Front Cover
 Table of Contents
 Front Matter
 Back Cover


Caribbean Review
Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00095576/00058
 Material Information
Title: Caribbean Review
Physical Description: Serial
Language: English
Creator: Latin American and Caribbean Center, Florida International University
Publisher: Latin American and Caribbean Center, Florida International University
Place of Publication: Miami, FL
Copyright Date: 1980
Genre: serial   ( sobekcm )
 Record Information
Source Institution: FIU: Special Collections
Holding Location: FIU: Special Collections
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: oclc - 1553369
System ID: UF00095576:00058

Table of Contents
    Front Cover
        Front Cover 1
        Front Cover 2
    Table of Contents
        Page 1
    Front Matter
        Page 2
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
        Page 12
        Page 13
        Page 14
        Page 15
        Page 16
        Page 17
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        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
        Page 22
        Page 23
        Page 24
        Page 25
        Page 26
        Page 27
        Page 28
        Page 29
        Page 30
        Page 31
        Page 32
        Page 33
        Page 34
        Page 35
        Page 36
        Page 37
        Page 38
        Page 39
        Page 40
        Page 41
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        Page 43
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        Page 50
        Page 51
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        Page 55
        Page 56
    Back Cover
        Back Cover 1
        Back Cover 2
Full Text
*r -4 .- -
/^ "

VOL. V NO. 3

A Hint Of
Puerto Rico


Great Zoo
Something Bad
Lnd The Caribbean



The French

West Indies

structure And


In Santo




by Cyril Hamshere

"Who the first English-
man was to arrive in the Carib-
bean or visit South America
is not certain. It is possible that
there were English or Irishmen
among the motley crews of
Columbus, but if there were,
their names are unknown."
So begins one of the most
exciting accounts of the

history of British experience
in the Caribbean from the
sixteenth to twentieth century.
Cyril Hamshere's fast-moving,
illustrated narrative depicts
the great Tudor seamen
Hawkins, Drake, and their
successors during the age of
At better bookstores for $12.95

Harvard University Press
Cambridge, Massachusetts 02138

In this issue...

Conversations With Guillermo, by Jose M. Alonso Garcia. A young resident of a San Juan
slum tells it like it is in an interview with anthropologist. Jose Alonso. Jose Alonso is presently
director of the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico's Fondo del Seguro del Estado. The translation
is by Jose M. Aybar. Page Six.

One Came To Dinner, by Bryan 0. Walsh. The story of Florida's first Cuban emigrant. 1762.
Bryan Walsh is Episcopal Vicar for Spanish Speaking Peoples of the Catholic Archdiocese of
Miami. Page Ten.

Puerto Rico and the Caribbean, by Thomas Mathews. The former director of the Institute of
Caribbean Studies of the University of Puerto Rico suggests new relations between Puerto Rico
and the rest of the Caribbean. Thomas Mathews is author of Puerto Rican Politics and the
New Deal. Page Fourteen.

Alone in Porto Rico, by Edward Emerson, Jr. Caribbean Review reprints an 1898 article about
the adventures of an American war correspondent in then Spanish-occupied Puerto Rico.
Reprinted from Vol. 56 of Century Illustrated. Page Eighteen.

Three Poems by Nicholas Guillen. Translations into English by Robert Marquet. Caribbean
Review presents three poems by Cuba's National Poet. Nicholas Guillen: The Caribbean: The
New Woman; Puerto Rican Song. Page Twenty-eight.

The Great Zoo, by Florence L. Yudin. Florence Yudin reviewing two recent English
publications of the poetry of Nicolas Guillen. concludes that "Guillen's liberated poetry has
been given another tongue to confront other values and ideologies whose free readings may
reach affirmation or rejection." Florence Yudin heads the Department of Modern Languages
at Florida International University and has recently completed a work on the Spanish poet.
Jorge Guillen: The Vibrant Silence in Jorge Guillen's Aire Nuestro. Page Thirty.

A Hint of Something Bad, by Robert W. Anderson. A review of a strange little book on social
inequality that is a best seller in Puerto Rico today. Robert Anderson, former Dean of the
Faculty of Social Sciences at the University of Puerto Rico. is the author of Party Politics in
Puerto Rico. Page Thirty-five.

Which Way the French West Indies?, by Aaron Segal. A review of three books concerning
Guadeloupe and Martinique. The author suggests that "the umbilical cords tying these two
Caribbean specks and 600,000 plus islanders to France are being stretched to the point where
someday they may be cut or break of their own accord." Aaron Segal. the author of The
Politics of Caribbean Economic Integration and Politics and Population in the Caribbean.
teaches at Cornell University. Page Thirty-nine.

Structure and Culture In Santo Domingo, by Anthony P. Maingot. Anthony Maingot reviews a
book a Iout 19th century Santo Domingo, and asks under what conditions aristocratic culture
can survive in the midst of considerable structural change. Anthony Maingot is a member of
the Constitutional Commission of Trinidad and Tobago and teaches sociology at Florida
International University. Page Forty-three

Recent Books, by Nelda Pagan. Caribbean Review continues to introduce its readers to new
books about the Caribbean, Latin America, and their emigrant groups. Page Forty-eight.

The Caribbean Guide. Caribbean Review helps travellers to and within the Caribbean become
acquainted with where to stay, what to see, and what to eat. Page Fifty-two.

The cover photo is of a colored paper collage by Puerto Rican artist, Augusto Marin, entitled,
Crisaludia, meaning chrysalis, and suggesting a new phase in Marin's career.

W* T*** I.. 1l/A /CS

Barry B. Levine
Joseph D. Olander

July .ug/ Y .juLp
Seventy-five Cents
Vol. V No. 3

Associate Editors:
For the English Speaking Caribbean:
Basil A. Ince
For the French Speaking Caribbean:
Gerard R. Latortue
For the Spanish Speaking Caribbean:
Jose M. Aybar
Executive Administrator:
Lucille Trybalski
Assistant Editor:
Susan Sheinman
Business Manager:
Joe Guzman
Art Director:
Victor Luis Diaz
Neida Pagan
From the Dutch and Paplamentu:
Ligia Espinal de Hoetink
From the French and Creole:
Marlene Zephirin
From the Spanish:
Adela G. Lopez

Caribbean Review, a quarterly journal dedicated to the
Caribbean, Latin America, and their emigrant groups,
is published by Caribbean Review, Inc., a non-profit
corporation organized under the laws of the Com-
monwealth of Puerto Rico. Mailing address: Caribbean
Review; G.P.O. Box C.R.; San Juan, Puerto Rico 00936.
Unsolicited manuscripts (articles, essays, reprints,
excerpts, translations, book reviews, poetry, etc.) are
welcome but should be accompanied by a self-
addressed stamped envelope. Copyright 01973 by
Caribbean Review, Inc. All rights reserved.
subscription rates: 1 year: $3.00; 2 years: S5.50; 3
years: $7.50; Lifetime: $25.00. Air Mail: add $1.00 per
year; $20.00, lifetime. Payment in Canadian currency
or with checks drawn from banks outsidethe U.S. add 10
percent. Invoicing charge: $1.00. Subscription agencies
please take 15 percent.
Back issues: Vol. I, No. 1 & Vol. III, No. 1: $3.00 each.
All other back numbers: 52.00 each. New lifetime
subscribers can receive all back issues for an extra
$15.00. In addition, microfilm and microfiche copies of
Caribbean Review are available from University
Microfilms, A Xerox Company, 300 North Zeeb Road,
Ann Arbor, Michigan 48106.
Advertising: Inquiries and orders for advertising space
may be sent directly to the magazine or to Cidia, Inc.,
Box 1769, Old San Juan, Puerto Aico 00903, the agency
through which they will be contracted and processed.
International Standard Serial Number: PR I SSN 0008-6525;
Dewey Decimal Number: 972.9 800.





Dear Sirs:
I rarely indulge in controversialistic exchange
between authors and critics. But the article by
Adalberto Lopez in your issue of April-May-June 1973
tempts me to break this rule. In general, speaking
ideologically, we are obviously on the same side; like
himself, I share a profound distress.at the agony of the
Puerto Rican diaspora, so very much like the ancient
diaspora of European Jewry, and I am myself indeed
engaged in now writing a comprehensive description
and analysis of the English-speaking West Indian
diaspora to the United Kingdom during the last three
decades, which will include a full analysis of the sort of
subtle, polite yet fully poisonous white racism that the
West Indian immigrant groups face in that eminently
hypocritcal society. At the same time, I am equally
distressed by the general tone of Lopez's account. I
detect in it, frankly, a faint undercurrent of nationalist
chauvinism which negatives, for me, much of the
validity of his argument.
Let me be specific. To get minor points out of the
way, to begin with. I pass over the fact that he wants
students of the Puerto Rican exile to read Pedreira's
Insularismo in English, for if he wants them to read
that rieo-racist essay in nostalgic hispanidad so much
the worse for him; he at least must know that a series of
articles have appeared in recent years in the San Juan
independentista journals, Claridad and La Hora,
attacking the creole Puerto Rican shade prejudice
against Puerto Rican blacks that antedates the
importation of the more brutalizing form of North
American racism. I pass over, too, the curious fact that
he can praise a book like Wells' Modernization of
Page 2 C.R. Vol. V No. 3

Puerto Rico, when he must surely know that it is an
apologetic for North American imperialism under the
guise of the specious argument that everything in
Puerto Rico since 1940 is simply to be seen as an
inevitable process of global modernization. I even pass
over. God forgive me, his naive acceptance of
Liebman's astonishing assertion that in 1964 Puerto
Rican students were not- oriented toward leftwing or
nationalistic movements. For as an 'old hand' at UPR
since 1955 I can assure him that even in 1964 there were
substantial UPR elements that had not forgotten the
university riots of 1935 and 1948, not to mention the
memory of the Nationalist Party. The 600 students
allegedly interviewed by Liebman, in typical North
American questionnaire-sociology style, must have
been the Puerto Rican counterparts of the brave,
stupid, and innocent 600 cavalrymen of Tennyson's
Charge of the Light Brigade who could not recognize a
colonialist adventure even when they were directly
participating in it.
This apart, however, my criticism is much more
profound, and goes to the root of much of the so-called
Puerto Rican 'problem'. His selection of titles is
curiously incomplete. Admittedly, he cannot mention
everything, for the Puerto Rican bibliography soon to
be published by the Puerto Rican Resources Center in
Washington would fill three or four issues of Caribbean
Review. But why mention the Diffies and omit Sidney
Mintz? Or why mention Kal Wagenheim and omit
Oscar Lewis? More crucially, his article is full of
opprobrious epithets dull, cumbersome, simple-
minded, confusing, superficial, and the rest about
most of the books he mentions which reveals the
academic armchair critic at his worst. What is more, of
the 29 titles that he refers to, some 18 are by expatriate
authors, that is, American in the main. Does not this
suggest to Lopez that not only has Puerto Rico suffered
from academic colonialism but also that most Puerto
Ricans have willingly accepted that colonialism? For a
whole generation or more, since the 1956 publication of
the Steward volume, the Puerto Rican intelligentsia
have played the role of an academic lumpenproletariat,
as it were, doing the legwork in the field while the North
American supervisors gained all the credit. This is now
changing, of course, with a new school of scholars and
writers Maldonado-Denis, Silen, Nieves-Falcon,
Quintero, Buitrago Ortiz, Seda-Bonilla emancipa-
ting themselves from the distorting viewpoint of North
American social science and replacing it with a
revolutionary social science founded on Lord Acton's
dictum that the historian must be judge as well as
witness. But they are still only a minority; and too many
of the local intelligentsia still allow themselves to be
drawn off into casual journalism, or co-opted to the
University and Government administrative structures,
or become involved in the day to day militant struggle.
Two conclusions emerge from all this. (I) Whatever
their shortcomings, the Americans who have written on
the colony have come with a real interest, a deep
affection for the people,- a strong drive to try to
understand the culture and the society. Many of them
C.R. July IAug/Sept 1973 Page 3

have been mere liberals, failing to comprehend the
monstrous cultural pollution that Americanization has
imposed on a subjugate colonial people: others have
identified with the anti-American struggle. It seems
ungracious, to say the least, to make condescending
remarks about their work, as does Lopez. In Pope's
couplet, he damns with faint praise, and assents with
civil leer. It is true he does the same for some of the
Puerto Rican authors cited; but his observations there
sound too much like those of the carping critic who
chastizes the author for not having written the book
which he, the critic, thinks the author ought to have
written. A book, like a woman, has to be accepted for
what it is, with all of its faults and idiosyncracies, (2) It
is high time that Puerto Ricans themselves began to do
their own homework. They are already beginning to do
so, as I have noted. But the volume of their production
does pot yet begin to match that, say, of the new school
of radical scholars that have come out of the
neighboring University of the West Indies over the last
ten years Braithwaite, Girvan, Best, Jefferson,
Rohler, Marshall, Moore, Patterson, Ryan, Grant,
Millette, Camejo, Beckford, Thomas, Munroe, not to
mention somewhat older names like Braithwaite, M.G.
Smith, Goveia, Figueroa, and Hall. The comparison is
all the more remarkable when it is remembered that the
University,of the West Indies was only founded in 1948,
whereas the University of Puerto Rico was founded in
1903. Until Puerto Ricans begin to emulate this rich
West Indies literature you will continue to get the



book covers record

jackets illustrations

Calle Coll y Toste No. 322
Hato Rey, Puerto Rico


^. '- ^;'"
" ,
*F. */ v.

. 1,.

1 Jll- l

Wouldn't you rather be here than almost anywhere?

We would like to keep this beach
as it is well, maybe a couple of dozen
people sunbathing, snorkeling, fishing, or
Just splashing about wouldn't take
away from the beauty of the white beach and
the crystal clear water. We also have
another thirty odd beaches just like this one.
We have freeport shops for rare bargains.
Dutch, French, and oriental food will make
you forget your waistline. Then we have
really great hotels, large and small,
all designed to make your vacation in
Sint Maarten a gracious and memorable one.

Sint Maarten Tourist Board
St. Maarten, N. A.

Page 4 C.R. Vol. V No. 3

visiting academic tourist who will fill the gap, however
There is a corollary to this. I am sure Lopez is
eminently correct in his emphasis that the Puerto Rican
struggle will more and more revolve around the
patria-diaspora axis. But who will do the scholarly work
on that? Surely it must come from the group of Puerto
Ricans meritocrats that has grown up in the northern
cities agency officials, teachers, directors of Puerto
Rican studies programs, graduate students, and the
rest. From the internal evidence of his article I feel sure
that Mr. Lopez himself could well start the ball rolling
with the book he so rightly insists is needed on the total
experience, so utterly dehumanizing, of the Puerto
Rican northern ghetto. But until he does that, I beg to
suggest that he possesses little moral right to write
about others in a tone of irritable condescension. And
when he does, we might look forward to a book that is
not dull or cumbersome or simple-minded or confusing
or superficial.
The problem is self-evident. "We are concerned,"
wrote the Graduate Student Assembly of Columbia
University that organized the conference on the United
States and the Caribbean in 1971, "about the future of
social science research in the Caribbean, particularly
that conducted by those from outside the area. We do
not desire that research by outsiders be curtailed, but
we are greatly concerned with the intent, uses, and level
of competency of social science research developed by
outside researchers in the past. Research by outsiders
should be conducted in collaboration with the
intellectual communities within the area, both on an
institutional and individual basis. We feel that there is
a danger that the structure of United States academic
institutions and the career patterns of United States
academies create the kind of scholar and type of
research that has not been in the best interests of the
area". Well said; and fair enough. But to reiterate
my point the only effective counterforce to that
danger is a Puerto Rican scholarship that effectively
exposes the inadequacies of the metropolitan
scholarship; a movement that started long ago
elsewhere in the Caribbean with Ortiz, Price-Mars,
Aime Cesaire, C.L.R. James and Eric Williams. I
sometimes suspect myself that the Puerto Rican
comparative failure here arises from the fact that, the
Puerto Rican colony being the kept woman of the
United States, there has grown up a kept woman
mentality at all social levels of the society. It generates a
spirit of almost pathological sensitivity (the furious
outburst of enraged dignidad against Oscar Lewis' La
Vida was symptomatic). That spirit has to be destroyed,
root and branch. A Puerto Rican scholarship along
Caribbean lines can help enormously in that effort. It is
a challenge that faces all Puerto Ricans who, by token
of time, talent, education, and occupational status,
have the opportunity to meet it; including Professor
Gordon K. Lewis
Faculty ofSocial Sciences
University ofPuerto Rico

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7!r~nji^^ i


With Guillermo



by Jose M. Alonso Garcia

How many girlfriends have you had?
Girlfriends, I had had about three girlfriends. I have
tumbled quite a few! Girlfriends have been Rosa,
Carmen, and Maria. The first two have been from here,
Santo Progreso. Maria is from Caparra Terrace. I have
been her boyfriend for five months.
How did you become "friends?"
The last day of school, there was a dance in the house
of one of the boys. I had no intentions of dancing with
her; I had not even noticed her. All at once, I asked her
out to dance and since I liked her, I continued dancing
with her. There was a fellow there who was trying to
canonearla. to make her fall in love with him. I kept on
with her so that the fellow would not have the
opportunity to pick her up. I didn't give the fellow an
opportunity. I took her hand, I put my arm around her,
and all that. From there we went to another dance in
the settlement. I continued with my arm around her
shoulder without saying a word; that is to say without
speaking to her. In that way, we became "friends." I
wasn't thinking of "taking her" as a girlfriend, but as a
"number." It looks like "my gearbox got jammed,"
and now she is my girlfriend.
At first it was great. She was quiet. Now, she likes to
fight a lot, maybe its me, I don't know. Sometimes she

does things I don't like. Friday, she put a ribbon in her
hair which I had told her not to wear because it didn't
look good and I didn't like it. Regardless of all that, she
went ahead and put it on. This, I didn't like, so I didn't
speak with her. Other times, it happens that either she
or I will horse around with someone of the opposite sex.
As I say, we argue over anything.
I don't pay much attention to her. Sometimes. I like
her, she suits me fine, but there are days when it would
be better if I didn't see her. because I immediately feel
like leaving her. I don't know whether or not I love her.
There are days when I want to leave her, but when I go
to her, something pacifies me and doesn't let me leave
her. I don't call that a serious courtship. For me, a
serious courtship consists of going over to the girl's
house and that we have a formal engagement.
I have never had a serious courtship. Of the three
that I have had. without counting the agarres, I don't
think that I have loved any of them. I call them
girlfriends because I have spent more time with them,
but I have had more than twenty "girls." I have played
around with more than thirty. Played around, because I
have not taken them seriously, or as seriously as those
that I call girlfriends. With those that I play around,
what I do is go out for a stroll, I kiss them, pet them.
Page 6 o C.R. Vol V No. 3

and do a good job on them, and all that. That is with
girls that are not serious. With those we neck heavily;
with those the business is to pet them as far as they can
go. Those we all know; we know which of them likes it.
If someone of the group knows of one, he tells, the
others, so that we can all make it if the opportunity is at
hand. The idea being that when one of us sees her, he
will do it. So that there. will be nothing to cry about
A good agarre is to touch her, kiss her, squeeze her
breasts, massage her thighs and things like that. That is
done with those that we call foetes. Those which have
been "pulled more than a bell's rope." Now there are
the agarres with the serious ones, with the girlfriends.
These are serious because they do not like to "have"
many boys and besides they do not agarrar with anyone.
These are private, and we each have only one. What we
do with them, we do privately. With the serious
girlfriends, things are much different.
All in all, I can tell you that I have never had sexual
relations with a girl. Not because I haven't had the
opportunity, because I have had more than enough
opportunities. One time, I tried to screw one of them,
you know, have sexual relations with her, but she did
not allow it. Most of the time, I have been the one to
hold back and think about it. As I say, if I go ahead and
have relations with that girl, maybe something happens
and I'll get screwed. Better not to do anything. I, about
sex, am not worried. I do not know very much about it,
but neither do I know very little. I am npt worried
because I am only sixteen years old. As I grow up, I'll be
getting more experience. Sex, as I've said, is one thing.
.Sexology should be taught to women, as well as men.
Many marriage problems and divorces are because of
Most of the things I know about sex, I have heard.
There are things about which I have doubts. Because,
and let me tell you, when they are talking about sex,
there are those who start bullshitting, and forget it...
For that reason I do not believe everything. There are
the bullshitters who have gone no further than
What would you like to study?
I would like to become an aviation mechanic,
teacher, or learn any other trade. I would prefer
aviation mechanics. I would have to study it at the
Escuela Vocational Miguel Such. I would like to study
in another place, in a better school than the Vocacional,
Because after one studies there it is not very easy to find
What are your parents'opinion regarding your plans to
go to school?
At home, they never tell me what to do. They let me
choose, so that I may study what I find most useful. My
mother didn't think I should go on in the Programa
General. She would have preferred me to go to the
Vocacional. In that way, when I finished the fourth
year. I would be able to find work in my trade. I didn't
agree with her. I never had plans to go to the
Vocacional. My father has never given his opinion on
this. He has never asked me, nor given me his views.

The one who worries about our problems is my mother.
I don't know why it should be this way. Perhaps, it is
because we have always had an okay grade point
average that he thinks he doesn't have to worry. I don't
know what he thinks. The truth is. he has never shown
any interest in our studies. He has never taken me with
him. He has always treated my brothers better than me.
Perhaps, this is because I am never in agreement with
him. He has never gone to the school. He never asks
about my studies. He has never told me. or my brothers,
this. He has never asked me, nor given me his views.
he is not the one who gives orders at home. If he says
this is the way to do it, then that is the way it has to be
done. If it is not done that way, then one has to suffer
the consequences. He doesn't hit us, not because he
doesn't want to, but because he can't catch us. When he
gets ready to hit us, we all run.
One thing that I must tell you, if, after I get married,
things are going to be like at home, then I better not get
married. In my family, there is no unity. We are always
horsing around, arguing with my father and mother. I
.wouldn't like it to be this way. If I had a family, I would
begin educating the household beginning with me. The
reason for our being this way is on the one hand, due to
our parents and, on the other, to ourselves. We don't
get along well with each other. There is no moral
support on our part for our parents nor by them for us.
My mother's character is filled with anguish due to
the stormy life she leads. I wouldn't like my wife to be
like that. My mother is a woman who works too much,
She works as a servant in a rented house. She is away
during the day. When she comes home, she does our
housework until nine or ten o'clock at night. She is a
person bothered by everything. She spends her time
talking and screaming. I don't like that.
I'm like my father. I don't, pay any mind to things
which don't concern me. If I see that something is going
to worry me, I don't pay any attention to it. If there are.
things which are not sufficiently important, I don't pay
any attention to them. My character is like his.
Sometimes I get irritated, but the ocassions are few.
Sometimes with reason, and other times without any
cause. If I were a father, I would be more concerned
about my sons. I would try to maintain myself at a level
so that they would not be displeased with me. But, I
wouldn't give them complete freedom, that might do
them harm. However, I would try as a father to
encourage trust so that they would feel free, if they had
a problem, to come and talk to me. It wouldn't be like
today where so many fathers and sons are afraid to talk
to each other. I don't know why that should be. Maybe
it's the personality the parents show at home; teenagers
today are afraid of telling problems to our parents. If
we tell them, they yell at us or punish us.
Take my school problem. I don't know whether or
not to discuss it with my parents. What advice could I
ask from them? They may be older than I am, but I
have more education than they have. I don't know what
they are going to tell me if I ask for help; maybe the
answer will be to go to hell, or something like that. My
father is the type that could tell me to go to hell. With

C.R. JulylAuglSept 1973 Page 7

my mother, it may be possible to ask for advice, come to
an agreement with her, but with my father, I don't
think so.
What I call the school problem is due to my
mismanagement, not necessarily a problem. I don't
know how I can explain the motive that has caused such
mismanagement. My grades have gone down, besides I
feel restless and lost in all my classes. I have lost
confidence in myself. I feel confused. At the beginning
of the year, I started well. Later this happened. I
stopped studying, that is all. I stopped studying and I
began to move around in groups. I am trying to leave
those circles, but it is very difficult. I am not trying to
leave my own group, the crown, the idea is not to set it
aside, rather to remove myself a little. That is to remove
myself a little from the group in order to have more
time for studying. If I don't do this, I don't know what
will happen. If I continue this way, I don't know what
can happen; I don't know. I could fail. This would be a
great defeat to think that I had wasted all that time. To

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Seattle and London

end defeated, when having the opportunity to emerge
victorious and not know how to take advantage of it...
If this happens to me, I don't know what I am going to
do. The only alternative left would be to go to work.
There are those who blame my friends for this. That
is not true. No one is to blame for the way he is except
himself. You are the way you are because you want to
be. If I don't want to become something, no one is
making me do it. To my way of thinking, my friends are
good ones, even though there are those who say that I
shouldn't run around with them. That is a lot of crap. I
will run around with anyone, as long as I feel that
person isn't going to bring me harm.
My parents have different concepts of school and
education (different from mine). They simply think that
just because you are in school, you have to dedicate all
your time to studying. I don't. I believe that you have to
divide the time; there is time for school, time for play,
and time for everything. This is what takes place with
parents who forget that you are young. I think that
people who are over 35 years old are living in the past.
They haven't adapted to the modern "thing." They
haven't adapted to changes taking place in the society,
individuals, and that sort of thing. This is what happens
with the parents.
Have you ever tried drugs?
On Sunday I smoked some marijuana. This
happened by accident since I had been wanting to try it
for a long time due to the fact that my friends had tried
it and liked it. I wanted to know if it was really good, if I
would like it, or if it had bad effects. According to me, it
didn't do a thing. The only thing I felt was similar to
drinking a shot of rum.
Even before leaving for the dance, I was thinking of
smoking it. I had the idea that I could get it there. I sent
a friend of mine to get it for me. He brought it right
away. I smoked it in the bathroom. After about five
minutes I felt a strange sensation, a dizziness; but not
very dizzy, because as I told you it didn't affect me very
much. My eyes got heavy, it felt as if I couldn't close my
eyes, yet they were closing heavily.
It was the first time I tried a reefer. I wanted to find
out if it was really habit forming, or if you become
accustomed to it because you let it. I will tell you one
thing, that it is not habit forming. I didn't become an
addict. I don't think it is habit forming. If you become
an addict it is because you want to.
Before this, time, I had wanted to try it, but my
friends who use it would not let me. They would tell me:'
"no, man, no. You know that you are going to finish
your studies and maybe you will go to the University to
study something, and perhaps get to be somebody. Not
us, we are already addicted and we do not want the
same thing to happen to you. Maybe you will try it and
like it and then you will want to continue using it and
become addicted. Then, you may not have someone to
sell it to you or not enough money to buy it, .... No,
man, no." I would reply: "That's right, let's forget it."
Afterwards I told one of them to get some for a friend of
mine who needed it. He came and brought it to me, I
went to the bathroom, lit it and smoked it. You smoke
Page 8 C.R. Vol. V No. 3

it without letting the smoke out; you try to absorb it,
letting the smoke trail up inside to the head without
letting the smoke out so that it will circulate in the
brain... I don't know where it is that it comes into the
body system, through the blood or the head, what I do
know is that you don't have to let it out.
It didn't have any effect on me. About two in the
afternoon, I was alright. When I got home I was very
tired. That day I didn't go out, I played lottery and
afterwards watched television. I have thought about it
since. I have decided not to smoke it again. It really
didn't do any harm, but neither did I find it
pleasurable. Then, why smoke it? Why should I spend a
dollar on that? Better to spend the money on cigarettes
or on other things.
And if someone were to offer you some more?
I am not going to tell you that I wouldn't smoke it,
but neither would I know if I would smoke it. I am not
going to buy it. I am not going to pay a dollar for it. I
am not going to pay a dollar for that crap.
And if they were to give it to you free?
I would have to think a lot about it. In the end, I
think I wouldn't smoke it. I tried it once, and it didn't
do a thing. Therefore, I wouldn't buy it, nor smoke it.
The addicts are people who need help; and those
chamacos if caught early enough can be helped.
What do you consider to be the principal difference
between yourself and your friends who are addicts?
The only difference that I think exists is that I am not
worried about my future. They don't have a future.
They have no interest in anything. I don't see that they
care about what will happen tomorrow, what they can
become, or if they want to become this or that. They
only think of living for the present. I don't. I worry
about what is happening to me now and what is going
to take place later. In truth, I have big plans. I want to
become someone.
Are you satisfied with yourself?
Sometimes no.

When are you not?
When I start doing something, and I do it wrong.
Even if I were to do it well and other people who have
confidence in me, think or feel it is badly done, then I
am dissatisfied. When I hit my little brother, I feel bad.
I don't feel satisfied.
When you feel bad, how is it that you feel?
Ah ... with an extreme anger, that I have to get away
from people because I feel that if they come to speak to
me I may say some terrible things.
Where do you go?
I go where there is no one to be found. Behind the
Centro. Over there by the court. Sometimes I will close
myself up in the room.
What do you think about when you get angry?
Sometimes I believe my mind is blank. It is blank
because I cover my ears so as not to listen to voices.
Sometimes when I get angry at my mother, when she
begins to argue with me, I cover my ears. If I hear the
voices of those persons who have made me angry then I
begin to think bad things about them. Sometimes, it
gets to the point that, that. ., I wish my parents were
dead. This goes through my mind sometimes.
Afterwards I feel bad, very bad for having thought it.
And what do you do?
I go to confession. Sometimes I go ahead and pray at
home, and at night I repent without having to go to
Does it happen often?
So, so. Not every day. Sometimes every other day, and
sometimes every two days.
By force you can't make me do anything. If they try
to take me anywhere by force, or try to force me to do
something, well I will just stay there even if they were to
kill me, but they will never move me against my will.
Now, by working on my good side, they can get
anything out of me. I have a soft heart. I don't know if I
am good. On the one hand I am good, and on the other
I am bad. I am good for women. I am bad at home. *

CA. July/AuglSept 1973 Page 9



To Dinner

by Bryan O. Walsh

In September, 1961, the Auxiliary Bishop of Havana,
Eduardo Boza Masvidal was taken by force from his
residence and placed on board the steamship
"Covadonga" in Havana Harbor and sent into exile.
One hundred and ninety-nine years earlier, in almost
identical circumstances, another Cuban bishop
suffered the same fate. This man was D. Pedro Agustin
Morell de Santa Cruz. Their crime was the same: each
refused to surrender his flock to an alien domination.
Neither was given his day in court. Each was allowed
only the clothes he had on and each departure was
marked by the cries of the people left behind without
their spiritual leader. The confrontation between Boza
Masvidal and the Castro regime is well known. The
story of Morell de Santa Cruz has long since been
forgotten by the world and scarcely remembered in
His expulsion took place during the English
occupation of Havana in 1762, following a series of
confrontations with the English Military Governor,
Lord Albemarle. The City of Havana had capitulated
on the 12th of August, following a siege of more than 2


I )r I1 If,. S. ant"a (r (it- IA)ra,

months. He was unhappy because of the surrender and
even though the Catholic religion of the inhabitants was
protected, the stage was set for a clash.
Pedro Agustin Morell de Santa Cruz was born in
1694 in the city of Santiago de los Caballeros on the
island of Santo Domingo, son of D. Pedro Morell de
Santa Cruz and Dna. Maria Cataline de Lara.

In 1716, the young cleric came to Havana to be
ordained to the priesthood. At the time, the See of
Santo Domingo was vacant because of the death of the
Archbishop. Morell took part in certain negotiations
which led to the end of the civil disturbances in Santo
Domingo and thus enabled the new Archbishop to take
possession of that See. This no doubt served to attract
the attention of both civil and ecclesiastical authorities
to the superior qualities of the young priest. Morell
stayed in Havana and Valdes, the Bishop of Cuba,
named him Dean of Santiago de Cuba in 1716 or 1717
and Vicar General of the Diocese about ten or eleven
years later. Because of his young age, both
appointments excited comment. Valdes' successor as
Page 10 C.R. Vol. V No. 3
Page 10 C.R. Vol. V No. 3


Bishop, was Lazo de la Vega, who reappointed Morell
as Vicar General, when the new Bishop took possession
of the diocese in October 1732.
From the time of his first appointment as Dean of
Santiago, Morell lived in that city until his departure
from Cuba in 1753. He improved the Cathedral using
his own income. According to Teste, "he was charitable
with the poor, severe with the clergy and exemplary in
his way of life." His strength of character, willingness to
get involved, physical strength and courage are evident
in several incidents during the Santiago years.
On July 18th, 1741, an English expedition landed in
the bay of Guantanamo. It consisted of some five
thousand troops under the command of Admiral
Vernon. This represented the most serious threat to
date by the English against Spanish power in the New
World. The strategy of the Spanish forces under
Cagigal was to surround the British; and confine them
to a narrow beachhead. After four months the British
abandoned the invasion and embarked on their ships.
Teste says that the expulsion of the English invaders
was the result of plans conceived by Morell and
implemented by his friend Cagigal. Morell was also
named Comisionario of the Tribunal of the Inquisition
for the District of Cuba, which came under the
jurisdiction of Cartagena. During this period, he
continued to attract the attention of higher authorities
and was tapped as a potential candidate for the
episcopacy. Under the Royal Patronato, the King
presented a list of three candidates to the Pope to fill a
vacant episcopal see. This was a matter of form since in
practice, the king made the appointment. Morell was
third on the list of the Diocese of Santa Cruz de la
Sierra in 1745 and in 1749, he was first on the list for
the Diocese of Nicaragua and was named to that see. In
July of 1750, he left Cuba for Cartegena, where he was
consecrated bishop by D. Bernard Ubizacal, Sunday,
September 15th. From Cartagena, he travelled overland
to Panama, and from there by ship to Realejo, in
Nicaragua. The Diocese of Nicaragua included the
present-day republics of Nicaragua and Costa Rica. He
remained there for three years until 1763, when he
received news of his transfer to the bishopric of Cuba,
vacant since the death of Bishop Lazo de la Vega,
August 19th, 1752.
The new Bishop of Cuba arrived in Havana in
January of 1754. The people of Havana and Cuba were
aware that this was the first time that they could
welcome a Prelate that they had known before and who
knew them. He would be the first Bishop of Cuba who
was born in the New World and the first to establish his
residence in the city of Havana.
On his arrival, he was welcomed by his old friend
from the Santiago days, Cagigal, who was now
Governor of the Plaza. Morell finally arrived in his
Cathedral in Santiago and was installed as Bishop of
Morell reorganized the administration of the
Diocese. He appointed two Vicar Generals to help him
in the government of the Church, one who resided in
Havana and the other in Santiago. His successor as
C.R. JulylAug/Sept 1973 Page 11

Dean of the Cathedral of Santiago was D. Toribio de la
Bandera who was named to the Santiago position in
1760. He named as the new Vicar General in Havana D.
Santiago de Hechevarria y Elguezua, who would
become the first native of Cuba to occupy the bishopric
of Cuba, succeeding Morell in 1770. One project of
Morell, which did not meet with success with his
attempt to have a university established in Santiago de
The Seven Years' War began in 1756. England
declared war against Spain in 1762. Spain was ill
prepared to wage war and her ally France was
exhausted after six years of fighting. She had lost
Quebec and Montreal, her richest Caribbean islands
were in the hands of the English, India was British. For
England, the course was clear. She should strike at
Spain in the Caribbean and in the Philippines. England
had long had her eyes on Cuba as her key to the New
Despite the obvious danger to her American colonies,
Spain did little to prepare for war. Hart says:
Apparently the only vessel with dispatches sent out was
intercepted before reaching Havana. The unprepared
condition of the latter's defenses was laid to the lack of
other than vague rumors of the declaration of war
having reached Havana before the actual arrival of the
English fleet.
The English forces had assembled off Cape St.
Nicholas, at the northwest end of Santo Domingo,
under the command of the Earl of Albemarle. It is
interesting to note that the English forces included
many from their North American colonies. Massachu-
setts and Connecticut furnished more than four
thousand men. Ismael Putman, General Lyman were
there, as well as Gates and Montgomery, and many
others who would play active roles in the American war
of Independence fourteen years later. It is of this
expedition that Edward Everett says in his Concord
ovation in 1825, "There were officers in the British line
that knew the sound of these drums."
The sixth of June was the feast of Pentecost.
Preparations would have been under way in the Church
of the Espiritu Santo, located in the southern part of
the city. This year, Bishop Morell would not be present,
as it is recorded by Pezuela that the invasion caught
him travelling between Bejucal and Santiago de las
Vegas, some miles from the city. Pezuela describes the
arrival of the English fleet: "On the 6th, the entire
convoy of the squadron was to be found concentrated in
the Matanzas horizon; and on the morning of the 6th
the 53 Men-of-War with their 200 transport vessels of
that formidable armada were clearly visible to the
inhabitants of that capital." The surprise was
complete: "In his diary of the events of the siege, Prado
relates that when the ships were first sighted on the
morning of the 6th, they were believed to be a Spanish
convoy and that it was not until noon that they were
known to be the enemy." Bishop Morell, his body
weakened with age, reacted to the news of the invasion
with vigor. "He exhorted the workers of the province to
fight against the enemy, 'The English heretics."

One of the first acts of the council of war assembled
by Prado, was to order the evacuation from their city of
all non-combatants. The Rector of the Jesuit College
begged to be allowed to leave the priests so that they
could minister to the troops and the sick and wounded
in the hospitals. The request was denied except for two
priests, Padre Nicolas and Padre Antonio Pereda,
chaplains in the hospitals of Belen and San Juan de
Dios. The siege lasted from the sixth of June until the
14th of August, when the defenders were forced to
capitulate because of lack of ammunition. The articles
of Capitulation took into account the Catholic faith of
the populace. This would have been of great concern to
both clergy and laity, since they knew only too well that
the Penal Laws of England prescribed the Catholic
faith and provided severe penalties for those who
practice it. Article VI allowed the inhabitants to
continue in the Roman Catholic Faith. Article VII
spelled out the rights of the Bishop of Cuba: "The
Bishop of Cuba was left with all his prerogatives except
that in the appointment of priests the consent of His
Britanic Majesty's Governor was required. This caused
some trouble later between the Bishop and the Earl of
Albemarle." Article VIII provided for the religious
orders. Under Article XIV, those who had been
evacuated were allowed to return and among those who
did was Bishop Morell.
At first Morell kept the peace, for the sake of his
clergy, says Pezuela, limiting himself to censuring the
novelties introduced by the conqueror. As it turned out,
it was Earl Albemarle who made the first move in the
series of confrontations which would result in the
Bishop becoming an eighteen century exile in Florida.
The confrontation was sparked by a demand of Lt.
Colonel Cleveland, Commander of the Artillery, in
which he claimed the "derecho de las campanas." This
was done in a letter sent to the Bishop dated August
19th: "According to the rules and customs of war
observed by all the countries of Europe, when a city
surrendered after a siege it had to give up all of the bells
that were to be found in churches, convents and
monasteries." The Bishop, promptly dispatched
Cleveland's letter to Albemarle, asking for an
explanation. The governor replied that ". .this being a
custom of war that artillery commanders receive
remuneration from any town or city taken under siege,
Lt. Col. Cleveland had demanded that right with his
Albemarle indicated that an offering of 30,000 pesos
would be sufficient to ransom the bells. Morell called.a
meeting of his clergy and succeeded in raising 1,103
pesos and 4 reales. He succeeded in having the ransom
reduced to 10,000 pesos which he finally had to borrow.
Pezuela indicated that this "Derecho de campanas"
would not have been applied to Havana which was
occupied after a written capitulation and not a city
overrun in the course of a campaign.
Albemarle's success in this first endeavor, must have
encouraged him or his advisors to try for others. Several
days later, on August 30th, the Bishop received another.

communication, which contained three demands: the
use of a church for Protestant Services, a list of the
clergy, and a full report on all the income of the
Church. Morell's response was a barrage of
correspondence, with arguments and scriptural
quotations, which caused Albemarle to complain that
the Bishop's long letters wasted his "precious time."
Albemarle was unmoved and demanded absolute
obedience from the Bishop, which drew the verbal reply
that in the spiritual realm, his only superior was the
Pope and in the temporal, the King of Spain. But more
was yet to come and on the 19th of October, Morell
received yet another letter from -the governor:
"Illustrious Sir: I find that I must reveal to you my
thoughts of the past few days; namely that the Church
must contribute a minimum payment of 100,000 pesos
to the general of the conquering army. I wish to live in
peace with you and the Church and this I have shown in
everything that has taken place thus far, and I hope
that actions on your part will not change my
inclinations." Bachiller y Morales felt that, Albemarle
might have been acting under the orders of the English
government. However, Pezuela indicates that the idea
came from Spanish collaborators of the conqueror.
This included Albemarle's Spanish Governors D.
Sebastian Penalver and D. Gonzalo Recia de Oquendo,
and one D. Pedro Estrada with whom the idea seems to
have originated. These three men had ingratiated
themselves with the English from the moment of their
arrival. Even after Penalver was replaced by his rival
Oquendo, he still had the ear of the English Governor,
Pezuela goes on to say: ". .Even though Estrada was a
friend and advisor of Oquendo, he counseled Penalver
as well as Brigadier Sir Francis Grant to exact an
extraordinarily high levy on the civil and Ecclesiastical
Estate with the sarcastic title of 'voluntary donation'...
the presence of Bishop Morell was the greatest obstacle
of all. Morell's answer to Albemarle was that 'his
miserable body ws at the disposition of the heretics'."
Albemarle was ready to oblige the Bishop's willingness
to be a martyr by hanging him; but he was persuaded
against this course of action by his brother, Sir William
Keppel and Penalver, who feared public reaction.
Instead the Governor ordered that Morell be exiled to
Florida, to the Spanish outpost of St. Augustine. This
must have seemed a very happy solution't6 Albemarle
and his advisors. They would be rid of the bothersome
bishop. .He would be isolated in Florida, which had
little or no communication with the outside world and
he would still be in his own jurisdiction, since Florida
was part of the Diocese of Cuba. Recognizing that the
Bishop would be unwilling, and the population
unhappy, to say the least, the Governor made careful
plans for carrying out the expulsion. A ship was
prepared to stand by in the harbor. The time chosen
was the early morning, with the hope that the Bishop
would be on the ship and on his way before the people
realized what was happening. According to an eye
witness, the Bishop's house was surrounded by a patrol
of grenadiers sent by Albemarle to arrest him. The time
was 6 a.m. and the prelate was at breakfast. When the

Page 12 e C.R. Vol. V No. 3

Bishop refused to accompany them, the troops tied him
to his chair and carried him bodily to the ship, which
sailed for Florida, arriving there on December 9th.
The sudden arrival of their Bishop must have taken
everyone by surprise in St. Augustine. Only twice in two
hundred years, did the Bishops of Cuba visit this
out-post of the empire. There were two parish priests,
eight other priests, two ecclesiasticss", and three lay
religious in the settlement. "All that remained in the
presidio of St. Augustine were a number of small crude
buildings and the Castillo de San Marcos." The total
population was a little over three thousand persons. At
the time the Bishop arrived conditions were very bad.
For over a hundred years, St. Augustine increasingly
had suffered neglect from the home government. The
War had cut off almost all communication and
While all of this was going on, the great powers in
Europe whose ambitions were the cause of it all, were
redrawing the map of the world in Paris. In fact there
are indications that substantial agreements had already
been reached even before the fall of Havana.
Albemarle, having collected all the spoils of war, and
knowing that the days of Englist rule in Havana were
numbered, sailed for England on H.M.S. Rippon, on
the 22nd of January, 1763, leaving his brother Sir
William Keppel in charge. The latter responded to the
pleas of the people for the return of their Bishop, and a
ship was dispatched to St. Augustine to pick up the
Bishop and to deliver the news of the Treaty of
On March 16th, 1763, a lieutenant from the Englist
sloop Bonette came ashore with important papers for
the Governor, who was astounded at what he read.
Under the terms of the treaty just concluded, Spain
ceded Florida to England in exchange for the return of
Havana and other territorial concessions. The residents
of St. Augustine were given the choice of leaving
Florida within eighteen months unless they desired to

become British subjects. The plight of the poor was
great since they did not have the means to pay their
passage to Cuba. "Don Pedro Morell's group consisted
of twenty women, thirteen boys and thirty-seven girls.
The mass evacuation began April 12th, 1763. On the
first d4y three schooners carrying Bishop Morell's
charges left for Cuba." The voyage, which normally
took three days, lasted twenty, because of contrary
winds and other accidents, and it was May 2nd, when
they reached Havana, and the shepherd returned to his
Morell did not return empty-handed. He is said to
have been responsible for the introduction of the first
wax producing bees into Cuba. It would seem to have
been very much to the Bishop's interest if he could
develop a home supply of wax sufficient for the needs of
the Church without having to depend on imports.
While there was some wax produced in Cuba before,
Bishop Morell was responsible for introducing it in a
more widespread manner after 1763.
Bishop Morell came shore in Havana, on May 3rd,
the forty-fifth anniversary of his first Mass. Morell de
Danta Cruz was now sixty-nine years old. He disputed
with the new Governor, el Conde de Ricla, concerning
the privileges of the vice-real patronato. He wrote many
reports and letters to Spain, concerning the damage
done to the Churches during the siege and occupation.
He denounced the failures of Prado, and the treachery
of Penalver and Oquendo. Typical of his concern for
the right of the Church against the state, was the
dispute over the ownership of the Church valuables
returned from Florida. He had them stored in the
parish hall of the Parroquia Mayor and ordered a
careful inventory.
A new Governor came, who was a friend. . Don
Antonio Bucarelly. The Bishop lived to see his protege,
Hechavarria consecrated Auxiliary Bishop, October
1768 and within less than two months, he passed away,
on December 30th, at the age of seventy tour. *

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The following critical observations and highly
unconventional suggestions may provide background
thought for reflections on Puerto Rico's role within the
Caribbean. They are not to be taken as partisan
because I will refer not just to the last four years but
even tq the prior period where grievous errors in
judgment were committed by the powers which
determine what amounts to Puerto Rico's foreign
policy; i.e., its relations with immediate neighbors.
However, to start I wish to comment on the immediate
past which I can not help but characterize as a disaster
period: four tragic years of neglect during which Puerto
Rico utterly ignored its fellow communities in the
Caribbean and in one case of the Dominican Republic.
which would not be ignored, the insular governments
action or lack of action verged on insult.
That this should be the evaluation, which we shall
presently try to document, is somewhat surprising in
light of the promise offered by Gov. Luis Ferre and
particularly by his close advisor, his son Antonio Luis
Ferre. I am sure that you all recall the emphasis the
governor placed on the fact that his mother was from
the island of St. Croix and the splash of publicity which
accompanied Ferre's attendance of the inauguration of
Dr. Evans of the Virgin Islands and the proforma
promises of support for joint programs of mutual
interest. Of course, nothing came of this initial gesture.
There were no follow-up meetings of any nature even
when this neighbor's government was under the same
flag and professed the same loyalty to the particular
party to which Ferre professed his loyalty. A specific
example of studied neglect even in this area was the fact
that through the auspices of the Department of Interior
of the Federal Government two studies were carried
out: (1) "The Virgin Islands and the Sea" and (2)
"Puerto Rico and the Sea." Yet, aside from one
perceptive paper by Gordon Lewis no mention was

by Thomas Mathews ;

a S'

made of a joint program of approaching environmental
problems of waterways between two.islands which are
within sight of each other and suffer from markedly
similar problems of pollution.
But more disappointing than even this is the
performance of the close advisor, Antonio Luis Ferre,
who months before winning the election had published
under his name a modest but fairly perceptive outline of
possible lines of development of contacts and
cooperation between Puerto Rico and its neighbors in
the Caribbean. In his role as a representative of
business interests and a minority party figure, Antonio
Luis served on the board which guided the operations of
the Caribbean Economic Development Corporation.
His article was intended to outline the directions to be
taken by this semi-autonomous government agency
which had shown very modest achievements in its short
history and certainly in comparison with its objectives
when established. However, the Ferre combination of
father and son, when unexpectedly given the power to
operate and not merely to advise or suggest in this
particular area of Puerto Rico's relationship with its
immediate neighbors, initiated, such a drastically
different program which had absolutely no resemblance
to the article published under the Ferre signature that
one can only come to the conclusion that Antonio Luis
did not write the article and even worse did not agree to
the suggestions which he was making under his
The new direction to be taken was announced by the
governor-elect in a speech in Miami, where he unveiled
his dream for the establishment of a North-South
Center which, even from the first descriptions, clearly
established that the Caribbean no longer held any
importance for the Puerto Rican government whose
role was to be that of interpreting the yankee
Page 14 e-C.R. Vol. V No. 3

Puerto Rico And

The Caribbean


businessman to the people of Brazil and Argentina. In
spite of the absurdity of the idea even taken on its face
value, there was apparently absolutely no awareness of
the utter lack of success of similar schemes more
modestly proposed and envisioned in previous periods.
Even Mona Lee, when she held the prestigious position
as director of a Latin American Studies Program at the
University of Puerto Rico in 1932, came to realize the
impossibility of bridging the cultural gap between the
peoples of North and South America, through
academic studies. When I pointed this out to the first
interim-director of the North-South Center, I later
began to hear about the originator of the idea. Don
Federico Degetau, whose name was invariably
mispronounced. Whether Mona Lee or Degetau, the
idea could hardly prosper, not because of Puerto Rico's
size or geographical position, but, more importantly,
because Latin Americans have looked and will continue
to look at Puerto Rico as a highly suspect front for
American imperialistic designs. The best Puerto Rico
could hope for would be a sympathetic reception from
Latin Americans who feel sorry for the island which
suffers relentlessly from the effect of cultural
suffocation at the hands of the United States.
I sincerely wish to do justice to this idea which must
have some degree of validity if such distinguished
people as Ferre, Mona Lee, or Degeteau have become
intrigued with it if only later to find out that it has no
viable reason to be developed. At the very most, Puerto
Rico (not the grandiose North-South Center, which
could never shake from its existence the automatic
comparison with the infamous East-West Center in
Hawaii) could serve possibly as a half-way post for
students coming from Latin America to study in
North-American universities who are not prepared for
the abrupt cultural chock of moving from a latin
culture into an anglo-saxon culture. Usually the first
year of study is a lost one because of the differences of
language and of study methods and habits. Similarly,
the Peace Corps found that a brief period of training in
Puerto Rico did prepare the way for the naive and
unsophisticated volunteer destined to service in Latin
America. However, I would not go any further, not even
to the point of allowing business recruits for North
American firms to train in Puerto Rico under the
misguided and certainly erroneous assumption that
such exposure would be to their or to the host countries'
More, specifically concerning the Caribbean is the
reversal of policy which was abruptly announced in
highly insulting terms by the Secretary of State
Fernando Chardon soon after the taking of power. The
Puerto Rican government had committed itself to a
significant role in the setting up of the Caribbean
Development Bank, all with the approval and blessing
of the United States. The plan was to be carried out
with the assignment of seven million dollars toward the
capitalization of the bank to which Great Britain and
Canada were also to make sizeable contributions. The
decision was apparently taken in Washington not to
participate but rather to allow Puerto Rico to represent
itself on its own in the bank. It was not exactly clear
C.R. July/AuglSept 1973 Page 15

whether the United States would put up some or all of
the money assigned to the island. Such were the
conditions of the organization of the bank that a great
degree of independence in the use of funds would be
granted to the participating members, but the donating
partners, including Puerto Rico, would not receive any
direct benefits from the operation of the bank. Sr.
Chardon, after much delay and evasiveness, finally
announced that the Government of Puerto Rico had
many more useful projects than the Caribbean
Development Bank in which to invest seven million and
therefore would not follow through with the
commitment of the previous administration in spite of
the apparent approval of Washington. No single action
could have dramatized more the attitude of the Ferre
government toward the Caribbean than this policy
reversal. Fortunately, the bank was established,
although its operations were curbed by the denial of
funds from Puerto Rico. The United States finally did
provide a low-interest loan to make more funds
Before directing your attention to more constructive
lines of action and development, a word or two of
critical appraisal should be expressed over the actions
of the previous governments of the various Popular
administrations. Munoz Marin always seemed to be
embarrassed if not of the color at least of the colonial
status of his neighbors in the Caribbean to the east
With reason and much justification, he was
embarrassed by the unmentionable Trujillo who
dominated the neighboring Dominican Republic for so
many years. Concerning Castro, Munoz followed
quietly the lead of Romulo Betancourt in Venezuela
and the even more outspoken opposition of his other
close friend Pete Figueres. However, as the colonial
entities fred themselves from European powers or
secured autonomous status equal to or even better than
the Estado Libre Asociado and as the Dominican
Republic came back into the fold of humanity under
the leadership of Bosch, Munoz and the Populares
warmed perceptibly to their neighbors, and the
possibility of cooperation in the Caribbean was
considered seriously. I do not wish to trace this history
but only to observe that too often the impression,
rightly or wrongly, was given that this was primarily
self-interest, Munoz thought, or at least gave the
impression, that such association with thee entities or
politics in the region would enhance the concept he held
of the Commonwealth. Such association with neighbors
would strengthen the independence role he hoped
Puerto Rico would eventually have, even though still
tied to the United States. Deprived of the constitutional
right to operate in foreign affairs, he discreetly and
often not so discreetly traded in the water of foreign
affiars in sometimes rather dramatic, ways. Thus the
meetings with Bosch or Figueres or Betancourt were
often billed as small Caribbean summit meetings
between heads of state.
Later, under Sanchez, other criteria began to emerge
along with the desire to create an image in foreign
affairs. We can now look back and see that it was a very

unfortunate decision to withdraw from the Caribbean
Organization and to cause the demise of that much
maligned but, in my opinion, very courageous attempt
at international cooperation at a regional level. At the
time it appeared to be the right thing to do, since the
colonial presence of the French in the Caribbean
refused to allow any relief even in the distant future of
imperialistic interference into what were strictly
regional matters. As we now watch the French policy
evolve to a different plane in the post-de Gaulle period,
it is obvious that the Caribbean Organization should
have survived the momentary frustrations and placed
its hope on the long-range corrective features of
historical development of human affairs. The creation
of the Caribbean Development Corporation, with
grandoise schemes of achieving all that the Caribbean
Organization had wanted to do but was prevented from
even starting, brought another element into play. This
was the element of enabling Puerto Rico's industrial
development program to expand and of exploiting the
communities of the region. Thus Puerto Rico gave the
impression to its neighbors that its interest in them was
self-directed and far from altruistic. Either politically
or economically Puerto Rico would in some way or
another take advantage of its association with its
neighbors. Such selfish motivation did little to endear
Puerto Rico to its neighbors. Thus one could sense the
resentment of the Dominican businessman towards the
Puerto Rican entrepreneur who rushed in after the fall
of Trujillo to see what kind of profit-making scheme
might be developed. Trade missions sponsored by
CODECA were poor emissaries of good will to be
sending to areas which were struggling for markets for
products which could not enter over the custom barriers
of the United States which protected the rich Puerto
Rican market. CODECA did try its hand at some
limited, altruistically motivated projects, such as
sponsoring a school teacher or two in Tortola, but the
insignificance of such gestures only served to
accentuate the self-motivation behind the more
important activities of the agency which supposedly was
to service the whole Caribbean.
One need only use as an example, both under
CODECA and the North-South Center, the neglect
under which has fallen the Caribbean Regional Library,
not because of the lack of distinguished professional
leaders, but because of the consistent refusal of both
administrations to provide even the basic funding
necessary to service the library. Can you imagine a
library of that nature with a yearly purchasing fund of
under a thousand dollars and a salary scale which will
allow for only one professional librarian? This, to put it
bluntly, is ridiculous; yet both the Populares and the
New Progressive Party are guilty. Such a state of affairs
can not be allowed to continue under the new
administration or Puerto Rico will lose, as it almost did
under Ferre, this very valuable Caribbean collection
which it holds in custody for the rest of the Caribbean.
But what is to be the policy for the next four years.
How can Puerto Rico make up for lost time four
disastrous years of neglect under Ferre? First of all, it

can not go back.to the selfishly moti ated policies of the
former Popular governments whether political or
economic in nature. There must be a clear recognition
that this island forms one small link in that impressive
and unique archipelago which forms the Caribbean
Sea. Once it is recognized that we are a part of the
Caribbean region for better or worse and can
expect to have neighbors like Trujillo or Castro, then
comes the even more difficult step of accepting that our
existence in this region requires that we develop a
regional outlook which must, painful as it may be under
future circumstances, subordinate our own selfish
interests to those interests which are to the benefit of
the region as a whole. I am not naive enough to think
that this is possible in the immediate future or even in
the lifetime of my children. There will be times when
progress will be made toward this goal, and there will
be bleak periods when, like that we have just passed
through, we will flounder and go backward. I do expect
the new administration to take the first step by clearly
recognizing that Puerto Rico is part of the Caribbean.
This means in effect opening up a dialogue with
neighboring countries. This dialogue could start by
apologizing to the Dominican Republic for the shabby
treatment it has received from the previous
government. It could move from there to a friendly visit
with the young, dynamic leader of Jamaica, Michael
Manley. His father, Norman Manley, was a friend of
Munoz, so the alliance could be continued into the
second generation. I doubt that Nixon would like to be
pre-empted in a visit to Havana, but certainly it would
not be out of order for Hernandez Colon to follow the
lead of Barrows, Williams, Burnham, and Manley in
the Caribbean by urging more normal relationships
with neighboring Cuba. Nothing would come of such an
expression but it would at least set Hernandez on the
right path ahead of time because relations would be
more cordial under Nixon than certainly under
Kennedy. Hernandez Colon still has to define his own
posture. What easier or better way could be devised
than to identify himself with the progressive heads of
state of the Caribbean of which Manley and Barrows
are only two examples. Munoz inherited this posture
from the days of his youth in the centers of the exiles in
New York. Hernandez .Colon has the hrder job of
creating one for himself.
More specifically, however Puerto Rico should take
steps to renew its original interest in the Caribbean
Development Bank, now functioning under the able St.
Lucien economist, Sir. Arthur Lewis. Colombia and
Venezuela are members of the Bank, and Puerto Rico's
association with the institution should not be difficult.
A otherr regional association with which Puerto Rico
should have close ties is CARIFTA (Caribbean Free
Trade Association). It is true that our unique economic
position within the customs barrier of the United States
presents a problem. However, under previous
administrations, we heard a lot about free-port areas in
San Juan and Mayaguez. I gather that they have not
been resounding successes, but perhaps with a
government more interested in exploring this type of

Page 16 C.R. e Vol. No. 3

commercial development, these areas can take on new
life. If so, then there is no reason why Puerto Rico
should not be granted an observer status at CARIFTA,
because these free-port areas would be of concern and
interest to the economic planners of CARIFTA.
The North-South Center should be quietly allowed
to die out; frankly it is almost dead now. The funds
assigned to it should be directed toward the Caribbean
Regional Library which then, for the first time, could
fulfill all of the grandiose promises which Puerto Rico
made upon receiving the library in trusteeship for the
rest of the Caribbean. Out of the Library there could be
organized a small research unit with modest objectives
mainly emphasizing study projects concerning ship-
ping, environmental problems, and education. Tourism
and business policies could be defined in accord with
other nations of the region and ways of cooperating
could be explored. For example, tourism policy needs a
complete overhaul, and there are signs that the
Caribbean Tourist Association is capable of taking on a
comprehensive definition of this new direction. Another
example has been emphasized by the conclusions
reached at the conference in Jamaica sponsored by the
University of Malta concerning the Caribbean Sea. One
of the main recommendations was the immediate
establishment of an international and regional body or
office which would coordinate and set up guidelines for
the rigid control of potential dangers of environmental
pollution of the sea resources of the Caribbean,
including shorelines and international waterways

transversing the Caribbean. This action cannot be
delayed. Puerto Rico, in spite, or perhaps because, of its
expanding involvement in oil affairs (the Mona Island
project raises a horrifying spectre on the horizon)
should take the lead in the establishment of this office,
which should be endowed with all the power necessary
to enforce its directives.
All of these suggestions, and some which I have not
had time to spell out in detail such as shipping, require
a regional approach, in which Puerto Rico should play
a prominent role. It can neither neglect its regional
responsibility, as Ferre tried to do, nor commandeer a
demanding and domineering role, as the Popular
administrations tried to do in the past.
In 1868, over a hundred years ago, Hostos said:
"From my island I see Santo Domingo, I see Cuba, I see
Jamaica, and I think of (confederation(." Insert the
word cooperation. Betances, speaking before a group of
Haitians a little later, expressed it this way: "It is not
possible to separate ourselves from reality; from one
point to another on the large islands of the Caribbean,
the same theme is stated: the future of our Antilles.
Who could be so blind as not to see it? We carry on the
same flight. ., over us hang the same threats, can we
refrain from living the same life?"
There is a clear challenge to the new administration
to take up its responsibility as a fellow member of the
Caribbean community. I sincerely hope the challenge
will be taken up by the new governor and by his new
secretary of state. *

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S973 Page 17
C.R. JulyIAuglSept 1973 Page 17


Alone In

Porto Rico



by Edwin Emerson, Jr.

From the cover of Manuel Maldonado Denis' Puerto Rico: A Soclo-Historic Interpretation (Vintage.
1972. Paper $2.45).

Before we went to war with Spain I did not know where
Porto Rico was. I had a vague idea that it was a Spanish
harbor somewhere; for from my school-boy days I
remembered certain postage-stamps bearing the
youthful profile of King Alfonso of Spain, with the
words "Puerto Rico" on top.
Shortly after the Maine was blown up I was told off to
go to the front as a war correspondent. The worst of it
was, there was no front. My instructions were delivered
in this wise: "Here is a camera, and a pass to
Washington. It is good for the Congressional Limited.
Find out from somebody who knows where you can see
the first fight, and get some army and navy credentials
in Washington, if you have time. If not, we will apply
for them. Then get down there as fast as you can, and
let us know where to find you. Here are orders for
passes over those lines that give us 'ads,' and a draft on
the house. If you run out of money, draw on us for
After this unusually long speech, the senior partner
of our concern unbent enough to shake hands with me
and the younger took me out to a farewell dinner.
In Washington, I stated my case to Assistant-Secre-
tary Roosevelt, and asked him what he would do in my
"If I were you," he said briefly, "I should go down to
Key West and join the fleet. If you can get on board one
of the press despatch-boats there, it would be a good

move, for I'd rather not put you on any of our vessels. I
shouldn't wonder if the first fight would be off Porto
Rico. Good luck to you, wherever you go."
The next train to Florida was due to leave
Washington within one hour, and I caught it in the nick
of time. On the boat from Tampa to Key West, I was
told that the despatch-boat Buccaneer was to be sent to
Porto Rico.
Arriving in Key West, I learned that the yacht had
sailed away that morning to get a "beat" on the
whereabouts of the Spanish Cape Verde fleet. Rather
than spend a dreary fortnight in a hotel, I took a flying
trip over to Cuba, and got there just in time to see the
last American refugees following Consul-General Lee
out of the country.
When I returned war had been declared. The fleet
was preparing to move. I managed to find a berth on
another despatch-boat, and so steamed out with the
first blockading squadron that invested Cuban waters.
After the more or less desultory bombardments of
Matanzas, Cardenas, and Port Cabanas, we returned to
Key West, with its harbor full of captured prize vessels.
Going in, we noticed that several of our war-ships were
taking on extra supplies of coal, so we hastened to do
likewise. Before our bunkers were half filled, the
coaling cruisers got under way, and joined the deepdrift
battleships anchored near Sand Keys; some six miles
out in the strait.

Page 18 C.R. Vol. V No. 3

We followed in haste. As we drew out, a
strange-looking craft came into the harbor. It proved to
be the Buccaneer, her former war-paint ill disguised
under a transparent coat of white lead, and with the
British flag flying at her stern.
Of course it was too late to swap ships in the stream,
the more so since she had come back for repairs from
the effects of a heavy gale without having reached Porto
Rico. Most of her American crew had deserted when
she hoisted the British ensign in Jamaica.
We joined the squadron at nightfall, just in time to
see the colored lights from the flag-ship's foretop
flashing the admiral's orders to the expectant fleet.
Every ship had her anchor under foot and was getting
up steam. From a score of funnels black smoke drifted
thickly landward.
At midnight, at last, the fleet got under way. We all
thought we were going to Havana to knock down the
old Morro and smash the town. With that comforting
belief, I went to sleep on the after-deck, and did not
wake:up until the sun shone in my face. We were off
Havaha, with its yellow houses sparkling in the
sunlight, and near enough for us to see the red and
orange of the Spanish flags fluttering over the Morro.
We waited for the bombardment, but it never came.
After a day of idle expectation, one of the monitors
that had been left in Key West joined the squadron at
nightfall, and then the whole fleet steamed eastward.
The next morning we passed Cardenas. It was some
time before we began to speculate where we were going.
To us it was a very serious thing, because we were
running out of coal. There was some doubt whether we
had enough to get back. Every now and then the fleet
would stop, and exchange a prodigious number of
signals, but none of us knew why. Once we ran up to the
flagship, and asked them where the fleet was bound to.
No answer was given. We asked where we might coal.
To this the answer was: "Use international code!" This
was just what we had been doing. Our captain became
frantic, and, rigging up the same signal-flags, he
repeated both questions. In answer, the flag-ship ran
tp the signal, "We understand you." We waited for
more, but nothing came. We repeated our questions all
over again, but got no further response. After this
unsatisfactory interview with the admiral, our
commodore, as we called him, called a council of war.
He said he felt sure now that the fleet was going to
Porto Rico.
"Bullyl" said I.
"Bully nothing," said he. "We haven't got enough
coal to take us to Porto Rico; and if we keep up with the
fleet for one night more, we shan't have enough to take
us home."
I asked what he was going to do about it.
He wanted our consent to turn the boat back. I said
that I wanted to go to Porto Rico, and he should never
turn back with my consent. With that I scowled at our
artist to make him back me up; but he said nothing,
nor did any of the:others.' :- ,:
Said the commodore: '"am afraid you will have to
get out and walk."
C.R..e July/Aug/Sep, 1973 e Page 19



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A little later our second officer told me that there was
always coal at Cape Haytien; and finally I prevailed on
our commodore to follow the fleet for one more night.
We had fallen back to the tail end of the fleet, but
one battle-ship was still behind us, towing a lagging
monitor. A blast from her whistle brought our captain
running up on the bridge. She hoisted some pennants,
and our second officer read from the signal-book:
"Come within hail."
We came alongside. The megaphone roared: "Are
you going to stop at any eastern port?"
"Yes sir; at Cape Haytien, for coal," bellowed our
"Will you let us put a man on board your boat? He is
an officer of the United States army."
"Yes, sir."
"Here's your chance," said the commodore to me;
and then he roared back: "Will you take one of our
men in exchange?"
After some hesitation, the megaphone reported that
it was against the. admiral's orders, so we yielded. The
gig brought us a trim young man in a bicycle-suit with
riding-gaiters, and carrying a dress-suitcase. He
introduced himself, giving his rank and branch of
service. We soon learned that he had misunderstood
our destination, and expected to be landed at Cape
Maisi, in eastern Cuba.
It was a steep proposition. I urged that we try and
land him somewhere on the coast. Our captain said he
wouldn't dare to undertake it without a pilot, and it
would mean losing the fleet. Willy-nilly, our military
friend had to come with us to Cape Haytien, in the hope
of getting a boat to Cuba. There he found out that no
boats were to be had, so we carried him off with us,
having first taken on coal at the rate of twenty-five
dollars per ton. Then we rejoined the fleet, and followed
it on to Porto Rico.
After the bombardment of San Juan on May 12, all
the despatch-boats raced to St. Thomas, the nearest
cable-station. We were all nonplussed at the
unexpected bombardment, nor could any one tell what
damage had been done by the three hours'
cannonading. At all events, the Spanish batteries had
not been silenced, for they kept on firing beyond all
range. At St. Thomas we learned that Cervera's fleet
had been reported off Martinique and Curacao, and
having heard of the bombardment, had gone on to
Cuba by the southern passage. The other despatch-
boats went back at once to the fleet, with the
Montgomery and Minneapolis, which had raced into
port for despatches. News reached us that they were
returning to Santiago; but we, alas! were left high and
dry, with disabled boilers.
The highest and driest of the lot was our military
emissary to General Gomez, who had moved into
lodgings, perforce, high up the hill in the clean little
Danish town Charlotte Amalie. I joined him presently,
having become an outcast from the boat on account of
an animated discussion with our commodore, which
ended with my walking overboard, only to be rescued by

;,-,. Page.20: C.R. Vol. No. 3

a darky bumboat-woman.
There we were stuck for ten dreary days. though it
was really a very pretty and hospitable place. I think it
'was when our first weekly bill was presented that we
decided that something would have to be done.
"We are eating our heads off," said I.
"And I am eating my heart out," said he.
"Well, seeing we can't get to Cuba, and you can't
reach Gomez in time to be of any use, why don't we go
to Porto Rico?" I proposed. "It is nearer, and there is
just as much to be got there as in Cuba, for you as well
as for me."
"Just the thing!" said he.
That night we lay awake till early morning,
discussing how to get around the cable company, so
that we might send despatches from Porto Rico and
through St. Thomas; for it was rumored that one of the
men in the local office was in the employ of the Spanish
Tossings, groans, and other indications of
displeasure from the next room finally put a stop to our
talk, which had been carried on from one bed to the
other. I remembered that one of the guests at the house
was down with intermittent fever, so we quit.
At breakfast I heard that our invalid neighbor was
the local superintendent of the cable company. This
upset our plans. We gave up all idea of sing the cable,
and decided to get out at once, before the patient could
recover sufficiently to put the Spanish consul on our
Late that night I rowed my companion to a coal-
steamer in the harbor clearing for Ponce, Porto Rico,
and saw him installed as pantry-man, under an English
passport. The Ardanrose weighed anchor almost
immediately afterward.
Next morning I sailed out in a fishing-sloop bound
for Santa Cruz, forty miles away. At Fredericksted, on
the western end of that island, I took passage on a
Danish schooner for Porto Rico. My identity as a
pseudo-German correspondent had been fully esta-
blished, and I had taken the extra precaution to submit
my papers to the Spanish consul in St. Thomas before
leaving port.
The second day brought us into the harbor of San
Juan, sailing slowly past a string of white buoys
marking newly laid mines. The pilot pointed out a little
white tent under a grove of palm-trees inland, where
soldiers were stationed to touch off the explosives stored
in the hold if a ship that had been sunk across the
channel immediately after the bombardment of the city
by our fleet. At the wharf I was met by the customhouse
officials, who turned me over to a military officer. I
explained my calling as a German war correspondent,
and asked to see the German consul; but he took me
before the military governor, Captain-General Macias.
This officer received me very courteously, but asked
why I came in so small a boat. I answered that I had
tried to secure passage on the Ardanrose, the only vessel
clearing from St. Thomas for Porto Rico, but that the
Spanish consul had warned the captain of the vessel
against receiving passengers.
C.R. July/AuglSept 1973 Page 21

"Ah, yes," said the captain-general; "it is just as well
that you did not come on that vessel, for Senor Vasquez
has informed us that an enemy of Spain may be hidden
in her hold. If he dares to come to Ponce. we shall know
how to receive him. and he will learn how Spain deals
with her enemies."
After this comforting conversation, he expressed his
satisfaction at the presence of an impartial foreign
correspondent, who might correct the unscrupulous
falsehoods that had been published in the American
and English newspapers. With this plain hint. he sent
me to his colleague. Don Ramon Ortega, and to the
civil governor, who in turn had my papers
countersigned at the German consulate of San Juan. I
was allowed to engage a room at the Hotel Inglaterra, a
curious building projecting its corner into the sharp
angle of two streets, like the bow of a ship. In its roof
was a large, gaping hole made by one of our shells. I
was a guest here for two days. roaming through the city
at will, and visiting such sights as the Casa Blanca. on
the high bluff overlooking the fortifications, and other
places which I thought might prove of interest to my
erstwhile traveling companion and roommate.
It did not take me long to discover that the effects of
the American bombardment on the fortifications, as
well as in the city, were more wide-spread than I had
anticipated. In the outer breastworks, facing the sea.
each of the older forts and towers had suffered severely.
while some of the batteries lying under their shadow
were all but dismantled.
The havoc wrought in the city was plain to all. More
than a score of houses had gaping holes and clefts in
their walls. The fragments of one shell alone, aimed at
the Spanish standard floating above the roof of the
intendencia, after snapping the flagstaff in twain.
shattered the roof of the building, went through the
so-called throne-room, struck two officers and some
soldiers who were chatting on its marble steps, and
finally disfigured the front and rear walls of several
adjoining buildings, injuring and wounding two other
Within the harbor, where the visiting foreign
men-of-war rode at anchor, believing themselves to be
beyond the range of our guns, many shots likewise took
effect. Had the Spanish fleet been hiding inside, as it
was later in Santiago de Cuba, it would have been
driven to seek the open sea. Even the neutral ships
found themselves in uncomfortable quarters. One stray
shot went clean through the forward smokestack of the
French corvette L'Amiral Rigault de Genouilly.
Another tore into the rigging of the British merchant
vessel Aldborough, splintering one of her topmasts,
while several shells exploded on the harbor-front, in the
immediate vicinity of the powder-magazine of the
Spanish navy-yard, causing the colored stevedores and
wharfmen on the water-front to scatter in all directions.
One old man was blown to pieces.
In the city itself everything was topsy-turvy for many
days following the bombardment. The well-to-do
people and most of the women fled into the hills, and
the larger stores and shops stood empty and open, with
/ . ** '' -. tf :** ..,- ^'4

none to buy and none to do the selling. The price of
provisions rose to the famine point, and in the country
the people were said to be starving.
All available carriages, carts, and wagons, as well as
horses, donkeys, and even bicycles, had been seized
upon to carry the fleeing citizens into the hills; and the
little railroad running to Rio Pedres and Congreso was
taxed to its utmost to carry the turbulent crowds of
passengers fighting for admittance. The nearest places,
it was reported, became so overcrowded with refugees
that there were not enough roofs to cover their heads,
though the authorities threw open the government
buildings, churches, schools, and local playhouses.
Municipal food supplies were exhausted.
Those that remained behind were panic-stricken.
Every time a large vessel was sighted from the tottering
top of the Morro, the cry arose, "Los Americanos," and
then would come another wild rush for the
railroad-station, fugitives from all directions scamper-
ing down the steep streets and alleys of the city. At
night the uneasy rest of the San Juanese was broken by
the cry of "Eljumby, the slang word for ghost, which
had come to be applied to our swift auxiliary cruisers
flashing their searchlights through the darkness like
bolts of silent lightning.
To make matters worse, the authorities openly
betrayed their weakness by shoring up the crumbling
walls of the well-nigh shattered fortresses, and by
offering to release and arm the convicts in the city
prison, while apparently harmless men were arrested
from day to day, to be cast into the empty prisons as
political suspects.
On the day I landed I witnessed the arrest of a poor
Crucian darky, John Farrill by name, whose sole crime
was that he was seen gaping up at the ruins of a large
three-story house on Fortaleza street, that had been
struck by two American shells during the bombard-
Suddenly there was a cry of "Un espia," and a
disorderly mob of colored wharfmen laid hold upon
him and the colored woman who stood by him. A few
voluntarios ran up with bare machetes, and dragged the
scared couple off to the nearest guard-house, where
they were placed under a military escort and marched
to prison.
What their fate was I never learned, for when I had
gathered as much information as was possible, I took
formal leave of the Spanish officials in San Juan, and
set out on my prearranged trip across the island. At the
little station of the narrow-gage railroad that runs
westward along the coast to Dorado and Arecibo, I
bought a through ticket. From the windows I saw the
deep blue of the bays running in from the sea on one
side, and on the other inland lakes circled by tropical
foliage, distant palms, and pineapple plantations.
While speeding along I pondered seriously on the
unguarded words of the Spanish captain-general
concerning the fate awaiting a certain person at Ponce.
I concluded that no possible purpose could be served by
going there alone. If I did so, indeed, suspicion might
be still further excited, involving another as well as

myself. At the first stop. Catano, I got off, and was left
behind by the train, as if by accident. The
station-master was very sympathetic, and told me that
my ticket would be good on the next train, which would
be due after a few hours or so, should it happen to be on
time. I shrugged my shoulders, and wandered off with
what show of aimlessness I could command, to take a
look at the village, with its outskirts of palm-thatched
huts, and cocoanut-trees waving over patches of
rustling sugar-cane. I found a cheap horse, with a still
cheaper saddle thrown into the bargain. Thus mounted,
I ambled off over an old country road leading to the
town of Bayamon, in the interior of the island.
A cool sea-breeze blew from the coast, and stirred up
the fragrance of the tropical foliage covering the hills on
either side of the road. Bright humming-birds dated
about, and from the woods came the incessant cooing of
the mountain doe, the paloma, relieved occasionally by
the song of warbling vireos. My heart sang with them as
I rode, and I felt altogether too well to worry about the
fate hanging over my friend at Ponce, nor did I bother
to think of my own uncertain destiny. All around me
hirtella-bushes were flowering crimson, and the stately
sabino-tree, with its immense white flowers and silvery
leaves, perfumed the soft air. It seemed to me as if I had
found the loveliest spot on earth. Thus I passed through
Bayamon, alqpg the highway to Guaynabo, over a
superb military road to Aguas Buenas, a cross-road
town fitly named after the excellent quality of its water.
There I rested all night at the village inn, on a straw
pallet that seemed soft after my saddle. Early in the
morning I rubbed down my horse, swallowed some vile
coffee, and was off again, after a refreshing stirrup-cup
of agua buena.
My plans had become unsettled when I was driven to
give up all hope of meeting the other man in Ponce. I
fell back upon the alternate venture of striking straight
across the island to the nearest southern seaport,
making what observations I could along the road. The
obvious thing was to follow the military highway to
Caguas and thence to Cayey. It was a mercy I did so, for
my pony went lame after we had covered but a few miles
of the road, and I was glad to dismount at the city gate
of Caguas to deliver my papers over to the white-clad
sentinel, who stopped me with a perfunctory, "Quien
The little soldier was considerate enough to let me
take my horse to the nearest blacksmith's shop before
escorting me to the Ayuntamiento, and thus I had an
opportunity to see something of the town. At the
intendencia I was ushered into the presence of the
alcalde, and once more explained my presence in the
country as a German newspaper correspondent. Then I
learned that my papers were all wrong, not having been
countersigned by every alcalde in every village and town
along the line from San Juan t Caguas.
The fellow was so obstinate that no argument would
move him. So I was marched into the guard-house,
whence I sent a message to a friend at the German
consulate in San Juan, who had agreed to forward such
messages to St. Thomas by way of Santa Cruz. I had
Page 22 C.R. Vol. V No. 3

plenty of time to reflect, and I presently came to the
conclusion that the shortest cut to liberty was the best.
If I let things take their course, awaiting consular
intercession, the chances were that I should languish in
jail for weeks or months, with a possible prospect of
having the incidental object of my mission become
known, after all. That would mean short shrift. As I
reflected on the more or less spurious character of my
credentials, and on the danger of making bad matters
worse for my friend, who by this time must have
effected his landing on the other side of the island, my
determination to take things into my own hands
became fixed.
For several hours now, I had been left to my own
devices, and it was nearly noon. I recalled the generous
permission of the Spanish alcalde that I might buy my
own meals, and accordingly I summoned the sentinel
who had been placed at the door of the guard-house. He
proved to be the same man that took me in charge at
the city gate, so we smiled at each other like old friends.
I pointed to my stomach, and said plaintively: "Tengo
hambre. Quiero almorzar:" for breakfast was the only
proper term to apply to the meal I wanted.
"How can I serve you, senor?" inquired the little
soldier, encuragingly; and I replied, mustering all my
Spanish of the market-place:
"Pan, mantequilla, came, leche, cafe, huevos, y una
botella de vino."
This bill of fare seemed to appal him, and he
informed me in voluble Castilian that bread cost fifty
centavos a pound, that butter was not to be had for love
or money, that wine would be cheaper than milk, and
that meat of any kind would be very, very dear. It was
all on account of those accursed Americanos.
"Get what you can," I said hungrily; and drawing
forth all my slender stock of Spanish money, I gave him
a couple of Porto Rican dollars, newly minted. He
disappeared with alacrity, locking the door behind him.
Then I waited for my breakfast, pulling impatiently on
the cold brier pipe that I had kept as a last souvenir of
my friend in Ponce.
At last my guard returned with a darky who bore a
platter of food. With a lordly gesture, I waived the
question of change. The little soldier's eyes glistened
greedily, and I fancy mine did likewise as I fell to.
While I ate I thought deeply, and when I arose the
proper Spanish phrases came readily to my tongue.
"You, too, must be hungry, miamigo," I said; "and
it is not right that a soldier of Spain should starve while
his German friend eats. When do you breakfast?"
"I have had my morning coffee, senor," he answered;
but I interrupted him, saying: "That is not enough.
You are losing your meals and your siesta here on my
account, and it is but right that you should be served as
well as your prisoner. Here is a small coin," I
continued. A minute afterward I heard him turn the
corner, whistling. I mounted the guard-house bench,
and peered out at him through a small window-grating
admitting air and light to my cell. He looked up at me,
grinning as he passed; then he went on his way.
In his absence I managed to escape. There was no
C.R. July/Aug/Sept 1973 Page 23

other sentinel. I walked out into the street, and fund it
deserted, for it was the time of the midday siesta. A
brass sign representing the shaving-plate of a barber
and surgeon caught my eye, and I recalled my beard,
and the prominence given to it in my passport, where it
figured as barba rubia.
Now or never was the time to rid myself of this ruby
article which had called forth so much contempt from
my shipmates. I entered the shop, and aroused the
barber from his siesta in the back room. Without a
word I pointed to my ragged chin, and settled down in
the primitive chair. Ten minutes later I was beardless. I
sauntered forth into the street, and, turning a corner,
recognized the blacksmith's shop where I had left my
horse. In the yard stood several ponies, including my
own; but of the smith or the apprentices nothing was to
be seen. From some children tumbling about on a heap
of straw I learned that all the men were asleep. I
examined my horse, and found it still unshod, and as
lame as ever. Another horse, cream-colored and of
prepossessing appearance, stood beside it. Three of his
feet were newly shod, and he looked fit and strong. I
looked around for my saddle, but could not see it
anywhere. A bridle hung within convenient reach.
Without further ado, I slipped it over the halter on the
cream-colored pony's head, and vaulted upon his glossy
As I rode out into the sunlit street, I wondered what I
had better do with myself. I knew it would not do to go
to Ponce, nor to go out by the way I came, for there was
that city gate. I didn't want to ride westward, for among
my papers confiscated by the alcalde was a letter of
introduction to a certain Senor Heidegger, a German
planter on the west coast. So I looked up at the sun to
make sure of the direction, and then rode due east, on a
horse-trail which took me over a shallow river, where I
watered my horse as a precaution. There I met ajibaro.
as the native white men of Porto Rico are called. I asked
him where the road led to. and he said to San Lorenzo. I
told him that was the very place I wanted to go to. In
reply to inevitable inquiries of the campesino, I told
him that I came from San Juan, where I had recently
landed, hoping to get a place with a wealthy German
planter at the eastern end of the island, and I
mentioned the name of a man of whom I had heard
several times. My jibaro told me that I could not find a
better master. So we parted, he on to Caguas, and I to
strike off that road as fast as the nature of the country
would allow.
By nightfall, after I had ridden up and down some of
the most unprepossessing hills, and had got tangled in
no end of chapparal, cactus, and other thorny
undergrowth, which changed a new pongee coat I had
bought in San Juan into an old rag. I found myself on a
high range of sierra. From a jibaro negress I learned
that I was. half-way between the towns of Quemados
and Jaguas, and that I would find a better trail for my
horse below. So I rode down a lovely green valley, where
plantations of coffee and tobacco lay side by side. As it
grew darker, bats flew all about me, and I heard the
evening cries .of. birds which sounded like our

whippoorwills and mocking-birds. At last I struck the
trail that the woman had mentioned. I rode on a little
way, and took the horse into a clearing, where there was
a spring well hidden from view, and there I hobbled his
fore feet to the halter-rope, flung myself on the ground.
and went fast asleep. The last thing I heard was the
beautiful song of the solitaire singing in a copse above
I was awakened early the next morning by the
screeching of green parrots quarreling with other birds
in the top of a cocoanut-palm. I was drenched with dew,
but forgot all as I thought of my horse. To my great
relief, I found him standing behind a bit of
oleander-bush red with flowers, crunching the juicy
stalk of a prickly-pear. I watched him with interest as
he took the stalk and with his teeth ripped off the skin
with all its thorns. He whinnied as if we were old
friends. After bridling and watering him, I found the
trail, and rode off southward. On the way I ate
everything I could find, from green cherries and guava
plums to juicy mangos, which stained the front of my
coat, and bell-apples, the meat of which suggested
mildew. There were also custard-apples, a large green
fruit not unlike cream-puffs inside. The most
astonishing and the best of all was a fruit called pulmo
in bur language. sour-sap. It is about as large as a
quart bowl, and so nourishing and full that a single.
fruit was enough for a good meal, although that did not
deter my horse from eating four. Later I found that they
are also relished by dogs. Of springs and streams there
were so many that I had no fear of dying of thirst. If.
water, was not -handy, I could always climb a
cocoanut-tree. and throw down the green nuts, which
were filled with an abundance of watery milk, more
than I could drinkat one time. Other nuts there were in
plenty; but many were more curious than edible, even
to my willing appetite. One had a delicious odor. I
tasted a little, and thought it ideal for flavoring candy.
But soon it dissolved in my mouth in a fine dust,
absorbing all the moisture, so that I had to blow it out
like flour. Nothing ever made me so thirsty in my life,
and even after rinsing out my mouth I felt for a long
time as if I were chewing punk or cotton. The fruit of
the tamarind only added to my torments by setting all
my teeth on edge. When we reached the next spring, I
fell off my horse for fear he would get all the water.
Only after I had satisfied my thirst would I let him
About that time I met a hunter, with whom I trudged
along for some distance. He too was a jibaro, or Porto
Riqueno freedman, and turned out to be a most
entertaining fellow. He knew the Spanish name of every
shrub and tree along the wayside, and told me just what
fruits and nuts were good to eat, and which were
poisonous. At times, when his lean dogs would stir up a
bird from the underbrush, he talked of birds and
insects, Thus I learned that the large green parakeets
that flitted through the large purple foliage and
Orange-colored blossoms of the Ortegan trees were a
peculiar native breed, highly prized by bird-fanciers;
while the beautiful wild peacock, whose harsh cry of

"peon, peon," reached us from the thick purple growth
of coccolaha-trees flowering all over the sierra, was
nothing but the tame peacock gone wild. The curious
lump in the beak of the honey-creepers that infested the
pineapple and sugar plantations, he explained, was
formed by the waxy pollen of the cocoanut blossoms
into which this greedy bird is wont to thrust its
fuzzy-feathered head.
At other times he would point out to me the tracks of
deer, or the wild mountain goat. I told him of certain
curious small beasts I had caught a glimpse of while
riding across country over the hills near Caguas and
learned that they must have been the aguti and the
armadillo, both of them indigenous to Porto Rico. Of
snakes there were none, but no end of lizards, sunning
themselves on the long stretches of crumbling
plantation walls, or darting in and out among the loose
rocks of the hillside. For a change of subject, I asked
my guide whether he had any children.
"Yes, senor; eighteen."
"What? All living?"
"Yes. There were twenty-two, but now there are but
eighteen. I buried one last week."
"Are they all the children of one wife?" I asked
rather curiously.
"Oh, no. Three wives. One is dead, but the other two
are still living with me."
After a pause I inquired:
"And do they live in peace?"
"Yes, senor. They love each other very much, and live
like sisters when I go hunting or fishing."
This casual glimpse into the patriarchal life of the
West Indies interested me so much that I was almost
tempted to accept my jibaro's invitation to enjoy the
hospitality of his house; but his palm-thatched hut lay
too near the garrisoned town of Patillo.
Still, the inborn courtesy of the man would not allow
me to part from his threshold without eating some of
the corn-bread baked by one of his wives, and without a
farewell drink of aguardiente, flavored with anise called
ojen. For a parting gift he gave me one of the delicious
cigars made of the furry tobacco-leaf that is grown in
the famous plantations about Cayey.
Avoiding the town, I rode over a high high trail, from
which I had'my last good view of the sea and of the
mountain El Yungue, the anvil-shaped peak of which
towered up far behind the range of the sierras. Below
me I could see a tempting road winding in and out of
the rich plantations of rice and sugar running down to
the coast.
Though my companion had told me the name of the
nearest towns and villages, I had no definite idea where
I was, and where it might be safe to strike down to the
Presently my horse sniffed water, and not long
afterward I heard the welcome sound of a river rushing
through woods near by. A turn of the trail brought me
to a magnificent waterfall tumbling down from a cleft
in the ragged rocks.
A small boy, his white skin gleaming in the sun, was
leading dripping pony from the purling pool below
Page 24 eC.R.' Vol. VNo. 3

the waterfall. I rode my lathering horse into the
churching water, and slipped off to take a swim myself.
Then I joined the boy, dressing on the river-bank.
When I asked him how far it was to the town of Arroyo,
he laughed wonderingly, and said that Arroyo lay far
behind me.
"Where do you wish to go?" he asked in turn.
"To Maunabo,' I ventured at random.
"Oh, Maunabo!" he exclaimed. "That is where we
This alarmed me, and in my bones I felt that my yarn
about looking for a place on the German senor's
plantation would never go down with that boy. I
murmured something about looking for a German
friend living on a plantation near Maunabo.
"What is his name?" asked the boy.
I answered evasively that he lived near the plantation
of another German senor. With misgivings I uttered the
name mentioned to me by the German consul in St.
"My papa," said the boy, with pride.
I wished I were out of it, but grasped at the last straw,
when he continued: "Do you wish to see him?"
"No, not now not until I have done some more
business down there;" and with that I waved my hand
vaguely toward the east.
As the son of a German father, it occurred to me that
the boy might speak German.
"Und sprichst du auch Deutsch?" I asked.
He responded promptly with a few German sentences
tinged with a curious Creole accent. In any event, it was
better than my Spanish, and helped to place me at a
slight advantage in further talk with him.
Once more he offered to lead the way to his father;
but I evaded him again, and presently got him to
talking about coins and postage stamps.
A Haytien silver coin I had saved from our brief stay
in the Black Republic proved highly acceptable to the
Then I told him that I had lost my only map of Porto
Rico, and that I would gladly offer some rare old
stamps for a new one.
He said eagerly that he had a good map of his own,
drawn as a school exercise; that the large size he
mentioned appalled me, so I offered him a
triple-bladed pocket-knife on top of the other bribe, if
he would undertake to draw me a little map no larger
than my hand.
He jumped at this offer, and we made off until we
came within a few miles of the town. There I halted, on
the pretext that I was ashamed of my travel-stained and
tattered clothes, but promised to wait for his return.
He galloped off, and I waited in the underbush, with
my heart in my mouth. When he did not return within
an hour, I began to fear the issue, and changing over to
the other side of the country road, sought a good
hiding-place for myself and my horse, from which I had
a full view of the road for some distance ahead.
At length he came, mounted on another horse,
several sizes too large for him. When I had made sure
that he was quite alone, I hailed him from the
C.R. JulylAuglSept 1973 Page 25

underbush, and came out into the open. He showed me
the diminutive map he had made, and I was delighted
to find it carefully drawn and apparently correct. He
had even put in the boundaries of each province in red
ink, and had marked all churches and monasteries with
crosses. On the other hand, he had omitted to indicate
the roads, and I had to get him to draw them with a
pencil from guess-work.
Despite its small size, it was certainly a highly
serviceable map, and I was glad enough to give my only
knife in exchange for it, and to promise no end of
postage-stamps for the future, when my ship should
come in.
The boy then volunteered the information that the

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German overseer I was looking for might be found at
the end of the next crossroad, only a few miles from
where we were.
Without further reflection, I determined to pin my
hopes to this man, and so parted from my little rescuer
at the cross-roads.
An hour's ride brought me to the plantation, where I
found my man superintending the work of some twenty
jibaro men. When I accosted him in German, his
honest face lighted up in a manner that encouraged me;
and, risking all,I told him that I was in some trouble on
account of the war, and must needs throw myself upon
his mercy.
"Come home with me, and be my guest," said he, and
with that he led the way to the white hacienda on the
Once there, I told him that I was a German
correspondent who had got into disfavor with the
Spanish authorities. He seemed to understand, and
assured me that I was among friends.
At supper my host talked freely about the war. The
people in the country, he said, looked forward to the
coming occupation of the island by the Americans as a
blessing. To the well-to-do planters and exporters the
annexation of Porto Rico to the United States would
mean new prosperity. Already most of the trade was
with America. Throughout the West Indies, in fact, as
well as in most other parts of the New World, he
thought, a feeling had grown up that America should
be for the Americans.
When I asked him whether the Porto Riquenos
would put up any fight, he said earnestly: "The Spanish
soldiers and the guardia civil will fight well. San Juan
will resist to the last. You know the San Juanese think
that their city is impregnable. Our black jibaros and
campesinos will hang back, ready to go over to the
conquerors, whoever they may be. Most of the planters
here in the east will welcome the Americans as
deliverers, and will further all the plans of our
revolutionary junta, provided their estates may be
protected from the ravages of irresponsible marauders
calling themselves insurrectos. Better anything, even
war, than the twofold system of blackmail under which
we are now suffering. We scarcely know which is worse
our war taxes to Spain, or the incessant subsidies for
the Revolutionary Committee, that are extorted from us
by threats of arson and negro uprisings."
"Where do the insurgents keep themselves?" I
"Anywhere," he answered lightly. "Tomorrow I shall
introduce you to some of them."
If I had not been so tired and sleepy, I should have
taken fire at this suggestion. As it was, I was willing to
agree to anything, most of all my host's invitation to go
to bed. Bed, in this case, meant a comfortable
hammock; and buenas noches had scarcely been
exchanged before I kicked off my heavy leather leggings
and tumbled in, glad to be rid of all worry about my
Late next morning we rode out to meet the
insurrectos. They were waiting for us not half a mile

from the house.- From their marked deference to my
friend the overseer, I judged that they were recruited
from the farm-hands on the plantation. They were
mounted on well-fed, sturdy-looking ponies, but their
arms and equipment were of the simplest. All carried
machetes, or pruning-knives, somewhat larger than
those used in Cuba, and two or three had old-fashioned
fowling-pieces slung across their saddles. In all I
counted seven men.
"If you wish to go with these men," said my host,
"they will see that no harm comes to you. They will
treat you as their friend and guest so long as you may
wish to stay with them, and they stand ready to escort
you to their chief, Don Pepito, or to any other place of
safety. Personally I should, of course, prefer to have you
remain under my roof as my guest."
Of course that was out of the question, though I
could not but appreciate the tact and delicacy with
which he had got both himself and me out of a highly
dangerous situation. All I cuwld do was to thank him
warmly for what he had done, and especially for his
generous loan of a fresh horse and saddle in exchange
for my foundling pony, now awaiting a convenient
return to his proper owner in Caguas.
"Auf wiederschen" he shouted, as our cavalcade
swung around the next bend in the road; and I repeated
unthinkingly, "Auf wiederschen!"
They gave me the choice between a machete and a
musket, and I foolishly chose the gun. It was a
muzzle-loader, and proved a dead weight in my hands.
After a while I asked where we were going to fetch up.
Our leader told me that he hoped to surprise a mounted
patrol of the guardia civil, so that I might see how Don
Pepito's insurrectos could fight. I thanked him for his
courtesy, but begged him not to trouble himself on my
account. The ancient firearm in my hands took on a
new interest. I wished it were a modern magazine-gun
and looked at the fowling-pieces of my comrades with
envy. I found myself wondering how many men
constituted a Spanish patrol, and whether they were
really such poor shots as the American comic papers
had made us believe. An odd flash of memory recalled
to me the names of two brothers from Porto Rico whom
I had met when we were students at Harvard, and I
remembered vaguely that somebody had told me that
they were serving as loyal officers to the guardia civil.
Suddenly our advance-guard stopped and pointed
down the road. We lined up, and saw some distance
down the hill, two white-clad horsemen walking their
horses leisurely toward a town.
Before I had time to make up my mind whether they
were soldiers, the men about me clapped spurs to their
horses, and charged wildly down the road, yelling like
madmen. My horse followed of his own accord, and I
found myself taking an unsteady aim at two retreating
figures clattering on ahead of us through a cloud of
dust At last, when my chance had come, as I thought, I
pulled the trigger; butit did not budge. When I had got
my aim once more, I tried gain. This time the gun
missed fire. Of the several shots of my friends, none,
evidently, could have had any effect, for the two
Page26 0 C.. Vol. V No. 3

frightened soldiers were clearly getting away from us.
The next turn of the road brought us in sight of the city.
The fleeting guardsmen were still gaining.
Our leader swore some blasphemous oaths involving
all the saints of the Spanish calendar, and reined up his
horse. We did likewise. "What would you have?" he
exclaimed apologetically.
"Take me to the coast, and put me on some boat that
will take me away from Porto Rico," said I; "for I have
not come to fight. It shall be made known to the world
that you are as brave as your brothers in Cuba."
"When shall you return with the American army,
and where shall we expect you?" he insisted; but I
warded him off with a promise that all these matters
would be communicated to Don Pepito in due time.
"Your wishes are commands," said el capitan, as he
led the way off the highroad to the coast. A few hours
afterward I was taken aboard a Spanish sugar-schoon-
er, and installed in her ill-smelling cabin as a
supercargo. The Spanish captain, who, curiously
enough, bore the same name as his boat, did not like it
a bit; yet he took the passage-money I offered him in
advance, but refused absolutely to take his load of
tobacco and molasses into St. Thomas. He was afraid,
he said, that a Yankee cruiser coaling there might
capture him. In particular he expressed apprehension
of "el crucero Americano con tres chimeneas,"
meaning the Yale.
At last we compromised on the neighboring island of
Santa Cruz, not quite eight miles away; but even there,
he said, he could land me only in some open roadstead,
and after dark. Otherwise the Danish authorities would
make trouble for both of us. In fact, it was only his
friendship for Don Pepito, he assured me, that
prevailed upon him to take so unsatisfactory a
As soon as we got under way I went fast asleep. I was
awakened by some commotion on the deck, and came
up feeling very seasick. When I had gathered enough
strength to drag myself forward, I saw that a rather
curious-looking craft was bearing down upon us. She
looked like one of our torpedo-boats, and my heart
leaped within me as I thought of meeting some of my
friends of the torpedo flotilla.
The captain came forward with blanched face. "Un
torpedero Americano," he wailed despairingly; and
then he dropped on his knees and called loudly upon
San Sebastian to help us. As if in answer to his prayer,
the report of a blank cannon-shot came booming over
the water. We hove to with all the alacrity of a racing-
yacht. As we swung around I got a good view of the
other vessel, and realized of a sudden that no American
torpedo boat ever looked like that For one thing, she
was too big, and stood too high. If not American, there
was but one alternative. All doubt was ended when she
came alongside and hailed us in Spanish. Our captain
was on his feet in an instant. I wished I had never left
home. Somebody suggested that I go below and hide
among the molasses barrels. The mere thought gave me
deadly nausea. Still, something had to be done, for they
were lowering a boat. I looked at the captain, and he

looked at me with murder in his eye. Without another
word, I went up the nearest shroud, and began to fuss
with a rope dangling from the masthead. As I hung
with my arms over the gaff. looking down upon the
tossing deck of the torpedo-destroyer, our masts s" ayed
to and fro so crazily that I had a sickly sensation. and
feared I might drop from my perch plump down upon
the ugly-looking machinery of the Spanish torwpdero.
In the meanwhile, an officer had boarded us. and was
chatting with our captain at the stern. It seemed as if he
would never go. If our captain should betray me. and
order me down, I reflected. I could at least kick off my
shoes, and so get rid of certain incriminating evidences
against me. To expedite matters. I pulled off my shoes.
and stuck them both into a fold of the bunched
foretopsail. When I looked down again, our captain was
escorting the Spanish naval officer to the gangway. A
minute later the little boat pushed off, and I could hear
the measured splash of her oars, and the sharp
commands of the officer when he reached his ship. As
she swung around and headed back to Porto Rico. I
caught a glimpse of the name on her stern. It was El
I slid down the shroud, more dead than alive, and
helped the captain put our helm hard aport until our
bowsprit pointed once more for Santa Cruz. Behind us.
when I looked back a last time, the Terror had
vanished, and the dim coast-line of Porto Rico was
sinking out of sight in the darkness. *

0 0 0 -

exitn shopin cetr Day dietjtfo
New York, Mlia m~g i or Sa Juan... Jon theparty
0" 0? f TE


C.R. JulylAuglSept 1973 Page 27

El Caribe

En cl acuario dcl Gran Zoo,
nada el Caribc.

Estc animal
maritimo y cnigmaitico
ticnc una crcsta de cristal,
el lomo azul, la cola verde,
vientre de compact coral,
grises alctas de cicl6n.
En el acuario, csta inscripci6n:
"Cuidado: muerdc."

Mujer nueva

Con cl circulo ccuatorial
ceflido a la cintura como -a un pequefio mundo,
la ncgra, mujer nueva,
avanza en su ligera bata de serpiente.

Coronada de palmas
como una diosa reci6n legada,
ella trae la palabra in6dita,
el anca fuerte,
la voz, el diente, la mariana y el salto.

Chorro de sangre oven
bajo un pedazo de piel fresca,
y el pie incansable
para la pista profunda del tambor,

Three Poems

by Nicolas Guillen

Translations into English
by Robert Marquez

The Caribbean

In the aquarium of the Great Zoo,
swims the Caribbean.

This seagoing
and enigmatic animal
has a crystal crescent,
a blue back, a green tail,
a belly of dense coral,
gray fins of cyclone speed.
In the aquarium, this inscription:
"Beware: it bites."


The New Woman

With the equatorial circle
tied around her waist like a little world,
the Ncgrcss, the new woman,
comes forward in her airy serpent morning gown.

Crowned with palms
like a newly arrived goddess,
she brings unspoken words,
her solid'loins,
her voice, her teeth, the morning and her leap.

A rush of youthful blood ,
beneath a piece of skin that's fresh,
and tireless feet
for the deep rhythm of the drum.

. .,Page 28 C.B. Vol. V No. 3

Canci6n puertorriquefia

iC6mo estais, Puerto Rico,
ti dec socio asociado en sociedad?
Al pic de cocotcros y guitarras,
bajo Ia iuna y junto al mar,
iquC suave honor andar del brazo,
brazo con brazo, del Tio Sam!
,En qu le ngua me cnticndes,
en quc Icngua por fin te podr6 hablar,
si en yes,
si en si,
si en bicn,
si en well,
si en mnal,
si en bad, si en very bad?

Juran los quc tc matan
quc cres fcliz . Scri verdad?
Ardc tu frcntc pilida,
la anemia en tu mirada logra un brillo fatal;
masticas una jerigonza
mcdio cspaiiola, medio slang;
de un cmpuj6n te hundicron en Corca,
sin que supieras por qui6n ibas a pelear,
si en yes,
si en si,
si en bien,
si en well,
si en mal,
si en bad, si en very bad!
Ay, yo bien conozco a tu enemigo,
cl mismo que tencmos por aca,
socio en la sangrc y cl azucar,
socio asociado en socicdad:
United States and Puerto Rico,
cs dccir New York City with San Juan,
Manhattan y Borinquen, soga y cucllo,
apenas nada mis . .
No yes,
no Si,
no bien,
no well,
si mal,
si bad, si very bad.


Puerto Rican Song

How are you, Puerto Rico.
associate associated in society?
At the foot of coco-palms and guitars,
under the moon, by the sea,
what a sweet honor to walk,
arm in arm, with Uncle Sam!
In what language do you understand me,
in what tongue, in short, shall I speak to you;
in yes,
in si
in bien,
in well,
in mal,
in bad, in very bad?

Those who arc killing you swear
that you are content . Is it true?
Your pale forehead burns,
the anemia in your glance gives off a fatal brilliance
you chew a jargon
half-Spanish, half-slang;
they sank you with a shove into Korea,
without knowing for whom you were going to fight,
or if in yes,
in si,
in bien,
in well,
in mal,
in bad, in very bad!

()h, how well I know your enemy,
the s:iine one we have here,
a partner in our blood and our sugar,
associate associated in society:
the United States and Puerto Rico,
that is, New York City with San Juan,
Manhattan and Borinquen, noose and neck;
hardly anything else . .
Not yes,
Not si,
Not bien,
Not well,
but mal,
yes bad, yes very bad!

C.R. July/Aug/Sept 1973 Page 29

Reprinted from i Patria o Muerte by Nicolas Guillen, Published by Monthly Review Press,
with permission of the Publisher.






From the dustjacket design of Patria o Muerte! The Great Zoo and Other Poems. Translated and edited by Robert
Marquez (Monthly Review Press, 1972).

Translated, Annotated, with an
Introduction by Robert Marquez
and David Arthur McMurray. 214
pp. University of Massachusetts
Press, 1972. $10.00

Translated and Edited by Robert
Marquez. Monthly Review Press,

Some books wear a bias well. And,
when the context is poetry and
political awareness, the results may
be illuminating for society and art.
Two recent bilingual anthologies of
the social poetry of Nicolas Guillen
reach out to achieve this harmony.
In both volumes, sensitive trans-
lations offer the English reader a
vibrant trip through the Spanish
originals. Marquez and McMurray
have listened to sound and meaning,
they have responded to beat or
silence, and they have produced texts
which carry the versatility of Gui'l-
len's idiom. (1) By taking the whole

poem as process and statement, the
translators are neither linguistically
defensive nor aggressively pure.
Good translations are, of course,
creative readings, and while one
might point out instances in which
Marquez or McMurray has missed
the poem's verbal invitation, they
have more frequently achieved
adequate expression and artistic
\~tlidity. (2)
In an introductory study of
Guillen's life and works, Professors
Marquez and McMurray establish
the ideological and artistic focus on
Mun-maukmig Words. From the
Page 30 e C.R. Vol V No. 3

poignant words of their dedicatory
and throughout their preliminary
remarks, the editors make it clear
that they support the struggle of
"Che's New Man,/Against 'a closed
society/in which life has no taste,/in
which the air is tainted,/in which
ideas & men are corrupt'." Within
this affirmative bias, Guillen's
translators write a lucid account of
the radical esthetic which the poet
developed over a period of more than
thirty-five years. They examine
Guillen's writing as a generator of
both social consciousness and poet-
ics. This balanced view precludes
their repetition of such empty
qualifiers as "revolutionary," "intel-
lectual," or "popular." Consequent-


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Short biographical details on the writers
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Dreams and Visions
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C.R. a JulylAug/Sept 1973 a Page 31

ly, McMurray and Marquez open a
new case for Guillen's commitment
and poetic vision; they recognize
multiplicity and exclusivity, under-
scoring what is alive, human, and
sharable in Guillen's poetic world.
There are several constants woven
in Guillen's expression of lo mestizo
as an historical process. Marquez
and McMurray single out these
components in the trajectory of ten
works and some unpublished pieces.
With the appearance of Motives de
Son (1930) and Songoro Cosongo
(1931), Guillen, who was barely thirty
at the time, successfully changed
Black Poetry from a fashion to a fact.
"Small Ode to a Black Cuban
Boxer" signals the fact of a new voice
for racial consciousness:

So now that Europe strips itself
to brown its hide beneath the sun
and seeks in Harlem and Havana
Jazz and son:
The Negro reigns while boulevards
Let the envy of the whites
know proud, authentic black!

In the eight 'son poems,' black
awareness clashes with social reality
and is treated with the insight of a
real participant in ghetto life.
Following this initial appraisal of
Guillen's development, Marquez and
McMurray trace the social and
political motifs to their fuller
expression in La paloma del vuelo
popular-Elegias (1958), where Guil-
len stretches his canvas in the
direction of social change through
collective awareness. After moral
outrage, what? For Marquez and
McMurray, it is in this timely
collection (published in Buenos Aires
a few weeks before Batista's flight
from Havana) that the poet "is
identifying . by implication, with
the common people everywhere." In
"Song for Puerto Rico," for exam-
ple, Guillen sees a common cause in
a specific instance of imperialism:

Oh, how well I know your foe,
for we have the same thing here:
a partner in blood and sugar,
a member by membership dis-

From this position as spokesman and



. .



cults of the




and haiti
by george e.


Revised and augmented
version of The Shango Cult
in Trinidad

Institute of Caribbean Studies
Box BM
University of Puerto Rico
Rio Piedras, Puerto Rico

-W. T_


alienated brother, Nicolas Guillen
crosses the bridge to a revolutionary
ethic. Accordingly, Marquez and
McMurray take the Elegias as "the
full ideological thrust of the poet's
writing." and read them as a
blueprint for his most pressing
concerns. Most dramatically, his'
"Cuban Elegy" and the "Elegy for
Jesus Menendez" speak to the social
and political structures which violate
national realities: "...Nothing but/a
torn and blinded countryside, vom-
iting/its shadows on the road,
beneath the lash/of a field boss; the
fallen city/without a future: el
esmoquin and el club. ../nothing but
slow, submerged, viscous peoples
who die/like animals, in hospitals
and delirium,/dreaming of life." The
human dimensions of historical
events convey Guillen's message.
Whether or not one agrees with his
interpretation of history, the mean-
ing in the Elegias is as clear as the
beats which pulse in his lyrics: a call
to revolution wherever exploitation
and oppression silence man being
whole, "man making words."
The final group of poems included
in this anthology have been selected
from the most recent writings of
Nicolas Guillen: Tengo (1%4) with
fourteen poems represented; two
from Poemas de amor (1964); two
from Poemas para el Che (196?),
and, finally, four previously un-
published pieces. If we consider the
trajectory covered in Guillen's wri-
ting between 1930 and 1964, it is
indeed an experience in awareness
and commitment. Looking back
from the Third World context of
Tengo to the provisional encourage-
ment of the 'son poems' and Elegias,
Guillen has traversed an enormous

human territory. His attention
narrows and deepens as history itself
offers a model which denies or
supports the peoples' humanity, the
poet's vision. Guillen's poem "Far
Off. ." (Tengo 1964) recreates this

When I was a boy
(say, reader, fifty years back)
. . . .. . . . . . .. . .
to be a Yankee in those days
was to be something almost
the Platt Amendment, armed
intervention, battleships.

But it came to pass
that one day we were like children
who grow up
and learn that the honorable uncle
who bounced us on his knee
was sent up for forgery.
One day we came to know
the worst.

The 'how's' and 'why's' which follow
these verses make up a chorus of
repression and mindless capitalism.
But the revolution has bridged the
gap between foreign oppression and
national self-hood:

Oh, we came from far off, from far
One day we learned all this.
Our mind sorts out its memories.
We've simply grown up.
We've grown
. .but we don't forget.

Professor Marquez re-activates
Guillen's message for the English-
speaking public in his excellent

NEW YORK. NY 10022 1212 980 3340

collection. !Parria o inuerte! The
Great Zoo and Other Poems. He
brings both literary and anthropolo-
gical knowledge to his synthesis of
Guillen's accomplishments. Through
his interdisciplinary approach to
poetry, Professor Marquez increases
our understanding of one of the most
articulate poets in the Spanish-
speaking world today.
In this volume which comple-
ments. and in certain instances,
overlaps with texts previously inclu-
ded in Man-making Words. Mar-
quez focuses his critical attention on
the poetry written after 1958, when
the fact of the Cuban revolution was
incontestable, and when Guillen's
expression of national reality took on
a new cast. (3) The title-poem in the
collection Tengo characterizes Guil-
len's intense endorsement of his
country's actuality, what Marquez
views as "the new sense of pride in
and comradeship with the Cuban
people. The new spirit of exuberance
is unmistakable as the poem unfolds
and Guillen's collective protagonist,
at first surprised and bewildered by
the sudden turn of events, is moved
to take stock of his new relationship
to reality." The protagonist's reck-
oning is the exact opposite of the
negativities in "Far Off...":

I have, let's see
I have the pleasure of going,
me, a peasant, a worker, a simple
I have the pleasure of going
(just an example)
to a bank and speaking to the
not in English,
not in "Sir,"
but in companero as we say in

I have, let's see:
I have what was coming to me.

From this celebration of his
country's contribution to radical
history, Nicolas Guillen reaches for a
broader and more explicit attack on
what he sees as reactionary forces in
the contemporary world. The Great
Zoo (1967) is to my knowledge one of
the first ironic works of poetry
written from the point of view of a
liberated people observing their
Page32 ..R. Vol V No. 3

consulting services
to firm established
in the Caribbean.
Telephone: 892-1043

prerevolutionary brothers ene-
mies. There is a dry humor and
sarcasm in these poems which seem
to come from someone who has been
through the barricades, who has seen
the distortions and brutalities, and
who can smile back from the
healthful ecology of his new world.
Some poems have obvious models
from the outside world where twisted
values become their own un-doing.

Ornithomorphous monsters
in wide black cages,
the usurers.

In the forced leisure
of their enormous black cages,
the usurers count and recount
their feathers
and lend them to one another for a

Other attractions in the zoo are more
universal, such as the personifi-
cations of "Hunger" and "Thirst,"
or the "Atomic Bomb". Professor
Marquez concludes his comments on
The Great Zoo with a pointed
observation: "Guillen's witty little
book treats the reader to an ironic
interpretation of the contemporary
- and particularly the capitalist -


o oto a gIt

OX 2 U4. U.P.R.

C.R. eJuly/Augl/ept 1973. Page 33

I.A.U. Box 451
San German, Puerto Rico

world which is now considered part
of Cuba's bleak pre-history. Guillen
therefore takes his audience on a
tour of a symbolic zoo and
introduces a mosaic of characters,
animal, mineral, and vegetable,
which reveal to the reader-tourist a
vision of the universe in microcosm .
S.More important than seeing just
exactly what is caged is the realiza-
tion that it is Cuba, and Guillen the
guide, who are free and not caged
and who interpret and reflect upon
what is."
The second half of Marquez'
anthology contains poetry written
between 1925 and 1969. Many of the
works included in this section have
the same sources as the majority of
poems in Man-making Words. But
there are in this group several whose
tone or context further illuminates
the diversity of poetic language and
statement. "Tell me . ." and "The
Inheritance," for example, speak to
the 'emigrado,' attempt to under-
stand his motives, but ultimately
reject his decision to leave Cuba at
the peak of national task. Amoiig the
last poems, the self-irony of "I
declare myself an Impure Man"
contrasts with the' poet's moving
tribute to "Che Comandante."
The revolutionary fervor which
Guillen conveyed in Tengo is
recreated on a personal, yet shared
level of hope in "Che Comandante":
"You are everywhere. In the Indian
made/of drowsiness and copper.
And in the Black/lost in a foamy
multitude;/in the oil worker, in the
nitrate worker,/and in the terrible
abandonment/of the banana; in the
great plains of the hides,/in the
sugar, in the salt, and in the coffee
trees,/you, a mobile statue of your
blood as you had fallen;/alive, as
they did not want you,/Che Coman-
dante,/friend." Like his affirmation
of blackness for a world which was
just beginning to perceive the
realities of a divided culture,
Guillen's most recent poetry has the
power to cross national boundaries
to encourage authentication of
national goals, and to resonate, as
living poetry always has, in a
universal sensibility.
Together, Man-making Words
and iPatria o muerte! are a creative
orchestration of Guillen's central

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of Puerto Rico
San German Campus

The Department of
Economics and Business
Administration announces a
Graduate Program leading
to an M.A. in Economics
with special emphasis on the
problems of economic
development in the
Caribbean and Latin

For further information on
admissions and feUoswhips
to either this new program
or to our regular M.B.A.
program please write to:







A Correspondent's
View of Mexico,
and El Salvador

Paul P. Kennedy was The New
York Times' chief correspondent
in Mexico and Central America
between 1954 and 1965, when the
area, his "middle beat" was a
bubbling political cauldron. His
story provides insight into the
historical background and social
milieu of the region as well as
memorable descriptions of
events and personalities.

1971 235 pp. Photos
Cloth $8.50



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themes, poetic modes, and ideology.
While Marquez and McMurray
rightly or wrongly assume the
potential of this poetry to carry on
revolutionary changes in the Third
World, it is perhaps just as
important to say that because they
have done such valuable translations
into English. Guillen's liberated
poetry has been given another tongue
to confront other values and
ideologies whose free readings may
reach affirmation or rejection. *

(1) Some particularly good examples
can be seen in the following: "My
Little Woman," p. 45, "Heat." pp.
63-65; "Cuban Elegy," pp. 79-87;
"Words in the Tropics," pp.
139-141. It is also constructive to
compare two different translations of
"iPuedes?" The first in Man-mak-
ing Words, "Sell Me?," pp. 165-167;
the other. "Can You?," in iPatria o
Muerte! pp. 187-189. In the last-
mentioned volume, Marquez has
been very successful with his
renderings of humor and irony
throughout the poetry in The Great

(2) An excessive reliance on literal
language, for example, mars the tone
of the following poems: "Bars," p. 5;
"Elegy for Camaguey," pp. 101-109;
"Ballad of the Two Grandfathers,"
pp. 67-71.
(3) Professor Marquez has divided
his book into two distinct parts. The
first contains thirty-nine poems from
The Great Zoo; the second, thirty-
five poems selected from Guillen's
writing during the period, 1925 -
1969. Of the total number of poems
which he has chosen for this volume,
Marquez includes four which ap-
peared previously in Man-making
Words, and of these three have been
revised substantively and improved
("Bars," "Puerto Rican Song," "Can
You?"). However, despite the edi-
tor's explicit assertion that he has
selected those poems "concerned
primarily with Guillen's poetry of
social protest...", the criteria for all
poems included in the second part
are not clearly stated. One wonders
why poems such as "Sensemaya,"
and the "Madrigals," were printed
with the majority of others whose
social purpose is unmistakable.

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Page 34 C.R. Vol. V No. 3

Rafiel Ramirez. Barnt Levine. &
Carlos Buitrago [eds.]. 178 pp.
Libreria Internacional, 1972.

Bart, Levine. Rafael Ramirez. &
Carlos Buitrago [eds.]. 178 pp.
Libreria Internacional. 1974.

Until quite recently, the idea of
inequality was not of major concern
to works of social science on Puerto
Rico. In the copious literature which
emerged during the post war years
from the Social Science Research
Center at the University of Puerto
Rico, for example, problems of
poverty and social inequality were for
the most part absorbed into the gross
statistical treatment of a society
geared to a policy of economic
"development;" or were sublimated
into abstract generalizations about
social mobility and social change.
The analytical importance of in-
equality in most of those works
seems about as relevant as the color
of people's hair or the shape of their
heads. In to much of the literature of
the fifties and early sixties, the
presence of social inequities, class
differences, and the injustices of
poverty were either ignored or passed
over as simple atmospheric con-
ditions which would improve with
the continued success of industrial
development and "modernization."
But as modernization progresses,
and with it the increase in social
dislocations, the distance widens
between rich and poor. The opti-
mism of the fifties and early sixties is
giving way to a growing concern over
the causes and consequences of
social inequities in industrial socie-
ties. The functionalist approach to
social analysis is seen. to be inade-
quate, and new approaches are
sought. Over the past few years a tew
kind of social science has been
produced on the island new, not in
the sense of being revolutionary or
highly original, but certainly new in
the sense that is is seeking explana-
tions and solutions to Puerto Rican
problems in ways which openly
C.R. JulylAuglSept 1973. Page 35

Photo B.B.L.. Puerto Rico.

A Hint Of Something Bad
by Robert W. Anderson




question the assumptions of the scientists who dominated the intel-
imported North American social lectual scene in true colonial fashion.

The volume under review is an
example of this new wave of social
science concept formation and as
such it is to be welcomed. All its
contributors, in one way or another,
are interested in substituting a
conflict model (based on the
consciousness of inequality as a
fundamental fact to be explained
and acted upon) for the optimistic
status-quo functionalist approach of
much of the previous literature on
Puerto Rico. There are some re-
freshing and provocative insights in
the book, and in one of the essays -
that of Angel Quintero Rivera
entitled "The Development of Social
Classes and Political Conflicts in
Puerto Rico" there is a most
interesting attempt to reinterpret the
island's twentieth century political
history in terms of class conflict. But
on the whole, the book is somewhat
disappointing, and in my opinion is
valuable more for its hints of
research and theories which each of
the authors are developing further in
works of their own, than for the
coherence of the articles as they now
stand together.
The major difficulty with this
anthology is that it lacks conceptual
clarity. It gives the impression of
being a collection of rather dis-
connected fragments of larger pieces
of work, which hang together much
too loosely. The book is introduced
with an essay by Barry Levine and
Celia Cintron concerning the extent
and conceptualization of poverty on
the island. Two of the essays deal
with perception of class and strata in
Puerto Rico and are concerned, at
least implicitly, with the relationship
between class analysis and social
stratification. Two others, the Quin-
tero article and one by Rafael
Ramirez on political participation in
a shantytown, are concerned with the
political manifestations of class
differentiation. There is also a
puzzling essay by ex-Governor
Roberto Sanchez Vilella on "The
Three Elites in Puerto Rico," which
deals not at all with the conceptual
or practical .problems of social
equality but rather with the ex-
Governor's notion that the "intel-
lectuals." the "politicians." and the
"industrial-financial" groups in

Puerto Rico comprise, each in its
own way, an "elite." Sanchez
apparently assumes that these three
"elites" are somehow comparable,
and implies that there are no others
on the island worth mentioning. In
fact, he seems to think that mention
of these three ill-defined "elites" is
enough. It is a confusing and
superficial article, and I am at a loss
to know why it was included with the


Perhaps the liveliest essay is by the
only nonacademician of the group, Ro-
berto SAnchez Vilella, former governor
(1964-68) and a top government aide
for thirty years. Don Roberto-who
takes aim at the political, intellectual and
industrial-commercial elites of the island
-is hardest on his own clan, who "use
poverty as a tool, for accumulating
votes." At the conclusion of his essay,
he offers one memorable reason why
poverty persists in Puerto Rico. He tells
of a recent visit to a penthouse restau-
rant in San Juan, where he was invited
to speak before a group of business
The windows showed, on one side,
the new office buildings nearby. On the
other side, the slums of Martin Peta,
Toklo and Bravos de Boston. When I
pointed out that from those windows
one could clearly see the contrasts of
poverty and opulence, do you know
what one of the men present said?
Simply that they'd have to put up a few
curtains to eliminate that view.

Kal Wagenheim, writing in The Nation. Oct. 9,

The concept of social class, as
developed by some of the authors,
needs to be examined closely. Carlos
Buitrago and Mariano Munoz, in
their respective articles, deal directly
with the concept of class in the
Puerto Rican context, but more from
the point of view of self-perception
and attitudes than as analytical
categories. Indeed, Munoz takes
both Marx and Weber to task for not
providing us with adequate concep-
tual tools for defining and analyzing
the "middle class" a central term
in the popular political rhetoric of
the day. Yet his own essay seems to
evoke the middle class not as a social
class at all. butt rather as a loosely-
conjoined public of fragmented
individuals, towards which a con-

sumer-oriented economy is directed.
It is, according to Munoz, a class
dominated by myths which support
and perpetuate attitudes of depen-
dence. Americanization, conserva-
tism, and insecurity. But one should
go even further and realize that the
very notion of the "middle class" as a
relevant concept in the analysis of
social change and conflict is a myth.
Class analysis as the context for
explaining the principles of social
conflict requires a dichotomous two-
class concept. Munoz does not
specifically admit this in his essay
but it is implicit in his treatment of
the middle class. He shows, in so
many words, how the "middle-class"
is really a passive public, created in
large part by the media and by the
consumerism of a rapidly expanding
but imperfectly coordinated capita-
list economy. The implications of
this phenomenon for the elaboration
of a theory of social change relevant
to the particular colonial context of
Puerto Rico are what the social
sciences on this island should be
Rafael Ramirez and Carlos Bui-
trago present essays that also deal
with the conceptions and assump-
tions regarding social class. Ramirez
examines the political conduct of
shantytown dwellers in search of an
answer to a highly loaded question:
Why do the most exploited members
of a system continue to support the
system? In his research this question
became: Why do the downtrodden
subjects of the system persist in
voting for parties and candidates
who are constitutionally incapable of
resolving the basic problems of the
poor, or of altering in any profound
sense the system itself. It is his
question itself which should be the
subject of analytical clarification and
evaluation; it has to be "unloaded,"
explained, broken up into its
component parts in order for it to be
a source of analysis rather than an
over-simplified political assumption.
Slim conditions create a kind of
insitituinalized dependence on
those who are perceived as able to
provide or withold certain vital
services to the community. Voters,
defined as a "colonized electorate"
are "ably manipulated" by govern-

,Pagei e* C.R. Vol. V No. 3

ment elites of whatever dominant
party, and votes are simply "ex-
changed for the promise of future
benefits." One must ask in what way
this differs from the electoral process
anywhere in the so-called "free
world"? Is the Puerto Rican elec-
torate more colonized than the
electorate in Ohio, for example? Or
are the slum dwellers of Catano, the
area Ramirez studied, more subject
to this dependency syndrome than
other, more economically privileged
constituencies? There is nothing in
the statistical materials accompany-
ing the article to indicate such
differences. Again, the problem
seems to be that the theoretical
framework for defining the problems
and locating the relevance of the
research seem to be present in some
larger work of the author.
Of all the essays in this book the
one by Quintero strikes one as being
the most self contained. He develops
the rudiments of a re-interpretation
of Puerto Rican political history in
the 20th century in the light of social
class conflict. In so doing, and within
the constraints of what is after all a
rather brief essay, he offers some
original and thought provoking
categories for identifying the class
allegiance and attitudes of the
actors in the modern Puerto Rican
political drama. In essence, he
postulates the existence of a three-
cornered distortion of a potentially
dichotomous class conflict as a result
of the changes brought about by the
American invasion and occupation.
This triangular political struggle was
composed of three groups: the
"hacendados," the principal in-
digenous elite who had struggled and
succeeded in achieving a measure of
political influence and power in the
last years before 1898; the growing
agrarian proletariat, product of the
rapid transformation of the island's
economy under the Americans to a
sugar-based, plantation-type econ-
omy under corporate and absentee
control; and the interests allied with
the metropolitan power itself, con-
cerned with maintaining and con-
solidating its position of dominance
in the new colony.
This triangular agglomeration of
conflicting interests, Quintero sug-

gests, determined the nature and
ideology of political conflict, and its
impact is still to be felt in the
political texture of the island. He
thinks that it might help us to
understand why the politically ex-
pressed interests of the working
class, for example, tended to be
directed against an indigenous elite
(the hacendados) perceived as the
class enemy, rather than the cor-
porate owners of the new sugar
plantations, who were, in economic
terms, the "real" exploiters of the
working class. There are enough
suggestive hypotheses and insights in
Quintero's brief essay to keep a
battery of historical researchers busy
for some time, and his theses are
certainly susceptible to disproof or
verification. In my mind, at best,
many questions are raised by his
essay which make it difficult to agree
with the general suppositions upon
which it rests.
It is not clear why the early Free
Federation of Labor persisted in
perceiving its class enemy as the
"bourgeoisie" hacendados rather
than the absentee corporate owners
of the plantations who were,
according to an orthodox class
analysis which Quintero does not
abjure, the agrarian proletariat's real
enemies. If the hacendados had lost
their political power in 1898 as
Quintero says, why were they still
perceived more than two decades
later as the real enemy of the Puerto
Rican Labor movement? Why did
the proletariat wait so long not
until the late 1930's to discover
that its real class enemies were the
North American absentee corpora-
tions? Also, what explanation is
there for the statement that the
Socialist Party by the 1930's had
fallen into a simple opportunistic
"economism," different apparently
from what had characterized it
before. No explanation is offered,
but the mere statement accepted
as fact by all those who know
something of Puerto Rican political
history shows that political parties
do not respond simply to class
interests of the Marxist kind.
It seems to me that the basic
difficulty with Quintero's analysis is
that he over emphasizes the deter-

minism of class, thereby perceiving
the colonial relationship with the
United States as a distorting factor,
rather than as a central or deter-
mining one. Political relationships
among the various groups categor-
ized in his article could perhaps
more profitably be understood
within the overriding context of
colonial politics that is, the basic
powerlessness of Puerto Rican
leadership, whatever its class base
might be. The realities of colonial
power were and are more important
than the alignments of class, because
the latter are not capable of
responding autonomously to what
would be their dialectical tendencies
of conflict. The figure of a triangular
struggle makes it appear as if the
"hacendados," the agrarian prole-
tariat, and the metropolitan power
were co-equal contenders in a
situation of class conflict, and this
image I find difficult to accept.
The development policy in Puerto
Rico of the 1950's was, again, and as
we all know, based on the acceptance
of subordination to American politi-
cal power and to a continuation of
conditions of inequality vis a vis the
United States, exemplified in the
persistence of lower wage scales and
by the political control of the labor
movement. Various events and
tendencies after World War II lead.
according to Quintero, to a loosening
of class consciousness, as if a clear
class consciousness had existed
before. Even on his own terms this is
a doubtful assumption.Again, the
lesson that must be constantly
brought out is that is the colonial
relationship itself that effectively
thwarts the expressions and the
effects of the class struggle.
This anthology, for all its frag-
mented nature, is a welcome
indication of what is forthcoming in
the social sciences in Puerto Rico. Its
contributors have much more to say.
Quintero is working on a larger
manuscript about class in Puerto
Rico, Levine and Cintron are
working on a larger work about
poverty in Puerto Rico, Ramirez has
a complete volume on shantytowns in
the making. It is hoped that before
too long we can see these complete
volumes come to fruition. *

C.R. July/AuglSept 1973 Page 37




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Photo B.B.L., Guadeloupe.

Which Way The French West Indies?

Monique Vernhes, Jean Bloch. 56
pp. Maspero, 1970, 3 Francs.

Laurent Farugia. 203 pp. Ivry-sur
Seine, 1968.

Henri Leridon, Elisaberth Zucker,
Maite Cazenave. 186 pp. Presses
Universitaires de France, 1970, 12

The French Antillean islands of
Guadeloupe and Martinique are
coming unstuck. Slowly but surely
the umbilical cords tying these two
Caribbean specks and 600,000 plus
islanders to France are being
stretched to the point where someday
they may be cut or break of their own
accord. Four distinct but related
processes are at work altering three
centuries of history. The first and
most important are the changes in
attitudes, values, and political for-
mulas within the islands. Next comes
C.R. July/Aug/Sept 1973 Page 39

by Aaron Segal

the impact on islanders of events
elsewhere in the Caribbean and the
new reaching out for knowledge of
their neighbors. Third, and perhaps
pivotal, are changes within France
itself that reverberate in the Antilles,
and fourth are the prospects of new
relations with Canada and the US
that serve to expand Antillean hori-
zons. The outcome of each of these
processes working separately and in
combination is by no means certain.
The range of options is still encom-
passed by the three fundamental
political, economic, and cultural
formulas of assimilation, autonomy,
and independence. What is changing
is tolerance of the appalling gap
between the constitutional and
juridicial formulas and the realities
of Antillean life.
One technical socio-demographic
study by Parisian social scientists
and two polemical monographs help
to illustrate each of the four
processes and the possible outcomes.
Fecondite et Famille en Martinque
[Fertility and Family in Martiniquel
consists of the published results of a

detailed questionnaire and survey
research on family structure, mar-
riage, fertility, attitudes toward
family size, and knowledge and
practice of contraception. Conducted
by the official French National
Demographic Institute, it is most
revealing of changed attitudes in
France itself. Officially pro-natalist
since World War I and still hostile to
contraception, the French govern-
ment has acknowledged in this study
and by a divergent policy in the
Antilles that the islanders, whatever
their legal status as French citizens.
are not like fifty million other
Frenchmen. Although rapidly fall-
ing, their birth-rate is still twice as
high, their incomes less than half
those of their "compatriots," their
family structures significantly more
matrifocal, the age distribution of
their population much younger than
that of France, their practice of
contraception much less (40 per cent
of those sampled in Fort de France).
and the desires of their women for
children (3-4) much higher than the
two-child French norm. The study

by John M. Baines,
by Juan Mejia Baca
As a study of the impact of one
man's life on those of his
contemporaries and on the history of
his country, this book is both a
political biography of the famous
Peruvian revolutionary, Jose Carlos
Mariategui (1895-1930) and an
analysis and critique of his ideology
and the influence of that idealogy on
Mariategui and the Myth is the first
book-length study in English of a
Latin American radical in whose life
and work there is increasing
interest, partly as a result, no doubt,
of events In Latin America since
World War II, and especially since
Castro's revolution. Though the
extent of the influence of
Mariategul's legacy in these
developments has yet to be fully
assessed, he is undoubtedly one of
the foremost intellectual precursors
of the Latin American radicalism of
the 1960's and 1970's. $7.50

by Robert M. Bernardo,
by Irving Louis Horowitz
In 1966 the proponents of "moral
incentives," led by "Che" Guevara,
triumphed over the more liberal
economic planners who wished to
emulate the Yugoslav and pre-1968
Czechoslovak methods of develop-
ment. Essentially, moral incentives
meant that the worker was to be
motivated entirely by his commit-
ment to the society and his fellow
citizens, and remuneration in the
form of money and other "material"
awards was to be phased out of
Cuban society.
"The book ably probes the nature
of the challenge that confronted the
island's architects in their attempt to
create a 'new Cuban man' motivated
by moral incentives." --Ramon
Eduardo Ruiz, The New York Times.
Drawer 2877
University, Alabama 35486

also revealed how Antilleans as
French citizens in overseas departe-
ments since 1946 have become
dependent economically on the
demeaning family allowances and
other meager welfare payments
provided by France.
It is no accident that the Gaullist
government remains pro-natalist in
France while encouraging lower
fertility in its overseas departments.
The islands are for France expensive
and unproductive with subsidies well
over $100 million annually. Some of
this is absorbed by family allowances
and medical care, but a much too
large chunk goes into inflated
salaries for French and Antillean
civil servants and for preferential
prices for rum, sugar, pineapples,
bananas, and other Antillean agri-
cultural exports produced by large
estates mostly owned by resident or
absentee white Frenchmen.
Government efforts to reduce
fertility have direct returns in lower
expenditures on schools, social
services, creation of jobs for a too
youthful labor force, and family
allowances. They recognize implicitly
that the French government and
taxpayers are unwilling, and perhaps
unable, to pump in the resources to
bring the Antillean standard of living
close to the metropolitan French
level. The alternative of mass
emigration, while legally possible to
Antilleans as French citizens, is also
rejected in favor of sponsored
emigration of a select few who have
academic or technical skills valued in
France. Assimilation, fought for by
the Antillean left and achieved
juridically in 1946, is a legal chimera,
masking profound and growing
differences, reflected in demographic
and social realities.
Lacking their own full university,
Antillean students have no option
but to study in France, scholarships
being unavailable for study else-
where. It is generally in Paris rather
than the repressive and narrow
atmosphere of the islands that
Antillean cultural and political
radicalism blossoms. The pamphlet
by Bloch and Vernhes, published by
Maspero the patron saint publisher
of the French left, is a tract of
GONG (Groupe de Organisation

National de la Guadeloupe). foun-
ded in 1963 as the first explicit pro-
independence political movement in
the island's history. Representing
only a faction of Guadeloupean
students in France, and still lacking
broad support on the island. GONG
is more significant as a source of
ideas rather than as a political force.
Its basic premise is 'that "Guade-
loupcans constitute a people in the
majority different from the French
people. They constitute a nation in
gestation with a stable community.
their own territory, history, culture.
psychic formation, language (creole)
in addition to French. mentality.
customs, economic interests and
fundamental aspirations." GONG
insists on the right to self-deter-
mination and rejects any form of
autonomy, arguing that as an ethnic
group Guadeloupeans are not com-
parable to "national minorities in
France like Bretons, Corsicans or
Attracted by the Cuban Revolu-
tion. GONG proposes egalitarian
austerity after independence, inclu-
ding the nationalization of sugar.
land reform, reduction of the
imports of consumer goods and
foodstuffs, suppression of French
commercial and shipping mono-
polies. exchange controls, and free
trade with foreigners. Much of the
economic program is vague, but the
analysis of the persistence of poverty
in spite ofjuridicial assimilation with
France is devastating. The status quo
is not working except for the
Antillean elites who acquire French
academic credentials and corres-
ponding civil service obs. For the
others, being French means life on
the dole or as a tenant farmer or
casual laborer.
Disillusioned with assimilation but
opposed to the "adventure of
independence for an underdeveloped
island," older Antillean political
leaders -are exploring various auto-
nomy formulas. The political ma-
neuvers are intricate and the
electoral chicanery crude in islands
where unemployment and under-
employment are rampant and pat-
ronage a condition of survival; the
threat of violence and official
counter-violence is constant. Much
of the in-fighting is documented by
Page 40 C.R. Vol. V No. 3

Farugia in his detailed book covering
the 1960's, including the March 1967
riots in Guadeloupe, intervention by
the tough French riot police, trials of
Antillean students and others in
Paris, and the numerous political
factions and feuds.
What is the conflict about? Pierre
Billotte, former Gaullist Minister of
the Overseas Departements, argued
after the 1967 riots and the May 1968
seizure in Paris by Antillean students
of the offices of the government
sponsored migration bureau that the
problem was to make assimilation
work, including bringing Antillean
fertility down to French levels to help
raise standards of living. He argued
that Guadeloupe was not an island in
which 300,000 blacks were pitted
against 5,000 whites but one of
French citizens whose colors range
from brown to clear. "Alongside the
skin pigmentation there is no
parallel differentiation according to
political affiliation or social levels."
The Parisian demographers demol-
ished the social levels argument, but
it is still the case that many
Antilleans remain ardent Gaullists
who cherish assimilation. Yet there
are no forces within France itself
strong enough to close the gap
between assimilation on paper and in
practice, especially now that de
Gaulle has been replaced by lesser
mortals for whom national interest is
of less concern than budget savings.
Autonomy remains untried, but
there is no easy Puerto Rican
formula waiting to be grasped in the
Antilles. As Britain enters the
European Economic Community, a
number of independent ex-colonies
will receive for their agricultural
exports preferential treatment in the
enlarged EEC comparable to that
which the French Antilles get by
being legally part of France. Nor is
France prepared to defend Antillean
interests at Brussels in the face of
growing U.S. West German, Dutch
and other pressures to abolish
special preferences which often
subsidize inefficient French com-
mercial interests. The desperately
needed economic diversification and
new jobs are not to be produced
through autonomy. Instead some of
the deadweight of the Parisian
bureaucracy might be lessened and a
C.R. JulylAuglSept 1973 e Page 41

few more senior civil service posts
provided to locals.
But independence remains a
traumatic step for most Antilleans.
Tied separately and jealously to
Paris, Guadeloupe and Martinique
lack a common or coherent political
leadership while French Guyana
remains a world of its own. Although
contacts are increasing with Bar-
bados and other independent or
autonomous Caribbean mini states,
language remains a major barrier.
The islands are seriously overpopu-
lated in relation to their scant
resources, their export agriculture
unable to compete without pre-
ferences and subsidies, and their
inadequate but vital educational and
social services almost totally depen-
dent on French aid.
It is not emulation of the Cuban
Revolution but a cautious explora-
tion of possible contacts with Canada
and the US that marks the next step
in the Antillean evolution. Even the
radical neo-Marxist GONG advo-
cates industrialization and tourism
as its post-independence economic
answers to too many young people
chasing too few jobs. Meanwhile, the
Club Mediterranee operating out of
New York and Montreal fills its
Antillean resorts with vacationing
Americans and French-Canadians.
It is in North America and not Paris
that the capital, energy, and interest
are seen as forthcoming to break the
economic stranglehold. Ironically
one of the few spurs to increasingly
dwindling French concern for its
Antillean waystations is the prospect
of profits from exploiting growing
North American connections. Air
France is more than willing to extend
its flights north. Would an indepen-
dent Guadeloupe or Martinique be
better off with their own airlines.
tourist offices in New York and
Montreal, and hands out for US and
Canadian aid and investments?
Probably not separately, and cer-
tainly not if France were to retaliate.
At this stage a majority of Antilleans
would probably prefer to be 100 per
cent French rather than 50 per cent
autonomous or 100 per cent
Guadeloupean, or Martinican. One
doubts though that Paris will give
them the chance, or that they will
wait patiently. *



Acutely aware of the problems in
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before Castro? What's happening
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and popular participation or is
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is replacing traditional capitalistic
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teachers, doctors, and factory
workers as well as government
officials. His remarkable report on
these interviews, spiced with the
language of the people, cuts
through all the myth and propa-
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in Cuba
Barry Reckord

At all bookstores

111 Fourth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10003


Soldodo del cuerpo de Morenos,
quo junto, con los Pardos e Indios
formoron cuadro en las milicias de
m6s rancia estirpe criolla: la de Cas-
tas, anteriores a la Patria y al vi-
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present en las jornadas iniciales de
los armas argentinas: Alto Peru y

Structure And Culture In Santo Domingo

by Anthony P. Maingot

1850-1900. APUNTES PARA
Harmannus Hoetink.
Translated from the Dutch by
Ligia Espinal de Hoetink. 351 pp.
Universidad Catolica Madre
Maestra, Santiago, 1971.

It is not that foreigners have shown
no interest in the Dominican
Republic. Many have, intensely so,
and with great sincerity. The
problem is that they have appeared
more eager to advance explanations
and solutions than to ask questions.
Sumner Welles, for instance, wrote a
magnificent two volume work (Na-
both's Vineyard. 2 vols., 1928)
dedicated to "the indomitable love
for liberty of the Dominican people."
Welles noted that the country had
only two types of government, the
"strong" and the "well-intentioned,"
and that the latter inevitably were of
very short duration. Welles, for three
years United States Commissioner in
the Dominican Republic, was not
retiscent in attributing this state of
affairs to "a fundamental" cause:
the decades of Haitian domination.
Not only did the Haitians seek the
eradication of the caucasian race,
but also "the obliteration of
European culture and civilization,
which are the foundations on which
the institutions of the American
world have been built." Economic
prosperity and a diffusion of civic
education were the "only hopes" for
remedying this situation,
Others, while seeing a salvation in
education, have been less sanguine in
their predictions. Harry A. Franck
(Roaming Through the West Indies.
New York. 1920), thought the
Dominicans were "gay, vivacious.
and frivolous, fond of music and

dancing, and find a great deal of
amusement in the most trivial
pastimes." Aside from these national
traits their only other remarkable
quality was "their fondness for
revolutions." How then to instill the
necessary sobriety and "break them
of their 'sprig' habits?" Impose at
least 25 years of good foreign
dominated elementary schooling.
"The textbooks adopted should
contain such pertinent queries as
'what are the chief faults of
Dominicans (of Latin Americans in
general) which it is necessary to
correct before they can take their
proper place in the modern world'?"
Furthermore, American Marines
should stay for "I should say fifty"
years more. These two civilizing pro-
cesses & American schooling and
American Marines should guar-
antee that the "unborn generation
can be reared without political
pollution from the living" and they
just might be a "promise even in
such a race as the Dominican." Not
that Franck wanted Dominicans to
be like Americans; no such destiny
was anticipated for, as he dutifully
cautioned the reader, "have you ever
set out on a journey astride of
mongrel native horse and expected
him to keep up with a thorough
Whether the failure of democracy
was attributed to a mongrelizationn"
process racial and institutional -
unleased by the Haitians, or to one
variety or the other of the these du
conmplot (native and/or foreign), the
explanations always seemed either
outright racist-imperialist or patron-
izing-utopian. One is tempted to
parody the Mexican saying and

exclaim "Poor Dominicans, so far
from democracy and so close to
foreign experts."
Harry Hoetink has no solutions to
give, no recommendations to make.
Though a foreigner, he is obviously
no stranger and consequently does
not feel compelled to condemn or
condescend. On that count alone the
book is refreshing.
To Hoetink the task of historical
sociology is to reconstruct the
social-psychological dimensions of a
given age as a means of arriving at a
conception of that people's culture,
This approach was used successfully
in his study of Colonial Curacaoan
society (Het Patroon van de Oide
Curacao Samenleving. 2nd ed.,,
1966). A broader, more comparative.
dimension was added to his analysis
of race relations in the Caribbean
(The Two Variants in Caribbean
Race Relations. 1967), retaining,
however, the interdisciplinary focus
and overarching humanistic concern
which has become something of a
methodological trademark in Carib-
bean studies. The single-country
studies of James Leyburn (Haiti),
Lowry Nelson (Cuba). Gordon Lewis
(Puerto Rico), and Federico Brito
Figueroa (Venezuela), and the more
specialized studies of Ramiro Guerra
y Sanchez and Fernando Ortlz are
the classics in this tradition,
Hoetink's recent book dovetails
nicely into many of the areas of
concern in this tradition.
The bulk of the study it a well-
documented account of the struc-
tural changes which took place in the
second half of the 19th Century,
especially during the reign of Uli.ss
"Lilis" Heureaux (1882.1899).
Changes occurred in nearly every area
of life: coffee and cacao production

C.R. JulylAuglSept 1973 e Page 43

was modernized; there was an
increase in small industries; electri-
city; telegraph and telephone lines
criscrossed the land; road and port
facilities expanded; educational in-
stitutions multiplied; government
agencies expanded; the variety and
number of jobs and professions grew.
But fundamentally, it was during
these decades that the shift from
traditional agriculture to the capita-
list plantation cultivation of sugar
took place. The dynamics of this
major "revolution" and "counter-
puntal" relationships with other
crops had effects which were
strikingly similar to what other
Caribbean nations experienced, es-
pecially Cuba.
It is these objective changes which
provided Heureaux with the oppor-
tunity to rationalize state procedure
and instruments as a means of
expanding and perpetuating his
power. Instruments of coercion, such
as the army, were modernized;
instruments of cooptation, such as
the bribe, were enhanced and
refined. But if these structural
changes provided the opportunity
and the means, did they also provide
the motivation? Did they provide the
incentives for social and political
behavior? Were those who, like
Heureaux, managed to secularize
and rationalize state affairs ipso
facto "rational-legal" men? Can you
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in the economy and in government in
the midst of a predominantly "tra-
ditional" culture? Hoetink is aware
of the dilemma which his findings
have uncovered. The crucial question
of the social sciences, he notes on the
final page, is the status of culture
and structure as independent varia-
bles. His study, he hastens to add,
has not taken an explicit stand one
way or the other, much less has it
pretended to solve this difficult
methodological question. Indeed, it
is the one fundamental weakness of
the study that it continuously
appears to beg this particular issue. I
say "appears" because in fact the
issue is continuously dealt with
implicitly through the kind of data
presented. What is lacking is an
explicit confrontation of the ques-
tion, not at the end, but rather at the
beginning of the study. Let me be
Hoetink concludes that Domini-
can culture fits Karl Mannheim's
conception of an "aristocratic"
culture. One of the fundamental
characteristics of an "aristocratic"
vision of society is the stress on
"social distance;" not merely be-
tween the two sectors which are
presumed to exist in society (la gente
culta and el vulgo), but as a concept
which affects relationships at all
levels, from the family to the largest
group. Moreover, it is a conception
held by both sectors. Similarly, "for-
malism" and "narcisim" are 19th
Century tendencies related to this
aristocratic culture and are equally
found in all levels of society.
Authoritarianism is as evident in the
peasant family as it is in the urban
bourgeois family. The Dominicans'
approach to life (and thus to politics)
was not a function of his objective
status in the social structure, but
rather a function of the culture
which he shared with all others.
The problem is that not all the
facts and behavior described by
Hoetink fit into the model of an
aristocratic culture. How would one
explain, for instance, the enormous
attraction to the rational positivist
secularism of Free Masonry and of
the Puerto Rican, Eugenio Ma. de
Hostos, himself a Mason? Comtean
positivism and Krausean secularism
were precepts at the heart of

Masonic thought and, it would
appear, the polar opposites of an
aristocratic vision of the world. Yet
Hostos became the leader of the
dominant intellectual circles in the
country. and of all the Presidents in
the 19th Century only one. Father
Merino, was known not to be a
Mason. The vast majority were
known practicing Masons: Santana,
Baez, Gonzalez, Espaillat, Luperon,
Billini and Heureaux. Santana,
Billini and Luperon were high degree
Masons. Hoetink notes further that,
"The number of politicians, poets,
educators among them Hostos -
journalists and merchants who were
members of a lodge is so overwhel.
mingly large, their positions in the
social life of the period so prominent
that it may be said without exag-
geration that masonry united the
ruling circles of the Republic in a
highly effective network."
Secularism was present in
thought, and apparently had the
organizational and institutional
structures (schools, clubs, lodges) to
reinforce, proselytize and perpetuate
that thought. The coexistence of
these two visions of the world,
classical-aristocratic and empirical-
scientific, need further explanation.
This problem is in the same
conceptual category as an apparent
contradiction which Hoetink con-
fronts explicitly: the existence of a
comprehensive aristocratic attitude,
yet the objective findings show an
expanding and diversifying strati-
fication system including high rates
of social mobility.
Hoetink's explanation is a plausi-
ble and persuasive one. Change in
general and mobility in specific were
seen as individual rather than group
accomplishments. They were inter-
preted to be a consequence of one's
relationship with Fortune, a result of
heroic actions and were legitimate
on those grounds. It is in this context
that the phenomenon of persona-
lismo or caudillismo has to be seen.
Personalismo reflects the very struc-
ture and orientation of the culture
and society. At the primary group
level it was institutionalized in the
compadrazgo system; at the secon-
dary group level there were the
institutions of el garante, el hombre
de confianza. These were but some of

Page 44 C.R. Vol. V No. 3

its institutional dimensions. Its business proposition. And the point
behavioral dimensions included a is that the practices of the patri-
certain narcisism shared by caudillos monial state (especially the high level
and followers alike except that in the of corruption and institutionalized
caudillo an additional heroic status favoritism) suit the rational
was assumed by patron and client capitalist sector well as long as
alike. The functional dimension was they retain complete freedom of
a well-defined system of patronage action.
and the means of maximizing one's So it would appear to have been in
participation therein (la palanca, la the Dominican Republic: the Cu-
adulacion). Necessarily, a specialized bans and Americans in sugar; the
vocabulary puts meanings beyond Curacao Sephardic Jews in finance;
equivocation. Caudillismo, therefore, the Spaniards, Canary Islanders,
was not limited to the political arena, Italians in commerce; and the Puerto
it characterized all levels and spheres Rican pedagogues with their posi-
of inter-personal relationships. It tivistic education to supply the
was the patrimonial structure crea- enclave's manpower needs. Even in
ted by an aristocratic culture. The the question of labor, the large
point is made, therefore, that this employers imported Virgin Islanders
patrimonial system can survive and West Indians at will. What is
virtually intact even in the midst of more, the patrimonial state depen-
considerable- structural change, ded on the external contacts for its
Despite (or perhaps it is "be- overseas representation and negotia-
cause") of Hoetink's excellent treat- tions. Most Dominican Republic
ise, one is led to hypothesize that two Ambassadors in Europe, Hoetink
fundamental conditions would have tells us, were not Dominicans but
to exist for the coexistence to occur members of European financial
with relative harmony. First, the circles and commercial interests on
major institution in the socialization whom the political caudillos depen-
process must remain relatively ded. It is not suggested that the
immune from secularizing trends, national bourgeoisie, which Hoe-
Hoetink is aware of this and, con- tink's documentation clearly shows
sequently, the only chapter of the to have been a reality during that
book which does not carry the word period, did not participate in that
"change" in its title is the final decision-making. What is being
chapter on family life. There is no suggested is that the "motors" of
evidence, he tells us, that any funda- change, the initiators who needed
mental changes occurred in the ideas, capital and access to markets
nature of the Dominican family. He were from outside the system.
is less explicit on the second This being so, there was no over-
condition. It has to be assumed that whelming reason why the aristocratic
the main thrust behind these culture should show changes parallel
structural changes came not so much to the structural changes of the time.
from the native caudillos with their Thus, one might hypothesize that
aristocratic culture, but rather from the culture/structure argument
external forces, forces which had an might well be in vain unless one
independent decision-making base. takes the "external initiator" factor
In other words a dichotomized into account.
national system with two distinct These then are but some of the
levels of decision-making responding issues raised by this exciting new
to two distinct structural and cul- book on the Dominican Republic.
tural environments. Surely this had Rich in historical documentation,
been the case in Venezuela where for incisive in its sociological analysis
decades a highly rational foreign-run and broadly humanistic in per-
oil sector coexisted with a parochial spective it represents a model for
political culture led by illiterate research in the historical sociology of
Andinos under the equally illiterate the Caribbean as a whole. It is a
Juan Vincente Gomez. In other worthy companion to the standard
words, a system "penetrated" by a classics in the field to which it
foreign "enclave." not with any contributes additional and valuable
imperial intentions, but merely as a insights. *

"ls a unr /
For information write:
Santa Praxedes # 1635
Urb. Sagrado Corazon
Rio Piedras, P.R. 00926
or telephone:
[809] 761-3033

C.R. July/AuglSept 1973 Page 45



The purpose of the Centro s to train future
leaders of their profeion within
the context of a multicultural and
Interdisciplhary community.
The Coatro directly serve two groups of

1. Graduate students seeking professional
training in theology and religion and
in clinical psychology, including
specialiation In drug addiction.

2 Men and women already at work who
wish to update their skills, and, with the
perspective of other fields of knowledge,
to reflect upon and to deepen their
understanding of their vocation.

The Centro combines an insistence on
professional competency with the
awareness that professional disciplines
are means towards understanding men and
ways of affirming a common humanity.
Although the Centro has concentrated on
the disciplines within the purview of its
participating faculties, it seeks to introduce
perspective from other social sciences and
from the humanities which may build
a genuinely multi-disciplinary educational
Both the student body and the faculty of the
Center are drawn from a wide variety
of cultural backgrounds Their interactions
frequently highlight the importance of different
cultural approaches and foster a flexibility
and an awareness of the world difficult
to achieve in monocultural settings











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Cooper. Illustrated by David Stone. 78 pp.
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William Sells. 50 pp. Irish U. Press, 1972.
S4.00. Reprint of the 1823. ed.
Richard E. Greenleaf and Michael C. Meyer,
editors. U. of Nebraska Press, 1973. S3.75.
Raul Entraigas. 1650 pp. Plus Ultra, 1972.
Murdo J. Macleod. U. of California Press,
1973. S17.50.
de Ulloa. Translated with notes by John
Adams. Milford House (Boston), 1972. S65.00.
Reprint of the 1807 ed.
Hesketh Prichard. 288 pp. Irish U. Press,
1972. $13.00. Reprint of the 1900 edition.

C.R. JulylAug/Sept 1973 Page 49

CHILENO, 1952 1965. Manuel Dannemann
Rothstein. U. of Texas Press, 1973. S3.00.
Unesco. 187 pp. Unesco. 1972. 14F.

Ballew Bingham. 100 pp. U. of Alabama
Press, 1972.
COOKING. Elisabeth Lambert Ortiz. Evans
(N.Y.), 1973. S10.00. Over 450 recipes
represent the exotic Caribbean kitchen.


Art, Architecture, & Music

THE ART OF HAITI: Eleanor Ingalls
Christensen. 224 pp. Barnes, 1973. S15.00.
Tatten. B. Franklin (N.Y.), 1973. S48.50.
Reprint of the 1926 ed.
Quirarte. 200 pp. U. of Texas Press, 1973.
S12.50. Description and definition of their
penel. Prologue by Gabriel Moedano. 82 pp.
U. of Texas Press, 1972. S3.00.
Kampen. 195 pp. U. of Florida Press, 1972.
Evenson. Yale U. Press, 1973. S19.50 Ar
chitecture and urbanism in Rio de Janeiro
and Brasilia.

Language and Literature

A RAS DEL SUELO. 135 pp. Costa Rica, 1972.
A Novel.
LATINOAMERICANA, 1950.1970. Stefan
Baciu, ed. Albany State U. Press, 1973.
OBRA Y ANTOLOGIA. Aida Else Ramirez
Matter. 261 pp. Editorial Universitaria (PR),
1972. A literary study of the Perto Rican
Cayetano Coll y Cuchi. 215 pp. Editorial
Universitaria P.R. 1972. A collection of the
authors articles from El Mundo.
I AM JOAQUIN. Rodolfo Gonzales. 122 pp.
Bantam Books, 1972. S1.25 An epic poem with
a chronology of people and events in Mexican
and Mexican American history.
POESIA. Felix Franco Oppenheimer. 262 pp.
Editorial Universitaria (P.R.), 1972.
MARES DE CHILE. Sergio Aguirre Mackay.
153 pp. Aguirre (Arg.), 1972. A Novel.
MI HABANA. Alvaro de Villa. 95 pp.
Universal, 1972 Poetry.

REVOLUCION. Edited by Winston Ovillo.
prologue by Angel Angier, Editorial
Causachun (Lima), 1972.
LOS NOMBRES. Jaime Carrero. 167 pp.
Editorial Universitaria (PR.), 1972. A novel
by the talented Puerto Rican artist.
Editorial Universitaria de Valparaiso, 1972.
A Novel.
AREAS. Hortensla Ruiz del Vigo. 164 pp.
Universal, 1972. Poetry.
prologo de Diego Munoz. Empresa Editorial
Nacional Quitana, 1972. Poetry "from the
heart of the people."
POETRY. Jorge Carerra Andrade. Trans. by
D.G. & C. de Bliss. 90 pp. State U. of N.Y.
Press, 1973. 56.00.
Trans. by Donald O. Walsh. 376 pp. New
Directions Press, 1973. Cloth S10.00; Paper
S3.75. A bi-lingual edition of Neruda's poetry
originally published in 1933, 1935, and 1947.
ANORADE. H. R. Hays, ed. 259 pp. State U.
of N.Y. Press, 1972. 57.50. Anthology of the
Ecuadorian poet's work bilingual edition.

Performing Arts
PLAYS. Francesca Colecchia and Julio
Matas, editors and translators. 256 pp. U of
Pittsburgh Press, 1973. 57.95.

"A rewarding study."

Foreign Affairs.

"... a bench mark study."

Journal of
Developing Areas.


Essays on Guatemalan
National Social Structure,

By Richard Newbold Adams

xiv, 553 pages $10.00


BOx 7819
Austin, Texas 78712

SEl arartal. Inr.

AN dOMI. L w ins
"" 4"W4M ^. IL -


Anthropology and Sociology

AND WORK. Derek H. N. Foster. 150 pp.
Praeger, 1972. $5.95.
Vernon M. Briggs Jr. John Hopkins, 1973.
$6.00 cloth; $1.95 paper.
Lowenthal and Lambros Comitas, Editors
344 pp. Doubleday, 1973. 52.50.
NATION. George F. Kneller, Octagon Books
(N.Y.), 1973. $10.00 A 1951 reprint.
ELITELORE. James W. Wilke. 87 pp. L.A.
Center, U. of California, 1973. Relates life
histories to the views of political elites,
especially Mexico and Latin America.


Health and the
Developing World


Based on the work of a survey team
slponsmred by the Rockefeller Foun-
dation, this forthright book is ad-
dressed to the task of providing
adequate health care for entire
populations. Dr. Bryant examines
health programs and the obstacles they
nmult overcome, mainly in Africa. Latin
America. and Asia. His recom-
mendations for realistic solutions to
world health problems are essential
reading for anyone concerned with
|ilblic health aml with the future of
emerging countries.

.:hf) pIes.s. illtisrations. tables. $10.00

Cornell University Press


Tschopik. Greenwood Press, 1973. S10.00
Reprint of the 1947 ed.
ZINACANTAN. Jane Fishburne Collier. 281
pp. Stanford Univ. Press., 1973. S10.00 An
anthropological study of the legal system of a
Maya Indian community in Mexico,
LOS ANGELES AREA. Elaine K. Miller. 482
pp. U. of Texas Press, 1973. S12.50. Study of
the Mexican tradition and the changes
caused by urban life.
R. Roberts. U.of Texas Press, 1973. S10.00 An
account of how poor people cope with un
stable and mobile urban environment. Case
material is provided on the emergence of
collective action among poor people.
ARGENTINE CITY. Ruoen E. Reina. U of
Texas Press, 1973. $1000 Study focuses
primarily on the middle class of Parana.
TURE. Malcolm T. Walker. 177 pp. Teachers
College Press (Columbia U.), 1972. A study of
a rural community in the Dominican
Ronald Larsen. 87 pp. Lerner Pub. (Min-
neapolis), 1973. $3.95. A brief history of
Puerto Rico and Puerto Rican immigration
to the mainland.
Comitas and David Lowenthal, editors. 340
pp. Doubleday, 1973. $2.50.
AND POWER SYSTEMS. Arnold Strickon
and Sidney M. Greenfield, editors. 264 pp. U.
of New Mexico Press, 1973. $10.00.
SOCIEDAD WARAO. Maria Matilde Suarez.
120 pp. Universidad Catolica Andres Bello
(Caracas), 1972.
MEXICO. Rene Millon, ed. 416 pp. U. of
Texas Press, 1973. $25.00.
PERSPECTIVES. Lambros Comitas and
David Lowenthal, editors. 422 pp. Doubleday,
1973. $2.95.

CENTRAL AMERICA. Philippe Schmitter 87
pp. Institute of International Studies, U. of
California, 1972. $2.00.
L. Johnson, editor. Doubleday, 1973. $2.95.
Streexer. Trans. by Mercedes Meiia de
Velez. 102 pp. Rockefeller Foundation
(N.Y.), 1972.
REVOLUTION. Marcio Moreira Alves.
Doubleday, 1973. $1.95.
USE IN META. Dieter Brunnschweiler. 71
pp. L.A. Studies Center, Michigan State U.,
1972 $3.00.

Lowenthal and L.ambros Comitas editors.
422 pp. Doubleday, 1973. S2.50.
Charles Antoine. Orbis Books, 1973. S4.95. An
examination of the diloma facing the church
in the world's largest Catholic country: to be
a powerful liberation lorce or supporter of a
military regime.
VOLVEMENT. William Everett Kane. 240
pp. Johns Hopkin Press, 1972. S10.00.
Donald L. Hernan, editor. U of Texas Press,
1973. $7.50.
VENEZUELA. Daniel H. Levine. 285 pp.
Princeton U. Press, 1973. S13.00. An attempt
to understand the theoretical and practical
purpose of Venezuelan Politics.
Helio Juguaribe 197 pp. Paidos (Arg.),
DE SANGRE. Enrique Cazade 183 pp.
Universal, 1972.
Ramon L. Bonachea and Marta San Martin.
Transaction Books, 1973. $9.75 cloth; $3.95
paper. A study of the first stage of the Cuban



409 San Francmte

Plaza de Col6n

Old San Juan

'il 10 p.m. Mon. to St.
12 Noon til 10 Sunday

Page 50 C.R. Vol. V No. 3

PROGRESS. John D. Martz. 216 pp. Allyn
and Bacon, 1972.

La Bastilla (Arg.), 1972.

Sabater, U. of California Press, 1973. S10.50.

STRUGGLE IN PERU. Hugo Blanco. 178 pp.
Pathfinder Press (N.Y.), 1972. $6.95.
AMERICA'S SECURITY. Jon P. Speller. 164
op. R. Speller (N.Y.), 1972. $5.95.

Bernard Dietrich and Al Burt. 396 pp. Ayme
(Espana), 1972. Translation from English
Donald C. Hodges, editor and translator.
William Marrow (N.J.), 1973. $8.95 cloth;
12.95 paper. About Abraham Guillen, one of
South America's major revolutionary
theoreticians and philosophical father of the
urban guerrilla movements of Uruguay,
Argentina and Brazil.

Ronald M. Schneider. 448 pp. Columbia U.
Press, 1973. $6.00.
IN CHILE. Alan Angell. 290 pp. Oxford U.
Press, 1972. $17.00.
SOCIETY. Selwyn D. Ryan. 509 pp. U of
Toronto Press, 1972. Focuses on Trinidad's
political history from 1919 to the present.
Hugh H. Springer. AMS Press, 1973. $7.50.
Original issued in 1962 as no. 4 of Occasional
Papers in International Affairs.
Villegas. 71 pp. Institute of Latin American
Studies, U. of Texas, 1972.
JAMAICA. Gloria Cumper. 122 pp. Institute
of Social and Economic Research, U.W.I.,
Jamaica, .1972.
Ester Gilio. Trans. by Anne Edmondson. 204
pp. Saturday Review Press, 1972. $6.95 cloth;
$2.45 paper.
David J. Morris. Random House, 1973. $8.95
cloth; $2.45 paper. An examination of the
background process and future possibilities
of Allende's peaceful revolution.

Psychology and Psychiatry
REPUBLIC. James L. Payne. 165 pp.
Lexington Books, 1972. $11.00.
C.R. July Aug Sept 1973 Page 51


editado por:
Rafael L. Ramirez
Barry B. Levine
Carlos Buitrago Ortiz

Celia F. de Cintr6n y Barry B. Levine
A. G. Quintero Rivera
Carlos Buitrago Ortiz
Rafael L. Ramirez
Roberto Sanchez Vilella
Mariano Mufioz Hernindez



Salddia 3 Rio Piedras, PR.





BAssc INFORMATION: Antigua has
108 square miles. The island is
shaped as a rough circle. She is
a member of the British Com-
monwealth under an Associated
State status. Antigua has a pc.
pulation of around 60.000 and
her capital is ST. JOHN's The
currency is the West Indian
Dollar (popularly called the bee
wee dollar). Visitors to Antigua
should have a certificate of vac-
cination and proof of citizenship.
WHERE TO STAY? Antigua has
a full range of tourist rated
hotels. Among the best, we espe-
cially recommend:

TEL is located at Soldier Bay,
only three miles from the airport
and four from downtown .St.
John's. All rooms face the hotel's
own white sand beach. Dancing
to island's, best combo on Sun.,
Fri. And Wed. Nights. Native and
Continental cuisine. Full water
sports facilities. Tennis and Gol-
fing. Under the stars dancing and
dining at outside patio.
English Harbor, in the South
coast of Antigua, is one of the
most important historical sitesin
the Caribbean. Within this'area
lies Nelson's Dockyard which
was restored some years ago to
its original splendor. Most hotels
offer native style entertainment
several nights every week. There
are a good number of indepen-
dent night spots near to and in
St. John's.

ed within viewing distance of
Venezuela's coast and 500 miles

southeast of Puerto Rico, has
approximately 115 square miles.
The island has a population of
approximately 60,000 and its ca.
pital is Oranjestad. As a member
of the Nertherland Antilles
(which are equal partners with
the Kingdom of the Netherlands).
In addition, most islanders speak
fluent English, Dutch and Span.
WHERE TO STAY. There are
several luxury and moderate pri-
ce hotels in Aruba. We recom-
mend the Divi-Divi.

few steps from your patio to the
warm clear waters of the Carib-
bean. Clusters of Beachfront Ca-
sitas are designed to provide
luxury and privacy. Relax and
enjoy your spacious room with
its private patio ands view of the
sea, decorated with hand-craft-
ed furnishings of sixteenth cen-
tury Spanish colonial design. All
Casitas air-conditioned. Private
baths with tub and shower and
two double beds in each room.
"BALI". This famous floating,
airconditioned Indonesian restau-
rant is located at the "Bali" Pier
at Oranjestad, Aruba's capital. It
is open 7 days a week, from 10
am. till 12 pn. and features
among many other exotic dishes
the well known RIJSTTAFF.L
(ricetable) which consists of about
22 different dishes such as
shrimps, krupuk, veal, sat6, chic.
ken, vegetables, etc., etc. They are
all prepared in ever varying tastes
with unlimnitablc combinations of
herbs and spices. Dinner at this
restaurant will be a culinary ex-
perience never to be forgotten and
therefore strongly recommended.
It's owner/host Karl Schmand
will always be there to help you
along and see to it that the service
will be the way you expect it.
It's view at. the Paarden Baai
(The Horses Bay), Oranjestad's
Harbour is out of this world.
ba is small enough so that the
typical visitors has time to see

even during a relatively short
visit. Walking around the island
capital one can't but admire its
Dutch-like cleanliness. The city's
port, called Horses Bay, features a
very photogenic open air market
where cookware, produce fruit
and fish from all the surrounding
islands and seas are sold. The
Bali, a famous restaurant/bar
built on a converted houseboat
which features Indonesian dishes,
is right in town and should be
visited. In addition to its interest-
ing architecture and riotous co-
lors, the city has flower-filled
lVilhemina Park, a great place to
spend many relaxing evening
hours. Touring the rest of the
island will phow the visitor
many examples of Aruba's famed
trade mark, the wind blown Divi-
Diri trees, its very curious rock
formations and the many inte-
resting uses to which ihe island
cactus plant has been adapted.
The island has a nature-built
Rock Bridgc which is best seen
from ruins said to be from a Pi-
rate Castle but which actually are
the leftovers of a gold-ore stamp.
ing mill built in 1872. On the
other side of the island, on the

Page 52 C.R. Vol. V No. 3

South coast, there are caves full
of carvings and drawings report-
edly made by the Island's native
inhabitants centuries ago. For vi-
sitors with a technological bent
the island's water distillation
plant, one of largest such plants
in the world, offers daily guided
tours. Aruba, of course, offers
the full spectrum of water sports
and activities: swimming, deep-
sea fishing, sailing, water skiing,
etc. There are several tennis
courts, one golf course and skeet
facilities in the island. Aruba has
no luxury taxes and no duties on
a large number of items, there
is a growing number of very top
native operations, so good buys
are plentiful. Most of the larger
hotels have San Juan-like night-
clubs and restaurants. Most have
fine food. Also in this category is
the Olde Molen an old windmill
brought to Aruba from Holland
and then converted into a res-
taurant nightclub.


BASIC INFoaMATION: Curacao is a
long, thin island with an area of
approximately 180 sq. miles and
a population of around 135,000.
Its capital is Willemstad which
has a magnificent Old World at-
mosphere. The largest of the six
Dutch islands in the Caribbean,
Curacao is the seat of the Nether-
land Antilles Government. The
official currency is the Guilder
which exchanges for approxim-
ately $0.50 U. S.
has three large, resort hotels. All
of these have gambling rooms.
Several of the city's charming old
mansions have been converted
into inexpensive guest houses

which cater, mainly, to Latin
American tourists. Among all,
we recommend the Curacao In-

TAL. Located right n the center
of a charming town, making It
perfect for both businessmen and
vacationers. 125 air-conditioned
rooms, swimming pool, night
club, casino. Also lovely tropical
gardens. Be sure to visit the
swinging Kikini Bar. Fine fac-
lities for conventions.

Walking around Willemstad for
window shopping (Curacao is si-
milar to St. Thomas in the varie-
ty of goods and rock-bottom
prices it offers bargain hunting
Caribbean visitors) and sightsee-
ina are a must do activity for all
visitors to the island. The city's
famed Pontoon Bridge, which
opens and closes several time
a day to allow ships thru, of-
fers great photographic possibili-
ties. Like most islands in the
Caribbean Curacao offers the full
spectrum of ocean and beach re-
lated activities. It also has a golf
course, tennis courts and hore-
back riding. When the pontoon
bridge in Willemstad is open,
there is a free ferry ride across
the canal. Visitors taking this
free ride will have a unique op-
portunity for meeting the friend-

C.R. JulylAuglSept 1973 Page 53

ly people of this island and thus
flavor another of its charms. Fl-
nally every visitor should try
some of the many candles, sweets
and tidbits sold by street vendors
all around town.


has 532 square miles and a popu-
lation of around S30000. She s a
state of France. Her capital is
BAsI-TaER.. The accepted cur-
rency is the New Franc which ex-
changes at 0.20 US. Visitors
should have a certificate of vac-
cination and proof of ciizenship.
French is almost exclusively
spoken here.
WHERE TO STAY? Guadeloupe
has five major hotels. Among
these we especially recommend:

sandy beach, swimming pool.
sumptuous gardens SO minutes
from airport, 128 air conditioned
rooms French and Creole cui-
sine French wines 9 hole
golf on hotel grounds 5 minute


1,000 foot ugar white beach. Fully air conditioned.
40 Spanish style Ctas with their own beach front
patio. 42 room overlooking the beach with patio or
Spanish balcony. Intenatolnd Cuisine Pelian Bar
& patio Fresh Water Swimming Pool. BRUIF
TEL 3300

walk to nearest town daily
shopping tour to Pointe-a-Pitre -
French atmosphere Something
different and an occasion to
freshen up on your French.
Guadeloupe, which is shaped like
a butterfly, has two distinct en-
vironments. One of the wings
(Grande Terre) is generally flat
and rolling' and full of lovely,
white-sand beaches. The other
wing (Basse Terre) is more hilly
and rugged and features black,
volcanic-ash beaches. Visitors to
the island should take time out
to try different restaurants (even
the smallest ones offer gourmet
dishes) and inspect the architec-
ture of the Caravelle in which
the floating effect so many archi-
tects seek was masterly achieved.
Also in the "must be seen list"
CARIEa where some fine examples
of Carib Indian sculpture can be
Matouba where, according to leg-
end, live sacrifices are carried
out and the beach at LE MOULE,
once the scene of battles between
European powers and the Carib
Indians. Visitors interested in
shopping should definitely go to
Point-a-Pitre's commercial area,
an incredibly busy, Near East-
looking section where Persian
rugs and tropical fruits are some-
times sold in the same small


has 450 square miles. She is a
state of France. Her capital is
FORT-DE-FRANCE. The island has
a population of around 300,000.
The accepted currency is the New
Franc which is worth $0.20 US.
French is spoken almost exclusiv-
ely. Visitors should have a certi-
ficate of vaccination and proof
of citizenship.
WHERE TO STAY? Martinique
has several Tourism Office re-
commended hotels. Among these
we especially recommend:

55-95) is located at Trois Illets
at one of the ends of Fort de
France's magnificent harbor. It
has 77 de luxe. ocean-front, air.

ronditioned rooms, 20 cabanas
,lth private bath & telephone.
Truly superb French and Native
cuisine. White sand beach and
swimming pool. Private marina.
All water sports. Every hour a
luxurious cruise boat tender
makes a round trip to the city.

There are two things most visi-
tors to this island do during
their stay in the island: visit
the ruins museum at ST. PIERRE,
formerly Martinique's capital
which in 1902 was burned to a
crisp by Mount Pellee's explosion,
and visit the BIRTH-PLACE OF
Ilets. Between these two points
is Fort de France, the present
capital, which has unique archi-
tecture, an endless variety of
shops and the best restaurants in
the Antilles. Visitors planning
longer visits no less than a week
is recommended should drive
the whole perimeter of the island.
Black sand beaches, tropical rain-
forest-like greenery, sky high vis-
tas and dazzling, plantation ho-
mes in the grand style will reward
them. The Atlantic side of the
island offers some of the most
beautiful seascapes in the Carib-
bean. And much more, all with a
distinct, very French ambience.



has 3,435 square miles. It be-
longs to the U.S. under an As-
sociated Free State status. U.S.
Currency is the legal tender.
Spanish is the main language but
English is spoken almost every.
where. The capital of Puerto Rico
is SAN JUAN. The island has a
population of over 2,500,000. Vi-
sitors from OUTSIDE the U. S.
should have a certificate of vac-
cination and a visaed passport.

WHERE TO STAY? San Juan has
numerous first class hotels.
Most of the larger ones have
Commonwealth Government su-
pervised gambling casinos.

CoCo Max Hotel 3 Amapola St.
Isla Verde. Puerto Rico

Under the Palm Trees in Sunny
Puerto Rico A Modern Efficien-
cy hotel located on the beach.
All rooms with ocean view. Air
Conditioned Kitchenette Area
- Daily Maid Service Bar &c
Cocktail Lounge. Major Credit
Cards Honored
The finest in Isla Verde, where
the island's gourmets enjoy de-
licious Spanish and Continental
cuisine. La Fuente's Clams Casino
and Lobster Thermidor are par-
ticularly recommended.
of the hotels in San Juan offer
all types of water related activi-
ties to which all house guests are
invited. The Caribe Hilton, La
Concha and the Puerto Rico She-
raton deserve close inspection by
architectural buffs. FaRT SAN JE-
RONIlMO, off the Caribe Hilton,
has been restored and converted
into a museum and should be
seen. Lise sea urchins (they
don't sting if properly handled)
can usually be found on the rocks
pointing towards Fort San Jer6-
mnio in back of the hotel that
carries its name.-.
On the other side of town-on the
road to Bayam6n-are the ruins
of the foundations of PONCE DE

Dutch National
Car Rental
"We Do It Bettr"
From $10.00 a day.. No Extra
Volkswagen $10.00
per 24 hours.
Toyota, Airco, Automatic

no mileage
No pick up or
delivery charge
* Road map included
* $50.00 deductible Insurance
* Full collision protection
available at $2.00 per day
All major credit cards

- Call 81090, 81063-
Dr. Albert Pleman airport
Willemstad, Curacao NA.
Cable address: Dutch Car

Page 54 a C.R. Vol. V No. 3


I r

LEON' first house in Puerto Rico.
Rediscovered in 1934, they date
back to 1508... West of the main
hotel area is OLD SAN JUAN which
all visitors should take at least
one day to explore. While in Old
San Juan three musts are FORT
CassroAL-centuries old bastions
which guarded the city during
its Spanish Colonial days-and
SANTA CATAUNA which now serves
as the seat of Puerto Rico's gov-
ernor. Every day there are several
guided tours thru each of the
three sites. Approximately ten
per-cent of Old San Juan's 700
plus structures have been restored
to their original splendor. For-
tunately some of them have been
converted into stores and/or art
shops (especially along Cristo
and Fortaleza Streets) wnich allow
leisurely browsing. Also in the
"must be seen" list are Puerto
way to the Old City) and the
TURE'S art collection ...Well-
heeled visitors should make a
point of visiting one or all of
the fine jewelry shops clustered
around the corner of Fortaleza
and Cruz Streets. One of them,
appositely, is located in the
former office of Merril Lynch,
Pierce, Fenner & Smith. Every
ten minutes or so during the
day a FERRY leaves Old San Juan
for Catailo-the terminal is locat-
ed behind the Post Office. The
ride, which only costs 10 cents
each way, gives passengers a
change to get some good photos
of the bay, get a close look at the
pelicans and see, in Cataflo, an-
other face of Puerto Rico. .

Beachcomber Villas: on the beach
at Burgeux Bay, St. Maarten are
the perfect setting for an un-
forgettable Caribbean vacation.
* Each vill is fully furished
including Iem, kitchen
utensib, etc.
* Two and three bedroom villas.
* Rents from $150 to $250
per week.
* For more Inferuation write:
Beachcomber Villas
P.O. Box 149, Philpburg
St. NMrten, NIA

C.R. JulylAug/Sept 1973 Page 55


St. Martin has 37 square miles
which are roughly divided in half
between the French and the
Dutch sides of the island. The
capitals are PHILIPSBURG. Dutch)
and MARIcOT (French) The is-
land's population is of around
4,500 again roughly divided in
half. Two currencies are accept.
ed, the New Franc, worth $0.20
US. and the Guilder which is
worth about $0.50 US. Visitors
to the island must have a certi-
ficate of vaccination and proof of
citizenship. The Dutch side of
the island is a member of the
Netherland Antilles, an equal
partner with Holland in the
Dutch nation, and the French side
is a dependency of Guadaloupe, a
French state.
WHERE TO STAY? St. Marten/
St. Martin has four relatively
large hotels and several smaller,
very good hotels and guest houses.

PASANGGRAHAN (2388) is lo-
cated in a quiet lush tropical
garden on the beach of Philips-
burg, the FREE-PORT capital
of Dutch St. Maarten. Each of
it's 21 attractive double rooms
with private baths have over-
head fans and optional air-con-
ditioning. The kitchen is fa-
mous for a great variety of well-
prepared international dishes.

Total informality sets it's West
Indian atmosphere. Established
in 1958 it is still St. Marten's
biggest little bargain and repeat
visitors are the best salesmen for
the hotel. Write or cable PA-
SANGGRAHAN, St. Maarten.
Represented in North American
cities and Puerto Rico by The
Jane Condon Corporation.

lovely half French, half Dutch
island offers the full spectrum
of water/beach acitvities, marvel-
lous picture-book little village,
like Grand Case in the French
side, free port shopping and a
unique tranquility which truly
makes a vacation a rest. Front
Street in Philipsburg (the Dutch
side) and the dock area in Marigot
have a complete, assortment of
free port stores. Spritzer & Fuhr-
mann, the famous jewelers from
Curacao, have three stores in the
island; two in Philipsburg ahd
one at the airport. Several other
famous Curacao stores like El
Globo, Casa Amarilla and Vole.
dam also have stores in town.
Guests at any hotel or guest house
can and should take advantage
of their fisit to experiment with
the cuisine of all other. There is
a nightclub with nightly dancing
and, during the season, entertain.
ment at Little Bay.

Bar &- Redtturant
#/ -le .. ,..

__ d r -

THOMAS is a hilly island with
numerous neighbors. This makes
for endless, heart wrenching views.
The best viewing, in the sense
that one can sit down in com.
fort and sip a well-brewed drink
in the watching process, is from
the bar at the top of the Tram.
way, or the pool at the Shibui
hotel or the restaurant at
Mountaintop. In addition to the
views (the cup overfloweths) the
visitors should take time to visit

DRAKE's SEAT from which, ac.
cording to legend, Sir Francis
Drake used to inspect his fleet:
FORT CHRISTIAN on the edge of
Charlotte Amalie which data
back to 1666; GOVERNMENT HOUSe
which serves as the official res.
idence of the Governor of the
island and exhibits its fine art
collection to the public daily and
cated in Beretta Center in the
middle of Charlotte Amalie.


PH- 772-0685
P. O. BOX 1487
Free Pick Up And Delivery
New Cars Checked Daily


New Cars
Unlimited Mileage New Cars
You Can Trust Unlimited Mileage
Hertz in Aruba like
Anywhere in the
World. Only Rental Cars in
Island With Unlimited
Kolibristraat 1- Third Party Insurance.
Phone 2714
Aruba Caribbean
Hotel Phone 2250 Offices at Julianna Air-
Princess Beatrix port and Marigot, St.
Airport Martin.

(775-0165) is located right on
the beach, only a few minutes
away from St. Thomas' airport
and town. This intimate resort
is made up of spacious, air-con-
ditioned, completely equipped
housekeeping fresh water pool
units. The resort has a beautiful
pool with a bar right over it.
The management will make the
necessary arrangements for fish-
ing, sailing or any other activity
the guests desire. For reservations
from the U.S. write the hotel at
P. O. Box 3S81 St. Thomas 00801.


exclusively at

first on main street and
Sat the Caribbean Beach Hotel
St. Thomas, U. S. Virgin Islands.

Page 56 C.R. Vol. V No. 3

Aar ku






by Jerome S. Handler
J it, enlpha,, on tile taken in exteni\ e antiiropoIo,,-,i-
insi-ht into the wa, in ,%hich
Tld nStj1LitMt1,11 IiIC of n F11- cal stud\ -)f tile social tind cul- Aftican, contril-uted to the de-
,hh colom dum,- tie pe!iod of tGI11 h:,- Of -\frican rd their ,eILpment of ociQiv
('1\ decenc-,*,]Tll, it) P,
arbado durinQ ind the form -icm creole
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