Front Cover
 Table of Contents
 Front Matter
 Back Cover


Digitization of this item is currently in progress.
Caribbean Review
Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00095576/00024
 Material Information
Title: Caribbean Review
Physical Description: Serial
Language: English
Creator: Latin American and Caribbean Center, Florida International University
Publisher: Latin American and Caribbean Center, Florida International University
Place of Publication: Miami, FL
Publication Date: 1974
Copyright Date: 1980
Genre: serial   ( sobekcm )
 Record Information
Source Institution: FIU: Special Collections
Holding Location: FIU: Special Collections
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: oclc - 1553369
System ID: UF00095576:00024


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Table of Contents
    Front Cover
        Front Cover 1
        Front Cover 2
    Table of Contents
        Page 1
    Front Matter
        Page 2
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
        Page 12
        Page 13
        Page 14
        Page 15
        Page 16
        Page 17
        Page 18
        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
        Page 22
        Page 23
        Page 24
        Page 25
        Page 26
        Page 27
        Page 28
        Page 29
        Page 30
        Page 31
        Page 32
        Page 33
        Page 34
        Page 35
        Page 36
        Page 37
        Page 38
        Page 39
        Page 40
        Page 41
        Page 42
        Page 43
        Page 44
        Page 45
        Page 46
        Page 47
        Page 48
        Page 49
        Page 50
        Page 51
        Page 52
        Page 53
        Page 54
        Page 55
        Page 56
    Back Cover
        Back Cover 1
        Back Cover 2
Full Text

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In this issue...

How To Be Independent, by William G. Demas. The Secretary General of the
Caribbean Development Bank describes the ways economic dependence is
manifested in the Third World Countries and outlines ways of promoting
economic independence. Page Nine.
Interviewing Cabrera Infante, by J. Raban Bilder. The famous Cuban novelist,
Guillermo Cabrera Infante, author of Tres tristes tigres and other works, is
interviewed in his London flat. J. Raban Bilder teaches in the Department of
English at the University of Puerto Rico. Page Seventeen.

Revolutionary Cuban, by Octavio Pino. Political and economic changes in Cuba
have changed the way Spanish is spoken there. Octavio Pino teaches in the
Department of Education at Florida International University. Page Twenty.

The Magic of Black History: Images of Haiti, by Yvette Gindine. Contemporary
interpretations of Haitian history offered by three Caribbean writers, Alejo
Carpentier, Aim6 Cesaire, and Edouard Glissant, attest to the magnetism of the
first Black nation to achieve Independence. Yvette Gindine teaches in the
Department of Romance Languages at Queens College. Page Twenty Five.

Journey To Ixtlan, by Randy Francis Kandel. The trilogy of books by Carlos
Castaneda show in review how a youth became an adult through a mind blowing
dialogue of paradoxes. Randy Kandel teaches in the Department of Anthropology
and Sociology at Florida International University. Page Thirty Two.
Lucia, by Oliva M. Espin. A review of the famous Cuban movie about three
women each of whom represents a different stage in Cuba's history. Oliva Espin is
with the Department of Counsellor Education at McGill University. Page Thirty
Literature For The Puerto Rican Diaspora: Part II, by Adalberto L6pez. Nine
additional books are reviewed to find out how they help Puerto Ricans on the
mainland understand themselves. Adalberto L6pez teaches history at the State
University of New York at Binghamton. Page Forty One.

The Miami Connection, by Frank Soler. Page Four.
Caribbean Economic Perspectives, by Dale Truett. Page Five.
The Caribbean Underworld, by M. John Thompson. Page Seven.
Commentary on Things Tourismic, by Herbert L. Hiller. Page Eight.
Recent Books, by Neida Pagan. Page Forty Seven.
The New Caribbean Guide, by Herbert L. Hiller. Page Fifty Two.

The cover photo is of a painting by Jamaican artist, Barrington Watson, entitled
"Washer Women." The painting hangs in the Olympia International Art Centre,
Kingston, Jamaica. Photo by Neil Schwartz.

One Dollar Twenty-five
Vol. VI No. 4

Barry B. Levine
Joseph D. Olander
Associate Editors:
For the English Speaking Caribbean:
Basil Ince
For the French Speaking Caribbean:
Gerard Latortue
For the Spanish Speaking Caribbean:
Olga Jimbnez de Wagenheim
For Central America:
Ricardo Arias
Ken Boodhoo
Celia Fernandez de Cintr6n
Herbert Hiller
Anthony P. Maingot
Aaron Segal
Managing Editor:
Jos6 Keselman
Assistant Editor:
Susan Sheinman
Editorial Assistant:
Charles Keller
General Manager:
Neil Schwartz
Business Manager:
Joe Guzman
Public Relations:
Jack La Mont
Executive Administrator:
Denise Robicheau
Art Director:
Andrew R. Banks
Photo Editor:
Joel I. Kandel
Neida Pagan
From the Dutch and Papiamentu:
Ligia Espinal de Hoetlnk
From the French and Creole:
Marlene Z6phirin
From the Spanish:
Adela G. L6pez
Caribbean Review, a quarterly journal dedicated to the Caribbean,
Latin America, and their emigrant groups, is published by
Caribbean Review, Inc., a corporation not for profit organized
under the laws of the State of Florida. Mailing address: Caribbean
Review; P.O. Box 650037; Miami, Florida 33165. Editorial Office:
Caribbean Review Editorial Office; College of Arts & Sciences;
Florida International University, Miami, Florida 33144. Unsolicited
manuscripts (articles, essays, reprints, excerpts, translations, book
reviews, poetry, etc.) are welcome but should be accompanied by
a self-addressed stamped envelope. Copyright C 1974 by
Caribbean Review, Inc. All rights reserved.
Subscription rates: 1 year; $5.00; 2 years; $9.00; 3 years: $12.00.
Air Mail: add $2.00 per year. Payment in Canadian currency or
with checks drawn from banks outside the U.S. add 10 percent.
Invoicing charge: $1.00. Subscription agencies please take 15
Back Issues: Vol. 1, No. 1, Vol. Ill, No. 1; Vol. VI, No. 1, out of
print. All other back numbers: $2.00 each. Microfilm and
microfiche copies of Caribbean Review are available from
University Microfilms, A Xerox Company, 300 North Zeeb Road,
Ann Arbor, Michigan 48106.
International Standard Serial Number: PRISSN 0008-6525;
Dewey Decimal Number: 972.9 800.

Dear Sirs:
From September 1 to 6, 1975, the XIV seminar of
the Committee on Family Research of the Inter-
national Sociological Association will be held in
Curacao, Netherlands Antilles.
The theme of the seminar will be: 'Family and
Kinship in Middle America and the Caribbean'. The
number of participants will be limited to 30. All
participants should contribute a paper. The seminar
will be bilingual, English and Spanish being the
languages of communication. Translation arrange-
ments will be made. Two interpreters will be present
at the meetings.
Applications should be sent directly to me,

Dr. Arnaud F. Marks
Institute for Cultural
and Social Studies
10 Stationsplein
Leiden, Netherlands.

With this issue we inaugurate regular columns in
Caribbean Review. Frank Soler, a reporter for The
Miami Herald, will be commenting both on things
Caribbean in Miami, as well as on Miami's influence in
the Caribbean, in his new column, THE MIAMI
CONNECTION. Dale Truett, who directs the Division
of Economics and Finance at the University of Texas,
San Antonio, will be keeping us abreast of economic
and business matters in the Caribbean and Latin
America in his new column, CARIBBEAN ECO-
talking about the ecology and economics of the
undersea concerning everything from coral reefs to
scuba diving and fishing. Herbert L. Hiller, former
Executive Director of the Caribbean Travel Associa-
tion and presently in the Department of International
Relations at Florida International University, will be
keeping us abreast of new policies toward tourism in
Neida Pagan will of course be keeping us informed
about new books on the Caribbean, Latin America,
and their emigrant groups in our RECENT BOOKS
Quite significant also is the fact that we have
finally restructured our: "Caribbean Guide" section.
It has been rewritten under the experienced hand of
Herbert L. Hiller whose editorial bias is self-asserted-
ly: "toward the integrity of places and toward travel
as an experience to help sort ourselves out, those who
travel as well as those who are travelled among."
Appropriately it is now called: THE NEW CARIB-

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By Frank Soler

It has been said that men in exile
feed ravenously on dreams. For 15
long years now Cuban exiles in
Miami and elsewhere have been
feeding on dreams of a glorious
return to a fatherland free of
bearded Castroites and godless
Communists, of a surge back in
time to a never-never land, of a
return to the days when Havana
was still a glittering metropolis fit
for gracious living and Cuba
evoked images not of a bristling
armed camp but of palm trees
swaying in the Caribbean breeze.
These dreams have become
faded and scarred with the re-
lentless passage of time. Now they
are about to suffer the ultimate
inequity. They are about to be
shattered by geopolitical realities.
For undoubtedly Cuba and the
United States are headed for a
reconciliation of sorts. While
actual diplomatic relations may
still be some time away, there is
no doubt that changes are in the
wind and that a softening is
occurring in the heretofore mu-
tually rigid posture of the two
neighboring antagonists. Eventual-
ly. Cuba and the United States
will reestablish relations, exchange
tourists and reopen trade. And all
between Havana and Washington
will be well once again.
But what about the Cuban
exiles? What about their hopes
and dreams? What about the
spark ignited within the very core
of their souls by promises made
by the government of the United
States long, long ago, before
political expediency reared its
ugly head?
What about the exiles who lost
a father or a son at the U.S.-
sponsored Bay of Pigs? What
about those exiles who still
Pae 4 -C.R -Vol. VI No. 4

awaken in the middle of the night,
bathed in sweat, with nightmares
of bodies mangled by shrapnel or
torn apart by Russian machine-
guns in the bloody Zapata
swamps? What about those who
have seen their relatives wither
away inside a Cuban political jail?
And what about the ones that
were programmed years ago by
the United States to attack
Castroism whenever and wherever
the opportunity arose? What
about them, those who remain
programmed today because
Washington, in reversing inter-
national strategy, forgot to throw
off the switch?
Where does all this leave them?
The answer is at once simple
and incredibly complex. It is
simple because, obviously, the
exiles -along with their longing
for a return to a Castro-less Cuba-
are being left out in the cold.
Nobody is consulting with them
to determine the path to be
followed by the United States
with regards to Cuba. It is almost
as if they didn't matter anymore,
as if time had passed them by.
The answer is also incredibly
complex because no one really
knows what the exiles' reaction
wiill be when relations between
Cuba and the United States
become a fait accompli, when
they hear over the radio or the
television, or read in the new s-
papers, that what they had been
dreading for so long has actually
and irrevocably come to pass. Just
how bitter they might become at
that instant is anybody's guess.
There is one group of exiles
that really won't care all that
much about the news. There's
another group that will care but
likely won't be compelled to


angry reaction. And there's a third
group, in the minority, that will
be so distraught that angry re-
action from their midst will not be
a possibility but a probability.
The first group is composed
mostly of young Cuban exiles,
those who came to the United
States at a very tender age or who
were born here. those who know
very little, if anything, about
Cuba. Many within this category
-with, of course, exceptions- are
more preoccupied with the foot-
ball scores and the latest dance
craze than with events relating to
a place they've only heard about.
The second group is made up of
young adults and middle-aged
Cubans who still remember the
lives they left behind but who
have carved new lives for them-
selves in a new homeland. While
they assuredly will deplore the
Havana-Washington rapproche-
ment. principally on moral
grounds, they likely will be too
concerned with their daily struggle
to survive economically in these
uncertain times to be moved to
physical action. These probably
are in the majority.
The third category is made up
of the militant exiles, those who
have suffered more than financial
hardships at the hands of the Fidel
Castro government. It will be
these exiles that will spearhead the
angry community protests when
ties are formally announced. The
tone of their protests cannot be
accurately gauged at this point,
but they are bound to be of a
violent nature.
There is another amorphous
segment of the community that
-because of longing for relatives
left behind or simply because of a
wish to die in their homeland-
actually look forward to the
reestablishment of relations be-
tween Cuba and the United States.
It is impossible to estimate how
many exiles make up this group.
But, except for these, most
exiles consider the developing
detente as a morally bankrupt
sellout by the country they most
respected and admired.
The degree of frustration,

alienation and disappointment in
the United States was well ex-
pressed recently by an exile
friend, who said: "For many years
I kept my faith in the United
States. 1 told myself, 'They
promised to help us and they will.
They will.' I told myself this over
and over and over again. My
friends all said that I was crazy.
They all said we were insignifi-
cant. we were mere ants in the
universe. 1 told them they were
wrong. I told them the United
States would not let us down
because the United States had
always helped the good against the
bad and we were the good and
Castro was the bad.
-Well, I was pretty naive. I was
wrong and my friends were right.
They were very right. The United
States is letting us dow n. Oh, I
know, governments must do what
they think is best for their own
people without concerning them-
selves about a handful of exiles
like us. But we are human beings
and we have suffered a lot. The
United States should have thought
about this before making promises
they would not keep.
"Let me tell you something. I
am an old man now. I once had
hopes of seeing my homeland free
of the hammer and sickle before I
died. I don't think that will
happen. In the first place, no
matter what happens between
Cuba and the United States,
Castro will never allow the exiles
to return, and with him there I
don't want to return anyway. So I
think I will die without ever again
setting foot on my homeland.
Ever, ever again. Do you know
how that makes me feel in my
heart? Do you know how it feels
to have your hopes raised only to
see them smashed? Do you
"I guess all this was ordained
since the beginning of time. I
guess it was written that we would
become the Lost Tribe, the
Nationalist Chinese of Miami's
Little Havana Section.
"I guess it was written. But it is
still a bitter pill to swallow, my
friend. A very bitter pill."

Smallness is the dominant charac-
teristic of Caribbean economies,
and the economics of these and
other small countries has been
intensively studied for many
years. In fact, one of the most
penetrating analyses of the rela-
tion of size to economic devel-
opment was done by William G.
Demas, now Director of the
Caribbean Development Bank, in
the four Callard Lectures given at
McGill in 1964 r The Economics of
Development of Small Countries
uith Special Reference to the
Caribbean, McGill University Press
19651. Certainly, Caribbean Re-
ViewL's debut column on "Carib-
bean Economic Perspectives"
must address the issue of small-
ness, but it must also ask whether
anything is new in the economics
of the Caribbean's mini-nations.
Specifically, is it different to be a
small, developing nation or region
i the current international
muddle than it was ten years ago?
Perhaps predictably, my answer to
my own rhetorical question is, "in
some ways yes and in others no."
For example, the dependence of
overall development on the
growth of exports, which was
quite clearly described by Demas
and others, remains, and prospects
for increased exports of invisible,
such as tourism, banking and
financial services, and transporta-
tion are no more attractive today
than a decade ago. However, at
least at near term, the earnings
outlook for certain primary and
agricultural products is bright, and
in the Caribbean some notable
steps have been taken tow ard
regional economic cooperation
even though rising aspirations have
led to scattered manifestations of
political unrest. The combination

of more attractive prices for
primary commodities with in-
creased regional cooperation and
the traditional commitment of the
British Caribbean to democratic
processes may well set the stage
for economic transformattion and
integration of a number of the
area's mini-nations, if the cards are
played right and there are not too
many "'jokers" Ifor example.
rising fuel bills) in the deck.
Of course, the mini-nations so
much in the news today are not
those in the Caribbean, but those
in the Arab world, which are
finding themselves with an un-
usual amount of economic power,
and those in Europe, which seem
to be fraught with newfound
woes. IZPG is fine. but when is a
Swiss a Greek, and if not, who will
tote Switzerland's garbage: alter-
natively, how do you keep people
happy in a stationary state, even if
it is a socialist wonderland? i
Certainly very significant eco-
nomic adjustments and realign-
ments are taking place for small
and large countries alike, and the
energy and commodity crises are
only a part of the picture. The
spectre of worldwide inflation
haunts us all, but it is particularly
chilling to countries that foresee
much larger increases in their
import bill than in export
earnings. Indeed, the initial impact
in the Caribbean has been of this
icy variety, as most governments
were forced to impose strict
import controls and seek external
assistance to balance their inter-
national accounts and provide for
some development of overhead
capital. Although external as-
sistance continues to be an im-
portant fact for developing coun-
tries, the short run prospects for
C.R. OcrtNoi'Dec Page 5



By Dale Truett

any massive aid push by the
industrial nations are extremely
dim, given the disarray of their
own\ economic houses, jnd it is
becoming increasingly e ident that
the former will have to go it alone
on the solution of rmnyv of their
grow th problems. Oddly enough,
this comes at a time when the
institutional backdrop for going it
alone may be as good as it has; ever
been for some of the smaller
nations and when at least some
market .rrnables appear to he

Focusing specifically on the
Caribbean nations, let us first
consider the institutional side.
One of the corollaries of the
instittitutionalist theories of eco-
nomic progress is that traditional
socio-political rigidities constitute
less of a growth constraint and are
more easily pushed aside on the
frontiers of a societal system or
nation-state than in its tradition-
bound center. In a sense, much of
the C'aribbean, both English and
Spanish, has become a frontier in
the past 10-15 years. The pillars of
today's non-Spanish Caribbean
community. Jamaica. Trinidad
and Tobago, Barbados. and
Guyana, all went from colony to
independent state in the mid-
sixties, while Cuba consolidated
its revolution, the Dominican
Republic went through post-
revolutionary chaos but picked up
the pieces. economically speaking.
reasonably well, and Puerto Rico
intensified its home-rule develop-
ment efforts and in many years
achieved truly promising rates of
growth. All of these events haxe
sum med to a more dranmtic
upheaval of the region', institiu-
tional structure than many olb-
servers are willing to admit. This
torrent of change, coupled with
each tiny nation's individual
search for both identity and
specific keys to economic better-
ment has resulted in a more
freewheeling approach to policy
which itself has engendered a
quest for regional solutions to
national 1and community prob-
lems. Although there is yet little
cooperation between nations of
Page E -- C.R. Vol. 'I No. -4

the British Carihbean and the
major Spanish speaking countries
or Haiti. the recognition of the
Cuban government by the former
is a .igi of their openness toward
economic cooperation with tlhe
Spanish area. On the other hand,
Puerto Rico has established a new
development fund which recog-
nizes the potential benefits of
taking a. regional, rather than a
national view toward certain types
of capital ventures. All of these
small steps are at present far
outdistanced by the efforts of the
former British colonies to free tup
interregional trade and jointly!
plan development policy in the
allocation of public investment
through agencies such as
and the Caribbean Development
Bank. These increases in com-
munications, and cooperation
among the former British areas
recently have been coupled vjith
market forces and their role as
producers of primary minerals to
lead to across-the-board and in
some cases harmonized efforts to
reap greater gains from both taxes
and equity participation relevant
to mineral resources. Thus. Trini-
dad and Tobago has greatly
increased its take on petroleum
production and refining, while
Jamaica and Guyana have joined
with her in an aluminum smelter
project and are jointly adjusting
their policies on the exploitation
of hauLxite. Meanwhile, in the
Spanish Caribbean, the Dominican
Republic has increased its re-
venues fro-m mineral exports, and
Puerto Rico is changing the rules
of the game on exploitation of its
copper. The elements of a regional
minerals export policy are falling
into place, even though some of
the states are simply following suit
and responding to stronger com-
modities markets rather than en-
gaging in cooperative regional
planning. The outcome will ofI
course depend upon the duration
of the energy and materials
Initially, the energy and raw
materials shortages and the
ensuing general inflation had disas-

trousi results on the island states of
the Caribbean. Fuel import bills
for 197 1 were predicted to he as
much as 'fotur times those of 1972.
and the typical pattern for tie
Caribbean count ies was a
widening trade gap. During 1973.
austerity measures were the order
of the day, particularly in Jamn.ii-
ca, where the balance of payments
pressure of the rising import bill
was worsened by a slack in export
earnings from sugar, bananas, mld
batuxitel'alumina. However, by
mid-1974. the economic tables)
were beginning to turn as the
small nations exerted their grow-
ing power in the tight raw
materials markets. Thus. the
balance of payments difficulties
imposed by fuel imports seemed
likely to be offset by increased
revenues from bauxite iln Jamaica,
Guyana, and Surinam. while the
general minerals boom in the
Dominican Republic promised to
make up for its fuel tab. Trinidad
and Tobago. of course, enjoyed
the luxury of being a fuel exporter
with no balance of payments
problem. Oddly enough, the
bauxite-producin g cou entries are
potentially stronger in their
market than is T rinidad and
Tobago in world oil markets.
Thus. should fuel prices fall or be
stabilized, the possibility exists
that the bauxite grouIp will be able
to move to an export balance of
trade in the near future. The
important point in this setting is
that the earnings from this export
product be put to work in the
economic transformation of the
region. In particular, the area noiw
needs rationalization of agricul-
tural production and investment
in export industries that will
optimize the use of its generally
abundant labor garment indus-
tries. assembly operations Mllost
definitely, the potential gains are
higher if a regional approach to
the planning of such investments
is taken and the trend towards
intra-regional free trade is con-
tinued. In any event, the gouvern-
mental apparatus in most of the
states appears to be sufficiently
refined and appropriately inclined

to take the steps necessary to sow.
the seeds of increased primary
export earnings, whether they be
from bauxite, bananas, or sugar. If
the opportunity to secure such-
gains arises, they must however
move quickly, for commodity
booms almost always constitute a
frail bubble that can be gone
almost as quickly as it appears.

Thus. if there is a1 "'ne\ eco-
nomics" in the Caribbean in the
light of the current commodities
crisis, it is a transitory phenome-
non, but one to be seized upon
and used as a lever to hasten the
transformation of the region
towards a greater share of manu-
factures in area exports. *

By M. John Thompson

Walk down the white sand beach
on anyone of the dozens of
Caribbean Islands, slip a face mask
over your head and put on a pair
of swim fins, then drop down
under the crystal clear water and
paddle out from the beach. You're
looking at the "Caribbean UI nder-
world." There are approximately
forty major islands in the (arib-
bean and adjacent tropical seas,
but on virtually every one this
underwater vista is equally beauti-
ful. For all Caribbean Islands the
near shore hydro-environnment
represents a fantastic natural re-
source which is only now feeling
the first glimmer of recognition.
Between latitudes -10"'N and
40"S a phenomena known as coral
reef formation occurs. Coral reefs
develop only in areas of warm,
clear water where there are
prevailing on shore currents and
plenty of sunlight. Various types
of coral reefs are found in all
tropical seas, but two areas of the
world are acknowledged as having
the most beautiful coral forma-
tions. These areas are the Indo-
Pacific region, and the Caribbean
Sea. Although the South Pacific is
far more famous for its corals, a
growing number of experts feel
that Caribbean coral reefs are even
more bIeautifully developed.
Wherever found, coral reefs are
tremendously productive in terms

of fish and invertebrates, as any
native fisherman knows. What the
native coastal fisherman may not
appreciate is that a coral reef. like
a tropical rain-forest, giant water-
fall. or subterranean cavern, is a
place of exquisite natural beauty.
Most natives, and governments. of
the Caribbean fail to realize the
beauty. and potential value of
their surrounding coral reefs, for
the same reason that a mountain
dweller can't understand why
anyone would travel great dis-
tances to see mountains. They are
too close. These natural wonders
have always been a part of their
lives, and are therefore taken for
To realize the potential value of
coral reefs, Caribbean govern-
ments must become aware of
them as a true natural resource.
equalling if not surpassing such
resources as oil, tin, timber, and
farmland. Developing nations need
to utilize and protect all of their
natural resources as they attempt
to increase the flow of wealth into
their countries. In many ways an
island rich in natural beauty has
an advantage over islands with
mineral wealth. Coral reefs are a
non-depletable resource if ade-
quate safeguards are taken, andt
can be used to generate revenue
year after year.
Unfortunately, many in the

('Caribbean, justly proud of their
new nationalism, feel that the
business of attracting and servicing
European and American tourists is
demeaning. They want economic
Las well as political independence
from the wealthier nations to the
north. Neglecting their underwater
resources, politicians in many
Caribbean countries have been
concentrating on industrialization
to achieve this economic in-
dependence. Politically, steel mills
and petroleum refineries are very
visible reminders of the prosperity
a particular administration has
brought to an island. Residents.
however, pay a rather high price in
terms of pollution of their en-
vironment and depletion of their
natural resources, for this ap-
parent prosperity. Although re-
fineries and steel mills may create
the illusion of economic independ-
ence, it remains just that, an
In order to attract major
industries most Caribbean govern-
ments have to make concessions in
terms of cheap labor, cheap raw
materials, and reduced environ-
mental safeguards. Industrializa-
tion on these terms is self deluding
m two ways. First, islands can
never outdo the continental
nations of South and Central
America in terms of cheap labor
or raw materials; secondly, as long
as foreign money owns and
controls an island's industries, the
native islander is still "'working for
the man" whether he's a porter in
a hotel or a welder in a factory.
If the standard of living is to
increase, the price of labor must
go up. Raw materials may be
depleted, exhausted, or replaced by
cheaper substitutes. Industries
based upon the availability of such
items then become liabilities
rather than assets to an island's
political high archery. The one
commodity for which there is an
ever increasing demand, and fewer
and fewer suppliers, is recreational
areas. People from overcrowded,
industrialized, polluted, northern
countries are looking more and
more to the tropics as a place get
away from it all. Given proper
C.P. Oc.r'Nov'Dec Page 7

conditions and incentives today's
trickle of tourism can he increased
to a true flood in upcoming

To utilize and develop environ-
mental resour es, particularly
those of the hydro-environment.
careful planning and promotion is
required. Some island go\ern-
ments are already moving in this
direction. IThe Bahamas has
embarked upon a very active
program of tourism promotion, in
which underwater recreation plays
an important role. An extensive
study is currently being conducted
by the Cayman Islands to surL\ey
unllderwater resources, detect
present and potential pollution
problems, and recommend where
to establish underwater parks or
reserves. Within the Bahamas and
the II.S. Virgin Islands coral reef
parks are already in existence.
These examples represent initial
steps toward the type of marine
ecological planning which will,
hopefully, one day become a
major concern of all Caribbean
goernimen ts.
The fact that improper planning
in the form of uncontrolled
industrialization or land develop-
ment can destroy hydro-environ-
mental resources long before their

potential value has been realized,
is clearly sho wnt in the coral reef
destruction seen in Kaneohe Bay.
lawaii. In this case, pollution in
the form of sediment from un-
controlled land development and
r,': sewage from bordering towns.
has killed over half the coral reefs
within the bay. The North Ameri-
can reef tract, just off the Florida
Keys is currentlyI suffering intense
environmental stress from these
same sources. (Coral reefs halve
taken many thousands of years to
clevelop and are irreplaceable once
damaged or destroyed. With the
possible exception of the reefs off
Florida's Keys, no coral reel' in the
world is approachingg its mniximlum
utilization as a revenue generating
Caribbean governments and
citizens must decide whether they
wish to turn their countries into
miniature models of their north-
ern neighbors. or whether they
wish to preserve their natural
beauty and exotic environment
intact. If they follow the latter
course, economic Independence
may not be as rapid or as evident
lor as ephemeral I, but within the
next few decades they will be in a
position to supply a commodity
unavailable anywhere else at any

By Herbert L. Hiller

It is customanuy to look at the
tra el experience as one's owin.
Traxel is something that "' do."
Travel happens "to me." During
the two or three or four w weeks
vacation I have each year, travel is
one of the things "I can do." The
choice is mine; I can go wherever I
want. The only limitations are
those of my jol and family. But
these are as much the conditions
of my Ieing as they are con-
Page 8 C.P. Vol. VI No. 4

Travel is something that belongs
to the person who saves for it and
does it. Travel is my thing, as
industrial man. One of the rewards
I can choose. Collectively, the
travel of all of us, and the tourism
that \we call it, is something that
belongs to "'us." If we don't
choose to vacation there is no
such thing as tourism. Tourism
can't happen until industrial so-
ciety produces leisure. It is pe-
culiarly a condition of the ad-

:mnced technologic state.
In tourism there is Rn apparatus
of.- sellers and middlemen. sup-
pliers, all of it, that exists to
eniouirage and facilitate the
movement of people at leisure.
Dealing with the movement of
people internationally has become
an important business of ndclustrial
societies. As the fortnightly
holiday has become more uni\er-
sal and more than 200,000,000
people travel at leisure each year,
some rationalization of this move-
ment has occurred. The ration-
alizing principle has become
sureness of the experience. Send-
ing people three or four thousand
miles to places where different
languages are spoken and different
money used, an agent sending
someone \wants to be sure his
client gets there and back and is
happy to go somewhere again.
The principle favor-, preldict-
ability. Sameness, or "'difference
by formula," is what we use to
wo irk it out. Local reliance
happens once you feel confident
the local operator is responsive to
the international standard. Net-
\works of sureness emerge. Deci-
sion-making becomes centered at
the apex of the pyramid. It is
"'Method A" in industrial manage-
It is reasonable enough, par-
ticuilarly because tourism is "their
thing." You have to give the
tourist what he wants because
otherwise he doesn't have to
come. The irrationality of this
perspective as a model for so-
cieties (-)i the receiving end of
tourism affects the Ca'ribbean.
There, a reshuffling of the top
men in the regional tourism
organizations has just occurred.
These shifts provide a good
occasion to examine the nature of
the tourism dependency, and by
which to set up a measurement of
what happens in the coming year.
Among the regional organiza-
tions there is first the Caribbean
fraxel Assn. CTA is the organiza-
tion of government tourist hoards.
Not all the island governments
belong, but most do. and relation-
,ships are good between the mem-
continued on Page 50



By William G. Demas
Secretary General
Caribbean Development Bank

From Margo and Gregson Davis, ANTIGUA BLACK, Scrimshaw Press, 1974

Economic independence is a vague and elusive
phenomenon. It is perhaps easier to demonstrate
what it means by first examining its opposite -
namely, economic dependence. Economic depend-
ence refers to a situation in which economic
relationships between a country and other countries
tend to be unequal and onesided rather than equal
and mutual. It thus has to do with relative power in
the field of international economic relations.
Two actors (whether persons, firms or countries) -
A and B may be said to have equal power when A's
capacity to make decisions for himself and to
influence decisions of B is equal to B's capacity to
make decisions for himself and to influence decisions
of A. On the other hand, where A's decisions about
himself are frustrated by the action of B, and where
A cannot influence decisions by B about B, it is clear
that B has more power than A.
The fact that economic dependence is essentially a
manifestation of unequal power relations between
countries is clearly seen when we consider that
economic circumstances in another (superordinate)
country are the most important factor conditioning
the economic welfare of the subordinate country.
Economically independent countries can prosper on
their own momentum; economically dependent
countries can do so only if circumstances in the
dominant country are favourable. A situation of
unequal power clearly exists; and it is the subordinate

country's dependence on circumstances in the
dominant country for its prosperity that provides us
with the crux of dependence.
But it should not be thought that the limits of the
relative power of two parties are immutably fixed. A
distinction must be made between latent and actual
power. In the longer run the limits of relative power
are more elastic and flexible than in the shorter run.
Latent power has to be mobilised. This is the problem
of moving from a state of dependent underdevelop-
ment to a state of more autonomous development.
The question of economic dependence is not at all
unrelated to that of the size of countries. In its
attempt to overcome dependence by increasing and
diversifying production and reducing its reliance on
foreign suppliers for the bulk of the goods and
services which it requires, a small country suffers
from the basic constraints of a narrow range of
natural resources and inadequate market size,
stemming from a small population. Other things being
equal, imports and exports will accordingly comprise
a larger percentage of total production in a small
country than in a large country. Moreover, unless the
small country produces a significant proportion of
the world's supplies of a strategic raw material (such
as petroleum), it will usually lack the bargaining
power to take the necessary steps to obtain
satisfactory prices and tax receipts for its exports and
to promote greater national ownership and control of
C.R. Oct/Nov/Dec Page 9

n- -


. ! ,.* -

From Margo and Gregson Davis, ANTIGUA BLACK, Scrimshaw Press, 1974

its economy and hence of vital decisions over its
economic life.
Small size is by no means the only factor making
for economic dependence it is, however, an
important one that we must bear in mind. It is
partially in this context that economic integration
becomes important. Such integration can go a long
way towards overcoming the two constraints of small
size mentioned above. It can make for among other
things a wider range of natural resources and a
larger local market. It could also improve the
bargaining power of the integrated group of small
countries with respect to trade, aid and private
foreign investment in their relations with powerful
extra-regional entities, including powerful metropoli-
tan countries, powerful metropolitan trading blocs
and powerful metropolitan-based multinational cor-


There are five ways in which economic dependence
is manifested in Third World Countries. These are:
(a) dependence through foreign ownership and
control of key sectors of the economy;
(b) dependence through foreign aid;
(c) dependence through trade;
(d) dependence through reliance on foreign human
resources and foreign know-how; and
(e) dependence through imported consumption
and production patterns.

Dependence through Foreign Ownership and Control:
Foreign ownership and control of the key sectors of
the economy is usually regarded as the principal form
of economic dependence. The Caribbean countries
have for centuries had ownership and control over
key economic sectors in foreign hands. Today this
control is exercised by the multinational corporation.
Heavy foreign investment is not all bad. It can raise
per capital national income, create some relatively
Page 10 C.R. Vol. VI No. 4

well-paid jobs and (after the end of tax holiday
periods in manufacturing and from the start in the
case of minerals) pay considerable tax revenues to the
Governments. On the other hand, a long period of
foreign ownership and control of key economic
sectors can prevent the creation of a genuine national
economy, even though it may produce economic
growth in the sense of a rise in total and per capital
income. When a country is dominated by foreign
private investment over a long period of time, the
effect is to distort development; to fail to produce
linkages between economic activities and sectors; to
cripple and discourage the development of local
initiative, local entrepreneurship and local institutions
for mobilising savings; and to remove from national
control powers of effective decision-making in
economic matters.
In the past foreign investment was highly
exploitative paying low wages and the minimum of
taxes to Government, and draining the country of its
surpluses. Today, the modern international corpora-
tion is much more sophisticated and pays relatively
high wages and salaries, employs more local persons
in skilled and middle-management positions and
usually tries to be a "good corporate citizen." Even
so, foreign domination can still distort a country's
development. One must see economic development as
not merely a process of growth in per capital income
but also as a process where nationals of the country
are involved in economic decision-making at all levels;
where the impetus for development comes from
within and not from outside the country; and where
there is not too much unemployment. It is doubtful
whether heavy reliance on foreign private investment
over a long period of time can produce this kind of
autonomous development.
Accordingly, countries heavily dependent on
foreign private investment have at some stage or other
to achieve greater national decision-making through a
programme of localisationn" of the key sectors of the
economy under foreign control whether through
nationalisation (with compensation) or through
participation of the State or private individuals in
existing key foreign controlled enterprises. In
addition, national participation in new important
economic activities must be sought. Such control and
participation in both new and existing activities must
be done on a careful and selective basis and must
focus on the key sectors of the economy.
It is often argued that Government or national
private acquisition of existing key enterprises is bad
economics in that: (a) scarce foreign exchange is
wasted; and (b) national savings are scarce and should
be used only for new investment and not to "buy
back" existing activities. Much depends on whether
payment by the country is made in cash or in phased
payments over a number of years. But even where the
payment is made in cash (assuming that it could be
raised), foreign exchange is eventually saved. So long
as the acquired asset continues to be well run and

well managed, it will produce income, and (by
definition) future payments of dividends, profits and
interests abroad will no longer be necessary.
The second objection about scarce national
savings also takes too short-run a view. A company
usually finances much of its investment out of the
internal funds (or savings) generated by its own
expansion. Provided that the enterprise acquired
continues to be well-managed and to expand, in a
dynamic context the flow of company savings
accruing to the national economy will be increased
over time.
This is not to deny the useful role that foreign
private investment can play not only in bringing in
capital but, much more important, in bringing in
know-how, management, technology and, in some
cases, access to foreign markets. There is a vast world
of difference between foreign domination of an
economy and "normal" flows of private foreign
investment within a clear-cut framework of Govern-
ment policy. Once national control of key sectors and
activities is achieved, there should still be much scope
for, and less suspicion of, foreign private investment.
To achieve such national control requires an
increase in the proportion of national income saved
by nationals including companies, individuals and
the public sector. In the Caribbean national savings as
a percentage of national income are scandalously low,
in spite of fairly high levels of per capital income. This
is so partly because, as we have seen, so many of the
companies themselves are foreign controlled and do
not issue shares to local investors; partly because of
high and growing wage and salary rates, which reduce
the surpluses (or savings) of Government and Public
Enterprises for further investment; and above all,
because of the cultural impact of the North American
and West European "consumer society" on the
Caribbean, coming partly through advertising and
partly through the images of the affluent society
projected on television. This cultural impact has
raised aspirations for consumption that the econo-
mies of the region could never satisfy in the
foreseeable future. It also leads to excessive demands
for higher wages and salaries in an attempt to equip
oneself with the (often unnecessary) gadgets of
modem North American society. In the level of
national savings, as in the level of production and
attitudes towards work generally, only a change of
values can bring about a more autonomous pattern of
development in the Caribbean.

Dependence through Foreign Aid: Most developing
countries receive external financial assistance from
the Western or the Socialist powers, or both. The
need for financial aid depends on the level of the
country's per capital income, the ability to mobilise
the maximum amount of domestic savings for
national productive investment and the ability to
avoid the foreign exchange bottleneck in develop-
ment (see next Section). At higher levels of per capital

.- "-


From Margo and Gregson Davis, ANTIGUA BLACK, Scrimshaw Press, 1974

income, with greater mobilisation of local financial
resources and with economic policies which prevent
the emergence of a foreign exchange bottle-neck to
development, a country really does not need foreign
aid. (However, a pattern of all-pervading foreign
ownership of the economy, combined with a pattern
of high personal consumption expenditure on
imported goods and services, may reduce "surpluses"
retained for new investment in the local economy and
so perpetuate the need for foreign resources in the
form of aid, even at fairly high levels of per capital

Dependence through Trade: Whether a country is
dependent or inter-dependent through trade depends
on the composition of its exports, the marketing
arrangements for its exports and the character of its
imports. At one extreme we find countries engaging
in tropical monoculture, exporting one or two
primary products, the world demand for which is
declining and which may also be very unstable. Often,
too, because of high costs of production, these
products may require preferential shelter in metro-
politan markets. This is accompanied by heavy
dependence on imports not only for capital and
intermediate goods, but also for the most elementary
and simple consumer goods, including food. This is
clearly an extreme form of trade dependence.
Other countries export minerals which may be in
high and great demand abroad but which are
marketed through vertically integrated multinational
corporations. This again is a form of trade-depend-
ence although not as extreme as in the former case.
At certain higher levels of economic development
where there is a fair amount of industrialisation by
import-substitution for the national market, pro-
moted by high tariffs and quantitative restrictions,
many countries cannot finance their essential
requirements for capital goods and raw materials for
their industries from their foreign exchange earnings.
There is a foreign exchange bottleneck. This is the
C.R. Oct/Nov/Dec Page 11

position of many of the semiindustrialised Latin
American countries and of India. The problem of
foreign exchange arises from the inability of the
country to increase the volume of exports of
manufactured goods to the outside world (or to
produce for export or home consumption agricultural
products) to a sufficient extent.
Finally, one finds countries whose exports are
highly diversified (consisting particularly of manufac-
tures) and going to many different geographical
markets, without the need for special preferential
shelter. Further, the proceeds of such exports are
sufficient to finance all the country's import
requirements and there are no chronic, as against
periodic, balance-of-payments problems. This is the
position of most of the developed, highly indus-
trialised countries of Western Europe.
Irrespective of the level of development, the need
to rely on foreign trade depends very much on the
size and range of natural resources of the country. A
very large country (such as the U.S.A., the U.S.S.R.
or India) exports and imports only a very small
proportion of its total production and requirements
respectively. For a small underdeveloped country
seeking to develop, foreign trade must always be
important. (Cuba is still as heavily dependent on
foreign trade as in pre-revolutionary days). What
matters is the commodity composition of trade (the
importance of exports of manufactures or processed
primary products as against raw or unprocessed
primary products); the geographical diversification of
export markets and sources of imports; the ability to
compete without preferential shelter in external
markets; and the marketing arrangements for its
products (whether they are sold in "administered"
markets through vertically-integrated multinational
corporations or in competitive markets). On the side
of imports, heavy dependence on imports of food and
light manufactured consumer goods (as against
imports of raw materials, components and capital
goods which the country could not under any
circumstances produce economically) signifies de-
pendence. Thus economic dependence as manifested
in trade is very much linked with the internal
structure of the economy and its stage of

Dependence through the Need for Foreign Know-how
and Foreign Human Resources: Human resources are
perhaps the key element in autonomous develop-
ment. One can have as much ideology as one wants.
One can have the will to develop and the right
attitudes among the population. Unless, however, the
population develops the know-how and capacity,
development will not take place. Know-how and
capacity include not only knowledge of technology
but also managerial and organisational skills. Know-
how and capacity are the scarcest factors of
production in all developing countries. One can
implement programmes for localisation or nationalisa-
Page 12-C.R.-Vol.VI No. 4

tion of the key sectors of the economy, one can
encourage greater self-reliance and one can attempt to
encourage development from below through small
and medium sized farms, small industries and
cooperatives. But without know-how in technology,
management and organisational capacity, these
efforts are likely to prove futile. Moreover, in small
countries with a limited range of natural resources,
the factor of production of trained human resources
and technological capacity becomes crucial for
economic independence.
It is useful to distinguish here between the need for
foreign human resources and the need for foreign
technology. The use of foreign human resources takes
two forms: first, technical assistance to Governments
of Third World countries extended by international
and multilateral agencies and bilaterally by Govern-
ments of developed countries; and second, the use by
Government or by local private enterprise of foreign
technologists and managers. The answer to this is
obviously the production of more local cadres of
trained personnel. (In many Third World countries,
however and particularly in the Commonwealth
Caribbean the production of more local trained
personnel may simply swell the "brain-drain".)
Training by itself is insufficient when it comes to
local personnel developing certain essential aspects of

From Margo and Gregson Davis, ANTIGUA BLACK,

organisational and managerial skills: this is an art that
is difficult to develop except by learning-by-doing
and this is often usually not a short-term process.
The other aspect of dependence on foreign
know-how and human resources relates to technology
in its material aspect. Many Third World countries
have come near to being self-sufficient in technol-
ogists and managers but they still import nearly all
their requirements of material technological proc-
In fact, all Third World countries are technolo-
gically dependent on metropolitan countries -
whether or not they have "neo-colonialist" or
independent economies. This is because most of the
Research and Development expenditure on technol-
ogical innovation takes place in the advanced
countries, particularly the United States. What Third
World countries need is a vast increase in expenditure
on Research and Development which would enable
them to utilise their own domestic raw materials and
ultimately to produce and export products based on
their own resources or on their own designs and
styles. Even more important, technological innova-
tion in Third World countries is required to develop
efficient labour-intensive techniques of production.
The problem that modem technology poses for Third
World countries suffering from heavy unemployment

Scrimshaw Press, 1974

is that Western technologies are highly capital-inten-
sive and are becoming increasingly so, as continuing
efforts are made in the advanced countries to
economise on labour. Capital-intensive modern
technology is imported into all Third World countries
and is one of the main causes of unemployment. Any
effort to make a breakthrough in technology requires
Third World countries to come together to establish
facilities for such research on a regional or even a
continental basis. This means that reducing technol-
ogical dependence is a matter for the long run. In the
short and medium run, however, Third World
countries can do much to adapt imported technol-
ogies to local situations and to employ "inter-
mediate" technologies.
Finally, it should be observed that technological
innovation is required in Third World countries not
only to develop efficient labour-intensive technol-
ogies but also to put to economic use local raw
materials and other natural resources so that local
patterns of consumption and production can take the
place of imported patterns of consumption and

Dependence through Imported Consumption and
Production Patterns: Another manifestation of
dependent underdevelopment (closely related to both
trade and technological dependence) which is
particularly glaring in the Commonwealth Caribbean
countries is the importation of the consumption
patterns of the affluent societies of North America
and Europe. This phenomenon has multiple causes:
these include the easy availability of credit to finance
imported consumer goods; the influence of adver-
tising and the mass media, particularly Commercial
Television; the proximity to and relatively inexpen-
sive means of travel to North America (particularly
through "fly now, pay later" credit plans); the
frequent return home for short visits of West Indian
emigrants to North America; and, in many of the
countries, the presence of large numbers of North
American tourists, whose presumed tastes for food,
drink, entertainment and low or zero-duty luxury
goods are catered for.
Historical factors also operate such as the
centuries-old concentration in the West Indies on
export of agricultural staples and the importation of
practically everything else, including food. Moreover,
technological dependence itself leads to a failure to
develop production of indigenous resources, including
processing and preservation of local food, vegetables
and fruit and the development of indigenous
materials, designs and styles.
The effects of such imported consumption patterns
are_ fairly obvious. They put pressure on the balance
of payments; reduce local savings; cause domestic
natural resources (including agricultural resources) to
be under-utilised; and lead to more local unemploy-
ment than would otherwise exist.
Finally, imported consumption patterns themselves
C.R. Oct/Nov/Dec Page 13

lead to excessive demands for higher wages and
salaries, which, as we shall see, in turn create more
local unemployment. And, of course, as prices of
imported goods go up because of inflation in the
metropolitan countries, the more eagerly are large
increases in wages sought to enable wage and salary
earners in the dependent countries to purchase the
much desired goods.
It should also be noted that high tariffs are not
really effective in reducing the volume of imports or
in changing consumption patterns, especially when
the effects of hire purchase (consume credit) are
taken into account. People either save less or get into
debt to acquire the foreign goods. The only real
answer seems to be the use of quantitative restrictions
or prohibitions. Dependence on imported consump-
tion patterns is closely connected with dependence
on imported production patterns. This is most clearly
seen in the distinction made by Lloyd Best between
two types of import-substitution "import replace-
ment" and "import displacement".
In the former case, a taste among the local
population is created for, say, imported Scotch
whisky or imported General Motors automobiles. A
local plant may then be set up to replace imports of
Scotch whisky or General Motors automobiles, in
both cases with production relying heavily on
imported inputs. In many cases such local plants are
set up by branches or subsidiaries of multinational
corporations. The phenomenon described by J.K.
Galbraith of wants being deliberately created by large
innovating companies for their new products applies
with equal force to dependent underdeveloped
countries as to the affluent North American society
about which Galbraith was writing. This phenomenon
is, of course, highly dysfunctional in Third World
countries, since such imported production patterns
often make use of inappropriate capital-intensive
technology, fail to use local inputs and resources and
inhibit local creativity and innovation.
In the other case of "import-displacement", we
have products based on local inputs "displacing"
imports examples being mangoes or oranges being
consumed instead of apples or pears, or mango-juice
being drunk instead of apple-juice. It will be seen that
"import-displacement" is much easier to achieve in
the case of agricultural products or agriculture-based
industries than in the case of the usual run of
manufactured items.


Economic independence is of course that situation
that one progressively approximates as one brings
about the progressive breakdown of the kinds of
relations of dependence that we have been discussing.
In other words, the less dependent we become in
Page 14 -C.R. -Vol. VI No. 4

terms of foreign ownership and control, aid, trade
and human resources and technology, the more
independent we become.
Thus economic dependence through foreign
ownership can be overcome through programmes for
achieving national ownership and control over key
sectors of the economy. Dependence through foreign
aid'and foreign technical assistance can be overcome
through the generation of more national savings and
through more development of local human resources.
Dependence through trade can be overcome by
internal development which changes the structure of
the economy by increasing the supply of locally
grown foodstuffs; by import substitution in manufac-
tures; by changing imported consumption patterns;
by increasing the share of manufactures in total
exports; by increasing the degree of local processing
of products hitherto exported in raw or semi-
processed condition; and by reducing the costs of
production of those exports which cannot compete in
competitive market abroad but require preferential
shelter. Dependence on foreign know-how can be
reduced partly by the people of the country
'learing-by-doing'; partly by a massive programme of
Scientific and Technical (including vocational and
agricultural) training for young people; and partly by
integrating the world of school and the world of
These are the tasks to be accomplished to reduce
economic dependence or dependent under develop-
ment. This is familiar to everyone. The real question
is, how can these tasks be accomplished? Funda-
mentally, four kinds of changes are required in the
Commonwealth Caribbean countries (as in all
developing countries) if these tasks are to be

Changes in Policies and Institutions: First, there must
be a re-orientation of economic policies and
institutions deriving from colonial days. Thus imports
that can be locally produced or that are "inessential"
must be reduced both by reducing consumer credit
for such purchases and, where necessary, by severe
quantitative restrictions or prohibitions. Agriculture
producing food and livestock products for the home
market must be vigorously promoted. Greater use of
local raw materials by manufacturing industries and
greater use of local inputs (including local food) by
the tourist industry must be encouraged. There must
be an adoption of all the well-known methods of
increasing exports of manufactures. New financial
institutions must be created and old ones restructured
in order to mobilise more local savings for local
productive investment. Steps must be taken to
achieve more effective national control over key
sectors of the economy. Local managerial and
technical cadres (including young people trained in
modern scientific Agriculture) must be developed.
The educational system must be made more relevant
and must serve the purpose of building a national

identity and integrating the world of school with the
world of work.
Changes in Values and Attitudes: Second, and this is
the key to promoting autonomous development in
the Caribbean, the values and attitudes of the people
(especially the young) must be re-oriented and the
necessary motivation of the people to perform all the
tasks involved must be created by the political
leaders. These changes in values, attitudes, and
motivations towards hard work, towards agricul-
ture, towards vocational training, towards production
as against consumption, and towards tastes for local
as against foreign goods and services can only be
achieved through the development (and practice) of
an authentic, indigenous West Indian ideology of
development and social change one in keeping with
the historical experience of the West Indian people.
Moreover, as part of this programme of changing
values, attitudes and motivations, the educational
system and the mass communications system need to
be sharply re-oriented.

The Wage and Salary Problem. Unemployment and
Agricultural Stagnation: Many of the broad lines of
approach suggested above should indirectly help to
overcome the unemployment problem. But one
fundamental aspect of the problem should be
discussed. It is also connected with agricultural
stagnation and low national savings in the Public
sector. This is a significant and growing gap between
earnings in Agriculture and in other low-productivity
sectors on the one hand and in modern manufac-
turing, mining, modem tourism and the public sector
on the other hand. The higher wages and salaries in
the latter sectors are the result of several factors -
the higher productivity of these sectors; Trade Union
action; the fact that many of the modern sectors are
controlled by branches and subsidiaries of inter-
national corporations, which usually pay relatively
good wages and salaries, and the attempt of
Governments to stem the brain drain by raising
salaries (and consequently, through Trade Union
action, wages).
This state of affairs causes people to leave the land,
thus reducing agricultural output. Such people
migrate to the towns where jobs are difficult to find
and many remain unemployed. Public Sector Savings
are reduced. Under these circumstances, in the
Caribbean, as in all Third World countries, an incomes
policy is needed to restrain the widening gap in
earnings within the countries, to restrain (as far as is
economically feasible) rises in prices, and to ensure
that the richer people and local and foreign
companies pay their "fair" share in taxes. Only in this
way will it be possible to develop Agriculture and to
reduce unemployment among the young people.
Tanzania, for example, has a definite incomes policy:
wages and salaries in the Public sector have been cut
and no person can get increases in wages and salaries
amounting to more than 5% per annum.

Acquisition of Know-How and Technological Skills:
Earlier we discussed the question of technology and
organisational and managerial skills and mentioned
the need for technological innovation and for more
"know-how" in Third World countries, including the
Caribbean. This cannot be overemphasised. What we
are talking about is, however, more than just a
question of capital-versus labour-intensive technol-
ogy. It is also more than just a question of machine
technology. It is a recognition of the need for
underdeveloped countries to overcome their technol-
ogical dependence in its broadest sense, because such
dependence comprises the very definition of depend-
Overcoming technological dependence and short-

From Margo and Gregson Davis, ANTIGUA BLACK, Scrimshaw Press, 1974.

age of managerial and organisational skills presents
the Commonwealth Caribbean with one of its greatest
challenges to moving away from dependent under-
development. With respect to the limited aspect of
developing managerial and organisational skills, there
are grounds for optimism: there is now a clear
recognition of the need for providing higher standards
of managerial and organisational attainment through
a combination of formal and on-the-job training and
through "learing-by-doing." But the broader aspect
of technological innovation will certainly pose a
much more severe challenge to the creativity of the
people of the Region. Councils and Institutes for
Scientific and Technological Research are being
established; but only time will tell how much fruit
they will bear.
C.R. Oct/Nov/Dec Page 15

Caribbean Integration: The possibility of achieving
economic autonomy in Caribbean countries also
requires meaningful regional economic integration.
This is so for three reasons. First, it is necessary to
widen the small national market in each country and
create a larger regional market, effectively protected
by a Common External Tariff and a Common
Protective Policy, thereby facilitating the continuing
development of both agricultural and manufacturing
production. Second, when we "combine" all the
natural resources of the Caribbean, we have a useful
basis for self-sustained growth for the countries in the

From Margo and Gregson Davis, ANTIGUA BLACK, Scrimshaw Press, 19/4.

Region. We in the Caribbean must pool and combine
our natural resources to create linkages between the
economies of the Region and to develop local
industries drawing their inputs from different parts of
the Region. In this way we can reduce the need for
certain types of imports from the metropolitan
countries, create more value added regionally and so
strengthen our economies. This of course requires
regional programming in the agricultural, manufac-
turing and mineral sectors. Third, in this age of
powerful metropolitan Governments, powerful
metropolitan trading blocs and powerful international
Page 16 C.R. Vol. VI No. 4

corporations, the countries of the Caribbean must to
some extent pool their sovereignty through joint
actions and common policies in order to increase
their collective power and hence their bargaining
strength in dealing with these powerful external
These then are the three essential reasons for
Caribbean economic integration: the need to widen
markets; the need to pool and combine natural
resources and to programme regional economic
activities; and the need to strengthen our collective
bargaining power vis-a-vis powerful external entities
and forces. Continuing special measures will also have
to be implemented to enable the Less Developed
Countries of the Region to benefit from economic
integration as much as the More Developed Countries.
A greater degree of economic independence for each
country can, paradoxically, be achieved only through
meaningful economic integration in the Region. This
is the "paradox of sovereignty." A greater degree of
effective sovereignty is attainable by each Caribbean
country only through some surrender to the regional
collectivity of some of its formal sovereignty.
The foregoing analysis suggests that overcoming
economic dependence amounts to the same thing as
overcoming underdevelopment. In fact, "dependent
underdevelopment" is the state of affairs that
characterises most Third World countries. The
overcoming of economic dependence must be part
and parcel of an overall strategy of development and
employment creation. Much of what has been said
above about ways and means of overcoming
dependent underdevelopment is, indeed, being
increasingly recognized and acted upon by Caribbean
Governments. For example, in all West Indian
countries, Governments are beginning to give greater
priority to Agriculture; to the creation of linkages
between the manufacturing, tourist and mineral
sectors and the other economic sectors; to promoting
exports of manufactures; to localising the economy in
various forms (Guyana's nationalisation of bauxite
being only the most dramatic example); to trying to
change imported patterns of consumption and
production by banning goods capable of local
production and "inessential" imports; to re-orienting
the educational system and providing more vocational
and agricultural training; to developing programmes
for training persons in the private, public and
cooperative sectors in business management; to
setting up Institutes and Councils for Applied
Scientific and Technological Research; and to
creating new indigenous financial institutions.
However, a very big gap still exists in the area of
incomes policies. Governments all over the world find
it very difficult to harmonise Trade Union activities
with national development and employment objec-
tives. But unless this problem is solved, many of the
features of dependent underdevelopment will persist
in Third World countries, including the Common-
wealth Caribbean. *

Sketch of Cabrera Infante by Utermohien from the
dust-jacket of THREE TRAPPED TIGERS, Harper and Row.


By J. Raban Bilder

On Saturday afternoon, the twentieth of October, it
was cold and raining, and London was living up to its
reputation for nasty weather. I got off the bus and
walked up the Gloucester Road as quickly as possible
to Number 53, an unprepossessing front badly in
need of paint, and perhaps a colour other than
powder blue. The names beside the buzzers indicated
that Guillermo Cabrera Infante lived in the first-floor
flat. I rang, and was soon talking to the man whom I
had admired ever since reading his novel Tres tristes
tigres, which was published in Barcelona in 1967.
Hanging conspicuously in the foyer of Sr. Cabrera
Infante's flat is a Cuban flag about the size of a large
door. I remembered that he had told a previous
interviewer that he thought of his flat as a little piece
of Cuba in exile; except for the flag, it must be a very
understated piece. The author led me into a
book-lined study about the size of a third bed-room.
He was nattily dressed in a dark blue, double-breasted
blazer and, with his long, black hair and intelligent,
piercing eyes, he looked much more imposing than
his height would suggest. For no particular reason I
thought of Atahualpa in modern dress. He took my
raincoat and asked me to sit down on a daybed, while
he pulled his desk-chair away from the electric
typewriter with the plastic cover, and sat down. But

not for long: he offered me coffee or tea. I demurred.
He said, "Well, then, I shall have a coffee so that you
can have a coffee," and went out to fix things. I
looked around at the books: many on Cuba and by
Cuban writers, which was certainly understandable.
Sr. Cabrera Infante later told me that his own book
on Cuba will be published by Editorial Seix Barral,
S.A. his old publisher in Barcelona. It is to be
called Vista del amanecer en el tr6pico, and he
described it as a collection of prose poems, a book of
vignettes about Cuban history from the beginnings to
the present.
Sr. Cabrera Infante returned from his arrangements
and sat down, seemingly more composed, and always
proper. "Well," he said, "how are things in Puerto
Rico? He referred of course to my seven years'
residence there as professor at the University of
Puerto Rico; and he was probably thinking too of the
thousands of Cubans who came to live in Puerto Rico
after Castro. He seemed sincerely interested, and I
wanted to tell him about Puerto Rico, but I thought
that this must be my interview with him. What was he
in fact doing here in London, a city that has not
treated him too well in terms of his chosen career: his
books are not published here and he is, to say the
least, not very well known.

C.R. Oct/Nov/Dec Page 17

Well, he answers, I was living in Madrid in 1965.
Things were not going too well with my publishers
there. The government wanted to censor my books,
especially the erotic parts. Then I got this call from a
friend of mine in London; he wanted me to come
here to write a filmscript. It was to be called Wonder
Wall, and I did the script, but the film was never
made. Anyway, I liked London so much that I
decided to stay. I was in Hollywood for three months
in 1970 to do another filmscript ("You know," he
says, parenthetically, "that's where the money is");
this time the film was made, and it was called
Vanishing Point, I grew to love Los Angeles, and
think of it as one of the most American of cities. San
Francisco strikes me as being very European; but then
of course, here I am, in London. He has contracted
with a London company to publish his books, but
there have been problems, and no release of contract
has been yet forthcoming. Meanwhile, he is staying
with Seix Barral for the publication of his books in
Spanish, and Harper and Row have done the
translation of Three Trapped Tigers into English. But
only in America.
I have brought along some conventional questions
for the interview. I tell him this, and he smiles
resignedly. He asked me not to bring along a tape
recorder, but said that, if I left my set of questions
with him, he would try to answer them in writing. As
it happened, there was no need to leave my
questions: I had too few of them, and he answered all
of them during our conversation. A few samples:
Sr. Cabrera Infante, your novel Tres tristes tigres
has frequently been compared to Julio Cortazar's
Rayuela, especially for complexity of plot; I don't
think that... and immediately I catch myself...
make him talk, don't intrude! But he is much more
experienced at being interviewed than I am at
interviewing, and he gently prompts, "Yes, you don't
think what? I think that Cortazar, in suggesting that
the reader go through the novel twice once in the
conventional way and the second time with
interchapters is really using a literary gimmick to
make complex what otherwise might not have been
so... Sr. Cabrera Infante seems to nod agreement
and smiles, answering at a tangent. "You know, so
many critics are interested in character in a novel, and
I was interested in something else as well..." The
interviewer makes another mistake and interrupts: Ah
yes, you remember that I called your novel a
Menippean satire in which the... (Cf. Caribbean
Review,Vol. IV No. 3 )."Yes, I liked your article very
much, and it did seem to concentrate on what I was
doing." Of course I am flattered and almost skip the
next two questions. Sr. Cabrera Infante appears not
to notice, and goes on talking about Cortazar. He
used to see Cortazar fairly frequently; after all, they
live only a little more than two hundred miles apart,
the exile from Argentina in Paris, the exile from Cuba
in London. But Cortazar has become very political in
the last few years and has adopted a pro-Castro
Page 18 C.R. -Vol. VI No. 4

attitude that leaves very little to be discussed between
the two writers. Sr. Cabrera Infante looks wistful, but
not too much so; since his arrival in England he has
described himself as an opponent of Socialism.
I asked him to enlarge on the censorship of his
novel in Barcelona. Well, It was censored, especially
with regard to the erotic parts, as he already told me.
Of the two translators he worked with when his novel
was being translated for the American market, one
was an Englishman who did not see quite eye to eye
with the author, and that is how Suzanne Jill Levine,
an American, happened to be called in. Sr. Cabrera
Infante worked very closely with the translators,
especially with Miss Levine, and agreed with the point
I had made in my review of Three Trapped Tigers:
that this might be one instance where the translation
of a novel was more accurately in keeping with the
wishes of the writer than the original Spanish version.
At this point the author's lovely daughter came in
with the coffee. There seemed to be some sort of
mixup about who wanted white coffee and who
wanted black coffee. She spoke to her father in
Spanish, and I replied in Spanish, saying that it did
not matter whether my coffee was black or white. It
was the only Spanish we spoke during the interview.
Sr. Cabrera Infante's English is slightly accented when
spoken, but without flaw. I can see why he
collaborated closely with the translators.
While we were having coffee I asked him my last
interviewer's question: What are you working on
now? Well, there's the collection of prose poems
about Cuba mentioned earlier, and then there will
appear, in 1974, a book he has entitled Exorcismos
de estilo, a sort of non-integrated book on the various
genres and styles of writing. Yes, Tres tristes tigres
was an integrated book, if not on the style of writing,
then at least on the styles of speaking Cuban. And
because it was integrated, it could be called a novel;
this new book will not be a novel. Then we got to
talking about the time when he wrote cinema reviews
for Carteles under the pseudonym of G. Cain, He
does not write cinema reviews any more, but a
collection of the ones he wrote for Carteles has just
been re-published (in April, 1973) by Seix Barral,
with interpolations by Sr. Cabrera Infante on blue,
yellow, and pink paper, purporting to explain the
Portrait of the Critic as a Young Cain (if I may
translate very freely) and, finally, the Requiem for
the Alter Ego. I told Sr. Cabrera Infante that I had
not actually read his film critiques, that I knew of
them only from friends who had recommended them
to me. He immediately got me a copy of Un oficio
del siglo xx (which was first published ten years ago,
in 1963) and, at my request, autographed it.
We talked about another book of his, a collection
of short stories called Asi en la paz como en la guerra.
Mention of his short stories led me to tell him of the
difficulties of doing research about him in London. In
the London Library, a place so many interviewers
have expressed their gratitude to, there isn't a single

entry card in the author catalogue for Cabrera
Infante. At my urging the Harrow Road branch of the
Westminster public libraries purchased a copy of Tres
tristes tigres. The British Museum has a copy of the
short stories dated 1968 and coming from Editorial
Alfa in Montevideo. Another source I consulted, a
rather unlikely one by Dieter Reichardt called
Lateinamerikanische Autoren (Tiibingen and Basel,
Horst Erdmann Verlag, 1972) shows 1960 as the date
of publication for Asi en la paz... Sr. Cabrera
Infante told me that this collection had been
translated into French, Italian, Polish, and Chinese -
"a funny combination," as he remarked. He said that
the stories will shortly be published in German by a
Swiss firm. I quoted to him the terse (and only)
comment about him by Enrique Andreson-Imbert in
his second volume of Spanish-American Literature: a
History (Wayne State University Press, 2nd ed., tr. by
John Falconieri, updated by Elaine Malley): that
Cabrera Infante "is a narrator of inner life (at least
those aspects illumined by his favorite American
authors: Faulkner, for example)." Sr. Cabrera Infante
smiled, and said that this may be true about his early
works, especially his short stories, but that it
certainly was not true of Tres tristes tigres at least
the part about Faulkner.
Our interview was over; it had lasted perhaps
forty-five minutes. I thanked him for the autographed
book, and the time he had given me, and hoped that
he and his family would come to tea with us. He
graciously but vaguely accepted, and promised to
send me an advance copy of Vista del amanecer en el
tr6pico. When I left it was still raining, and I was
eager to get home to tell my wife about meeting the
great man.
Clearly something was missing from the interview,
and it was not just the lack of talent of the

interviewer. I only thought of what it was when I got
home and began to look at Un oficio del siglo xx. Sr.
Cabrera Infante is an iceberg, not in the sense that he
is cold he is not; he may be reticent (who could
blame him? ) but he is not cold. He is an iceberg in
that only a quarter of him surfaced during the
interview; I found the other three quarters on looking
through his re-published book of film criticism. It
seemed impossible that I had forgotten for a short
time the marvelous wit that attracted me to Tres
tristes tigres in the first place. And here it was again:
the wit, the sparkling gaiety, the enormous erudition
(even though he did cut short his university career to
become a journalist) he carefully avoided these
things during our talk, but there they are in his book.
The outrageous puns, the comments that are flip but
profound ("El mar desnudo es un bello t(tulo que
sirve para despistar a los que pensaron que se trataba
de un amable caleidoscopio submarine"), the sheer
good judgment of the man these are seen in
abundance in the reading, but can be only guessed at
in the meeting.
I do not mean by this that I did not enjoy meeting
Sr. Cabrera Infante; on the contrary, I was delighted
to make his acquaintance, and truly hope that he and
his wife and daughter will come and have tea with us
in the near future. But that tea will not be the
boozing carousal of the journalist Silvestre, the TV
actor Arsenio Cue, the bolero singer Estrella
Rodriguez, and the other characters who inhabit the
fictional world of Tres tristes tigres, nor will it
explore all the ideas that these characters explore -
even though their creator is in the same room with
me. We must leave that three-quarters of the iceberg
to be shown in fiction. After all, the pubs close in
London at eleven o'clock, about the time that clubs
in pre-Castro Cuba began to "swing." *

C.R. Oct/Nov/Dec Page 19

By Octavio Pino

Language is thie instrument humans use in thinking. It
i.s, also the tool we u:se to :create and perpetrate our
culture. When cultures and societies experience
revolutionary changes language reflects these changes.
The French Revolution did away with Ic language de
la noblesse substituting the nobleman's monssieur for
the egalitarian citoycn. The Russians reformed their
language as a result of the October Re\olution. The
changes were not limited to the spelling reforms.
Established by Decree No. 804 of the Soviet of the
Peoples Commissars. they went far beyond: a new
lexicon \mwas necessary to describe the various
concepts foreign to Czarist society, but that
constituted an integral part of the new system.
Neologism such as mditsiat, people's police,
homris.ariat, holl.ho:. sol:ho:. hrasno-armneets,
chehist, khousomol and soL'iet, intrinsic to the
framework of Soviet society persist to this very day.
The Russians also replaced the bourgeois gospodin
and guspa:ha with the proletarian grazhdanluii and
gra:hdanl:a or by the genderless lot'aris/hch Articles
haxe been written about the linguistic wall that
di\ides the Federal Republic of Germany from the
Dentscihc Dcmokl:rtichc Republic:.
It is the purpose of this study to examine the
linguistic changes brought about by the Cuban
Resolution in the dialect of Spanish spoken on the
island. In so doing we shall not neglect the currents to
\vhich Cuba has been exposed since the institution of
Socialism in the Caribbean. Nor shall we forget the
Soviet experience for many of the changes that are
taking place in Cuba today have already been
experienced in the Eurasian massland.
Socialism is now fifteen years old in the island
where Columnbus introduced Hispanic culture in
1492. This time is too short for any drastic changes in
the structure of the phonology of the Cuban dialect
that is spoken on the island nation. It is not too brief
for a lexical or semantic analysis of the changes that
have occurred. Therefore, this study shall limit itself
to lexicographical changes paying special attention to
the shift in sphere of influences that Cuba has
Extensive reading of the Cuban press and
monitoring of Cuban radio have shown a decrease of
English language influence on the Cuban dialect. Take
Page20 -C.R -Vol. VI No.4

for example such games as baseball, basketball,
volleyball. etc. It was common to refer to a
"home-run" ,or a "tn o-base hit" in describing the
performance of a \irtuo io player. Cuban. radio today
calls home runs ea-idroanguilares, two-base hits
doubles, and hit golpes. Pre-revolutionary el basketball
is now called el baloncesto. While el beisbol is
generally referred to as la pelota. El team is now
decidedly el equipo. and innings are referred to as
espucios. -Even the Germanic term kindergarten
introduced to the island by speakers of American
English is now translated literally by an affected
sounding.jard'n de infancia.
What does all this signify? A purifying of Cuban
Spanish of anglicisms because English is the language
of Cuba's first antagonist, the USA, a replacement of
these Anglo-Americanisms by their less common
Castillian renditions, a linguistic purge resulting in the
replacement of Anglo-American semantic caiques by
the Hispanic terms.
Concurrently wIith the diminishing Anglo-American
influence in the dialect which sounded "Spanglish" in
1959, and still sounds Spanglish in Miami, where
Cuban refugees live, there has been an appearance of
Russian terms in the press and over the speeches of
radio and T. announcers. The average Cuban
peasant today knows of his Russian holioziano who
li es in a kolkhoz (Kolkho:: collective farm,
I:olioziano. Cuban spelling for worker in Russian
collective farm, from the Russian Kolhhoz) similar to
his collective farm. They know of Russian Sotjiozes,
dachas (Dacha: a Russian country' house) and shapkas
(a Russian army man's cap). The Ukranian jato
(Khtla Cuban spelling jata a Ul'ra.nian peasant's
thatched house sinilar to the Cuban bohifo) is
compared with the Cuban bohio ( bohfo Cuban
peasant thatched roofed house). La balalaika is as
familiar to the Cuban as his Spanish guitar where he
sings his guajiro (guao.iro colloquial for Cuban
peasant songs. Even the Russian orthodox el pop
(Pop Russian orthodox church priest) is familiar to
the Cuban who compares him with his pre-revolution-
ary Catholic cua I(priest).
If the Cuban feels ill he no longer goes to the
pre-relolutionary qiintas (In quinta a large hospital
estate) or chlincas (la clnica a privately owned

clinic of pre-revolutionary Cuba now existing as an
institution in Miami. In the clinic f -9ell as in the
quinta medical services are performed for a monthly
insurance fee) for a check up but to el policlinico (el
policlinico a calque from the Russian poliklinika a
medical dispensary where multi-medical services are
rendered to the people free of charge) where a doctor
takes care of his illness and administers the necessary
medicine. It is interesting to note that el policlinico
changes its gender to masculine from the Russian
poliklinika which is feminine.
The vocabulary of Cuban Spanish shows today a
displacement of Anglo-American influence by Rus-
sian-Slavic ulijanie (Vlijanie Russian word for
influence). This is the same displacement that has
occurred in Cuban society. If one examines the
military jargon, the technological vocabulary, the
discourses of the Cuban leaders, the standard dialect
of the radio and T.V., the journalistic literature, the
political literature and translation of Russian works,
one can observe that this displacement has occurred
rather revolutionarily to accommodate the revolu-
tionary changes in Cuban culture. Russian calques
today outweigh Anglo-American borrowings. Cuba
has been isolated from the Anglo-American world for
only 15 years yet the short temporal factor has
produced drastic change in Cuban dialectology.
Cuba's new contacts with the socialist world and
particularly with the USSR have been the source of
many neologisms. Cuban students who formerly
studied in the USA now study in the USSR and bring
with them not only the Soviet technology but the
Russian vocabulary they need to express this
But the Russian influence in Cuban Spanish is not
limited to vocabulary alone although it is most
prevalent in the semantic component. The various
governmental organs created by the Cuban Revolu-
tion to replace the Ancien Regime show a trace of
Russian structural influence in their compounding,
abbreviating and contracting. For example, observe
how the Russian compound kompartija (Russian
abbreviating compound for Communist Party) is
formed. It is composed of the first syllable of
kommunisticheskaja (Communist) and the word
partija (party). Notice how the Soviet word kolkhoz
comes into existence. It is the result of the combining
of the first syllables of kollektivnoe (koll, meaning
collective) and khozkakstvo (khoz, meaning farm).
Now observe the structural and transformational rules
involved in the creation of Mintrans (Ministerio del
Transporte, Ministry of Transportation), Minin
(Ministerio del Interior, Ministry of Interior), Mincin
(Ministerio de Comercio Interior, Ministry of Internal
Commerce), Mincex (Ministerio de Comercio Ex-
terior, Ministry of Foreign Trade), Minfar (Ministerio
de la Fuerza Aerea, Air Force Ministry), Minsap
(Ministerio de Salud Pfiblica, Ministry of Public
Health). In both the Russian and the Cuban
neologisms the first syllable of key words are

combined to form a free flowing new term: el
Minsap, el Minin, el Mincin, el Mincex, el Mintrans, el
Minrex (Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores, Ministry
of Foreign Relations), el Minfar, etc. This contrasts
with the pre-revolutionary abbreviation for el
Ministerio de Obras Pz~blicas, M.O.P. (Minister of
Public Works). The morphophonemic rules used in
forming such compounds are analogous to the
Russian structural rules in forming komsomol (from
the Russian Kommunisticheskij Sojuz Molodezhi,
Young Communist League), sovkhoz, or rajsovet.
The influence of the Revolution in the dialect,
however, has not been limited to neologisms of Soviet
origin or to Soviet structural calques. It was
mentioned earlier how the vacuum created by the
attack on Anglo-Americanisms was partially filled by
Hispanic terms and Russian calques. What follows are


socially context-bound semantemes introduced in
context and presented in opposition to pre-revolu-
tionary equivalents of similar distribution. i Quidn es
el responsible de este colectivo? (Who is the person
responsible for the collective? ) The above sentence is
far from: Quien es el gerente de esta empresa? Yet
gerente (manager) and empresa (private enterprise)
would have been employed in the analogous situation
before 1959. Empresas have no gerentes (managers)
in the new society but colectivos have responsables.
Pre-revolutionary senior, a term of bourgeois connota-
tion has presently been replaced by companero. El
compafiero es el responsible del colectivo. Compa-
fiera is now used in the same distribution as seniora.
La Companiera cederista se ha integrado a la
brigada constructora. Three neologisms appear in the

C.R. Oct/Nov/Dec Page 21

above sentence. The brigada (the brigade), a socially
acceptable force of voluntary labor composed of
brigadistas is now in charge of much non-remunerated
labor, (free labor for the construction of Socialism).
There are brigadas de construcci6n (construction
brigades engaged in the building of multifamiliares,
apartment buildings reminiscent of the edificios de
propiedad horizontal of pre-revolutionary Cuba,
condominia for Cuban workers where several families
live, thus the term multifamiliares as well as brigadas
for other purposes. Cederista, in the above sentence,
refers to a member of the Committee for the Defense
of the Revolution from the initials CDR (Comitd de
Defense de la Revoluci6n). The third neologism in the
above sentence, integraci6n, is the process by which
one accepts the tenents and ideas of the brigade and
participates actively in it. One could be integrado al


sistema (literal translation: integrated to the system)
meaning that one accepts and participates in the new
The term milicia has replaced the bourgeois policia
(police). Milicianos and milicianas (milicia men,
milicia women) are in charge of keeping law and
order in the Cuban colectivos in urban and rural
areas. The terms la policia (the Police) and el policia
(the policeman) have disappeared from the Cuban
lexicon. Milicia could be a semantic caique from
Russian, for militsia is attested having the same
meaning form and distribution in the Russian
Page 22- C.R.- Vol. VI No.4

The term pionero (pioneer) does have the same
connotation of the Russian pioneer. The pioneros and
pioneras are the young elementary school children
who pioneer in the political learning activities before
applying for membership in the UJC (Uni6n de
J6venes Comunistas) and the party.

La gente ya no se muda en Cuba pero sipermutan
casas. (People no longer move in Cuba but exchange
houses). Permutar (literal translation: to permutate)
is the only way one may move from one flat to
another or from one city to another in today's Cuba.
Unless one is assigned a new apartment in the
multifamiliares, if a person wants to reside in another
place he must find an individual who would be willing
to exchange his house or flat for his. Tiene que
encontrar a alguien con quien permutar.
The educational reforms that have taken place
after the revolution have introduced such concepts as
el pre-universitario, la secundaria bdsica and la escuela
en el campo. El pre-universitario (literal translation:
pre-university) refers to college preparatory schools
formerly called bachilleratos. La secundaria bdsica
(basic secondary education is a new educational
institution that has replaced the old escuelas de
segunda ensehanza (literal translation: Schools of
Secondary Education). In the escuelas en el campo
(literal translation: schools in the country) boarding

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students combine work in the collective farms and
sugar cane harvesting with academic activities.
The revolution has also generated acronyms such as
ICAIC Instituto Cubano de Arte e Industria
Cinematogrdfica (Cuban Institute of Art and
Cinematographic Industry), ICR Instituto Cubano
de Radiodifusi6n (Cuban Institute of Broadcasting),
INIT Instituto Cubano de Industria Turistica
(Cuban Institute for the Tourist Industry), INRA -
Instituto Nacional de Reforma Agraria (National
Institute for Agrarian Reform). These acronyms have
not undergone the morphological changes of the
compounds mentioned before. The Russian influence
is not as apparent here for acronyms are not foreign
to Spanish structure. However, if one examines what
conditions the occurance of acronyms vs. com-
pounds, one can not neglect the influence of Russian
even in these acronyms. Compounding in Spanish


such as Mined for Ministerio de Educaci6n (Ministry
of Education) is limited to two, at the most three,
lexical items. No compound is formed where there
are four lexical items involved. Compounds with
three lexical items are rare. As in Russian, four or
more lexical items usually form acronyms. Examples:
SSSR, Sojuz Sovietkikh Sotsialisticheskikh Respublik
(Union of Soviet Socialist Republics), VKPB,
Vsesojuznoj Kommunisticheskoj Partij Bolshevikov
(All Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks), MOPR,
Mezhdunarodnaja Organizatsija Pomoshch Revoljutsii
(International Organization for the Help of the
Revolution). These acronyms, however, when

pronounced tend to form words: El Icaic (is
pronounced "elikajk" and not "el-i-se-a-i-se". That is
when syllables can be formed the acronyms are
pronounced syllabicly rather than alphabetically. The
formation of acronyms as opposed to compounding is
conditioned both in Russian and Cuban Spanish by
the number of syllables in the entire name of the
government agency or political institution as well as
by the number of lexical items in the appellation.
Thus, La Uni6n de J6venes Comunistas (Union of
Communist Youth) which contains 10 syllables forms
the acronym UJC (pronounced "u-hota-se". A
linguistic universal, namely that of economy in
language, appears to govern the creation of
compounds and acronyms both in Russian and in
Cuban Spanish.
The changes presented in this article reflect how
Cuban Spanish has been adapted to accommodate the
socio-political changes that have taken place in Cuban
society since the establishment of Socialism on the
island. They substantiate how language reflects
people's culture. They also reflect the shift in sphere
of influence that Cuba has undergone. They relect the
attempt to create a new society by generating changes
in the tool we use to describe it. Do they reflect an
attempt to manipulate the thoughts of the "new
Cuban man" by reforming the instrument used in his
thinking? *


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C.R. Oct/Nov/Dec Page 23

- j+4 4- L .

k ^ *' t

College of Arts And Sciences
Butler H. Waugh, Dean









< ;





~4)r~d~euas~b~ L~b~~Lk~~F~~~GSJC~~JJt~C~L


By Yvette Gindine

An oil by Hector Hyppolite, NUDE AND BIRDS,
Museum of Art, Port-au-Prince, Haiti.

The interpretations of Haitian history projected by
Alejo Carpentier, Aim6 C6saire and Edouard Glissant
attest once more to the durable magnetism of a
country possessing a unique past, the first Black
nation ever to achieve Independance in 1804. Such
an epic conquest dwarfs everything else in Haiti's
chronicles and most foreign authors interested in the
Black Republic have naturally addressed themselves
to its revolutionary period. (This epoch covers about
three decades, from 1790 to 1820, encompassing the
revolt of the slaves, the end of the French colonial
rule, Toussaint Louverture's rise and fall, Dessalines'
proclamation of Independance and subsequent
murder, and Christophe's reign.)
In the 19th century, fictional treatments of Haitian
subjects fell usually into two categories: the writers
morally committed to the abolitionist cause exalted
the triumph of freedom, while others merely
combined exotic background with melodramatic
intrigues. (The vigorous historical novel of Harriet
Martineau, The Hour and the Man (London: Edward
Moxon, 1841) ranks aesthetically much higher than its
moral companion piece, Alphonse de Lamartine's

Toussaint Louverture (Paris: Michel L6vy, 1854),
hasty and melodramatic verse play. Bug-Jargal by
Victor Hugo (Paris: Editions Nelson, 1826) is a
frenetically romantic early exercise, noteworthy as
prefiguring future obsessive themes in Hugo's major
works. Le Chevalier de Saint-Georges (Paris: H. L.
Delloye, 1849), a popular novel by Roger de Beauvoir
patterned along the Alexandre Dumas model, was
even made into a comedy-vaudeville to capitalize on
its success.)

However, in the 20th century, a threefold renewal
of interest from abroad was prompted, somewhat
paradoxically, by the United States Occupation of
Haiti which lasted from 1915 to 1934. While
purveyors of sensationalism exploited the so-called
"dark mysteries" of Voodoo, Black American and
eventually Caribbean intellectuals began to discover
and admire the culture of this French-speaking,
isolated island, placed at a crossroads between
Hispanic and Anglo-Saxon America. To this Carib-
bean-born, Caribbean-conscious group belong the
three writers under consideration who also share, in
C.R. Oct/Nov/Dec Page 25

these selected works, the same thematic material. But
the individual vision transforms so radically the
documentary evidence that Haiti will emerge in turn
as magical, doomed or exemplary, and each of its
different projections will help to clarify European,
South-American, African or Caribbean problems now
at issue.
During a semi-official visit to Port-au-Prince the
Cuban novelist Alejo Carpentier pronounced a
non-controversial, carefully worded lecture on the
historical importance of Haiti within Latin America's
cultural evolution. ("L'6volution culturelle de l'Am6r-
ique Latine," first given at the Paramount Theater
(December 20, 1943), then reproduced in "Haiti-
Journal" (December 23 and 28, 1943).) As might be
expected, Haiti was declared remarkable on the two
familiar grounds most often stated by sympathetic
observers, as the first black country to gain its
freedom, and as the cradle of Panamericanism. (In
1815 and again in 1816 Bolivar took refuge in Haiti
where he received help from President P6tion.)
However in this talk were mentioned briefly two
other Haitian characteristics, then seldom described,
which suggest the perception later elaborated by
Carpentier. Haiti is the only state where an
Emancipation War has taken from the start a really
popular aspect, with the masses prompted by an ideal
of liberty. And it is the country of the Bois-Caiman
ceremony (August 14, 1791), a ritual pact which
heralded the general revolt of the slaves and is
described simply as a "major event" in the history of
the continent.
There was no further elucidation of this final,
enigmatic point until six years later when Carpentier's
brilliantly responded to the Haitian challenge, El
Reino de Este Mundo, whose subject is the
Revolution in Saint-Domingue and its aftermath, seen
through the point-of-view of a slave, Ti-Noel. (El
Reino de Este mundo (M6xico: EDIAPSA, 1949). All
the quotations from the novel are taken from the
English edition, The Kingdom of this World (New
York: Collier Books, 1970). The preface-manifesto to
this lyrical yet controlled novel now acknowledges at
length the tremendous significance of Haitian culture
in terms of its universal syncretism. Here on this land,
among its people, coexist everywhere Magic as
Voodoo and Reality, an alliance born from the
contact of Africa and Europe on American soil, a
symbiotic relation by which is expressed a total
world-view. As ethnologist and artist, Carpentier had
long been interested in religious cults his first
novel, Ecue-Yamba-O (1933) dealt with "santerfa"
and "maniguismo," Cuban equivalents of Haiti
voodoo. But he could not expand on this point as
official guest of President Elie Lescot who had
supported in 1941 and "Anti-Superstition Campaign"
organized by the Catholic clergy and directed against
voodoo. Carpentier who cites in his preface Jacques
Roumain's Sacrifice du Tambour Assoto(r) (Port-au-
Prince: Imprimerie de l'Etat, 1943) must also have
Page 26-C.R.-Vol. VI No.4

been aware of Roumain's brochure, A Propos de la
Campagne Anti-Superstitieuse (Port-au-Prince: Im-
primerie de l'Etat, 1942) where voodoo is explained
as syncretism of Christian and Pagan traditions. From
a Haitian point of view, the earliest great valorization
of folklore in general is Dr. Jean Price-Mars' Ainsi
Parla L'Orcle (Paris: Imprimerie de Compiegne,
1928). For a fictional Haitian treatment of the
voodoo eradication campaign, see Jacques St6phen
Alexis, Les Arbres Musiciens (Paris: Gallimard, 1957).
Since the twenties Europe, and France in
particular, was developing a related search for a valid
synthesis of Magic and Reality. Urging the rejection
of Western civilization, of its abstract rationalism and
its one-sided definition of man, the Surrealists were
hoping to create for the Old World a new mythology
combining reality with imagination, wonder and
chance. But Carpentier who has overgrown a former
strong interest in Surrealist theories and practice now
despises these sophisticated rebels who clamor for a
return to the Primitive while delighting in self-indul-
gent make-believe. Before suggesting himself a
long-range program, he chooses for main target of his
pronunciamento one of the supreme idols of the
Surrealists, the Maldoror of Lautr6amont, a ubiqui-
tous creature capable of changing its shape at will,
who escapes from the Parisian police during a
cloak-and-dagger chase ending ironically an otherwise
tortured metaphysical revolt. Against this cultural
hero of Europe, spumed as a contrived fantasy,
Carpentier proposes as cultural hero for the New
World the legendary Mackandal of Haiti. Also
endowed with powers of metamorphosis, Houngan
(priest) of the Rada rite, Mackandal in contrast to
Maldoror did make actual history with his magic: as
one of the earliest rebels, he led in 1758 a dramatic
crusade of extermination by poison, intending to
eliminate the Whites and to create an Empire of Free
Blacks. When caught and sentenced to be burnt alive,
he was saved through his miraculous transformation
into an insect, and from this prodigious feat has
sprung a complex mythology, perpetuated to this day
by the Haitian people in the sacred hymns which
accompany Voodoo ceremonies.
Another New World answer to the gratuitous,
acrobatic star of the Surrealists' games is the great
figure of another Voodoo priest, Bouckman, who
played a crucial part in the uprising of the slaves
during the already mentioned ceremony of Bois-
Caiman. He sealed in blood the sacred alliance
between the initiated militants and their protectors,
the ancestral African gods, and as agreed upon, eight
days after the solemn promise, the Northern plains
were in flames. Thirteen years later, the Declaration
of Independence was signed by Dessalines.
Far from being the special privilege of Haiti alone,
this vigorous fusion of the Sacred with the Rational is
found to be the epitome of all American cultures.
Their cosmogonies, like the Haitian one, deserve to be
explored with a new sensibility. As fragments of this

magical inventory still untapped (1949), Carpentier
enumerates various quests for better worlds and
myths of destiny and truth, from the Fountain of
Youth to Eldorado, which have since been utilized by
him and many others. His conclusion affirms once
more that all American history is a chronicle of Magic
Realism: after twenty-five years the prophetic
statement still applies to the recent Caribbean and
South-American literaty achievements, from Borges
to Garcia Mdrquez and to Wilson Harris.
Besides offering such guide-lines for the future,
Carpentier's own novel does prospect the Haitian
claim. When the revolt explodes, Ti-Noel, the
protagonist, follows his master to Cuba where some
of the white proprietors have taken flight. For years
he remains in exile until at last, as an old man, he
manages to return to liberated Haiti where he is
certain the African gods have triumphed: in his mind,
the victory of Dessalines can only be the result of the
vast coalition of Bois-Caiman which united under
Ogoun all the deities of Voodoo. But on his way to
his former plantation, he barely has the time to
admire the new pink palace of Christophe The
Sans-Souci at Milot when he is pressed into forced
labor and made to carry bricks for the Citadel under
construction nearby. Once more the victim is trapped
by an oppressive social order the "endless return of
chains, the rebirth of shackless" now clamped on
him by his own people. Ti-Noel's last recourse, as a
bewildered fugitive eluding the Surveyors' teams and
their chaingangs, is again Magic, and he wills himself
into animal forms. But this Magic disconnects him
from the unbearable Kingdom of this World, it is an
evasion, a refuge insuring his own survival, whereas
the Magic of Mackandal and Bouckman had been
integrated into the revolutionary process as an active
force and served the liberation of man within the
Kingdom of this World.
As to Christophe's Citadel, where the blood of
sacrificed oxen has been mixed with the mortar, it
represents too a grandiose attempt at integrating
magic and technology. Yet the Citadel towering
above the clouds is never used except as a tomb for
the paralyzed king who commits suicide rather than
fall at the hands of his own subjects. But in spite of
the collapsed venture, with all the dire consequences
of a dream turned nightmare for the Ti-Noels of this
world, such a vision conveys an exemplary signifi-
cance. Even the deprived sufferer recognizes in a brief
final moment that the heroes he has beheld made him
believe in the possibility of a better future. Thus is
exalted the never-ending confrontation of man and
the world, already implied in the title of the novel.
Echoing Camus' relative optimism, Carpentier reaf-
firms the enduring validity of Sisyphys struggle with
his stone. The project will never be fulfilled but at
least the striving towards a higher goal validates
human dignity. "Man never knows for whom he
suffers and hopes .. but man's greatness consists in
the very fact of wanting to be better than he is, in

Wouldn't you rather be here than almost anywhere?

We would like to keep this beach
as it is well, maybe a couple of dozen
people sunbathing, snorkeling, fishing, or
just splashing about wouldn't take
away from the beauty of the white beach and
the crystal clear water. We also have
another thirty odd beaches just like this one.
We have freeport shops for rare bargains.
Dutch, French, and oriental food will make
you forget your waistline. Then we have
really great hotels, large and small,
all designed to make your vacation in
Sint Maarten a gracious and memorable one.

Sint Maarten Tourist Board
St. Maarten, N. A.

C.R. Oct/Nov/Dec- Page 27
C.R. Oct/Nov/Dec-- Page 27


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laying duties upon himself... Bowed down by
suffering and duties, beautiful in the midst of his
misery, capable of loving in the face of afflictions and
trials, man finds his greatness, his fullest measure,
only in the Kingdom of this World." Haiti,
Christophe and Ti-Noel have then rejoigned the
contemporary existential predicament.
As dramatized by the Martiniquais Aim6 C6saire,
La Tragddie du Roi Christophe (Paris: Editions de
Presence Africaine, 1970. Translations mine.) and by
extension the tragedy of Haiti must be recognized
as analogous to the African upheavals of the 60's,
even though it anticipated by a century and a half the
disasters now befalling many of the new-born Third
World states. C6saire boldly interprets Christophe as a
paradigm of the Third World leader, trying to defend
his young country against the general hostility of the
former masters, imposing on his people a ferocious
discipline meant to insure the collective survival. Yet
the Black leader is inexorably rejected and ultimately
destroyed by those he wanted to protect.
From the very start C6saire imposes a reading of
past Haitian developments in terms of the present
through the systematic use of anachronism and a
deliberate simplification of the political context.
Without forcing Christophe into an allegory of the
sacrificed leader, C6saire retains enough concrete
references so that the two sets of coordinates -
Haitian and African are simultaneously accepted
and a constant comparison established between the
two. Thus Christophe's political Westernization
appears as an early instance of the mimetic syndrome
described by current analysts: in the absence of
specific solutions geared to the particular problems of
the emerging nation, there seems to be an
unavoidable return to the conventional system
inherited from the colonial power. When Christophe
decides to institute a Sovereign Empire and to crown
himself King Henry the First, he borrows from the
enemy the sole conceivable model of political
structure, the only respectable formula of Govern-
ment. Conversely the search for personal identity -
N6gritude or Antillanit6 a key preoccupation of the
newly emancipated peoples, finds a counterpart in
Christophe's fabrication of an instant nobility: by
creating hereditary titles, he grants an exalted
selfhood to men who had been robbed of their very
names during the Middle Passage. And on the top of a
mountain the Citadel stands as symbol in stone of
Black challenge, restoring pride among the people -
"for these men kept on their knees, a monument
which makes them stand up! "
In this continuous mirroring of past and present,
lyrical and somber passages alternate with comic and
ironical moments. Thus appears in a lighter vein the
plight of the leader having to forge posthaste a
national cultural consciousness: to encourage and
accelerate the production of Native Poetry, Henry the
First must endure the dreary declamations of his
National Bard, the historical Chanlatte, whose


patriotic zeal is couched in the then-prevailing 18th
century neo-classical style, brilliantly parodied by
C6saire. With the same touch of self-mockery
addressed to mandatory chauvinisms, Christophe
commands that Champagne be replaced at official
banquets by the local rhum Barbancourt. However
the tone becomes more sardonic when the King
receives from "Tesco", in the guise of Technical
Assistance, an expert in Etiquette who directs the
rehearsals of the Coronation ceremony and imposes
complicated ballet steps onto the reluctant dig-
nitaries. Not only is the desultory help of Inter-nation
organizations generally ridiculed but the French
exportation of cultural values finds itself specially
singled out with the delirious invocation to Form
intoned by the same Protocol Officer in a language
suffused with Val6ry and Malraux overtones.
Still, for the new leaders, then as now, Time is
pressing and Christophe cannot wait, in spite of
Wilberforce's prudent advice about nations being the
slow fruition of slow ripening. Seized with a racking
sense of urgency, conscious of the enormous
handicap imposed by slavery, the leader wants to skip
whole stages of history even though he is at times
aware of the futility of such a design and sees himself
as a teacher threatening with a stick a whole nation of
dunces. Voluntary, democratic participation is out of
the question: at the cost of his popularity he will
"ask from the Blacks more than from others
because . they have more duties than others."
Hence the authoritarian methods of the despot
escalate; orders, repression and terror threaten
miserable and baffled peasants for whom the
mystique of work means only a return to slavery.
Meanwhile, undeterred, Christophe is determined "to
teach a lesson to those Blacks who believe that the
Revolution is winning when they take the place of
the Whites." But his vision of an economically
self-reliant, strong nation is accompanied in practice
by a dictatorial scheme resented by the rich as well as
the poor. According to the cynical bourgeois
commentators, Christophe thrives in serving freedom
by the means of slavery. And when the landless
peasants agitate for the breaking up of large estates,
the king refuses adamantly to change his agrarian
policy: "Who will buy? If it is the big shots, I pity
the poor people. And if it is the peasants, I pity the
poor country. I can already imagine the anarchy of
millet and sweet potato crowding each other out in
tiny lots."
Like the Rebel, sacrificial hero of Cesaire's first
play and his brother in defeat, Christophe will be the
victim of his own people, and his enterprise destroyed
from within by what he calls "the sad army of
termites." Forced to admit that he cannot raise a
united front- against external dangers, he becomes
now the bitter spokesman for Cesaire or even Fanon
two lucid and powerless observers of African
conflicts mourning the shattered hope of
Pan-Africanism and Haiti's future blighted by

internecine wars. "Poor Africa, I mean to say poor
Haiti! It's the same thing anyway. Overthere the
tribes, the languages, the rivers, the castes, the forest,
village against village, hamlet against hamlet. Here
blacks, mulattoes, griffes, marabouts, what else, clan,
caste, color, suspicion and competition, rooster
fighting rooster, dogs fighting for a bone, battles off
leas! "
The ultimate catastrophe does not proceed from
the physical paralv _mng or even his stoical
suicide, b- unrelieved awareness of total
failure whicn makes him conclude with despair: "The
very fabric of man is to be remade. How? I do not
know." Seen in a literary perspective, this doomed
leader recalls the 19th century tradition of heroes
entrusted with a mission, Extraordinary Envoys,
solitary and sacrificed prophets detmned to be
martyrs of the cause they serve. As embodying
Cesaire's 20th century view of history, he suggests a
profound pessimism which the gloating, hypocritical
lament of the "Tesco" dancing expert underlines in
the most deliberate gallows humour: "One can't
really do anything with the Blacks! In spite of its
ultimate sustained threnody to the dead King whose
ashes are translated to the sacred burial ground of If6,
this play, written after the murder of Lumumba,
reveals C6saire's depths of disillusionment and makes
no allowance for the future, except in the bleakest
Whereas Carpentier and C6saire, both fascinated by
Henry Christophe, deal mostly with the Haitian
post-liberation period, Edouard Glissant chooses to
portray in Monsieur Toussaint (Paris: Editions du
Seuil, 1961. Translations mine.) the ambiguous figure
of the precursor of Independance. At first glance such
a complex leader does not seem to lend himself easily
to a theatrical treatment. Of course his poignant
death in the icy French prison of Fort de Joux has
haunted the bad conscience of 19th century liberals,
from Wordsworth and Whittier to Lamartine and
Martineau. But his shifty political itinerary, full of
meanders, ruses and waverings, still perplexes the
most knowledgable analysts. In fact, one needs a very
competent guide just to retrace his strategy, let alone
to elucidate it. On the external front, quadruple
manoeuvers to thwart the four international powers
ready to intervene in Saint-Domingue. At home,
confusionist tactics, secret negotiations held with
local factions while proceeding with military
offensive, changes of mind, compromises, unfor-
seeable alliances. Finally the meteoric curve of his
ascent is punctuated by a coup de th6etre, the
ultimate capitulation, a cause for wild surmise and
divergent interpretations.
Two overall explanations of this disconcerting
behavior influence Glissant, C.L.R. James' Black
Jacobins (New York: The Dial Press, 1938) and
C6saire's Toussaint Louverture (Paris: Club Francais
du Livre, 1960). According to James, Toussaint in
spite of his great political realism did not know how
C.R. Oct/Nov/Dec Page 29

to keep in touch with the popular aspirations. As a
result he was abandoned by those he liberated
because he had taken for granted the popular support
and drawn away from the black masses who
guaranteed his power. Because he never explained his
intent, he allowed the suspicion to develop that he
was siding with the colonialists against the Blacks,
thus making himself guilty of an unforgivable crime
in the eyes of the community.
In the intellectual wake of James, C6saire reaffirms
that the crucial problem for Toussaint was his
absence of rapport with the people. Irresolute,
handicapped by his former mental habits, Toussaint
failed to counter the effective propaganda used by
General Leclerc leader of the French expedition
sent to recapture the island who claimed he would
respect the freedom of the Blacks. Having become an
autocrat, he fell behind the masses to whom he never
proposed "the great goal, simple and clear," i.e.
Independence. But when Cesaire deals with the final
surrender of Toussaint, he modifies strangely the
Jamesian view and suggests a very different type of
hypothesis according to which the leader decided that
his disappearance from the political scene was
necessary and postulated his own death so as to
permit the regrouping of Blacks and Mulattoes into a
National Union. Contrary to the reductive estimate of
James and quite at variance with his own later
projection of the leader's vain sacrifice Cesaire sees
Toussaint as intentional martyr of reconciliation,
possessed with the prophetic consciousness of a
From James, Glissant borrows the theme of the
guilty silence; from C6saire, the notion of self-
immolation. But the skillfulness of the play lies in the
way Toussaint's ambiguity is installed at the very
center of the work. In order to involve the audience
in a reconstruction process, a kind of tentative genesis
of the chief character, Glissant proposes the
deciphering of Toussaint as main-spring of the action,
hence his use of the trial as structuring scheme. Two
sets are present on stage: the French jail where
Toussaint died is superimposed on the undifferen-
tiated area where the Saint-Domingue flash-backs are
acted out. This presentation reinforces visually a
bitter leitmotif of the play, namely that there is no
definite frontier between the world of the prison and
the Caribbean island.
Silent at first, Toussaint is gradually whipped up
into defending himself by a frenzy of reproaches and
cries. The summons is all the more brutal since it
comes from potential confederates, men who have all,
in their fashion, worked for the liberation of their
race, before or after Toussaint, with him or
sometimes against him. They all belong with one
exception to the various phases of the Haitian War
of Independence and their virulent clash with
Toussaint stems from the fierce anger of comrades in
arms feeling betrayed.
Among them stands a silent figure, Moyse, shot by
Page 30 C.R. Vol. VI No. 4

Toussaint, his uncle, for having incited peasants to
massacre white plantation owners: emblem of the
autocrat's open rupture with the landless cultivators,
Moyse, however, never formulates a reproach and
remains back-stage as if symbolizing also the remorse
of his executioner. In contrast, the frenetic Maroons
Mackandal and Macaya who represent the early magic
phase of the revolt hurl insults and curses at
Toussaint, the house Negro, petit-bourgeois impostor,
mere trader selling back into slavery his own people,
petty tactician of power and worse, rigid administra-
tor putting money aside while starving men await and
die. As a matter of fact, Toussaint had been their
enemy, he had rejected voodoo and mythical Africa
as motive power of the Revolution and he continues
to affirm that "the sorcerer Gods are dying." And he
had also fought the Maroons as anarchic and sterile.
Yet, till the end, Toussaint as harbinger of
Independence claims that he was justified because of
his ultimate objective, "not anarchy but freedom."
He even dreams of a general liberation of the Blacks
inspired by the Haitian example, he imagines the
eventual union of Haiti and Africa into "a great
country on the two sides of the Ocean, a scale for
Justice and Right." His last gesture of submission is
neither cowardice nor defeat: he knows that his
country "needs his absence" and that Dessalines will
lead it to nationhood, through hatred and treason and
crimes, all necessary to achieve the goal.
Such a sober vision of history excludes epic finales
and apotheosis. In spite of the promise of freedom
for Haiti, it is the dismal, solitary agony of the leader
which dominates the play. Glissant does not let us
forget that the die is cast, that those debates beyond
the grave, these dialogues of the dead were even at
the start full of sound and fury. But this attempt at a
posthumous rehabilitation is a necessary enterprise,
that of retrieving history by way of the "prophetic
vision of the past," a retrospective look destined to
provide future enlightenment. For here the Mar-
tiniquais Glissant bands together with the numerous
Caribbean writers in search of an authentic, "usable"
past since for him too people deprived of roots in
time suffer from insecurity of being due to a lack of
If books written by others have too long defined
for the Caribbean man "what he reflects upon and
what he ignores" in Glissant's terms such writing
by Caribbean authors on Haitian themes may indeed
help to redress the balance. These reassessments of
Haiti do benefit from a revisionist determination and
an imaginative empathy directed to both cultural
present and historical past. Concerned with the
deeper impact of Haitian historical experience, they
make it signify elsewhere, extend its meaning in space
and time, and may eventually stimulate the Haitian
authors themselves who, up to this moment, have
only attempted their magical inventory in a restricted
sense, mostly in poetry, barely in the novel, not yet
in the theater. *

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From Roger Hane's dustcover of JOURNEY TO IXTLAN, Simon and Schuster


By Randy Frances Kandel

KNOWLEDGE. Carlos Castaneda.
Ballantine Books, 1973. $6.95.

DON JUAN. Carlos Castaneda.
Simon and Schuster, 1971. $6.95.

Castaneda. Simon and Schuster,
1972. $6.95.

Publication of Carlos Castaneda's
conversations and adventures with
Don Juan, a Yaqui sorceror, has
stimulated two major controver-
Page 32-C.R.-Vol.VI No. 4

sies: (1) Can the experiential
world of a hallucinogenic state be
called reality? On a par with
everyday reality? and (2) Can
insight into the logic of one man's
mind revealed to one other man,
in the wilderness, be considered
the portrait of a culture?
Popular fascination with the
first question has made The
Teachings of Don Juan (1968), A
Separate Reality (1971), and Jour-
ney to Ixtlan (1972) into best-
sellers and their author into a
celebrity. Concern with the sec-
ond question has generated a
theoretical debate in anthropol-
ogy. It began with Castaneda's
personal struggle to obtain a PhD
degree for the report of his
research. It led to his being
dubbed the founder of the emic

school in psychedelic research. It
created a cult of graduate students
who have apprenticed themselves
to men wise in the ways of Central
American plants. In the next few
years, these students should prod-
uce a cognitive map of nonordi-
nary reality in Mexico which will
add to the ethnological literature,
rehumanize the science of anthro-
pology, and influence the pattern
of psychedelic usage in the United
But to focus on these contro-
versies is to take a myopic view of
the message of Castaneda. The
trilogy is a dialogue that estab-
lishes a philosophy of bodily and
emotional truth. The first book
presents the perceptual tools for
attaining power and wisdom. The
second book records one coherent


vision. The third, teaches the way
to search for and live with power
and wisdom.
The relationship between Don
Juan and Castaneda, therefore,
transcends consideration of Don
Juan's value as a guide for a
psychedelic trip. It transcends the
question of the reliability of Don
Juan as a Yaqui informant. The
relationship between Don Juan
and Castaneda is the relationship
between philosopher and student,
priest and novice, age and youth.
It is a folle de deux a unique
cultural creation, syncretized by
one Yaqui Indian and one South
American graduate student from
UCLA. It exists out of space and
out of time.
All three books begin the same
way: a meeting of eyes in a bus
depot; a modern metaphor for a
location that is not a place, but no
place. When the three books are
superimposed, they are abstracted
also from time. For most of the
events in the third book occur
before many of those in the first
and second in time, but later in
the psychic journey. Time may be
doubled back upon itself; assume
multiple dimensions. Timelessness
may be created to "stop the
world," suspend the logical cate-
gories of understanding, and make
palpable the meaning of existence.
The plants are a successful
strategy because, through esthesia,
sensory, temporal, and kinesic
alteration, they force Castaneda to
perceive the world through his
whole body . not just his eyes,
his ears and his mind. Flying
through the air, feeling a bridge
materialize from a bank of fog in a
desert night, or seeking the strings
of sunlight that unite all material
objects, knocks Castaneda from
the firm rock of intellectualized
enculturated perception.
But Castaneda's research meth-
od does the same. The axiom of
his anthropological research is the
willing suspension of disbelief; the
desire to make the impossible
leap, blindly, into another world,
in the artificial name of under-
standing. And to remain a skeptic
at the same time. Do not doubt or

trust too much. Or, in Don Juan's
words, remain poised in the
twilight that is the "crack between
the worlds." So Castaneda never
abandons his notebooks, nor the
peace he attains from writing in
them. Although the "structural
analysis" at the end of The
Teachings is a parody of anthro-
pological analysis, it is his com-
mitment to research that 1-
Castaneda to Don Juan even N _en
he feels Don Juan is mad or
making fun of him.
Each book in the trilogy sets up
a structural dichotomy which is
transcended at the end with the
synthesis of a new reality. In The
Teachings, Castaneda appears as
an anthropologist trying to ana-
lyze the belief system of a Yaqui
sorceror. A traditional eth-
nographic framework is establish-
ed through the use of quotations
about diableros from several in-
formants. Castaneda discovers
that, through the handling of a
power, called an ally, a sorceror
develops special abilities. But his
interest in plants leads him to
assume that hallucinogens lie at
the core of Don Juan's system:
My first task was to determine his order
of conceptualization. While working in
that direction, I saw that Don Juan
himself had placed particular emphasis
in a certain area of his teaching
specifically, the use of hallucinogenic
plants ...
... In Don Juan's system of beliefs the
acquisition of an ally meant exclusively
the exploitation of the states of
nonordinary reality he produced in me
through the use of hallucinogenic
plants. He believed that by focusing on
these states and omitting other aspects
of the knowledge he taught I would
arrive at a coherent view of the
phenomena I had experienced.

But Castaneda's research problem
is unclear from the outset. Is he
after empirical knowledge about
medicinal plants? Or is he after
the Yaqui belief system centering
around the ritual use of peyote?
On August 4, 1961, a year after
his first meeting with Don Juan,
Castaneda meets Mescalito. He
experiences a vision in which an
ordinary dog is luminously alive.
He communicates with the dog in
equal and level interchange:

I focused my pinpoint vision on the dog
to carry on the movement, and
suddenly I saw him become transparent.
The water was shiny, viscous liquid. I
saw it going down the dog's throat into
his body. I saw it flowing evenly
through each one of the hairs. I saw the
iridescent fluid travelling along the
length of each individual hair and then
projecting out of the hairs to form a
long, white, silky mane.
r- -a the dog chase each
around the house, frolick-
ing. Don Juan declares that he has
never seen Mescalito play this way
before. This is an omen. Mescalito
has chosen Castaneda to be Dor
Juan's apprentice. The bond be-
tween them is now mutual. Don
Juan teaches Castaneda the attrib-
utes of a warrior in the quest for
knowledge to be wide-awake,
fearful, go with respect and with
absolute assurance. He teaches
him to avoid the four enemies -
fear, clarity, power and old age.
He teaches him to use and
understand the three halluci-
nogenic plants.
Mescalito (the teacher and
protector) beautifully stretches
spatio-temporal reality. He prod-
uces viscous and luminous percep-
tions, and a vision of himself as an
anthropomorphized peyote plant,
or a beam of light, that can yield
insights into how to live. Datura,
the first ally, by proper ritual
preparation, involving two lizards,
gives the ability to divine, through
visual and auditory hallucinations.
It gives a sense of extreme power,
and creates a dependency in those
who use it. The "little smoke,"
the second ally, creates a state of
bodiliness, from which one can
transmute oneself into a crow; fly
through space, and perceive from
above, as a crow does. It can bring
ecstasy. With each experience the
depth and precision of Castaneda's
perceptions is enlarged; his control
over the nonordinary states grows.
But Castaneda is guided
through these experiences so skill-
fully by Don Juan, that the
distinction between natural and
cultural reality becomes totally
blurred and appears totally arbi-
trary. Are Castaneda's perceptions
in the nonordinary state proper-
ties of the drugs themselves? Are
C.R. Oct/Nov/Dec Page 33

they Don Juan's mental constructs
somehow communicated to Cas-
taneda, in states of heightened
suggestibility? Are they a unique
combination of Castaneda's
visions, and Don Juan's interpreta-

Castaneda opts for a com-
promise interpretation. Don
Juan's symbols, he believes, are
extrapolated from the natural
properties of the plants. But Don
Juan exploits both the plants and
the symbols in his teaching. In the
months that separate one drug
experience from the next Don
Juan teaches Castaneda what and
how to see. The visions are filled
with Don Juan's iconography.
But part of Castaneda's ex-
perience is unique to himself. Don
Juan frequently states that things
are not the same for everyone.
After each experience, Don Juan
demands a report from his ap-
prentice. He selects certain aspects
for positive emphasis training
Castaneda to look for them again.
Don Juan uses Castaneda's psychic
makeup as the medium from
which to mold his symbols.
Castaneda does not know to what
extent his own psychological
makeup, or Don Juan's, structures
the drug experience.
The first major dichotomy is
not the dichotomy between ordi-
nary and non-ordinary reality. It is
the dichotomy between nature
and art, between natural and
cultural perception. Castaneda,
from his awareness that even
non-ordinary reality was shaped
by Don Juan, concludes that there
is no possibility of perception
without cultural programming.
Drugs may be needed to erase past
habits, but a cultural guide is
needed even more, to perceive
anew. To emphasize this, the first
and last episodes of the book
describe "special states of ordi-
nary reality" in which Don Juan
manipulates Castaneda's percep-
tion without the use of drugs.
But this conclusion is not a
final one. And, at the close of the
book, we learn that Castaneda has
begun having psychedelic flash-
backs ordinary and non-ordi-
Page 34 C.R. Vol. VI No. 4

nary reality have begun to blend
without the interference of a
cultural manipulator. Carlos runs
in terror ... a victim of the first
enemy of a man of knowledge.
Don Juan fights Castaneda's
fear with fear. Castaneda's para-
noia, projecting onto men and
mountains, is directed by Don
Juan, into teasing portents from
natural objects. Death waits al-
ways over his left shoulder. It
stalks him with its headlights on.
By constant cueing in what to
notice, or ignore, Don Juan splits
Castaneda's world into two forces:
fear and power locked in mortal
combat. Between them the war-
rior must strike a strategic balance.
Castaneda learns that an ally is
not a psychotropic plant, but a
personal power, harnessed and
stored in a private place.
A Separate Reality is a tran-
sitional book, in which Castaneda
is taught to internalize, rather
than comprehend, the sorceror's
power. A new dichotomy is
established: understanding with
the mind, versus perceiving with
the total being. The book is
skillfully edited like a novel.
Symbolic revelations, that pass
un-noticed by the books protago-
nists gradually appear to the
When the book begins, Cas-
taneda must be told in words what
to look for:
Men look different when you see. The
little smoke will help you see men as
fibers of light. Yes... fibers, like
cobwebs. Very fine threads that circu-
late from the head to the navel. Thus a
man looks like an egg of circulating
fibers. And his arms and legs are like
luminous bristles, bursting out in all
The continuum of all existence is
given a physical metaphor:
Every man is in touch with everything
else, not through his hands, though, but
through a bunch of long fibers that
shoot out from the center of his
abdomen. Those fibers join a man to his
surroundings; they keep his balance;
they give him stability. You may see
some day, a man is a luminous egg.
But when the book concludes,
Castaneda, without drugs, sees the
same leaf fall from the same tree
again, and again, and again. He

sees a man beside him materialize
on a hill ten miles away. He sees
with his whole body. And for this
purpose, a new character, Don
Genaro, appears, who teaches
Castaneda not in words, but in
In the early portions of the
book action takes place in group
situations in which Castaneda
vainly searches for the "social
cues" that control the perceptual
code. But gradually significant
episodes are moved outside. More
detailed descriptions of the geog-
raphy and its psychological impact
are given. Castaneda learns to ride
on a bubble of water, nearly losing
himself in his own death. In the
penultimate incident, Castaneda
alone in the wilderness, translates
the meaning of nature into gut
physical reactions, with only the
vaguest suspicion that Don Juan is
manipulating the sights and
Then I heard something like the wings
of a big bird sweeping over the tops of
the bushes... The soft squeaks began
to increase again, and so did the
flapping wings. Above my head there
seemed to be something like a flock of
gigantic birds beating their soft wings.
Both noises merged, creating an envel-
oping wave around me ... the flapping
wings of a flock of birds seemed to be
pulling me up from above, while the
squeaks of any army of rats seemed to
be pushing me from underneath ... The
noises increased in number and speed as
if they knew I had lost my confidence,


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their vibrations were so intense I wanted
to vomit.
Castaneda believes that through
drugs and daring, he has attained a
Yaqui world. But Don Juan's real
message is that Castaneda's new
way is Castaneda's own. It is a
special hybrid culture that has
grown out of the relationship
between the two men. This is
symbolized by the syncretic outfit
in which Don Genaro appears at
the end of the book. He is not
dressed as an Indian, but as a
"Mexican from the Southwest" in
Levis, a beige shirt, a Texan
cowboy hat and cowboy boots.
Journey to Ixtlan concludes
only shortly after the temporal
conclusion of A Separate Reality.
Castaneda runs from the final task
of his initiation into sorcery the
vision quest in which he must
unite with his personal private,
and powerful ally. The loneliness
of philosophical detachment, eter-
nally coupled with nostalgic
longing to return again to emo-
tional involvements that will never
seem more real, is more than he
feels he can bear. He is on his own
now, with neither drugs, guides,
nor alternative cultural systems to
depend upon. He must face the
great human paradox: the mean-
ingless equivalance of all things
confronting the ecstatic signifi-
cance of each isolated event. The
final book, therefore, is an evalua-
tion of Castaneda's psychological
preparation to face the naked
world alone in his nekedness.
Hallucinogenic states no longer
play a part:
My perception of the world through the
effects of those psychotropics had been
so bizarre and impressive that I was
forced to assume that such states were
the only avenue to communicating and
learning what Don Juan was attempting
to teach me. That assumption was
With clear headed rationality,
Castaneda reports all the episodes
with a double vision: Appearances
as he perceived them at the time;
and probable manipulations which
Don Juan engaged in to create
them. The dual perspective as-
sumes a symbolic significance with
the realization that "seeing," that

"becoming a man of knowledge"
is precisely acquiring the ability
and habit of sustaining that
double perspective. When two
systems may explain the world
equally well one is forced to
decide on one's own, to be a "man
of knowledge," and to act, with
power, as an independent being.
The goal, after all, has not been to
enter don Juan's world. Don
Juan's world has been only a tool
for learning to face two contradic-
tory realities simultaneously in the
same way that the plants have
been a necessary tool for learning
about Don Juan's world.
In the end, Castaneda succeeds
in "stopping the world." The
loophole of individuality, glossed
over in the first and second books,
becomes the crucial clue to
finding the "path with heart."
Castaneda must derive his personal
symbols from the world. For this
reason, the important action in
Journey to Ixtlan takes place in
the desert chapparal. It becomes a
wilderness of living, intensely
personal symbols. Mountains turn
into fog or living light. Places,
uniquely his own, acquire for
Castaneda, the power to strike
him with terror, or fill him with
well-being and inner strength. One
special place, becomes the spot
where he will dance out the
battles of his life, at the moment
of his final death.
The role of Don Juan, is also
significantly changed. He is no
longer a sorceror, but a skillful
psychiatric curandero. Don Juan
uses transference, confession, free
association, suggestion, psycho-
drama and behavioral modifica-
tion to make Castaneda first a
hunter, then a warrior, and finally
a man of knowledge. He teaches
him to modify his feelings of
egotism and impotence, to "erase
personal history" by reevaluating
his relationship with his father. He
teaches him self-worth and inde-
pendence, "being inaccessible," by
explaining to him the reasons for
an unsuccessful love affair. He
gives him the sure skillfullness to
guide his acts by teaching him to
be a hunter. He includes within his

hunting lessons a series of taboos,
to make Castaneda conscious of
every action, and to infuse the
dessert with mystical significance.
He gives him the strength to iniate
and carry through his resolves by
making him aware that death is his
only advisor, his only reference
point. Life must be a continuous
guiltless process of decision fol-
lowed by action.
The two major themes of
Journey to Ixtlan are fused in the
techniques of control which Don
Juan teaches Castaneda:

Don Juan then described the technique,
which he said took years to perfect, and
which consisted of gradually forcing the
eyes to see separately the same image.
The lack of image conversion entailed a
double perception of the world; this
double perception, according to Don
Juan, allowed one the opportunity of
judging changes in the surroundings,
which the eyes were ordinarily inca-
pable of perceiving... All I can do is
give you the technique. Once you learn
to separate the images and see two of
everything, you must focus your atten-
tion in the area between the two images.
Any change worthy of notice would
take place there, in that area.

The technique of using each eye
separately, appears for the first
time at the beginning of The
Teachings; but only now does it
assume major symbolic impor-
When Castaneda began his
apprenticeship, drugs, men, per-
ceptions, animals, visions, seemed
discrete and incomprehensible. In
his first meeting with Mescalito,
he heard a group of men, speaking
a language he did not understand,
talking meaninglessly about
sharks. But a decade later, at the
close of his apprenticeship, he
meets a magical deer who talks
soothingly to him, in a combina-
tion of English and Spanish. A
"chicano" deer, he thinks, sym-
bolizing a syncretic culture of
spirits, animals and men. The
categories of the world have been
dissolved and reunited. A new
culture has been created and
transcended. The beingness of
Don Juan has been transferred to
Castaneda. A youth, perhaps, has
become an adult through a mind
blowing dialogue of paradoxes. *

C.R. Oct/Nov/Dec Page 35


By Oliva Espfn

LUCIA. Directed by Humberto
Sol6s. Producer: Rail Canosa.
Director of photography: Jorge
Herrera. 35 mm. 160 minutes,
1968. (Can be rented from Center
for Cuban Studies, 220 East 23nd.
St., NYC, NY 10010.)

"Lucia," a 1968 film by Humber-
to Solas, has been considered, so
far, one of the jewels of Cuban
cinematography. It won the Gold
Medal in Moscow in 1969 and has
been acclaimed and commented
by almost every one who has seen
The movie is divided in three
parts representative of three
crucial moments in Cuban history.
The three parts are unrelated
except by the presence of a
woman named always Lucia -
whose life is deeply affected by
the historical circumstances in
which she is emmeshed. Lucia
1895 is a fragile Cuban woman
approaching middle age, whose
brother is fighting against the
Spaniards in the Independence
War. Lucia 1932 falls in love
during the revolution against dic-
tator Machado. Lucia 196? finds
herself in the midst of the present
Cuban revolution.

Cuban history is a sequence of
failed attempts at liberation.
Cuban women, and men, have
been part as well as victims of
those failed attempts. In "Lucia,"
Solas tells us the story of three
women who symbolize not only
the situation of women, but the
situation of Cuba in these three
critical moments of its history.
Evidently, he is trying to convey a
revolutionary message through
"Lucia." But it is not clear if the
message is about women or if
these three women are only a
focal point to reflect the socio-
political situation of their times.
The plots of the three parts are
completely different, and so are
the cinematographic techniques
used for each one of them. Sol6s
tries to create the atmosphere of
the times and the feelings of the
characters through these tech-
niques. Lucia 1895 is a mixture of
romantic attitudes with phantas-
magoric scenes. Lucia 1932 is
sober, strong, "choppy" at times.
The depression political, finan-
cial and emotional characteristic
of that stage of Cuban history is
present. Political tensions appear
everywhere, economic depression
is the sign of the times, and
Page 36- C.R. Vol. VI No. 4

emotions oscillate between anger
and depression with very few
exceptions. Lucia 196? is a
comedy. The message is clear:
since the Revolution is here, we
are all happy. Certainly, Lucia
cries, but it is her husband who
causes the pain, not the historical
circumstances as in the previous
two parts.
The main postulates of any
conceptualization of the liberation
of women include the right of
each woman to decide for herself
as an adult what is best for her life
without having to depend on a
man. Equality between men and
women is, in other words, the
critical concern. This equality
refers not only to political,
educational or financial rights, but
also to the conditions for an
affective relationship between
female and male. A woman who
would define herself through and
would make decisions only on the
basis of her relationship to a man
is not a liberated woman.
Both Lucia 1895 and Lucia
1932 decide for their lives in
terms of a man whom they love.
In the first case, she is betrayed by
that man. In the second case, he
drags her to his ideals and dies
leaving her alone and pregnant.
Lucia 196? is the only one of the
trilogy who stands for herself and
rebels openly against male in-
fluence. Through her Sol6s tells us
that only revolutionary women
can be liberated women.
The three women are on the
side of the "good guys" (or girls? )
in the movie. Except for Aldo, in
Lucia 1932, men are the "bad
guys." Granted, Rafael is a villain
and Tomas is only ridiculous. How
could he really be a villain if he is
on the side of the Revolution?
The fact that he acts like a
complete paranoid does not make
a villain of him. He may nail
closed Lucia's windows so she
would not see the sun while he is
at the bar drinking with other
men. But he cannot be a villain,
since his wife and he, himself,
for that matter are "victims of
yankee imperialism" as one of the
characters says. To paraphrase the
C.R. Oct/Nov/Dec Page 37

words of Sergio in "Memories of
Underdevelopment," another
Cuban film, "he has too much
darkness in his head to be guilty."
In some other film TomAs might
be a villain, but not in this one
because there is no other conflict
within the Revolution than those
related to participation in, or
rejection of that Revolution.
That is precisely what the third
Lucia tells us when contrasted
with the other two: the only
problem for women in Cuba now
is the conflict with husbands who
will not let them participate fully
in the revolutionary task. This was
not the situation before, because
women could be used and betray-
ed by men who were against the
cause of the Cuban people, as in
Lucia 1895; or they could be left
alone by a man's self-sacrifice, as
in Lucia 1932. In Lucia 1895, the
man, Rafael, betrays her twice. He
promises marriage and he is
already married. He begs Lucia for
love and wants only information
about the activities of her brother.
Lucia is left betrayed in her love
and knowing that he is indirectly
responsible for the deaths of her
brother and many other Cubans
who were fighting for independ-
ence. Rafael is, at the same time,
the loved one and the enemy.
Lucia has lost everything to him
and he pays with his life for
betraying her and Cuba.
Lucia's destiny seems to run
parallel to that of Fernandina, the
crazy woman of the town. Fernan-
dina screams in the street, "Wake
up, Cubans! at the sight of dead
soldiers. Inside the house, Lucia
and her friends sew for the rebels,
but dream of marriage. While the
children in the street encircle
Fernandina yelling at her, "Fer-
nandina is a virgin! ", Lucia, all
dressed 'in white, plays "Gallina
Ciega" in the house encircled by
her friends. We learn that Fernan-
dina was a nun and that she was
raped by the wounded soldiers she
was trying to cure after a battle.
Lucia discovers Rafael's betrayal
at the very moment when she
expects to be happy with him.
The battle that follows her dis-

cover is probably the most
spectacular scene of the movie. A
moment before, Fernandina tries
to disuade Lucia of escaping with
Rafael. She "knows." Because she
knows what it means to be
betrayed, destroyed and abused
by loved and trusted people. But
Lucia does not pay any attention
to Fernandina's demanding
whisper, "Don't go with him!
Don't go with him! And, like
Fernandina, the intensity of the
suffering makes Lucia lose her
mind. It's a crazy Lucia who
crosses the park and stabs Rafael
to death in front of everybody.
Lucia has been all along more
of a woman than a Cuban. Her
love for Rafael has made her
forget that she is guiding him to
her brother's hideaway. Her feel-
ings for a man who has made her
happy in spite of the anguish of
the war do not let her think any
further. She wants to be with him,
so she will take him to the place
where she was happy during her
childhood without stopping to
think of the possible conse-
Women of all times and ages
have been used and betrayed by
men they loved and men who
promised to love them. Lucia is
not a type for 1895 only. She was
present in Cuba until the fight
against Batista. She is probably
present today in Cuba and any-
where else where women are still
thinking in the love of a man as
the only form to achieve happi-
ness in life. She will be betrayed a
hundred times because she is not
free from others she is not
Lucia 1932 is a beautiful girl of
the burgeoisie whose mother is
worried about not being as pretty
as her husband's "querida. Lucia
meets Aldo while he is hidden
recuperating from being wounded
in his terrorist activities. She has
never been concerned with the
political situation in Cuba under
Machado, but her contacts with
Aldo and his friends make her
become involved. Eventually,
Lucia leaves home, marries Aldo
and participates in marches and

other types of activities against
the regime.
This second part of the movie
most successfully portrays,
through script, acting, and cine-
matography, a naturalistic story
and setting. In this part, Cuban
women take a step when Lucia
leaves home, and instead of
waiting to marry a rich, handsome
man she marries a poor idealist.
But the dependency situation has
not really changed. Lucia becomes
a revolutionary because of Aldo,
in spite of herself. When he dies,
she looks at us, accusingly, in her
deep suffering. It is not just that
he is dead, it is that he has died
for nothing. Lucia's eyes are
telling us something, begging that
Aldo's death would not be in vain,
demanding that the life of the
child she is pregnant with would
happen in a better Cuba. In the
name of all Cuban women, Lucia
pleads for a change in her life. Her
eyes seem to be asking, "What are
you going to do? "What can I
and my fatherless child expect
from the future? History res-
ponded to this plea in the form of
more deaths like Aldo's, another
dictatorship and more deaths
Aldo dies because the revolu-
tion he fought for, aborted before
really being born, and he cannot
accept the failure like his friend
Antonio. In the third section,
representing the present, Cuba is
undergoing a revolutionary proc-
ess, the one for which Aldo died,
Lucia's questions of the thirties
are being answered in the sixties.
And another Lucia, this time a
peasant woman, lives the new
opportunities that the Revolution
has given her. This is what Solas
seems to be trying to tell us with
his third Lucia. Lucia 196? loves
her man dearly and deeply, but
Tom6s would not let her out of
the house after their marriage.
Lucia, for the first time in the
film stands against the man and
says that she will work in spite of
Aldo dies because the revolu-
tion he fought for, aborted before
really being born, and he cannot

Page 38-C.R.-Vol. VI No. 4

accept the failure like his friend
Antonio. In the third section,
representing the present, Cuba is
undergoing a revolutionary proc-
ess, the one for which Aldo died.
Lucia's questions of the thirties
are being answered in the sixties.
And another Lucia, this time a
peasant woman, lives the new
opportunities that the Revolution
has given her. This is what Solas
seems to be trying to tell us with
his third Lucia. Lucia 196? loves
her man dearly and deeply, but
Tomas would not let her out of
the house after their marriage.
Lucia, for the first time in the
film stands against the man and
says that she will work in spite of
Lucia 196? tells us that a
revolutionary woman is a liberated
and fulfilled woman. She is not
dominated by a man and she
enjoys working for the Revolu-
tion. External forces are all
positive and contributing to hap-
piness. Only a recalcitrant hus-
band can destroy her life. And
Tom6s, the jealous husband is
characterized to a ridiculous ex-
treme to show clearly that his
behavior is completely unjustified.
Tomas' behavior is not only
bizarre and unjust to his wife, but
also to the alfabetizador (Literacy
Teacher) from Havana who is
teaching Lucia how to read and
write. On the other hand, the
knowledge transmitted to her by
the alfabetizador contributes to
her decision to leave Tom6s. The
Revolution is liberating her in
more than one way.
One wonders, though, if Lucia
196? really wants to work for the
Revolution or if she is only
fighting to escape her prison.
Because Tomas is not just another
Subdesarrollo Perez. (Nickname
given in Cuba to men who would
not let their wives work outside of
the home. It can be translated
more or less like "Underdeveloped
Smith.") His jealousy is frankly
paranoid and it is totally unrelated
to the revolutionary situation. It is
mentioned that his father was like
that with his mother. The pres-
ence of the male alfabetizador
C.R. Oct/Nov/Dec Page 39

only intensifies Tomas' vigilance
on Lucia. But before, Lucia only
cried and begged. It is after the
alfabetizador from Havana makes
her conscious of the absurdity of
her situation that she leaves home.
She uses her newly acquired
abilities to write Tomas telling
him that she is leaving. He looks
for her, fights against her, and
finally, is left with no alternative
but to accept her decision. A little
girl maybe Lucia 1980 is
watching them and smiling. The
future is open for Cuban women.
otional 80 is watching them and
smiling. The future is open for
Cuban women.
As mentioned before, the
emotional intensity of the first
two parts is contrasted with the
light spirit and the interminable
list of wonderfully rich idiomatic
expressions of the third part. The
music of "Guantanamera" com-
plete the festive atmosphere.
There is no serious historical
conflict destroying lives in Cuba in
the sixties, only minor quarrels
between husband and wife, which
are won by the woman in a way
that favors the Revolution. For
the first time the "good guys," or
better, the "good girls" win the
fight. Those who are not in favor
of the Revolution could say that
there are still women in Cuba
today who live lives similar to that
of Lucia 1932, but they are not
"good girls" anymore. As usual,
history is written by the victor.
Aside from that, it is true that
Cuban women are now more
present in the economy and have
more opportunities for education
than they had before. The Revolu-
tion needs the participation of
women and creates opportunities
for them to work through day
care centers and other facilities.
The revolutionary leaders con-
stantly insist on the importance of
women's work, and Marxist
ideology itself maintains the im-
portance of the liberation of
women for a Socialist society.
Contrasts among the three
Lucias are evident. The first two
Lucias live for a man who dies at
the end. Lucia 1895 is the victim


Maruja Acosta and Jorge E. Hardoy, Urban Reform
in Revolutionary Cuba. xiv + 111 pp., maps, tables,
photographs, bibliography. Paper $4.00. "... a
pioneer study of one of the most important
consequences of the 1959 Revolution... it
focuses on one cardinal point which admits of little
disagreement, namely, that Cuba alone in Latin
America has arrested the widely deplored rural and
small-town exodus to big-city slums and shanty
towns." Richard M. Morse.

Ira P. Lowenthal and Drexel G. Woodson
(compilers), Catalogue de la Collection Mangones,
Petionville, Haiti. xii + 388 pp. Paper: $16.50.
"Although designed primarily to serve as the key
to the book collection of the Mangones Library,
the volume will appeal to a range of scholars
interested in the bibliography of Haiti and the
Dominican Republic in particular, and of the
Caribbean in general." Lee H. Williams, Jr.

G.B. Hagelberg, The Caribbean Sugar Industries:
Constraints and Opportunities. xvi + 173 pp.,
tables, references. Paper: $7.00. "It may be too
often forgotten because of an anti-planter ideol-
ogy, a cultivated dislike of large-scale enterprise, a
distrust of 'monoculture,' or a romanticized
conception of the sturdy yeoman that, under
optimum conditions, sugar cane turns out to
provide a rich return to the environment in which
it grows, relative to its yield of energy in sugar and
by-products, and to the utilization of resources
necessary to its cultivation." Sidney W. Mintz.


Sidney W. Mintz (editor), Working Papers in
Haitian Society and Culture.

Order from:

Antilles Research Program
Yale University
Box 1970 Yale Station
New Haven, Connecticut 06520

Page 40-C.R.-Vol. VI No.4

of that man and of historical
circumstances. Lucia 1932 has
found love, but external forces
destroy her life. Lucia 196? has
everything: a man who loves her
in spite of her rebellion and the
opportunity to assert herself even
against him. It seems that, progres-
sively, the male-female relation-
ship is more satisfying for the
woman. But, again, only the
Revolution makes possible for the
woman the realization of her
potentials and a hopeful life.
In terms of cinematographic
technique the Lucia of each part
is portraying the spirit of her
times and each part seems to talk
to a different public. If the public
is not familiarized with the roman-
ticism characteristic of last cen-
tury, Lucia 1895 is frankly
ridiculous and full of theatrical
gestures. The delicate and sophisti-
cated air of Lucia 1932 is also
passe in present day Cuba. For the
Cuban public of today, Lucia
196? is an everyday woman. The
first two Lucias come from the
upper classes, classes that do not
exist in Cuba anymore. She is a
woman of the people, living
problems and joys similar to those
of other women. It is only
through suffering that the first
two Lucias are redeemed from
their social background. The third
Lucia does not need any justifica-
tion, she has been ignored long
enough in Cuban history. But it is
through the suffering of the first
two Lucias that Lucia 196? can
become a part of Cuban history.
The three namesakes are united by
an invisible string. One leads to
the other and each one of them
gives a reason for the existence of
the other. In this succession of
grand-daughters each one becomes
the heiress of a common heritage.
The three Lucias are very dif-
ferent, but equal in their common
Cuban destiny.
Sol6s, who is apparently fas-
cinated by the situation of
women, (his first production,
"Manuela" also focues on a
woman) has, indeed, created a
masterpiece in the two hours and
a half of "Lucia."&

..u 1.


t I' II
AN ALBUM OF PUERTO RICANS IN THE U.S., Page 73, 1973, Franklin Watts, Inc.

By Adalberto L6pez

C.R. Oct/Nov/Dec Page 41

I NN 9

Edited by Kal Wagenheim with
Olga Jim6nez de Wagenheim. 332
pp. Praeger Publishers, 1973.
$12.50 cloth.
L6pez. 383 pp. The Bobbs-Merrill
Company, 1973. $8.95 cloth.

ENCE. Edited by Francesco Cor-
dasco and Eugene Bucchioni. 370
pp. Rowman and Littlefield,
1973. $4.95 paper.

TION? Byron Williams. 249 pp.
Parents' Magazine Press, 1972.
$4.95 cloth.
RAPHY. Edited by Francesco
Cordasco and Eugene Bucchioni.
146 pp. Rowman and Littlefield,

Edited by Paquita Vivo. 299 pp.
R. R. Bowker Company, 1973.
$14.95 cloth.
HAND. Piri Thomas. 336 pp.
Bantam Books, 1973. $1.50
SPIKS. Pedro Juan Soto. 92 pp.
Monthly Review Press, 1973.
$6.50 cloth.
Pedro Juan Soto. 224 pp. Dell
Publishing Company, 1973. $.75

Aside from the exploitation and
degradation which migration from
Puerto Rico to the U. S. mainland
has meant for hundreds of thou-
sands of Puerto Ricans, its next
most tragic consequence has been
the division it has created in the
Puerto Rican nation. Today that
nation is divided (perhaps irrevo-
cably so) into two communities:
the inner community (Puerto

Ricans who are born, live, and
work in Puerto Rico) and the
outer community (Puerto Ricans
who are born or grow up, live, and
work on the U.S. mainland the
neo-ricans as they are becoming
increasingly known). Second and
third generation Puerto Ricans of
the mainland are becoming more
aware that they must search for
the solutions to the problems of
their communities and work out
their destiny within the context of
American society and politics.
This attitude, however, has not led
members of the outer community
to turn their backs on the
homeland of their parents and

Photo: Nathan Farb. in AL ALBUM OF PUERTO
RICANS, Page 39, 1973, Franklin Watts, Inc.

AN ALBUM OF PUERTO RICANS, Page 65, 1973, Franklin Watts, Inc.
- .g- ... '-. lMim


'l aUhL

grandparents. On the contrary, it
is primarily the desire of young
Puerto Ricans on the mainland to
learn about the history and
culture of Puerto Rico that has
made books on Puerto Rico a
marketable commodity in the
United States. Nevertheless, the
Puerto Rican youth of the main-
land is becoming primarily in-
terested in the experience of the
Puerto Rican communities of the
United States, and it is a tragic
commentary on the state of
Puerto Rican scholarship on the
mainland that very few mainland

Page 42 -C.R. -Vol. VI No. 4

Puerto Ricans are doing any
serious research on the history of
the Puerto Rican migration to the
United States and of Puerto Rican
communities there.
Of the books which have been
published in English on Puerto
Ricans in the past decade most
have been authored by non-Puerto
Ricans and the majority has

Only two of these books will be
of use to social scientists interest-
ed in Puerto Rico and Puerto
Ricans on the mainland. The
Puerto Ricans: An Annotated
Bibliography by Cordasco and
Bucchioni is a listing of published
and unpublished materials (such as
doctoral dissertations). It is di-
vided into six parts, the first

AN ALBUM OF PUERTO RICANS, Page 39, 1973, Franklin Watts, Inc.

'Omar mas
d k7

14Q3i i

island and on the mainland. Based
on a survey of library catalogs (for
example, the entire card catalog of
the Library of Congress pertaining
to Puerto Rico was reviewed) as
well as numerous existing lists and
partial bibliographies, this work
includes sections on history, music
and art, folklore, politics, etc.
Particularly useful is the section
on motion pictures and filmstrips,
a source traditionally ignored by
Labeled as "a sociological
sourcebook," The Puerto Rican
Experience by Cordasco and Buc-
chioni is in fact an uneven
collection of unrelated essays and
exerpts dealing primarily with the
experience of Puerto Ricans on
the mainland. Neither the scholar
nor the student will find much
that is of use in this book. With
the exception of one or two pieces
in Part IV ("Education on the
Mainland") and the essay by

Photo: Nathan Farb, in AN ALBUM OF PUERTO
RICANS, Page 50, 1973, Franklin Watts, Inc.


emphasized the history, politics,
and society of the inner com-
munity. A survey of that literature
is disappointing. As James Petras
has pointed out, what is lacking in
quality is found in quantity. On
the one hand there are the
discursive and poorly researched
exhortatory essays; on the other,
there are empirical studies an-
chored in faulty analytical frame-
works. With the exception of the
novels and bibliographies, the
books reviewed here are in that
same tradition. Their major asset
is that, unlike those published in
the past, they either totally
emphasize the outer community
of Puerto Ricans or make an
attempt to include the experience
of that community as part of the
totality of the experience of the
Puerto Rican nation.

dealing with general bibliogra-
phies, the second with Puerto
Rico, and the other four parts
with the migration and the ex-
perience of Puerto Ricans on the
mainland. The authors preface
their work with a plea for
bilingual education for Puerto
Rican children in mainland
schools and for more Puerto Rican
teachers in the educational
system. "Puerto Ricans," they
write, "realize that their culture is
in danger of passing into oblivion
unless the home values, the
traditions, the customs and the
language are retained." The bibli-
ography by Vivo, published under
the auspices of the Puerto Rican
Research and Resources Center in
Washington, D.C., is more thor-
ough and covers all aspects of
Puerto Rican life, both in the

Cordasco and R. Galatioto on the
emergence of the Puerto Rican
community in East Harlem (El
Barrio) in Manhattan, the selec-
tions are on the whole from works
which are already familiar to those
interested in Puerto Rico (even
the chronology of Puerto Rican
history at the end of the book is
taken directly from Kal Wagen-
heim's Puerto Rico: A Profile).
C.R. Oct/Nov/Dec Page 43

They are, with a couple of notable
exceptions, painfully dull; several
are out of date; and a few are
highly misleading. The weakest
part of the book is the one dealing
with Puerto Rico itself. All four
essays in this part are by North
Americans (in fact, of the 21
selections in the collection only 5



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are by Puerto Ricans). The piece
by Michael Myerson is an absurd
piece of propaganda; a laughable
collection of factual errors and
inaccuracies. A man who can
write, when discussing the par-
ticipation of registered voters in
recent Puerto Rican elections, that
"only perhaps half bother to caste
their ballots" cannot know much
about Puerto Rican politics.

The book by Alfredo L6pez is a
poorly organized emotional out-
burst of anger and indignation by
a Puerto Rican militant of the
mainland who makes an attempt
to give his work scholarly respect-
ability by shrouding it in Marxist
terms. L6pez is primarily con-
cerned with Puerto Ricans in New
York, but feels obliged to dwell
into the history and politics of the
island. His interest on the history
of Puerto Rico is based on the
ludicrous assertion that "to under-
stand the elevator operator who
speaks only Spanish, or the
dishwasher in a midtown restau-
rant, it is necessary to understand
something about sugar crops in
the 1700s." L6pez, however, has
done his homework poorly. The
section of the book dealing with
Puerto Rico from pre-Columbian
times to the present (and based
entirely on a handful of secondary
sources) is a hodgepodge of
factual errors, simplistic state-
ments on socio-economic develop-
ments, half-truths, and exagera-
tions. He states, for example, that
an Indian uprising in 1520 "ended
in the murder of tens of thousands
of Indians." Further on, while
discussing the first Puerto Rican
attempt to establish an independ-
ent republic in 1868, he writes
that "there was a staggering
amount of support for the inde-
pendence movement among the
peasant and working masses," an
exaggeration he has exerpted from
the work of Juan Angel Sil6n, who
is, like L6pez, an infantile Marxist
with pretentions to being an
historian. It is a case of the blind
leading the blind.
The part of the book dealing
with Puerto Ricans on the main-
land is slightly more useful. L6pez

is obviously familiar with the
problems facing Puerto Rican
communities in the United States
(poor housing, dope addiction,
delinquency, poor education,
problems of adjustment, etc.) and
does a good job of describing
them. His section on the Puerto
Rican militants of the mainland in
the 1960s (e.g. the Young Lords)
is good and his comments on the
pitfalls surrounding those mili-
tants (ultraleftism, absence of a
program, etc.) are at times quite
perceptive. Nevertheless, this sec-
tion is more of a statement of
anger, a glimpse into the mentality
of neo-rican militancy, than a
valuable analysis of the Puerto
Rican situation on the mainland.
Terms such as class, revolution,
capitalist, bourgeoisie, are over-
used and abused. And the author's
attempt to link the solution of the
problems of Puerto Ricans on the
mainland to the independence of
Puerto Rico is silly at times and
generally unconvincing. The book
has the strength of conviction, but
little else.
In stark contrast to the book by
L6pez, is the slim volume by
Byron Williams, a work which has
received little attention from
those on the mainland interested
in Puerto Rico. Scholars will find
little, if any, that is new or
interesting in this book. As the
author himself candidly admits,
the book is based entirely on a
few well-known general accounts
of Puerto Rican history and the
Puerto Rican experience in the
United States. To the uninformed
and to young students, however,
this work can be of use. It is
unpretentious, well-organized,
readable and inexpensive. Center-
ed around the issue of status, it
includes a good section on the
Puerto Rican migration and is free
of the type of exaggeration and
political bias which is so character-
istic of the work by L6pez. The
book is written in a simple
language which makes it useful in
secondary school courses, but
with a sophistication which also
makes it useful in college level
introductory courses.

Page 44 -C.R. -Vol.VI No. 4



The book by Wagenheim, a
North American journalist who
lived in Puerto Rico for many
years and knows the island well,
was prepared "for the benefit of
the thousands of Puerto Rican
students on the mainland, who
have been cut off from their
national heritage, and to help
North American readers to ap-
preciate this important ethnic
group." It is an attempt to cover
the whole span of Puerto Rican
history from its Indian beginnings
and the experience of Puerto
Ricans on the mainland through
the selection of essays, articles,
and exerpts beginning with a brief
account by Bartolom6 de las Casas
of the discovery of the island by
Columbus and concluding with a
futuristic essay by Joseph Mon-
serrat on Puerto Rico and Puerto
Ricans in the year 2000. The pace
of the book is fast. The majority
of the more than 70 selections are
short and introduced by brief
notes by the editor. The transla-
tion of Spanish materials is good,
although they lack the beauty and
the forcefulness of the originals.
Perhaps one of the valuable
aspects of this work is the concept
of Puerto Rico as a divided nation,
a concept which is explored in the
introduction and which manifests
itself in the fact that the two parts
of the book dealing with the
migration and the problems of
Puerto Ricans in the mainland
constitute about one third of the
The Wagenheim volume, how-
ever, has some significant draw-
backs. It is not, as the title
pretends, a documentary history
of Puerto Rico, but rather a
collection of materials on Puerto
Rico and Puerto Ricans. Given the
title of the book, one wonders in
what sense are the works of
Washington Irving, Eric Williams,
and Kal Wagenheim himself, for
example, part of the documentary
history of Puerto Rico. Which
leads me to the next point: there
are more selections by North
Americans than by Puerto Ricans.
Thus, the work is top-heavy with
the North American point of view

- whether it be liberal or
conservative. There is an abun-
dance of materials on Puerto Rico
by Puerto Ricans, and Wagenheim
could have certainly come up with
a collection which would have
served its purpose, and yet em-
phasized the Puerto Rican, rather
than the North American, point of
view. The failure to do so is
perhaps a manifestation of the
mentality of the average North
American who studies Puerto
Rico: he can know the island well,
he might like its people, he might
sympathize with their aspirations;
but, in the long run, there is that
feeling in the back of his mind
that, after all, North Americans
know best.
There are some important gaps
and commissions in the book.
Puerto Rico in the first half of the
nineteenth century is inadequately
covered; the perspective of Puerto
Rican nationalists is not presented
fully; there is no document
whatever on the revolution of
1950. There is perhaps too much
on Luis Mufioz Marin and his
program, and not enough on the
negative aspects of Puerto Rican
life (poverty, repression, maldistri-
bution of income, etc.) under the
rule of the Popular Democratic
Party. The book also lacks
material on the major political
changes which overwhelmed the
island in the 1960s and the events
which led to the victory of the
pro-statehood New Progressive
Party in 1968. But perhaps the
main fault of the book is its
failure to delineate the multi-
faceted impact of U.S. imperialism
on Puerto Rican society and to
emphasize one of the most im-
portant characteristics of that
society today: the almost total
dependency of its economy on the
United States and the control of
that economy by U.S. capitalist
Savior, Savior, Hold My Hand is
an autobiographical novel by a
second-generation Puerto Rican of
the mainland who is comfortable
with his puertoricanness but to
whom Puerto Rico is just the
name of the island from where his

parents migrated. Piri Thomas was
born in Manhattan's East Harlem,
one of the worst ghettoes in the
United States. His first book,
Down These Mean Streets (Knopf,
1967), is a moving account of his
life as a bewildered child growing
up in a hostile environment, a
drug addict going through the
painful process of "cold turkey,"
a thief, a man who shot a
policeman during a robbery, and a
prisoner in Comstock Prison in
New York State. Savior, Savior is
the sequel to that book. It covers
a period of a few years in the late
1950s and begins where the other
ended: when Thomas leaves prison
on parole and returns to East
Although the style of writing is
similar in both books, Savior,
Savior does not have the impact of
its predecessor. In the latter
Thomas is an angry ghetto tough
trying to cope with all the
problems that ghetto life implies.
In Savior, Savior, he is a sanctimo-
nious, holier-than-thou youth
worker unconsciously trying to
escape from the ghetto to which
he tells us he is so attached. He
gets religion, courts a girl, marries
her, has a child, tries to move to

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the suburbs of Long Island, and
gets jobs in the straight world. At
times the dialogues are forced,
unreal. Spanish words are part of
the talk of Puerto Ricans in the
ghettos, but Thomas overuses
them. The book, however, is
worthwhile reading. It is the work
of a Puerto Rican who knows the
world of the ghetto well and can
bring to the reader, often in vivid
and moving language, glimpses of
what that world is all about. It is a
brutal world. But in that world
Thomas keeps his chin up. As he
writes, "They can't beat us Puerto

Franklin Watts, Inc.

Whereas Piri Thomas is an
amateur writer, Pedro Juan Soto is
a thorough going professional, one
of Puerto Rico's most important
living literary figures. Although his
virtuosity as a writer .can only be
truly appreciated by reading his
works in the original Spanish, that
virtuosity is transparent in the
excellent English translations of
Spiks and Hot Land, Cold Season,
without question two of the most
welcomed additions to the litera-
ture in English on Puerto Rico and
Page 46 -C.R. -Vol. VI No. 4

Puerto Ricans. Soto was born in
Puerto Rico and has lived there
most of his life. But he spent ten
years living in New York City and
is as familiar with the Puerto
Ricans of the mainland as he is
with the Puerto Ricans of the
Spiks (the derrogatory term by
which Puerto Ricans are so fre-
quently called by non-Puerto
Ricans) is a collection of short
stories and one-page pieces
("Miniatures") about Puerto
Ricans in New York City. In this
collection, Soto has transferred to
paper the essence of Puerto Rican
life in the hostile atmosphere of
that city. As Victoria Ortiz has
written in her brief introduction
to the English edition, in this
work "the reader can see the
windry, slushy streets of Spanish
Harlem, the garbage-strewn empty
lots of the South Bronx, the
darkened hallways, peeling walls,
dank basements, and communal
toilets of the tenements in which
his characters are forced to live. In
these inhuman surroundings, his
protagonists struggle and love and
fail and endure with will and
violence and passion." They often
end in madness, self-delusion or
despair, but not before striking
out against whatever has oppress-
ed them.
Hot Land, Cold Season is a
novel about one of the most
important problems facing Puerto
Rican youth on the U.S. mainland
today: the problem of identity. It
is a story about a young Puerto
Rican named Eduardo Marin who
left Puerto Rico with his parents
as a child, grew up in the ghettos
of New York City, and returns to
the island ten years later upon
graduating from high school. In
spite of his long stay in New York,
Eduardo arrives in Puerto Rico
secure in his identity as a Puerto
Rican. After a short stay, he
discovers otherwise. The Puerto
Rico he encounters is not the
Puerto Rico of his childhood
memories. San Juan is a decadent
city of tumbledown buildings and
prostitutes whistling on the street
corners, of fancy hotels and

casinos, of thousands of North
American tourists in search of fun
and games. His town, Caramillo, is
also a painful disappointment. But
what hurts Eduardo the most is
the realization that because he
lived in New York for so many
years and because at times he has
difficulties speaking Spanish, he is
not accepted as a Puerto Rican.
He is called an American, a gringo,
a Yankee. To his older brother he
poses his dilemma: "If I'm an
American, a gringo, a Yankee
down here, and up north I'm a
Puerto Rican, a spik, what in hell
am I really, Jacinto? Who am I?
And where do I belong." In the
end Eduardo realizes that he does
not belong in Puerto Rico, that
"there are people and places that
you have to say goodby forever."
Tired, sick, disillusioned, Eduardo
returns to New York City.
With the exception of the two
bibliographies, the books reviewed
here are addressed to Puerto Rican
students on the mainland and to
the general reading public in the
United States. Area experts might
do well to get the bibliographies,
but can certainly do without the
others. Of these some can be of
value to Puerto Rican students
and the uninformed; a couple of
little use, if any. If I had to decide
on the use of these books in a
course on Puerto Rico and Puerto
Ricans I would proceed as fol-
lows: I would definitely assign the
books by Piri Thomas and Pedro
Juan Soto, the book by Byron
Williams if the course was of an
introductory nature and the stu-
dents unfamiliar with Puerto
Rican history, and a couple of
sections of the book by L6pez. I
would certainly not use the
collection of essays by F. Cordas-
co and E. Bucchioni. As for the
"documentary" history by Kal
Wagenheim, I would have it placed
on library reserves and assign a
few of the selections in the book.
But I would not ask my students
to buy it for it is not that good,
and in its present form (available
only in a cloth edition) is too
expensive for the average main-
land Puerto Rican student. *



BLESS ME, ULTIMA. Rudolfo A. Anaya.
Ouinto Sol. 1974. $3.75. The story of the
growth of a Chicano boy.

VO. 62 pp. Crisis (Buenos Aires), 1973.

Gardiner. Greenwood Press, 1974. $10.00. A
reprint of the 1958 edition.

Greenwood Press, 1974. $14.00. A reprint of
the 1960 edition.

General Works

ed. Fideler Co., 1973. $9.28.

THE BARBADOS BOOK. Louis Lynch. 262
pp. Coward, McCann & Geoghegan, 1973.

E. Poppino. 385 pp. Oxford U. Press, 1973.

CARIBBEAN LANDS. John P. Augelli. 200
pp. Fideler Co., 1973. Surveys the geography,
history, people, culture and industries of
Central America and the islands of the

REPUBLIC. Selden Rodman. Davin-Adair,
1974. $8.95. A new revised edition. A
standard guide to Haiti.

LATIN AMERICA 1972. Thomas A. Howell,
et als, editors. 278 pp. Facts on File, 1973. A
comprehensive survey of new developments in
Latin America and the Caribbean during the

LATIN AMERICA 1973. Lester Sober, ed.
263 pp. Facts on File, 1974. $7.95. Records
the history of Latin America and the
Caribbean area during 1973.

LIFE. Arno Press, 1974. $15.00. A reprint of
the 1920 edition.

Geraldo Rivera. 64 pp. Parent's Magazine
Press, 1973.

Elizabeth Sutherland Martinez. Doubleday,
1974. $4.95.

Geography and Travel

Rand. 276 pp. Charles Scribners, 1973. $8.95.

CUBA IN PICTURES. Nathan A. Haverstock
and John P. Hoover. Latin American Service,
1974. $2.00.

REGION. Lee Opreko. 44 pp. Frederik M.
Bayer, 1973. $3.00.

SAN JUAN. Albert Manucy and Ricardo
Torres-Reyes. 94 pp. Chatham Press, 1973.

Boudreau. 80 pp. Scrimshaw Press, 1973.
$3.75. Describes the tribes, mines, flora,
fauna, climate and trails of this region.

Dorothy Shuttksworth. Hastings House,
1974. $5.95. New revised edition.

History and Archaeology

PERU. Frederick P. Bowser. 439 pp. Stanford
U. Press, 1974. $16.50.

Robert Ryal Miller. 68 pp. American
Philosophical Society, 1973. $2.50.

MEXICAN STRUGGLE 1845-1850. Milton
Melzer. Knopf, 1974.

TO RICO. Federico Ribes Tovar 589 pp. Plus
Ultra Educational Publishers, 1973. $3.95. A

(1767-1883). Eli de Gortari. Sepsetentas
(M6xico), 1973.

TORICO. Richard M. Morse. Sepsetentas
(M6xico), 1973.

de las Casas. Northern Illinois U. Press, 1974.
$25.00. Translation of the 1552 edition first
published in Latin.

Morales. 166 pp. Academy of American
Franciscan History, 1973.

NA. Antonio de Solis y Rivadeneira. 408 pp.
Porrua (M6xico), 1973.

RIALES DE MEXICO. Edmundo O'Gorman.
342 pp. Porrua (M6xico), 1973.

SURINAM 1788. Simon Cohen, translator.
258 pp. American Jewish Archives/KTAV
Publishing House, 1974. $15.00. A reprint of
the 1788, French edition.

BAZAINE. Genero Garcia. 1416 pp. Porrua
(M6xico), 1973.

CANAL PROJECTS. Gerstle Mack. Octagon
Books, 1974. $22.50.

Magallanes. Tiempo Nuevo (Caracas), 1973.

Daniel Varcarce. 222 00. Mejia Baca (Lima),

tor Von Hagen. Atheneum, 1974. $10.95.

IN GUATEMALA. A Ledyard Smith. 42 pp.
Addison-Wesley Pub. Co., 1973.


BRASIL. Luis Alberto Musso Ambrosi. 168
pp. Inst. de Cultura Uruguayo-Brasilefio
(Montevideo), 1973.

OGRAPHY. Mary Lombardi. Indiana U.
Press, 1974. $15.00.

OGRAPHY. Wilbur A. Chaffee, Jr. and M.
Griffin. 62 pp. Institute of Latin American
Studies, U. of Texas, 1973.

Arno Press, 1974. $22.00 Reprint. First
published in 1929.

C.R. Oct/Nov/Dec Page 47

14q I


Art, Architecture, and Music

WORKS IN ENGLISH. Aubyn Kendall. 115
pp. Institute of Latin American Studies, U. of
Texas, 1973.

TRADITION. Selected by Pierre Aprazine. 64
pp. American Federation of Arts, 1973.

Rodman. Doubleday, 1974. $4.95.

Language and Literature

Harris. 108 pp. Faber & Faber (London),
1974. L.70. A novel about confrontations and
tensions in a Guyanese setting.

Walter Lowenfels, ed. 352 pp. Vintage Books,
1973. $1.95.

ELQUI. Marie-Lize Gazarian Gautier. 145 pp.
Crespillo (Arg.), 1973.

LETTERS. Drewey Wayne Gunn. Scarecrow
Press, 1974. $5.00.

Octavio Paz. 282 pp. U. of Texas Press, 1973.
$8.50. Presents the author's sustained reflec-
tions on the poetic phenomenon.

MEXICANA. Adalbert Dessau. Fondo de
Cultural Econ6mica (Mex.), 1973.

LAST NOVEL. Lowell Dunham. University
of Oklahoma Press, 1974. $2.95. Appendix
includes 3 different versions of 1 chapter
from Gallegos, Tierra bajo los pies.

NOVEL. G.C.H. Thomas. 263 pp. Columbus
Publishers Ltd. (Trinidad), 1972.

SEVEN LONG TIMES. Piri Thomas. Praeger,
1973. $7.95. The author of Down These
Mean Streets talks about his arrest for armed
robbery and his time spent in jail.

Eduardo Ord6iez. 26 pp. Plus Ultra (N.Y.),
1973. $2.75. A Puerto Rican folk tale.



Anthropology and Sociology

Simmons. Arno Press, 1974. $37.00. A
reprint of the author's thesis in 1952.

Oderigo. Plus Ultra (Arg.), 1973.

Eleanor Rogg. Federal Legal Publications,
1974. $5.95.

ORGANIZED CRIME. Francis A. J. lanni.
Simon and Schuster, 1974. $7.95. The author
attempts to show how organized crime is
incorporating blacks, Cubans and Puerto

CULTURE. Wyatt MacGaffey and Clifford R.
Barnett. Greenwood Press, 1974. $16.75. A
reprint of the 1962 edition.

pp. Mejia Baca (Lima), 1973. $3.60.

Grillo G6mez. 200 pp. Sfntesis 2000
(Caracas), 1973.

Bedregal. 215 pp. Mej(a Baca (Lima), 1973.

CAN. Arno Press, 1974. $30.00. A reprint of
the 1933 edition.

Clinchy. Arno Press, 1974. $14.00. Originally
presented as the author's thesis in 1954.

EUDEBA (Buenos Aires), 1973.

David Horton Smith. 169 pp. Lexington
Books, 1973. $13.00.

Kibbe. Arno Press, 1974. $18.00. A reprint of
the 1946 edition.

Research Associates, 1973. $8.00.


Page 48 C.R. Vol. VI No. 4


409 San Francisco

Plaza de Col6n

Old San Juan

Til 10 p.m. Mon. to Sat.
12 Noon 'til 10 Sunday

El Etmartal. n r.

mKoINTO nun atr
8AM JUAN, P. I. n00o

TIONAL CHANGE. Alfredo Castaneda, et als,
eds. Arno Press, 1974. $24.00.

STATES. Arno Press, 1974. $26.00. A reprint
of the 1908 edition.

MEXICO. Kimball Romney and Romaine
Romney. 150 pp. Robert E. Krieger Pub. Co.,
1973. $3.75.

CANS. Marvin Harris Norton, 1974. $1.95. A
reprint of the 1964 edition.

BOUNDARIES. 135 pp. U. of New Mexico
Press, 1973. $3.95. U.S.-Mexican environ-
mental problems.

Tenison. 272 pp. Charles Scribners, 1973.

Martin Sagrera. Editorial Azteca (Buenos
Aires), 1973.

PERU 1930-1932. Jos6 Antonio Encinas. 252
pp. Mejia Baca (Lima), 1973. $6.00.

IN NEW MEXICO. Carolyn Zeleny. Arno
Press, 1974. $21.00. Presented as the author's
thesis in 1944.

LATIN AMERICA. Alexis U. Floridi and
Annette E. Stiefbold. 108 pp. Center for
Advanced International Studies, University of
Miami, 1973.

BAHAMAS. Colman J. Barry. 582 pp. St.
John's Abbey Press, 1973.

CHICANO MOVEMENT. Francisco J. Lewels.
Praeger, 1974. $15.00. A study in minority


AMERICA LATINA. A. P6rez. 165 pp.
ALIDE (Lima), 1973.

James E. Austin. Praeger, 1974. $22.50.

CENTRAL AMERICA. J. David Morrisy.
Praeger, 1974. $15.00.

Alberto Viladrich Morera. 98 pp. Universitaria
(Chile), 1973.

SUBDESARROLLO. Carlos Acedo Mendoza.
440 pp. Fondo Editorial Comin (Caracas),

ECONOMIC MUNDIAL. Anibal Pinto and
Jan Kiakal. 191 pp. Inst. Relaciones Perua-
nos, 1973. $3.00.


MS. Richard S. Eckaus. 430 pp. North-
Holland Pub. Co. (Amsterdam); American
Elsevier Pub. Co. (N.Y.), 1973. $34.75.
Studies of the Chilean economy.

Daniel Jey Baum. Praeger, 1974. $16.50.

Claude Jonnard. 320 pp. Noyes Data Corp.,
1973. $24.00. Details investment and political
conditions in all the Caribbean countries.

and Robert LaPorte, Jr. 469 pp. Vintage
Books, 1973.

TINO. Rogue M. Ferraro. Plus Ultra (Arg.),

DE VENEZUELA. Salvador de la Plaza. 75
pp. U. Central de Venezuela, 1973.

AMERICA. Simon Gabriel Hanson. Green-
wood Press, 1974. $20.00.

Thomas J. La Belle, editor. Latin American
Center of the University of California, 1974.

OF FARMING. Walter Larden. 320 pp. Blaine
Ethridge Books, 1974. $17.50. A reprint of
the 1911 edition.

1120 pp. U.S. Dept. of Housing and Urban
Development, Office of International Affairs,

Tullis. 120 pp. Brigham Young U. Press,
1973. $2.00.

GUYANA, 1838-1960. Jay R. Mandle. 170
pp. Temple U. Press, 1973.

URUGUAYO. Seigbert Rippe. 315 pp.
Fundacibn de Cultura Universitaria (Monte-
video), 1973. $3.00.

zation of American States, 1974. $5.00. A list
of the latest data available on export taxes,
custom duties and other import levels, general
and special taxes on goods and services of the
Dominican Republic 1967-1970.

Arno Press, 1974. $25.00. A reprint of the
1923 edition.


ALLENDE'S CHILE. Kenneth Medhurst,
editor. 202 pp. St. Martin's Press, 1973.

LIBERACION. Enrique D. Dussel. 228 pp.
Garcia Cambeiro (Arg.), 1973.


BRAZIL, 1900-1935. John W.F. Dulles. 603
pp. U. of Texas Press, 1973. $12.50.

Perales, comp. Arno Press, 1974. $16.00. A
reprint of the 1948 edition.

Maxwell. 289 pp. Cambridge U. Press, 1973.

REVOLUTION. F.A. Hoyos. Macmillan,
1973. $4.50. Traces the way in which Sir
Grantley Adams and other West Indian
leaders actively promoted the West Indian
SOUTH AMERICA. Jean-Pierre Bernard.
trans. from the French by Michael Perl. 574
pp. Penguin, 1973. $3.95.

LAW. Arno Press, 1974. $20.00. A reprint.

IN GUYANA. Ralph Prendas. 36 pp. U. of
Denver, 1973. $2.00.

Burling. 326 pp. Academic Press, 1974.
$11.50; L5.40. With a special chapter on
Latin America.

James L. Bussey. U. of Arizona Press, 1974.

Martin Sagrega. 160 pp. Edil (Rio Piedras,
P.R.), 1973. $1.75.

LaTorre y otros. 99 pp. Ediciones Sargazo
(Sto. Domingo), 1973.

C6mpora. EUDEBA (Buenos Aires), 1973.

TION IN CHILE. Paul M. Sweezy and Harry
Magdoff. 169 pp. Monthly Review Press,
1974. $7.50; L3.25. A collection of articles
from the independent socialist magazine,
Monthly Review, about Chile.

pp. Center for Strategic and International
Studies, Georgetown University, 1973. Panel-
ists' findings recommendations, and com-
ments on relations between Russia and the

James D. Theberge. Center for Strategic and
International Studies, Georgetown University,

Ernest B. Fincher. Arno Press, 1974. $19.00.

Linclon Maiztequi. 275 pp. Fundaci6n de
Cultura Universitaria (Montevideo), 1973.

CRISIS ECONOMIC. Vivian Trfas. 65 pp.
Banda Oriental (Montevideo), 1973.

Renner. Center for Latin American Studies,
U. of Florida, 1974. $5.00. Deals with the
involvement of the U.S. Government and
Latin American universities.

C.R. Oct/Nov/Dec Page 49

C'onltued from Page 8
bers tantd the others. The new
President is Peltei Morgan. Minister
ot Iourism of Biarhados. The
Minister, a hotelier by career, was
the first CTA President in the
early Fifties. He allchws him nelt to
be thrown ino t, the brc-ah opened
by the unexpected itlhdra.wal
from tile poi-t Co Carlos Diago, the
numlberl two man i of Puerto Picoc's
Itourislm. There. Diago is ne-eded
by headman Roberto Bouret :at
the Tourism Devel.opment 'Com-
pany to effect transformation of
the chief regional model from a
decade o f diinltegratti\e fantasy
tourism into a healthy, imore
indigenous model.
The workhorsee of CTA(' hox-
ever, Iecomes Jim Pepperdine. the
ne\\ Execuitive Director. Pepper-
dine. a St. Thomas hotelier w hho
migrated from the mainland.
e.lrlier this year ga\e up tihe
custoar'y t\w o-term post as Presi-
dent of the Caribbean Hotel Assn.
He is a pl.roimotiilon man wlhL h1as
dealt successfully with the travel
industry. It is likely that hie will
operate with loose constraints
from his directors who regard him.
together with Minister Morgan. is
having \ stepped in to save the
orIgani zt ion. Pepperdi one's pre-
decessor did not last a year.
Heading the Caribbean Hotel
AssNn., an offspring rf CTA in the
earl. Sixties. is one of the
charismaticc people in Caribbean
tourism. He is English-born Jack
Cold known best Is operator with
his wife of Sign Great House. Five
miles off the bea ch ait Montego
Bay. Sign w\\th 24 rooms is
reported to make money in exery
month of the year and might well
be the most successful hotel in the
Caribbean. Gold in 1972 launched
CHA's Small Hotels Ad is ,ry
Council in the face of the growing
industrialization of the region'is
hotel sector. A maverick \who, t\ o
years ago made front-page news inll
the trade press for his blast at the
chain operate ions, G;l has
emerged :as tht industry's "canl-
do" mai, thanks to the peripatetic
effectiveness of his SH.AC troupe.
It \was enough to make Gold's
Pa,]: 0 -- C.R. -VO /l No. -1

el'ctionh iln June thick year inev!ita-
ile. It u as also 'noiiot ih to heilp
Pepperdine during Ils two year's :s
'IHA President to pick up on the
,growing enthusiasm of the region
fra' the small hotel concept. It w\as
an eye-opener that lets Pepperdine
talk not\ about wanting to do
something to help the \\est
There is a third organization,
the C'aribbean t['ourism Reseirech
Centre, in Barbados. ThIis one is
ilne and begins operations just at
the end of 1974. Its Exec'iiti\e
i)trector, the Barbadian foreign
affairs specialist Jean Holder, now\
tries out his skills on tourism.
(-'TRC c,'omes into being in res--
ponse to an axtwareness within tihe
region that the tourism is not
healthy and to xw ork i ith Carib-
heain governments to get a handle
on it. .-\s cLncei\ed it recognizes
that the problem has not been so
much in the analysis of Car-ibbleaun
tourism. hut rather in the absence
of iany mechanics m whereby the
'egion might deal \ith the prob-
lem in a context broader than that
of tourism alone. CTR("'s funding
for the first three years was
assured when after Caribb)ea n
governments had put iup earnest
money, the balance came from the
foundations sector on the strength
of the representation that an
institution was needed to act as
intermediary step to allow the
tourism policies to be trans-
formed. The hope ha:s been that a
development perspective caln le
applied to tourism: that the
deci-ions might be locally engen-
dered rather than shaped hy the
imperatives of industrial society.
Diago's departure was the tery
expression of the need. Puerto
Rico's tourism,. a Latin version of
Miami Beach. had inherited
Ha iuna's mantle as host to
naughty nights in the Tropics. The
Condado beachfront had become
a high-rise concrete \\all. The
places were heaviily indebited as
the result of a confidence that in
high-fantasy leisure lies the future.
It ,as tourism seen as the reward
ut industrial labor, one more of its
products. The re\a .'rd becomes

fully part of the system that
supplies it. It is just a looser thing,
the industrial product, at the
leisure end. less controlled, less
mlan aged, more rernoved fro in
reality, more dlebased. Puerto Rico
had come to iboast that Niss
Uniiner'se w oul d replace Publo
Casals as thie island' image.
Management of the tourism had
become absurldly outI of focus. It
%\as for everything but the \well-
being of the guest. Thle guests
stopped returning. Travel agencies
began to dry up as a source. It had
become tourism by press agentry.
Puerto Ricans \\ho ho.l grown
used to the indignity of it inowj
;saw it disintegrating and demand-
ing their attention. It was time to
haive to approach the cultural
( oneern \was expressed during
the recent 23rd General Meeting
of the CTA in Martinique, less
about Diao's departure, than
w\itli the oirganizaltionaii vacttuum:
who would take over? As one
chief of state interceded with
Bouret by phone, and Minister
Morgan himself flew in mid-meet-
ing to Puerto Rico to plead the
case for another year for Diago,
the meeting at the leridien
tinifolded its program. Oli-ier
Sti ri, the French Secretary of
State for Overseas Departments &
Territories. had begun it with a
statement about not wanting any
concrete walls in lMartinique. But
that fundamental level of sensi-
ti ity to island development didn't
seem to m-ove the audience. They
were some 300, the largest turn-
out yet for a CTA meeting.
Official government people made
up about an eighth of the
registration. The rest in the main
were hoteliers, advertising people,
tour operators, travel agents,
speakers, spouses, hotel reps, air-
line people.
A highlight of the presentations
consisted of graphic looks at new
tourism developments on the
island of Canccin off the Carib-
bean coast of Mexico. and at
Palmuas del M ar. a 2,700-acre
resort 47l miles southeast of San
Juani., Puerto Rico. In Cancuin

there will be just lllder 2,000
rooms on an island of less than
four square miles, mostly a 17-
mile beach strip. Club Mled,
Holiday Inn, larriott, Braniff-
Bancomer will be there; abLout
3.500 beds in all. At a year-round
occupancy of 80 per cent that
means just over one million tourist
nights in Cancin. In nearly
Cancun City, connected by bridge.
a town of 15.000 has emerged by
1974 from the 117 people who
lived there two years before. The
town is being planned to Ibe
dependent on the resort island
over the bridge. The $10-million-
plus jetport is on the mainland. It
is the essential tourism enclave
offered as most advanced product.
It is planned: it is done in the
name of Development.
Equally' "state of the art" is
Palmas, the Sea Pines resort in
Puerto Rico. Though only anl
hour's drive from San Juan. "inl
terms of character and feeling, it is
closer to Portofino, Marbella, or
St. Tropez," says the brochure.
And further: "The Villages of
Palmas del Mar are being designed
to recreate, in a lush tropical
setting, the vitality and charm of
centuries old European hill villages
and Mediterranean seaside re-
sorts." And a candid reflection:
"In many ways, Palmas del Mar is
an anachronism to Twentieth
Century life a place so removed
from the problems and frustra-
tions of the urban environment
that its fascinating blend of
beauty and leisure mu st be
sampled to be truly understood."
In the hall of the government
assembly the "oh's" and "ah's"
are the acclaim of the travel
industry. These are projects worth
admiration and applause. These
are the places we all want to go to.
This is the Caribbean \e can really
Inevitably, Bouret's refusal to
let Diago stay on makes the choice
Peter Morgan. By the time the pro
forma vote is taken among the
delegates, the meeting has heard
from economist Nornman Rosen-
berg, a consultant to the new
directions of Puerto Rico's

tourism. There may now be
Palmas, a more leisurely phase of
industrial reward after the Con-
dado. But the experience has been
clear. Rosenherg says: the tourism
must be organized in terms of
domestic development policy. It
must be rationalized with agrictnl-
tural policy; with solutions to
problems of urban drift; with the
necessity to preserve tlie cultural l
glue of the community. The new
move is for the dispersal of tlhe
tourism, the creation of a system
of "paradores Puertorriqueiteos" -
small inns, restored plantation
houses, adapted church structures
- modeled on the paradolr of
Spain, plugged into the local
A delegate from Curacao qutes-
tions Puerto Rico's turning toward
the small hotel. Our economists
tell us. says the delegate, that the
small hotel is finished: only the
hlgh technology job is marketable.
Replies Rosenberg: I'd re-evaluate
my economists if I were you.
Gold. CHA's new President.
tells of the prospect of hotel
failures in Jamaica where occupan-
cies are running in the 40 per
cents. The government of Antigua
tells that the winter season is only
three months away and there is
still no decision from Pan Amn
whether the ailing air carrier will
resume its long-time service dis-
continued earlier this year. This is
before reports in the U.S. that
there will be no government
subsidy. At the same time. several
eastern Caribbean states face tlhe
prospect of the coming season
with the parent company of their
principal air carrier having gone
bankrupt in the U.K. And in the
U.S. Virgin Islands, touri-m re-
mains depressed.
There are bright spots in the
regional tourism Haiti, Atluba,
the Caymani Islands. Venezuela
Which becomes the first mainland
member of CTA in many years).
Pepperdine, everyone feels, will
mox e quickly in the marketplace
to make tile right connections
with tie trade. Everything to ibe
coaxed out of the industry will
likely respond to his enthusiasm.l

('HA. President Gold. a showman,
will generate much 'fa orable space
in the trade and consumer pres:s
thil Caribbean's tioulrism will enjoy
smell good assiiciationls.
Peter Morgan, how ever, has
picked iup on the message. He
Introduces the kiey resolution of
the meeting. "Be it resolved." he
reads, "that concurrent upon
several adverse reports received at
this present annual general meet-
ing, the Caribbeane Tourism Re-
search Centre be requested to
convene a meeting of tLourlismn
authorities, hoteliers, government
finance officials. trade unions,
international and national devel-
opment finance agencies. airlines
and other interested parties to
assess the present financial status
of the Caribbean tourism industliy
to investigate \whether tourisnl is
belog used to tile fullest extent in
the development of agricu ltural
and manufacturing industries and
to initiate such action as may be
found necessary as a result of the
The meeting ends after five
days. Diago is returned to San
JuIan. Oddly, the Puerto Rican
experience, though central to
much of the discussion, goes
largely undiscussed. There is the
gentlemen's agreement that we do
not talk about the other person's
troubles. It is something new these
past few years that Caribbean
realities can be introduced into
Caribbean tourism. Yet somehow
the lesson is not yet learned. This
is part of the palpable message of
the sessions.
The prospect beings to emerge
that it takes a sufficient history
with the tourism before anything
can be done about them. Puerto
Rico's experience has been devas-
tating. Much new searching goes
on. In Jamaica a new policy is
readied to follow indigenous em-
phases already introduced piece-
meal. In the Bahamas for the first
time a Bahamnian is being readied
to take the post as Directoi of
Tourism. In the U.S. Virgin what
the chief tourism official Ilas
referred to as "'la economic
catastrophe" the o\er\whelming
C.P. Oct, No-.'Dec Page 5i

dependency on tourism moti-
vates a search for economic
alternatives in this mono-crop
In Barbados the rate of growth
has been slowing. It is the "next"
of the major Caribbean destina-
tions in magnitude of its growth.
Policy alternatives have come
under study. The Minister is not
only in charge of Barbados
tourism and now CTA President.
He is also Chairman of the region's
new Tourism Research Centre.
There had been a question: what
would be the first undertaking of
the Centre? Would the Centre go
off into market research how to
get more tourists? Or would it
inquire into how to reorganize the
tourism to meet regional objec-
tives? The question had been
asked, would it be possible for an
institution organized to look at
tourism to become anything but
the instrumentality of that
The Minister has said he accepts
the CTA post for one year. His
home ground, Barbados, has been

chosen for site of next year's CTA
meeting. There are Caribbean
initiatives brewing at Caricom and
the Caribbean Development Bank.
Cuba reappears. Haiti, Dominican
Republic, Puerto Rico, Venezuela
seek new links with the Common-
wealth Caribbean. New cooper-
ative initiatives are begun in
regional food planning, in energy
production and distribution. The
art, dance, music, theatre, cinema,
poetry of the region establish
themselves among the Third World
and metropolitan communities.
Where the region finds its strength
is where it shapes its future from
its own resources.
One can imagine that within
another year it will become
apparent that for an escapist
tourism to flourish there must be
a willingness on the part of host
societies to be escaped into. They
must hide themselves from the
tourists lest the visit be affected
by the local reality. It will be an
increasingly difficult position to
Caribbean tourism from the

Second World War into the early
Seventies has been the argument
of industrial ideology. Tourism is
the measure that the system
works, we have been able to argue
in the North. We have invested in
the tourism of the Tropics
through our development institu-
tions because we have known we
would have to escape into the
places we have financed for
ourselves. The prospect for Minis-
ter Morgan would seem to be to
understand the relationship of
questioning going on in the
Caribbean to questioning going on
in the industrial states. Perhaps it
is to focus less on what we have
come to know as tourism and
more on what can happen when
we ask how can the presence of
the visitor at leisure in our places
nourish our objectives? What are
the moves we have to make to
organize such tourism? How
shall we offer them in the
Wherever it's at will be visible
come next September in Bar-
bados. *



By Herbert L. Hiller

In place of "The Caribbean Guide" as it has iegularlv appeared, we want to talk
about what happens when tourism happens in the Caribbean. What happens when
some six to seven million people each yeai come into the Caribbean and the
Bahamas at leisure? What is that relationship all about? What kind of a thing is it
to think about'
The new guide emeigeF from the kind of travel analysis we will offer The guide
will talk about travel in the Bahamas and the Caribbean trom the point of view of
the domestic policy toward having visitors. We will look at the policy as a guide to
what kind of experience is being encouraged for the traveled. Is it an experience
isolated fiom the place where it happens7 Is the vacation ambience likely to be one
of fantasists escaping into the Tropics from Industrial Society? Is the experience
integrated with the place? Am I likely to be among others experiencing the scale
and pace and mood of what goes on thele?
The editorial bias here is toward the integrity of places and toward travel as an
experience to help us sort ourselves out. those who travel as well as those who are
traveled among.
The guide entries will be up-dated as policies change or as the travel expel icnce
seems generally to change even in the absence of policy shitt.
We will not initially deal with such things as prices, enfiy requirements,
geographic descriptions, so on and we may not get into it at all. This kind of
information is available in conventional guides. Some few places to stay, eat and
visit will be noted in particular. These will be places known to the writer. Readers
are encouraged to offer their own recommendations from experience, and indeed.
to comment generally on the content being developed through these reports.
Page 52 C.R. Vol. VI No. 4


This is one of ihe earliest rourisms ir the
Caribbean. begun as 3 series of enclave resorts
3nd probably having set this pattern for much
of the eastern Caribbean. The places are
almost all under 100 rooms, expatriate
owned. many charming, luxurious, and
convivial in their seclusion. The places hug the
hundreds of coves and beaches. An American
airbase folded after the World War and left
Anitgu3 with the makings of a modern ietport
at a time when only the well-to do were
traveling so Antrgua became available non
stop from New 'orvk. The tourism selected
Antigua more than Antigua has ever calcu-
lared a rational approach to produce eco
romic and social rewards from it.

A malaise haI sei in and the tourism has
fallen on hard times. In Antigua, this has to
be politically disquieting. Recent moves in the
touism administration bode better, and the
prospect '; at hand for more serious inquiry
into he ongoing relationship benveen An-
tigua and its tourism.
Gregarious experiences are to be had ar

Darcy's at the Kensington Court where the
local town scene is displayed in flourishes.
This is in St. John's, the capital. The cuisine
and brew are salubrious, and the place is
altogether too local to tolerate an atti-
tudinalized sullenness which has marked too
much of the travel experience on the island.
The streets outside are wide, the commerce of
the town active. It is too bad the tourism is so
cut off from it.
Perhaps the veil of English mannerisms has
allowed it to be accepted that the tourism
should occur in such a way. Among sandy
enclave coves there is a leisure acting out for
Northern escapists, marked by occasional
sightseeing to colonial landmarks. One is
aware that much is being missed from the
experience, lost benefits.


This is the commercial success of Caribbean
tourism. On a superb stretch of beach just
about all the hotels are strung out. There is
ample public access and the scene is shared
along the waterfront by Arubans and visitors
alike. But apart from the typical use of local
nomenclature to name the bars and night
clubs, it is a tourism removed from local
contact. It seems strange it should be so here
where the domestic prosperity, education and
liking for North America make it so easy for
the visitor to interact with the resident
There are smaller hotels, less formal than
those modeled on Miami Beach and San Juan.
The island is rich in its archaeology, birdlife,
landscaping, geology. There is a community
feeling about the island politics. There is a
history of economic well-being. There is an
awareness and development of the unique
Indian heritage.
One is left with the feeling of some quirk
wherein what is local is deemed insufficient;
that the fantasy constructed for the visitor,
though funny in so many ways, is nevertheless
something to be serious about. As if to say,
okay, if that's what they want, we can do that
just the way we can do most anything. It is
too bad the Aruban competence is not more
closely perceived by the visitor. But it is not.
Outstanding is the seafood cuisine at
Trocadero in Oranjested, hub of the tourist
area. First-rate cuisine, too, at the Pensi6n
Antillano in San Nicolas, the city with its oil
refinery which supplies most of the island


These hundreds of islands ranging from north
of Hispafiola and arching northwesterly to a
latitude off Palm Beach, Florida, must be seen
as several tourist areas. There is Freeport on
Grand Bahamas Island: the tourism man-
made, fantastic, non-Bahamian, touristy.
There is New Providence Island which offers
three versions in itself: a broad-based enclave
for the rather well-to-do on Paradise Island;
the traditional charms, though somewhat
congested, along Cable Beach; the decayed
yet vibrant bustle of Nassau. And there are
the Out-Islands where the experiences are
governed by one's hosts in close relationship
to the natural and cultural surroundings.
This is the classic economy dependent on

tourism, and hardly anywhere is the evidence
so accumulated as to what it means. Here
perhaps as nowhere else the need is to
reorganize the tourism in terms of national
objectives, to find how to get a handle on this
phenomenon which for so long has been
encouraged out of mythic belief in its
propensity to bring good fortune to those
who serve it. It is seen differently now and
processes of reorientation begin.
In the meanwhile, the experience is
ambiguous. What makes it uniquely its own,
particularly in Nassau, is that the very history
of tourism is inescapably part of what one
realizes while there. It suffuses all and all
includes shopping, a spectrum of entertain-
ment, gambling, sightseeing, beach-going, golf,
and on and on. It does not suffuse, however,
the Three Queens Inn, redolent and reward-
ing of the local cuisine.


So long favored for its diminutive scale, its
decorum, sophistication and beaches, Bar-
bados tourism today paradoxically attracts
both the well-to-do and the air-charter
tourists. How you find the place depends on
how you've known it. The charm is still to be
had though it requires greater selectivity
today than once. An impetuous romance with
low-end charter tourism has produced num-
bers among visitors but dismays planners with
a lowering net return to national coffers.
The approach is always rational and the
tourism is likely to be reorganized to draw
more strongly again from the upper end of
the market. In the meantime, Barbados
remains a center of Caribbean affairs, a locus
of West Indian culture, though with hardly a
hint of it all exposed to the visitor. In hotels
and restaurants you can get the other kind,
but a good Bajan meal is hard to find. It is
definitely worth looking for though, making
private arrangements. And in any case, there's
the succulent fried kingfish prepared by the
vendors along Baxter Road in Bridgetown,
available on the street late in the evening.
The widest range of accommodations
available, friendliness, a Caribbean pallette of
colors in an orderly environment. And a
reliable bus service to get you everywhere
while among people who will converse


Bonaire offers among the happiest of vacation
experiences in the Caribbean, off the coast of
Venezuela, under-populated, quiet, and offer-
ing a stunning assortment of unusual things
easily experienced. It is such a place where
picnicking always seems the appropriate thing
to do while touring an island distinct in its
birdlife, its reefs, its protected wilderness.
The wildlife birds, the cactus and related
flora of Washington National Park, the salt
flats, picturesque inland villages, all offer the
stuff of tours and impromptu discoveries.
There are also the beaches and reefs, as fine as
to be found, and free not only of crowds but
often of people. Though still much off the
beaten track, there are nonetheless several
fine local eating places one thinks
particularly of Sujo's and Zeezicht, the
former inland, the latter along the sea.
The Bonairean is easily met, helpful,
friendly. The capital of Kralendijk is a

comfortable place to walk, to have a snack or
meal, to pick up food for picnics, to have a
sense of the scene. It often seems there are
unusually few people in town. With a land
mass about two-thirds that of Barbados,
Bonaire's population is about 1/25th -
around 10,000.
Hotels are mostly locally owned, few,
mostly small and informal, specializing in
clientele to the scuba crowd, Venezuelans, the
luxury trade, the budget-minded, the longer-
stays. There's a change of planes in Curacao
and worth the effort for the natural
marketing selectivity that occurs.


Eighty miles east of Puerto Rico, one mile
across the Pillsbury Channel from the U.S.
Virgins. A place largely dependent on tourism
yet unaffected by the big-time of it all. Small
hotels by international standards, individual,
informal for the most part, though there is a
British sensitivity to form. The diminutive
scale of the hotels reflects the pace of these
islands where there are only some small
towns, Road Town the administrative center.
Nothing overwhelms but the tranquility, the
scenic display, the sense that one is removed
from worldly hustle.
It may be because of a minimal air facility
on Beef Island, to where flights originate in
San Juan, the U.S. Virgins, and Antigua. As
elsewhere in the Caribbean, the extra flight
separates the seeker from the casual vaca-
tioner who is sieved out at the connecting
Still a Crown Colony, the BVI may be one
of the places that organizes its tourism in its
own self-interest. That can only vouch for the
interests of travelers as well. BVlslanders, by
the way, work at jobs in the U.S. Virgins with
a result that U.S. currency is official here. So
is familiarity with U.S. ways. The under-
standing seems to yield a host who interacts
amiably and in the interests of guests from


The appeal of Grand Cayman has been its
quietness, the friendliness of the people, and
the beach. The people have been industrious,
sailors to the world; there is no unemploy-
ment. Nor has there been anything much to
do at home, retail and distribution trades plus
fishing, house-building. The economy has
been dependent on remittances.
The traditional supports are changed. It is
now tourism, offshore banking, land specula-
tion. What made the earlier hotels agreeable
despite lack of air conditioning, mosquitoes
and the like was the ambient tranquility. The
small scale of development inescapably
brought the visitor and Caymanian together.
Specialization and organization by in-
dustrial values are ascendant now. The easy
ways become aberrant. "Modern" is in vogue.
Culture becomes quaint. As it changes to
become like the rest, the place demands
comparison. The primacy of its selfness is
given up.
Larger numbers come, more building
comes on, the tone of what was is gone.
Those who come for the quiet can fly on to
Cayman Brac or Little Cayman, just enough
of a small-plane hop to separate those who
buy the image and therein put it to an end,

C.R. Oct/Nov/Dec Page 53

from those who move on and start the process
The beach remains The Beach, just as the
cuisine at the Tortuga Club remains memo-


The Revolution is not likely to be undone by
tourism. There may already be in the order of
10,000 a year or more who come to visit at
leisure. Mostly Canadians and eastern Europe-
ans, some come also from the Commonwelath
Caribbean. Their holidays seem to emphasize
more the Tropics than the socialist com-
munity. There seems to be a predisposition
toward an enclave tourism, not to bring the
Cuban too closely in touch with the visitor.
There are rules of behavior to be observed by
the visitor, neither to indulgenor offend the
Cuban. It seems a tourism of distance, of
It is not yet the tourism of the seeker, the
inquirer into Cuban society. One imagines the
numbers interested to visit are considerable,
that the numbers which might be encouraged
could be limitless. It is a question of the
revolutionary expression. Can it be under-
stood by the visitor? Does the visitor become
an instrument of foreign policy? Does a
political intervention occur through the
tourist returning home? Does Cuba become a
laboratory through which to validate alternate
experiences in Northern society?
Here is the largest land mass of the
archipelago, inheritor of an historic culture,
proximate to the mainland, easily able to
offer the Tropics in this time of inflation and
limited leisure dollars at rates clearly out-
competing the rest of the region.
There is no way Cuba can compete with
the rest of the regional fantasy. But on her
own terms, given an understanding of the
tourism interaction as medium, Cuba may
choose to give up the simplistic enclave
approach to adopt a new and radicalized
tourism based on the integrity of the


As tourism in the Caribbean has developed,
this once most popular destination has
languished. Where once the shopping in
downtown Willemstad, the capital, was a
prime appeal, as destinations have become
more competitive, tours more massive, stand-
ards generally less marked, the earlier appeal
of Curacao's architecture, friendliness, and
favorably priced luxury merchandise have
become less substantial attractions.
Why does one visit Curacao? It is the
political, urban and cultural center of the
Netherlands Antilles, chief link with Holland,
historically a merchants' community and
significant in the affairs of North and South
America as well as the Caribbean. These are
not the normal Caribbean tourist attractions.
It is perhaps the European character of
Curacao of Willemstad in the main which
so differentiates the experience. It is the
Tropics, but with a xeric topography and an
industrious population.
Yet the depth of life here seems to escape
the visitor. In a more efficient than
thought-out policy, the traveler's experience

Page 54-C.R. -Vol. VI No. 4

is shaped by modern hotels and shopping, and
but for the charm of downtown, the essence
of the place is largely kept removed.
To enjoy Curacao, one needs to shape
one's own experience here, to seek out the
Curacaolanean, to be assuring of your interest
in the place. The scene is intense, inter-
national, full of prospect. It becomes a
fascinating place to visit as one comes to
know it. It is obviously the basis for a highly
differentiated tourism.


One of the more difficult places to get to
from outside the Caribbean, Dominica by its
isolation offers a vacation experience ungov-
erned by fantasy, imports, and the stress of
industrial technology. It is an outdoors place;
the attractions are the scenery jungle,
forests, waterfalls, rivers, geologic oddities -
and the people among the scene. Dominica is
a spectacle; verdant, mossy, sparsely settled.
One becomes aware of finding oneself as a
being in nature.
The hotels are individual expressions,
some locally owned, nothing larger than 60
rooms, most around 10 to 30. There is little
pretension; it is hardly a place anyone would
build a hotel except to attract a visitor
compatible with a host's standards. Most are
in Roseau (several simply commercial places),
the capital, or in the near outlying areas. All
are at least an hour from the airport which
further provides a buffer for those who
already appreciate the place and those others
likely to find out about it.
Cuisine is local, often well prepared,
sometimes superbly, as by Millie Toussaint at
the sometimes open, sometimes closed Spring-
field Plantation.
Dominica's tourism can only benefit by
more visitors who come in response to the
kind of place it is. It is not soon likely to be
overrun, yet the added numbers can benefit
the economy, given the absence of leakage
among foreign exchange earnings.


Second largest land-mass among Caribbean
states, the Dominican Republic has never
made it as a tourist place. Politics has
overshadowed natural and historic attributes,
and there has been minimal encouragement in
the post-Trujillo era. Reflecting the lack of
policy, Dominican tourism experiences come
in a wide assortment but paper-thin in
organization, uncertain in performance. Hos-
pitable people and an abundance of local
content nevertheless make the visit worth-
while for the traveler who seeks experiences
on a per-person rather than mass basis.
Local seafoods, beef and produce com-
bined with respect for Hispanic traditions,
cultural integrity and relatively low prices
make the Dominican experience affordable
and a part of what happens to any visitor
whether in the capital of Santo Domingo, at
the resorts of La Romana, the north coast, or
the mountains. Dominican sophistication is
pre-plastic; the resident population is en-
countered on a person-to-person basis. The
capital is redolent of the smells, full of the
sights sounds and motion of a cosmopolitan
city made up of accumulated neighborhoods.
The accommodations include a range from
bloated elegance to guest houses, with rustic

lodges and correspondingly informal small
hotels in slumbering resorts. A pair of hotels
at La Romana are in the top league of
Caribbean places, offering fullest amenities
and recreation, yet integrated into the life of
the neighboring sugar community. Lina's sets
the international standard for in-town cuisine.


One of the beautiful places, each of its
hostelries distinctive, each characterized by its
own architecture. The place has not yet been
geared to "smile" at the tourist or otherwise
to become cute or pandering. It may be
because the overseas tourism apparatus
doesn't regard Grenada with particular favor:
it's difficult to get to, which is to say, it
requires a change of plane unless you're
traveling from Trinidad & Tobago, or St.
Vincent to the north. (The neighboring
Grenadines, to the north, require still another
change of plane.)
Yet despite this relative remoteness and an
intermittent political abrasion related in the
overseas press, visitors continue to come to
Grenada. The island, now an independent
state, is self-supporting in its food-stuffs. One
senses the higher standard of living here
among the islands of the Windwards &
Leewards. This may account for the lessened
sense of economic gap between traveler and
resident national. It is, in any case, easy to be
at home in Grenada.
This absence of heavy tourism has left the
place with much of its own flavor fully
available to the visitor. Nutmeg, mace, cocoa,
limes, bananas are chief crops. One of the
favorite places of the Caribbean to sample the
local cuisine is here, at Ross's Point Inn just
on the road south of St. George's, the
beautiful harbor capital, en route to the
Grand Anse, one of the Caribbean's finest


The experience is quiet, French-creole, scenic.
There is room to move about on (680
square miles), and a range of differences
between the twin islands of Grand-Terre
(where Pointe-a-Pitre is, the largest city) and
Basse-Terre (site of the capital of the same
name). Hardly yet discovered by tourists, the
islands of Guadeloupe may nevertheless
quickly develop their appeal and take on
some characteristics, facilities, attitudes, of
the more developed tourist destinations.
It is most French on Grand-Terre, more
rustic on Basse-Terre. Several island depend-
encies of Guadeloupe offer still fainter
metropolitan and stronger Caribbean flavors:
lies des Saintes, Marie-Galante and La
Desirade. St. Barthelemy (St. Bart's) is island
home to some 2,500 descendants of early
French settlers. French St. Martin, half the
island shared with Dutch Sint Maarten, is also
part of the Departement of Guadeloupe.
The grander scenery is on Basse-Terre to
the west. A fine Creole hostelry is operated as
a hotel school here and accommodates guests,
Relais de la Grande Soufriere. Most of the
hotels are on Grand-Terre where L'Auberge
de la Vieille Tour enjoys a worldwide
reputation for cuisine and charm (in Gosier).
Creole meals are easily found throughout
Guadeloupe. Hotel accommodations range
from simple and often tasteless on the one
hand, to international style, on the other.

There is much to choose from that is local
and well done.


Favored by cognoscenti, flavored by all things
local, savored by increasing thousands each
year, Haiti offers an unduplicated vacation
milieu. The inventiveness, vigor and sophisti-
cation of the Haitian seem to be the product
of generations of self-reliance and isolation,
least influenced by the outside world in
modern times, most characteristically authen-
tic. Everywhere the Haitians are there seems a
larger-than-life presentiment of the Haitian
experience. One seems to experience every-
thing here more fully, often in paradox
among surroundings of ongoing collapse
supported by inner vigor.
The experience is marked by a range of
everything one is likely to encounter. Haiti is
altogether a fervent expression of its culture.
There is no veneer to rub off. Though
experienced in tourism since the early
post-War period, Haiti accommodates visitors
in a variety of hotels almost all locally owned.
There is a formality which bespeaks more a
genuine regard for form, style and comfort
than of standardized rules of dress and
routine. The rules are those of hosts
appropriate to their houses. It is a place where
one chooses one's hotel by its personality and
likely returns on another visit. It is a place
best for those who are rewarded by the
integrity of the places they find themselves.
There opens a world of museums and galleries
but where art is everywhere. Perhaps nowhere
do visitors so easily meet others in friend-
Beaches are not easily reached from any of
the hotels, and driving demands skill and
endurance. The Haitians organize tours well
to show off their myriad historic attractions.
Their religion, food, music, dance, art and
architecture are inevitably part of the
vacation experience. In Port-au-Prince, just on
the road up to Petionville, is the Select, a
restaurant which offers the best of local

Eat at the only
West Indian dinner
restaurant in the West Indies

Creole Dinners
Gordon Town

7:30 and 9:30 pm sittings
Friday to Sunday

cuisine at reasonable prices.
Tourism is becoming more important to
Haiti economically. Here if anywhere it seems
possible the larger numbers can be absorbed
without serious detriment to the Haitian sense
of self-identity. Who can tell?


So well-known among Caribbean resorts,
Jamaica is largely unfathomed by tourism.
Almost half million a year come and go home
again busily comparing their experiences with
those of others they know who've gone.
Jamaica is one of the places many people talk
about but few experience. It is the tradition
of the travel business that no one really wants
more than a soupcon of local culture, and
Jamaica's tourism administration has succeed-
ed uniquely in using the tourism apparatus to
The paradox is that Jamaica is its own
society, experimental in the Caribbean and
becoming more so. There is a sense that
solutions to contemporary life are to be
found among contemporary energies. While
there is official doctrine that visitors are
encouraged to meet with Jamaicans, it is
essentially a middle class experience, while
Jamaica's individuality is more the expression
of the unadapted.
What tourism does express here is among
the best to be found in the Caribbean: charm,
imagination, hospitality, diversity. Jamaican
food is available everywhere except, unfortu-
nately, at almost all the hotels. In Kingston,
I.P.'s Catering Establishment is particularly
Just about everything for a tropical
vacation is to be found in Jamaica and for
every state of consciousness. It may be also
the place which first learns to express itself in
its tourism without loss of economic gain yet
with the realization of social objectives.


Montserrat is Montserrat, the mood of the
tourism a reflection of how Montserratians
see themselves. The island is diminutive (11
miles x 7, midway between Antigua & St.
Kitts 27 miles from each); no hotel tops 50
rooms and there are fewer than 400 on the
island, mostly owned by local people. It is
common to encounter Montserratians in all of
them, as several of the places comprise much
of the social scene for the islanders
There is no sense of separation here, you
as the visitor from the resident population.
There is no choice but to accept the place as
it is. Vacationers find themselves touring the
countryside, visiting the bubbling volcanic
fissures, walking in the port of Plymouth, the
capital, lying on the beach, engaging in some
light sport.
Tourism has not changed the place. None
of its hang-ups are experienced. The beaches
are everyone's; we tend to meet each other
here in our most agreeable behavior. It helps
that there is no direct service from metro-
politan points of origination; a change in
Antigua is necessary. It is easily worth it to
anyone who enjoys a local scene and cuisine.


The most advanced of Caribbean tourism,
Puerto Rico reflects in San Juan and the

neighboring sections the contradictions of the
industry's development throughout the
region, just as it has served as a model for
their extension. Urbanized, highly technical,
intensely competitive, suffused with fantasy.
This is the heart of mass tourism in the
Caribbean, inevitably the place most in mind
among discussions of the regional tourism
prospect. This is where the tourism business
just a few years ago became so "successful"
that economically and culturally it separated
itself from its surroundings. It has confirmed
an alienation reflected elsewhere in the
Yet for the all the glitter first imported
here to the pivot point of the Caribbean from
Miami Beach and Havana, there exists the
hinterland, largely unaffected by tourism, as
if hidden by the giant frontal billboard of
"the strip." Here in the outlying areas a new
tourism is being organized. Not only is it a
reflection of indigenous values, but of change
in time, of new marketing perceptions based
on cultural change in the North American
marketplace. This is the tourism of "parado-
res," inns fixed in their local milieux,
openings to the heritage.
Nor do the gaudiness and gambling totally
neutralize the culture and the charm of older
sections of the urban area. Old San Juan is a
pungent flow of neighborhoods, much in
favor by sophisticates and degenerates alike.
It is for all of it one of the most vibrant
municipal expressions in the Caribbean.


These three islands, in the northeast Carib-
bean, comprise the Windward Islands of the
Netherlands Antilles. Saba and Sint Eustatius
(Statia) see among the fewest tourists in the
region. St. Maarten, on the other hand, is
what happens when tourism happens without
a governing policy.
St. Maarten is tourism's frontier town in
the Caribbean. Much of anything goes. Pick
your fantasy. The gambling is there; the
glitter; the transplanted tourist successes from
Miami Beach and the Catskill Mountains. St.
Maarten is what happens when for a time the
tourism is "in" and then when it starts to fall
"out." It is the glamour treatment, the
fantasy lived on the beaches. The economy is
based on the tourist. Perhaps more than any
other place, this is where one has the feeling
the tourist is fair game; he comes bringing the
Yet there are a number of fine small
hotels, attentive to their returning clientele.
On nearby Statia and Saba, small is also the
standard, small and local. Both islands have
been naturally protected by their inaccessi-
bility. Statia now experiences a boomlet;
Saba, with a population of about 1,000,
remains a rock of tranquility. On these two
smaller islands the visitor appears as a guest.


Some 250 miles east southeast of San Juan,
St. Kitts is site of this tripartite state from
which Anguilla, to the northeast, is in a de
facto state of separation. Tourism has had
only minor impact throughout the three
islands. While the mainly favored hotels in St.
Kitts are for the most part removed from the
capital of Basseterre, there exist a few in-town

C.R. Oct/Nov/Dec Page 55

places characterized by West Indian hospital-
ity, cuisine, and mood.
With the exception of one small chain
property, each is individually owned and
reflects the character of the proprietors, some
local, some expatriates. They range in mood
from informal but sophisticated to modest
and well-run, and good vacation buys. The
same is true of Nevis and Anguilla, except
that the latter is still more casual and
Holidays are for being at the beach,
sightseeing, and the least sophisticated enter-
tainment but usually amidst much conviviali-
ty. St. Kitts & Nevis are particularly beautiful;
all three are tranquil.
All three islands require connections from
trunk points: Antigua, San Juan, or the
U.S. Virgins.
Perhaps nowhere than among these three
islands is the visitor more considerately
regarded and the population more responsive
to such policy.


The beauty of St. Lucia is offered in the
marketplace as a last unspoiled place in the
Caribbean. The message would seem to imply
that this place is specially different from the
others. It is different in that for the most part
the commercial aspects are subordinated and
the visitor easily finds himself in enclave
environment, the glorious natural surround-
ing of the island as a backdrop.
But it is not different in its-subordination
of domestic priorities to presumed attitudes
of the marketplace. St. Lucia is a prime
Caribbean example of the expatriate mentali-
ty in possession of the tourism. Hotels offer
services in the grand tradition of Europe;
others in the common popularity of today's
mass tourism. Still others, in the mode of
middle-class American standardization. The
choice is all there, except the St. Lucian
In Castries there are several guest houses
which bring the visitor closer in touch with
the St. Lucian scene; a few first-rate local
eating places as well. Outside of the capital
and the surrounding beach areas, the only
tourist accommodations are to be found in
Vieux Fort where a new jetport mainly
supports one of the least attractive tourism
places of the region.
There is in St. Lucia a mood of things
unknown, as if something lost in memory by
which yet we move. Sad and beautiful,
remembering only in sleep, inaccessible
through the tourism.


Due west of Barbados some 70 miles, the
experience here for visitors is as open and
uncomplicated as is likely to be found
anywhere. The technology of industrial
tourism has passed the place by, mainly
because of an airport which accommodates
only smaller-than-jet aircraft. A blessing for
those who take the time to come.
Proprietors of accommodations for visitors
here are hosts; visitors experience themselves
as guests. Such rules as exist are sensible by
Vincentian standards. Informality is the key
as innkeepers will convey you to town, to the
airport, talk to you about anything you want
to know and happy to do it. There is
surprising sophistication among the hotels
here, including digs for the cosmopolitan set

Page 56-C.R.-Vol.VI No. 4

nevertheless free of hassles. The Haddon
Hotel in Kingstown offers choice West Indian
cuisine, good enough that West Indians
regularly stay here while on the island.
St. Vincent is a natural delight, offers an
active volcano, rare bird and tree-life, broad
agricultural plains, mountains, greenness
everywhere. Beaches are best in the Grena-
dines (though there are some black sand
beaches on the mainland of St. Vincent)
where sea sports are a diversion for those here
for untrammeled leisure.


Tourism is a minor matter for Trinidad, and
therein the stimulation of the experience. To
be in Trinidad is to be suffused by the place.
Wherever one walks or travels, the life of
Trinidad is apparent. Whether it is to sample
the roti or delight in the architecture which
spans time and world influences. The pace in
Port-of-Spain is quick; one senses the
international relevance of what goes on here.
The countryside is full of unique attractions,
not the least the variety of cultures and
enterprise. Neither the least, the Caroni
Swamp and its scarlet ibis, and the pitch lake.
One realizes how little of the inner life of
Trinidad is understood from news reports of
its politics. Its leadership position in the
Eastern Caribbean helps put the visitor into a
state of mind that what goes on here is not so
much "less than" as "different." The
experience is its own and to be recommended.
Learning can take place.
Virtually all the hotels are away from the
beaches. They range from luxurious to
threadbare. Much is local but not particularly
distinguished by way of accommodations.
There is a local cuisine for each of the
population heritages, though not as easy to
find as might be imagined.
Tobago depends on tourism for much
employment and earnings. It is tranquil,
mesmerising in its beauty share and among
offshore islets, as well as in the water at
Bucco Reef. Hotels range from the budget to
luxury. Beaches are palm-lined and un-
crowded. The need to fly in from Trinidad
effects a gentle restraint on the growth in
tourism despite the universal enthusiasm for
vacationing here.


Lying as the easterly extension of the
Bahamas, and roughly equidistant between
Miami and Antigua, these islands are new to
tourism with perhaps not more than 200
rooms among their 166 square miles. Their
beaches are surely among the finest many
spectacular made more attractive by the
absence of any appreciable number of visitors.
Here one feels remote, explorer. The islands
are flat, here and there slightly hilly and with
caves along Middle Caicos. Across the wide
Caicos Bank, some 60 miles of water less than
a fathom deep, fishermen catch crawfish and
a wide variety of seafoods, and along the
banks of the Turks grouping as well.
Accommodations are in the main modest,
well integrated with their environment, and
charming. There is some greater sophistication
to be had, as well as experiences in
air-conditioned concrete block motel struc-
tures. Island seafood cuisine is outstanding at
the Turk's Head Inn, and as well as the Mt.
Pleasant Guest House on Salt Cay (the only

source of accommodations here, with five
These are places for people drawn by
water activities, love of simply prepared
seafoods, and quietude. Hardly anywhere else
are meal guests likely to exclaim, "What!
lobster again? "
One flies in from Miami non-stop to Grand
Turk and on to South Caicos (whence
non-stop to Miami again). Also from Port-au-
Prince via Cap Haitien.


Here the tourism has been most favored in the
Caribbean. The duty-free exemption is $200
for returning U.S. citizens, double that from
anywhere else. These islands of St. Thomas,
St. Croix and St. John are also part of the
American political entity; there is less bother
for Americans to go here than most other
places. The beauty of the islands and their
collective aspects allow for much diversified
vacationing. Water sports, outdoor living,
quiet retreat socializing, golf, tennis -
virtually the range of holiday experiences is to
be enjoyed.
But the islands have suffered also from the
absence of any long-range tourism planning.
This is a reflection of an altogether anomalous
administration of the U.S. Virgins wherein
since their sale to the U.S. by Denmark early
this century a malaise has crept in and grown
to overwhelming magnitude. It is the strange
child of too much politics, too little exercise
of democracy, the truncation of heritage. It is
as if this century's accumulated administra-
tion has been an activity separate from the
basic interests of the general population. Yet
much of the population works for Govern-
ment. It is a place where the native-born have
become simply one of many interest groups.
One can picture a place governed by
Quickly grown great in its tourism, the
U.S. Virgins by its collapse is one of the
places that has marred Caribbean tourism
imagery. In the Caribbean, this is the same as
affecting worldwide recognition. Vacationing
here among these islands reflects much of the
intensity of Caribbean experience. *

PASANGGRAHAN is located in a quiet
lush tropical garden on the beach of
Philipsburg, the free-port capital of
Dutch St. Maarten. Each of it's 21
attractive double rooms with private
baths have overhead fans and optional
air-conditioning. The kitchen is famous
for a great variety of well-prepared
international dishes. Total informality
sets its West Indian atmosphere. Estab-
lished in 1958 it is still St. Maarten's
biggest little bargain and repeat visitors
are the best salesmen for the hotel. Write
or cable PASANGGRAHAN, St. Maar-
ten. Represented in North American
cities and Puerto Rico by The Jane
Condon Corporation.


Control Buttons: Rewind
and Fast Forward allow
you to quickly go to the
segment of the Standard
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control the entire machine.

Monitor: Unique Feature
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turn on Monitor and
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"Break-In" feature lets
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Built-in Microphone:
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Automatic volume
control, prevents


Announcement Record: Easy
one-step operation records
your message with end of
announcement "Tone". "Instant
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announcement in seconds,
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Announcement Test:
Convenient feature lets
you playback your
recorded message for
Auto Answer:
Automatically answers
the telephone and starts
your message on the
first or second ring.
Playback: Allows you
to hear incoming
messages recorded
on the Standard
Cassette Tape.
Pilot Lamp:
when machine is
turned on.



The new Sanyo Telephone Answering System that answers a
problem when it answers your phone. And gives hours of entertainment as a
Cassette Tape Recorder/Player to help you forget your other problems.


Take it slow

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