy and psychology (Jourard, 1963; Misiak & Sexton, 1973).

A subjective philosophy of the individual, existentialism begins with

descriptions of the individual and his/her role in the development of

his/her life. This philosophy holds that only through the study of the

individual can the human condition be understood:

There is no such thing as truth or reality for a living human
being except as he participates in it, is conscious of it, has
some relationship to it. (May, 1960, p. 14)

The individual is seen as uniquely responsible for his/her existence.

To exist is to engage in the process of making choices, thereby defining






4

one's essence by becoming what one is. Existence is a state of freedom

to act and choose one's life and the responsibility to accept the conse-

quences of those choices and actions (Sartre, 1957).

Implicit in existentialism is a definition of the mentally healthy

person which is significantly different from earlier definitions. The

existential definition of mental health is based on the strengths and

actions of the individual rather than problems or weaknesses. The men-

tally healthy person has the courage to be what he/she can be, to be

him/herself, to act and accept the results of that action as his/her

responsibility, and the will and courage to act on that responsibility.

He/she is able to actualize his/her potential to the fullest, to tran-

scend the limiting effects of environmental and social roles, and to be

free to accept the self and others as individuals rather than as objects

or a collection of socially defined roles (Jourard, 1963).

Humanistic psychology, therefore, "is a multifaceted approach to

human experience which focuses on Man's uniqueness and his self-actu-

alization" (Misiak & Sexton, 1973, p. 127). The focus is on the mental

health characteristics of the individual, not his/her problems. An

example of this orientation is the concept of self-actualization

(Maslow, 1970a). The concept was derived, in part, through the exami-

nation of a population identified as being healthy. Maslow found that

a well defined body of characteristics served to separate the healthy

group from other, less healthy, groups. The definition of mental health

derived from this approach is one of the presence of strengths within

the individual rather than the presence of absence or problems (Wilson,

1972).

There is a well established relationship between work and mental

health (Maslow, 1970a; Tiffany, D., et al., 1970; Work In America; 1973) and









the goals of manpower programs to help the unemployed persons in society

obtain work and improve the quality of their lives (Ginzberg, 1968).

However, despite the strength of this relationship there has been no

mental health research examining the unemployed population or the impact

of going to work upon their mental health (Sheppard, 1972; Smith, E.,

1977).

Purpose

This study was designed to examine the mental health characteristics

of unemployed persons and to measure the effects of employment training

upon these mental health characteristics. This was accomplished through

observing unemployed persons as they began a Comprehensive Employment and

Training Act program and comparing these observations with similar obser-

vations of unemployed persons who had completed four months of training

in the program.

Research Questions

The specific research questions to be explored were:

1. What are the mental health characteristics of long-term
unemployed persons as thev enter a Comprehensive Employ-
ment and Training Act funded employment training program
as measured by the Personal Orientation Inventory (Shostrom,
1974), the Bem Sex-Role Inventory (Bem, 1974), and the
Internal-External Scale (Rotter, 1966)?

2. What are the mental health characteristics of long-term
unemployed persons who have completed four months of
Comprehensive Employment and Training Act funded employ-
ment training as measured by the Personal Orientation
Inventory, the Bem Sex-Role Inventory, and the Internal-
External Scale?

3. How do the mental health characteristics of long-term
unemployed persons entering training differ from the
mental health characteristics of long-term unemployed
persons completing four months of training as measured
by the Personal Orientation Inventory, the Bem Sex-Role
Inventory, and the Internal-External Scale?






6

4. What is the relationship between the demographic factors
of age, race, sex, education, religious affiliation,
family history, and length of unemployment prior to the
employment training program experience and the mental
health characteristics of long-term unemployed persons
participating in the employment training program?

Value of the Study

There are several benefits to be derived from this study. Plans

for employment training programs will benefit from the identification

of mental health characteristics of their target population. Such a

description will enable the employment trainers and counselors to plan

training activities which take into consideration the mental health

characteristics of the clientele. In the process, therefore, it is

hoped to establish a foundation for programs designed to facilitate the

development of mental health in conjunction with the development of good

work habits. Furthermore, the description of mental health among long-

term unemployed persons will expand the population base of mental health

research beyond the traditional study group of college students enrolled

in introductory college psychology courses. The systematic definition

of the effects of employment training upon the mental health character-

istics of long-term unemployed persons will provide a fuller understanding

of mental health concepts.

Rationale

The basic premise of this study is that existing research in mental

health and research examining unemployed persons has failed to investi-

gate the relationship between mental health and unemployment. The need

for an examination of this relationship has long been acknowledged

(Ginzberg, 1968; Sheppard, 1972; Smith, E., 1977; Tiffany, D.,et al.,

1970).








Current manpower programs were initiated and developed to aid the

unemployed persons in society and to provide for the manpower needs of

the nation (Ginzberg, 1968; Levitan, 1967). These goals were to be met,

in part, by providing unemployed persons with education, training, coun-

seling, job placement, and supportive services designed to assist them

in overcoming barriers to employment and in obtaining and retaining

fulltime employment.

Despite these stated goals, evaluative studies of manpower program

results have failed to examine the psychological impact of employment

training upon the client. Research in related areas has been confined

to examining the consequences of extended unemployment, the meaning of

work, the motivation to work, job satisfaction, and the consequences of

job dissatisfaction. There have been studies examining the outcomes of

employment training programs but these have been limited to changes in

economic status and length of job retention.

This study focused on the mental health characteristics of unem-

ployed persons and on the effect of employment training upon these

characteristics. Three major mental health concepts were used: self-

actualization (Maslow, 1970a), psychological androgyny (Bem, 1974), and

locus of control (Rotter, 1966). Each of these concepts was defined as

representing a different, yet related, aspect of mental health for the

purposes of this study.

Self-actualization, as developed by Maslow (1970a), is one of the

basic elements of humanistic psychology. Maslow held that the individ-

ual not only could, but must become self-reliant, self-determining, and

self-actualizing as a natural part of continuing growth and development.






8

Self-actualization is the highest level of Maslow's need hierarchy.

He identified five need levels which serve progressively as the basic

motivators for human behavior: physical, security, belongingness and

love, esteem, and self-actualization. Following the initial definition

of self-actualization, Maslow developed and expanded the concept into an

extensive theoretical system of mental health for the individual, soci-

ety, science, religion, and values (Maslow, 1959a, 1959b, 1961, 1963a,

1963b, 1964a, 1964b, 1965, 1967, 1968, 1970b, 1971, Maslow & Mittleman,

1951).

Psychological androgyny was described by Maslow (1971) as a central

element of mental health:

The man who thinks you can be either a man, all man, or a
woman, and nothing but a woman, is doomed to struggle with
himself, and to eternal estrangement from women. To the
extent that he learns the facts of psychological "bisexuality,"
and becomes aware of the arbitrariness of either/or defi-
nitions and pathogenic nature of the process of dichoto-
mizing, to the degree that he discovers that differences
can fuse and be structured with each other, and need not be
exclusive and mutually antagonistic, to that extent will
he be a more integrated person, able to accept and enjoy
the "feminine" within himself (the "Anima" as Jung calls
it). (pp. 161-162)

The development of the concept of psychological androgyny was the

result of research on differences between men and women. The research

has found that there exists a clear and distinct difference between what

society views as appropriate for men and for women. Furthermore, these

sex-roles have been found to be valued differently by society, with the

masculine sex-role being valued more than the feminine sex-role. The

research has also found that sex-roles are flexible, varying among indi-

viduals and cultures (Angrist, 1969; Mead, 1950; Staples, 1973).






9

Work is traditionally defined as a masculine activity (Chafetz,

1974). Sex-roles are, therefore, of interest to the employment coun-

selor and trainer since the majority of unemployed persons served by

employment training programs are female (see Appendix B). Successful

employment training may be found to necessarily include elements of

training in sex-role flexibility.

Original conceptualizations of sex-roles placed masculinity and

femininity at opposite ends of a single bi-polar dimension (Chafetz,

1974). However, subsequent research has shown that sex-roles represent

two distinct dimensions (Bem, 1974; Spence, Helmreich, & Stapp, 1975).

Psychological androgyny refers to the potential within the individual

to endorse as personally appropriate behaviors from either sex-role,

determining the appropriateness on the basis of situational determinants

and personal guidelines rather than traditional societal sex-role defi-

nitions of the behavior (Bem, 1974). Psychological androgyny may also

serve, therefore, as a measure of resistance to enculturation, a charac-

teristic of the self-actualizing person (Bem, 1974; Kelly, Caudill,

Hathorm, & O'Brien, 1977; Maslow. 1970a).

The third concept used in this study to assess mental health is that

of internal-external locus of control (Rotter, 1966). Maslow (1970a)

argued that self-actualizing persons would rely primarily upon their own

values and perceptions of the world rather than the values and judge-

ments of society. Locus of control is a related concept that is defined

as the expectancy or perceived probability that one's actions can influ-

ence the reinforcements of a given situation (Rotter, 1966). An inter-

nal orientation is defined as the expectancy that the outcome of the

situation can be influenced by one's behavior while an external locus of





10

control is defined as the expectancy that the outcome of the situation

is subject to chance and that no control can be exerted over the final

outcome.

Research has shown that locus of control is related to, though

different from, the inner-directed dimension of self-actualization

(Lambert, DeJulio, & Cole, 1976). Unlike other concepts utilized in

this study, locus of control has been used on a limited basis in studies

of unemployed persons. Lefcourt (1966), for example, found results that

suggest unemployed persons fail to take definitive action intended to

improve their situation out of the belief that such action would be to

no avail. In short, they remain unemployed as a result, in part, of an

external locus of control.

These three mental health concepts have been shown to identify

healthy, well-adjusted subjects consistently and accurately and to be

able to discriminate mentally healthy behavior from behavior that has

been clinically judged pathological or maladjusted (Bem, 1979; Rotter,

1966; Shostrom, 1974). However, none of these concepts has been used

to examine the mental health of unemployed persons or the effects of

employment training upon the mental health of the clientele.

In summary, it is argued that the CETA funded employment training

programs would be strengthened by the inclusion of mental health concepts

in the evaluation of unemployed persons and in the evaluation of employ-

ment training effects. Furthermore, it is argued that the concept of

mental health would be strengthened through the examination of a popu-

lation significantly different from traditional mental health research

populations and by examining the impact of employment training upon

mental health characteristics.






11

Definition of Terms

Several terms used in this study are defined in this section for the

purpose of establishing a common terminology.

Work. Super (1976) provides a broad, flexible definition of work

which will be used in this study. Work is:

The systematic pursuit of an objective valued by oneself
(even if only for survival) and desired by others; directed
and consecutive, it requires expenditure of effort. It may
be compensated (paid work) or uncompensated (volunteer work
or an avocation). The objective may be intrinsic enjoyment
of work itself, the structure given to life by the work role,
the economic support which work makes possible, or the type
of leisure which work facilitates. (p. 20)

Employment. The terms "work" and "employment" are often used

interchangeably resulting in confusion during discussions of related

concepts. To avoid this confusion "employment" will be given the more

limited definition of "paid work," regardless of the motivation for

working. Employment, therefore, is distinct from volunteer work.

Unemployment. This term refers to being without employment, i.e.,

without paid work.

Unemployed person. Within the definition provided for unemployment,

there is a broad range of persons defined as unemployed. College

students, for example, may be working hard towards a degree but they are

unemployed while engaged in the process. Therefore, for the purposes

of this study an individual will be considered as an unemployed person

if he/she meets the eligibility requirements for participation in a CETA

funded employment training program. Basically, these requirements are

that the individual must have been unemployed for an extended period of

time and have a sufficiently low income to be classified as economically

disadvantaged (see Appendix A). This definition will be applicable as

long as the individual is participating in an employment training program.






12

Employability. This term is used to refer to the individual's

ability to identify, obtain, and retain fulltime employment. This

ability includes such factors as being trained in the occupation,

good work attitudes, the ability to complete an application, and the

ability to interview for the position.

Employment training. Generally this term refers to any structured

activity designed to enhance an individual's employability. A college

education, for example, may be considered as a form of employment

training. However, for the purposes of this study, the term will refer

to activities funded under the Comprehensive Employment and Training Act

of 1978 (CETA). The goal of employment training is to develop sufficient

employability skills within the individual to enable them to find full-

time employment outside of the CETA program.

Mental Health. This is a state of integration of needs, drives,

and values. It involves the acceptance of self and others, self-reli-

ance, non-judgemental interpersonal skills, freedom from defensive

interaction patterns, and self-actualization (Jourard, 1963). For the

purposes of this study the concepts of self-actualization, psychological

androgyny, and internal-external locus of control will be defined as

mental health concepts.

Self-actualization. The self-actualizing person has successfully

developed the ability to satisfy the basic needs (physical, security,

belongingness and love, and esteem) and is free to develop his/her

potential to the fullest (Maslow, 1970a). The ability to integrate

needs and potential represented by self-actualization is defined as a

mental health concept for the purposes of this study.

Psychological androgyny. Bem (1974) introduced the concept of psy-

chological androgyny to describe sex-role flexibility and the integration






13

of masculine and feminine sex-roles into a unified personal system.

The androgynous individual is able to engage in an activity on the

basis of its personal appropriateness in that situation rather than on

the basis of its traditional socially defined sex-role alignment. This

ability is defined as representative of mental health for the purposes

of this study.

Locus of Control. Internal-external locus of control was intro-

duced by Rotter (1966) to describe the degree of control the individual

expected to be able to exert over the rewards and outcomes of a given

situation. An internal locus of control refers to the expectancy that

such control is possible while an external locus of control refers to the

expectancy that the outcomes of the situation are, at best, randomly

determined. As with self-actualization and psychological androgyny,

an internal locus of control will be defined as indicative of mental

health for the purposes of this study.















CHAPTER II

REVIEW OF LITERATURE

Literature relevant to the current study will be discussed in this

chapter. The review will be organized into two sections: Unemployment

and Mental Health.

Unemployment

The literature discussed in this section will cover three elements

required for understanding unemployment and efforts to help the unem-

ployed person: Work, Manpower Programs, and the Comprehensive Employ-

ment and Training Act of 1978.

Work

The importance of work. Work is widely recognized as basic to the

well-being of the individual and essential to the smooth functioning of

society. Economists argue that without enough work for those who wish

to work or enough workers for the work to be done the national economy

would collapse (Heller, 1964; Heron, 1948; Killingsworth, 1964; Pierson,

1972). Work is also seen as important by the government, as evidenced

by the establishment of national manpower programs and employment goals

for the nation (Bakke, 1969; Levitan, 1964). Wilensky (1966) identified

work as an important problem for the individual and the social system

because:

(1) Every society defines it as a central obligation for most
of the population, but in modern society some men cannot obtain
enough of it. The existing skills and talents of the popula-
tion never perfectly fit the demands of the technology and the
economy. (2) Many men are discontented with the work they do.
(3) Employers and officials often feel their subordinates are

14





15

not doing enough work or good enough work. Hardworking
portions of the population sometimes complain that others
are "featherbedding" or "goldbricking." (4) Lack of work
or alienation from it can place a heavy hand on the qual-
ity of life. (p. 118)

This study, however, focused on the perspective of the individual.

Rather than examine the importance of work from a social, economic, or

political point of view, the focus was on the impact of unemployment,

work, and employment training on the mental health of the individual.

In a report prepared for the Secretary of HEW (Work In America, 1973)

a task force of engineers, sociologists, social workers, economists,

anthropologists, and political scientists examined the role and function

of work in contemporary America and concluded:

Work is central "in the lives of most adults," it contributes
to identity and self-esteem, and it is useful "in bringing
order and meaning to life." Work offers economic self-suffi-
ciency, status, family stability, and an opportunity to inter-
act with others in one of the most basic activities of society.
Consequently, if the opportunity to work is absent, or if the
nature of work is dissatisfying (or worse), severe repercus-
sions are likely to be experienced in other parts of the
social system. (p. xv)

The meaning of work. One approach used in the study of the meaning

of work has been to ask the question: What is the difference between

working and not-working? Weiss and Kahn (1960) asked this question of

371 workers from several different occupations. They found that "over

three-fourths of respondents defined work either as activity which was

necessary though not enjoyed, or as activity which was scheduled or

paid" (Weiss & Kahn, 1960, p. 150). Further, they found that the defi-

nition of work as a necessary activity was associated with occupations

which accorded the worker some degree of autonomy and required advanced

education. The definition of work as scheduled or paid activity was

associated with occupations which had emotional separation from the job






16

and allowed the workers no social status or freedom on the job. In

response to the questions of how workers would feel different if they

were not working, Weiss and Kahn found that all workers except those

in low status jobs would feel emotionally worse. The low status workers

reported that they would feel the same or better if not working.

A second approach to the importance of work has been to examine the

significance of work in the lives of the workers. Dubin (1956) surveyed

491 workers and found that only 24% identified work as central to their

life interests although 61% identified the workplace as their central

formal organizational attachment. He concluded that the "worker has a

well developed sense of attachment to his work and workplace without a

sense of total commitment to it" (Dubin, 1956, p. 140). In a similar

study, Williams, R., Morea, and Ives (1975) asked a sample of students

and managers to rank several items in terms of personal importance. The

items included recreation, school, church, occupation, and family. They

found that approximately two-thirds (20 out of 33) of the students

ranked their future occupation as most important, more frequently than the

sample of managers (3 out of 17). Managers were found to rank their

families in first position most frequently (14 of 17). However, 80% of

the total sample (41 out of 51) ranked occupation in first or second

place. Furthermore, the top two functions of work identified were self-

realization and social contact. Economic security ranked third for both

groups as a function of work.

A third approach to understanding the importance of work has been

to ask the workers why they work and whether they would work if the eco-

nomic necessity were removed. Morse and Weiss (1955) found that 80% of

401 workers sampled would continue to work even in the absence of





17

economic need. Reasons for continuing to work included: to keep occu-

pied or interested (31%), would go crazy if not working (14%), wouldn't

know what else to do (10%), enjoyed work (9%), work justified existence

(5%), habit (6%), and to maintain self-respect (5%). This response

pattern was consistent across all age groups ranging from just entering

work (90% would continue to work) to retired workers (65% would continue

to work).

Kaplan and Tausky (1972) asked questions similar to those used by

Morse and Weiss (1955) of a sample of hard-core unemployed subjects

(N=275). They found that the most important reason given for having a

job was to make a living and support the self and family (52%). Other

reasons given included: liking the work (11%), security of a steady job

and income (10%), learning good work habits (4%), and having a chance to

use abilities and accomplish something (4%). They also found that most

of the respondents would rather wash cars than accept welfare (71%),

would work even if they did not need the money (84%), would work at a

lower paying respectable job rather than take a higher paying job which

was looked down on (57%), felt that the most important part of a promo-

tion was the increased respect they would get (54%), and would be con-

cerned about not being promoted even though their pay increased steadily

(54%).

Working appears to serve two basic functions in the lives of the

worker and in the lives of those who would like to work. The first

function is that of income and the support for self or family provided

by the income. The second function is equally important though less

tangible than income; the provision of self-respect, self-fulfillment,

respect from others, social standing, and a structure to life. A further









finding is that workers in higher level jobs with more education, gener-

ally management and white-collar positions, tend to rate the intangible

factors as more important than do the blue-collar or lower status workers

and unemployed individuals. Finally, groups at all levels of employment

have been found to express a desire to continue working independent of

economic needs.

Job satisfaction. The area of job satisfaction has been the subject

of extensive research and has been recognized as an important element

in the well-being of the working population:

Significant numbers of American workers are dissatisfied with
the quality of their working lives. Dull, repetitive, seemingly
meaningless tasks, offering little challenge or autonomy, are
causing discontent among workers at all occupational levels.
This is not so much because work itself has greatly changed;
indeed one of the main problems is that work has not changed
fast enough to keep up with the rapid and widespread changes
in worker attitudes, aspirations and values. A general increase
in their educational and economic status has placed many Americans
in a position where having an interesting job is now as important
as having a job that pays well. . As a result, the produc-
tivity of the worker is low--as measured by absenteeism, turn-
over rates, wildcat strikes, sabotage, poor-quality products,
and a reluctance by workers to commit themselves to their tasks.
Moreover, an increasing body of research indicates that, as work
problems increase there may be a consequent decline in physical
and mental health, family stability, community participation and
cohesiveness, and "balanced" socio-political attitudes, while
there is an increase in drug and alcohol addiction, aggression,
and delinquency. (Work In America, 1973, p. xvi)

Lyman (1955) identified job satisfied workers with three questions:

If you could start over, would you do the same work; Given the same pay,

what would you do; Do you want your son to do the same work as you do?

She found that only 77 of 249 workers were satisfied, i.e., answered all

three questions in the affirmative. She further found that among the

satisfied workers the white-collar subjects preferred the interesting

quality of the job and the freedom on the job while the blue-collar





19

workers preferred the economic rewards and the physical conditions of

the work. Among the dissatisfied workers the white-collar workers

found their work uninteresting and wanted to change the nature of the

job while blue-collar subjects disliked the physical demands of the job

and wanted to make the work easier.

The elements of work have been divided into intrinsic and extrinsic

categories (Herzberg, 1966). Intrinsic factors include characteristics

such as promotions, personal growth, recognition, responsibility, the

nature of the work, and an opportunity for advancement. Extrinsic

factors include working conditions, security, status, salary, super-

vision, and relationships with fellow employees.

Saleh and Singh (1973) studied the instrinsic and extrinsic elements

of the job valued by 3000 white-collar workers as moderated by the sub-

jects educational level, salary, and father's occupation. They found

that among the low salaried subjects (annual income less than $10,000)

intrinsic factors increased in importance as the father's occupational

level (unskilled versus skilled or professional) increased and as the

community size increased. Among the high salary group this relation-

ship was significant only for the university educated subjects. Over-

all, the higher salary group was significantly more intrinsically

oriented than the low salary group.

Herzberg, Mausner, and Snyderman (1959) suggested that jobs which

allowed for increased opportunities for achievement, recognition,

responsibility, advancement, and growth would be more satisfying than

jobs which did not offer these elements. Sheppard and Herrick (1972)

found that satisfaction was shown to increase as job variety, autonomy,

meaningfulness, and responsibility increased. Kahn (1972), following






20

an extensive literature review, concluded that improved job satisfaction

resulted from: increases in job rewards and autonomy; decreases in repe-

tition, overspecialization, and fractionalism; and improvement in super-

vision, wages, promotions, peer relationships, and working conditions.

Chisholm (1975) interviewed 100 college graduates to assess the rela-

tionship between alienation on and off the job. He found that lack of

good supervisory evaluations, lack of upward mobility, and being young,

rather than the quality of work or type of job activities, were asso-

ciated with the highest levels of on or off the job alienation. Heron

(1948), in an earlier study of why individuals choose to work or are

satisfied with their work, concluded that workers needed to be involved

with their work. Without work involvement, workers were found to choose

no work at all, even when the work was available for them.

Slocum and Strawser (1972) compared assessments of job settings by

black and white Certified Public Accountants. They asked the subjects

to identify which elements of the job were satisfying and which personal

needs were not being satisfied on the job. They found that the black

subjects expressed a significantly higher unmet need for an opportunity:

to help people, for friendship, for a feeling of self-esteem, for indepen-

dent thought and action, for growth and development, and for compensation

than was expressed by the white subjects. After classifying these needs

according to Maslow's need heirarchy (1970a), they concluded that the

black subjects were expressing a pattern of unmet needs which was much

less self-actualizing than the white subjects.

Blood (1969) developed an instrument which measured endorsement of

the Protestant Ethic. He found that 306 United States Air Force airmen

instructors exhibited a positive relationship between the endorsement






21

of the Protestant Ethic and job satisfaction. Another 114 student

airmen did not exhibit the relationship between the Protestant Ethic

and job satisfaction.

Wanous (1974) surveyed 80 female telephone operators using the

Blood (1969) Protestant Ethic Scale and a questionnaire which gathered

data on childhood background, preferences for job characteristics, and

job satisfaction. Results indicated that the subjects' need for job

satisfiers, such as variety, autonomy, task identity, and task feedback

was a better predictor of job satisfaction than endorsement of the

Protestant Ethic or childhood background.

Although these studies make a strong case for the importance of

assisting workers in achieving job satisfaction, theorists have cau-

tioned that satisfaction may not represent the total explanation of

work related behavior. Kahn (1972) noted that:

For most workers it is a choice between no work connection
(usually with severe attendant economic penalties and con-
spicuous lack of meaningful alternative activities) and a
work connection which is burdened with negative qualities
(routine, compulsory scheduling, dependency). In these
circumstances the individual has no difficulty with the
choice; he chooses work, pronounces himself moderately
satisfied, and tells us more only if the questions become
more searching. (p. 200)

Rottenburg (1960) argued that economic factors will serve as a strong

influence in job choice in addition to job satisfaction and should not

be discounted. Blaumer (1960) noted that other factors influence job

choice including the need for structure in life, endorsement of the

Protestant Ethic, and the fact that the individual may never be fully

satisfied but will assign meaning to work which theorists would find

meaningless.






22

In summary, the research has shown that many workers are dissatis-

fied with their work and this dissatisfaction affects the overall quality

of their lives. Several factors have been found to affect the degree of

job satisfaction. Job characteristics such as autonomy, variety, feed-

back on performance, involvement in work, work conditions, pay, and

status as well as factors within the individual worker such as endorse-

ment of the Protestant Ethic, education level, desire for job satisfiers,

and family background all interact to determine the degree of job satis-

faction. Finally, research has shown that regardless of the degree of

satisfaction felt by the workers, they would continue to work even when

the monetary necessity had been removed suggesting that work is basic to

the self-concept of the workers independent of other functions.

The unemployed person. The motivations of unemployed persons

become increasingly important in view of the findings discussed in the

preceding section. It is important to understand why some people remain

unemployed while others will continue to work in unsatisfying jobs, even

if the economic motivations were absent.

Surveys have examined the demographic characteristics of long-term

unemployed persons and found four major groupings (Hargrett, 1965;

Killingsworth, 1968; Zeisel, 1964). First, blacks have a higher unem-

ployment rate than whites. Killingsworth reported an unemployment rate

for blacks at 7.3% as compared to a 3.3% rate for whites. Second, age

is a factor. Younger workers have difficulty finding employment due to

a lack of skills and experience while older workers have difficulty due

to the obsolescence over time of their skills and experience. Third,

those with less education and limited educational opportunities have

higher rates of unemployment. Finally, residency is a factor. Many






23

areas have limited employment opportunities due to changes in economic

conditions which force local companies to move to another area or to

cease operation.

Tiffany, D., et al. (1970) warn, however, that it is important to

avoid the misconception that the unemployed are a homogeneous group with

a common set of needs and barriers to employment. Lack of homogeneity

among unemployed persons was first demonstrated by Bakke (1933) in a

study of the impact of unemployment insurance on the persons' willingness

to return to work. Bakke's general finding was that if the subjects

were willing to support themselves before entering a period of unemploy-

ment then use of unemployment insurance would not decrease that desire

to work. Likewise, unemployment insurance was not found to create a

willingness to work, or a desire for self-sufficiency, if they were not

present before the period of unemployment began.

Further studies by Bakke (1940a, 1940b) found that unemployed

workers would use all available methods and skills to maintain themselves

and their self-esteem as the period of unemployment was extended. He

found that if the unemployed workers had a wide range of job seeking and

personal maintenance skills before being unemployed, they would use those

skills during the period of unemployment for survival and to fill the role

normally held by work. If no prior skills were present, then the workers

were found to rely on the unemployment insurance sooner and to a greater

extent.

Davis (1946) studied individual cases of persons unemployed for an

extended period of time and found several adjustments being made as the

period of unemployed grew longer. She found a gradual lowering of

aspirations, hopes, and educational and life goals. As control over

working decreased, ambition and a hope for the future were gradually






24

relinquished as luxuries too painful to maintain. Alfano (1973) found

that unemployed persons experienced few changes in their attitudes

towards work during the first few months of unemployment. However, as

the period of unemployment grew longer their attitudes towards work

deteriorated as did the level of their savings, the strength of their

family unit, their social standing, and their self-confidence.

Feldman (1973a, 1973b, 1974) conducted a series of studies designed

to examine assessments of work related outcomes among black and white

subjects who were employed and unemployed. He concluded that the intent

to work and job seeking behavior were not completely tied to race, socio-

economic status, employment status, or the expectation that work would

result in positive outcomes but are also moderated by local factors such

as available job markets, availability of support outside of work, and

individual differences.

Long-term unemployed persons should not, however, be construed to

have no desire to work. Searls, Braucht, and Miskimins (1974) compared

work values of supervisors, employees, and long-term unemployed subjects

on five work-related variables: personal habits, supervisory relations,

employee relations, company relations, and work habits. While they found

significant differences between work values endorsed by the supervisors

and the unemployed subjects, there were no differences between the

employed and unemployed subjects.

Cook (1971), in a comparison of motivation to work between 100

employed and 100 unemployed blacks found comparable levels of motivation

to work between the groups. Likewise, Kaplan and Tausky (1974) surveyed

275 long-term unemployed subjects with a questionnaire similar to those

used by Morse and Weiss (1955), Tausky (1969), and Kaplan and Tausky








(1972). They concluded that:

While the economic meaning and function of work weighed
heavily in many of our subjects' responses, there was also,
overall, a commitment to work not only similar to that of
employed blue-collar workers, but at times resembling the
values of people of higher socio-economic status. These
findings contradict the prevalent stereotype in the United
States that the poor have little desire or commitment to
work. (Kaplan & Tausky, 1974, p. 195)

Unemployment and mental illness. Several studies have demonstrated

that extended unemployment can be detrimental to the individual.

Zawailski and Lazarsfeld (1935) identified a sequence of mental health

deterioration among long-term unemployed persons through a review of their

autobiographies. The initial reaction to being unemployed was feeling

hurt by the dismissal, followed by, in order: numbness or apathy, hope

or calmness, a weakening of hope, hopelessness and suicidal ideas, and

dumb apathy. Shanthamani (1973) found that as unemployment lasted longer

among engineering graduates their level of neuroticism increased.

Triandis, Feldman, Weldon, and Harvey (1975) examined the trust

levels of long-term unemployed persons and found that they exhibited

little trust for others, even those from their own in-group. Further-

more, the subjects did not trust or believe that hard work would result

in any desired benefit and felt unimportant and, as a result, rejected

the establishment.

A strong relationship was demonstrated between social class and the

frequency and types of mental illness (Hollingshead and Redlich, 1958).

This relationship was confirmed in a follow-up study by Myers and Bean

(1968). Together these two studies demonstrated that the lower social

classes had higher incidences of mental illness and that the lower class

subjects were more likely to be diagnosed as having a mental disorder

and to receive custodial care.






26

Warheit, Schwab, Holzer, and Nadreau (1973) identified a similar

pattern of mental illness in an in-depth study of Alachua County.

Florida. They found a strong increase in psychopathological symptoma-

tology as the socio-economic status of the subjects decreased. Scott,

W., (1958) in a review of relevant literature, identified a pattern of

socio-psychological factors associated with mental illness that included:

the presence of a stressful event, being black, being in the lower socio-

economic classes, living in an urban area as opposed to rural areas, and

living in the inner-city as opposed to suburban areas.

Cassel (1966) concluded that "with one important exception every

study over the last 45 years has found the highest concentration of

mental disorders occurring in the lowest social class" (p. 42). The one

exception was a study by Pasamanic, Roberts, Lemkau, and Kreuger (1964)

which discovered that the greatest incidence of psychiatric diagnosis

was not among the lowest income group or among blacks. They concluded

that these findings resulted from a diagnostic focus on the more severe

disorders such as psychosis. Freedman (1969) similarly concluded from a

study of psychiatric records that the lower classes are more likely to

exhibit neurotic disorders expressed somatically and behaviorally than

they were to exhibit psychotic disorders of the thought processes.

Kornhauser (1965) studied the mental health of auto workers and

summarized his findings regarding unemployment and poor working condi-

tions stating that:

Poorer mental health occurs whenever conditions of work and
life lead to continuing frustration by failing to offer means
for perceived progress toward attainment of strongly desired
goals which have become indispensable elements of the indivi-
dual's self-identity as a worthwhile person. Persistent failure
and frustration bring lowered self-esteem and dissatisfaction
with life, often accompanied by anxieties, social alienation
and withdrawal, a narrowing of goals and curtailing of aspira-
tions--in short--poor mental health. (p. 269)








Unemployment and mental health. It is not surprising that evidence

has been found to indicate that work is conducive to the development of

mental health. Massimo and Shore (1964), for example, conducted a voca-

tionally oriented treatment program for anti-social youth and concluded

that not only was work therapeutic in itself but it also served as a focus

for other interventions, facilitated identity formation, provided an

avenue for channeling aggressive and sexual energies, and served to alle-

viate material needs. In a follow-up study, however, they found that

these benefits were lost if the work performed was demeaning or meaningless

(Shore & Massimo, 1969). Similarly, Tiffany, D., Cowan, Eddy, Glad, and

Woll (1967), in a study of hospitalized psychiatric patients, found that

patients involved in their work situations exhibited higher levels of

self-identity and self-satisfaction than patients not involved in their

work.

Clearly, working is conducive to the development of mental health.

However, a question must be raised, since unemployment has also been

associated with increased evidence of mental illness, as to whether

employment is a necessary condition for the development of mental health?

Bakke (1933, 1940a, 1940b), for example, stated that unemployed persons

continued to maintain their esteem following the loss of employment

using the same skills they had used while employed.

Tiffany, D., et al. (1970) warned against assuming that all long-

term unemployed persons were similar. As an example, they identified an

assumption that unemployed persons communicate in the same manner as

middle-class persons while being assumed to be cognitively deficient.

Reissman (1964) studied the cognitive and verbal patterns of lower-class

ghetto children and middle-class children and found no evidence to






28

suggest cognitive or verbal deficiency among the ghetto children. He

found the ghetto children to be as expressive in their verbal patterns

as middle-class children. The ghetto children excelled in fantasy and

spontaneous, unstructured self-expression instead of the more tradi-

tional patterns of self-expression exhibited by the middle-class

children.

Schesta (1976) studied the relationship between job satisfaction,

work as a central life interest, age, and an affinity for leisure

activities vis-a-vis working. He found that there was a stronger rela-

tionship between leisure and age when the worker was younger, dissatis-

fied with the work setting, or did not perceive work as central to his/

her life. Similarly, Hausknecht (1964) found that blue-collar workers

facing dry, uninvolving, routine work demands will use leisure and

voluntary group associations outside of the work setting to achieve and

maintain satisfaction. He found that by participating in social groups

the blue-collar workers had a medium for expressing themselves and

establishing social contact. Price and Levinson, H., (1964) developed

a description of the mentally healthy worker which might be applied to

mentally healthy persons regardless of their employment status. The

mentally healthy workers possessed a wide variety of sources of satis-

faction and psychological rewards, were flexible under stress, treated

others as individuals, recognized and accepted their own capacities and

limitations, and were active and productive.

Based upon these observations it may be possible to apply these

descriptions to appropriate groups of unemployed persons and identify

or anticipate the development of mental health among unemployed people.

As Tiffany, D., et al. (1970) stated:






29

If we were to indicate what human beings need, whether they
are an advantaged or disadvantaged group, we would probably
list the following: Human beings need to be self-determining,
to have control over their own fate, to be a person rather
than a thing, to be able to make decisions, to be able to
plan, to be loved rather than counted, and to be recognized
for one's accomplishments. (p. 115)

Summary. Research has found that work is important to society and

the individual. For most people work provides not only income but also

structure and meaning to life as well as personal identity. Without

satisfying work, or without any work at all, the overall quality of life

has been seen to deteriorate. Studies of the healthy worker have identi-

fied a pattern of life and needs similar to Maslow's (1970a) description

of the self-actualizing person. Some of the characteristics identified as

applicable to mental health among workers may also be found to apply to

mental health among unemployed persons. However, job dissatisfaction and

unemployment have been generally found to exert a strong negative effect

on the mental health and overall quality of life of the individual.

Manpower Programs

Manpower program goals. The current manpower training program for

the United States is emcompassed in the Comprehensive Employment and

Training Act (CETA) of 1978. The CETA, along with its predecessors, CETA

of 1973 and the Manpower Development and Training Act (MDTA) of 1962, was

designed to fund a coordinated and comprehensive approach to the solution

of unemployment related problems. Included in CETA are provisions for

training youth through classroom training, work experience, and summer

jobs, and for adults by providing classroom training and on-the-job

training along with special programs designed to meet the needs unique

to the local community.






30

It is not within the scope of this study to provide a comprehensive

history of American manpower policies. Such a history may be obtained

from other sources (Levitan, 1967; Mirengoff & Rindler, 1976; State of

Florida Office of Manpower Planning, 1978). It is however, useful to

identify some of the key factors which have influenced the development

of manpower goals. Levitan (1964) identified six forces affecting the

development of national manpower policies: Russian success in space

technology, high levels of unemployment following the 1957 recession,

changes in defense technology resulting in changes in regional funding,

increased international competition for local markets, demographic

changes following the "baby boom," and long-term problems such as racial

and sexual discrimination in hiring and training practices. Ginzberg

(1968) stated:

World War I necessitated a balancing of military and civilian
needs. Next, the Immigration Laws of 1920 and 1924 put an end
to Europe's serving as our reserve pool of unskilled and skilled
workers. The Great Depression of the 1930's revealed that the
adjustments between supply and demand for labor were not auto-
matic. The World War II and the cold war which followed illumi-
nated the critical role of scientists and development engineers
in assuring national survival and technical progress. The
passage of the Employment Act of 1946 committed the federal
government to establishing and maintaining a high level of
employment. The civil rights movement . [and] a growing
demand for services, particularly health and education . .
led to further shifts. (p. 4)

Several different goals and tasks have been suggested for manpower

programs. Pierson (1972) argued that full employment is basic to the

stability of our economy and that employment programs should be indepen-

dent of the political structure. Ferman (1969) stated that an additional

goal for manpower programs should be expanded job development and

placement for unemployed persons. Killingsworth (1964) identified

as a major manpower goal the retraining of persons unemployed as a

result of automation. Goodman (1969) defined the restructuring of the







31

social system within which the trainee is trained and eventually

employed as a major task of manpower programs. Bakke (1969) argued

that the federal manpower programs should include efforts to expand

the total number of jobs available in addition to helping those without

a job find work. Ginzberg (1968) identified ten manpower program goals:

(1) The rapid growth of employment. (2) The matching of men
and skills. (3) The expansion of the supply of trained man-
power. (4) The diffusion of the benefits of automation. (5)
The reduction and elimination of poverty. (6) The development
of human potential. (7) The rehabilitation of depressed areas.
(8) The elimination of discrimination. (9) The Improvement of
labor market institutions. (10) The broadening and deepening
of manpower research. (p. 225)

It should be noted that the discussions cited above were concerned

with the MDTA. These discussions served as the basis for the creation

of CETA. There were three basic goals written into CETA: decentrali-

zation, structural training, and countercyclical employment. The first

goal was intended to place more control of manpower programs in the hands

of the local governments. This was designed to correct the lack of

responsiveness in meeting local needs common to many of the MDTA programs.

Structural training was common to both MDTA and CETA and involved training

for persons unemployed as a result of the structure of society, i.e.,

inability to find employment through lack of skills, education, or

opportunity resulting from some structural element such as racial or

sexual prejudice. The major difference in this goal is that CETA combined

all structural training under one Title for efficient administration.

Countercyclical employment was established to provide training and

employment opportunities to those persons unemployed as a consequence of

the cyclical changes in the national economy. Funding for this program

was based upon the current unemployment rate (Mirengoff & Rindler, 1978).






32

Evaluation of manpower programs. Efforts to evaluate the effec-

tiveness of manpower programs have met repeatedly with frustration

resulting first from the poor validity and quantity of evaluative data

and second from the limited scope of the evaluative studies. Mangum

(1967, 1969) has repeatedly noted the lack of valid data for the evalu-

ation of manpower programs:

For no program are there adequate valid data for evaluation of
strengths and weaknesses and ... no program has a reporting
system capable of producing such data. Data on services are
weak and follow-up data on program results are grossly inade-
quate and undependable. Ad hoc internal evaluations have been
limited, their data weak, and their investigations less than
probing. (Mangum, 1969, p. 131)

Another part of the problem has been the lack of adequate samples

for testing. Several researchers have noted that long-term unemployed

persons are singularly transient and difficult to use in controlled

research (Barnes, 1972; Hardin, 1972; Lewis, 1972). Their recommenda-

tions have included the paying of unemployed subjects to serve as a

stable research population; although they did not address the question

of whether such subjects continue to be unemployed. Scanlon, Nay, and

Wholey (1972) identified three problems basic to evaluative research

conducted on manpower programs. First evaluations have been one-shot,

one-time efforts rather than continuous, longitudinal studies. Second,

they have been done in terms of program categories and are weak on

process data. Finally, the sample populations used in the evaluations

have been too small when regional samples are needed.

The problems with program evaluation identified with MDTA did not

improve with the conversion to CETA even though the criticism made of

MDTA evaluation resulted in the inclusion of requirements for improved

data collection and reporting procedures in CETA:






33

Quantitative measurement of program results is seriously
hampered by limitations in the CETA reporting system. The
Employment and Training Administration restructured and
unified the system to streamline and reconcile the separate
reporting systems of a number of individual programs. As
a result, it is impossible to isolate CETA data with suffi-
cient detail to make comparisons with pre-CETA programs or
even to fully analyze CETA outcomes. (Mirengoff & Rindler,
1978, p. 221)

Several studies designed to examine aspects of manpower training

programs warrant review. Although there were several changes in MDTA

and CETA, the primary goal and basic methodology of training programs

remained the same. Furthermore, with limited exceptions, there has

been no research on CETA applicable to this study. Studies being done

on CETA are concerned with other areas of CETA not relevant to this

study (Klein & Ghozeil, 1979). For these reasons evaluations of both

programs will be reviewed together.

Several studies have been conducted to identify those factors which

contribute to the individual's completion of training and subsequent

success on the job. Beatty, R., (1975) examined the use of social self-

esteem, scholastic achievement, and job skills as predictors of job suc-

cess following training. He found that self-esteem did not improve

during training and was unrelated to success on the job. Both scholastic

achievement and job skills improved during the course of training and

were related to job success. Improved scholastic achievement was

directly related to increased salary while increased job skills were

directly related to improved supervisory evaluations.

Beatty, R., and Beatty, J., (1975) found that during the first six

months of employment following placement absenteeism was related to lower

salary, low supervisory evaluations, supervisors perceived as unsup-

portive, jobs which required little ability, and a short prior work






34

history. Absenteeism after 24 months on the job was related to percep-

tions of the supervisor, self-esteem in the work setting, skill levels

required by the job, and duties assigned. Goodman and Salipante (1976)

found that hard-core unemployed trainees were more likely to remain on

the job if there were frequent raises during the early part of employ-

ment, regardless of the size of the raise, and if there was frequent

job performance feedback. They concluded that, while telling the unem-

ployed person about the benefits of employment will improve job retention

on a limited scale, greater success will be achieved with frequent and

immediate reinforcement of good job behavior.

Personal characteristics of the trainees have also been found to

contribute to the success of training. Henke (1976) examined the rela-

tionship between completion of training and five groups of personal

attributes: Personal--marital status, age, and race; Academic--literacy,

level of education, and math and word knowledge; Economic--possession of

material goods, prior hourly wages, and length of prior unemployment;

Vocational--prior training, prior employment history, and veteran's

status; and Program Status--referral source and length of pre-vocational

training. He found that only the subjects'academic achievement and prior

vocational history were related to program completion. Similarly, in a

study of the characteristics of the successful trainee, Cole (1974)

found that completers were more likely to be female, older, with a better

academic background, and no prior arrest record.

The relationship between training success and expectancy theory has

been examined. Gumpper (1971) found that attitudes towards work and a

generalized expectation of success were not related to program comple-

tion while prior work history was predictive of success. On the other





35

hand, Goodman, Salipante, and Paransky (1973) found that job retention

was not the result of employment training but of the expectation that

remaining on the job would bring rewards.

Counseling has been found to facilitate completion of training.

Bryant, F.,and Showalter (1971) found that participation in a pre-

training orientation and assessment program which included strategies

to improve test taking, job seeking, and vocational exploration served

to significantly increase training completion. Baron and Bass, A.,

(1968) found that verbal reinforcement was more effective in improving

trainee self-esteem than material rewards while material rewards served

to increase task performance. Both types of rewards were found to be

more effective when the trainee perceived them as situation appropriate.

A Philadelphia study (Philadelphia Manpower Utilization Commission,

1969) found that participation in pre-training work adjustment training,

family services counseling, and social work counseling improved train-

ing completion. Salipante and Goodman (1976) found that counseling

during training in conjunction with role playing of job related skills

served to extend the effective length of the training process.

Goursslin and Roach (1964) concluded that while early MDTA programs

did indeed help the upper level trainee they were not significantly

effective with the disadvantaged or hard-core unemployed person. Solie

(1968) examined completers and non-completers of early training pro-

grams and found that completers had a better job experience following

training than did rejects and non-completers, but that the evidence

suggested a selection bias which screened out the less qualified, low

potential applicants. This problem has continued in later programs:

CETA programs have been least successful in finding unsubsi-
dized jobs for the hard-core unemployed--minority partici-
pants, persons with less than a high school education, younger
workers, and the poor. (Mirengoff & Rindler, 1978, p. 239)






36

Roskind (1975) compared retention records of hard-core unemployed

individuals who received special consideration in being selected for

employment and were oriented to the job with the retention records of

individuals hired through the regular process. He found that, as a

group, the hard-core unemployed subjects had a poorer track record in

the job situation than the regular employees. Quinn, Fine, and Levitan

(cited in Goodman et al., 1973), however, found that the hard-core

unemployed individuals completing a regular training program prior to

entry into work did as well on the job as regular hires. They also

found that the trained subjects sought greater on-the-job autonomy and

evaluated their supervisors lower than regular employees. Several other

studies have shown that completers of training programs generally tend

to have better job retention and a higher wage rate than hard-core

unemployed persons who do not complete training (Harris & Associates,

1967; Mangum, 1967; Mangum & Walsh, 1973; Thorpe, 1973). Levitan

(1969) suggested that training per se may not enrich the trainees so

much as it serves as an "aging vat" in which the trainees receive a job

and wages until they are ready to cope with the world of work on their

own.

Gordon and Scott, R., (1972) used a structured interview and alien-

ation scale to identify areas of the trainee'slives which were signi-

ficantly affected by employment training. Graduates of the training

program had a higher spending rate and better housing, read more of the

local news, were more likely to be members of unions, community action

groups, or civil rights groups than they were to be members of social

or recreational groups, attended church more frequently, and were less

alienated from society than were non-graduates.






37

Christensen (1974) matched parolees completing MDTA training with

parolees not completing or applying to MDTA training on several cri-

teria including age, type of crime for which the subject was convicted,

educational level, achievement test scores, and parental occupation.

He found that the program completers had significantly lower recidivism

rates, committed fewer felonies, and had a better employment rate than

non-completers.

The conclusions drawn from the evaluation studies of manpower pro-

grams are less than clear cut. In all studies examined there were no

reports of unqualified success in meeting training goals, although most

argued that the data suggested at least partial success. However, the

evaluators of the programs consistently support them as being benefi-

cial:

The conclusions reached by a number of critics of retraining
are disheartening. . But the expectations must both be seen
in perspective. Retraining has three major objectives: (1)
short run increases in employment; (2) long-run economic
growth; (3) improvement in the welfare and general well-being
of the trainees and society. Regardless of the short run
deficiencies, there can be little doubt that retraining the
unemployed, like the educational process as a whole, is a
worthwhile enterprise from the standpoints of the long-run
economic growth of the American economy and the general well-
being of its citizens. (Somers, 1964, pp. 152-153)

While the record is mixed, there are significant benefits
that should not be overlooked. CETA has provided access to
public service jobs to large numbers of minority group mem-
bers and other disadvantaged persons who might not otherwise
have had an opportunity for employment. There are also non-
economic advantages for participants, in terms of improved
morale, health, and ability to function in the labor market,
that cannot be evaluated by statistics. (Mirengoff & Rindler,
1978, p. 240)

Both of the above statements, one from the early years of manpower

programs and one from the most recent evaluation of the programs, refer

to the intangible, health oriented benefits in an effort to take some






38

of the sting out of criticisms of poor program performance. However,

there have been no studies designed to support these assertions even

though several writers and researchers have argued that the planning and

effectiveness of training could be significantly improved by research

into mental health and other factors associated with employment training

(Baron & Bass, A., 1968; Borus & Tash, 1970; Ginzberg, 1966; Sheppard,

1972; Smith, E., 1977; Tiffany, D., et al., 1970; Work in America, 1973).

Comprehensive Employment and Training Act of 1978

Several of the evaluative studies cited above appeared to examine

similar variables in employment training but had differing results.

These contradictory studies included examinations of job retention (Quinn

et al., cited in Goodman et al., 1973; Roskind, 1975), expectancy theory

(Goodman et al., 1973; Gumpper, 1971), and self-esteem (Baron& Bass, A.,

1968; Beatty, R., 1975). One possible explanation for this variation in

findings is variation in training programs. Programs funded under CETA

and MDTA are frequently different from each other in specific services

provided trainees. CETA programs in particular are intended to vary from

program to program to accommodate local labor market requirements.

Therefore, the characteristics of the local CETA program participating

in this study will be included in the discussion of the overall

Comprehensive Employment and Training Act of 1978.

CETA is designed to address the needs of several different groups

of unemployed persons. The Act was written to allow a degree of

responsiveness to local needs and environmental conditions by encour-

aging local control in the development of administrative procedures and

operational structure. The Act does establish general guidelines for

all programs and is divided into eight titles. The discussion will






39

follow the general format of the Act with additional information drawn

from the Master Plan of the participating Prime Sponsor (Northeast

Florida Employment and Training Consortium, 1979).

Title I--Administrative provisions. This Title contains the

administrative provisions for the overall operation of employment training

programs under the Act. CETA programs are administered by the local

governmental agency or agencies which represent a population group of

100,000 persons or more. The administrative body(ies) is(are) called

the Prime Sponsor. When the Prime Sponsor consists of two or more

governmental agencies working together to represent a population group

of 100,000 or more persons they are referred to as a consortium. In the

event a region of the state cannot be formed into a Prime Sponsor area

(such as counties with less than 100,000 population) the state government

serves as the Balance of State Prime Sponsor. The employment training

program participating in this study is a consortium composed of three

north Florida counties.

Also included in this Title are limitations on the time a person

may participate in CETA funded activities. The maximum participation

period is 30 months with individual programs having special limits:

Public Service Employment--78 weeks, Work Experience--1,000 hours, and

classroom training--104 weeks of allowances. Limitations are also placed

on annual salaries earned by CETA participants while in training. The

Title also includes extensive additions and exceptions to these limitations

and administration of the program which are not relevant to this discussion

of the Act.

Title II--Comprehensive employment and training services. This

Title is divided into four parts. Part A is a general introduction





40

and statement of purpose for the Title. Parts B and C cover programs

for training, education, upgrading and retraining, and supportive ser-

vices to prepare economically disadvantaged persons for unsubsidized

employment. Part D provides for long term employment training for

economically disadvantaged, structurally unemployed persons.

Part B of Title II provides for supportive services and training

in two activities: classroom training and work experience. Classroom

training is intended to assist economically disadvantaged persons who

do not have employable skills by providing them with the opportunity

to attend relevant skill training classes. The major forms of assis-

tance are the payment of an hourly allowance for class attendance and

the payment of tuition, fees, and book costs. The employment training

program in this study subcontracts classroom training activities to a

local junior college and an Opportunity Industrial Center in the area.

Classes are offered in programs designed to match the participants'

interests and potentials. Typical classes include welding, auto

mechanics, auto body work, cashiering, clerical skills, bookkeeping,

health care, and the General Education Degree (GED).

There are two types of work experience activities funded under

Title II-B: On-the-job training (OJT) and Adult Work Experience (AWE).

On-the-job training consists of placing a participant with a private

business which provides the participant with job experience and train-

ing in job skills under a contractual agreement with the employment

training program. The employment training program pays up to 50% of

the expense of training the participant and the business provides the

balance. The business is expected to hire the participant on a fulltime

basis following the contracted training period provided the participant









has demonstrated adequate progress. Adult Work Experience is quite

similar to On-the-job training. The major differences are that the

participant is placed with a public or private, non-profit agency, the

training program provides 100% of the participant's wages (usually the

federally established minimum wage), and the training agency is not

expected, though encouraged, to hire the participant at the end of

training. Adult Work Experience participants usually have fewer skills

prior to training than the On-the-job training participants and often

require further training following completion of the Adult Work Experi-

ence program activities.

Title II-C provides for upgrading and retraining programs. The

goal of these programs is to help workers who are underemployed and

economically disadvantaged or who are about to be laid off and have

no expectation of future employment with their current skills. The

employment training program participating in this study does not

currently offer training under Title II-C.

Title II-D provides for Public Service Employment for the economi-

cally disadvantaged, structurally unemployed person. Structurally

unemployed persons are those who are unable to obtain fulltime employ-

ment due to factors inherent in the very fabric and structure of soci-

ety over which they have no control. These factors include racial or

sexual discrimination in hiring practices, limited access to full or

quality education, or lack of mobility to the available jobs. Partici-

pants in this part often possess the basic skills necessary for the

performance of the positions for which they are training. Public Service

Employment training consists of placing the participant with a private,

non-profit or public agency to perform a normal job function in the

agency. The job slot must have a corresponding position in the regular






42

employment structure of the training agency and the participant is paid

a wage comparable to that received by persons in the regular position.

Participants under this part are expected to have been unemployed for a

longer period of time than participants under part II-B (15 of 20 weeks

prior to the application versus seven days) and may train longer (78

weeks versus 1000 hours--25 weeks). Title II-D also provides for a

limited educational program to expand the skill level of the partici-

pants similar to the classroom training program.

Title II includes provisions for counseling activities as a part of

the training process. Within the participating employment program

participants under Title II receive regular contact with the employment

training program counseling staff. On-the-job training participants do

not receive counseling as a part of the training process. The Adult

Work Experience participants receive two two-hour counseling-job reten-

tion skills training group sessions and two job site visits per month.

The Public Service Employment participants receive one two-hour group

session and one job site visit per month. The classroom training parti-

cipants receive one to two hours of group counseling per week from the

counselors at the training facility. These contacts are designed to

provide training in skills needed to identify, obtain, and retain full-

time unsubsidized employment. These skills include how to relate to a

supervisor, what does it feel like to work, what does it mean to be a

good employee, keeping regular attendance, personal hygiene, how to cope

with stress and anger, and communication skills. The counseling staff

also provides crisis intervention in crises on the job site and in the

participants' personal life as necessary. All contacts are structured

to assist in the completion of training and entry into the world of work.






43

Title Ill--Special federal responsibilities. This Title provides

for the meeting of special federal responsibilities such as assistance

for minorities, Native Americans, displaced homemakers, and women. The

participating Prime Sponsor in this study does not currently provide

or subcontract training under this Title.

Title IV--Youth programs. This Title provides for a wide range of

programs designed to meet the needs of economically disadvantaged youth.

Included in these programs are part-time employment opportunities to

encourage youth to remain in school or return to school, summer employ-

ment, and on-the-job training positions in private businesses. Youth

programs are quite similar to the adult programs outlined in Title II-B

in general design. There is less pressure on the training agency to

employ the youth following training, there is more leeway in inappro-

priate behavior, fewer of the youth positions are fulltime, and there

is more counseling contact with the youth.

Title V--National commission for employment policy. This Title

creates the National Commission for Employment Policy, formerly the

National Commission for Manpower Policy. The Commission acts as an

advisory group to the President of the United States in the development

of relevant national policy.

Title VI--Countercyclical public service employment. This Title

provides for a public service employment program to assist persons who

have been unemployed for an extended period of time as a result of the

cyclical variations in the national economy. The program is quite

similar to the Title II-D Public Service Employment program and the

employment training program participating in this study has combined

Title II-D and Title VI training activities in a common department for

administrative purposes. Overall funding for Title VI activities is






44

tied to the national economy and unemployment rates. There are two

types of public service employment training positions funded under Title

VI. One type is identical in structure and function to those provided

in Title II-D. The other type of positions is a part of a special public

works "Project" program. A Title VI Project is an activity sponsored

by local community based organizations (CBOs) to accomplish a specific

task beneficial to the public. Projects have a maximum operational

period of 18 months with an option to extend 18 months. Sponsoring

agencies must be public or private, non-profit and assume complete

operational and administrative responsibility for the project. The

employment training program provides the sponsoring agency with the

wages for the participants, screens participants for CETA eligibility,

provides counseling and some skill training, and monitors the progress

of the project. Projects in the employment training program participating

in this study have included area and school beautification, development

of a minority affairs library, rehabilitation of low-income housing, a

Teen theatre program, and general public works.

Title VII--Private sector opportunities for the economically

disadvantaged. This Title authorizes the creation of the Private Sector

Initiative Program (PSIP) and the Private Industry Council (PIC). The

PIC is intended to oversee the PSIP and to develop opportunities within

the private business community for training and employment activities for

the economically disadvantaged population. The PIC and PSIP are mandated

for all Prime Sponsors and serve to greatly expand the On-the-job

training program and related activities.

Title VIII--Young adult conservation corps. This Title provides

for training and employment activities for young people from all social

and economic backgrounds through work on conservation and other projects






45

on federal and public lands. As such this is the only program funded

under the Act which does not require the participants to be economically

disadvantaged or poverty level. The employment training program partici-

pating in this study does not currently offer a YACC program.

All participants follow the same basic track through the employ-

ment training program. The first stage consists of applying to the

program and being selected for training. The second stage is the pre-

training orientation during which the participants complete relevant

paper work and have their Employability Development Plans (EDP) prepared.

The EDP is a statement of what training the participants need to achieve

an adequate level of employability and identifies how that training will

be accomplished. The third stage is the training phase during which the

EDP is implemented. While the EDP often specifies one training program

it is possible to include more than one program. As an example, a

participant with absolutely no skills may be placed in classroom training

followed by a transfer to a Public Service Employment program position

to complete their training. The final stage of the training process is

job development during which the program assists the participants in

finding fulltime unsubsidized employment.

Summary

This review of research in the area of unemployment and work has

shown that the role of work and efforts to help the unemployed are basic

to the well-being of the individual and society. Without sufficient

work opportunities the individual has been shown to experience both eco-

nomic difficulties and a deterioration of health, family, and psycho-

logical well-being. The federal government has recognized this impor-

tance and has assumed increased responsibility for controlling the

impact of unemployment upon the individual and society. The strength of






46

this responsibility is reflected in the size and scope of the social

security, employment service, and manpower programs provided by the

government.

The primary goal of manpower programs is to insure an adequate man-

power pool for the economic structure of the nation and to assist the

long-term, economically disadvantaged persons in overcoming blocks to

employment and to improve the quality of their lives. Evaluation of

manpower programs, however, has not indicated an overwhelming success

in achieving the stated goals. In response to criticism generated by

these evaluations supporters of manpower programs have consistently

referred to the intangible psychological and social benefits of training

and employment. Researchers have also indicated a need for the inclusion

of psychological factors in planning and evaluation of manpower programs.

To date, however, there have been no studies which utilized mental

health concepts in an evaluative or planning capacity.

Mental Health

Three concepts of mental health are reviewed in this section for

use in evaluating manpower programs and examining unemployed persons:

self-actualization, psychological androgyny, and locus of control.

Self-Actualization

General research. The wide acceptance of Maslow's (1970a) concept

of self-actualization as a description of psychological health was fol-

lowed by a demand for an objective measure of the concept. Shostrom

(1974) introduced the Personal Orientation Inventory (POI) to meet this

demand. The POI was designed and tested as a measure of the values and

behaviors related to the development of self-actualization as described

by Maslow (Shostrom, 1974). Shostrom reports that the initial normative






47

studies were done on 2607 college freshmen. The initial validation

studies were comparisons of responses from a wide range of samples

including: supervisors, student nurses, service organization volunteers,

college students, high school students, psychiatric in-patients, delin-

quent males, alcoholic males, and psychopathic felons. The POI was found

to consistently discriminate between the groups in the predicted

direction.

King (1974) compared the level of self-actualization within 115

married couples. He found no sex differences in self-actualization as

measured by the POI, suggesting that self-actualizing subjects may

experience a stronger interpersonal attraction for other self-actualizing

persons. Olczak and Goldman (1975) examined attitude similarity and

interpersonal attraction as moderated by self-actualization among 59

college students. The self-actualizing subjects were more attracted to

persons with similar attitudes than were non-self-actualizing subjects.

Furthermore, non-self-actualizing subjects were more attracted to sub-

jects with dissimilar attitudes than were self-actualizing subjects.

Several studies have examined the impact of the college experience

upon levels of self-actualization. Schroeder (1973) compared responses

of 278 male and 290 female college freshmen on the POI at the beginning

and completion of a school year. He found that the female students had

higher levels of self-actualization than the male students and that

male and female subjects increased in self-actualization over the course

of the school year. Scott, S., (1975) reports that residence hall resi-

dents experienced increases in self-actualization more frequently than

non-residence hall students. Furthermore, student assistants in the

residence halls had higher initial levels of self-actualization and







48

exhibited greater increases than regular residents. Female student

assistants were more self-actualizing than male student assistants.

Schroeder and LeMay (1973) compared scores on the POI of students

living in coeducational and single-sex residence halls. Students in

the coeducational residence halls were found to have higher levels of

self-actualization than single-sex halls. Similarly, Brown, R.,

Winkworth, and Brascamp (1973) reported that coeducational residence

halls were more conducive to increases in self-actualization than single-

sex halls. McCleod (1973) studied college students' perceptions of self-

actualizing characteristics and behavior as moderated by residential

environment. Students in a restrictive environment (fraternity house)

viewed the self-actualizing characteristics as being deviant and rejected

them more frequently than students in a more open environment (a female

residence hall).

Participation in group experiences has been found to have an impact

on levels of self-actualization. Gilligan (1973) compared responses on

the POI and Omnibus Personality Inventory of selectors and non-selectors

of sensitivity training. His comparisons revealed that those who selected

the sensitivity training scored higher on the POI scales of Inner-

directed support, Existentiality, Spontaneity, and Capacity for Intimate

Contact than non-selectors. Similarly, selectors scored higher on the

Omnibus Personality Inventory scales of Introversion, Estheticism, Com-

plexity, Autonomy, Religious Orientation, and Impulse expression than

non-selectors and lower on Omnibus Personality Inventory scales of

Practical Outlook and Masculinity/femininity than non-selectors.

Montgomery (1975) found that growth group experiences increased levels of

self-actualization among college students without affecting college

retention.







49

Kimball and Gelso (1974) compared shifts in self-actualization and

scores on an ego strength scale (Barron, 1953) following participation

in a marathon growth group. They found that self-actualization increased

following the experience and that ego strength levels were unchanged

after the group experience. Furthermore, ego strength was not related

to changes in self-actualization even though high ego strength and high

self-actualization scores were directly correlated prior to the group

experience. Jones, D., and Medvene (1975) clarified the results obtained

by Kimball and Gelso with the finding that the low ego strength subjects

did not exhibit changes in self-actualization following participation in

a marathon group while high ego strength subjects increased in self-actu-

alization following the group experience.

Olim (1968) urged parents to avoid using enforced conformity, triv-

ialization, and dehumanizing child-raising practices which would inhibit

the child'slater development of self-actualization. Hjelle and Smith, G.,

(1975) compared retrospective reports of child-rearing practices and self-

actualization levels among college women. They found subjects reporting

parental practices of encouragement, acceptance, psychological autonomy,

and lax controls had higher levels of self-actualization than subjects

reporting more restrictive child-rearing practices. Rogers, M.,(1970)

compared reports of nuclear family interaction patterns and found that

greater amounts of family participation during childhood were related

to higher levels of self-actualization later in life. Gibb (1967)

reported that a retrospective analysis of the characteristics of self-

actualizing students revealed that the self-actualizing student most

likely was female, from a home where the parents finished high school,

from families with one to three children, had a mother who worked on a






50

fulltime basis, had little or no formal religious training or was not

currently involved in an active religious group, graduated from a high

school with a graduating class between 101 and 500 students, had spent

the first two years of college at a large university, was enrolled in

the College of Liberal Arts, had prior work experience but was not

currently working, and was engaged in extracurricular activities nine

or more hours per week.

Maslow (1970b) stated that present day religion was becoming formu-

listic, restrictive, and hampered the development of self-actualization.

Graff and Ladd (1971) compared self-actualization levels and degree of

religious commitment among 152 protestant males. They reported a strong

inverse relationship between strength of religious commitment and self-

actualization levels. Subjects reporting less religious commitment were

found to be significantly more self-accepting, spontaneous, accepting

of their own aggression, more inner-directed, and less dependent than

subjects with a strong religious commitment. Similar studies using a

Catholic population (Burke, 1973) and a Methodist population (Anderson,

1973) also indicated that endorsement of the more conservative doctrines

of the denomination was related to lower levels of self-actualization.

Reynolds (1970) reported similar results in a study of unrelated and

progressively more conservative religious groups. Hjelle (1975) and Lee

and Piercy (1974) found that among college students the frequency and

regularity of church attendance were inversely related to self-actu-

alization levels. Lee and Piercy also identified a sex difference in

the results with male subjects attending church regularly having lower

levels of self-actualization than females attending church regularly or

subjects of either sex who did not attend church on a regular basis.






51

There have been several studies comparing self-actualization to

responses on psychological measures. Vance (1967) found only limited

agreement between the POI and the Mental Health Analysis Test and

concluded that the two instruments were measuring different dimensions

of mental health. Wills (1974) compared the responses of a sample of

college males and females on the POI and the Tennessee Self-Concept

Scale. He reported the finding that high self-actualizing males were

more open to self-criticism, had a less positive self-concept from a

moral-ethical perspective, and generally felt better about themselves

than low self-actualizing males. High self-actualizing females were

more open to self-criticism, liked themselves better physically, and felt

better about their social interactions than low self-actualizing females.

Overall, the female subjects were found to be more inner-directed than

the male subjects.

Wexler (1974) found that self-actualization was positively related

to an increased desire for new experiences and creativity. Self-actu-

alizing subjects have also exhibited a more holistic and integrated time

sense than non-self-actualizing subjects (Gestinger, 1975). Likewise,

Yonge (1975) reported that increased self-actualization was positively

related to improved time perspectives and creativity.

Foulds and Warehime (1971b) explored the relationship between the

concept of emotional repression and sensitization (Byrne, 1961) and self-

actualization. They found, contrary to expectations, that there existed

a strong, direct relationship between repression of emotions and self-

actualization. Ginn (1974) replicated the Foulds and Warehime study

and found that defensiveness served to moderate the observed pattern

with non-defensive repressors having higher levels of self-actualization

than defensive repressors.






52

Wesch (1971) studied the relationship between self-actualization

and anxiety about death and reported an inverse relationship between the

two dimensions. deGrace (1974) compared self-actualization and anxiety

level. He found that self-actualization was not incompatible with mod-

erate levels of anxiety.

McClain and Andrews (1969) compared reports of peak experiences

from 139 college juniors and seniors with their responses on the Rokeach

Dogmatism Scale, the California F (Authoritarianism) Scale, and the

16 Pf Test. They found that those students reporting peak experiences

were significantly more open-minded, assertive, intelligent, tender-

minded, forthright, experimenting, self-sufficient, expedient, imagi-

native, and anti-authoritarian than students reporting no peak experiences.

Ormand (1973) compared 140 college students on self-actualization,

purpose in life, and dogmatism. He reported a significant inverse rela-

tionship between dogmatism and self-actualization or a positive purpose

in life.

Specific research. While the studies reviewed in the preceding

section do not represent an exhaustive review of the research on self-

actualization, they are representative of the field. It is important

to note that in all but five of these studies the research sample was

composed of college students. Four of the five exceptions used religious

membership to identify study subjects and one used married couples.

Similarly, samples reported in the POI test manual (Shostrom, 1974) were

composed of college students, persons functioning well in society, or

persons with severe adjustment problems. None of the samples were drawn

from populations with identified employment problems.






53

Lessner and Knapp (1974) compared 40 owners of small businesses

on self-actualization and business orientation. The owners were class-

ified on the basis of definitions developed by Smith, N.,(1967). A

"craft" orientation referred to persons perceiving and reacting to a

limited range of cultural input, narrowness of education, low social

awareness, lack of flexibility in dealing with the social and economic

environment, and a time sense focused on the past and present. The

"merchandising" orientation was related to persons responding to broad

social and cultural stimuli, with a broader education, increased social

awareness, flexibility, and a present and future time perspective. The

results of the study were that merchandising owners were significantly

higher than craft oriented owners on the Inner-directed, Spontaneity,

Self-acceptance, and Acceptance of aggression scales of the POI.

Ohlbaum (1971) compared self-concepts, values, and self-actualization

levels of professional, career, and non-professional women. Professional

women were those working in occupations requiring advanced education and

career women were those working in occupations not requiring advanced

education but which were self-supporting. Non-professional women were

those without a self-supporting occupation. She found that, in general,

professional and career women had higher levels of self-actualization

than the non-professional women.

Goldstein (1967) examined differences between 81 mental health

clinic outpatients and 77 non-patients on self-actualization, socio-eco-

nomic status, intelligence, and number of ungratified needs. She con-

cluded that socio-economic status was not a key determinant of mental

health while the number of ungratified needs served to predict the degree

of mental health. The quality of family life, mental health and self-







54

actualization were inversely related to the number of ungratified needs.

Socio-economic status was related to identification with parents, mood,

intelligence, and quality of interpersonal relationships, but not mental

health.

Reeves and Shearer (1973) examined the relationship between per-

ceived conformity, race, self-concept, and self-actualization. Five

groups were compared: members of the Black Student Union, persons who

identified themselves as average and conforming, persons identifying

themselves as being non-conforming in private while being publicly

conforming, persons identifying themselves as being non-conforming both

in private and in public, and a general group. All subjects were white

with the exception of the Black Student Union subjects. Subjects identi-

fying themselves as being non-conforming, either in public or private,

had higher levels of self-actualization than the other three groups.

The Black Student Union subjects had lower self-concepts than the other

subjects.

White (1971) compared 100 college sophomore females on several

scales intended to measure self-actualization, locus of control, and

alienation from self and society. Subjects with higher levels of self-

actualization tended to be more internal in their locus of control and

less alienated from self and society than low self-actualizing subjects.

Summary. The concept of self-actualization has been widely

researched and accepted as a measure of mental health. Research has

shown that self-actualization is affected by such factors as sex, family

history, size of family, education, and ungratified needs. It is related

to interpersonal attraction, liberal value systems, college experiences,

lower religious commitment, and sensitivity training. Self-actualization






55

has also been associated with a liberal (merchandising) business orien-

tation, non-conformance, an internal locus of control, and lower levels

of alientation from self and society. Research in the area of self-actu-

alization has been found to have a primary focus on populations which

do not have an identified history of employment problems.

Psychological Androgyny

General research. Early sex-role theory was primarily based upon

gender and conceptualized masculine and feminine sex-roles as being

inversely related on a single, bi-polar continuum (Maccoby & Jacklin,

1974; Roczak, B.,& Roczak, T., 1969). Other theorists have argued that

sex-roles are culturally determined rather than biologically determined

and were not necessarily inversely related (Holter, 1971; Komorovsky,

1950; Mead, 1950; Staples, 1973). Furthermore, sex-role theorists have

argued that the mentally healthy individual is able to engage in both

masculine and feminine behaviors regardless of gender and that it is

possible to integrate masculinity and femininity (Angrist, 1969; Bem,

1974; Block, 1973; Chafetz, 1974; Maslow, 1970a; Singer, 1976; Spence

et al., 1975).

The focus of sex-role research in recent years has been the examina-

tion of sex-role development and implications. Sternglanz and Serbin

(1974), after eliminating all children's television programs which did

not offer male and female characters, found twice as many male as female

characters and found that the males were consistently more aggressive,

more constructive, and more likely to be rewarded for their behavior than

were female characters. Freuh and McGee (1975) identified a strong rela-

tionship between strength of traditional sex-role endorsement among

children and time spent watching television and that the strength of the

relationship increased as the children grew older. McArthur and Eisen






56

(1976) found that when storybook characters achieved well, children

of the same sex were more likely to increase their own achievement

efforts. Chafetz (1974) reported that characters and performers in adult

movies, books, television shows, and popular songs and song groups

tended to be male or male oriented and that the presentation of roles

for men and women consistently showed the male role as more competent,

more performance oriented, and stronger.

There have been numerous studies assessing differences between male

and female perceptions of masculinity and femininity. Lunneborg, P., and

Lunneborg, C.,(1970) factor analyzed the responses of male and female

subjects on items drawn from the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inven-

tory M/F Scale, the Guilford-Martin M Scale, the Gough Fe Scale, and the

California Personality Inventory Fe Scale. Eleven factors were found to

distinguish women from men: Feminine interests, Rejection of adventure,

Emotional sensitivity, Philistine versus artistic interests, Masculine

interests, Neurotic symptoms, Self-confidence, Indifference, Social

adequacy, Extraversion, and Unsociable non-conformity.

Engel (1966) factor analyzed responses on the Strong Vocational

Interest Blank, the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory, the

Terman-Miles Attitude and Interest Analysis Test, the Gough Fe Scale,

and the Frank Drawing Completeness Test. Women were found to score

higher than men on the factors: Aversion to mechanical and scientific

occupations; Interest in domestic, nurturant, social, and journalistic

endeavors; Cultural, aesthetic, and verbal interests; Aversion to

detailed work; and Aversion to finance and business math.

Stewart and Winter (1974) compared Thematic Apperception Test

results of self-defined women planning self-supporting careers and






57

socially-defined women planning only marriage and family related activity.

Self-defined women were significantly more likely to perceive causality

than feelings, see themselves as their own agent, have fathers who were

self-employed, have no older brothers, have mothers who worked, and have

majors in masculine fields such as law, medicine, or engineering. Women

who were socially-defined were more likely to perceive feelings than

causality, see themselves as passive, have a father who worked in a

bureaucracy and a mother who did not work, have older brothers, and have

a feminine major.

Helland (1973) found that adolescent boys were more interested in

job aspirations and expectations while adolescent girls were more inter-

ested in numbers of dates and dating patterns. Banikotes, P.,and

Banikotes, F., (1972) found that both male and female college students

considered liberated women to be more intelligent, less moral, and more

aware of current events than other women.

Shemberg and Leventhal (1968) found that, on the Edwards Social

Desirability Scale, male subjects exhibited a stronger desire to avoid

appearing weak than female subjects. Derlega and Chaikin (1976) reported

that expressive males and quiet females were seen as less adjusted than

quiet males and expressive females, regardless of the sex of the rater.

Okman (1973) found that, while there were high levels of agreement

between male and female students on the basic content of sex-role

descriptions, the males were more likely to use physical and sexual words

to describe sex-roles while females were more likely to use emotional

and interpersonal words. Garske (1975) found that undergraduates tended

to perceive female graduate students as more masculine, than non-college

or undergraduate females. McGovern, Ditzian, and Taylor (1975) found






58

that persons in a helping role perceived male help seekers as strong,

brave, leader, dominant, competitive, and happy while female help seekers

were perceived as weak, cowardly, attractive, honest, and sad.

There have been several studies which asked subjects to complete

sex-role instruments for themselves, for their own-sex in general, for

the opposite-sex in general, for their own ideal-sex, for the opposite-

sex ideal-sex, and how the opposite-sex would describe their own ideal-

sex (Lunneborg, P., 1968; McKee & Sherriffs, 1959; O'Leary & Depner, 1975;

Rosenkrantz, Vogel, Bee, Broverman, I., & Broverman, D., 1968; Steinmann,

1958; Steinmann, Fox, & Farkas, 1968). While there are some minor vari-

ations in the instructions and results of these studies, the general

conclusions have been consistent: the masculine sex-role related

characteristics are significantly different from the feminine sex-role

characteristics. A study typical of this body of research (Rosenkrantz

et al., 1968) found that the sex-role traits valued in males were active,

aggressive, independent, unemotional, dominant, competitive, logical,

worldly, direct, adventuresome, and self-confident. Female valued traits

were described as talkative, tactful, gentle, aware of others' feelings,

religious, quiet, and neat. Furthermore, all of these studies have found

that the masculine traits are more socially desirable than the feminine

traits.

Several studies have examined attitudes associated with traditional

sex-roles. Ellis and Bentler (1973) analyzed responses on the Sex-Role

Stereotype Questionnaire developed by Rosenkrantz et al. (1968) and the

Bentler Psychological Inventory. They found that endorsement of tradi-

tional sex-role stereotypes increased as the self-perceptions of male

and female subjects deviated from their perceptions of the opposite sex.

They also found that disapproval of the traditional sex-roles among both






59

male and female subjects was associated with liberal, extra-legal, non-

religious, and low status-seeking values. Among the female subjects the

rejection of traditional sex-roles was also associated with increased

intelligence.

Dunbar, Brown, M., and Amoroso (1973) found that strong endorsement

of conservative sex-roles among male subjects was directly correlated

with strong anti-homosexual attitudes, feelings of personal sex-guilt,

rejection of many heterosexual sex-practices, and rejection of any male

who did not adhere to their more constricted definition of male appro-

priate behavior. Langston (1975) found that females generally had

stronger feelings of sex-guilt and that more of their behavior was moti-

vated by sex-guilt. Furthermore, conservative behavior patterns, e.g.,

assertiveness in males and passivity in females, were associated with

elevated levels of sex-guilt. Morado (1973) and Woudenberg (1973) both

found that sexist attitudes and conservative sexual behavior were

strongly associated with racism, high valuation of material goods, sex-

guilt, depersonalization of sex, and an emphasis on personal and social

control of sexual expression.

There have been several studies which assessed perceptions of sex-

roles and mental health (Broverman, I., Vogel, Broverman, D., Clarkson, &

Rosenkrantz, 1972; Ginn, 1975; Heilbrun, A., 1968; Kravetz, 1976; Maslin

& Davis, 1975; Zeldow, 1976). These studies have consistently demonstrated

the same conclusions: that masculine sex-role traits are considered more

desirable and healthier by society than feminine sex-role characteristics.

As an example, Broverman, I.,et al. (1972) asked male and female mental

health professionals to describe the healthy male, the healthy female,

and the healthy adult. The responses were extremely consistent with






60

male and female professionals agreeing that the characteristics of the

healthy male and the healthy adult were quite similar and that the healthy

female was quite different. In general, the research has indicated that

as long as the bi-polar, single dimension definition of masculine and

feminine sex-roles is used it is not possible for females to behave in

a healthy female and healthy adult manner at the same time.

The concept of psychological androgyny was introduced in response

to these findings. Bem (1974) based the development of the Bem Sex-

Role Inventory on two assumptions:

(A) Largely as a result of historical accident, the culture
has clustered a quite heterogeneous collection of attributes
into two mutually exclusive categories, each category consid-
ered more characteristic and more desirable for one or the
other of the two sexes. These cultural expectations and
prescriptions are well known by virtually all members of the
culture. (B) Individuals differ from one another in the
extent to which they utilize these cultural definitions as
idealized standards of femininity and masculinity against
which their own personality and behavior are to be evaluated.
(Bem, 1979, p. 1048)

The Bem Sex-Role Inventory (BSRI) was designed to measure the

strength with which the individual endorsed socially desirable masculine

and feminine traits. These traits have been judged to be significantly

more desirable for one or the other sex. An individual endorsing an

equal number of masculine and feminine items was defined as psycho-

logically androgynous. In response to comments from Spence et al. (1975),

this definition was later modified to define an androgynous individual

as one endorsing an equal and high number of masculine and feminine

items (Bem, 1977). Other instruments introduced to measure psychological

androgyny are the Personal Attributes Questionnaire (Spence et al.,

1975), a scale adapted for use with the Personal Research Form (Berzins,

Welling, & Wetter, 1978), and a subscale for the Adjective Checklist

(Heilbrun, A., 1976).







61

General research on psychological androgyny has found that the

androgynous individual is not influenced as strongly as non-androgynous

individuals by traditional sex-role stereotypes and expectations. Bem

(1975) compared masculine and feminine sex-typed subjects with androgynous

subjects in tests of willingness to engage in acts of independence and

nurturance. She found that masculine sex-typed and androgynous subjects

freely engaged in the independence activity more frequently than the

feminine sex-typed subjects. Feminine sex-typed and androgynous subjects

engaged more freely in the nurturance activity than the masculine sex-

typed subjects. She also found that feminine females hesitated in

engaging in the nurturance activity of playing with a kitten. This

hesitation was found to disappear when the nurturant activity was helping

a human (Bem, Martyna, & Watson, 1976). The relationship between sex-

typing and willingness to engage in same-sex or cross-sex behavior has

been consistently replicated (Bem & Lenney, 1976; Kelly et al., 1977;

Spence et al., 1975; Wiggins & Holzmuller, 1978).

Kelly and Worrell, L., (1976), in a study similar to that done by

Hjelle and Smith, G., (1975), identified a strong relationship between

parental childrearing practices and psychological androgyny. They found

that subjects reporting parental practices encouraging non-traditional

behavior in the child, e.g., emotional sensitivity among boys and

achievement among girls, exhibited a greater incidence of androgyny

than subjects reporting parental encouragement of the more traditional

patterns.

Specific research. Several studies have found that there exists

a strong positive relationship between freedom from restrictive sex-role

stereotypes and psychological health (Bem, 1974; Broverman, I., Broverman,






62

D., Clarkson, Rosenkrantz, & Vogel, 1970; Chafetz, 1974; Heilbrun, C.,

1973; Rosenkrantz et al., 1968). Spence et al. (1975) and O'Conner,

Mann, and Bardwick (1978) compared responses on the Personal Attributes

Questionnaire and a social self-esteem instrument. Androgynous subjects

exhibited higher levels of self-esteem than sex-typed or undifferen-

tiated subjects. Gump (1972) reported a strong inverse relationship

between strength of traditional sex-role attitudes and ego strength.

The relationship between psychological androgyny and psychological

adjustment is not, however, clear cut. In recent literature reviews

Kelly and Worrell, J., (1977) and Worrell, J., (1978) identified patterns

in the research suggesting that the development of androgyny may have

dramatically different implications for males and females. The process

of developing sex-role flexibility may mean making qualitatively differ-

ent decisions and adjustments for men and women. The social pressures

and consequences against women engaging in masculine behavior, even when

situationally appropriate, appear to be stronger than those associated

with males engaging in feminine behavior. Bem (1977), for example, in

an exploration of the median split sex-type classification method pro-

posed by Spence et al. (1975), found that self-esteem among female sub-

jects was related to high scores in both the masculine and feminine

dimensions while high self-esteem among the male subjects was related

only to high scores in the masculine dimension. She also found a direct

correlation between masculine males and conservative scores on the Spence

and Helmreich (1972) Attitudes Toward Women Scale. No significant corre-

lations were obtained between the BSRI and the Internal-External Scale

(Rotter, 1966), the Attitudes Towards Problem-Solving Scale (Carey, 1958),






63

the Mack IV Scale (Christie & Geis, 1970), or the Self-disclosure Scale

developed by Jourard (1971).

Deutsch and Gilbert (1976) compared scores on the Bell Adjustment

Inventory with descriptions of perceived-self sex-role, ideal-self sex-

role, ideal-self sex-role for the opposite sex, and the opposite sex's

description of own-sex ideal-self sex-role. They found that masculine

males scored higher on the adjustment instrument than androgynous males

while feminine females scored lower on the adjustment inventory than the

androgynous females. Furthermore, while the male descriptions of the

various sex-roles tended to agree with each other regardless of the sex-

role being described, the female descriptions showed a wide divergence

between perceived-self sex-role, ideal-self sex-role, and perceptions of

how males perceived the female ideal-self sex-role. They concluded that,

at least in terms of social utility and effectiveness, the masculine sex-

type was more desirable than the feminine sex-type, with androgyny some-

where between the two.

Wiggins and Holzmuller (1978) compared male and female subjects on

responses to an extensive interpersonal interaction questionnaire which

included an androgyny scale. They identified eight basic dimensions of

interpersonal behavior: dominant-ambitious, arrogant-calculating, lazy-

submissive, cold-quarrlesome, aloof-introverted, unassuming-igenious,

warm-agreeable, and gregarious-extraverted. Each subject had a profile

based upon their composite scores in each dimension. It was found that

each sex-type group had unique profile patterns, suggesting that the

different sex-types were associated with different interpersonal styles.

Furthermore, the androgynous males had a relatively flat profile, while

the androgynous females exhibited a profile which was a mirror image of the






64

female feminine sex-type subjects' profile. Wakefield, Sasek, Friedman,

and Bowden (1976) found that high masculinity scores on the MMPI M/F

Scale and the Omnibus Personality Inventory were positively correlated

with androgyny while high femininity scores were not correlated with

androgyny.

Jones, W., Chernovetz, and Hansson (1979) conducted a study in

which they compared responses of 1404 college students on the BSRI and

instruments measuring adjustment, including the Women's Liberation and

Attitudes Scale, the Internal-External Scale, tests of neuroses, alco-

holism, political awareness, and a self-report history. They concluded:

The most succinct description of the present findings is that
the more adaptive and flexible, unconventional, and competent
patterns of responding occurred among the more masculine sub-
jects independent of gender.... In one regard this is not
surprising, since the items that comprise the masculinity sub-
scale have the underlying commonality of being instrumental in
nature, that is, the ability to effectively and efficiently
accomplish objectives. Similarly, most of the vairables
examined involved stereotypically masculine endeavors. (p. 311)

The instrumental-expressive dimension noted by Jones, W., et al.

(1979) has been further established in several factor analytic studies

of the BSRI. These studies have consistently identified three, and

occasionally four, factors using a wide range of populations: 253 male

amd female industrial workers, 36 police officers, and 36 unemployed

housewives (Gaudreau, 1977); 419 undergraduate and 121 graduate students

(Gross, Batlis, Small, & Erdwins, 1979); and 1464 graduate students

(Pedhazur & Tetenbaum, 1979). These factors were most commonly labelled

as: Emotional and Interpersonal Sensitivity, consisting of items drawn

from the Femininity scale and the Social Desirability scale of the BSRI;

Assertiveness, consisting of items drawn from the BSRI Masculinity






65

scale; Self-sufficiency, consisting of items from the Masculinity scale;

and Gender, consisting of the two items--"masculine" and "feminine." Bem

(1979) notes that these factors are not inconsistent with the theoretical

foundations of the concept of androgyny and that the only factor not

predicted by the theory was the Gender factor.

Studies examining the relationship between psychological androgyny

and self-actualization, however, have had unambiguous results. Nevill

(1977) compared responses of a socially stratified sample on the POI,

the BSRI, and the Tennessee Self-Concept Scale. The androgynous subjects

scored higher on the POI and the Tennessee Self-Concept Scale than did

the sex-typed subjects. Similarly, Cristall and Dean (1976), Ott (1976),

and Pettus (1976) compared responses of college students on the BSRI,

the POI, and measures of anxiety, sex-role attitudes, and intelligence.

All three studies demonstrated a direct relationship between self-actu-

alization and androgyny. Other results included a positive relationship

between androgyny and an internal locus of control (Ott, 1976) and

between androgyny and low anxiety and non-traditional sex-role attitudes

(Pettus, 1976). No significant relationships were identified between

intelligence or social desirability and androgyny (Pettus, 1976).

In a study of liberal and conservative female responses on the Per-

sonal Attributes Questionnaire and the POI, Hjelle and Butterfield

(1974) concluded:

The results of this study convincingly indicate that college
age females holding pro-feminist (liberal) attitudes vis-a-vis
their social and sexual roles exhibit a markedly higher level
of personal growth than their peer counterparts expressing
tradition bound attitudes. Specifically, these findings
suggest that pro-feminist subjects perceive themselves as
relying more confidently upon their own internal norms without
seeking constant support from others for self-validation. (p. 229)






66

Sex-role definitions have been found to associate masculine sex-

role behavior with an internal locus of control and feminine sex-role

behavior with an external orientation. House (1974) found that female

subjects tended to avoid an appearance of competition and were externally

oriented while male subjects activitely engaged in competition and had

an internal orientation. Hochreich (1975) found that, although the male

ideal-self descriptions among college students were internally oriented

and female ideal-self descriptions were externally oriented, perceived-

self descriptions were not significantly different on the locus of con-

trol dimension. She concluded that, while there existed clear stereo-

types which were markedly different in locus of control, the subjects

did not uniformly adhere to them on a day-to-day basis.

Research on relationships between sex-roles and vocational choices

has focused on the impact of traditional sex-role endorsement on female

vocational choices. Altman (1975) found that the mother's occupational

history and satisfaction with the work significantly influenced the

subject's adult life choices. If the mother did not work then her satis-

faction with the housewife role influenced the subject's willingness to

assume that role during her adult life. Darley (1976) argued that the

vocational choices open to females are usually limited by societal

pressures. As noted above, Stewart and Winter (1974) found that self-

defined women were more likely to engage in masculine occupations while

socially-defined women were more likely to pursue feminine occupations.

Vogel, Rosenkrantz, Broverman, I., Broverman, D., and Clarkson (1975)

found that non-traditional sex-role orientations were directly related

to a desire for more education, fewer children (if any), and pursuit of

a vocation, even if there were children.






67

Moreland, Harren, Krimsky-Montague, and Tinsley (1979) compared

male and female college student responses on the BSRI and the Harren

Assessment of Career Decision Making. They found that among men and

women, the androgynous subjects were more developed in their college

major and occupational choices and were more rational in their career

decision making processes than were the sex-typed subjects.

Summary. Several observations may be drawn from the literature

on sex-roles and psychological androgyny discussed in this section.

First, there exist culturally accepted stereotypes of masculinity and

femininity. Second, the masculine stereotype is identified as the most

socially desirable and mentally healthy of the two sex-roles. Third,

strict adherence to these sex-roles has been found to be associated with

increased incidence of sex-guilt, racism, authoritarianism, and dog-

matism. Fourth, work and vocational choices are influenced by sex-role

orientation and working has traditionally been considered a masculine

activity. Fifth, psychological androgyny appears to describe a blending

of the more desirable characteristics of both sex-roles. Sixth, androgyny

has been strongly associated with self-actualization while masculinity

has been associated with social adjustment. Seventh, the Bem Sex-Role

Inventory has been found to consist of three major factors which

serve to consistently discriminate between persons who have developed

a level of sex-role flexibility and those endorsing the more traditional

sex-roles. Finally, as with research on self-actualization, androgyny

has yet to be applied on an in-depth basis to persons with employment

problems, or persons outside of the college environment (Bem, 1979;

Locksley and Colton, 1979).








Locus of Control

General research. Rotter, Chance, and Phares (1972) identified as

their principal unit of investigation in the development of the Social

Learning Theory the interaction between the individual and the environment.

They focused on learned behavior, postulating that the person's prior

experiences influence what is learned from subsequent experiences. One

of the key concepts identified as predicting behavior in any given situ-

ation was the expectancy, based upon prior experiences, that one's behav-

ior might have an impact on the outcome of the situation. If the indi-

vidual believed that he/she could have an impact on his/her environment

and acted as if this were the case, then the person was defined as having

an internal locus of control. Conversely, an external locus of control

referred to the belief that one is subject to external forces and is

unable to exert control over the environment.

The Internal-External Scale was introduced by Rotter (1966) as an

instrument to assess the locus of control orientation of the individual.

This scale has been used to study the relationship between locus of

control and many different elements in the personality. Adams-Weber

(1969) found that subjects with an internal orientation were more likely

to view punishment as an appropriate consequence of an "immoral act"

than external subjects. Phares (1965) found that internally oriented

students were able to exert a greater amount of influence on the opin-

ions of mid-range (neither internal or external) students than were

externally oriented students.

Several studies have examined differences in degrees of willingness

to work at a difficult task. They have found that when the possibility

of success at a difficult task was presented as contingent upon the






69

skill and effort applied by the subject, internally oriented subjects

attempted the task with significantly higher levels of energy and dili-

gence than externally oriented subjects (Cohen, Rothbart, & Phillips,

1976; Newmanm 1977; Phares, 1957; Rotter & Mulray, 1965). Similarly,

internally oriented subjects were found to prefer a greater number of

internally controlled social activities than the externally oriented

subjects (Clark, 1976).

An internal locus of control has been found to be a characteristic

of individuals engaging in, or committing to engage in, voluntary action.

Gore and Rotter (1963) found that internally oriented black students were

more likely to commit to anti-racism activities than were externally

oriented black students. Strickland (1965), in a follow-up study to

the Gore and Rotter study, found that members of civil rights groups

were more internally oriented than members of non-activist groups. Kinder

(1976), while finding no differences in orientation between students

who volunteered to participate in psychological experiments, found that

the internally oriented subjects were more likely to actually complete

the experiment than were the externally oriented volunteers.

Bryant, B.,and Trockel (1976), in a study similar to the Hjelle and

Smith, G., (1975) and Kelly and Worrell, L., (1976) studies, examined the

effects of early childhood history upon the locus of control orientations

of college women. Externally oriented women were found to recall a higher

frequency of dramatic life changes during their early childhood years

than recalled by internally oriented women. Conversely, internally ori-

ented women were found to recall the greatest frequency of their stressful

life changes during their high school years.






70

Specific research. Several studies have examined the relationship

between locus of control and psychological adjustment. A series of

studies used the concept of locus of control as a measure of alienation

or perceived powerlessness (Seeman, 1959, 1963, 1972; Seeman & Evans,

1962). Seeman (1959) defined alienation as "the expectancy or proba-

bility held by the individual that his own behavior cannot determine the

outcomes or reinforcements he seeks" (p. 784). He found that subjects

who were institutionalized for health reasons (Seeman & Evans, 1962) or

for legal reasons (Seeman, 1963) were less likely to seek and use accurate

information pertaining to their status in the institution if they were

alienated or perceived themselves as having no control. Seeman (1972)

concluded that the powerless individual would be less likely to engage

in organizations which increase control over the environment (e.g., labor

unions), less likely to engage in planned action, more likely to engage

in short-term, unplanned protests (e.g., walk off the job when angry

with the supervisor), less likely to learn control relevant information

about the environment, and more likely to feel alienated if a member of

a minority group.

Efran (cited in Rotter, 1966) found that internal high school

students were more likely to repress failure experiences. Butterfield

(1964) found that internal subjects were less likely to experience

debilitating anxiety in test situations. Shybut (1968) reported that

the more disturbed psychiatric patients in a hospital setting were more

external and tended to have a shortened time sense. Externally oriented

students exhibited a higher suicide potential than internally oriented

students, especially among the female subjects (Williams, C.,& Nickels,

1969). Wolk (1976) reported that residents of low constraint (open-






71

entry, open-exit) retirement communities were more internally oriented

than residents of high constraint (nursing home) environments. Finally,

Chandler (1976) found that externally oriented students had lower self-

concepts, lower self-acceptance, and higher perceived-self ideal-self

discrepancies than internally oriented students.

Studies comparing locus of control and self-actualization are few

in number. Wall (1970) failed to find a significant relationship

between the POI Inner-directed scale and the Internal-External Scale,

although positive correlations were obtained between an internal locus

of control and the POI Self-regard, Self-acceptance, and Nature of Man

scales. Bass, B.,and Stek (1972), however, failed to find any signifi-

cant correlations between the POI and locus of control measures.

Lambert et al. (1976) factor analyzed college student responses on the

Internal-External Scale, the POI, the Tennessee Self-Concept Scale, and

Kohlberg's Scale of Social Problems. They identified three major

factors: Mental health and effective living consisting of items from

the POI, Internalized values and principles of justice consisting of

items from the POI and Kohlberg's Scale of Social Problems, and Locus

of control consisting of Internal-External Scale items. They concluded

that while there were several strong correlations among the different

instruments, they appeared to measure different elements of mental

health and the substitution of one instrument for another would result

in a loss of information.

In addition to the studies of the relationship between locus of

control and sex-roles discussed in the preceding section, two other

studies warrant comment. Fox, L.,(1976) compared responses of black and

white freshmen women on a sex-role scale and the Internal-External Scale.

She found no significant differences in locus of control by race or sex






72

and suggested that a wider age range would reveal sex-role and racial

differences in locus of control. Foster (1975) compared responses

of subjects ranging in age from 20 to 40 years or more on the Internal-

External Scale, the Manifest Anxiety Scale, and a sex-role attitude

inventory. She found that an internal orientation was significantly

related to a lower anxiety level and a strong endorsement of masculine

attitudes.

Research has demonstrated a strong relationship between race and

locus of control. Battle and Rotter (1963) compared black and white

students in the sixth and eighth grades from upper and lower socio-eco-

nomic brackets of both sexes. They found that the black students were

more externally oriented than the white students and that the lower-

class blacks with high intelligence were more externally oriented than

middle-class students of either race. Lefcourt and Ladwig (1965) using

the Powerlessness Scale (Dean, 1961) compared locus of control among

black and white prisoners matched for age, socio-economic background,

intelligence, and reason for incarceration and found that the black pris-

oners were more external than the white prisoners. Lefton (1968) found

that among auto workers from high and low pay categories increased pay

was associated with decreased feelings of anomie and increases in inter-

nal orientation. He also found that among the high pay group the black

workers were more external and had higher anomie scores than the white

workers. Hall, Joesting, and Woods (1977) studied students from predomi-

nantly black and white universities and found evidence to suggest that

there existed a sense of powerlessness against a hostile environment

among the black and female subjects.






73

Gurin, P., Gurin, G., Lao, and Beattie (1969) factor analyzed

responses on an extended locus of control instrument administered to a

black population. They found that subjects with higher job aspirations

or achievements were more external in orientation than the subjects with

lower aspirations. Further analysis of the data identified a "blame

the system" pattern among the more achievement oriented subjects:

To summarize, our results indicate that when internal-external
control refers to Negroes' conceptions of causes for their
condition as Negroes, and these conceptions are related to
more innovative coping criteria, it is the external rather
than the internal orientation which is associated with the
more effective behaviors. When an internal orientation
implies self-blame as a Negro, it also seems to involve a
readiness to accept traditional restraints on Negro behavior.
(p. 47).

Locus of control has been studied with relation to work more exten-

sively than the other mental health concepts being considered in this

study. Hartley (1976) reported that among college officials an internal

locus of control was significantly related to increases in reported job

satisfaction. Andrisani and Nestel (1976), in a longitudinal study,

found that internally oriented subjects were more likely to have had

higher occupational achievement, higher hourly earnings, higher levels

of job satisfaction, higher achievement of occupational status, and

higher increases in annual earnings than subjects with an external locus

of control. Internally oriented subjects were also more likely to have

re-entered the labor force if they had left it than were externally

oriented subjects. Kimmons and Greenhaus (1976) reported trends towards

positive correlations between an internal locus of control and the

likelihood of reporting job satisfaction when autonomy, job feedback,

performance rewards, and work involvement were present in the work situ-

ation regardless of gender. Oldham (1976) found a direct relationship






74

between internality and an increased expenditure of effort in work,

a desire for growth in work, and supervisory and co-worker satisfaction

with the quality of the subjects' work performance.

Locus of control has also been related to socio-economic status.

Levinson, P., (1964) found that welfare recipients expressed evidence of

alienation, feelings of resignation, helplessness, pessimism, passivity,

and an inability to mobilize themselves to take corrective action.

Battle and Rotter (1963), as noted earlier, identified a pattern of

lower-class blacks with high intelligence being more externally oriented

than middle-class subjects of either race. Franklin (cited in Rotter,

1966), using a nationally stratified high school sample, found a direct

relationship between more internal scores and higher socio-economic

class. Crandall, V. C., Katkovsky, and Crandall, V. J., (1965) reported

that age, size of family, and ordinal position in the family served to

predict internality better than socio-economic status. They found that

older subjects had higher internality scores, with females scoring higher

than males, and that children of smaller families, or the first born

child, had higher internality scores.

Summary. In general, an internal locus of control has been shown

to be associated with more effective functioning. Individuals with an

internal orientation have been found to be more adaptive to unusual and

threatening situations and better able to obtain and utilize control

relevant information about the environment. Internal locus of control

has been associated with improved psychological functioning, a more open-

mind, non-traditional sex-role values and perceptions, childhood stress

experiences during high school years rather than earlier, smaller family

size, being first born, sex, and age. Blacks tend to be more external

than whites though among achievement oriented blacks this indicates an






75

improved ability to succeed while an internal orientation has been

associated with a willingness to accept the status quo of racial

inequality.

Summary

The literature reviewed in this chapter permits several observations.

As regards the concept of work, working is clearly significant to those

who work, providing them not only with an income for survival but also

with self-definition and meaning to life. Lack of satisfaction on the

job has been shown to result in lower self-esteem and a general dissatis-

faction with life. Job satisfaction has been seen to be based not only

on monetary factors but more importantly upon the worker's sense of work

involvement and the psychological rewards and social acceptance derived

from the work setting.

Persons without work for extended periods of time have been found

to have an increased incidence of mental illness. Evidence was found to

suggest that it may be possible to develop other sources of self-esteem

and psychological well-being outside of the work setting. Manpower

programs have been designed to address the problems of unemployment in

an effort to both help the unemployed persons and meet the nation's

manpower needs. National manpower programs have not, however, been

adequately evaluated in terms of the psychological impact of training.

The unemployed population has not been evaluated in an in-depth

manner on the basis of mental health measures of self-actualization,

psychological androgyny, and locus of control. Self-actualization is a

basic indicator of mental health, providing a measure of overall psycho-

logical adjustment and growth towards mental health. Psychological

androgyny is a concept of sex-role flexibility resulting from the







76

integration of the masculine and feminine sex-roles. Locus of control

is a measure of the individual's beliefs about his/her ability to

affect the outcomes and reinforcements of a situation. Overall these

concepts have been seen to be affected by such factors as age, race,

family position, sex, religious affiliation, socio-economic status, and

criminal or psychiatric records. Together these three concepts serve

to describe mental health for the purposes of evaluating the mental

health characteristics of unemployed persons.
















CHAPTER III

PROCEDURES

Overview

This study was designed to examine the mental health character-

istics of long-term unemployed persons and to investigate the effects of

employment training on these mental health characteristics. This study

was accomplished through the performance of four comparisons of subjects

drawn from the clientele of an employment training program in north

Florida funded under the Comprehensive Employment and Training Act of

1978.

The dependent variables on which these comparisons were made were

three measures of mental health: the Personal Orientation Inventory

(POI), the Bem Sex-Role Inventory (BSRI), and the Internal-External Scale

(IES). Also used in the comparison of subjects and subject groups were

seven independent variables consisting of the demographic characteristics:

age, sex, race, education, religious affiliation, family history,,and

length of unemployment prior to beginning the employment training

program.

The first comparison was on the basis of training status of the

subjects. Group 1 (Intake) was composed of all clients of the employment

training program beginning training during the months of April and May,

1980, in either the Adult Work Experience or Public Service Employment

programs. Group 2 (Training) was composed of all clients of the

employment training program who had completed four months of training

77






78

during the months of April and May, 1980, in either the Adult Work

Experience or the Public Service Employment programs.

The second comparison consisted of comparing subjects on the basis

of the component or program in which they were participating. Program 1

(Adult Work Experience) was composed of all subjects, regardless of

training status, participating in this study and receiving training in

activities funded under the Adult Work Experience section of Title II-B

of the Comprehensive Employment and Training Act of 1978. Program 2

(Public Service Employment) was composed of all subjects participating

in this study and receiving training in activities funded under Title

II-D or Title VI of the Comprehensive Employment and Training Act of

1978 regardless of the subjects' training status.

The third comparison of this study was an examination of the vari-

ance in the scores of the subjects in this study on each of the dependent

mental health measures. The scores of the Combined Group on each of the

mental health measures was tested for a significant relationship with the

independent demographic variables.

The final comparison consisted of comparing the mean scores of the

Combined Group on each of the mental health measures with the mean scores

of subjects reported in selected validation studies for each of the mental

health measures.

Hypotheses

Based upon the research questions and the literature the following

hypotheses were developed for examination in this study:

Hypothesis 1. No differences exist in self-actualization character-

istics as a result of training in the CETA Adult Work Experience program

and the CETA Public Service Employment program between Intake subjects






79

just beginning training (Group 1) and Training subjects who have

completed four months of training (Group 2) as measured by the Personal

Orientation Inventory.

Hypothesis 2. No differences exist in psychological androgyny

characteristics as a result of training in the CETA Adult Work Experience

program and in the CETA Public Service Employment program between

Group 1 subjects and Group 2 subjects as measured by the Bem Sex-Role

Inventory.

Hypothesis 3. No differences exist in locus of control as a result

of training in the CETA Adult Work Experience program and the CETA

Public Service Employment program between Group 1 subjects and Group 2

subjects as measured by the Internal-External Scale.

Hypothesis 4. No differences exist between subjects in Program 1

(Adult Work Experience) and subjects in Program 2 (Public Service

Employment) in self-actualization as measured by the Personal Orientation

Inventory.

Hypothesis 5. No differences exist between Program 1 subjects and

Program 2 subjects in psychological androgyny as measured by the Bem

Sex-Role Inventory.

Hypothesis 6. No differences exist between Program 1 subjects and

Program 2 subjects in locus of control as measured by the Internal-

External Scale.

Hypothesis 7. No relationships exist between variance in self-

actualization, psychological androgyny, and locus of control character-

istics of the combined subject groups and the independent demographic

characteristics of age, sex, race, education, religious affiliation,

family history, and length of unemployment prior to participation in

employment training.





80

Subjects

Subjects for this study were drawn from the clientele of an

employment training program in northern Florida funded under the Compre-

hensive Employment and Training Act of 1978. All subjects beginning

training in either the Adult Work Experience or Public Service Employment

programs during the months of April and May, 1980, were invited to

participate in this study as a part of the Intake group (Group 1).

None of the subjects declined to participate. Of the 113 possible

subjects tested for inclusion in Group 1, six were eliminated due to

improperly completed test packages and eleven were eliminated as a

result of matching the Intake and Training groups on the independent

variable of education. The final Group 1 was composed of 96 subjects

(31 males, 65 females). All subjects were tested during the second

half of their pre-training orientation.

All employment training program clients beginning training during

the months of December, 1979, and January, 1980, and therefore com-

pleting four months of training during the months of April and May,

1980, were invited to participate in the study as a part of the Training

group (Group 2). Approximately 160 clients were invited to attend the

testing sessions. Of the 135 possible subjects attending the testing

sessions for inclusion in Group 2, six declined to participate and

returned to work, ten were subsequently eliminated due to improperly

completed test packages, and 24 were eliminated as a result of matching

the Intake and Training groups on the independent variable of education.

The final Group 2 was composed of 95 subjects (30 males, 65 females).

All subjects were tested during a special testing session organized by

the employment training program staff for this purpose during the two

weeks following the completion of the subject's fourth month of training.






81

Of the total 191 subjects in this study, 69 were participating in

Program 1 (Adult Work Experience), eight of whom were males and 61 of

whom were females. Program 2 (Public Service Employment) contained the

remaining 122 subjects (53 males, 69 females). The final cell size

distribution of the subjects is presented in Table 1 below.

Table 1

Cell Size of Comparison Groups




Group 1 Group 2 Total
(Intake) (Training)

Program 1 (Adult
Work Experience) 35 34 69

Program 2 (Public
Service Employment) 61 61 122

Total 96 95 191



Group 1 (Intake)

All CETA participants complete the application process prior to

beginning the pre-training orientation. This process includes filling

out the CETA application, assessment of basic skill levels, participating

in a vocational assessment to identify vocational interests and goals,

and selection to a CETA employment training program. The person moves

from applicant status to CETA participant status and begins to receive

a wage for time spent in training activities at the beginning of pre-

training orientation. Pre-training orientation consists of completion

of all personnel and payroll paperwork necessary for participation in

training, explanation of the rules and regulations governing partici-

pation in CETA employment training, assignment to a training job site,

development of the clients' Employability Development Plan (EDP), and






82

discussion of job relevant attitudes such as punctuality, personal

hygiene and appearance, and employer-employee relations. The EDP is a

plan detailing the training goals of the client based upon his/her

interests, potentials, and needs. The EDP identifies the training

programs) in which the client will participate to achieve these training

goals. Pre-training orientation requires six to eight hours to complete.

Group 2 (Training)

CETA training follows completion of the pre-training orientation.

The training provided in both Program 1 and Program 2 is quite similar

consisting of placing the participant in a job slot at a public or

private,non-profit agency. The job slot must be identical to regular

positions in the agency in all respects except that the salary is paid

by CETA. Training is provided in job performance skills and job reten-

tion skills by the job site supervisor and the CETA counselor.

Job performance training is provided, for the most part, by the

job site supervisor. While in training the CETA participant performs a

regular job function at the job site. The job site supervisor provides

the CETA participant with instructions in the proper performance of job

duties and corrects the participant's work until mastery of the job

skills is achieved. The skills trained will vary across training slots.

Typical training slots will include clerical work, playground supervision,

traffic management and parking meter monitoring, carpentry, grounds

maintenance, Sunland Cottage Parent, child care aide, or supply clerk.

The counselor is involved in job skills training only as required to

mediate in differences of opinion between the participant and the job

site supervisor.

Job retention training is provided for the most part by the CETA

counselor. Job retention skills include all factors involved in the





83

identification, acquisition, and retention of full-time employment.

Some of these skills are knowing where to look for an employment position,

how to complete an application, good interview techniques, proper dress

and personal appearance for a job, proper employer-employee relations,

punctuality and attendance, and peer relations. The CETA counselor also

provides training in life skills such as preparation and management of a

budget, planning a healthy diet, personal medical attention, personal

hygiene, and how to resolve family problems. Training in these skill

areas is provided in group sessions and during job site visits by the

counselor. Program 1 participants receive group training sessions twice

a month and are visited on the job site by the counselor twice a month.

Program 2 participants receive group sessions and job site visits once

a month. Group sessions are usually two hours in duration and job site

visits vary from 15 to 60 minutes. The job site supervisor is involved

in the training of these skills only through the identification of the

specific job retention skills required by the training agency.

CETA counselors in both Program 1 and Program 2 provide the CETA

participants with limited personal-social adjustment counseling. Most

of this counseling is situation specific, designed to correct a personal

problem which is causing difficulties on the job site. This type of

counseling is usually done in conjunction with the job site supervisor

in a three-way conference to identify the problem as it pertains to the

work setting. Individual counseling topics will include resolution of

personal problems which are being carried onto the worksite and problems

between members of the worksite. The counselor also engages in a

continual review and update of the client's EDP to monitor client

progress towards training completion and to adjust the EDP to changes in

the client's interests and needs. The CETA counselor will also provide






84

group counseling as needed to address problems common to all members of

the training group as a part of the job retention group training sessions.

Personal-social problems requiring extended counseling are referred to a

fulltime counseling staff subcontracted by the employment training

program.

Program 1 versus Program 2

The intake and training phases of Program 1 (Adult Work Experience)

and Program 2 (Public Service Employment) are quite similar. The basic

structure of both programs was described in the preceding chapter.

There are, however, a few between program differences which can be

identified. First, examination of the eligibility criteria for partici-

pation in the two programs (Appendix A) reveals that Program 1 partici-

pants are required to be unemployed for a much shorter time period than

Program 2 participants. Program 1 requires a one week unemployment

period while Program 2 requires 10 of 12 weeks (Title VI) or 15 of 20

weeks (Title II-B) of unemployment. Second, Program 1 is designed for

persons unable to obtain employment due to a lack of most basic employ-

ability skills. Program 2 is designed for persons who possess the

basic skills required for employment but who are unable to obtain employ-

ment due to conditions beyond their control. Third, participants in

Program 1 receive a basic training wage while Program 2 participants

receive a salary equivalent to persons performing similar job functions.

Finally, participants in Program 1 may train for a maximum of 25 weeks

at 40 hours per week while participants in Program 2 may participate

in training activities for a maximum of 78 weeks.






85

Taken together, these differences between Program 1 and Program 2

serve to identify the basic difference in the intent of the two programs.

Both programs are designed to assist participants in the acquisition of

skills and attitudes necessary for the performance of fulltime employ-

ment. This is accomplished by placing the participants in a job slot at

a training agency for training in the performance of that job. The

basic difference is that Program 1 is intended to be a basic skills

training program while Program 2 is intended to more nearly approximate

a typical job.

Research Design

The primary comparison in this study between Group 1 (Intake) and

Group 2 (Training) was performed utilizing a modified form of the

quasi-experimental separate-sample, pretest-posttest design described

by Campbell and Stanley (1966):

Pretest R 0 (X)

Posttest R X 0

R = Random assignment of subjects to the
pre- and posttest conditions.
O = Observation/data collection.
X = Treatment received by subjects.
(X) = Treatment received by subjects but
not affecting the data collected
since it occurs after the data is
collected for that group. (pp.53-54)

Modifications in the basic design were necessitated by the projected

low average monthly intake rate for both programs. The intake rate for

Program 1 was estimated at 10-15 new participants per month and estimated

at 15-20 new participants per month in Program 2. In order to achieve a

reasonable sample size within a manageable time frame it was necessary

to modify the design to increase the efficiency with which the low

number of new participants could be utilized in the study.





86

The first modification was the elimination of the random group

assignment and simultaneous treatment elements of the design. The

original design calls for the assignment of all incoming subjects to

either the pretest or posttest condition on a random basis, testing the

pretest group, permitting both groups to receive the same treatment, and

testing the posttest group at the conclusion of the treatment phase.

This modification permitted the assignment of all new participants to

the pretest group, Group 1, and the use of participants beginning train-

ing four months prior to the data collection period for the posttest

group, Group 2. This modification permitted the completion of the data

collection process in two months as opposed to a minimum of six to eight

months without the modification.

The second modification was the collection of data over an extended

time frame. The original design used a simultaneous data collection

process, testing all subjects at the same time. However, CETA partici-

pants are oriented and enter training as training sites become available.

Consequently, not all subjects were available for testing at the same

time. It was therefore necessary to collect data over an extended time

period. Subjects were assigned to a monthly subgroup classification as

they were tested to facilitate a test of homogeneity (described below) to

control for variance in the data as a result of this modification.






87

The modified design is as follows for this study:

Group Monthly Data
Subgroup Collection Month


Group 1 (Intake)






Group 2 (Training)


1 2

(1) 0 (X)


(2) 0



(1) X X X X 0 (X)


(2) X X X X 0


Monthly Subgroup = The subgroup assignment on the
basis of the month in which the data was
collected for use in the homogeneity test.
Data Collection Month = The month in which the data
was collected.
O = Observation/data collection.
X = Training received by participants/subjects.
(X) = Training received by participants/subjects
but not affecting the data collected.
(1), (2) = Monthly subgroup classification for the
purposes of the homogeneity test.

These modifications raised two problems. The first was the possi-

bility of uncontrolled selection biases. In the basic design, as

described by Campbell and Stanley (1966), the comparability of comparison

groups was assured by the random assignment of subjects into the pretest

and posttest conditions. In order to reestablish comparability a test

of comparability was included in the design modification to control for

possible selection biases. The test of comparability consisted of the

comparison of Group 1 and Group 2 on the independent demographic

variables. It was found that Group 1 and Group 2 differed on the

independent variable of education. Group 1 was found to have a lower

average education level (M=11.46 years) than Group 2 (M=11.96 years,

F=4.12,df=l/224,p<.05). The two groups were matched on this variable






88

by the elimination of 11 cases with extremely low levels of education and

24 cases with extremely high levels of education. Upon completion of

matching Group 1 with Group 2 on the education variable the matched

Group 1 and Group 2 were compared with the unmatched Group 1 and 2 on

each of the dependent variables. No significant differences were

identified between the matched and unmatched groups and it was concluded

that comparability had been achieved as a result of matching the groups

without altering the information contained in the data.

A second problem was posed by the modification of the testing

period. The sampling of subjects over an extended period of time could

result in a loss of homogeneity within Group 1 and within Group 2. To

determine whether variance occurred between the first and second month

of data collection, a test of homogeneity was performed within the

Combined Group (Group 1 and Group 2), within Group 1, within Group 2,

and within both Program 1 and Program 2. The test of homogeneity con-

sisted of comparing the average scores of the subjects tested during the

first month of data collection (Monthly Subgroup 1) with the average

scores of subjects tested during the second month of data collection

(Monthly Subgroup 2) within each of the comparison groups on the

dependent mental health measures. No differences between monthly

subgroups were identified within the combined group and within Program 1.

The differences identified in the tests of homogeneity are discussed in

the following chapter. In general, however, it was concluded that there

was very limited variance in the mental health scales between the first

and second month of the data collection process and the data was

considered to be homogeneous.






89

Thus, the modified design retains the integrity of the original

design. Each threat to internal and external validity is controlled

for or identified within the modified design. Historical, maturational,

and mortality effects were controlled for by the homogeneity test. The

comparability procedure served to control for selection biases as well

as interactions between selection and maturational processes or treatment

effects. There were no testing effects since each subject was tested

only once and the instrumentation effects were controlled through the use

of a uniform presentation of test instruments and by all subjects being

administered the same test package. Statistical regression was not a

factor as the subjects were not selected for participation on the basis

of extreme test scores. Finally, multiple treatment effects and reactive

effects were not problems since the training experience was a single,

continuous, non-laboratory process.

Data Collection

Data for this study was collected during April and May, 1980. Sub-

jects for Group 1 (Intake) were tested during the pre-training orientation.

Intake subjects participating in Program 1 were tested at the conclusion

of normal orientation activities. Intake subjects in Program 2 were

tested just prior to the last pahse of the orientation activities. All

participants in the employment training program who had completed four

months of training during the months of April and May, 1980, in either

Program 1 or Program 2 were invited to attend the testing sessions for

inclusion in the Training Group (Group 2). All Group 2 subjects were

tested during group sessions organized by the training program to assist

in the collection of data for this research project. Each of the testing






90

sessions were scheduled during the two weeks immediately following the

completion of the fourth month of training.

Prior to administering the test package all subjects received and

had read to them the Informed Consent Form which they were then asked to

sign (See Appendix F). The test package consisted of an Introduction and

Personal Data Questionnaire (See Appendix C), the Personal Orientation

Inventory (Shostrom, 1974), the Bem Sex-Role Inventory (Bem, 1974), and

the Internal-External Scale (Rotter, 1966). In an effort to eliminate

potential testing effects due to a limited reading ability among some of

the subjects the test package was pre-recorded on cassette tape and played

back to the subjects as they read along. All instructions and questions

of each test instrument were presented in this manner. An answer period

of five to six seconds (six to seven on the BSRI) was allowed between

items for the subjects' response. The playback length of the combined

test package was 72:08 minutes with each section having playback times of

6:22 minutes (Introduction and Personal Data Questionnaire), 10:00 minutes

(Internal-External Scale), 9:50 minutes (Bem Sex-Role Inventory), and

42:56 minutes (Personal Orientation Inventory). The actual test admin-

istration timewas more nearly 90 minutes allowing for questions, seating

time, and the distribution and collection of materials. To avoid possible

serial effects the order of presentation of the segments of the test

package was randomly varied.

Each instrument was scored according to the published instructions.

If an instrument contained more than 10% of the items incorrectly answered

the instrument was eliminated from the subject's data set and referred

to as a missing case during the data analysis. If two or more of the

instruments in a subject's data set were eliminated the subject was

eliminated from the combined data set.




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