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T~ae U. of Florida
The University Librarian
l/UI ..'n. ( Ispr,.%i /G 4
&I .R -
.his is the first issue of Caribbean. Review, a books-oriented
'', Why..on earth should you -whose mailbox, coffee table and desk
-e-. ir? gif h l argel y.unread periodicals.--add iis 'to .the. flock ? If,
your ie'terests focus upon the Caribbean and Latin America, we believe
..- v -withl all modesty- that you may come to consider us as indispensable.
'Wedon't know how you-calculate the worth per hour of your
ni:,time-' bth in the latter pages of this issue, you will find a time-saving
f "* ."! chroniclele of books -organized by subject- that will keep you
-'-i gitodate on publishing activity in or about this region of the world.
lj F ist represents many man-hours of sifting through numerous other
I LpuWbcations, catalogues and announcements. We think you'll find it
....Of course, compiling lists -no matter how valuable- can be a
i Itr dull business, so we hope you'll share our enjoyment in the
....inajor.part of- the Review; the book reviews and previews, excerpts,
',"y: ,essays; all designed to inform, amuse -and perhaps infuriate or puzzle-
U-1' '.'-: .
SNow, for some basic data:
.: The. Editors -The Review is jointly edited by Kal Wagenheim
former editor of the San Juan Review and now Puerto Rico
StF:, correspondent for the New York Times) and Barry Levine (who teaches
social science at the University of Puerto Rico and was a regular
,: ..tonitributor to the San Juan Review).
:;.' Editorial Policy'-The Review is open to writers of all persuasions.
: W We.want opinionated articles. But we will not permit the Review to
serve as a medium for polemic of an uninformed, demagogic nature.
i: ,Nor do-we .invite academicians to wage their incestuous little wars
r: against o'theracademicians on these pages. In brief, we are prejudiced
ag:::.gainst: (1) pomposity; (2) holier-than-thouness; (3) obfuscation; (4)
.!2',- :'irrelevant footnotes; (5) graceless, unwarranted insults- although the
graceful, warranted kind are always welcome. Most every other quirk,
including a- faith in the evolution and perfection of mankind, will be
:-.. 'Scope -Within- the ample boundaries of the southern part of the
i westerner n hemisphere, CR offers a wide variety of geography, authors and
"' topics. The first issue comments upon affairs in Puerto Rico, Guyana,
SVenezuela, Colombia, Cuba, Peru and the Dutch Caribbean. Future
issues will expand coverage to other parts of this region, and return in
:' even more depth to areas already covered. Our contributors represent
S multiple interests and capabilities: this issue includes two psychologists,
a novelist, an anthropologist, and a college drop-out. Topics will include
politics, art, history, literature, science- virtually'every portion of he
Frequency -first announced as a bi-monthly,jCR..,, 9 tted!w ;.ly "
which- permits more space per issue, more time for eo.iti insi -
more time for editors and contributors to earn a living hil"t hey -
sustain CR (we are tempted to call CR a "'labor of love," but that
sounds too mawkish, and, besides, we are enjoying ourselves too much
to plead for pity).
Circulation -CR will be sold only by mail in order to keep
administrative costs down. One year costs $3; two years, $5.50;-three
years, $7,50; lifetime, $25. If you're in good health, please subscribe
for the longest term possible.
Advertising -In order to guarantee free discussion, CR will depend
primarily upon subscriber support. We will, however, accept
advertisements, which are priced within reach of publishers, bookstores,
art galleries and other related enterprises (the idea is to keep money
circulating among the pbor).
But enough, now. Read on, ramble about, feel at home. And
THE DEATH OF POETRY: THE'68 PUERTO RICO
ELECTION,by Charlie Albizu and Norman Matlin...................... 2
MARIO VARGAS LLOSA,interviewed by Kal Wagenheim..............3
CULTURE AND POVERTY, by Oscar Lewis...............................5
BOOTSTRAP BABIES, by Barry Levine.....................................6
TRANSFER OF POWER: BRITISH STYLE,by Basil A. Ince....:....7
MODEL CITY: DAWN OR DISASTER? by Howard Stanton..........9
SPANISH MAIMED, by Aaron G. Ramos.....................................1
CAMILO: REBEL PRIEST, by Raphael Garzaro;........................... 1
SURINAM POLITICS, by Robert H. Manley.............................. 12.
HOLLAND'S NARROWING HORIZON, by Albert Gastmann.....13
RECENT BOOKS...................................................... ............. 14
2 -- CA1?BBEAN A review-E-
*- ^ ^ - - ** -^^ i *--. _t
The Death of Poetry:
The '68 Puerto Rico Election
by Charlie Albizu'
and Norman Marlin
One of the myths of democratic
societies is that only totalitarian countries
rewrite their history. The truth is that we
can do just as good a job when we put
-our 'mind to it, as any Iron Curtain
country. Although we are being
pereninially' -charged with inability to
cooperate- in our political life, when it
Scomes--to-rewriting history, we present a
very model of cooperation.
The morning after the elections,
hardly i Popular was to be found in
Puerto Rico. Pava stickers disappeared;
virtually overnight. Palma stickers
appeared everywhere. Even today, several-
months after the election campaign, they:
are still to be found, apparently immune
to the effects of sun and rain which have
so ravished the stickers of other parties.
Underground rumor persists that sorhe
entrepreneur in Santurce has made a
fortune printing Palma stickers after the
In a similar vein, most analyses of the
election returns were devoted to
explaining the Luis A. Ferri landslide. It
takes-almost an effort of will to recall
-that there was no such landslide. While
the P.N.P. took the governorship and the
;. mayoralities of the major cities, it did not
"'''.. even -come close to getting a'majority of
: .the votes. Ferr6 improved his percentage
f ". Islightlj over the Statehood percentage in
;'t 9tlie!i:9,67-'pebbisite, -but-.: the --election.
S indicate ho large-scale changes in Puerto
Rici'Mtpiriion.; Whatr:,gave .,Ferr6 his.
victory was the difference- in the
opponents he faced. The key to Ferre's
success was the. dissolution of the Popular
It is, nonetheless, interesting to
speculate on the. various psychological
implications of Ferr6's campaign image.
He appears, at the moment, to be easily
the, most attractive of the three major
contenders for the governorship. This
personal attractiveness, even if it did not
succeed in winning over large numbers of
dissident Populares, has been highly
successful in holding together a body of
supporters until political conditions
Both Ferri and Luis Muiioz Marin
present different images to the masses
and to the middle-class. To the masses,
F&rre's image is usually described as the
antithesis of Mufoz' highly patriarchal
figure. The., reality is slightly more
complicated. Ferr6's image is also highly
patriarchal. Like Mufoz, FerFr is seen as a
person to whom you take your problems.
Once Ferr6. has listened and has
announced that he will take care of it,
you may go home confident. Ferrb lo
tiara. The difference between Munoz and
Ferri is somewhat more subtle.
Mufioz represents the traditional
figure of the hacendado. One can easily
visualize him sitting with his sleeves rolled
up, onA.M front porch, listening to
appeals, "tcornlaints, and, occasionally,
just greetings from the rural working
classes. One iees him in the sun; sweating;
Fertie never sweat. Obviously, Ferri is
-phy'sidlbgically' cable' of sweating; One"
does not normally, however, imagine him
sweating. One expects him to be in an air
conditioned room. His natural habitat is a
board of directors' meeting. He projects
the picture of a successful businessman.
Yet, this image is not quite that of
Executive Suite. One does not visualize
Ferr6 rising to the top by dint of
cutthroat competition and business
intrigue. He remains, somehow, the good
businessman. The typical voter does not
see himself as doing business with Ferr6.
Rather, he sees Ferr6 as taking time out
from his business to help him with a
problem, as he would a relative. Ferri has
managed to project the image of a
modern paternalism. He is a figure in
whom one can deposit one's confidence
despite the fact that he is different,
because he is sympathetic. He looks like a
man who understands.
Both Ferri and' Mufioz give the
impression of power. Mufoz' power,
however,,is personal. He is a strong man,
'but his power is inalienable. Muloz'
lieutenants, when they act, are seen as
wielding Muitoz' power. Ferre, on the
other hand, is seen as powerful in that he
deals routinely with other powerful
figures. His ability to elicit their support
in order to accomplish his ends is, in fact,
the source of his power. He moves in a
world of corporate decision making. On
the other hand, when Munoz represents
Puerto Rico to other powerful political
figures, one pictures him as arguing with
them, flexing his muscles, forcing them to
make compromises in recognition of his
power. His dealings with them are the
evidence of his power, not the source of
it. Mufioz' support among the masses
enables him to deal with other
governmental figures; Ferre's ability to
deal with other governmental figures
enables him to seek the support of the
Both Ferri and Muinoz have
projected other aspects of their
personalities to the middle class. The
middle class has never seen Mufioz as a
Real jibaro in the same sense that Luis
Negr6n Lopez is a jibaro., (One of the
main reasons that Negr6n lost the
election was that he was identified, in
spite of many of his personal attributes,
as a jibaro.) He has been, for them, the
bohemian poet, idealizing the jibaro from
outside, glorifying his virtues,
sympathizing with his, misery. By his
empathy, he is able to represent the
jibaro, to sculpt him in poetry. In the
process of trying to alleviate the jibaro's
economic misery, Mufioz has created the
middle class. It has not, however, turned
out as he had hoped. Mufioz visualized a
middle class composed of jibaros with
money, loyal to tradition, freed from
economic pressure so that they coud
express the latent poetry of thejibaro. It
has, of course, not turned out this way.
As a result, Munoz has never been
comfortable with the middle class. He
continues to be his own unique
combination of jibaro ,and bohemian.
Neither of these roles provides any basis
for a sympathetic understanding of the
middle class. The middle class have
always remained, to Munoz, a kind of
Frankenstein's monster, simultaneously
the end of all his-labors'and a menace to
all with whom it comes in contact.
In o'penlng- up the economic
opportunities which led to thd
development of the middle class, Munoz
brought to Puerto Rico ever increasing
numbers of American businessmen. The
American appeared aggressive,
hard-hitting, and efficient. Puerto Ricans,
hoping to improve their economic
position, adopted the model of the
Americin as the recipe for success. The
modern Puerto Rican businessman sees
himself as a progressive, right out of.a
Banco Popular ad. He has learned to see
Puerto Ricans as the Americans saw
them. He has turned his back on the
leisurely, personal Puerto Rican way of
For all its apparent aggressiveness,
the Puerto Rican middle class is highly
insecure. It has devoted its energy to
learning how to deal with the Americans.
It prides itself upon its command of
English and its domination of American
business methods. Yet, every time a
middle class businessman meets an
American, he wonders, nervously,
whether his hard-won knowledge will pass
muster. How will his English sound to
one who speaks it as a native language?
He will never be quite sure that he will
make the grade. Yet, by this time, he has
gone too far to turn back. He has too
much invested in what still might be a
winning game. The further along the
middle class businessman travels on this
road to assimilation, the more important
to him success 'becomes, for to have
alienated himself so much from his
background and then not to have
achieved success would be intolerable. If
one sells one's birthright, it should not be
for a mess of pottage.
For the middle class, Ferri is more
than just a successful businessman, he is
Mr. Middle Class himself. He has been
highly successful; his success is recent.
True, he started from rather a better base
than most recent middle class people. Yet
his entrance into the ranks of millionaires
came only with his purchase of the
cement works from the Popular Party
Administration. He is a living proof that
dramatic upward mobility is possible in
To the semi-assimilated middle class,
Ferr6, then, is the very apotheosis of their
justification. He walks the corridors of
power. He talks to Americans as an equal.
Every twinge of an executive ulcer is that
much diminished by the thought that one
of our boys made it. With good reason,'
the middle class greeted Ferri's election
with a collective sigh-of relief.
Against the background of personal
images, one sees the interplay of
campaign styles. Mufoz entered Puerto--
Rican politics at a moment in historical
time in which one could be a poet and a
politician. In the forties, political
campaigns were exercises in oratory, an
applied form of poetry. The prototypic
politician was el pico de orb, a
spellbinder, whose tour de force was not
communicating a message, but impressing
his audience with his verbal virtuosity.
Munioz, for ,all of his natural ability to
turn a phrase with the best of them,
succeeded in turning political campaigns
into prose. He introduced efficient
business -methods into campaigning. He
told the jibaro to put a scoreboard on his
wall,, giving him a check for very "
,campaign promise fulfilled, a debit fohr
every one left unfulfilled. Even the
School of Commerce could not suggest a
more businesslike method.
Mufioz concentrated on bread aind
butter issues. Where other parties offered
abstract, unobtainable goals, Mufioz
offered short-range, immediate aims. The
first order of business was bread; then
cane land; once we had those taken care
of, we could think of our liberty. To a
people steeped in poverty, conditioned to
a short span of attention, this kind of a
campaign made sense. As the
Republicans, ever and again, insisted on
Statehood Now, Mufoz attacked them
for avoiding the issues, for promising pie
in the sky. The strategy always worked.
The last campaign showed a
surprising reversal of roles. The Populares
focused on the defense of
Commonwealth status, an attainable goal,
to be sure, but highly abstract. The
Vol. I, No. I Spring, 1969
Editors: Kal Wagenheim,
Barry Bernard Levine
Caribbean Review, a books-oriented
quarterly journal, is published by
Caribbean Review, Inc., a non-profit
corporation. Mailing address: 180
Hostos, B-507, Hato Rey, Puerto Rico,
00918. Available by subscription only: 1
year, $3; 2 years, S5.50; 3 years, $7.50;
Lifetime, $25. Advertising accepted (see
rates elsewhere in this issue). Unsolicited
manuscripts (book reviews, translations,
Sesays, etc.) are welcomed, but should be
Accompanied by self-iddrdssed"siamped
aiearest the Populares got, to what they
t;IJadi traditionally defined' as the issues,
as 'Operation Serenity". To a voter,
ioried about where his next pay check
.wa'scoming from, "Operation Serenity"
seeqied anything but relevant. It seemed
likeia. retreat to the poetry of the forties.
: Ferr', on the other hand, sounded
', very much like.Miiioz used to sound. He
..fcused on drug.addiction, crime, and
economic problems. While his claim to
have the solution to these problems was
vigorously attacked, his interest in them
could not- be gainsayed. His old campaign
.standby of' Statehood' Now was
i'iconfspicuously played down. He was still
for Statehood, he insisted, but Statehood
:as .iiow not the issue and, anyway, what
;i:.'hewanted,~was "Jibaro Statehood," not
i:'" the kind that would worry anybody; In
:..short, Ferrie proceeded. to- offer Puerto
i. i Rcains' 'te ki nd' 'f immediate
i'gra tification that Muioz had taught them
.was appropriate for election campaigns.
: Why,.then, shouldn't th'e try Brand X?
'To make the contrast between the
old Ferr6 and the new Ferr6 still stronger,
S.the plebiscite had broken. Ferr4's
.connection with Miguel Garcia Mendez,
the very model of the old-style politician.
Feirr was free of the onus of the
.Republican Party, a political entity
irremediably linked with pie in the sky
prom .ises and the suspicion of upper class
i iiiterests. Ferr6, for all his wealth, was
:,ble to promise, a government of the
.'humble, for the humble, by the humble,
and be. taken seriously. One can hardly
imagine e Garcia Miendez managing it.
'. Perhaps, however, the most
'.-'.'successful feat in the campaign was
`-:-persuading the Puerto Ricans of the
S1'. inevitabiity of change. If Ferrethad called
'Upon .the.- voters to change, he would
;;'likely have' been met with a deaf ear. But
l heannounced that there-was going to be
Sa';.igeAnd thsn- called upon the voters
t.' o t.ispp ot '" it. TIe' effect of this -
Sapparently subtle'difference is illustrated
"in- a speech by Claudio Prieto during the
lebiscite campaign. The Coriimonwealth,
hh argued' was a reality; the -other
a.: lterna'tives were just ideas. The
:implication was clear: one would have to
'be. crazy- to vote against reality.'The
,.,argument, at. the time, struck us as
absurd. Any other formula which won
the plebiscite would become the reality.
nevertheless, the audience approved.
Reality is a very important word in
the Puerto Rican vocabulary. It reflects a
basic ambivalence toward poetry. The
Puerto Rican is 'moved by poetry; it
elicits a" fundamental resonance in his
.soul. Yet, the :Puerto Rican is a little
afraid,of his poetic feeling and a little
ashamed of it. He would .like to see it
kept i :its. place, in his :private and
Interpersonal world. "Reality" is the
wordfi a Puerto Rican -uses as a barricade
Sto keep the poetry from spilling over into
:.his political and business life. The
workaday world is no place for dreamers.
Anyone hoping to elicit cooperation in
i;! ..Puertp Rico will. do so not.by pointing to
ambitious plans of what might be, but by
justifying his aims.as necessary in terms
of the present reality.
'.. With .all- the advantages that Ferr6
enjoyed during .the campaign, 'he still
suffered from one major disadvantage.
SSuccessful as a businessman, he was a
failure as a politician. Twice he had run,
twice he.. had lost. It was only after the
elections that the image of Ferr6 as the
cinmplete success was possible. The
victory immediately increased his stature.
As.-Governor, Ferr. was, for the first
time, reaL That Ferr-'s ability to become
,: prose is,,in itself a.poetic victory, will be,
i from the viewpoint ot history, but a
ki ..I.. : "
. ;. .
y: ;. : .
CArBBEAN PvIEW .
. ..-"' Z W ,- i 1
Mario Vargas. Los
Iter dby Kal Wae
Mario Vargas Llosa of Peru, one of petroleum deposits without. -any legal not only,fo eigners, but many Peruvia
Latin America's best-known young basis. It came about as a result of like myself. Oh principle, I don't b&hen M
writers, teaches at the University of transfers from one company to another in military. governments. .Butfin-PiprsA
uerto Rico. His first two novels, La for the past 80 years, where a series of situation,- after the scandalous aeem;ies
ciudad y los peros (1962) and La casa legal requirements were omitted, and the previous government re hed i .the,.:;b
verde (1965) have been translated into then the corrupt Peruvian governments, oil company, the nationalisatio a the
English as The Time of the Hero and The controlled or neutralized by imperialism, company was a positi ejslp. The. .*'.
Green House. His recent short novel, Los accepted it as a fact. The problem was previous regime -by soime' legal
cachorros, is znow being translated. A new practically.unknown to Peruvians until it smokescreen- agreed to let the cppany i
nbvel, Conversacin eh el Catedral, is near was publicly denounced by legislators, stay in Peiru and.indirectly control the ,
completion. who were not leftists, much less. because-it respected the company's ,. .'
Vargas Llosa was bor in Arequipa, Communists. When the problem became to refine and distribute it. Only e it .:s'
Pers in 1934. After spending his early known, it grew to become a national control of the wells passed':. i
childhood in Bolivia, his family returned -theoretically- to the state, and this'ws m,.
to Peru, where he attended San Marcos open to question. The coup.was a .positdy ;
University in Lima and then went to step.
Madrid for post graduate studies. His first "Commercial relations have' now""
novel won a literary prize in Spain and been opened with Russia, but this wasi ar
was a finalist for the prestigious defense against the pressure and threats. ''.
Formentor Prize, which resulted in its g of the United States..If the'U.S. tried to! .':
translation into several languages. strangle Peru economically, even the.m.ost
conservative government would seek.,a :.
The Peruvian writer has worked at way out, by trading with socialist :.::
many jobs to sustain his writing career: nations...
"I've taught Spanish for Berlitz; I've "I '/^ Nationalism is a very strongi '
worked in radio and newspapers; I've .contemporary force. We have senr this 4.
dubbed films; I've been an assistant to a even within the socialist nations.,in :
historian. I had one job which was e Czechosldvakia, in the. Soviet-Chiies "' A .""
frankly 'absurd; recording the names on polemic. Nationalism sometimes evein':.'
gravestones in an ancient cemetery. Quite prevails overideology.
lugubrious." When he leaves Puerto Rico '"Though the military-jupa:oiny.e*
this sumnier, he returns to teach at Kings was a positive step, the government sis"-l.,!
'College, London, for one .year. Aftr 'in the. hands of a castd-likeinstittinon,:
that? "I don't know. My plas re always issue. Not only has the company nolega even. though it has' more or le t
short-term." right,to exploit these deposits, but even progressive intentions. -This go. rname
Vargas Llosa now lives with his wife more aggravating is that during all these .can only cary .out the.chan.s'e i& i
and two children in an apartmenti Ripa. years it, has..a, ,,dWhadJ'Lesgwcha p Per titiapeiiss 0
Piedras, 'near the university. He was add up toa sum larger than the value of whdi miuist play aniv--act.vegol l t
interviewed by Caribbean Review its own installations in Peru. The Peruvian -change. Unless this' occurs, changewulbe:
co-editor Kal Wagenheim, who translated government did the perfectly legal thing; precarious.
his tape-recorded comments into English it occupied the installations, whose price On Revolution .
for this article. had already been satisfied by the unpaid
rstaxes. This has been sanctioned by the "There is no way ot for Peru's -and
On Peruvian-U.S. Relations Peruvian courts, where the company had Latin America's- problems without 'a
its lawyers. It was perfectly legitimate. revolution. I am absolutely convinced of
"The U.S. newspapers give the But there have bee full page ads by the this. In there are millions of
impression that Peru's expropriation of company in the U.S. and in Peru saying lliterates. The majority live an almost ,
the International Petroleum Company, otherwise. On this concrete issue, think sub-human existence. This is a potential ;
which is an affiliate of Standard Oil, was the' military junta has massive backing. force for revolution.
a totally arbitrary measure, without any "Revolutions aie traditionally" '
legal process or reason. The problem is On the Military directed by the middle class; intellectuals
really quite clear; for probably the first in rebellion against their class, against.
time in Peruvian history nearly all "The Army in Peru has traditionally society. These people, not the masses,
Peruvians agree on this one issue. This served the most conservative interests. possess the technology' necessary to carry
company has been exploiting Peru's What has happened lately has surprised out a revolution. But the moment .
en og i.ha m '.oi
shrtter rightto xplit tesedepoitsbutevenproresiv iteiin--..,hi'g i
.-my Cn CKn ur munuy uruer s encusuInu t '
TE ZIP -
.50 Lifetime $25
wish to send additional gift subscrip-
the address above. :
- -"% %.. ,,
,." .. : .
4 CAIPBBAN rW________
revolutionary situation is created, the
masses, totally amorphous groups, can be
mobilized in weeks, months. It's been
seen in Cuba. But revolution must be
original Each country must find its own
methods and develop according to its
needs. It must take advantage of the
lessons of the past. I believe in socialism,
I think it is the only solution. But it must
be a socialism which is adequate to our
reality, it cannot be a copy of other
revolutions; otherwise this can produce
"uba has won sympathy from
writers.all over the world; it has not made
the mistake of other socialist revolutions
in trying to impose social realism as the
-: only school of'literature; the writer has
been given a rather broad margin of
Sfreedom-in themes, techniques dnd styles.
In the plastic arts that freedom has been
"The Cuban revolution faces
.enormous difficulties, most of them due
to the U.S. blockade which has been
: seconded 'by many Latin American
.countries. But despite th. blockade, and
all the sacrifices, I believe the revolution
:-. is moving forward. I've been in Cuba four
... times after the revolution, always for
': brief periods: to attend a writer's
'... ''. meeting, -or as a jury member of a literary
' contest held by Casa de las Am6ricas. My
.... impression is that there is steady, gradual
-: :' progress, and in that sense Cuba is, with
all' its problems, probably the only Latin
i:,:;-.:-;. '.-American soviett where .this can be
.'':": You can 'see the change in Cuba
l. :tday. There is a distribution of wealth,
-.: which for any Latin American; when he
'.i'; looks:.at.his own society, isreallyquite
: movmng.- Social and economic inequality
Shave been reduced to human proportions.
A big problem, .in addition to the
.'; rationing caused by the U.S. blockade, is
one of information. The U.S. newspapers
S emphasize.all the problems and silence all
the positive achievements. Cuba must be
S- judged in .comparison with the situation
in other. Latin American countries. You
come to Cuba and find a country where
-.; illiteracy has been practically eliminated;
where all children, without exception,
have access to school; where all children,
Without exception, have enough food.
I've been to the countryside, I've been all
over the island, and I've seen enormous
S. changes. Habana, of course, is no longer
the Antillean City -of Light, with its
cabarets and whores. The city has grown
uglier; the cars are old, the houses haven't
been repainted. But you go to the
country and you find in the guajiro -the
Cuban peasant- a different outlook
towards life. Without doubt. Here is a
man with human dignity. I think that's
what most impresses any Latin American,
comparing that. with his own reality.
There is a sense of human dignity in the
Cuban peasant and worker.
"I am also surprised how in the
United States they silence what Cuba has
achieved culturally since the revolution.
Not only in terms of literacy among the
masses, but in book publishing. It's
something astonishing. Editions of writers
of the most disparate tendencies,
including difficult experimental writers,
have been published in popular editions.
Joyce. Proust. It is the only Latin
American country where I have seen lines
outside the bookstores.
"I believe that after ten years the
Cuban revolution is irreversible. Fidel has
been a fundamental figure in the
revolution, but if someone killed him
tomorrow, that would only consolidate
the revolution. Changes may occur. The
future can vary it. There may be crises.
But I don't see how Cuba can return to
what it was before. That could only be
achieved by some kind of genocide.
On North and South America
"Until a few years ago, Latin American
literature was practically unknown
abroad. Now, there are translations of
Borges, Carpentier, Fuenres, Garcia
Mirquez and many others. Europe and
the U.S. are discovering us. It's about
time. I think there are reasons to explain
this. Today's Latin American narrative is
much more important than before. The
dominant note in Latin American writing
was once a more or less provincial
naturalism, almost mixed with folklore.
Now, a more ambitious, more universal,
more original narrative has emerged;
which is no longer 'colonized' by
European and North American styles.
"On the other hand, I believe there is
a crisis in the contemporary North
American and European novel. There has
been a notable drop in quality, compared
with years ago. I have some theories on
why this is, which I've been trying to
develop during the classes I give here at
"I think there is a close relation
between the apogee of the novel and the
state of crisis in the society which inspires
the noveL It seems to me that novelists
are a bit like vultures, and the food they
most need is carrion, the carrion of
history. The stable societies, which have
channels through which problems can be
solved -societies in a stage of wealth and
tranquility- are not too rich for the
novelist. Societies in crisis, corroded by
internal struggle and contradictions.
stimulate the imagination. The great
Russian novel in the 19th century was
inspired by a society about to die; a
society which was practically a cadaver,
which inspired Tolstoy, Dostoevsky. In a
way, this is what is happening in Latin
America, which is almost a cadaver now.
It is a continent which is nearly carrion,
and the vultures -we novelists- emerge.
In one way we precipitate the apocalypse,
from which another Latin America will
rise. At the same time we rescue Latin
America, saving it from extinction, with
'The introspectiveness of the North
American and European novel is a
symptom of crisis. There is a kind of
timidity on the part of the novelist in
constructing his imaginary world; the new
French and American novelists no longer
compete with reality on the basis of
equals, they don't dare to confront
reality with a verbal image that is as
more a problem of the nature of the'
capitalist system, which has manifested
itself in the form of imperialism, which
seeks expansion, to exercise control of
weaker nations. In Latin America it has
had, of course, the cooperation -the
active collaboration- of the leading
classes. They have served this imperialism.
You can't talk of the U.S. as a monolithic
unit. I don't blame the American Negro
for imperialism, or the American
.intellectual who protests the Vietnam
War, or condemns the intervention in the
Dominican Republic, or is against the
Cuban blockade. It's not a case of the
U.S. versus Latin America. It's a question
of system, of classes, of interests. I
believe, for example, in the dialogue
between the Latin American and North
American writer, of the dialogue between
rebel aid reform groups from both
continents. I don't agree with those who
believe that any kind of contact with the
U.S. is a type of collaboration with
imperialism. This is completely wrong.
On the Economics of Writing
'The writer in Latin America cannot
live from his writings. He must struggle
desperately to find time to write.
"In Peru over half the people can't
read. It's almost absurd, isn't it? The
wealthy classes don't read either. They
know how to read. They have the time.
But they have chosen to be illiterate.
Thus, a young writer's book will
come out in 1,000 or 2,000 copies. In
exceptional' cases, 20,000. In absolutely
extraordinary cases, such as Garcia
ambitious, as vast, as multiple, as
reality itself. They concentrate
description -sometimes quite br
of a point in reality: on langu
dreams, on objects. But in that w
mutilate reality. This seems to
opposite of what is happening i
America. I think there is also a q
of faith. The European has no fait
world, he is a lucid cynic. Today'
American writer is more naive.
If Latin America achieves pro
and stability, will the Latin Ai
writer face the same crisis? I hop
different prosperity, one which
include so much tragedy and inju
in Europe and America. But it is tr
the writer who supports revolut
order to achieve prosperity, stabili
a way advocating his own decline.
On the United States
"I don't believe in the "plot I
-that the United States as a wh
concocted a plot to keep Latin A
in poverty and drain off its rich
ion, in "I wouldn't write as I do if I hadn't
ty, isin read Flaubert or Faulkner, whose
influence in Latin America has been
gigantic. I read him first in Spanish, then
in English. In the contemporary novel,
theory" after Joyce, Proust and Kafka -that
ole has grand trilogy- Faulkner has carried the
S narrative furthest in terms of
me, ic construction of an imaginary world.
Faulkner's world was an-underdeveloped
world. Yoknapatawpha County could be
in Colombia, Peru, Mexico, Bolivia; it is a
rather barbaric, primitive, rustic world,
with an enormous vitality, an enormous
multiplicity. It is a world that we Latin
Americans recognize. I also find the
novels of chivalry, from Spain, France
and England, to be very rich. All these
rather primitive novels, in which certain
forms emerged to create what we now see
as the novel, have always impressed me
with their ambition -so ambitious! -
Sthey face reality on a basis of equals; they
want to be as vast, as infinite as rich as
reality itself; to capture all the levels of
reality. Other U.S. writers :interest me,
but I've always preferred the southerners.
For example, I am so sorry that a writer
like Truman Capote,-who was so creative,
has come to write foolish things like In
On the Writer as a Journalist -
"Social and political themes are
much more present in Latin American
writings, because it suits our situation,
Literature must fill the role played by
journalism in other societies. Our
communications media are completely
controlled by the ruling classes, who hide
the anachronisms of social structures, the
scandalous forms of wealth distribution.
Literature tries to fill that vacuum. But
there is a great danger in this. Literature
can become journalism-in-disguise, no
longer art, no longer a work of creation.
Undoubtedly a large part of Latin
American literature has been frustrated as
art, due to its good intentions of wanting
to fill this purely informational role.
On Work Habits
"I need the light of day to be able to
write. As a journalist in France, for seven
years, I worked from ten at night until
three in the morning. I slept until noon,
which is when I began to write. And I
wrote until six or seven at night. It's now
my habit to begin work at noon. It's odd,
but those are the best hours for me. To
write at night, or in the morning isn't
good for me psychologically. Each person
has strange quirks, and one of mine is
beginning at noon and going non-stop. If
I'm interrupted I can't go on. I generally
work five, six hours straight. Some days
more, if I feel enthusiastic, but at least
five, every day except Sunday. 1 think I
owe that to.Europe, where I acquired the
discipline of being able to sit in front of
the typewriter for five hours, even though
I didn't write a single word." o
h in his
pe for a
Marquez, with Cien Aiios de Soledad,
100,000. Many countries have no
publishing houses. The writers themselves
publish their books, which are badly
distributed. In some countries, such as
Argentina, and Mexico, author's rights are
respected, or at least the laws exist. But
many countries print pirate editions,
without the author's knowledge or
permission. In Peru, there is a little
editorial activity in recent years. Some
authors receive royalties, which permit
them to smoke cigarettes, or ride on
buses. But that's all.
Culture and Poverty
CULTURE AND POVERTY. Charles A.
U. of Chicago Press. 216 pp. $5.95
In the preface to his book, Valentine
characterizes his work as "ambitious" and
".presumptuous." This is not an idle
disclaimer, but a' candid and accurate
appraisal which, I suspect, he arrived at
belatedly after finishing .his book. This
interpretation is suggested by the
difference in quality between the
beginning of the book, where he is the
over zealous critic, and the latter portion,
where he tries to be constructive and
presents his own rather uninspired views
of what should be done about the poor.
It is exasperating to find-that some of his
most belabored criticism in the early
parts of the book is negated in the latter
,part, where he quietly incorporates as his
own the very point of view he has earlier
decried. It is at .the same time reassuring
Because it suggest some flexibility and
' 'capacity for growth. The ideas he has
borrowed inrprove the.-quality of the
book. Thus, his "Postscript: A Proposal
for Empowering the Poor to Reduce
Inequality" is a worthwhile and
iinportant statement. (On the other hand,
Shis "'Appendix: Toward an Ethnographic
Research Design," is unexciting and reads
like a graduate student's research
SValentine warns us that he has done
Sn;ifirst hand,.systematic research among
:tlite po'r anad:that his knowledge is based
essentially on his reading and library
research. 'He writes as an anthropologist
-and as a citizen concerned with problems
of social justice and with the persistence
of poverty. He also .writes as a
self-appointed defender of the image of
the poor, whom he tends to idealize in a
Valentine believes that those of us
who have some professional expertise in
the study of poverty have had a
"predominantly pernicious influence."
He is critical of the work of most of the
people he discusses. He examines, with
.varying degrees of superficiality, the
writings of E. Franklin Frazier, Nathan
Glazer, Daniel P. Moynihan, Walter
Miller, .David Matza, Oscar Lewis,
Kenneth Clark, Charles Keil, Thomas
Gladwin, Elliott Liebow, and Herbert
Gans. Only, Gans and Liebow come off
On the whole, I find Valentine's
book tendentious, self-righteous,
pedestrian, and downright irresponsible in
its distortion of the views of others ...
For all his aggressive rhetoric, he suggests
no fundamental changes in the structure
of the social and economic system
beyond that of providing better jobs for
the unemployed by a national policy of
compensatory hiring. He says, essentially,
that -we need well-rounded, intensive
anthropological studies of slum'life, based
upon the traditional methods of
participation, observation, etc. While I
would certainly agree that we need more
studies of many kinds, this is hardly an
Because so much of his criticism is
directed to my own work, I should like to
reply to some of the issues he raises, even
though I find most of them spurious and
unenlightening. Valentine criticizes me
for using the expression "culture of
poverty" instead of "subculture of
poverty." It should have been evident to
any careful reader, but especially to an
anthropologist, that I was describing a
model of a subculture and not of a
I decided to use the term culture of
poverty because my books were intended
for a wide audience. I believed that the
concept of a subculture, difficult even for
social scientists would confuse the
average reader and, like the term
subhuman, might suggest inferiority. I
hoped that the term "culture" would
convey a sense of worth, dignity, and the
existence of pattern in the lives of the
poor despite the miserable conditions
under which they live. 1 believe that most
Sof my colleagues understood my
Valentine insistently attributes to me
the idea that the people I am describing
have a self-contained and self-sufficient
way of life. This is absurd. I never
suggested that people with a subculture
of poverty are totally isolated from the
institutions and values of the larger
society. The marginality I described is
obviously a relative matter and involves
nor isolation but the degree of effective
1 have recently explained in more
detail some aspects of,the subculture of
... (1) The traits fall into a number of
clusters and are functionally related
within each cluster. (2) Many, but not
all, of the traits of different clusters are
also functionally related. For example,
men who have low wages and suffer
chronic unemployment develop a poor
self-image, become irresponsible,
abandon their wives and children, and
take up with other women more
frequently than do men with high
incomes and steady jobs. (3) None of the
traits, taken individually, is distinctive
per se of the subculture of poverty. It is
their conjuction, their function, and
their patterning that define the
subculture. (4) The subculture of
poverty, as defined by these traits, is a
statistical profile; that is, the frequency
of distribution of the traits both singly
and in clusters will be greater than in the
rest of the population. In other words,
more of the traits will occur in
combination in families with a
subculture of poverty than in stable
working-class, middle-class, or
,upper-class families. Even within'a single
slum there will probably be a gradient
from culture of poverty families to
families without a culture of poverty. (5)
The profiles of the subculture of poverty
will probably differ in systematic ways
with the difference in the national
cultural contexts of which they are a
part. It is expected that some new traits
will become apparent with research in
I have not yet worked out a system
of weighing each of the traits, but this
could probably be done and a scale
could be set up for many of the traits.
Traits that reflect lack of participation in
the institutions of the larger society or
an outright rejection -in practice, if not
m theory- would be the crucial traits;
for example, illiteracy, provmcialism,
free unions, abandonment of women and
children, lack of membership in
voluntary associations beyond the
I had no intention of equating' an
entire slum settlement with the
subculture of poverty as Valentine
erroneously does. In my experience, the
people who live in slums, even in small
ones, show a great deal of heterogeneity
in income, literacy, education, political
sentiments, and life .styles. Indeed, I
claimed that for some characteristics my
sample of 100 families from four San
Juan slums was a good sample of the
island as a whole.
It should be clear to anyone who ha!
read the introduction to La Vida that thf
Rios family was not intended to be ar
ideal representative of the subculture o'
poverty modeL The income of the various
members of the Rios family living in
separate households was well in the
middle group of the Esmeralda slum. Had
I intended to illustrate the model in its
purest form, I would have published ;
Evidence presented in the literature .
surveyed here seems to provide little
basis for a clear choice between these
interpretations. To conclude that the'
two formulations are both valid but not
mutually exclusive, that the two causal.
sequences may be coexistent and
perhaps mutually reinforcing, is a
position that may ultimately prove well
In the light of this admisspin, one
wonders why he attacks my proposition
that once the subculture of- poverty
comes into existence as a result of the
total social system, it is also in some
measure internally self-perpetuating.
More serious is Valentine's insistence
that I have given highest priority to the
." ." '.*
c e .. n 4'
by Oscar Lewis
volume on a family with an annual. ,..
income of less.than S500.00 a year;,22 ..- -,,
of the families in the slum were.in :this ,.
category in. 1960, ''. .. :-::
In his efforts to show that some: ':
the characters in La Vida weir less '
provincial and isolated than one might
have expected from the ideal type,
Valentine stacked the cards against the
model by selecting as--his examples .
individuals who had lived for many years .' ''
in New York City and who had incomes: ,
many times higher than their relatives.in ,
San Juan: For example, Benedicto:and ... :: I
Soledad together earned over $8,000 '': ::
year and Simplicio and his wife,?eairn.- ed, .:%
over 5,000. Moreover, Benedicto was a :
-bilingual, literate,. and sophisticated..'
merchant seaman .who had' seen the'.
world. Again, the Sanchez family was.not: .'.
presented -as an ideal example o'fthe :..:':
subculture of poverty modeL It seemed "
to me that the very wide range of types in
this family would make that-self-evideut.
Furthermore, I made-it clear that -they : .
were iii the middle-income group of the -
Casa Grande vecindad. Manuel Sanchez.
was relatively sophisticated, literate and-.'..
well-traveled compared to his younger ..
sister Marta, and the contrast between': .
Consuelo and Aunt Guadalupe was~ven' .-!"
more marked. Had my primary objective ..-'.-i:'
- been to illustrate the model, Iwould havee',,
published an-entire volume on Guidalupe
and her husband, two minor characters in ;; ,
The Children of Sanchez.. .... -
"In 'his .citique' of-p;ny.subculturew of,.,.*
poverty model;- Valentine -'manages to. .
distort my position -by omitting: .my"..-,
discussion of the causes of -the-
phenomenon, the conditions under which
it arises, -its adaptive functions, and the
conditions under which it will probably
disappear. He misses the significance of
the difference between poverty and the
subculture of poverty. In -making this
distinction I have tried to illustrate a -.
broader generalization; namely, that it is
a serious mistake to lump all poor people
together, because the causes, the
meaning, and the consequences of
poverty vary considerably in different
Valentine sometimes denies the.
existence of the subculture of poverty- .;
and at other times reluctantly accepts it.
The issue is whether the way of life '' .. '
described in my books is simply an
adaptation of the poor to-the total social. ;
system (an adaptation which supposedly .-".
begins from scratch with each new "
generation),-or whether the very process :
of adaptation of the poor develops a set.
of values and norms which justify calling
it a subculture. At one point he writes:
elimination of the culture of poverty as a
way of life rather than to the elimination
'of poverty per se, and the related charge
that I have put the onus of poverty on
S the character of the people rather than
S upon the larger society. This is patently
Sfalse and flies in the face of my published
statements, in which I have consistently
considered. it most urgent to eliminate
economic poverty in the United States by
creating new jobs, by paying people
higher wages, by training unskilled
workers, and by guaranteeing people a
decent minimum annual income. My
point, however, was that even if all this
.were done, there would still remain a
il 'a number of families with many social
:' arids thological problems. It was in this
:: onnectibn that I have suggested special
services in addition to income
improvement. I mentioned this problem
in m'y, dialogue with the late Senator
Robert Kennedy, published in Redbook
(1967). For example, in response to
S Kennedy's question about the importafice
of better jobs and higher income, I
replied, "Yes, it would make a difference
and it should receive the highest priority
in any case. Every American citizen
deserves that as a minimum. How they
run their lives is their business, if it
doesn't hurt society as a whole. But we
oversimplify the solution if we think it's
just a question of money."
< ,, At one point Valentine charges that
-imy concept of a culture of poverty was a
guiding principle of the War Against
Poverty and must, therefore, bear some
r'. 'responsibility for its failure. What a naive
;: -arid absurd conception of the power of
S. social science in our society! It is not the
concept of a culture or subculture of
poverty which is responsible for the lack
of success of the anti-poverty program,
b.-....: 'but rather (1) the failure of the President
'a n ..d the Congress of the United States to
S' ,::understand the degree of national
'ir : commitment necessary to cope with the
A ib::' glieim and (2) the Vietnam war, which
h.', -'as been draining our economic and
'" -c having arrended Moynihan's
Syear-long seminar on poverty and having
S;' .:heard some of the men who were directly
; i'.esponsible for formulating, organizing,
and carrying out the war against poverty,
I.. can testify that most of them had only
the vaguest conception of the .difference
;. between poverty and the subculture of
poverty. The anti-poverty program was
correctly directed at economic poverty
and not at the subculture of poverty
... "(which, I believe, is found only in
approximately 20%'of the families who
live below the poverty level).
What I find most disappointing in
Valentine's treatment of my recent work
is his failure to respond with sympathy
and warmth to the people who tell of
their lives in Five Families, The Children
of Sanchez, Pedro Martinez, and La Vida.
This is surprising in the light of his
statement of his objectives:
If we can really regain the art of living
with the natives (i.e., urban slum
dwellers), ... we should be able to see
the world as it is from within the alien
sub-society ... for we shall know the
people ourselves at firsthand ... It seems
probable that the future ethnographer of
the poor will have clear knowledge of
what lower-class people want...
This is what I have tried to do in my
studies of slums in Mexico City, San
Juan, and New York, and I have said so
explicitly in each of the volumes
discussed. Valentine does not analyze the
meaning of poverty and its political
implications as seen in the rich data
provided by the people themselves in
these volumes. Instead, he brushes this
data aside as "raw material" and
concentrates on the more abstract issue
of theoretical models and the culture of
poverty, issues which were quite
incidental to the major objectives of the
,books. As far as I am concerned, my
formulation of a subculture of poverty is
simply a challenging hypothesis which
should be widely tested by empirical
Valentine misrepresents my work
when he suggests that my focus on the
family as a unit of study has led me to
neglect or eliminate "evidence of life
. beyond the confines of the household"
(p. 63). Can it be that he didn't read or
doesn't remember the descriptions in The
Children of Sanchez of jail scenes, police
brutality, Army life, gang activities in the
vecindad, work in the market, work in
shops and factories, work in' the fields as
a bracero in California, impressions of life
in the United States, etc?
Throughout most of the early and
middle portion of the book, Valentine
consistently complains about the unduly
negative images of the poor which emerge
from the studies of professional social
scientists. Speaking for myself, I should
like to take sharp exception to his
implication that I have exaggerated the
pathology and weaknesses of the poor. It
is curious and ironical that he should even
make this charge. Some critics have
complained that I have glorified the poor
and that I have improved their language
to give more beauty and profundity to it
than they are capable of expressing. My
by Barry Levine
A SPECIAL PREVIEW of: The Sober
Generation: Children of Operation
Bootstrap A Topology of Competent
Coping by Adolescents in Modern Puerto
Rico. R. Fernandez Marina, U. von
Eckardt, E. Maldonado Sierra. (To be
published by U. of Puerto Rico Press, in
The Sober Generation is a
gently-titled study of 20 young Puerto
Rican squares. Not of the West Side Story
image, with stocking cap, pegged pants,
and freaky clothing, these twenty are
"Operation Bootstrap" babies- the good
children who are coming through
modernization. with high grades and no
record, proto-joiners who can relate well
"They are content with the imperfection
and instability of human events, seeking
no happiness beyond the tranquility of
rational and realistic expectations. They
are not impulsive, nor reckless, seeming
to lack boldness and spontaneity. The
sober generation is just that: cautious,
prudent, and conventional -realistic and
responsible. They are willing to work in
a community of equal brothers and
sisters, mutually dependent and united
-if not in love and passion- at least in
friendship and loyalty to each other."
The subjects, originally students at
University High School, were interviewed
and given thematic apperception tests
several times from senior year in high
school through sophomore year in
college. Their high school teachers and
parents were questioned about the
students and basic information was
gathered. The research, under the
auspices of the Puerto Rico Institute of
Psychiatry, was to discover how these
young Puerto Ricans, judged competent
by the society around them, coped with
their life situations, family, peers,
academic matters, values and attitudes.
The students proved "conservative,
but not reactionary, liberal but not
progressive." They refused cultural or
national identification and had little
commitment to any specific political
ideology. Religion was a matter of taking
the label rather than the belief. Values
professed included: family, profession,
respectability, ability to get along with
others, being a "nice guy," respect for
authority but not for authoritarianism,
loyalty, and for the new meaning of
dignidad in terms of egalitarianism. They
adopted the values their families
proffered, though did not necessarily
"many students complained that their
Bootstrap generation parents' 'never read
a book, never saw a play, never talked
about anything interesting.' They were
particularly upset by this when their
mothers were teachers."
Generally, their ways fall somewhere
between rationalist and traditional
practices, nowhere near the beat of the
How did the students manage to
cope so competently? As one of the
authors related to me: "Confusion
helps! Ambivalence, where one places
"equal value upon two distinct and even
opposite objects, events, or courses of
action," is such a maneuver. Ambivalence
manifests itself in divergence between
abstract normative judgements and
specific and/or actual ones. It is
functional in relation to modern Puerto
Rico and the students' adolescence:
"Thus the students were able to remain
self-consistent in an inconsistent
environment and to leave open for
I guess I am religious, but I am
not really religious, not so it should
really interfere with something that
I felt was normal.
Am I happy? I think I am
happy. I know I don't feel that any'
injustice has been done to me. I am
able to do what I want. I guess I am
I am just another student in a
whole group. I am like most of the
students, perhaps more preoccupied,
with school work. I have
aspirations, I am trying to become a.
professional. I have a very rare
character. Sometimes I get angry
about things that most people
would not get angry at. Perhaps I
am neurotic. I like social relations
with persons of my own sex and
the other sex. I am not an
exception. I consider myself part of
the whole group. What more do
You want me to say? "
own evaluation of the people in my
books belies Valentine's charges.
Belatedly, Valentine acknowledges
the relationship between culture and
personality and, if I understand him
correctly, affirms the self-perpetuating
element in the subculture of poverty, an
idea which had been anathema to him
earlier in the book. He writes:
... there is certainly empirical evidence
of parhology, incompetence, and other
kinds of inadequacy among the people'
of the ghettos and slums, as there is in.
the rest of society. There can be no
doubt that living in poverty has its own
destructive effect on human capacities
and that these impairments become part
of rhe whole process perpetuating
The crucial question from both the
scientific and the political point of view
is: How much weight is to be given to the
internal, self-perpetuating factors in the
subculture of poverty as compared to the
external, societal factors? My' own
position is that in the long run the
self-perpetuating factors are relatively
minor and unimportant as compared to
the basic structure of the larger society.
However, to achieve rapid change and
improvement with the minimum amount
of trauma one must work on both the
"external" and "internal" conditions. To
ignore the internal factors is to ignore and
distort the reality of people with, a
subculture of poverty. In effect, this is
harmful to their interests because it plays
down the extent of their special needs
and the special programs which are
necessary to make up for the deprivations
and damage which they have suffered
over many generations.O
CAI?BBEAN rEVI EW
possible future commitment as adults
and when the historical moment was to
arrive all given alternatives. Each
ambivalent student was, to paraphrase
Plato, the society 'writ-small,'
consistently contradicting themselves in
a one-to-one correlation to the
contradictions with which they had to
Similarly, the authors indicate four
other strategies: (1) Depersonalization
and detachment -the students refuse to
personify, they keep all ideals within
practical reach, and they disengage
themselves from conflicts, competitions,
and causes chat require commitment;
(2)Positive dependency and indirect
manipulation either they take a "wait
and see" attitude or they let others make
th~ir decisions for them; rules effectively
enforced go unquestioned, and goals,
when resisted, are sought by indirect
rather than direct means; (3)Familiarizing
they liked what they knew and thus
met new situations with known formulas;
(4) Insight -several were capable of
predicting their reaction to situations and
thus were able to figure'out how to deal
How can the. reader cope with this
book? The typescript is over 1,000
pages, peppered with too many forced
charts, too much analysis, and is filled
with too chummy interpretations about a
secure Puerto Rican future. Yet it is the
first serious in-depth'study of the new
urban middle-class: the students' citations
yield interesting "raw" information,
much of the interpretation is enlightening
and insightful, such as that dealing with
the dynamics of coping behavior.
Weeding through its pages, the reader will
have to evaluate for himself what is or is
For example, I found certain things
annoying; the barely-clothed evolutionary
scheme seems to me to have avoided the
, dynamics of cultural interpenetration of
which "Operation Bootstrap" was the
agent. More serious, however, is the
assumption of a one-,to-one relation
between culture and individual. On the
one hand, the authors praise the leaders
of Puerto Rico's "Operation Bootstrap."
On the other hand, they talk about
"Bootstrap" as something that everybody
"did," pulling together in egalitarian
partnership. If this is so, then the leaders
did little leading and lots of following, a
notion that's too Rousseauean for me.
What value do these psychological
studies of 20 students have in predicting
the future of Puerto Rican society? I
would suspect less than the authors care
to admit. Why should the future be a
projection of their present behavior?
Events may change the students' cautious
ways, leaders articulate their muddled
thoughts, or crises destroy their most
secure expectations. In which case, they
would probably become more interesting,
though probably not any happier.O
of Power: British-Style
On August 14,1968, The New York
Times devoted considerable space to the
increasingly dangerous situation in the
Venezuela-Guyana boundary dispute.
Almost a month later this matter reached
the Times editorial column under the
caption, "Venezuela Expands." The
editorial called for a solution of the
dispute by amicable means and pointed
to the threat raised by the unilateral
renunciation of international agreements
anywhere. It emphasized the sanctity of
treaties and their relevance to Latin
American states whose boundaries had
been fixed by treaties after wars.
Much more will be written in the
future concerning the merits and/or the
demerits of the arguments of Guyana and
Venezuela. Consequently, this article will
not attempt to do this nor to make any
assessment of Guyana's handling of the
matter. Its primary purpose is to show
Britain's role in the dispute within .the
framework of the United Nations, and
finally, place the dispute within the
sphere of current international politics.
There is a growing body of literature
today that deals with the irresponsibilities
of the small states, especially the new
ones in the United Nations. Charges have
been made that the African group at the
United Nations is interested in matters
purely African. They have been chided to
pay more attention to the major issues of
the day. Persistent whispers about
weighted voting and other inethods of
diminishing the.voting-power of the small
states have become a ruinble.
The fact of the matter is that the
new states are primarily concerned about
themselves just as the old states are about
themselves. If the small stares do no't look
out for their interests, they can hardly
expect the old, and usually rich, states to
do so for them. The world has changed a
great deal since World War I. The new
states have been hurled into a new world,
primarily the making of the old states.
New and more complex problems are to
be confronted by both new and old
states. The majority of the new states'
emerged from colonialism after the
Second World War. They were eager to
provide better living standards for their
peoples, only to be caught in the politics
of the Cold War of the major powers,
more often than not as pawns.
At the present session of the General
Assembly, the Secretary General has
repeatedly asserted that the economic gap
between poor states and rich states is
widening. The world has changed, yet one
political fact remains constant: states,
small and large, old and new, conduct
their foreign policies to derive maximum
benefit for themselves. Sovereign states
are the ones to determine what are their
vital interests, and whether this
assessment of their vital interests be right
or wrong. They set about as best they can
to protect or gain these interests.
The case of the United Kingdom
trying to extricate itself from the new
Guyana-Venezuela boundary dispute is
but another illustration of a nation
seeking its self-interest through
expediency. Britain has never found it
difficult to ditch its colonies in the
Caribbean, after they had served British
interests. In this cold and cruel world, it
is each man for himself. At least this
seems to be the position that Britain has
taken in the case of the
Guyana-Venezuela boundary dispute. On
the verge of British Guiana's
independence, Britain, in its self-interest,
began to free itself from an embarrassing
situation and at the same time left the
new nation of Guyana to face
Venezuela's diplomatic, and possibly
military, onslaught. It is necessary at this
stage to sketch briefly the historical
background of the dispute, what is
involved, its importance to the parties,
and finally, the nature of the dispute.
Today, Venezuela is claiming some
50,000 square miles of Guyanese
territory as its own. Venezuela's position
is that its eastern boundary is the
Essequibo River. The United Kingdom,
speaking for its colony of British Guiana.
consistently refused to accept this
position in the United Nations, and stated
that the matter did not necessitate any
conference or discussions, since there was
really nothing to discuss. The dispute
over Venezuela's eastern frontier and
Guyana's western frontier had its genesis
in the Treaty of Paris in 1814. Through
this Treaty, Venezuela succeeded to
Spain's title on the South American
continent. The British have maintained
that Guayana's western boundary was
never defined by treaty, but was
demarcated by them in accordance with
limits claimed and actually held by the
Dutch settlers. A British delegate stated
that this boundary went unchallenged
until 1840. Venezuelan arguments have
asserted that the Dutch knew the extent
of the territory they occupied and that at
no time did it spill into territory west of
the Essequibo River. Therefore, the
British could have never succeeded to
territory west of the Essequibo through
the Treaty of Paris. From 1839 when
Robert Schomburgh, a German expert in
geography, drew a map of the colony,
until 1899, the year in which the arbital
award was handed down, the boundary
problem was kept vigorously alive. In
1887 it became so heated that Venezuela
severed diplomatic relations with Britain.
If Venezuela were to gain the 50,000
square miles it claims, this would
appreciably reduce the size of newly
y 'Basil A. Inct
independent Guyana. Loss of this
expanse of territory, rich with virgin
forest and minerals, discovered and
undiscovered, would minimize Guyana's
chances of developing a truly viable'
economy. A Venezuelan delegate's
remark that "territory is the most
important attribute of a country's
sovereignty" has even more validity in the
Case of Guyana, whose future depends.on
room for expansion for an increasing
population. The dispute therefore
assumes considerable economic
The nature of the dispute is
essentiallyy legal. Following the rupture of
diplomatic relations in 1887, the United
States played a significant role in bringing
both parties to the conference table. This'
led to the adherence of both the United
Kingdom and Venezuela -to the
Arbitration Treaty of 1897,' which
provided for an Arbitral Tribunal,
comprised of five judges, to hand down
its findings on the dispute. Two years
later the Tribunal handed down its award
in Paris. Both parties accepted the
Tribunal's award and the matter was
considered a chose jugee since both-
parties had pledged themselves, under
Article XIII of the Treaty of Arbitration,
to accept the Tribunal's award as "a full,
perfect, and final settlement." In the'
United Nations, Venezuela has admitted
to accepting the Arbitration Treaty.
However, fifty years later, a posthumous
letter by Mr. Servero Mallet-Prevost, a
U.S. lawyer for Venezuela, was published
in the American Journal of International
Law (A. J. 1. L.) in 1949. The contents of
this letter indicated that: (a) the award
was not made exclusively on legal
grounds, but had taken into consideration
questions of international policy; (b) a
British judge who seemed to -favor the
Venezuelan argument during the
preliminary hearing in Paris, suddenly
changed his attitude after spending .a
two-week adjournment in Paris with the
Russian judge in-the Tribunal, Professor
Martens; (c) the Russian member of the
Tribunal, who was anxious to have a
unanimous decision, paid a visit to the
two American justices on the Tribunal
and persuaded them to vote along with
the British judge and the Russian
professor. The above factors convinced
Mr. Mallet-Prevost that a deal had been
made between Russia and Britain to have
the case decided in Britain's favor,-ahd
that for the sake of unanimity, the
American justices finally went along with
the British and Russian judges. It was on
the basis of the Mallet Prevost
memorandum- that Venezuela raised the
issue in the United Nations in 1962.
Between the publication of the
posthumous letter in 1949, and arrival of
the boundary dispute in the United
Nations in 1962, Venezuela had raised
the question on two occasions, first in
1951, when it reserved its rights at the
Fourth meeting of Consultation of
Ministers of Foreign Affairs, and three
years later at the Tenth Inter-American
conference. When it was learnt that the
colony of British Guiana was about to
gain its independence, Venezuela began
to vigorously pursue the matter in the
United Nations. Indeed with such vigor
that the United Kingdom was forced to-
the bargaining table in 1962. It is
- ----- ___ _ __ __ _. 0 )
necessary to reemphasize here that the
United Kingdom had repeatedly told
Venezuela that there was no need for any
S conference to discuss the issue.
Once awakened,- and probably
S flushed with its diplomatic success in
bringing Britain to the conference table,
Venezuela ventured even further and
'.. ( occupied independent Guyana's territory.
In 1966 Venezuelan soldiers occupied
and began fortifying the island of
SAnkoko in the Cuyuni River. The
Arbitral Award of 1899 had given half of
;:,- .- the island to British duiana. Venezuelan
,' ..naval craft are now patrolling outside the
SThlreemile limit claimed by Guyana. In
additn, the new city of Ciudad Guyana
is thie, base for Venezuela's heavy
'"i" -industry ;and as such more expansion is
planned.with this city as the center.
S On the basis of the Mallet-Prevost
.' letter Venezuela challenged the validity
o : f the 1899 Arbitral Award in the United
:i..-_ Nations. 'it charged that the boundary
had been drawn "without regard either to
the rules of the Arbitration Treaty of
1897 or to the applicable principles of
international law. Venezuela contended
t.:,: that the arbiters had exceeded their
S -power n 'application of the Arbitral
Treaty, therefore, the award was "pseudo
:'legal." As early as February 15,1962, a
:... Venezuelan delegate asserted that his
:'. country had hoped that the "dispute will
: be. solved by, negotiations between the
-: ;"- interested parties. ."
What was the British reaction to
Venezuelan objectives which (before
;....Ankoko) had- pressed for "friendly"
negotiations which would lead to an
: -"amicable" solution or a "peaceful"
settlement( The reply of the United
l.;"'-'.'Kingdom delegate was terse and clear.
'i:'..Speaking -in the Fourth Committee on
Fe.:- Februjy 22,1962, he emphatically
stated: "My government considers that
t;; .he wesieir boundary of Briish"Giziana
': .- with Venezuela was finally settled by the
i' .-award which the Arbitral Tribunal
announced on October 3, 1899."
' Seven months later the British were
::'/,.l still holding fast to their position. A
British delegate emphasized on October
1, 1962, that: "... the United Kingdom
i'.: government regards the western boundary
;- of British, Guiana. with Venezuela as
finally settled by the arbitration award
;.'." which followed the Treaty of February
':: 2,1897, under Article B of which both
S governments pledged themselves to
accept the Tribunal's award as a full and
final settlement." Nearly one and a half
months later, in the Special Political
Committee, the United Kingdom made a
Full and comprehensive statement in reply
to another Venezuelan request for
negotiations. Replying on the principle of
pacta sunt-servanda, the United Kingdom
delegate asked the members of the
Special Political Committee to consider
the implications of re-opening a dispute,
fi(ty-seven years after a frontier
settlement had been put into effect. He
argued' that there would be no frontier
agreement in any part of the world which
could not be questioned and no
international agreement which could not
be brought into doubt. He concluded:
".... by agreeing to re-open such
questions we should destroy the very
means by which disputes can be finally
solved." Then in an anticlimactic
non-sequiturs the British delegate
whispered: "I am, therefore, authorized
to say that my government, with the full
concurrence of the government of British
Guiana, are prepared to discuss with the
Venezuelan government, through
diplomatic channels, arrangements for a
S tripartite Venezuela, Britain, British
Guiana examination of the voluminous
documentary material relevant to this
Painfully aware that this was a
retreat from Britain's previous position of
regarding the settlement as full and final,
the British delegate made an effort to
temper the shock of retreat. He
continued, "In making this offer I must
make it very clear that it is in no sense an
offer to engage in substantive talks about
revision of the frontier. That we cannot
do, for we consider that there is no
justification for it. This offer ... reflects
our anxiety ... to dispel any doubts
which the Venezuelan government may
still have about the validity or propriety
of the -arbitral award." Three days later,
the Chairman of the Special Political
Committee was able to place on record
that "the United Kingdom, British
Guiana, and Venezuela had agreed to
examine documentary material available
to all parties, relevant to this question."
The parties were to inform the United
Nations about the results of the
Nearly a year later the Venezuelan
delegate was happy to announce that
British and Venezuelan officials were to
meet in London to complete
conversations on the matter. With respect
to these conversations, the British and the
Venezuelans issued a joint communique
on November 7, 1963, to indicate the
state of the conversations. It is interesting
to note that while replying to a
Venezuelan statement, a British delegate
used the phrase "exchange and
examination of-documents." So this was
what was really meant by the previous
phrase: ". . examination of the
voluminous documentary material." The
purpose of the United kingdom, British
Guiana and Venezuela coming together
was to exchange and examine documents.
This exchange and examination of
documents continued throughout 1964.
On October 6,1965, a United Kingdom
letter to the Secretary General stated that
an agreement had been reached, "on the
holding of preparatory talks between
officials of the two governments in order
to agree upon an agenda for a subsequent
ministerial meeting." These "preparatory
talks", later called ''preliminary
discussions," were held in London in
December 1965; in February 1966, the
Foreign Ministers of the United Kingdom,
Venezuela and the Prime Minister of
British Guiana met in Geneva. It is
necessary to pause briefly for
stock-taking. In 1962, the parties had
decided to "exchange and examine"
documents. Three years later, the reader
is hearing of "preparatory talks".
Preparatory talks for what? Had no
relevant documents been exchanged and
examined in the ensuing three years?
When the reader hears of "preliminary
discussions," only then does he know
what the "preparatory talks" were all
about. The "preparatory talks" were
about "preliminary discussions."
During this welter of diplomatic
jargon, both parties stuck to their original
points of view. It is somewhat enigmatic
to understand Britain's actions since they
certainly are not in accord with the
original British view point: that the affair
was res indicate. If the affair were already
finally settled, why an exchange and
examination of documents? Then
"preparatory talks" and "preliminary
discussion"! The upshot of the whole
affair was the signing of an agreement by
the three parties in Geneva in February
1966. Under this Geneva agreement, inter
alia, a Mixed Commission was to be
established to seek a satisfactory solution
to settle the controversy between
Venezuela on the one hand and the
United Kingdom and British Guiana on
the other. The United Kingdom had made
a complete retreat from its previous
position. Documents were no longer to be
exchanged and examined_ but now a
Mixed Commision was established -'to.
settle the controversy."
The Mixed Commision, to be
comprised of two members appointed by
Venezuela and two by British Guiana,
was to report every six months. If within
a four-year period no agreement had been
reached, it should refer any outstanding
question to the governments concerned in
its final report. Again, if agreement could
not be reached by the parties concerned,
the matter was to be. referred to an
appropriate international organization-or
to the Secretary General of the United
Nations in accordance with Article 33 of
the United Nations Charter.
This agreement was entered into on
February 1, 1966, less than three months
before British Guiana was to become an'
independent nation. This was to be
Guyana's independence gift: a boundary
.dispute inherited from colonial days. The
dispute was to be faced with the
minimum of British help. After all,
British Guiana was to be independent,
therefore, that must have been the British
rationale for allowing British Guiana to
name two members to the Mixed
Commission like Venezuela. Anyone
wishing to point out how Britain had
shamefully abandoned British Guiana
would easily be met with a British
rejoinder, "But we are parties to the
Geneva agreement." But this should not
restore Guyana's confidence in the
United Kingdom, if the former examines
Britain's past behavior on the issue.
What is the current situation? 1 am
not referring to Venezuela's incursions
into Guyanese territory, but to the
current state of diplomatic negotiations.
The reader will recall that the Mixed
Commission set up at Geneva was to
report every six months on progress
made, and that if no agreement had been
reached within four years, that the matter
was to be referred to an appropriate
international organization. The four years
soon expire and no amicable solution has
yet been reached. Several meetings
between the countries have been held
since 1966, and the little wedge, thanks
to the United Kingdom, stuck in British
Guiana's diplomatic armour in 1962, has
now turned out to be a gaping hole for
Guyana. Latest reports indicate that a
Sub-Commission has been set up by the.
Mixed Commission to consider prospects
of co-operation in development between
the two countries. Venezuela recently
withdrew from the Sub-Commission since
it was adamant that such development
should be restricted to the Essequibo area
which is under contention.
Britain has all but abandoned
Guyana. The main reason is, of course,
self interest. Britain cannot really be
bothered with commitments throughout
the globe as once upon a time. She has
been very busy shedding her colonies on
account of among other things, lack of
resources. No longer does Britain need
the Latin American region for naval and
military purposes as she did up to the late
nineteenth century when she exercised
paramountcy over the area.
The problem of resources is
important, especially when the politics of
Guyana is taken into consideration. It
should not be forgotten that Britain had
sent warships to British Guiana on more
than one occasion. The possibility of
intervention in Guyana is over present
should the avowed Marxist, Cheddi Jagan,
come to power again in Guyana. At
present, the United States is exercising a
"hands-off" policy, simply because
Guyana and Venezuela are both. its
friends. Therefore, it could not intervene
on behalf of either of the two countries.
However, should Jagan come to power,
U. S. policy will undoubtedly undergo a
re-assessment. The exposure of C. I. A.
activity in British -Guiana prior to
independence cannot be easily forgotten.
Even during a debate at the United
Nations on the inclusion of a phrase to
indicate that a boundary dispute existed
between Venezuela and British Guiana,
the U.S. delegate had openly "hoped for
the day when an independent British
Guiana with a freely,y elected'
non-totalitarian government representing
all races could be welcomed to the United
Nations (The italics are mine). Should
Jagan come to power, a weary Britain, no
longer able to police in the world, would
leave this task to those who have the
desire and resources to do so.0
1. Here are some articles which treat the
irresponsibility of the new state, mi the United
Nations. Some suggest weighted voting as a
solution to the problem. It should .be
understood that none of the authors of the
articles I mention necessarily take such a stand.
In point of fact, they oppose such a viewpoint.
However, all of these authors, at least, mention -
parties who have taken such a stand in their
discussion of the matter: Coral Bell, "The U. N.
and the West" International Affairs, Vol.
XXIX, No.4. October 1953, pp. 466: Alan de
Rusett, "Large and.Small States ii
International Organization," International
Affairs, Vol. XXX, No.4, October 1954, pp.
463-4: Goeffrey Goodwin, "Role of the United
Nations in World Affairs," International
Affairs, Vol. 34, No. 1, January 1958, pp.
31-35; Geoffrey Goodwin, "The Expanding U.
N.: Voting Patterns," International Affairs,
Vol. 36, No. 2, pp. 175,184; Catherine
Hoskyns, "The African States and the U. N.,"
International Affairs, Vol. 40, 1964, pp.
While not openly stating so. Sydney
Bailey's "'U. N. Voting: Tyranny of the
Majority," The World Today, June 1966,
certainly suggests that the new states at the
United Nations act irresponsibly or do not play
according ro the rules oftl game. If this is the
case a partial explanation may be that they
have merely learned the lessons of their former
colonial tutors so well.
Finally, Francis Plimpton's article, "The
U. N. Needs Family Planning," New York
Times Magazine, September 18, 1'966, is one of
the articles that deals with the preoccupation of
the African states with matters racial and
"In another news article, in The New York
Times of October 3, 1968, Benjamin Welles
quotes an unidennfied high U.S. official as
saying that the United Nations "must be
reformed -it has to be saved from itself. This
one country, one vote principle is mad."
Model City: Dawn or Disaste
MODEL CITIES PROGRAM:
MUNICIPALITY OF SAN JUAN. (3
Vols.) City Demonstration Agency, San
Model Cities is for the families who
.-live there. The purpose of the Federal
jgranits is to raise the quality of life of
?these; renovating the area in which they
"live is merely a means towards that basic
goal, which-is to find solutions to the
embarrassing and dangerous poverty that
:-' stains our.climb to economic security.
STo apply for the millions of dollars
"offered, Puerto Rico has written
Hundreds of thousands of words. The city
has promised to use the money to help
Spring the dawn of a new life to at least a
few of its poor. The residents of the area
know of these promises; failure, to fulfill
them may bring not dawn but disaster to
San Juan. Precisely that disaster which
already disturbs much of the urban world
and which Model Cities is meant to arrest
.or.reverse: the injustice which permits a
Sullen anid eventually mutinous mass to
.be: disinhJerited in a game where the
.winners are also the umpires.
San- Juan was one of the cities
j:elected for the Model Cities experiment
Because more than half of Puerto Rico's
families are poor: income is below the
:,.minimum wage, legally they are medical
:indigents, housing is classified as
sub-standard, education is hardly above
the literacy level. About 5,000 of these
families (4.5. persons each) live in the
Model Teigiborhood around the Martin
Pea aa. 1,100 of these live in a public
-housing project (Nemesio Canales).
Another 1,100'live in fairly substantial
housing with regular street patterns
(Gandul, Tras Talleres, Figueroa). The
remaining 2,800 families live in housing
which varies greatly in quality but at
worst is: nearly uninhabitable (Las
Corozas, Melilla, Tokio). Part of these
-areas have regular paved streets, but part
extends into the 'swamp of the Canal
The age distribution shows a
disproportionate number of children and
elderly. The middle group includes many
female heads of household, and disabled -
males. Only 3,000 of the 22,500 residents
are employed. Average family income is
Slow, S200 per month, but a few families
'earn up to $500 to $600 a month. The
total personal income of the families is
-$12 million per year. The value of all
government services received may add
Another $6 million.
SThe- Model City grant is expected to
be $7 million for the first year and to
remain at least at that level for five years.
Since the supplementary funds may also
be used to match federal grant funds, the
value of government services received
may be doubled. Thus, the program may
run to $65 million or $2,600 per family a
year ($13,000 in the five years).
What will this money do for the
.5,000 families 'as a result? Monthly
income is expected to increase to $500,
average education to from five to eight
-years. In health, housing, social services,
crime control, recreation, transportation,
and physical environment, the theme is
that "the average Model City family
shotild be as well. off as the average
,metropolitan area family."
San Juan plans to accomplish its
optimistic goals with -relatively slender
resources (traditional urban renewal
programs spend nearly $20,000 per
family for demolition and relocation to
public housing). Plans call for three
strategies: (1) services and facilities are to
be brought close to the residents; (2)
aggressive "outreach" and "feedback"
projects are to promote the use of these
services and facilities; and (3) services will
be changed to better fit the actual needs
of the residents. Five neighborhood
centers will be tied into a single
Multi-Service Center, providing
non-school education, welfare, health,
employment and police services.
Elementary and secondary schools,
industrial and commercial developments,
will be built. Housing, recreation and
transportation, will be improved.
All Pue'ro Ricans are entitled to
these services but they have not been
equitably distributed in the past for
various reasons: geographical distance,
official regulation and brusque treatment,
lack of information or motivation,
repeated experiences of misunderstanding
and failure. Model City hopes to
overcome this with its plan of
psychological and physical nearness by
having the residents participate in
planning and carrying out the programs,
and by employing the residents as aides.
These plans are attractive. Any
Warning that they may lead to trouble is
usually met by an incredulous or tolerant
chuckle. The gentle poor of San Juan are
not going to get out of hand, especially
when millions of dollars are being
showered upon them.
However, while these services are to
be given, hundreds of millions of dollars
more will be spent on quite different
programs: (1) crisscrossing the
neighborhood with express highways and
swirling intersections: (2) relocating an
estimated 3,300 families, 2,000 of them
to outside public housing; and (3)
transforming the land for parks, industry,
and residences, including homes for
thousands of middle and low income
families to be brought in from outside. -
These old plans have been on the
books for a long time, drawn-up before
Watts, Detroit, and a dozen other cities
educated Congress beyond its incredulous
chuckle stage. They were drawn up under
a local government whose plans for San
Juan have since been voted unsatisfactory
and inadequate. The residents did not
participate in them, and are not yet
a -wd 1I
adequately informed about them. Can a
new' life come from such old bottles?
What of the commitment to minimum
relocation and maximum participation?
What happens to the strategies for social
and economic change so carefully worked
out? What of the promise to raise the
quality of life of the families who live
STRATEGIES: DIRECT AND INDIRECT
More services does not mean less
problems. Model Cities, although
conceived in a season of rising social
conflict, may, work worst when social
services are-emphasized most. Experience
suggests that success will be found mostly
in those cities which confront their
problems directly rather than indirectly.
Giving each poor family its 513,000 in
cash would be a direct approach,
although not a good one. But it might
work better than the indirect approach of
paying the $13,000 to middle class
professionals to do the helping.
The indirect approach provides
services to reduce problems, e.g., to
reduce delinquency by building tennis
courts. Poor families are given subsidized
public housing, softened school curricula,
sheltered public employment, superficial
public medicine. At least this approach
improves the indicators: less substandard
housing, fewer school dropouts, reduced
unemployment, longer life expectancy. It
is also comfortable: the money goes
directly to the multitude of middle class
employees who plan and administer the
.. i ....*; ..-..
by Howard Stanton
Carried to its ultimate (and San Juan
is in danger of doing so) it can develop
into an institutionalized two-class
program: the orienters vs. the oriented. .
The model city becomes an armed camp,
whose hard working administrative class
feeds, houses, and deans the unranked
mass; and they, in turn, serve the.roles
toward which they have been expertly
guided: the apparently friendly-
face-to-face relations hardly conceal 'he
mutual fear and hostility between them'..
Building tennis courts may actually..
increase delinquency rather than decrease
Raising indicators .does not-
ameliorate problems. Nevertheless, most .:
Model Cities will repeat this old
approach. We repeat the old, partly.
because we hope to do it better this time
around. "We'll have better tennis courts
this time ... lighted, perhaps, and with
indigenous leaders hired to instruct ..."
But mostly we repeat the old because we
don't know what else to do.
The poor have less of the good things -
of life because they are weaker.. The
direct approach goes to this fact,
emphasizing attempts to equalize
conditions of power. Poor families should
be given the same chance as any others to
accumulate their own property, -create
their own communities,' develop their "
own interests, and waste their own time.
.This 'is controversial it leads to" a
one-class society. Suppose opportunities :
in Puerto Rico were really equal. No child
would be better protected than any other
from the risk of a poorer positio-n in life.. .-':
The middle class may argue that its
childrenn are inherently better, and would'
do better in any case, but they are ..
notably reluctant to test such theory in
The direct approach requires detailed
knowledge of the families in the area.
Much can be learned from surveys, more
from participant observers. And, if we are '
willing to listen, well organized
neighborhood committees can rapidly
educate us. With this data we can start to
answer questions. What happens to the
child who gets caught stealing? What
happens if he has trouble in school, is
hurt in an accident, his father is alcoholic,
his playground is contaminated by a
factory? Does the same thing happen to
a poor child as to a middle class child? If --
not, the game is probably unfair,
opportunities are probably not equal.
Model Cities should plan to equalize
conditions, regardless of how much
innovation or near-revolution this may
'require. The evidence suggests that, to the
extent that we are successful in giving
them middle class power, the families will" .-
simply become middle class. To give the -
disadvantaged power, instead of services,
is often opposed because we are afraid it '
might in fact work.
Relocation, plans are a good example.
of the difference between giving services
and giving responsibility. Before the
Model City program, high density, high
rise, development was planned.
Residential use amounts to some 200
acres, with 20-25 families per acre.
Highways, parks, commerce, and
industry, will change the residential
location, though probably not the size.
To double the density, the number of
Families must be doubled: thus 5,000
more families must be brought into
Model City. High density means that
some residential areas must be high rise
S 'developments. Since the ground is soft,
Prolonged land preparation will be
needed. Three fourths of the present
.private dwelling units must be demolished
-and'3,300 relocations planned. Many will
leave the area; because of the delay, few
viwill ever'tihove back. To maintain the
density, they too-will be replaced by
The majority of the families w.ho
i2 ::; move in will not be low income because
S'; s ,', itcime neighborhoods. But middle
i b i me families will not come if they are
outnumbered by the poor, so a large
,i: numberr of middle income families are
i :plkn ned.'Of the, families who move out,
S the' majority will be placed in various
public housing projects. Most will be
assigned to -projects within a three mile
circl'earound Model City. Of families now
.in the area, 1,100 will stay in the present
-housing- project, 800 in the existent
better housing. Transportation between
.the two areas-is, and ill be, difficult.
How much social development will
occur? Where are the neighborhood
centers, the outreach and feedback
,- agents, the resident's participation? Who ,
S-will be using the indutry;schools, health
s'-;i stations, parks and other facilities of the
i Model City? ?How wit the residents react
: ;- when -the full import of this plan is
S .communicated to them? Listen to what
Sthe residents say:
We moved into San Juan to manpower
S the economic development. Squeezed
.., between high land prices and low. wages
.:'.: -we.created,.our own communities on an
W ."':' x -. edge of-'iuus'ed swai~m p.. obs' dame .and
..' .-.,.went, butt we eld tight'in- bur sacks
w b.hen there was no money, and rebuilt
them into houses whenever luck turned.
A shovelful at -a time we filled the mud
around us, drove back the edge of the
swamp. The pressure for space to build
r- -.'-s. one's house continued. A second wave of
shacks was built on piles ou; over the
S water. Land was filled, houses improved,
Si'., -..'-.,* and the process repeated, wave after
S wave. The swamp receded. The channel
narrowed. Always the newest and
.poorest-reaching out into the water, the
i.' older housing farther back improved to a
point -that astonished the few visitors
Sand brought us pride.The city tarred the
:streets, put in lights and water, but no
". schools, parks, or buses.
Ten, twenty, thirty, even forty years
'we've livd here. The children went on
to schooling far beyond us. It's our
neighborhood but it. can be hard. Many
bad people live here. The police come
only to arrest, never to protect a family.
Sometimes you have to give a .false
L address in order to get a job. Politicians
S use falsepromises and real threats to get
S what they want.
:'. .. Now San Juan has gotten rich. Look
:,' at the buildings and factories and houses
'we built all around us. Except as servants
they' won't even let us in them. Our
:', -" '". swamp is valuable. We filled it in, now
o -" _: other people want to live here. What will
happen to us? Le! them put us in a
public housing project? Move out of the
city? .Start again.in another swamp? 1
won't live in one of those concrete
Concentration camps. They'll have to
.shoot me first. I had relatives right over
there who believed all those fancy stories
and let them tear down their house.
Then what happened? It's worse then
here. Once you get in you can never get
:. '" out., You can never own anything.
They've been fooling us for a long time,
S'' say most of the families are
S: nters the renters are those who live
.' in the present public housing, or in the
sector designated for rehabilitation on
C..'. site. Almost all the families in the
.demolition area are home owners.
Planners say the families are too poor for
,any solution except public housing. But
public housing costs more than 115,000
per apartment. The residents can suggest
several solutions cheaper and more
effective than this.
Planners say communities should
have an income mix. But previous
attempts at this have led to high fences
and low mixing, and the area already has
a better income mix than any other part
of the city. Planners say everyone must
be moved out to permit land
stabilization.'But residents say some of
the vacant land should be stabilized first.
They could move there while other
sections are prepared. Some engineers
agree with the residents.
Planners say that the area must be
built up in high-rise, high-density
construction. But high-rise private
housing is already being built in P.R. at a
rate faster 'than public acceptance. And
high rise public housing, although untried
here, has had discouraging results in other
cities. Planners say the residents will
move peaceably, regardless of their
complaints. On this point the planners
may be right. Or they mTay be wrong,
The city of San Juan has solemnly
affirmed that the residents of the Model
Cities area participated in planning their
project. The affirmation is, to put it
politely, exaggerated. The city has also
affirmed that the residents will
participate in implementation of the
project. There is still time to avoid the
necessity of more exaggeration.
Although the problem is basically
one 'of power, its semantic overtones may
be reduced somewhat by changing the
concept from participation to
responsibility. The strategy may then be
phrased thus: the chances of success are
greater when the responsibility for a
program is shared with those whose lives
are to be affected by it. Five principles
for achieving this goal are:
1. Community representatives should
be chosen by the residents from election
districts small enough (such as blocks or
buildings) so that those voting may
personally know and have influence over
those elected. The previous
administration appointed representatives
along political lines, getting a group who
were of relatively higher income, who
looked down on their neighbors, and
who, in turn, were rejected by them. The
present administration has talked of
electing representatives in assemblies
which are likely to be ill attended and
dominated by existing organizations. A
better alternative would be street by
street elections within each sector,
sectoral organizations meeting together
long enough to get to know each other,
then electing members from among
themselves to a community-wide council.
2. There must be general public
acceptance of the legitimacy of the
council. A board of highly respected
citizens from the wider community
should design the election rules, observe
the procedures, and mediate any
complaints. Neither the past nor the
present administrations have proposed
any such open and neutral system. The
Mayor might ask for names from existing
Model City neighborhood organizations,
the University, and the mass media, for
example. It is important to minimize
whatever public doubt there might be
that the council does indeed speak for the
3. Residents who hold official and
rime-consuming posts in sectoral and
community councils should be
reimbursed for their services. First,
because these are low income groups for
whom even travel, baby sitting and
appropriate clothing may be a burden.
Second, since government staff and
consultants are paid, they can easily
attend more.frequently than the unpaid
residents who would be forced into
continuous absences from their regular
jobs. If this happens, it may be charged
with being too apathetic to share
4. Neighborhood organizations
should have funds for both their own
staff and consultants. Since their main
opposition will come from the
government agencies, They do not trust
agency staff. On the other hand, agency
staff quite rightly feel that resident's
objections may be ill-founded or
technically impossible. Office space,
clerical staff, and consulting engineers,
lawyers, economists, and planners are
among the necessary tools for a
responsible and effective community
5. Finally, residents must have legal
and organizational guarantees of their
influence over decisions. In the past
administration, the citizen's board was to
be consulted, but time and other
difficulties reduced this role to
minimum. Contact with the community
was through "coordinators" hired by th
municipality. These were residents, bu
they defined their own role as one -a
representing the agency- rather than thd
community. Present plans are not mud
better although guarantees would b
fairly easy to achieve: for example, major
program, budget, or plan changes might
require submission to the residents
council with thirty days notice to prepare
written comments: nominations fl
agency coordinators might be made '
the resident's council.
Just as Washington originally ay
optimistically once believed tha
-Americanization of Puerto Rico woull
solve all problems, so San Juai
apparently believes that instructing sli
or public housing residents in middle cla
ways is an appropriate cure.,There ai
only two problems with this strategy: (-3
.it is impossible to carry out, and (2) )
doesn't work. -1
If San Juan's view of it own slums.
so misinformed, what would the resident
plan for themselves? The answer
almost unanimous: 1, Jobs first. 2
Education, health and public order nex
3. Streets, housing and recreatid
improved whenever feasible. Where
this list are the super-highways,high ri
public housing, and acres of expensive
park? Just where they were on th
priorities for the -development of Puert
Rico thirty years ago -far down. Despite
Washington's strong doubts, Puerto Ric
was quite capable of effective planning b
There can be little doubt that th
residents' plan is'good, given the objecda
of raising the quality of life of th
neighborhood's families. But it will b
asked: Are the residents really able'?t
plan their own economic development
'One might counter:'.Can' anyone -else
More to the point is an -analysis a
subtleties in the mix of local planning
with outside capital and outside
consultants. Each agency of the Federa
Commonwealth and Municipa
governments has its own interests, fa
Nhich it must fight in competition wit
other agencies. Citizens' groups are a
additional and unwelcome constrain
Without this constraint, however
decisions often serve the agency's intered
better than the interest of their clients
Community organizations, too, ofte
pursue a policy of self interest which ma
betray the residents' confidence. The
also need careful watching and control. 1
Perhaps because of this, th
politician is often better than th
technician at distinguishing between
effective and ineffective plans. Ti
recently elected Mayor, Carlos Rometi
Barcelo, has, according to the resident
favored strategies of service, of relocatiq
and of participation, more effective tha
any included in the formal Model Cit
plan. He, like any other elected official,i
necessarily aware that the dawn of a ne
life can be politically profiable.
The sense of responsibility a
legitimacy of achievement is a delical
issue, not easily managed in S
interdependent world. The line between
an Operation Bootstrap and an Operati
Bootlick is so thin that it is almo
impolite to mention it. But it has- bee
managed, and could be managed in.ModJ
Cities, given enough goodwill on all side
If this is true, then residents sho
not be given jobs, but should be given
means and the responsibility for crea
them. In short, if we want the reside
to plan and achieve their own economy
development, they must be given' t
responsibility. No other alternative h'
ever worked well. 0
CAIBBEAN rFVIEw 1
,by Aar6n G. Ramos
INTERFERENCIA LINGUISTICA EN'
EL PUERTO RICO
Germin de Granda. Publicaciones del
Institute Caro y Cuervo: XXIV, Bogoti,
This is the first book on Puerto
Rican linguistics written from a,
structuralist point of view. This type of
perspective, according to Joseph Hrabik,
is "based on the observation that all
concepts within a given system are
determined by all other concepts of the
same system" ard that "nothing has
significance by itself." There is a great
gap between previous writings on Puerto
Rican language (by del Rosario, Gili
Gaya, Arce, etc.) and what Granda has
written. Granda's emphasis is that the
underlying concepts and expression of a
people do not follow different lines from
the more concrete currents of the society.
He traces these dual paths through two
Puerto Rican historical periods: (i) 1898
to the rise of the Popular Democratic
Party, and (2) from 1940 to the present.
How is it that language serves as a
successful indicator of the shift in Puerto
Rican values which has occurred with the
change in the island's social structure?
What has been the nature of the change?
What has been the effect on the norms of
cohesiveness of a society that has not
comne to terms with its -new industrial
Granda opposes the optimism of
those w.ho think that the Spanish
language is being only minimally reduced
in Puerto Rico. He does so by contrasting
the cultural components and complex of
attitudes of the 1898-1940 and
1940-1968 periods. For.him the problem
is not which foreign words enter the
native tongue but rather how the cultural
penetration affects the way a people
conceives of and conceptualizes the
world, and thus how.it affects their
understanding, their action, their goals,
and their styles.
The first stage Granda traces was
characterized by the economics of coffee
and sugar, and later tobacco. The
emphasis in that period of agriculture was
on the values and symbols of the
traditional society (the jibaro, the
countryside, etc.) as opposed to the U.S.
attempts to impose English as the
language of the schools. During that
period there was no large middle class,
only some mercantile, industrial, and
The second stage comes with the
restructuring of the world economy after
the two World Wars. Puerto Rico became
increasingly dependent on the U.S. due to
industrialization. Thus began the
development of the middle class of
consumers who performed functional,
rather than creative, jobs; the
rationalization of the utilitarian ethos of'
this class; the decline of the formerly
predominant literary intelligentsia in
favor of the new technocratic elite of
foreigners; and the emergence of the
newly-formed lumpen proletariat. The
literary intelligentsia and the lumpen
proletariat groups remained the least
acculturated, not so with the middle
There was a difference in the rate of
transculturation within each of the two
periods because of differences in the
exogenous forces upon the production
system. Citing Navarro Tomis, Granda
demonstrates that there was a great
reaction against acculturation in the first
period but not in the second.In.the first
stage the people had the traditional
symbols'with which to reject the
penetration. However, the second stage,
with its industrialization, elimination of
agriculture, greater contact with the U.S.,
has brought about the elimination of the
old symbols of association and historical
identification and has contributed to the
disruption of behavioral patterns. This
second period manifests,the presence of
the values of rationality, the logic of
efficiency, adherence to the value of
security, and the perception of the U.S.
as the author of Puerto Rico's apparent
progress. This has come about especially
so because of contacts Puerto Ricans have
with the American way of life through
such channels as the Army, forced
migration, and the establishment ,on the
island of a large American bureaucracy.
While Spanish is identified with the past
and traditionalism, English is identified
with the new values, modernism, and the
chance for class mobility. But English
also means alienation of the personality,
what E. Seda Bonilla has characterized as
immersion into a mass, the direction of
which no one understands ... it means a
"jueyera", the decomposing of human
movements and goals.
The people of Puerto Rico are facing
a new reality. There is a lack of
expression (terrifying in the literary
scene) because of the reduction of
Spanish linguistic importance in everyday
life. While Spanish remains the language
of affection, English has become the
language of official communication,
commerce, industrial relations, text
books, the language in which the new
structure performs. Anthropologist
Rafael L. Ramirez has found that in
upper-middle class urban areas up to nine
percent of the families chose English as
their preferred language.
Underlying Granda's thesis is a touch
of Fanon, especially concerning the
profound psychosomatic impairments
and malfunctioning of a people with an
unbalanced identity, or with no identity
at all. The psychological implications are
not only observed in the minimal literary
creation but even in the official
understanding of the vital problems of
our society which are perceived through
an American-standardized kaleidoscope.
Granda's thesis, then, is about the anguish
caused by the maiming, from the
linguistic point of view, of the
possibilities of a whole people.
Granda notes that "even when the
oral phase of Puerto Rican speech is still
faithful to Spanish, it does not so occur
with the written phase ..." His is not so
much a romantic fear of the gradual
interference of English words and syntax
structure within the Spanish linguistic
structure. Rather he is worried about the
process of convergence, i.e., the
systematic process of morphological
similarity between the two language
structures. A differentiation between the
Spanish speaking countries and Puerto
Rico is developing because of the
"grammaticalization" of Spanish
expression in Puerto Rico parallel to the
English forms. Spanish is used only when
the form used immediately corresponds.
to the English.
Granda's is pessimistic. Using
language as a barometer we witness the
devaluation of the Puerto Rican
personality and the eventual totall
absorption of both language and society.
Yet the life-styles of Puerto Rico are not
to be preserved by preserving Spanish
(which, by the way, has proved
unfruitful) but in further projections of
change in the structures. Romantic "back
to Spanish" movements do not consider
that the elements that affect language. in
Puerto Rico are gradually affecting-the
language structures of all Hispanic
societies because of the reality of cultural
penetration through importations of
economic structures. The attitude that
Granda finds in the Spanish of Puerto
Rico as a general perversion can also be
found in a minimal scale among upper
classes in other Hispanic countries. In
other words, the.. elements that have
disrupted the Puerto Rican society are
also in an incipient form in many parts of
by Raphael Garzaro_
CAMILO, PRESENCIA Y
DESTINO. German C. Guzman. 257 pp.
Servicios Especiales de Prensa. Bogoti,
The appearance of a Camilo Torres
in Latin America should not surprise
anyone. The actions of another priest,
Miguel Hidalgo, in Mexico's struggle for
liberty, are well known. In Latin
America, particularly in Colombia, there
is a long Catholic tradition which colors
all levels of social, cultural, even political,
life. Many clergy have taken part in
struggles for national independence;
formerly political, now economic.
However, even by adding together
all the priests who have taken part in the
struggle to redeem their people, the
number is paltry when one considers that
if Christ's doctrine were complied with,
not a single priest, not a single Christian,
would put up with the actions of the
Pharisees who are so abundant.
Camilo Torres belonged to that
generation of clergy who are rebelling
against the distortion of Christ's
doctrines. The guerrilla priest, as he was
called, realized that there were
money-changers who deserved Christ's
punishment. He wanted to revive that
Biblical spirit but he lost his life in the
undertaking. He was condemned by many
of his fellow clergy, who failed to
practice the other beautiful parable about
the sheep that strayed from the Dock.
They did not try to seek him out and
talk, to find out if he had fallen into the
brambles, or had simply gone to graze in
other pastures which better satisfied his
hunger for social justice. They limited
themselves to insulting him, to violating
the Christian charity they preach. They
joined forces with the enemies of the
needy classes, which are the sources for
the seminaries; the priest's frock thus
serves as a social catapult.
Certain interest groups have linked
revolution with violence, believing that a
clergyman cannot be a revolutionary.
Camilo Torres showed how wrong this
belief was. He took arms against those
who make peaceful revolution impossible.
Christ, too, resorted to violence when
necessary. We do not understand why the
ecclesiastical authorities are horrified to
even speak of violence; in the history of
the Church there are long periods during
which the papal armies warred; Catholic
prelates have often fervently blessed
armaments which, no matter how blessed,
-are used for killing.
Camilo Torres believed that the
misery and despair of great masses of
Latin Americans cannot be solved with
promises of a better life in Heaven, or
with advice to be resigned and patient
because this is God's will. Social welfare
must be derived from economic welfare,
and spiritual tranquility will come when
basic needs are satisfied.
Christianity was a revolution, and
Camilo Torres believed that Christians
must be revolutionaries. It is enough to
read Guzmin's transcriptions of Camilo
Torres' writings to realize the profound
Christian spirit of his ideas. Yet the
Catholic Church anathemized them, as
one can read in the account of the
confrontation between the priest and.the
Cardinal Archbishop of Bogota.
Torres, and author Guzmnn, resent
what the latter calls the dutiful sophisms:
religion, collective tranquility, public
; ..:** .
12 CAIBBEAN IEW
order, national sovereignty, the harmony that they have the opportunity to read
of the social classes, are used as barriers the chilling document by which the
to block movements seeking social Church excommunicated Don Miguel
justice. Hidalgo y Costilla, which is preserved in a
S.. Guzmin's data on the plight of museum in Mexico City.
Colombia's needy classes are shocking. It It is lamentable that leftist groups in
is surprising that there aren't hundreds of Colombia, and throughout Latin
Camilo Torres; clamoring for revolution. America, are so divided, discouraging the
The Church is not the church of the type of united front to which Camilo
poor; it is the church of those with their Torres aspired. Each group believes it is
pockets full; of those who invite the the sole guardian of the truth; too much
Bishop to dine at home. For the poor energy is lost in internal struggles. It is
there are only empty words and advice to sufficient to see in Guzmin's book the
S be resigned to one's fate. Camilo Torres statements made by different Colombian
': ..rebeled against this and was attacked by leftist groups in relation to Camilo
h." e clergy, who cling to tradition and see Torres' declarations. Torres gave his life
the young priests' as allies of the in search of an ideal, as Jorge Eliecer
Communists. Gaitin did before. While patriots die,
Cardinal Concha C6rdoba, says many leftist leaders continue to consider
Guzinin, speaks in his pastorals (August themselves the only genuine
S15, 1965) of revolution as "the violent standardbearers of the revolution. This
: change of a nation's political attitude makes them the worst enemies of
institutions." One can explain the the revolution. The strength of the
intentional error in the language of destitute is in unity. 0
reactionary politicians, but not in the
writings of a prince of the church, who
should be the mover of the revolution
begun by Christ.
One recalls the famous case of
SGalileo, who was excommunicated for
saying that the earth moves. Those who
.condemn Camilo Torres today would
have also likely condemned Galileo.
': If anyone doubts that the Church in
S,Latin America is reactionaryy", I hope l
PROCLAMATION TO THE COLOMBIAN PEOPLE, 1966*
."Translated. and selected from: CAMILO
S: TORRES by Camilo Torres (Sondeos #5,
: Centre Intercultural de Documentaci6n,
ii!-. Apartado...479, Cuernavaca, Mixico,
1966)'., .. .
"For inany years the poor people of
S our land have awaited the call to action
to fight the oligarchy. The ruling class has
:-'..''' :- -always found a way to fool the people, to
distract them, to pacify them with new
formulas that always result in the same
thing: suffering for the people, welfare
for the privileged caste.
When the people wanted a leader and
found Jorge Eliecer Gaitin, the oligarchy
killed him. When the people wanted
peace, the oligarchy filled the country
with violence. When the people could no
longer stand the violence, and organized
.guerillas forces to take power, the
S' oligarchy came up with the military coup
to fool the guerillas into surrendering.
When the people asked for democracy,
they were again fooled with a plebiscite
and a National Front that imposed the
dictatorship of'the oligarchy.
"The people will not believe in
elections. The people-know that the legal
means have been used up. They know
that there is nothing left but to take
arms. The people are awake and resolved
to risk their lives so the next generation
of Colombians will not be enslaved. That
the children of those who would give up
their lives may have education, housing,
clothing, and above all DIGNITY. That
the future Colombians might have their
own land, free of American power. All
sincere revolutionaries must recognize the
armed way as the only one left. However,
the people await leaders to give voice to
-the fight. I want to tell the Colombian
people that this is the moment. 1 have not
betrayed them. I have been to the plazas
of the villages and cities working for the
unity and organization of the popular
class. 1 have asked that we devote
S ourselves to these goals until death.
"I have joined the armed struggle.
Irom Colombia's mountains I hope to
c continue the fight, arms in hand, until we
achieve power for the people. I have
joined the National Liberation Army
because in it I have found the same thing
as in the United Front. I found the desire
for unity, of a peasant base without
religious or traditional party differences,
with no desire to fight other
revolutionary elements, without
leadership cults, which searches to'
liberate the people from the exploitation
of the oligarchs and imperialists, which
will not give up arms until power is
totally in the hands of the people, and in
whose goals the platform of the United
Front is accepted.
"We Colombian patriots must
prepare for war. Little by little guerrilla
chiefs will arise in all the corners of the
land. Meanwhile we must stay alert,
collect arms, munitions, start guerrilla
training, talk with intimate associates, get
clothing, drugs, provisions, and prepare
ourselves for a long fight. We can do small
things against the enemy until victory is
assured, prove ourselves to those who are
called revolutionaries, get rid of traitors.
We will not fail t6 act but will not be
impatient either. In a long war everyone
must act at some moment. The revolution
must find us ready and prepared.
Everyone need not do everything: we
must distribute the work. The militants
of the United Front must be at the
vanguard. We can be patient in the hope
and confidence of final victory.
"The people's fight will become a
national fight. We've already begun
because the road is long. Colombians: do
not fail to answer to the call of the
people and the revolution. Militants of
the United Front: let us make a reality of
our symbols: For the unity of the
popular class until death! For the
organization of the popular class until
death! For the taking of power by the
popular class until death! Until death,
because we are determined to go to the
end. Until victory, because a people that
is willing to fight until death always gains
victory. Until the final victory with the
symbols of the Army of National
Liberation: Not one step back! Liberty
or death! n
by Robert H. Manley
THE POLITICS OF SURINAM AND
AND THE NETHERLANDS ANTILLES.
By Albert L. Gastmann. Institute of
Caribbean Studies, University of Puerto
As is generally known, the "new
comparative politics" tries to move
beyond what it regards as a too narrow,
sometimes unenlightening focus on
constitutional structures, political-historic
surveys, and descriptive outlines of
political institutions. The push is now to
use knowledge from other disciplines,
especially anthropology and sociology,
but also economics and psychology, to
better understand political behavior.
The developing areas, and especially
countries newly independent or on the
verge of independence, have been the
happy hunting ground for the bulk of the
North American scholars in the "new
comparative politics." A remarkable
literature has been produced with regard
to Asian and African polities over the
It is therefore somewhat surprising to
find that in Caribbean political studies
the new techniques of analysis have not
been too often employed. After all, the
Caribbean has its newly independent
nations -Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago,
Guyana and Barbados, all left the British
fold (in a formal sense, at any rate) in the
1960's- and there are a number of
polities in a middle status between pure
old-style colonialism and full
independence -the British Associated
States of Grenada, St. Vincent, St. Lucia,
Dominica, Antigua, and St. Kitts-Nevis
(Anguilla departed from the latter
grouping)- not to mention the French
areas of Guadeloupe, Martinique and
French Guiana (which have, in a
constitutional sense, been incorporated
into Metropolitan France), the Dutch
areas which are the subject of Professor
Gasrmann's book, and Puerto Rico,
which like the British areas just named,
has associated state status.
To be sure, the "new comparative
politics" has not ignored the Caribbean
completely. The work of Leo Despres, a
cultural anthropologist at Case-Western
Reserve University in Ohio. on
pre-independent Guyana (Cultural
Pluralism and Nationalist Politics in
British Guiana, Rand MacNally and Co.,
1967), the series of studies by a group of
sociologists, most of them originally at
UCLA ( The Democratic Revolution in
the West Indies: Studies in Nationalism,
Leadership and the Belief in Progress,
edited by Wendell Bell and The Sociology
of Political Independence: .4 Study of
Nationalist attitudess amongg West Indian,
Leaders by Charles C. Moskos, Jr., both
published by Schenkman Publishing Co.,
Inc., Cambridge, Mass., 1967) and a
recent and valuable entry in the lists,
(The Hero and the Crowd in a Colonial
Polity by A.W. Singham, Yale University
Press, 1968) are examples of the new
approach. But it is noteworthy that of
the group just referred to, only Singham,
a faculty member at the University of the
West Indies at Mona, Jamaica, is a
political scientist. The output of older
style materials as regards comparative
politics in the Caribbean far outweighs
production of materials which fit the
Just why this should be the case is
not too clear. The Caribbean is accessible
to U.S. scholars, but its very proximity to
the U.S., and the fact that it has long
been regarded so much a U.S. dominated
area, (as well as an essentially "vacation'
area) may have made it less attractive foe
the "swingers" (stylistically) of academe
than, say, far off and somewhat exot
One might have thought, however'
that Caribbean-based scholars would have
tried to fill the gap left by their North
American counterparts, but this h
generally not been the case. Some
Caribbean-based scholars may have been
trained in the pre-new comparative
politics era. Others may regard descriptive
studies as the necessary first step ini
building the Caribbean research base, o,
there may be a variety of other reasons:
Professor Gastmann's book appears
to generally fit the pattern of the earlier
(but still, in the Caribbean, dominant)
tradition. Yet, while the reviewer has
doubtless exposed some bias toward the
newer approaches in comparative political
research, he is favorably impressed by the
quality of Gastmann's work and the value
of its contribution in a relatively little
' known area.
Gastmann, a political scientist at-
Trinity College, Connecticut, and himself
a Dutch citizen, has set out to trace the:
transition of the Netherlands Antilles and:
Surinam (Dutch Guiana) from colonial
status to a status which the United
Nations came to recognize as:
self-governing (at least in the sense that
reports for the Dutch territories a's
non-self-governing entities were no longer
required) and to consider some of thd
ramifications, present and future, of the
new constitutional relationship. This he
does with skill and in a readable style.
The period of time covered is essentially'
from 1936 to 1962. (The new "Charter
for the Kingdom of the Netherlands"'
providing internal autonomy for the areas
came into effect in 1954 and the U.N.
resolution authorizing cessation of filing
reports as non-self-governing entities was:
adopted in December 1955).
Yet, in terms of a modern
comparative framework, one could wish'
Sfor more. While there are some references
.to Indonesia, there is no discussion of I /
Factors that led to acrimonious divorce6" '
between Netherlands and the Dutch East .
Indies while something approaching at i
least marital toleration seemed to be .
evolving in the Caribbean. While Puerto ,
Rico is mentioned, in terms of its removal
from the United Nations list of
non-self-governing territories, there is no I
comparison of the status achieved by
Puerto Rico and by the Dutch areas.
While racial makeup of the Dutch areas is
mentioned (Surinam, with a population '
of something over 300,000 has as its
largest group Creoles -persons of African
descent-, next largest East Indians, and
next, Indonesians) and while some
references are made to the impact of race
on politics, there is insufficient detail to
confidently project future trends in this
Professor Gastmann's international
relations expertise does manifest itself in -
the study, however, and his opinion that
-Surinam, at least, would push for some
form of dominion status that would
permit United Nations membership,
seems to be borne out by developments--
since his work was completed.
His book is a valuable addition to the
literature on political aspects of
Caribbean studies, especially since it
relates to polities about which all too
little is known, even by those who are
reasonably well informed as to things o an '
Caribbean. Yet, now.that the techniques l a
for comparative political analysis have
. -.,been developed and applied, not only in
-other-world areas,. but to a limited extent l.Ii
in :the Caribbean, one can hope that H o ri
Professor .Gastmann's future work, and H o rn zon
that of the many other competent b A
scholars of Caribbean politics, will relate by Albert Gastman
more. to 'the new. literature and. will KRIMPENE HORIZON VAN DE
increasng hDE KRIMPENDE CaibbeaHORIZON VAN DEa
in ... i ----- HOL LANDSE KOOP.LIEDEN, EEN
rapid veop cg pne n;n to
.. rapidly eveoping pne an STUDIE OVER HOLLANDS
important work in comparative politics LVAREN IN HET CARBISCH
now going on-in nany areas of the world. WELVAREN IN HET CARIBISCH
no going oninmany areas of the world. ZEEGEBIED (1780-1830). Theo P.M. De
.Jong, Assen: Van Gorcum & Comp. N.V.,
-. ..' Theo P.M. De Jong's book, the title
:. of which can be translated into English as
'. The Narrowing Horizon of the Dutch
: ""'. .. . .. . .l. Merchants, a Study Concerning Dutch
.' .Prosperity in the Caribbean Area
S' (1780-1830), examines the vicissitudes of
'",.' '. ". .. Dutch commerce in the Caribbean area in
1', .. the half century starting in 1780. In this
S, period, new political and economic ideas
P.2, ilus. by Antonio Martorel; p.3, influenced all phases of human
illus. from 'Pre-Columbian Literatures of relation Te s of ar whih
Mexico,' by Miguel Le6n-Portilla, U. Ok- relationships. The roots of war which
lahoma Press; p.4, drawing by Jos6 Luis disrupted or dissolved old national and
Cuevas from 'After Ihb Storm'by Joseph commercial ties were as much the result
Sommers,U. New Mexico Press; p.5, of new philosophical concepts as they
drawing by Alberto Beluin, from 'Pedro were of the old game of power politics.
Martfnez,' by Oscar Lewis, Random The equality of men, laissez-faire, etc.
House; p.6 top: drawing by Josi Trevino were revolutionary notions that tumbled
from 'The Norther,' by Emilio Carball-
ido, U.Texas Press, bottom: drawing by old regimes. The fundaments of the world
Rafael Tufiflo; pp. 7&8, engravings from after the American and French
'Among the Indians of Guiana,' by Eve- Revolutions of the late 18th century were
ard F. Im Thum, Dover Press; p.7 bot- basically different from those before this
tom: illus. by John Stedman, from 'Sol- period.
dier in Paradise,' by Louise Hollis,Har-
court, Brace & World: p.9; photo of In his introduction, the author shows
San Juan slum by Homer Page; p10, that such concepts as slavery and
drawing by Rafael Tufio; p.U, illus. mercantilism became morally
from 'Mexican Militarism,' by Edwin
Lieuwen,U.New Mexico Press;p.12,top: unacceptable for the fast increasing
-illus. by Antonio Frasconi, Casa de las numbers of enlightened citizens. After a
SAmericas, Nov.-Dec.'66,Havana,bortom: good description of the historical trade
illus. by Alberto Beltrin, from 'The Lean patterns of the Caribbean, the author
Lands,' by Agustin Yafiez, U. Texas deals with the differences between the
Press; p.13, by Fernando Cabezudo, Spanish and Northern European
Casa de las Am6ricas, Nov.-Dec.'66,Ha- Spanh
vana; p.14, top: from 'The Buccaneers approaches to commerce, colonization
of America,' by John Esquemeling Do- and morality. The Northern Europeans
ver Press; p.15,top: llus. by Bill Negron painted the "Black Legend" of Spain's
from 'The Caribbean,' by Selden Rod- influence in the Americas as an unholy
man, Hawthorn Books; bottom:from alliance of church and trade based on
'Design Motifs of Ancient Mexico,' Do- extracting the wealth of the new
ver Press; p.16,, illus from 'Incidents of continent for the benefit of the rulers at
Travel in Yucatan,' by John L.Stephens,
Dover PressYucatan,byohn epens, Madrid by slave labor, which caused the
extermination of the original population.
However, as some writers of the
Enlightenment pointed out, the actual
policies of the Northwest European
countries were as disreputable as those of
Spain. Mercantilism.was being questioned
by Britain and others, because Spain's
monopoly of trade with her colonies was
keeping them from having proftable and
"rightful" commercial relations with
Latin America. Britain, therefore
championed independence for these
.nations, which was facilitated by- the
decline of Spanish power. Holland, which
had benefited tremendously from the
carrying trade in the 17th and early 18th
century, could nor take advantage of this
decline, because internal strife and the
consequences of French occupation in
the Napoleonic period had exhausted her
population, and created a lack of
confidence within her business
This attitude of fear and indolence
became apparent, according to De Jong,
in the 1780's, when Holland was defeated
by Britain in the Fourth Anglo-Dutch
War. Dutch merchants came to believe
that they could not compete successfully
with those from England and the new
United States. The government of King
William I, who came to power when
Holland regained its independence in
1813 after the French occupation in the
Napoleonic period attempted to advance
Caribbean trade by establishing the
Netherlands Trading Society in 1820 to
partially replace the old monopolistic
Dutch West Indies Company. William's
ministers also centralized the colonial
governments. But none of these measures
revived the prosperity enjoyed by Dutch
traders in former centuries. Commercial
relations with the Caribbean would not
be economically advantageous until the
latter part of the 19th century, when the
Dutch business community became more
The author holds the view that it was
the lack of enterprise, and not of
opportunity, which caused the decline of
Dutch trade in the southern hemisphere.
His arguments are convincingly presented,
and the book is an interesting case study
of important aspects of Caribbean
economic history. The book, written in
Dutch, has English and Spanish
N FrEVIEW 13
CHARLIE ALBIZU and
NORMAN MATLIN are
co-directors of the Instituto
Psicol6gico de Puerto Rico. They
are now working on a psychology
of political behavior in Puerto Rico
... ALBERT GASTMANN teaches
International Relations at Trinity
College, Conn. He is now preparing.
a study on the French Caribbean-
. . RAFAEL GARZARO, a
Guatemalan lawyer, recently
published Del Socialismo'
Ideologico al Socialismo Tecnico
. ..BASIL A. INCE, associate
professor of political science at U.
of Puerto Rico, served for two
years as a Trinidad and Tobago
delegate to the United Nations ...
OSCAR LEWIS, the well-known
anthropologist and author of
Children of Sanchez, La Vida, will'
soon publish new studies on Mexico
and Puerto Rico ... ROBERT H.
MANLEY, a research associate at
the Institute of Caribbean Studies,
U. Of Puerto Rico, is now engaged
in research relating to 'the
development and. implementation
of foreign policy in Guyana ...
AARON G. RAMOS, has studied
theology in Buenos Aires and
sociology in Sao Paulo. He has just
returned from a trip to Jamaica and
Mexico for the -World Student
Christian Federation ... HOWARD
STANTON helped prepare the San
Juan Model-Cities project. He is an
advisor to- residents of' several
poverty community action projects
and teaches it the U. of Puerto
Rico Planning School.
We have access to large
supplies of postage stamps for
collectors, particularly stamps from
the West Indies. As an introductory
offer, you may purchase a
DOMINICAN REPUBLIC STAMPS
issued from 1880 through 1969, for
and/or: send a 10-cent stamp and
receive our price list of other, rarer,
Dominican Republic stamps. Make
check payable to:
-180 Hostos, B-507
Hato Rey, P.R. 00918
Note: we welcome want lists from
collectors of Puerto Rico, Cuba,
Haiti and other Caribbean area
Note: This "Recent Books" list is
just that, a list. Its purpose is not to
review books, but to keep the reader as
up-toadate as possible on the existence of
:,'. new books dealing with the Caribbean
,and Latin America. In this first issue, we
.. have been more successful in approaching
conipleteness for books published in the
United States, because of smoother
communications with U.S. publishers.
SBut contact has already been established
with publishers in Latin America and the
Caribbean, and future lists will be more
representative of books published in
S Spanish, Portuguese, French and other
A HIDDEN LIFE. Autran Dourado.
Translated from the Portuguese by Edgar H.
Miller. Knopf. $4.50. The effect of a
sophisticated environment on a Brazilian farm
ANTOLOGIA DEL CUENTO CUBANO
CONTEMPORANEO. Compiled by Ambrosio
-; Fornet. 241 pp. Ediciones Era. Mexico.
' Anthology .of 25 Cuban short stories plus a
:'. ; soclo-historical and literary introduction.
A CHANGE OF SKIN. Carlos Fuentes.
,.. Translated by Sam Hileman. 466 pp. Farrar,
Straus & Giroux. A translation of Fuentes'
: Cambio depieL
COUNTRY JUDGE: A NOVEL OF
CHILE. Pedro Prado. Translated by Lesley
:'' Byrd Simpson. 143 pp. U. of California Press. A
translation of the author's autobiographical
novel Un Juez Rural.
EL HIPOGEO SECRET. Salvador
Elizondo. 1.59 pp. Editorial Joaquin Mortiz,
S Mexico. A new work by a writer called by one
critic "the talented chronicler of the essentially
S INVENTANDO QUE SUEIO. Jose
Agustin. 174 pp. Editorial Joaqu(n-Mortiz,
Mexico. By the 25-year-old author of La tumba
(1964), his first novel.
NO ONE WRITES- TO THE COLONEL:
AND OTHER STORIES. Gabriel Garcia
Marquez. Translated from Spanish by J.S.
.Bernstein. 170 pp. Harper & Row, $5.95. A
collection of earlier stories by the author of
O00 years of Solitude, one of Spanish America's
POKER DE BRUJAS. Carlos Alberto
Montaner. 128 pp. Editorial Vasco-Americana,
Bilbao, Spain. Ten short stories, where satire of
social institutions predominates. The author, a
Cuban, resides in Puerto Rico.
STRONG WIND. Miguel Angel Asturias.
Translated by Gregory Rabassa. Delacorre
.,: -Press, $6.95. Life on a banana plantation
operated by an American fruit company. The
author is the recent Nobel Prize winner from
THE DEAD IN GUANAJUATO. Philip
Rock. Meredith Press. 4.95. A fas-paced novel
about American expatriates in Mexico City.
THE GREEN HOUSE. Mario Vargas Llosa.
Translated by Gregory Rabassa. Harper & Row.
$6.95. Peru's winner of South America's
prestigious Romulo Gallegos Award for
literature sets this novel in a city and jungle of
Brazil. The "green house" is a brothel across
the river from the city, at the edge of the
THE ISLAND-LOVERS. Ruth Lyons.
Doubleday. $4.95. A melodramatic novel set in
THE LOWEST TREES HAVE TOPS.
Martha Gellhorn. 215 pp. Dodd, Mead. $4.95.
A novel setin the foreign colony of San Ignacio
del Tule, a Mexican mountain village.
TROPICO EN MANHATTAN. Guillermo
Cotto-Thorner. Prologue by Mariano
Pic6n-Salas. 184 pp. Editorial Cordillera, San
Juan, P.R. A novel about the Puerto Rican
colony in New York City.
TWO ROADS TO GUADALUPE. Robert.
Lewis Taylor. 431 pp. New American Library.
Paper, $1.25. An historical novel set during the
U.S. -Mexico War of 1845-48.
ULTIMO SOL. Manuel Echevarria. 182 pp.
Editorial Novaro, Mexico. First novel by this
WRITERS IN THE NEW CUBA. Edited by
John Michael Cohen. 191 pp. Pengum Books.
An anthology of 14 short stories, a one-act play
and 11 poems, almost all written since 1959.
Includes extracts from Fidel Castro's "Words to
the Intellectuals" of June 1961.
ABC DE PUERTO RICO. Ruben del
Rosario and Isabel Freire. Illustrations by
Antonio Martorell. 60 pp. Trourman Press,
Conn. $6.95. A strikingly illustrated children's
reader, which, via charming verses, emphasizes
Spanish words pertinent to Puerto Rico.
PIPO: POEMAS INFANTILES. Virgilio
Divila. 29 pp. Illus. by Luis Herrero Cabello.
Editorial Cordillera, San Juan, P.R. A selection
of children's poems written by the well-known
Puerto Rican poet for his grandchildren.
RIO VOLCADO. Evaristo Ribera
Chevremont. Prologue by Concha Mel6ndez. U.
of Puerto Rico. Paper, $2.50; Cloth, $3.50. A
new work in Spanish by the Puerto Rican poet
described by Federico de Onis as "one of the
best poets of our language."
THE ME NOBODY KNOWS:
CHILDREN'S VOICES FROM THE GHETTO.
Edited by Stephen Joseph. 224 pp. Avon.
Paper, 95 cents. Poems, stories, letters and
essays- by New York slum children, most of
them Black or Puerto Rican.
DOS VIEJOS PANICOS. Virgilio Pifiera.
76 pp. Casa de las Americas, Havana. Winner of
the 1968 Casa de las Americas prize, by an
experienced Cuban playwright.
ISLAS ORCADAS. Josi Maria Monner
Sans and Masia Roman G6mez. Ediciones del
Carro de Tespis, Buenos Aires. 79 p. Written in
1940, this play deals with six men in enforced
solitude in the Antarctic. Won the National
Drama Prize for 1942.
ORFEO EN LAS TINIEBLAS and
VARIOUS ROSTROS DEL VERANO. Edgardo
Perez Luna and Julio Ortega. Teatro
Universitario de San Marcos, Lima, Peru. Orfeo
won the 1962 National Theatre Prize. Ortega's
play won the Second National One-Act Drama
THE CUBAN THING. A play in two acts
by Jack Gelber. Grove Evergreen, $1.95.
THE HANDS OF GOD. Carlos Sol6rzano.
Translated by Keith Leonard and Mario Soria.
38 pp. Hiram College, Ohio. This translation of
the author's commentary on good and evil was
produced in the 1968 Hiram College
ARCHAEOLOGICAL STUDIES AMONG
THE ANCIENT CITIES OF MEXICO. By
William Henry Holmes. 516 pp. $20. A Kraus
Reprint of the 1895-89 work. Includes
monuments of Yucatan, Chiapas, Oaxaca and
the valley of Mexico.
ARCHAEOLOGY OF SANTA MARIA,
COLOMBIA. By John Alden Mason. Kraus
Reprint. S20. A reprint of the 1931 book based
on the Marshall Field expedition to Colombia,
1922-23, studying the Tairona Indian culture.
A STUDY OF SLUM CULTURE:
BACKGROUND STUDIES FOR "LA VIDA".
By Oscar Lewis, with the assistance of Douglas
Butterworth. 240 pp. Random House. $7.00
CHIHUAHUA, STOREHOUSE OF
STORMS. Florence C. Lister and Robert H.
Lister. 378pp., illus. U. New Mexico Press.
$6.50. A team of anthropologists presents the
first complete history and prehistory of
Mexico's largest, most prosperous state.
C~rt, BB- I
' :.:: . '
'. :. r
MESOAMERICA: THE EVOLUTION Of
A CIVILIZATION. William T. Sanders and
Barbara J. Price. 264 pp. Illustrations, Random
House. $3.95. An "anthropogography" on the
Indians of Central America.
PEASANTS IN THE MODERN WORLD.
Edited, with introduction, by Philip Bock, 200
pp. U, New Mexico Press. Cloth 56, paper
$2.45. Seven original essays on peasantry in
underdeveloped countries. As these nadone
industrialize, what is the role of peasantry when
faced with new demands? Covers Mexico,
Venezuela, Bolivia, among other areas.
MEDIEVAL AMERICAN ART. Pal
Kelemen. 950 photos. 416 pp. Dover two voL
set, 56.00. Masterpieces of the New Worl
SPANISH MAJOLICA IN THE NE
WORLD. John Mann Goggin. 240 pp., 1
plates. Yale University Dept. of Anthropology
$7. Discusses and shows majolica types of
sixteenth to eighteenth centuries.
THE MAGIC OF A PEOPLE. Alexand
Girard. 71 color plates. 74 pp. In English
Spanish. Viking Press. $4.95. Latin Americ
folk art and toys from the Girard Founda
THE "RAIN BIRD": A STUDY
PUEBLO DESIGN. H.F. Mera. Illus. by T
Lee. Dover. Paper, 51.50.
BERNARDO O'HIGGINS AND
INDEPENDENCE OF CHILE. Step
Clissold. 254 pp. Praeger, $6.50.
BOLIVAR, THE LIBERATOR. Ron
Syme. 190 pp. Illustrations. Morrow. $3.50
CAMILO TORRES: HIS LIFE
GOVERNMENT. Trans. By Virginia M
O'Grady. Edited by John Alvarez Garcia
Christian Restrepo Calle. 128 pp. Templega
Publishers (719 Adams St., Springfield, Il
62705). $3.95. The text of Camilo Tort
Restrepo's original platform and all
messages to the Colombian people.
ERNESTO GUEVARA. Compiled by
Daniel James. 330 pp., with maps, facsimiles.
Stein & Day, $6.95. The Bolivian diaries ofChd
Guevara, and other captured documents.
FIDEL CASTRO. By Enrique Maneses
trans. by J. Halcro Ferguson. 238 pp.Taplinger
FRANCISCO DE IBARR.4 AND NUEVA
VIZCAYA. John Lloyd Mecham. Reprint o.
1927 edition. 265 pp. Maps. Greenwood Press
MY FRIEND CHE. By Ricardo Rojo
Translated by Julian Casart. 220 pp. Dia
JUAREZ AND HIS MEXICO. Ralph
Roeder. 2 vols., 763 pp. Greenwood Press
$32.50. A biographical history of Mexica
president Benito Pablo Juirez (1806-1872).
SIMON BOLIVAR. Gerhard Masur. 575
pp. U. New Mexico Press. $12.50. Considered
the leading English-language biography of th
great South American liberator; now available:
in a revised, enlarged edition.
THE EAGLE: THE AUTOBIOGRA
OF SANTA ANNA. Edited by Ann Fea
Crawford. 299 pp. Illustrated. Pemberton Pre
(1 Pemberton Pkwy., Austin, Tex. 78703)
THE KNIGHT OF EL DORADO. Germn
Arciniegas. Translated by Mildred Adams. 30
pp. Greenwood Press. 512. The tale of Ddi
Gonzalo Jimenez de Quesada and his conque
of New Granada, now called 'olombia.
THE LIFE AND WRITINGS O
BARTOLOME DE LAS CASAS. Henry R
Wagner. 328 pp. U. New Mexico Press. $12.50
The first modern biography of. the gr
sixteenth-century Spanish crusader for Ind
rights. Based exclusively on primary sources. '.
THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN LERDO D
TEJA. Frank Averill Knapp. 292 p'
Greenwood Press. $14. A study of Mexico
President Lerdo de Tejada (1823-1889
Reprint of 1951 edition.
ZAPATA AND THE MEXICA
REVOLUTION. John Womack, Jr. Knopf. $10
CAPlBBEAN r1EIEW 15
Smpssive' study of the period from 1910
Trough 1920 and beyond. Centers upon
miliano Zapara, who led the liberating Army
f the South and fought for agrarian reform.
BRAZIL: A STUDY OF ECONOMIC
YPES. Joao Frederico Normano. 254 pp.
iblo & Tannen. $10.
DOING BUSINESS IN LATIN AMERICA.
homas A. Cannon. 127 pp. Distributed by
lacmillan for American Management Ass'n.
ECONOMIC POLITICAL DE PUERTO
CO. Antonio J. Gonzalez. 168 pp. Editorial
Cordillera, San Juan, P. R. The political
economy of Puerto Rico, by an economist who
was the Independence Party's candidate for
goveroir in 1968.
FISCAL SURVEYS OF SURINAM AND
THE NETHERLANDS ANTILLES. Fuat M.
Andic and Suphan Andic. 395 pp. Institute of
Caribbean Studies, U. of Puerto Rico. Paper,
$4. This monograph completes research by the
authors on econoruc development and the role
of.the public sector in the French and Dutch
Caribbean. The first part of this research, Fiscal
Survey of the French Caribbean, was published
by the Institute in 1965.
INSTRUMENTS RELATING TO THE
ECONOMIC INTEGRATION OF LATIN
AMERICA. Inter-American Institute of
International Legal Studies. 452 pp. Translated
from Spanish. Oceana. $12.50.
LATIN AMERICAN MANAGEMENT:
DEVELOPMENT AND PERFORMANCE.
Robert R. Rehder. 280 pp. Addison. Describes
the limitations of conventional
inanagement-organization theory when applied-
to Latin America.
THE LABOR SECTION AND SOCIALIST
DISTRIBUTION IN CUBA. By Carmelo Mesa
Lago. 250 pp. Published for Hoover Institution
on War, Revolution & Peace by Praeger. $15.
THE WATER RESOURCES OF CHILE.
Nathaniel Wollman. 279 pp. Illustrated. Johns
Hopkins Press. An economic method for
analyzing a key resource in a nation's
Flora & Fauna
ARBOLES COMUNES DE PUERTO RICO
AND DE ISLAS VIRGENES. Elbert L. Little
Jr., Frank H. Wadsworth and Jose Marrero. 827
pp., color illus. U. of Puerto Rico. $12. A
hefty, handsome book covering 250 of the
most. common trees found in Puerto Rico and
the Virgin Islands. Many line and color
illustrations of leaves, flowers, fruits.
BIRDS OF THE CARIBBEAN. Robert
Porter Allen. 256 pp. 98 color plates. Viking
Press. $15. A gorgeous book for birdlovers,
including complete descriptions of the subjects
,as well as'excellent color photos, and technical
data on how they were taken.
FIELD BOOK OF THE SHORE FISHES
OF BERMUDA. William Beebe and John
Tee-Van. Dover. Paper, $2.50.
THE BIRDS OF CHILE AND ADJACE
REGIONS OF ARGENTINA, BOLIVIA A
PERU. A.W. Johnson. Illustrated by J
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FODOR'S GUIDE TO SOUTH AMERIJ
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MY LOVE, THE AMAZON. Doro
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CHRONICLES OF THE GRINGOS: THE
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PERSONAL RECOLLECTIONS AND
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SPANISH POLICY IN COLONIAL
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THIRTEEN DAYS. Robert F. Kennedy.
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AFTER THE STORM: LANDMARKS OF-
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BRAZILIAN PORTUGUESE IDIOM
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HANDBOOK OF LATIN AMERICAN
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480 pp. U. of Florida Press. $25. References to
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RUBEN DARIO Y EL MODERNISMO
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CASTRO, THE KREMLIN AND
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INTERNATIONAL LAW AND
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INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATION IN
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LATIN AMERICA. Tad Szulc. 185 pp.
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LATIN AMERICAN RADICALISM: A
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OBSTACLES TO CHANGE IN LATIN
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PENTAGONISM: A SUBSTITUTE FOR
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POLITICAL HISTORY OF LATIN
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POLITICS IN BRAZIL, 1930-64: AN
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REGIS DEBRAY AND THE LATIN
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THE CARIBBEAN: ITS HEMISPHERIC
ROLE. Edited by Curtis A. Wilgus. U. of
Florida. 202 pp. 17.50. Twenty papers
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THE CONFLICT SOCIETY: REACTION
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Kalman H. Silver. 289 pp. Harper & Row.
TOWARD STRATEGIES FOR PUBLIC
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-LATIN AMERICA. John C. Honey. 175 pp. U.
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CAMBIO SOCIAL EN SANTO
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COLOMBIA: SOCIAL STRUCTURE
AND THE PROCESS OF DEVELOPMENT. T
Lynn Smith. Foreword by Alberto Lleras,
former President of Colombia. 389 pp. U. o
Florida Press. $12.50. The author, who ha
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COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVES. O1
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CONSTRUCTIVE CHANGE IN LATI
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FOLLOWERS OF THE NEW FAITH
CULTURE CHANGE AND THE RISE Oi
PROTESTANTISM IN BRAZIL AND CHILE
Emilio Willems. 290 pp. Maps, tables.
Vanderbilt U. Press. $7.95. The emerging'
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HANDBOOK OF LATIN AMERICAK
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bibliographical references to recent
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MANUAL OF MENTAL
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Illus. U. of Puerto Rico. Paper, 56; Cloth, 57.
The author is director of the program on.
mental retardation at the U. of Puerto Rico.
MEDICINE IN MEXICO: FROM AZTEC
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Alvarez Amdzquita, Miguel E. Bustamente. 329
pp. U. of Texas Press. $6.50.
THE COLOURED WORKER IN BRITIS
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U. Press. 6.25. Published for the Institute of
Race Relations, London. Focuses upon the
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THE GOVERNMENT EXECUTIVE OF
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family, education and attitudes, background
THE PROCESS OF RURAL
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T. Smith. 87 pp. U. Florida. $2. Six papers:
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TWO JAMAICAS. Philip D. Curtin. 270
pp. Illus. & map. Greenwood Press. $11.75. The;
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