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 Material Information
Title: Caribbean Review
Physical Description: Serial
Language: English
Creator: Latin American and Caribbean Center, Florida International University
Publisher: Latin American and Caribbean Center, Florida International University
Place of Publication: Miami, FL
Publication Date: 1974
Copyright Date: 1980
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Source Institution: FIU: Special Collections
Holding Location: FIU: Special Collections
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Resource Identifier: oclc - 1553369
System ID: UF00095576:00023

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Table of Contents
    Front Cover
        Front Cover 1
        Front Cover 2
    Table of Contents
        Page 1
    Front Matter
        Page 2
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
    Main
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
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        Page 11
        Page 12
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        Page 29
        Page 30
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        Page 33
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    Back Cover
        Back Cover 1
        Back Cover 2
Full Text

















I






THE BRITISH

IN THE CARIBBEAN
by Cyril Hamshere
-4 ------- -


"Who the first English-
man was to arrive in the Carib-
bean or visit South America
is not certain. It is possible that
there were English or Irishmen
among the motley crews of
Columbus, but if there were,
their names are unknown."
So begins one of the most
exciting accounts of the


history of British experience
in the Caribbean from the
sixteenth to twentieth century.
Cyril Hamshere's fast-moving,
illustrated narrative depicts
the great Tudor seamen
Hawkins, Drake, and their
successors during the age of
colonization.
At better bookstores for $12.95


Harvard University Press
Cambridge, Massachusetts 02138










In this issue...


Hydrospace and the Law of the Sea, by Lyden O. Pindling. The Prime Minister of
the Commonwealth of the Bahamas examines the various proposals now being
debated at the Law of the Sea conference in Caracas, Venezuela, and expresses
the Bahamian hope that an acceptable regime of the Sea will emerge allowing all
countries to work in cooperation rather than in confrontation. Page Six.

Oh, Those Amazon Women! by Sara Weiss. The old legend about a race of
women who lived apart from men and who engaged in the masculine pursuit of
war is traced back to its origins in 16th century accounts. Sara Weiss teaches
anthropology at Florida International University. Page Eleven.

Creeping Mexicanization, by Dale Truett. An analysis of the 1973 Mexican laws
to regulate foreign investment and the transfer of technology. The laws presume
that in the future Mexico's industrial base will be owned and controlled primarily
by domestic interests who will negotiate with foreigners for the processes and
knowhow they need to obtain. Dale Truett directs the Division of Economics and
Finance at the University of Texas (San Antonio). Page Nineteen.

National Dances of the Caribbean and Latin America, by Peggo Cromer. A
photo-essay by well-known photographer Peggo Cromer surveys national dances
of our area. Page Twenty Six.

Casa de las Am6ricas, Whose Home?, by Florence L. Yudin. Fifteen of the
literary works awarded prizes by Cuba's government-run publishing house, Casa
de las Americas, are explored to discover whether their content is sufficiently
illuminating to educate the curious. Florence L. Yudin heads the Department of
Modern Languages at Florida International University. Page Thirty Three.

Poem I, by O.R. Dathorne. A poem by the well-known Guyanese writer. Page
Thirty Eight.

Bahama Watching, by Aaron Segal. The Bahamas celebrate one year of
independence July 10, 1974. This article reviews eight works that help us
understand the process by which the Bahamas became independent. Aaron Segal
teaches government at Cornell University. Illustrations by Bahamian cartoonist,
Edward A. Minnis. Page Forty.

The Sting! by Patrick M. Catania. Will there be a coming land boom in the
Caribbean and Latin America? Real Estate Broker, Patrick M. Catania, tells us to
be careful of whose advice we get on that question. Page Forty Four.

Recent Books, by Neida Pagin. Caribbean Review continues to introduce its
readers to new books about the Caribbean, Latin America, and their emigrant
groups. Page Forty Seven.

The Caribbean Guide. Caribbean Review helps Caribbean travellers to and within
the Caribbean become acquainted with where to stay, what to see, and what to
eat. Page Fifty Three.

The cover photo of Mexican dancers is by Peggo Cromer.















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cArBBEAN rEIE
-Cf July/August/September
One Dollar Twenty-Five
Vol. VI No. 3




Editors:
Barry B. Levine
Joseph D. Olander
Associate Editors:
For the English Speaking Caribbean:
Basil Ince
For the French Speaking Caribbean:
Gerard Latortue
For the Spanish Speaking Caribbean:
Olga Jim6nez de Wagenheim
For Central AmBrica:
Ricardo Arias
Editors-at-Large:
Ken Boodhoo
Celia Ferndndez de Cintr6n
Herbert Hiller
Anthony P. Maingot
Aaron Segal
Managing Editor:
Jos6 Keselman
Assistant Editor:
Susan Sheinman
Business Manager:
Joe Guzmdn
Public Relations:
Jack La Mont
Executive Administrator:
Denise Robicheau
Art Director:
Andrew R. Banks
Photo Editor:
Joel I. Kandel
Bibliographer:
Neida Pagan
Translators:
From the Dutch and Papiamentu:
Ligia Espinal de Hoetlnk
From the French and Creole:
Marlene Z6phirin
From the Spanish:
Adela G. L6pez
Caribbean Review, a quarterly journal dedicated to the Caribbean,
Latin America, and their emigrant groups, is, published by
Caribbean Review, Inc., a corporation not for profit organized
under the laws of the State of Florida. Mailing address: Caribbean
Review; P.O. Box 650037; Miami, Florida 33165. Editorial Office:
Caribbean Review Editorial Office; College of Arts & Sciences;
Florida International University, Miami, Florida 33144. Unsolicited
manuscripts (articles, essays, reprints, excerpts, translations, book
reviews, poetry, etc.) are welcome but should be accompanied by
a self-addressed stamped envelope. Copyright 0 1974 by
Caribbean Review, Inc. All rights reserved.
Subscription rates: 1 year; $5.00; 2 years; $9.00; 3 years: $12.00.
Air Mail: add $2.00 per year. Payment in Canadian currency or
with checks drawn from banks outside the U.S. add 10 percent.
Invoicing charge: $1.00. Subscription agencies please take 15
percent.
Back Issues: Vol. 1, No. 1, Vol. ILI, No. 1; Vol. VI, No. 1, out of
print. All other back numbers: $2.00 each. Wicrofilm and
microfiche copies of Caribbean Review are available from
University Microfilms, A Xerox Company, 300 North Zeeb Road,
Ann Arbor, Michigan 48106.
International Standard Serial Number: PRISSN 0008-6525;
Dewey Decimal Number: 972.9 800.
Page 4 C.R. Vol. VI No. 3


LETTERS



TO THE



EDITOR





POVERTY AND THE VALUE STRETCH



Dear Sirs:
I want to belatedly express my pleasure at the
thoughtful review of my book (Lower-Class Families:
The Culture of Poverty in Negro Trinidad, Oxford
University Press) by Ronald G. Parris in a past issue
of Caribbean Review.
Unlike most reviewers he has noted the basically
economic explanation that I have used, and also the
use of the perspective and categories of the people I
studied. There is one clarification, however, that I
would like to make. I did not mean to imply that
Blacks lack the creativity to achieve mobility. In my
book there are numerous examples of the creative
cultural responses that Blacks have made to
conditions of adversity and poverty. Now it is true
that the book does not elaborate upon the
"Moynihan" and "Banfield" question of whether the
cultural adaptations to poverty subsequently hamper
people from taking advantage of economic oppor-
tunities. But in the book and elsewhere I have
emphasized the importance of the "value stretch"
among the poor. This refers to the existence of both
middle-class and lower-class values among the poor -
the existence of a wider range of values in many areas
of life. Thus, the simplistic position that the poor
have merely abandoned middle-class values for a
unique set of lower-class values is unwarranted. With
the presence of middle-class values, the poor can take
advantage of real opportunities.
Finally, I urge others to heed Parris's suggestion
that my major thesis be pursued into other areas. As
Parris says: "Are such (alternate) patterns confined
merely to the relationships the author investigates? I
will think not. This leaves a wide realm of social
phenomena that could be fruitfully explored..." My
colleagues and I are pursuing these ideas in the area of
educational and occupational aspirations. I look






forward to seeing similar explorations in other areas
and to hearing from readers who are undertaking such
explorations.

Hyman Rodman
The Merrill-Palmer Institute
Detroit, Michigan 48202



TOURISM AND TRAUMA



Dear Sirs:
If tourism is not to destroy political and economic
growth in the Caribbean, the psychological problems
connected to the tourist industry must be defined
and then dealt with in a forthright manner.
We in the Caribbean have been left with very real
problems of: 1) a virtually non disciplined and fast
growing young population which is anti any kind of
authority (over 60% of the population in Trinidad is
under thirty); 2) a mass of people in senior,
influential positions (especially in civil services) who
have not been taught to make decisions and who, for
the most part can't make them; and 3) an increased
tourist flow with its concommitant social repercus-
sions. These problems, if they remain unresolved,
stand in the way of meaningful progress in the newly
developing Caribbean countries because they prevent
the leaders from leading (because they're too busy
trying to maintain civil order), the businesses from
flourishing (because they have tremendous produc-
tion problems) and the people from receiving their
full measure of human and civil rights (because
everyone's liberty is affected when they have to
suppress public meetings and stifle the press).
A major part of the inherited colonial pecking
order is colour. In Caribbean countries white was
(and still is in many countries) right, rich and remote,
in addition to whites (and near whites) being major
realtors, restaurateurs, resort owners, retailers, re-
ceivers, most generally in top administrative positions
and most importantly of all, firmly entrenched in the
owning and running of commercial banks.
The psychological effects of meeting, seeing,
hearing whites in these important positions con-
tinuously, of having most of the advertising media
projecting "white," have to be experienced to really
be believed. The psychological effects of continuous
exclusion from what is known to be the mainstream
of Caribbean development exert violently destructive
influences on the psyches of the black masses of
people. To these frustrating factors, add the influx of
tourists, with their different mores and behaviour
patterns, mix in the fact that most of these tourists
are white and you must come up with a boiling
cauldron. Do not forget to admit the widely believed


myth of black male sexual superiority and its
sub-conscious effect on white and black hotel and
guest house managers, administrators and the general
public and most notably the white female tourists,
and what we have in the Caribbean is a combination
of forces, all working toward social and economic
chaos, unless very drastic, unpopular action is taken
by some of the very same ex-colonials who have also
been conditioned by the old masters.
How do we start to halt the evolution? With
massive psychological and psychiatric testing for our
educators? How do we do this with North American
or English oriented testing facilities which have the
standard behaviour and social patterns of North
Americans or English people as their "norms? With
massive revision of educational material and teaching
methods? While our educators are teaching, where
will they find time and money for the revision? At
what age does the re-conditioning have most effect?
And while the law enforcers are dealing with that
section of the population which is resistant to adult
education and reconditioning, isn't their work being
undermined by the steady influx of Wang-Yu and
black-liberation from-North American-
English-repression movies and television?
Where do we begin when even the people who are
purportedly our most intelligent, most educated,
most erudite leaders are not aware of the
psychological aspects of ever growing tourism?' For
instance, I cite as an example, the setting up of a
management and productivity organization in one of
the newly independent countries where tourism is
almost the number 1 industry and means employ-
ment for many locals. Their object is to train people
who are already in top and middle management
positions to be professional. The first student
graduate they chose to address the assembly at
graduation was white.
One of the first market research studies of top and
middle management people in that community dealt
with persons by age, sex, national origin (local or
overseas), length of tenure, position, duties and
industries; but completely ignored the necessity for
market research of black/white top and middle
management people.
Consequently, we in the Caribbean have yet to deal
effectively with the tourist industry because we have
not defined the psychological problems nor set up
educational crash programs tp deal with those
problems. Until we do this, th'e very fabric of our
Caribbean society continues to be eroded. We must
wake up to these realities, though I have serious
doubts as to whether it is already almost too late.



Carol Taylor
Barbados, W.I.


C.R. July/Aug/Sept Page 5






















HYDROSPACE

AND THE LAW

OF THE SEA






By Lynden O. Pindling,
Prime Minister of the
Commonwealth of the Bahamas

The 10 week Law of the Sea conference has and will
have profound significance for The Bahamas and this
Hemisphere in the years to come. The basic position
of The Bahamas on the Law of the Sea was stated in
the White Paper on Independence.
"The Commonwealth of The Bahamas has no
known natural mineral resources and so the resources
of the sea assume special importance for the
continued economic viability of our Country. In
consequence, matters relating to the Law of the Sea
will have priority among those issues commanding
attention immediately following Independence.
"The main issues confronting The Bahamas are: (a)
the extent of territorial waters; (b) the extent of
national jurisdiction over the seabed; and (c) the
defense implications of both.
"The Bahamas Government will strive to have the
archipelagic principle applied in determining its
territorial sea. It will seek to claim sovereignty over
the closed waters, dividing them, according to
location, into internal waters and territorial waters in
order to gain exclusive rights over fisheries and
mineral exploitation and to extend the law to cover
all persons, acts and events, including forms of
pollution not now covered by international conven-
tions. The Government will also seek, under
international law or by other means, to guarantee,
inter alia, free passage for foreign vessels in the
Page 6 C.R. Vol. VI No. 3


Prime Minister Pindling, Photo by Joel I. Kandel


designated sea lanes throughout the archipelago.
"With respect to the extent of national jurisdiction
over the seabed, the Bahamas Government is
considering the following options: (a) a continental
shelf boundary fixed at 200 metres by eliminating the
"exploitability" criterion in the Geneva Constitution;
(b) a boundary fixed at an isobath greater than 200
metres; (c) a boundary fixed at a reasonable lateral
distance from the coast; (d) the limits of the
continental margin in a geophysical sense; and (e) a
combination of any of these. The policy decision
which will emerge from these considerations will be
designed to gain the maximum area of seabed for The
Bahamas."
For many years these questions have been burning
issues around the world, until finally by resolution of
the General Assembly on the 16th of December,
1970 the United Nations decided ". . to con-
vene .... a conference on the Law of the Sea which
would deal with the establishment of a suitable
international regime, including the international
machinery, for the area and the resources of the
seabed and the ocean floor and the subsoil thereof
beyond the limits of national jurisdiction, a precise
definition of the area and a broad range of related
issues including those concerning the regimes of the
High Seas, the Continental Shelf, the Territorial Sea






(including its breadth and question of International
Straits) and Contiguous Zone, fishing and conserva-
tion of the living resources of the High Seas
(including the preferential rights of coastal states),
the preservation of the marine environment, including
inter alia the prevention of pollution, and scientific
research."
Before this, three major attempts have been made
to try to establish an international convention on the
width of the territorial sea. The League of Nations
sponsored a conference at The Hague in 1930. It
failed to produce anything conclusive but the
three-mile territorial limit received wide support.
The United Nations then sponsored two con-
ferences on the subject. These were in 1958 and 1960
but, again, both failed to establish a definitive Law of
the Sea. By this time, however, support had mounted
for a twelve-mile territorial limit. Upon the failure of
the Conference, many coastal states then began
taking unilateral action to protect their vital interests
in connection with the resources of the sea.
Up to 1970 opinion had become polarized between
two principal schools of thought. The "colonial"
school of thought held that the territorial sea should
be kept as narrow as possible and the area outside
these narrow confines be designated "high seas,"
which should be free for all to use and exploit at will.
It held that matters like fisheries conservation were
for bilateral or multilateral negotiations.
On the other hand, the "progressive" school of
thought held that the continental shelf, the seabed
and the sea above it constituted a single organic and
ecological whole, an ocean space, over the economic
resources of which, a coastal state should have
sovereign rights up to a reasonable distance depending
on the relevant geographical, geological and economic
conditions.
Since the failure of the 1960 U. N. Conference, a
development of the "colonial" school of thought has
been to extend to the coastal state the exclusive right
to exploit the economic resources of the sea on the
continental shelf up to a depth of 200 metres. On the
other hand, the practical result of the "progressive"
school of thought has been that many nations have
unilaterally extended their territorial limits or their
economic limits. The area within the territorial limits
was called the territorial sea and the area which
extended beyond the territorial limits but within the
economic limits was called the patrimonial sea.
Irrespective of the Conferences, Argentina and
other countries in this Hemisphere have proclaimed
200-mile territorial limits while Chile and other
countries have established 200-mile fishing zones or
economic limits. Canada has established a 100-mile
environmental control limit and has stipulated that its
jurisdiction over this area cannot be questioned by
the International Court at The Hague.
In addition to these de facto situations of relatively
large limits, there are several regional and multi-state
de jure agreements which support such claims. One is


the Declaration on the Maritime Zone of 1952, signed
and ratified by the Governments of Chile, Ecuador
and Peru. It proclaimed as a principle that each of the
signatories possess exclusive jurisdiction and sover-
eignty over the area of the sea, the subsoil and seabed
adjacent to their coastlines extending to a line 200
nautical miles from and parallel to the coastline.
Another is the Declaration of Montevideo on the
Law of the Sea of 8th May 1970, signed by
Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Ecuador, El Salvador,
Nicaragua, Peru and Uruguay. The third is the Lima
Declaration of Latin American States on the Law of
the Sea of 8th August 1970, which was signed by the
nine signatories of the Montevideo Declaration and
the following five additional states: Colombia, the
Dominican Republic, Guatemala, Honduras and
Mexico. These Declarations proclaim some common
basic principles of the Law of the Sea, including the
following: (1) the right of the coastal state to
explore, conserve and exploit the natural resources of
the sea adjacent to their coasts in order to promote
the maximum development of their economies and to
raise the standard of living of their population; (2)
the right of states to establish the limits of their
maritime jurisdiction at a reasonable distance, having
regard to the geographical, geological and biological
characteristics of the region.
Some of these principles were also accepted to a


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Foreword by
Wilfrid Sheed





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C.R. July/lugt/ept Page 7






large extent by the Afro-Asian Legal Consultative
Committee on the Law of the Sea at its 12th session
in Colombo, Sri Lanka, during January 1971. In their
recommendations, they stated: "The majority of
Delegations indicated that a State had a right tc
economic exploitation of the resources in the waters
adjacent to the territorial sea," and they expressed
support for "the right of a coastal state to claim
exclusive jurisdiction over an adjacent zone for
economic purposes."
The classic modern case, the recent Icelandic-
British fishing dispute, puts to the test the
"progressive" school of thought.


Prime Minister Pndng, Photo by Joel ande
Prime Minister Pindling, Photo by Joel I. Kandel


It arose in 1972 when Iceland extended her fishery
limits to 50 miles and her pollution jurisdiction to
100 miles all around Iceland. She sought to justify
her actions on the basis that it was: (1) necessary in
order to preserve fish stocks through conservation
measures; (2) necessary in order to plan national
utilization of the fishing grounds around Iceland; (3)
a progressive development of the international Law of
the Sea in order to secure a reasonable fishery limit
for a coastal state; and (4) necessary to prevent
pollution. Hence the so called "Cod War" between
Page 8 C.R. Vol. VI No. 3


Iceland and the United Kingdom, is of prime concern
to the Law of the Sea conference.
The Conference must also have regard to what has
taken place amongst the countries bordering the
North Sea. These nations have, between them,
divided up the North Sea, each one claiming exclusive
jurisdiction over specific portions of the Sea and each
is avidly exploring and drilling for oil and natural gas
below the bottom of the North Sea. The quest for the
mineral riches of the North Sea has now over-
shadowed the more mundane fishing dispute of the
Cod War and the continued search for oil will provide
added pressure upon countries to claim far-ranging
areas off shore as exclusively theirs for economic
exploitation.
The issues have thus become considerably more
involved than they were in 1960 and some observers
think that the Conference will not be able to resolve
them all, if indeed any at all. For instance, will the
Conference be able to establish an acceptable formula
for the acceptance of the archipelagic principle? A
common position has not yet been adopted by the
several proponents of the principle, the Philippines,
Indonesia, Fiji, Mauritius and The Bahamas. Neither
has any kind of a consensus been reached on the
vexing question of passage through what has
historically been accepted as international Straits.
One thing is certain, Russia and America are
apparently together on the issue of passage through
Straits as they maintain that uninterrupted passage is
absolutely necessary having regard to their security
and defense commitments.
Since 1960, a large number of countries have
inclined towards an acceptance of the twelve-mile
territorial limit and a reasonable economic limit
beyond it somewhat less than the two hundred miles
claimed by some coastal states. Canada, for instance,
may accept a twelve-mile territorial limit, and may
even accept the archipelagic principle but she is
known to maintain that only "innocent passage"
within those limits should be permitted and persists
in her assertion that any potential hazard to the
environment cannot be considered innocent. In
addition, she has co-sponsored with India, Sri Lanka,
Kenya, Senegal and Madagascar a draft article which
advocates "exclusive sovereign rights" to the living
resources of the coastal waters to a distance from
shore of 200 miles and preferential rights to the
resources of the sea beyond this point.
The Law of the Sea conference is also set against
the background of other events in the Caribbean and
in Latin America. The nations of the Hemisphere will
have been conditioned by the Document of Bogota,
the Document of Tlatelolco and the Caribbean
Community Treaty. The Document of Bogota was
proclaimed in Colombia in November last year. It
stated that: (i) "Latin America is aware of its new
situation which allows it to use and encourage the
elements of international co-operation as a support to
the necessary national efforts to accelerate its own






development, improve the economic, social and
cultural levels of its peoples and contribute to
universal peace and co-existence, pursuant to the
lofty objectives corresponding to a continent of
considerable economic potential, vast natural re-
sources and high human levels." (ii) "The increasing
and positive Latin American nationalism constitutes a
substantial element in Latin American unity and
implies the common will of strengthening its
personality and of jointly developing its historical
destiny, since it is a community of free and sovereign
states, with its own values derived from historic,
cultural and social evolution." (iii) "Economic and
social development is mainly the responsibility of
each of the Latin American peoples and imposes
upon the states integral, shared and solidary
co-operation as a necessary condition for their
effective progress." (iv) The several governments
concerned wished "to reaffirm their desire to reach
the objectives of integration and of an integral,
harmonic and self-supporting development, aiming at
the realization of the individual and of international
social justice." (v) Latin Americans wished to
"reiterate the need to intensify common action in
continental and world spheres so as to obtain the
establishment of just and equitable conditions in the
international economic structure. ."; and that (vi)
Latin Americans declared "that Latin America's
constant purpose is to intensify its action within the
context of the developing world so as to struggle
against the dependence which, in several ways,
opposes the just aspirations of its peoples intended to
eradicate once and for all the obstacles restricting and
conditioning the progress of their respective nations."
The Declaration of Tlatelolco, announced in
Mexico last March, laid the bases for a new dialogue
between Latin America and the United States of
America and founded it upon a footing of effective
equality between States, in which the interrelation-
ship should be based on non-intervention, on the
renunciation of force and coercion and on the respect
for the right of countries to choose their own
political, economic, and social systems. It added that
peaceful coexistence and cooperation for develop-
ment, shall constitute the parameters of the
interrelationship.
The Treaty establishing the Caribbean Community
was promulgated at Chaguaramas, Trinidad and
Tobago, in July last year and was confirmed and
expanded at Castries, St. Lucia last April. The
Caribbean Community will have three areas of
activity, namely: (1) Economic integration through
the Caribbean Common Market; (2) Common
Services and Functional Cooperation; and (3) the
co-ordination of Foreign Policy.
The Caribbean Common Market is an enlargement
of CARIFTA and would seek: (1) to establish a
Common External Tariff; (2) the harmonization of
Fiscal Incentives to Industry; and (3) the develop-
ment of Caribbean regional integrated industries.


Common Services and Functional Cooperation will
relate to the common services evidenced by the
University of the West Indies and the several
conferences on Health, Education, Shipping, and so
on. The third area of activity of the Caribbean
Community will be the co-ordination of the Foreign
Policies of all the independent nations in the
Caribbean region so as to maximise the impact of
small and relatively powerless states on their own
economic development as well as on their economic
dependence in relation to the outside world.
The Bahamas is taking part in the Caracas
Conference and hopes to make a meaningful


Edward Minnis, THE BEST OF POT LUCK, 1972


contribution to it. The implications for us are great
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the sea around our islands will be affected; our ability
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ocean floor will be affected and our ability to provide
adequate security for ourselves will be affected. It is
our wish to live in peace with all our hemispheric
neighbors. We will work hard to try to establish an
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work in friendly cooperation rather than in angry
confrontation. *


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OH, THOSE


AMAZON WOMEN!

By Sara C. Weiss


A European Conception of South American Amazon women


At the beginning of this century, the American
author Ambrose Bierce suggested the following
definition for the word Amazon: "One of an ancient
race who do not appear to have been much concerned
about woman's rights and the equality of the sexes.
Their thoughtless habit of twisting the necks of the
males has unfortunately resulted in the extinction of
their kind." Their existence in antiquity assumed, the
modern feminists wonder if somewhere even today
there still survive remnant populations of the fierce
female warriors after whom the great river Amazon
was named. As with the ancient legends, so today the
Amazons are thought to be a race of women who live
apart from men, who engage in that most typically
masculine pursuit of war, and who, conveniently, are
located far away in some mysterious and inaccessible
region where it is impossible either to prove or
disprove their existence.
Legends concerning Amazon women appear to
derive primarily from two sources: (1) Greek and
Roman accounts which involve a mixture of


mythology and reality, (2) accounts from the New
World, almost entirely stemming from a supposed
encounter with Amazon women on an expedition
down the Amazon River led by Captain Francisco de
Orellana in the 16th century. Beyond these, scattered
references in the anthropological literature indicate
that a number of aboriginal peoples in South America
possess legends describing mythical nations of female
warriors who live apart from men, although the
accounts are brief, vague, and to my mind they
parallel too closely the Old World accounts to be of
any special significance. They were all recorded after
the Europeans arrived in the New World, and most
were collected in the late 19th and early 20th
centuries.
The name given to the legendary race of warrior
women is said to derive from the Greek word
a-mazos, "without breast," because they were
supposed to have cut off the right breast to facilitate
handling of the bow. It is not at all certain that this
custom was actually practiced by reputed Amazons
C.R. July/Aug/Sept Page 11







1. 6bidos


2. "Land of the Amazons"

3. Battle with the Amazons
(June 24, 1542)
4. Manaus

5. Village of Aparia

6. El Barco

7. Zumaco

8. Quito

9. Guayaquil

10. Cubaqua


either in the Old or New World, and a modern
historian suggests instead that this belief refers merely
"to their unfeminine character in that they have
nothing to do with men."
The great Amazon River of South America was so
named by Captain Francisco de Orellana, who
claimed to have encountered Amazon women on his
voyage down that river in 1541-1542 A.D. Even
before Orellana made his famed voyage, stories of
Amazon women along this river were circulated
among the early Spanish explorers, although they
were received with considerable skepticism both in
Spain and in the New World. One of the early
chroniclers, Antonio de Herrera, was typical in his
reservations when he wrote: "In regard to the
Amazons, many have expressed the opinion that
Captain Orellana ought not to have given this name to
those women who fought nor have affirmed on such a
slim foundation that they were Amazons, because in
the Indies it was not a new thing that the women
should fight and draw their bows, as has been seen in
some of the Windward Islands and in Cartagena and
its neighborhood, where they showed themselves to
be as valorous as the men."
Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo, official chronicler
for the Spanish Conquest of the New World,
mentions stories of Amazon towns in and around the
province of Ciguatan in Western Mexico, including an
island off the Pacific coast and several mainland
locations, the southernmost of which was reported to
be ruled by a certain queen Orocomay. In each case,
however, his comments are vague, brief, and based
only on hearsay. For one of these locations, Nufio de
Guzman, who visited it, told Oviedo that the report
of its Amazon inhabitants was a blatant lie. In any
event, Oviedo admits that these "are unimportant in
Page 12 C.R. Vol. VI No. 3


comparison with what these men (Orellana's expedi-
tion) who came down the Marafi6n River (the
Amazon River) say is common gossip with respect to
the women whom these men call Amazons."
From what I can tell, all discussions of Amazon
women living along the Amazon River, from the time
of Orellana's reputed encounter until the present day,
are based ultimately on the report by Friar Gaspar de
Carvajal, a Friar of the Dominican order who
accompanied Orellana throughout the entire voyage
down the Amazon, and who served as the chronicler
of the expedition. Before turning to Carvajal's
information on the Amazon women, let me
summarize the events of Orellana's expedition from
beginning to end.
Gonzalo Pizarro, brother of Francisco Pizarro who
conquered Peru, was sent by the latter to Quito to
take charge of the city and a part of the province in
which it was located. From Quito, Gonzalo Pizarro
organized an expedition to go into the jungles to the
east in search of the Land of Cinnamon (La Canela)
and of the Indian monarch known as El Dorado. The
discovery of the Amazon River that resulted from
this expedition was merely an accidental by-product
and not part of the original purpose. Toward the end
of February, 1541, Gonzalo Pizarro left Quito with a
large force comprising some 4,000 Indians, 220
Spaniards, about 200 horses, over 2,000 dogs and
hogs, also llamas and a large supply of arquebuses,
cross-bows and munitions. With these he headed east
into the jungles.
Although Francisco de Orellana was supposed to
have accompanied Pizarro from the beginning, the
latter had already left Quito by the time Orellana
arrived from Guayaquil. Undaunted, Orellana then set
out with 23 companions to join Pizarro. Along the






way they encountered severe hardships, and an
emissary was dispatched to alert Pizarro of the
difficulties and ask for help. Pizarro, himself
experiencing considerable hardships, sent relief to
Orellana, thus enabling them to join forces at Zumaco
on the upper reaches of the Napo River about 30
leagues from Quito.
By this time the supplies of both forces had been
exhausted, and so it was necessary to go in search of
food. With 80 men Pizarro set out on foot in search
of fresh supplies. After 70 days of great hardships and
little success, they turned back to rejoin those who
were left behind. A few leagues from Zumaco they
came upon Indians who told fables of wealthy lands
ruled by powerful overlords farther downriver.
Pizarro and his men, all too eager to believe these
tales, quickly sent for Orellana and the others still
waiting at Zumaco. The expedition continued
downriver to the province of Omagua, and camped at
a village they named El Barco in honor of the
brigantine they built there. The village was estimated
to be about 70 leagues from Quito.
After the brigantine was constructed, men and
supplies were stowed on board while the rest of the
expedition, with the horses, followed along the bank
of the river for another 50 leagues. When they found
themselves in an uninhabited region with no food,
Orellana told Pizarro that he had questioned the
guides and had learned that farther along the river
they were following joined another and larger river,
and that one day's journey up the latter would be
found an abundant supply of food. Orellana
volunteered to go in search of this location. Pizarro
agreed, giving him 57 companions, the brigantine,
several canoes, a few supplies, and instructions that
under no circumstances should Orellana be gone more
than 10 or 12 days.
Orellana's force proceeded accordingly, but when
they came to the junction of the two rivers the
current was so strong that they were swept
downriver, carried with such great force that in nine
days they covered what they estimated to be 200
leagues. In view of the considerable distance to be
covered and the impossible hardships to be borne,
any thought of returning was out of the question.
Orellana still hoped to send word back to Pizarro, but
his men begged him not to consider it further.
Orellana relented, his men elected him as their
captain, and they continued downriver, knowing not
where they might go but trusting to their God to
bring them safely to a land where Christians lived. On
what today we would recognize as the Upper
Amazon, Orellana had his men build a second and
larger brigantine.
The voyage down the Amazon took eight months,
from December 26, 1541, when Orellana's force left
Pizarro's, to August 26, 1542, when Orellana's force
passed out of the mouth of the great river and sailed
northward along the coast of the continent. After still
more hardships, including a separation of the two


brigantines, the expedition came to an end on
September 11, 1542, when Orellana's ship reached
the island of Cubagua off the coast of Venezuela. In
this way ended the voyage that, in Oviedo's words,
"had been entered upon unintentionally and turned
out to be so extraordinary that it is one of the
greatest things that ever happened to men."
The account of Friar Gaspar de Carvajal, who
accompanied Orellana on the voyage down the
Amazon, is the most important single source for
materials on Amazon women in lowland South
America. An English translation may be found in Jos6
Toribio Medina's The Discovery of the Amazon,
published in 1934 by the American Geographical
Society. Carvajal's account appears to be the source
from which all stories of Amazon women in the
region of the great river are ultimately derived. Let us
turn now to the report for Carvajal's remarkable
observations.
Orellana and his men were first informed of the
existence of "the Amazons" by an Indian overlord
named Aparia, apparently on January 9, 1542; the
Indian also said that farther downriver the Spaniards
would encounter considerable wealth and other
powerful overlords. Almost a month later (about
February 5, 1542), the Spaniards were told again of
warrior women. The Indians "told him (Orellana)
that if we were going to visit the Amurians, whom
they call 'Coniupuyara' in their tongue, which means
'grand mistresses,' to be careful about what we were
doing, for we were few in number and they many, for
they would kill us... (and) not to stop in their
country."
Having no choice but to proceed, the expedition
continued downriver, where on Monday, June 5,
1542, they made port at a medium-sized village
perhaps 25 miles beyond the confluence of the Rio
Negro and the Amazon (near the modern town of
Manaus or Man6os, Brazil). In the center of the public
square of the village the Spaniards observed an
elaborate structure hewn from a large tree; it was
apparently a religious edifice dedicated to the Sun,
whom the Indians worshipped as their god. Being
impressed by the remarkable structure, Orellana
questioned an Indian from the village, whom the
Spaniards had captured, about its significance. The
Indian answered: "... that they were subjects and
tributaries of the Amazons and that the only service
which they rendered them consisted in supplying
them with plumes of parrots and macaws for the
linings of the roofs of the buildings which constitute
their places of worship, and that (all) the villages
which they had were of that kind, and that they had
that thing there as a reminder, and that they
worshipped it as a thing which was the emblem of
their mistress, who is the one who rules over all the
land of the aforesaid women."
The Spaniards proceeded downriver without
further word of the warrior women until June 24,
1542, when the reputed battle with the Amazons
C.R. July/Aug/Sept Page 13









































Francisco ae urellana


took place. As Carvajal describes the event, the
expedition had just rounded a bend in the river when
they "came suddenly upon the excellent land and
dominion of the Amazons." Whether he meant the
land of the Amazons themselves or one of their
tributaries is not clearly stated, though the latter
would appear to be more accurate, for Carvajal
continues: "These said villages had been forewarned
and knew of our coming, in consequence whereof
they (i.e. the inhabitants) came out on the water to
meet us, in no friendly mood." No evidence of
warrior women is here given, but instead, it is stated
that the Indians (men) mocked the Spaniards and
threatened to "seize us all and take us to the
Amazons." Angered at their arrogance, Orellana
ordered his men to shoot the Indians. The Indians
drew back to their village, warned their comrades,
and as the Spaniards moved downriver they shortly
encountered "along the edge of the water, at
intervals, many squadrons of Indians, and, in
proportion as we kept on going ahead, they gradually
came together and drew close to their living
quarters."
The Spaniards attempted to land their brigantines
in the midst of a squadron of Indian warriors, and of
course, the Indians fought back. A fierce battle
Page 14 C.R. Vol. VI No. 3


ensued in which serious damage was inflicted upon
the Spaniards. During the battle Carvajal was
wounded in the side with an arrow. Astonished at the
ferocious attacks by the Indian men despite their
considerable losses, Carvajal says, "I want it to be
known what the reason was why these Indians
defended themselves in this manner." Then comes the
famed description of Amazon women whom Carvajal
says were leading the male squadrons: "It must be
explained that they are subjects of, and tributaries to,
the Amazons, and, our coming having been made
known to them, they went to them to ask help, and
there came as many as ten or twelve of them, for we
ourselves saw these women, who were there fighting
in front of all the Indian men as women captains ...
and these latter fought so courageously that the
Indian men did not dare to turn their backs, and
anyone who did turn his back they killed with clubs
right there before us, and this is the reason why the
Indians kept up their defense for so long. These
women are very white and tall, and have hair very
long and braided and wound about the head, and
they are very robust and go about naked.., with
(only) their privy parts covered, with their bows and
arrows in their hands, doing as much fighting as ten
Indian men, and indeed there was one woman among
these who shot an arrow a span deep into one of the
brigantines, and others less deep, so that our
brigantines looked like porcupines." I seriously doubt
that 10 or 12 women (or men, for that matter),
however fierce, could have maintained such complete
control over several hundred Indians in the heat of
battle, even if each were capable of doing the fighting
of 10 Indian men. In view of the claim that the
Spaniards killed seven or eight Amazons, the story
becomes even less plausible.
At any rate, Carvajal continues, "Our Lord was
pleased to give strength and courage to our
companions, who killed seven or eight (for these we
actually saw) of the Amazons, whereupon the Indians
lost heart, and they were defeated and routed with
considerable damage to their persons." The Spaniards
beat a hasty retreat and managed to get away just as
additional reinforcements of Indians began to
descend upon them.
A few days later, as the Spaniards proceeded
downriver, Orellana questioned an Indian captive
named Couynco (or Quenyuc), who gave a very
thorough and detailed account of the Amazons, their
domain, the name of their queen, their customs,
dress, the sizeable number of their villages, and their
considerable wealth. All subsequent discussions of
Amazon women along the great river refer back to
this account given by Couynco, though none are so
extensive. Because of its importance to literature on
the Amazon women, I quote the complete passage
from Carvajal here:
"The Captain asked him what women those were
(who) had come to help them and fight against us;
the Indian said that they were certain women who






resided in the interior of the country, a seven day
journey from the shore, and (that) it was because this
overlord Couynco was subject to them that they had
come to watch over the shore. The Captain asked him
if these women were married: the Indian said they
were not. The Captain asked him about how they
lived: the Indian replied (first) that, as he had already
said, they were off in the interior of the land and that
he had been there many times and had seen their
customs and mode of living, for as their vassal he was
in the habit of going there to carry the tribute
whenever the overlord sent him. The Captain asked if
these women were numerous: the Indian said that
they were, and that he knew by name seventy
villages, and named them before those of us who were
there present, and (he added) that he had been in
several of them. The Captain asked him if (the houses
in) these villages were built of straw: the Indian said
they were not, but out of stone and with regular
doors, and that from one village to another went
roads closed off on one side and on the other and
with guards stationed at intervals along them so that
no one might enter without paying duties. The
Captain asked if these women bore children: the
Indian answered that they did. The Captain asked
him how, not being married and there being no man
residing among them, they became pregnant: he said
that these Indian women consorted with Indian men
at times, and, when that desire came to them, they
assembled a great horde of warriors and went off to
make war on a very great overlord whose residence is
not far from that (i.e. the land) of these women, and
by force they brought them to their own country and
kept them with them for the time that suited their
caprice, and after they found themselves pregnant
they sent them back to their country without doing
them any harm; and afterwards, when the time came
for them to have children, if they gave birth to male
children, they killed them and sent them to their
fathers, and, if female children, they raised them with
great solemnity and instructed them in the arts of
war. He said furthermore that among all these women
there was one ruling mistress who subjected and held
under her hand and jurisdiction all the rest, which
mistress went by the name of Cofiori. He said that
there was (in their possession) a very great wealth of
gold and silver and that (in the case of) all the
mistresses of rank and distinction their eating utensils
were nothing but gold or silver, while the other
women, belonging to the plebeian class, used a service
of wooden vessels, except what was brought in
contact with fire, which was of clay. He said that in
the capital and principal city in which the ruling
mistress resided there were five very large buildings
which were places of worship and houses dedicated to
the Sun, which they called 'caranain,' and (that)
inside, from half a man's height above the ground up,
these buildings were lined with heavy wooden ceilings
covered with paint of various colors, and that in these
buildings they had many gold and silver idols in the


A European Conception of South American Amazon women


form of women, and many vessels of gold and of
silver for the service of the Sun; and these women
were dressed in clothing of very fine wool, because in
this land there are many sheep of the same sort as
those of Peru; their dress consisted of blankets girded
about them (covering their bodies) from the breasts
down, (in some cases merely) thrown over (the
shoulders), and in others clasped together in front,
like a cloak, by means of a pair of cords; they wore
their hair reaching down to the ground at their feet,
and upon their heads (were) placed crowns of gold, as
wide as two fingers, and their individual colors. He
said in addition that in this land, as we understood
him, there were camels that carried them (i.e. the
inhabitants) on their backs, and he said that there
were other animals, which we did not succeed in
understanding about, which were as big as horses and
which had hair as long as the spread of the thumb and
forefinger, measured from tip to tip, and cloven
hoofs, and that people kept them tied up; and that of
these there were few. He said that there were in this
land two salt-water lakes, from which the women
obtained salt. He related that they had a rule to the
effect that when the sun went down no male Indian
was to remain (anywhere) in all of these cities, but
that any such must depart and go to his country; he
said in addition that many Indian provinces bordering
on them were held in subjection by them and made
to pay tribute and to serve them, while other
C.R. July/Aug/Sept Page 15









THE NEW TOURISM
AND
INTERNATIONAL
POLICY



SEMINAR SEQUENCE


For the policy-maker, administrator, and
practitioner in tourism there exists today a wide
range of technical resources to assist perfor-
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(provinces) there were with which they carried on
war, in particular with the one which we have
mentioned, and that they brought the men (of this
province) there to have relations with them: these
were said to be of very great stature and white and
numerous, and (he claimed that) all that he had told
here he had seen many times as a man who went back
and forth every day; and all that this Indian told us
and more besides had been told to us six leagues from
Quito, because concerning these women there were a
great many reports, and in order to see them many
Indian men came down the river one thousand four
hundred leagues; and likewise the Indians farther up
had told us that anyone who should take it into his
head to go down to the country of these women was
destined to go a boy and return and old man. The
country, he (i.e. the captive Indian) said, was cold
and there was very little firewood there, and (it was)
very rich in all kinds of food; also he told many other
things and (said) that every day he kept finding out
more, because he was an Indian of much intelligence
and very quick to comprehend; and so are all the rest
(in that) land, as we have stated."
The Spaniards never saw Queen Cofori, nor did
they ever visit the reputed domain of the Amazons.
The single most important account of the Amazon
nation, then, does not come from eyewitness reports,
but rather, is only hearsay. Remarkable and detailed
though it may be, it was told to the Spaniards by an
Indian they had taken by force, whom they retained
against his will. One wonders if the Spaniards asked
leading questions to which the Indian answered in
whatever fashion he thought would please them,
perhaps hoping thus to be released or at the very least
to fool his captors. If this were his motive, it would
not be the first time an Indian captured by the
Spaniards and quick to recognize their interest in
lands of great wealth, led an adventurous band of
unfortunates on a wild goose chase.
Although the Spaniards never saw the reputed
domain of Queen Cofiori and her Amazons, the
Indian captive, Couynco, did name their location. On
modern maps, this territory should begin about 100
miles inland (to the north) from where the battle of
June 24th took place. In addition, the Trombetas
River, named only on large scale maps and drawn
but not labeled on smaller scale maps, appears to
delimit the region in which the Amazons were said to
live. It joins the Amazon River at the modern town of
Obidos, Brazil. If this is in fact the correct river, then
it forms the western boundary of the Amazon nation
as located by the Indian Couynco.
The Amazon legends as we know them today
appear to have been derived largely from the events
of Orellana's expedition described above. The early
Spanish explorers of the New World, including
Orellana and Carvajal, brought with them beliefs of
Amazon women based on ancient Greek and Roman
accounts. These ideas clearly affected their interpreta-
tions of what they saw. Human beings naturally


Page 16 C.R. Vol. VI No. 3


I






interpret new experiences in the light of what they
already know, and perhaps the distorted perceptions
that gave rise to legends of Amazon women in the
New World can be explained by reference to this
apparently universal tendency. In an attempt to show
how easily this can happen, the 19th century
naturalist and explorer Alfred Russel Wallace
described the effect that Indians of the Uaup6s River
(Colombia) first had on him:
"The men, on the other hand, have the hair
carefully parted and combed on each side, and tied in
a queue behind. In the young men, it hangs in long
locks down their necks, and, with the comb, which is
invariably carried stuck in the top of the head, gives
to them a most feminine appearance: this is increased
by the large necklaces and bracelets of beads, and the
careful extirpation of every symptom of beard.
Taking these circumstances into consideration, I am
strongly of opinion that the story of the Amazons has
arisen from these feminine-looking warriors en-
countered by the early voyagers. I am inclined to this
opinion, from the effect they first produced on
myself, when it was only by close examination I saw
that they were men; and, were the front parts of their
bodies and their breasts covered with shields, such as
they always use, I am convinced any person seeing
them for the first time would conclude they were
women."
Surely ethnocentrism colored the perceptions of
the early explorers whose cultural background was
very different from that of the Indians they were
observing. Not all cultures make the sharp distinction
between the sexes in clothing, division of labor and
behavior that western culture historically has. Given
the inevitable tendency to interpret experience in
terms of one's own cultural background, the
Spaniards could easily have mistaken Indian men for
women. Among these Indians both sexes wore their
hair long like women in western culture, both sexes


wore similar necklaces, bracelets, face paint, and
women at times fought alongside their men in battle.
Carvajal's report is the sole eyewitness account of
Amazon warriors. His observations by his own
admission were made in the heat of battle; they were
not written down until sometime later. Needless to
say, hasty observations made in the confusion of
battle are not likely to be particularly accurate.
Orellana's expedition never visited the territory of the
Amazon women. The only description of the Amazon
nation, then, came from the Indian captive's report,
and was never verified.
Did "the Amazons" actually exist at any time or
place in history? The ancient Greek historians
assumed so, yet even they ascribed a supernatural
origin to their Amazons. Modern historians believe
the Amazons were a mythical race that never existed
in reality. Their reputed supernatural origin lends
support to their merely legendary character. Car-
vajal's detailed account notwithstanding, we have yet
to find clear proof for the existence of armed women
living apart from men as a nation unto themselves,
despite beliefs to the contrary.
It has been suggested that the widespread
occurrence of such legends may derive from the
common tendency of human groups to reverse the
order of reality in their mythology. In the New World
the early explorers may have confused Indian men
with women to the ethnocentric European eye and
in the confusion of battle, it was not always possible
to distinguish one from the other.
A number of cultures do employ female fighters,
perhaps the best known being the Dahomeans of West
Africa in the last century. In lowland South America,
Indian women at times assisted and even fought
alongside their men. These historical realities,
however, prove only that women occasionally
accompany their men in war. They do not prove the
existence of an Amazon race or nation. *


C.R. July/Aug/Sept Page 17









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announcement in seconds,
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Announcement Test:
Convenient feature lets
you playback your
recorded message for
verification.
Auto Answer:
Automatically answers
the telephone and starts
your message on the
first or second ring.
Playback: Allows you
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messages recorded
on the Standard
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Pilot Lamp:
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turned on.


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ANOTHER PLACE, Scrimshaw Press


CREEPING MEXICANIZATION

By Dale B. Truett


On February 19, 1974, the front page of the Mexico
City Daily, Novedades, under the byline "Chickens"
carried a semi-humorous but acrimoniously serious
report about the Echeverria Government's treatment
of a foreign company whose only apparent claim to
fame was "La receta secret de un viejo coronel." It
seems that Kentucky Fried, which has enjoyed
considerable success in installing its quick-service
drive-ins along tourist routes in Mexico and in making
inroads into the dietary preferences of the Mexican
middle class, had been denied permission to expand
its operations in the land of the eagle and serpent.
The casual observer might be surprised to find such
an incident reported as front-page news in a country
with a sizable industrial base and a history of many
friendly and profitable economic arrangements
involving foreign (and particularly U.S.) investors, but
students of Mexican economic policy will recognize
that it represents both the continuation of a long
trend in integrating the country's economic life and
the existence of an upswing in the pace of Mexican
economic nationalism. Indeed, the Colonel and his


associates can be characterized as caught neither at
the beginning nor the end of what is happening to
foreign investment in Mexico, but someplace just
about in the middle.
Under the aegis of the laws "to Promote Mexican
Investment and Regulate Foreign Investment," and
"to Regulate the Transfer of Technology and the Use
and Exploitation of Patents and Trademarks," which
were put into effect by the administration of
President Luis Echeverria Alvarez during 1973, it has
become increasingly apparent that the rules of the
foreign investment game in Mexico are solidifying and
being more clearly defined and more effectively
applied. All of this portends quite a bit for both the
foreign investor and Mexico, but one can easily argue
that Mexico will be the net beneficiary several years
hence and that the foreigner will be constrained, but
not badly burned. In fact, it is easy to advance the
thesis that Mexico's economy, within the next decade
or so, will come into its own in a way that will make
it much less dependent on the U.S., provided Luis
Echeverria's successor continues the now firmly-


C.R. July/Aug/Sept Page 19






established political trend.
The perceptible upsurge in Mexican government
intervention in the foreign investment sphere has an
extensive historical background and responds to some
very current external and internal realities of the
country. To a large extent, the issue of foreign
investment in Mexico since the beginning of World
War II has centered on the manufacturing sector,
because the Revolution of 1910-20, the Constitution
of 1917, and numerous subsequent laws dealing with
extractive industries, communications, transport, and
public utilities had closely circumscribed foreign
business activities in other sectors by the late 1930's.
Certainly, the oil expropriations in Mexico caused a
marked decline in foreign investors' interest in
mineral industries. The War and the relative
prosperity brought Mexico and other Latin American
countries, whose raw materials were desperately
needed and whose geography was safely attractive for
war shortage-related processing and manufacturing
activities, fostered a tremendous increase in foreign
interest in manufacturing and distribution of
merchandise in Mexico.
This upswing occurred from a small but viable base
of manufacturing and infrastructure investment that
took place during the latter part of the 1930's, since,
in fact, the period from the beginning of the
Revolution (1910) to the rebirth of Mexican
industrialization in the 1930's can be characterized as
one of disinvestment by U.S. interests. The Mexican
government quickly responded to the new impetus
and set up various mechanisms to foment the foreign
investment process, while the U.S. government
concurrently established the Export-Import Bank as a
vehicle for financing new foreign investment deemed
beneficial to the interests of' T(o Sam. This rather
impressive framework of events and institutions led in
the period 1941-1947 to what C. P. Blair has called
"unabashed industrial promotion" (Calvin P. Blair,
"U.S. Direct Investments in Mexico," paper presented
at the Conference on Economic Relations Between
Mexico and the United States, Austin: The University
of Texas at Austin, 1973). Blair adds:

It was followed by a long period (1947-70)
of infrastructure development and import
substitution which gave way at last to the
current period of export promotion. Each
of these phases of Mexican economic
policy attracted large volumes of American
capital. A strong emphasis on indtistrializa-
tion at a time when the U.S. was the only
source of the necessary inputs, an industrial
promotion policy which offered fat sub-
sidies and tax exemptions, and a protec-
tionist commercial policy which guaranteed
internal markets, all stimulated a flow of
investments from the United States, just as
they stimulated domestic investment.
Mexico maintained in general a rather


liberal policy toward foreign investment,
worrying only occasionally about de-
pendence or American dominance in one or
another industry, problems which it was
assumed could be solved in due time with a
dab of "mexicanization" now-and-then or
with a somewhat better scrutiny in
selection of incoming capital.
The "mexicanization" to which Blair refers has
become an important institution in Mexican national
policy, and there has been more than a "dab" of it
taking place during the administration of Luis
Echeverria. "Mexicanization," however, cannot be
equated with expropriation; it is generally not the
result of a "golpe," or outright takeover, by the
State, but rather represents a process of mutual
negotiation and adjustment involving the government,


domestic private investors, and specific foreign
investors. Its necessity or urgency in a particular
industry or sector is much determined by the pressure
of economic events, both domestic and external. It is,
indeed, Mexico's response to a rather longstanding
realization that to serve the national interest most
industry must eventually be controlled by domestic
forces, public or private (the latter clearly subject to
the nation's sovereignty).
The logic of this view is simple: no one makes an
investment unless he expects it to yield him a return
over and above what he puts into it. When the
investor is a citizen or a national entity, the yield is
most likely to be respent in the national economy, on
both consumption and investment goods. However,
when the investor is foreign, there is a high
probability that a significant share of the yield will be


Page 20 C.R. -Vol. VI No. 3






transferred out of the host country. In fact, most
studies of foreign investment aggregates (total new
investments compared with total outpayments of
interest, dividends, royalties, etc.) show that almost
from the very inception of the process there begins a
net flow of resources from the recipient or host
countries to the investing countries. Thus, although
foreign investment may be credited with "getting
things started" in developing countries (by over-
coming institutional barriers and supplying tech-
nology) it can rather quickly and easily wear out its
welcome.
In Mexico, the problem of "getting things started"
has long been surmounted, and the question of
maximizing the national benefits from existing and
additional manufacturing capacity has become
paramount. The Mexican government views the


ANOTHER PLACE, Scrimshaw Press


current structure of ownership of manufacturing
enterprise as quite probably suboptimal from both
growth and balance-of-payments standpoints, for a
variety of reasons. First, in addition to the propensity
for foreign-owned firms to remit profits and other
payments to their parent companies, there is the
problem of keeping tabs on the process of transfer
and determining the actual volume of resources
transferred.
It is common knowledge that affiliated companies
can cause profits to accrue within any given unit of
their organization in a setting where one member of
the group charges another for any productive input -
including services. Thus, a parent company can make
a subsidiary company appear to be tremendously
profitable by simply overpaying it for inputs supplied
to the parent. Likewise, the reverse would take place


were the subsidiary either underpaid for resources
supplied to the parent or overcharged for resources
bought from the parent. Economists have labeled this
problem the "transfer pricing issue," and it quite
obviously has important implications for the case in
which the parent is located in a developed country
and its subsidiary in a less-developed country. The
parent can easily employ transfer pricing to remit
profits from the subsidiary, not only by overcharging
for material inputs but also through the utilization of
technical assistance and service charges. In addition to
removing potential private investment funds from the
less developed country, these practices erode the tax
base of the host country's government, since
subsidiaries may show inadvertently low earnings.
The subsidiary-foreign parent relationship brings
with it a number of additional problems for the host
country. In particular the subsidiary may become
dependent upon imported inputs, many of which are
supplied by the parent. The parent may do all it can
to retard the local development of supplier industries
which would displace its inputs from the host
country. It may also severely constrain the expansion
potential of the subsidiary, in order to keep it from
exporting output to regions supplied by other units in
its operating group. Within the country, it may use
undesirable approaches to maintain its subsidiary's
monopoly or oligopoly positions in local or regional
markets; historically this has not fallen short of
intervening in the internal political process, both
covertly and overtly. (The writer is reminded of his
own astonishment at the existence in Acapulco of
Pepsi Cola billboards touting conservative Partido de
Acci6n Nacional candidates.) Finally, the foreign firm
may expand its base in the local economy by buying
out the most efficient and profitable domestic firms,
by perpetuating a technological gap between its own
operations and those of domestic investors, or by
effectively capitalizing on a brand name or
trademark. While doing all this it may create
substantial domestic employment and pay a sig-
nificant amount of taxes to the host government; but
alternative locally-owned facilities would surely do
the same, and the latter would be much more likely
to employ host-country nationals in positions of great
responsibility.
Recently, the transfer of technology issue has
surfaced in a big way in the developing countries.
This follows from the necessity of obtaining
technology on reasonable terms and at an appropriate
rate once the decision to constrain other activities of
foreign investors has been reached. Clearly, if foreign
investors are left free to their own devices in this area,
they will try to substitute returns on knowhow,
processes and patents, and trademarks for the returns
formerly gained from the operation of wholly or
majority-owned subsidiaries. In addition, they may
try to restrict access to technology when the export
potential of the developing country's industry is seen
as a threat. Thus it becomes apparent that any policy
C. R. July/Aug/Sept Page 21







apparatus employed by the less-developed country
systematically to transfer industrial capacity from
foreign to domestic hands must be accompanied by a
technology strategy. The Echeverria Government has
developed and is implementing laws designed to
integrate investment policy with transfer of tech-
nology policy, but it has shown an appropriate
awareness that the latter of the two areas may prove
the more problematical.
Mexican policy has shown a long history of ad hoc
adjustments to foreign investment control problems
stemming from the above-mentioned practices and
their effects. However, the Echeverria Administra-
tion's decision to codify certain existing policies with
respect to foreign participation in enterprises and to
extend the nation's regulatory mechanism to the area
of technology transfer was sparked by a wave of
de-Mexicanization during the close of the Diaz Ordaz
Administration and a realization, related to a study
by the Banco Nacional de Comercio Exterior that the
"modern" sector of Mexican industry was far more
heavily dominated by foreign investment then was
the industrial establishment as a whole. According to
the Banco Nacional de Comercio Exterior (as
reprinted in Economist Intelligence Unit, Quarterly
Economic Report: Mexico, number 4, 1973), by
1970 the estimated share of foreign investment in the
modern sector of a number of key industries was as
follows:


Industry


Foreign Investments Share
of Modern Sector


Food products ................................................... 26.5
Beverages ............................................... ........ 26.3
Tobacco ............................................................ 84.0
Paper & paper products ..................................... 32.9
Printing & publishing ......................................... 24.5
Rubber goods .................................................. 100.0
Chem icals .......................................................... 77.8
Non-metallic mineral products .......................... 54.2
Basic metal products ......................................... 27.6
Metal fabrication ............................................... 67.6
Production of machinery ................................. 100.0
Production of electric machinery .................... 100.0
Transport equipment ....................................... 100.0

The dependence on foreign technology in a large
number of sophisticated Mexican industries is
apparent from the above list. Further, the Govern-
ment found cause for alarm in the fact that those
industries which were not completely foreign-
dominated in their modem sectors generally dis-
played increases in the foreign share of total
investment over the period 1965-70. Indeed, the
modern sector of the industrial establishment
appeared to be plagued with a creeping de-Mexicani-
zation even though numerous government policies
had attempted to improve the position of domestic
investment during the period in question. Of course,
this occurred not only because foreign investors
continued to find Mexico an attractive field for new


undertakings but also because established foreign
firms grew at a faster rate than existing or new
Mexican firms. Probably, a good deal of the increase
in the value of foreign investment reported by the
Banco Nacional de Comercio Exterior reflects a sort
of "growth by accretion" of established foreign
enterprise in a setting where a certain share of profits
is plowed back and inflation causes existing assets to
be revalued upwards. In any event during 1971-72,
when a general slump in the economy coincided with
growing concern over the foreign investment cum


ANOTHER PLACE, Scrimshaw Press


technology issue, it became abundantly clear to the
Echeverria Administration that the industrial future
of Mexico might well depend on some decisive
government measures aimed toward reducing external
dependence.
In Mexico, the Executive Branch has the power to
initiate legislation, and the forwarding of a draft bill
to the Congress is tantamount to an announcement
that a new law has been made. The law comes into
effect once it is passed by the Congress, but it is
seldom modified in the process. President Echeverria


Page 22 C.R. Vol. VI No. 3





presented the draft bills on transfer technology and
foreign investment to the Congress in November and
December of 1972, respectively. The bills represented
not only Echeverria's own thinking on foreign
investment and the technology problem but also a
good deal of study, research, and influence on the
part of certain key figures in the Secretaria de la
Presidencia, Nacional Financiera, the Banco de
Mdxico, and even Mexico's branch of the United
Nations Economic Commission for Latin America.
The most formidable contribution of these investiga-


ANOTHER PLACE, Scrimshaw Press


tors and advisors was their thorough analysis of the
role and scope of technology in the development and
foreign investment processes.
The fact that the transfer of technology bill
somewhat antedates the foreign investment bill
probably signifies that the latter was deemed
necessary primarily for reasons specific to the
implementation of the former. It is quite clear that
these tandem policy measures have as their main
focus the process of industrial modernization and the
maintenance and acceleration of this process through


steps which efficiently and economically appropriate
and adapt existing technology while creating a base
for indigenous research and development. The
underlying assumption is that this transfer, assimila-
tion, and development occurs at an inadvertently high
real cost when its nature and pace are determined by
considerations which serve foreign or multinational
interests rather than the national interest. There is
ample evidence to support this view, even though it
would be patently wrong to hold that foreign
interests have never coincided with the national
interest in such matters.
Thus the foreign investment law, which sets up a
National Registry of Foreign Investments and
explicitly states rules of the game for new foreign
investments, provides a backdrop for the administra-
tion of the technology transfer process. In particular,
it sets up a National Commission on Foreign
Investment empowered to specify percentages of
foreign investors' participation by region and industry
where no prior rule has been established, determine
whether foreign investment in certain areas or
industries merits special treatment, approve or
disapprove increases in the investment of existing
foreign enterprises, determine the level of participa-
tion permissible in new fields of economic activity,
and coordinate in general Mexican government
policies toward foreign investment. In carrying out its
basic task of determining the scope of foreign
investors' activity in the national economy, the
Commission will weigh each proposed change in
foreign participation in terms of such considerations
as: a) its complementarity with national investment;
b) its displacement of national business enterprises; c)
its effects on the balance of payments and on
exports; d) its effects on employment; e) its training
of Mexican technicians and management personnel; f)
its incorporation of domestic inputs and components;
g) the extent to which it finances with foreign
resources; h) its contribution to the development of
lagging regions; i) its supply of technology and
contribution to research and development; j) the
extent to which the foreign investor identifies with
the national interest; k) the extent to which the
investment contributes to the achievement of
national development objectives. All of the above
basically represent a continuation of measures
previously applied to a great number of industries
through a host of specific laws, decrees, and agencies,
as well as through export and import licensing
programs and various tax incentives and disincentives.
Thus the law's major feature is its attempt to bring
unity and organization to these well-established
trends. Most observers believe there is nothing
terribly new or ominous here, and the stipulated
measures are ones that both foreign investors and the
government have learned to live with. Certainly, the
law provides a framework for the implementation in
the foreign investment sphere of decisions particular
to the transfer of technology.


C. R. July/Aug/Sept Page 23






The technology transfer law itself echoes and
complements the foreign investment law by establish-
ing a National Registry for Transfer of Technology
and stating the conditions under which transfer
agreements will be disallowed. Among other things, it
provides that no transfer agreement will be accepted
when it: a) solely transfers technology already freely
available in the country in the same specific form; b)
requires a price or compensation unrelated to the
technology acquired or unjust or excessive for the
national economy; c) includes clauses which permit
the supplier to regulate or intervene directly or
indirectly in the management of the firm acquiring
the technology; d) requires that the recipient firm
cede all subsequent related patents innovations or
improvements to the supplier; e) limits the research
and development activities of the recipient; f)
restricts the export activities of the recipient; g) limits
the volumes of production or sale prices or resale
prices of the recipient; h) establishes excessive lenghts
of contract (10 years is an explicit maximum); i)
subjects the contract or agreement to dispute
resolution in foreign courts.
Once the Registry is functional most of the above
prohibitions can be easily applied to new contracts,
while the law states that existing agreements will be
reviewed and modified, when necessary, within a



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two-year period. Any agreements not submitted to
and approved by the Registry during the applicable
time period will be void of legal status in the Mexican
courts. Administrative difficulties are likely to arise,
however, with the first two of the above prohibitions.
Indeed it may prove difficult in some cases to
determine whether a given technology is already
"freely available in the country in the same specific
form." At the very best, this requires a good deal of
base-line research and classification by the new
technology authorities. Also, the matter of the
explicit payment for the acquired technology in
relation to its value to the national economy may not
be an easy one to answer. The stipulation that the
Registry consider this problem, however, does
provide an important lever for the domestic importer
of technology in his negotiations with foreign
suppliers. Finally, there is the question of the
behavior of existing foreign enterprises that have
decision centers outside Mexico. It certainly would
seem possible that these firms, through their internal
corporate structures, could effectively restrict or
continue to restrict the flow of innovations from the
parent organization to Mexican subsidiaries. The
major constraint on activities of this sort will be the
development of competing Mexican firms within the
same industries, and it is exactly this type of growth
that the companion foreign investment law is
intended to foster.
In the final analysis, it would seem that the new
Mexican policy on technology virtually presumes that
in the future the industrial base will be owned and
controlled primarily by domestic interests who will
negotiate with the foreigners for the processes and
knowhow they need to obtain. This is not a new
model of national industrial development, for it bears
an obvious resemblance to both the Japanese and
Chinese experiences. Following this presumption, the
pace of Mexicanization quickened as the new legal
structure emerged. Thus, in late 1973 several
well-known foreign enterprises sold majority interests
to combines of Mexican public and private investors.
These included Bethlehem Steel (Minera Autldn),
Perkins Diesel, and Liggett and Myers Tobacco
Company (Tabacalera Mexicana). In 1974 there is
every sign that this trend will continue. The Mexican
plan appears to be both rational and appropriately
timed. If it is carefully administered it should
produce desirable long-run results for the national
economy. In particular, the expansion of the
domestically-controlled industrial base should insure
that profits will be plowed back and that
management will seek-low-cost domestic sources of
productive inputs. Dependence on the U.S. as both
supplier and investor should be decreased, with
predictable positive results on the balance of
payments. Mexico has a difficult road ahead in the
administration of its new twin policies, but energy
spent in this area will almost certainly pay off in
terms of national growth and development. *


Page 24 C.R. Vol. VI No. 3







A musical love affair:


kids clap, critics


rave and senior

citizens dance







When Fred King opens another World of
Percussion experience, facing an amazing arr aj
of percussion instruments from around ihe w\olld,
audiences know they are in for something
unusual, whether they be conservatory scholars
or kids and their grandmothers from the ghetto.
And they are right. There is nothing like King's
World of Percussion.
You couldn't call it just a concert, nor just a
workshop. World of Percussion is both, plus a
visual 'trip', and a mind-opening encounter ith
the rich variety of music from societies as di\eisc
as medieval Spain and today's Afro-Caribbean.
Conceived in 1969 as a creative vehicle for
educating audiences to the vast World of
Percussion, this unique concept has caused such
excitement that it has become a vital part of the
cultural life of Puerto Rico, home of the Casals
Festival, as well as generating enthusiasm in other
Caribbean and Latin American countries and the
United States.
Part of the reason for the wide appeal of
World of Percussion is King's own devotion to
painstaking research in presenting an authentic
slice of the cultures his musical overview touches.
It's also the infectious joy that spreads to every-
one in the hall, starts them clapping, tapping
their feet (if they can keep up), and joing the
musicians on the stage. In part, it's Kings
consummate musicianship. But most of all,
perhaps, it's the truly basic message of passionate
communication between humans, across all
barriers, that only percussion can produce. And
at that, King is a master.


FRED KING can be engaged as Conductor,
Lecturer, Percussionist and for Master Classes and Seminars
WRITE: Elliot Siegel Music Management, Inc. of Washington, D.C.
Mailing Address: 11215 Oakleaf Drive, Suite 1403, Silver Spring, Maryland


THE WORLD
OF PEaCUmiOn
Copywrite 1973












NATIONAL

DANCES

OF THE

CARIBBEAN

AND

LATIN AMERICA

By Peggo Cromer


Haitian Dancer, Photo by Peggo Cromer


The many islands and countries of
the Caribbean and Latin America
are rich with dances, culture and
folklore. Each island and country
claims its own dances and its own
special heritage. At first glance,
the dances appear to be distinctly
separate, then with careful study,
a slender thread of similarity can
be detected. Many of the dance
forms can be traced directly to
Africa and to the nations of
Europe.
Literature, art and sculpture
can be kept and guarded in
libraries and museums. They can
be studied and preserved from
generation to generation. Dance is
a living art and dance must be
passed on by living teacher to
living pupil. This is especially true
in primitive and folk dances. The
national dances stimulate interest
in the culture, the history and the
unique qualities of a country. The
dances of a country must be
preserved.
Man has always danced. From
the beginning of time and even
before the spoken word, man has
danced. The rythms of dance have
been used to express religion, love,


hate, war, ritual and happiness.
To understand the dances of
various countries, an explanation
that will describe something of the
folklore, the costume, the history
and the music is important. The
following is a random survey of
some of the dances in the
Caribbean and Latin America.


YUCATAN
The Jarana, the Yucatan form
of Latin folk-dance, descended
from Spain. The couples dance
opposite each other without em-
bracing or even touching. The
young unmarried men and women
are the usual dancers but older
people also join in.
In every town, village or barrio,
there is a special celebration for
the santo which is its patron. A
Jarana is danced at practically
every fiesta honoring the santo.
Because a festival is both worship
and play, there are moments in
the dance that are religious and
others that are secular.
In many villages today, modern
or couple dancing has replaced the


folk dancing of the Jarana, but
always, there is the color and
flavor of some folk dancing during
the fiestas.


HAITI
Haitian dance is primarily
African, however, there are also
the French Quadrilles and other
dances of French origin that have
survived since colonial days.
Dancing is deeply rooted in
almost all important events of
Haitian life. It is one of the few
arts that has been preserved since
preslavery days. In many cultures,
when a person feels religious he
will go to church or he will pray in
seclusion, but when a Haitian feels
religious, he dances.
The Haitian dances are an
essential part of island life. The
dances are grouped under various
descriptive headings: Voudoun
Ritual, Congo and Petro Ritual,
Carnival Dance, various miscel-
laneous and "good time" dances,
dances of European origin such
as minuet, polka, waltz, quadrille
and contradance. The meringue is


Page 26 C.R. Vol. VI No. 3






considered a national popular
dance and it is enjoyed as a social
dance, a special dance during the
year and at carnival time. The
Spanish type music of the merin-
gue was brought into Haiti from
neighboring Dominican Republic,
Cuba and other islands of the West
Indies.
Haitians dance in supplication
of loa, the placation of the dead,
initiation of cult members, in
planting, harvesting, house build-
ing, Catholic Church holidays,
baptism, elections and social
gatherings; all are celebrated by
dance.
Erzulie Freida: Erzulie is
worshipped by men only and after
acceptance, they remain (theoret-
ically at least) celibate and cannot
marry. Erzulie opposes all women,
she is one of the Petro group of
gods. Drums play after her
ceremonial, never during the
liturgy. One of the many songs
used in this Voodoo ritual is
Erzulie ninnin, oh! hey!, the
most popular of all Haiti folk
songs.
There have been distinct in-
trusions into voodoo from the
rites of the Catholic Church. The
original Dahomean supreme being
Mananbuluku is nearly forgotten
and in her place the Christian God
is named. Even though God is
considered the Supreme Creator,
the loa must be supplicated and
mollified. The loa is a spirit that
may possess a person at any time.
All of these beliefs are entwined in
the many dances of Haiti.



JAMAICA

After 300 years as a colony,
Jamaica gained her independence
from Great Britain. The year was
1962 and it was the year that the
Jamaica National Dance Theater
was formed. The questions of
identity, national self-respect and
freedom were in the hearts and
thoughts of the Jamaicans: the
dancers, singers, artists and
musicians.
The folklore of Jamaica can be
told in songs and stories. The


Jamaica National Dance Theater
used many folklore ideas and
themes for their dances. They
drew the life-blood, the heart and
soul from the stories and created a
theatrical, exciting dance form.
Pocomania is a highly emotion-
al religious cult which was once
outlawed in Jamaica. The dance
portrays a poco festival with
shepards and their flock who
travel through the spirit world to
worship.
Dinky is a celebration that
takes place on the ninth night
after a funeral. At midnight the
mourning period is over and the
Dinky begins with gaiety, singing
and dancing.
John Canoe is a festival dance
held annually at Christmas. The
dance has a derisive and frivolous
character. The dancers wear bright
costumes consisting of wildly
printed jackets with a large bustle,
brilliant pantaloons edged with
lace, white gloves, shoes and
stockings and their faces are
hidden by painted masks.
Xaca (Chaca) also known as
Sher-shay, is a ceremonial enter-
tainment in esoteric mode of
singing, dancing and chanting.
Any feminine roles are performed
by men. Jamaicans say that Xaca
is patois for cherchez, meaning
that worshippers seek to reach the
Voodoo Goddess of Love, Erzulie,
who receives only masculine
worship.
BOLIVIA

A dance group of Aymara
Indians was formed in La Paz,
Bolivia. Each dancer was chosen
because he was the most skilled in
his village. The costumes were two
years in the making and the
dancers rehearsed for almost a
year. The dancers are descendents
of Incas and few speak Spanish,
most speak Quechua and Aymara.
The funds from a world tour were
to be used for a children's hospital
in La Paz.
They dance with elaborate
costumes and heavy head masks.
Each dancer wears fifteen or
twenty petticoats under her
costume with over-skirts in jewel


tones of red, purple, blue or green.
In practice and for street use and
also in some dances, the girls wear
black and gray bowler hats sitting
on top of their shiny black hair.
Their hair is braided and hangs
down in back, a long thick whip
that swings out wildly as they
move and turn. The men wear
woolen caps with ear flaps em-
broidered with bright yarn
flowers.
All of their dances are from
folklore or tell a story. Huaino is a
dance that was originally a funeral
procession of the Quechua In-
dians. It has become a social dance
with added Spanish influence. The
music is 2/4 time and a lively
tempo. The Cacharpaya (goodbye
in the Quechua language) and the
Pasacalle are Bolivian dances that
are similar. This basic dance form
of partners facing each other but
not touching, advancing and re-
treating or moving around each
other, with kerchiefs waving,
appears along the coast of South
America, from Ecuador to Chile
and Argentina. A similar dance in
Panama is Tamborito and in
Mexico the Jarabe.
El Danzante, this dance is from
a legend of the Post-Spanish Incan
era in Bolivia. The loser of a game
or a competition becomes El
Danzante. For months he is feted
and treated to the earthly pleas-
ures; the finest food, the most
beautiful maidens in the village
and all of the comforts he desires.
After the months of merry-
making, he dons the mask of El
Danzante, which weighs about
fifty pounds, the red trousers and
and heavily weighted skirt, huge
bells encircle his legs and he begins
the dance which lasts three or four
days until he drops dead from
exhaustion.

MEXICO

Pure Indian dances may still be
found in Mexico, Guatemala and
in the Andes of South America;
while in some instances only
traces of Indian dancing can be
detected through layers of Spanish
dancing and traditions.
C. R. July/Aug/Sept Page 27







Photos by Peggo Cromer


Rex Nettleford, Jamaica National Dance Theatre


Mexican Dancers

















































































Bolivia, EL DANZANTE,


Folklore Ballet of Mexico


,. .








In places lihe this we're


the only thing that



could suruiue!

-^>r -~^


For years, the dances of Mexico
were known only to those for-
tunate enough to travel to isolated
Mexican states and see the
villagers during parades, festivals
and ceremonies. Today all of this
has been changed by the world
travels and performances of the
Ballet Folklorico de Mexico at the
Palacio de Bellas Artes in Mexico
City. There are other smaller
dance companies performing in
Monterey and Guadalajara.
Amalia HernAndez, the or-
ganizer and director of the Ballet
folkl6rico has transformed folk art
into a living history of Mexican
dance. She has taken the customs,
legends, folklore and music from
Aztec days before the Spanish
conquest to the present time.
These have been dramatized by
theatrical techniques of trained
dancers, authentic costumes
beautifully transcribed from
village use to adaptability to stage
use, scenery, lights and music.
As a part of the Folkloric
Company, there is a school where
the basic training of ballet is given
along with the Mexican dances.
Now the people of the world have
an opportunity to see and under-
stand the colorful folklore dances


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Dominican Dancers


Photos by Peggo Cromer


Jamaican Dancers


t 4?L=















































Bolivian Dancers, Photo by Peggo Cromer


of Mexico.
The Deer Dance: this dance
comes from a ritual of the Yaqui
Indians, a hunting tribe from the
State of Sonora. The tribe still
hunts with bow and arrow, cul-
tivates the land and performs the
ancient rites and ceremonies as a
part of their daily life. The Deer
Dance is performed before the
hunt, as the dancer wearing the
head and antlers of a deer,
imitates the exact movements of
the hunted animal.
Fiesta in Jalisco: Christmas
begins nine days before December
25th, with the fiestas, songs and
dances to the music of the
Mariachis (wandering minstrels).


The songs relate to the wanderings
of the Holy Family seeking
shelter. The dance begins with a
solemn religious processional and
breaks into an increasingly happier
wilder mood. To the lively sounds
of the Mariachis the dancers
perform El Gusto, La Negra and
the Jarabe Tapatfo (known as the
Mexican Hat Dance).

ECUADOR

In Ecuador, the crusader for
preserving the dances and culture
of the country is Marcelo Or-
dofiez. In 1963 he began the study
of folkloric events and festivities.
With a small company of dancers


and musicians he began to give
performances in Quito, Bogota,
San Crist6bal and Barquicimiento.
After several years they began to
travel to the United States,
Canada and Europe.
The goal of this group of
Ecuadorian dancers is to preserve
the folklore of the country, to
learn and show the customs of the
little mountainous villages. At the
Casa de Cultura in Quito, the
dedicated young dancers study to
keep alive the traditions of their
country.
Las Corazas: A group of mask
wearing Indians who play the role
of warriors. They dance at the
Festival of Saint Louis on August
nineteenth, in towns near the
province of Imbabura.
The costume is alba blanca
(white gown) covered with
ribbons and decorations, a hat
half-round adorned with gold
jewelry and feathers, white pan-
taloons, socks and shoes of bright
colors and a belt of silver coins.
The economic and social class of
the Coraza is known by the
number of silver coins on his belt.
Ramo de Gallos: In the early
morning a group of dancers go to
the house of the Prioste de Gallos
(host of the roosters) carrying 24
roosters. They begin to dance
sajuanito (rhythm), drinking and
eating rich food. They choose the
best roosters for the prioste. They
walk around his house and dance
through the streets to the church.
Periodically, they explode fire-
works and announce the name of
the prioste. The host throws
oranges to the dancers and the
number of oranges shows his
generosity and his wealth. At the
church the host offers the very
best rooster that he has received
to St. Peter. The other roosters are
given to certain people who will
be expected to provide roosters
for the next years celebration.
National dances are entwined in
the history and culture of a
country. These dances should be
preserved, recorded and passed on
so that generations to come will
cherish and understand the back-
ground of their people. *


Page 32 C.R. Vol. VI No. 3




















CASA DE LAS

AMERICAS,

WHOSE HOME?

By Florence L. Yudin


From its base in Cuba, the government-run publishing
house, Casa de las Amdricas, makes annual selections
in Poetry, Short Story, Drama, Essay, Novel and
Testimonial. According to the judges' claim, there are
sometimes as many as two hundred entries in a single
category, with dozens of countries represented, and
an international jury. The numbers might suggest that
the competition for the Literary Awards is fierce and
that qualities such as originality, scholarship, and
creativity rank high in the opinion of the judges.
My reading consisted of fifteen of the volumes
awarded literary prizes between 1970-1973 (not the
complete series), with titles ranging from, The Assault
on Cuba by the Yankee Financial Oligarchy (Essay
Award, 1973), to, I Want to Write But Froth Comes
Out (Poetry Award, 1972). In between, there is a
bundle of fiction, explicitly anti-literary and anti-
esthetic; other prose and drama which purport to
exist as social documents, sometimes achieving good
results; and the frankly political or ideological
Testimonial. Viewed as a whole, the picture is clear:
prizes and politics join hands in the publishing
business. But what does this tell us about the "recent
literary and intellectual developments in Latin
America? "
As a professor of literature, it tells me that works
of history, economics, political theory and sociology
are best treated by competent colleagues in those
disciplines. But as a reader, the political preferences
of the Casa de las Amdricas pose a different question:
is the content sufficiently illuminating to educate the


curious? Are there other human or artistic values to
be shared? Both questions, I think, point to a single
consideration. I'd like to back-track, however, before
attempting an answer.
When we consider the brilliant contributions made
by Latin-american writers in fiction and poetry
during the last twenty years, several of the books
under consideration here seem anachronistic, or
conventionally stylized. Secondly, the characteristic
political notes are too uniform to offer the reader
insights into the distinct ideological and social
problems of a variety of countries. While it is obvious
that many of the countries represented do have
common concerns and historical attitudes, particular-
ly with regard to imperialism, it is not true that the
flat verbalization of important ideological and
political issues produces interesting works of art. To
answer the question I raised: my reading of these
books confirms in my mind the notion that it is not
the expression of ideas through literature that fails,
but the absence of literary values in the process.
With the above considerations in mind, I will spare
the reader commentary on non-literary texts and on
those books which are unlikely to have an impact on
literary developments. I have made a personal choice
to discuss those literary works which did not send
this reader screaming back to the refuge of Cervantes,
Vallejo or Borges.
A word on the translations that follow. I do not
know of any English versions of the books to be
C. R. July/Aug/Sept Page 33






discussed. They are probably too new to have
attracted attention. I claim no artistic merit for my
translations: they are frankly literal.
There is something worth looking at in all the
Poetry Awards for 1970-73. Four different countries,
Uruguay, Honduras, Bolivia and Chile, identify the
origin of the authors. There is considerable variety of
expression, content, usage, versification and linguistic
inventiveness. Without exception, the Prizes in Poetry
address social issues. For the most part, the poets
favor contexts which heighten the multi-national
character of social reform. Often, even when the
poems relate to a single national situation, they
contain complementary extra-national implications.
Related themes such as bourgeois values, revolution-
ary ideals, freedom and repression are central threads
in the poetic fabric. In a larger sense, much of this
poetry concerns the human condition in general, and
man's particular struggle in the contemporary world
to salvage a corer of existence.
In my opinion, Roberto Sosa's, A World for All
Divided (1971) is the best book of poetry. The
language is free of jargon and cliche; it is richly
personal and sharable. One looks in vain for limiting
traces of parochialism or bias. This Honduran poet
has mapped a planet where all of us confront our
commonality and separateness: "Inside of me there
opens the space/ of a world for all divided." The
victim who diagnoses himself also writes the record
for society: "I am sick. My I/ is nothing but a sack/
abandoned/ in a place with double-edged flowers."
Later, he moves from this personal realization to a
general recognition: "I'm sick, right, very sick./ All/
are sick in the city I inhabit." The speaker attempts
to find proof of his person, in "the sands of the
desert which I share with others." He discovers that,
"On foot, theoretically alive, I imagine that I
advance." Like the individual who needs palpable
reality, the poet understands that "the rose does not
fit into writing." Clearly, his poetic task must be
scaled to humanity: "to build/ with all my songs/ an
interminable bridge to dignity, so that/ they may
pass,/ one by one,/ the humiliated men of the earth."
If the contemporary heritage has already made its
investment in violence and horror, nevertheless, there
is still one common project: "In reality/ only/ what
man does/ to exalt man is transcendent." What
hierarchy of value other than human effort?

The grass cut by the peasants is equal to a
constellation.
A constellation is equal to a precious stone,
but the weariness of the peasants who cut
the grass
is superior to the universe.

The intense concern and directness of Sosa's poetry,
as well as its existential focus, situate it with the best
classical and modern Spanish humanists. Among
others, Manrique, Quevedo and Jorge Guill6n come to


mind. Sosa speaks with them, stoically, and with his
lucid originality.
To entitle one's book, I Want to Write But Froth
Comes Out (Poetry Award, 1972), is to speak from a
context of conflicting needs. Pedro Shimose, exiled
from his native Bolivia, keeps that focus sharply in
view throughout the pages of his book. Cleverly, and
hopefully with a little humor intended, the jacket
design for this collection shows a pop art typewriter
in purple and blue with green foam issuing from the
center. I mention this because it is a good explanation
of Shimose's title: indignation and anger are there; so
is frustration and involuntary separation. In terms of
the principal themes, the base of the poet's target is
American imperialism and the reactionary govern-
ment which those interests support.
In his poem, entitled in English, "American Way of
Life/ Bolivia," Shimose satirizes the changes which
Bolivia will suffer under the influence of destructive
American values: "They want to make you out of
nylon... and you will tell your life story to Reader's
Digest." Shimose predicts, in English, other cultural
transformations: "pop in out camp very good Batman
yes! The poet perceives the American process as
dehumanizing and violent: what is at the heart of
Bolivian social and cultural reality will be torn out
and replaced by plastic substitutes. He is too civilized
to accept social and cultural rape as a form of love;
and is sufficiently awake not to be deceived by
social and political needs which have been artificially
created. The average man, "according to those who
believe themselves superior to bread and live like/
gods/ far from the worldly din,/ shouldn't know
anything about anything (except football and/ soap
operas)." To resist being overcome by negative
processes, Shimose proposes direct and forceful
confrontation. This is most successfully expressed in
his poem, "Demonstration." According to the
insanity of the times, one responds by going out on
the street "with my condor under my arm," looking
for "the ear and the eye of the night." Expect
persecution and police brutality; but be free; be
earth, be the people! Joining the nerve endings of his
exile and his country's forced betrayal of itself,
Shimose writes one of his most compelling poems,
"Innocent and Beautiful Land." From the perspective
of his exile in Spain, he asks Bolivia to examine:
"Where is your freedom? / Is that piece of map yours,
your heart, is it yours? In his anguish and out of a
deep commitment, the speaker unfolds the image of
his country as lover and traitor: "At night, in the
midst of silence,/ I listen to the sound of your blood/
which trickles." With the eyes of an unforgetting
exile, Pedro Shimose writes an articulate and
uncompromising antidote to the destructive influence
of foreign interests which do not respond to the
human and revolutionary needs of Bolivia.
Spain and Latin America have a well-developed
tradition of satiric poetry. Within this genre one finds
many expressive modes. Perhaps two of the most


Page 34 C.R. Vol. VI No. 3






frequently cultivated types are direct satirical verse,
aimed at existing social or institutional targets, and
what might be termed general grotesque: poetry
which metaphorically embraces the contemporary or
historical situation. The Chilean poet Fernando
Lamberg is very adept at the latter. His slim but
scorching volume, Ladies and Gentlemen (Poetry
Award, 1973), is fair competition for Quevedo,
Valle-Inclan or Nicolas Guill6n.
Lamberg has arranged his poems as a series of
'Family Portraits.' He chooses relatives characterized
by a single, destructive trait or habit: the figures
include suicides, alcoholics, nymphomaniacs, reac-
tionaries, perverts and Grand Old Families. Between
the lines, depicting their separate vices and
self-deceptions, there runs a common note of
decadence and sterility. The quality of grotesqueness
is thus compounded by the implied association with
bourgeois values, anti-revolutionary ideals and general
isolation from what is actually taking place in a
modern, socialist country.
According to the portraitist, alcohol and real estate
do not mix: "My uncle Edward emptied his glass/ and
started the next one/ and then the next and
afterwards the next,/ as if it were a question of
honor." Following his wobbles and spills, he lost his
credit and then his land: "When some people state/
that a genie could not fit in a lamp,/ I answer that my
uncle with his extensive lands/ lived in a bottle."
Promiscuity hardly ranks as committed social
behavior, and Lamberg attacks its inhumanity. A
cousin, for example, who makes frequent visits to the
hospital to have her "prodigious appendix" removed,
is seen by the poet as a freak: "So many apparent
illnesses/ only served to pay the doctors/ who
couldn't produce the ice/ which would have frozen/
her ardent anatomy." It is characteristic of Lamberg's
composition that this portrait is done in the past
tense, and then the observer appears bearing the
finishing mercurial touches.
People who boast of their genealogical purity
probably do not look as closely at their relatives as
does the outsider. With the lighter touch that befits
social hypocrisy, Lamberg comments on the allega-
tion that there were never any "blacks, mestizos . .
and certainly no indians," in the family line: looking
into a relative's eyes he knows that "a bored ancestor/
once desired to prolong her siesta/ with the sunshine
of Guinea." Other kinds of hypocrisy, such as literary
or cultural pretensions, are attacked. A cousin's
secondhand knowledge of the arts, which she
abusively verbalizes, make her the victim of her own
false knowledge: "No one cared if the pearls in her
necklace of facts/ were continually being inter-
changed/ and I believe that she/ -maintaining the
fragile dignity of her pathetic life-[ did not know it
either."
I mentioned earlier that Lamberg frequently
combines a grotesque portrait with complementary
ideological vices. A good example of this opens his


-
Gina Pell6n, Cuba, LA CASA DE ENFRENTE, Museo La Tertulia, Call Colombia

poem, "LXV:" "In life one has company./ In death
you are alone./ But, what company can one have/ on
a planet bursting with fury? / We, the grand families/
feel this asphyxia,/ the lack of oxygen." The
members of the former elite must observe impotently
as their values and security dissolve before them. Still,
they react as if social reform were a madness. Given
their traditional place, how can anyone change what
is so self-evident? "Why don't they understand that
the sun belongs to us,/ that the moon is godmother,/
the stars in-laws." It is the same obsolete class who
proclaims elsewhere: "We ought to put a stop to
changes." Everything must remain in its fixed,
unequal hierarchy: "The lion ought to go on killing
his enemy,/ the eagle leaving his claws in the little
chicks/ and we the proprietors/ we can not be less."
The final poem in this collection, ironically written
in the first person, captures the unreality of those
who have been witnessing revolutionary change and
cannot associate with it: ". . I feel that I am in a
new country,/ on a new planet,/ in a new universe."
The choice is unavoidable: "I ought to look for a land
in which yet/ yes a land/ a land in which yet/ a place
in which one can still/ a location/ yes a location/ a
land/ another land." For the implied speaker of these
poems, one world has disintegrated but a better one
has dawned.
Juan Palmieri, by Antonio Larreta (Drama Award,
1972), might be called a dramatic chronicle which
C. R. July/Aug/Sept Page 35






elaborates Lamberg's themes of family relationship
and revolutionary change. The action occurs in
Montevideo, during the years 1967-70, and what it
documents is the dissolution of a society which has
lost contact with urgent political and social realities.
It assumes that the need for revolutionary change,
and the strength of those who support transforma-
tion, will not be impeded by the resistance of a
decadent middle class.
While the preceding paragraph might give the
opposite impression, Larreta's play is not a political
tract. The work sustains an artistic coherence and


Emilio Sanchez, Cuba, LA PANDERIA, Museo La Tertulia, Call, Colombia

integrity which deserve close reading and critical
evaluation. Juan Palmieri is the creation of a dramatic
talent very much in control of language, situation,
movement, and irony. The play is more process than
production: characters meet for dialogue on a sparse
stage, and developments focus on the phenomena of
awareness, rather than on the forced resolution of
differences. Perhaps to underscore these human and
artistic values, Larreta divided his drama into "Ten
Conversations" and an "Interlude." Each part stands
as a mini-play which presents key events in the
four-year chronology. But each part is also an
inter-locking unit in the larger scenario.
The death of Che Guevara serves as the
psychological motivation of the "First Conversation."
While everyone had heard the news, few people in the
middle class found the event personally significant.
However, for one son of a divorced, affluent society,
Che's death triggered a severe reaction. And it is this
reaction which Carmen Palmieri attempts to discuss
with her ex-husband, Alejandro. Blind to anything
but absolute material values, Alejandro brushes off
Carmen's preoccupation as a familiar case of youthful
idealism. That posture may certainly play a role in
Page 36 C.R. Vol. VI No. 3


the activities of university students, but, as Carmen
remarks, "it's one thing to have ideas and it's
something else. ." To judge from his words, Juan
Palmieri has thought about something which is not
necessarily cherished by his parents' generation:
"Mama, I don't want to live in a world in which ideas
and sentiments aren't the same thing. I'm not going
to live in such a world."
Out of this thematic core, Larreta constructs the
succeeding conversations as dialogues in conscious-
ness raising. When, for example, Carmen learns that
the young people in her son's life no longer trust her,
she defends her world "gray but peaceful
Uruguay," and rebukes the students for their
demonstrations, provocations, and change. For
Carmen, nothing has changed yet except the students.
For the first time, perhaps, a student opens Carmen's
eyes to the gap separating two generations of middle
class people: 'while you continue believing that you
are living in paradise, your son knows that he is living
in a prostituted country.' Later, at her son's request,
Carmen goes to the University to place a flower on
the coffin of an assassinated student. The atmosphere
is electric; something she hasn't felt for years. One
has the impression of a collective act, moving and
urgent: "Today I realized. There is something that
cannot be stopped."
This realization, and Carmen's willingness to live
with it, will separate her, one by one, from the people
who have been her society. But it will afford intense
experiences in perspective and awareness, in sharing
and in self-hood. In conversation with Juan's
girlfriend, a verbal bullet is discharged that will set in
motion the succeeding action. The word is "tupa-
maro," which means "extreme leftist' or 'terrorist,'
depending on which side of the political dictionary
one reads. It is the fact which explodes Carmen's
apolitical, egotistical life: her son is an activist, he is
in danger, and one can no longer pretend that
"youthful ideals" will yield to middle class "common
sense."
In the second half of the play, events are
compressed and dialogue becomes more urgently
personal. The background of demonstrations,
violence and involvement accelerates character
development and conflict. By the time it has been
established that Juan Palmieri was among the activists
murdered by government forces, Carmen has traveled
light years away from her former life and self. She
becomes the creation of her son's sacrifice, and with
resolute dignity, finds a way to participate in the
uncertain future. Classless, allied with the young and
middle-aged, Carmen Palmieri belongs to tomorrow's
revolution. Thus, the paradox of the "Final
Conversation," entitled, "A Woman Alone."
The final work I have chosen for review is Prison
Daily (Poetry Award, 1970), by the Uruguayan
journalist, Carlos Maria Guti6rrez, which raises more
questions in my mind than the other volumes
discussed. According to Cintio Vitier, a Cuban writer


I





who has also served as a judge for the Casa de las
Americas, (the book hit us) "like a bullet with a man
inside." If his initial model was Fidel Castro,
Gutibrrez, after being sentenced to prison for his
anti-government writings, became for others a
revolutionary symbol. For Vitier, Prison Daily spoke
directly to those engaged in serving the revolution; it
was relentless, honest. But these circumstances
describe only the extra-literary impact of the poetry.
What can be said for its literary or creative qualities?
Here the questions arise. First, Gutierrez abandons
conventional punctuation, and to some degree,
syntax. He favors transitionless expression, often
ending abruptly or without finality. In itself, this
mode could be effective for communicating the
experience of daily prison life: humiliation, depriva-
tion, radical loneliness. Dissociated language and
structure might also convey the prisoner's determina-
tion not to be brainwashed, to hold to his
convictions. Is the conjecture or achievement in
Guti6rrez's book?
The first poem, entitled "The Foreigner," recreates
the transformation from free man to prisoner: "I
walk along the street as usual/ but I walk on a new
street/ it's three in the afternoon as it always is/ but
here time begins at zero/ ... ./ I used to live here but
I'm not sure/ 'you can lower your hands' says the
guy/ and he pockets his gun we have arrived/ . ./ I
find out to whom I belong for what everything."
What I miss is not grammatical order or ratiocination
but some indication, through rhythm, image or
expressive quality that what is being delivered as verse
could not have been effectively stated in prose, with
no loss of meaning or suggestion. Of course, I am
asking the reader to judge via my stiff, literal
translations. But I think this is one instance for which
there are very few options available to the translator.
I have only chosen one example from Prison Daily
because, for me, the same questions arise with nearly
all the pieces. Other poems in the book which have a
formal rhyme scheme and strophic pattern, or which
employ a more intense figurative idiom, display a
conceptual or structural inadequacy which diminishes
the affective or metaphorical levels of the poetry.
As some teachers know, negative example, when
one has nothing else to say, does not illustrate
thinking or sensitivity. I would be happy if there were
some way to examine poetry in its fetal stage.
Because, if I haven't made it clear, I feel that
Guti6rrez has something powerful to convey; that he
does possess creative potential. What I have done is to
offer a commentary which presupposes that Prison
Daily is the poet's testing ground; here, he has
confronted his craft responsibly, but he has yet to
bring to fruition his best voice and vision.
In conclusion the Casa de las Amdricas awards
some Prizes which invite appreciation. It has made
available to a potentially enormous public the
opportunity to arrive at independent opinions about
the play of art and politics. *


I:


Wouldn't you rather be here than almost anywhere?


We would like to keep this beach
as it is well, maybe a couple of dozen
people sunbathing, snorkeling, fishing, or
just splashing about wouldn't take
away from the beauty of the white beach and
the crystal clear water. We also have
another thirty odd beaches just like this one.
We have freeport shops for rare bargains.
Dutch, French, and oriental food will make
you forget your waistline. Then we have
really great hotels, large and small,
all designed to make your vacation in
Sint Maarten a gracious and memorable one.






Sint Maarten Tourist Board
Philipsburg
St. Maarten, N. A.


C. R. July/Aug/Sept Page 37





















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Edward Minnis, THE BEST OF POT LUCK, 1972







BAHAMA WATCHING


By Aaron Segal


THE QUIET REVOLUTION IN
THE BAHAMAS. Doris L. John-
son. 177 pp. Family Islands Press
(Box N-3008, Nassau), 1972.
NEUROSES IN THE SUN.
Timothy O. McCartney. 166 pp.
Executive Ideas (P.O. Box N4555,
Nassau), 1971.
BAHAMAS HANDBOOK. 528 pp.
Etienne Dupuch, Jr. Publications,
(P.O. Box N7513, Nassau), 1973.
A HISTORY OF THE
BAHAMAS. Michael Craton. 319
pp. Collins (London), Revised
Edition 1968.
GRAND BAHAMA. P.J.H. Bar-
ratt. 206 pp. Stackpole Books
(Harrisburg, Pennsylvania), 1972.
Page 40 C.R. Vol. VI No. 3


THE INNOCENT ISLAND.
ABACO IN THE BAHAMAS. Zoe
C. Durrell. 157 pp. Durrell Publi-
cations (P.O. Box 1000, Brat-
tleboro, Vermont), 1972.
BAHAMAS INDEPENDENCE
ISSUE 1973. 163 pp. Third World
Group, (P.O. Box N-913, Nassau),
1973.

THE BEST OF POT LUCK.
Edward A. Minnis. 204 pp. Nassau
Guardian (Nassau), 1972.

Andrea Ramsey, age 10, wrote a
poem to celebrate the July 10,
1973 independence of the
Bahamas. Published in the special


independence issue by the Third
World Group, a loose assortment
of Bahamian intellectuals,
Andrea's poem "And Then We
Were Free," runs as follows:

Tourism and Imports are our
gain,/ Britain was our
mother's name./ And when
we unfurl our flag that
night,/ One minute past mid-
night./ And then a nation we
will be,/ And all will show
we're free,/ We're free.

The unfurling of the flag ended
344 years of British rule but did
not quite set free 170,000 persons







spread out over 760 miles of
islands, cays, and rocks from the
Florida coast to the edge of Haiti.
Instead it left them snuggled in
the intoxicating and at times
suffocating cultural, political, and
economic embrace of hordes of
hedonistic tourists and an army of
con artists, advance men, and
millionaires on the lam.
It helps to begin with some
history, pleasurably provided by
Michael Craton in his readable
volume. The Bahamas have long
been a refuge: first to Lucayan
Indians running away from the
aggressive Caribs, later to 17th and
18th century pirates and buc-
caneers. Then to anti-indepen-
dence Tory Loyalist refugees and
their slaves fleeing the American
Revolution, to U.S. Civil War
confederate blockade runners, to
bootleggers during American
prohibition, to the late Harlem
Congressman Adam Clayton
Powell when harassed by lawsuits,
and currently to Howard Hughes
and Robert Vesco. What has
attracted these and other passers-
by to these flat, marshy clumps of
land set in aquamarine splendour,
and a gentle climate, has been the
desire to fleece their fellow-man
from a safe sanctuary (exception
being the Lucayans who were
decimated for their docility by the
16th century Spanish visitors).
Black Bahamians, 80 percent of
the total, and descended from
16-18th century slaves, 19th
century free men rescued from
slave ships by the British, and
more recent West Indian and
Haitian migrants, have mostly
watched the fleecing from a
distance, occasionally scooping up
some small change from the
action. White Bahamian elites
were quick to put the islands up
for grabs, whether by old-fashion-
ed pirates, shipwreckers and
scavengers, or their more discrete
20th century counterparts: multi-
millionaire tax dodgers, gambling
casino operators, and property
developers. Like their black fel-
low-islanders from whom they
remained aloof, isolated com-
munities of poor whites (known as


Conchy Joes) in out-islands such
as Abaco also got few crumbs
from the tasty give-away pie
concocted by the Nassau Bay
Street white merchants and their
friends.
The sharing-out process but not
the name of the game changed
when a rising black middle-class
emerged in the 1940's and forged
political links with the embryonic
trade-union movement. Doris
Johnson, one of the first and most
effective women politicians,
provides a sympathetic partisan
account in her book about the rise
and coming to power in 1967 of
the Progressive Liberal Party
(PLP).
The ballot-box victory brought -
after centuries of fraud, vote-
buying, and stealing jobs, pa-
tronage, and independence.
Crack-downs on immigration per-
mits for expatriates and expulsion
of illegal Haitians created un-
precedented opportunities for
Bahamians. Increased expenditure
on education and other social
services began to remedy a sys-
tematic neglect that has left the
islands with one of the worst
skilled manpower shortages in the
entire Caribbean. A Bahamas
Development Corporation was
established to acquire government
minority shares in new and
existing investments, curbs were
put on gambling franchises, and
the international consortium to
which the Bay Street Boys had
ceded much of Grand Bahama
Island as its fiefdom had some of
its power reduced.
But, let there be no mistake,
the name of the game remains tax
and tourist haven. The admirable
annual Bahamas Handbook, in
addition to excellent articles on
archaeology, flora, and fauna, has
the straight story from the experts
on tax benefits for Canadians,
Americans and anyone else who
would like to keep his money in a
country where there are no
personal income, corporate,
probate or other nasty progressive
taxes. Freeport town planner
Peter Barratt concludes his book
on the biggest giveaway of them


all, Grand Bahama Island, that
"the country walks a tightrope
balanced between economic pros-
perity and foreign economic
domination on the one hand, and
a domestic enterprise 'fishing
village' economy on the other."
Historian Craton notes the ram-
pant inflation and poverty of a
government dependent on
customs duties for two-thirds of
its revenue, in a rich man's
country. He concludes that
"business men and speculators
riding the boom, lawyers living on
fat fees, indubitably profit from
the flow of foreign capital through
the islands. The benefits to the
average Bahamian are far less
obvious." Department of Statistics
figures indicate an appalingly
unequal income distribution while
the Department of Tourism
spends nearly as much on tourist
promotion as on the national
education budget.
The Bahamas are no longer for
sale as in the bad old Bay Street
days but the United States missile
tracking stations, Miami to
Freeport and Nassau cruise ships,
winter resident Canadian and
American "snowbirds," inter-
national banks, insurance com-
panies and other tax holidayers
are still welcome. A few timid
mildly critical voices are raised
among the young intellectuals of
the Third World Group (some
educated at the University of the
West Indies). But there is no
effective leftwing opposition to
Prime Minister Pindling whose
slim 1967 electoral coming to
power has been buttressed by
smashing victories in 1968 and
1972. With only 250 Bahamians a
year overseas on government
scholarships, and no university or
firm plans to establish one yet in
the islands, there are sufficient
well-paying jobs for several years
to come for the educated few, the
principal beneficiaries of the
Bahamianisation policies that have
taken once expatriate-held jobs.
The recent slump in construction
and the foreign investors'
uneasiness over how long the tax
haven will continue has mostly
C.R. July/Aug/Sept Page 41






hurt the Haitian migrants who
have been losing the unskilled
"dirty" jobs once scorned by
Bahamians.
More encouraging is the dev-
elopment of a healthy satire
questioning the values of a genteel
get rich quick society (the British
touch and a profound religiousity
provide the gentility). Edward
Minnis, talented political car-
toonist of the Nassau Guardian,
takes on all comers in his daily Pot
Luck series. Timothy McCartney,
a black Bahamian psychologist,
uses his experiences with the
mentally ill to insightfully analyze
the emerging social structure.
Although lacking an empirical
base, his account of neuroses in
the sun depicts the strains im-
posed by almost overwhelmingly
rapid change on a traditional
society which was isolated and
intact. The astronomically high
incidence of alcoholism, similar to
that in the U.S. Virgin Islands, is
the most visible manifestation of
the toll that this kind of social
change is taking.
Concerned Bahamians are
groping for a cultural identity
beyond the straw hats and conch
shells peddled to eager tourists.
Amateur theater and dance
groups, aspiring artists and poets,
and local historians are surfacing,
and some of their work is
reflected in the pages of the Third
World Group publication. Non-
Bahamian writers like Zoe C.
Durrell show more concern for the
conservation of the bird, marine
and shell life than for the
"innocent" white and black
islanders of Abaco whom she
implies would be a lot better off if
only they would surrender total
possession to the property dev-
elopers, multinational corpora-
tions, and snowbirds eager to
migrate.
Grand Bahama Island remains a
symbol of the contradictions that
beset the new nation. Under the
Bay Street ancien regime it pros-
pered mightily, growing in ten
years from 4,000 to a population
of 25,000 (more than half-non-
Bahamians, mostly high-income.
Page 42 C.R. Vol. VI No. 3


Americans and unskilled Haitian
laborers). Tax and other conces-
sions lured oil refineries, a cement
company, a contraceptive pill
plant, a duty-free port, and
500,000 tourists a year. Town
planner Barratt boasts that the
island has room for 250,000
persons and one can almost hear
reading his book the thundering
hooves of descending Floridian
real-estate agents.
While the Nassau-dominated
PLP government rides high in New
Providence Island (100,000 of the
total population and a majority of
PLP seats), the expatriate devel-
opers concoct their schemes for
the tragically neglected out-islands
such as San Salvador. The schemes
are usually more of the same:
luxury tourist hotels, second
homes for wealthy snowbirds,
"lots" to be sold to the eager to
be fleeced, and crumbs for the
islanders. (The islanders in turn
may or may not allow in des-
perately poor Haitians to scramble
for some of the crumbs.) The
government in Nassau has few
ideas and little incentive to
develop the out-islands with its
own resources. At best it will
insist on a government share in
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expatriates provide and perhaps
limit some of the more repacious
or outrageous proposals. (Here
cartoonist Minnis and others
mobilizing the barely visible emer-
gence of a social conscience can
help.)
While the rich worry about the
safety of their money in a newly
independent black-run society
(there has been a boom of bank
openings in the still colonial
Grand Cayman Islands), the
Pindling government twists and
turns between showing that it is in
control and not antagonizing
tourists or snowbirds. Misters
Hughes and Vesco are welcome,
provided that they do not seek
work permits, but Italian chefs or
Swiss hotel managers are not.
Haitian garbage-collectors are mar-
ginally acceptable as long as they
remain illegal, constantly de-
portable, unorganized, and
apolitical (estimates vary between
5,000 and 20,000 Haitians in the
Bahamas; hundreds seek to enter
illegally on small boats every
month.)
It has much of the makings of
an ugly society in which extremes
of power and wealth based on race
are replaced by new extremes
based on class, with the Haitians
as a permanent under-class, black
and white Bahamians occupying
the middle and upper-middle
strata, and mostly white snow-
birds at the top. Yet it is not all
grab and still very little smash
(Johnson and McCartney in their
books note the lack of violence
with which the PLP came to
power, the relative harmony if
lack of contact between ex-
patriates and Bahamians, and the
persistence of religious fellowship
and other older stabilizing values.)
One problem in shaping the
future is the lack of viable models
to emulate. Miami is one pole of
attraction, whether for shopping,
cable television, or courses in
cosmetology. Black Americans are
another, contributing large num-
bers of tourists, and superficially
in terms of speech, clothing, and
hair styles, evidencing consider-
able impact on younger




















































Bahamians, especially in Nassau.
The Commonwealth Caribbean
is physically distant and culturally
peripheral. Prime Minister Pindling
took the Bahamas into the Carib-
bean Development Bank, lobbied
unsuccessfully for a branch of the
University of the West Indies in
Nassau, and enjoys cordial re-
lations with Jamaican and other
leaders. But there is little in the
Caribbean experience of post-
independence nation-building that
seems eminently transferable.
Clearly more generous in terms of
tax concessions than any other
independent Caribbean govern-


:dward Minnis, THE BEST OF POT LUCK, 1972


ment, the Bahamian leaders have
their eyes sharply focused on the
U.S. rather than any tiny
CARIFTA or other regional
markets. Their wages and costs are
allegedly the highest in the area,
their economy more an appendage
of that of the U.S. than anywhere
else in the Caribbean except
Puerto Rico and the U.S. Virgin
Islands. West Indians are the most
acceptable and the most as-
similable of all the expatriates but
as a once overfull economy
encounters increasing joblessness
they too may be unwelcome.
The Bahamas is hooked into an


economic mode that provides
considerable prosperity but at the
price of gross inequities and a
seeming inability to construct
more than the framework of a
modest welfare state. The PLP
brand of extremely cautious
economic nationalism has yet to
be challenged by a more radical or
intelligent version. The rump of
the ancien regime laments that the
government is killing or at least
badly frightening the goose that
lays the golden eggs. Hughes and
Vesco would presumably disagree.
Psychologist McCartney regards
economic dependence on the U.S.
as unavoidable but wants to limit
psychological dependence. He
argues that "a Bahamian culture
exists already and finds lively,
colorful and soul-satisfying expres-
sion in our music, our dialect, our
food, our traditions," and asserts
that "in terms of historical and
social background, personality and
temperament, the black Bahamian
has little more in common with
his American 'soul brother' than
his colour."
Tourism and tax holidays are
the latest and perhaps more stable
versions of a boom and bust
Bahamian economic cycle that has
tried piracy, ship-wrecking,
blockade-running, gin-smuggling,
and sponge-fishing. Political in-
dependence ensures that at least
some black Bahamians will share
in the current booty. But the
particular form of economic de-
pendence chosen probably means
that the spoils will continue to be
shared most unequally.
McCartney ends on an upnote:
"while we must somehow recon-
cile ourselves with the economic
facts of life we can, and we must,
inject into our people the
awareness that this land is not just
a potential moneyspinner, but
first and foremost their home,
their base, and a source of
emotional satisfaction and pride."
Ten-year-old Andrea Ramsey may
have be6n naive in writing "And
Then We Were Free" but one of
her lines showed the path to take:
"And then a nation we will
be." *


C.R. July/Aug/Sept Page 43


HOW CAN WE OPEN OUTLETS?

















THE STING!

By Patrick M. Catania


Nelson Romero, FIGURAS DANZANDO, Uruguay, Museo La Tertulia,
Call, Colombia


HOW TO PROFIT FROM THE
COMING LAND BOOM IN THE
CARIBBEAN ISLANDS AND
LATIN AMERICA. William E.
Gilbert. 356 pp. Frederick Fell
Publishers, 1973. $9.95.
Mr. Gilbert's book is probably the
most unrealistic book on invest-
ments I've ever read. For all one
can tell from this book he
probably does not have the
financial background to counsel
anybody on land investments
anywhere, much less the Carib-
bean and Latin America. Nowhere
in his book does he stress any
formula on how to profit from an
investment. His argument seems to
be: find the place you like and
buy property there. No one in
their right mind should have to
pay the money he gets for his
book for this kind of advice. To
operationalize his advice he sug-
gests you should move to the
island of your choice and get
friendly with the people there.
That way you will then be in a
better bargaining position!
This idea of his is utterly


preposterous, it has no financial
merit whatsoever. If in fact he
does conduct his land transactions
in this manner, any profit he has
made has been by sheer luck. I
sincerely doubt that Mr. Gilbert
has made money in actual invest-
ments. Nowhere in his book does
he tell us how much he has made,
much less invested.
For instance an average chapter
in Mr. Gilbert's book, is chapter
15, on Jamaica. He breaks it into
seven major categories: the
people, the government, politics,
the economy, transportation,
tourist facilities, and foreign
participation. When Mr. Gilbert
discusses "the people" he does so
in approximately two paragraphs
where he gives us population
statistics and then gives us the
breakdown into religious sects. He
states in this section that the
Anglican church is the largest by
far with Baptists, Roman Catho-
lics, Methodists, Moslems, Hindus,
and Jews following. That helps
investing in churches doesn't it!
He donates a whole three


paragraphs to the government,
comprising approximately one-
hundred words. Politics the
smallest of any of the sub-
chapters, seems to me to be quite
ridiculous, in as much that anyone
contemplating making an invest-
ment in a country would have to
know a lot about their political
structure. I cannot understand
how Mr. Gilbert feels that 63
words on the political structure of
any country could sum it up, well
enough to entice somebody into
an investment of any size. Now
getting to the real "meat of this
chapter," foreign participation, I
quote "The government of
Jamaica has been very active in
soliciting foreign investment in
both industrialization and
tourism. A number of incentive
laws have been passed. The Hotel
Incentive Act provides for free-
dom for 10 years in many areas
and up to 15 years in some areas
from income taxes on earnings of
hotels and inns of no less than 10
rooms, or 10-room additions to
existing structures. Local partici-
pation is encouraged but is not
mandatory in order to enjoy this
tax break." I cannot conceive in
my mind of anyone looking to
buy a hotel, or even considering
an investment of this size, buying


Page 44 C.R. Vol. VI No. 3





Mr. Gilbert's book to use as a
reference. I quote further "To
purchase land non-citizens must
apply to the Exchange Control
Authority Bank of Jamaica, which
decides on the application depend-
ing on the purpose of the
purchase. Non-citizens who are
living and working in Jamaica may
acquire property if it is necessary
in their business. In the case of the
speculative purchase of land with-
out development of the land, on
resale the proceeds would have to
be deposited in a local bank for
four years (emphasis added)."
Now I ask you Mr. Gilbert, is this
what you would consider lever-
age?
He has some rather strange
political views of which he
donates three pages of his book.
On politics Mr. Gilbert uses the
instance of Panama for an exam-
ple: He states that Panama is
basically a stable country. Since
Panama draws most of its wealth
from foreign business and com-
merce it is actively engaged in
encouraging more foreign partici-
pation in its economy. I quote
"While the Army or National
Guard is normally in control and
the leaders may change from time
to time, the real decisions gov-
erning the country are made with
a view to maintain a favorable
climate for foreign investors. The
Anti-American Huff and Puff
about the control of the canal is a
matter of understandable national
pride, which will be settled in due
time (emphasis added)." The only
problem I can foresee in this
statement is that Mr. Gilbert does
not explain in what way this
problem is to be settled. How
could anybody even consider any
investment of substantial capital
in a country that one day the
army may be in charge with one
leader or another. Mr. Gilbert
refers to this as a "Minimal Risk
Investment." Perhaps we, in turn,
might call this a "Gross Under-
statement."
On race relations, of which Mr.
Gilbert has donated two pages of
his book, he states that "While the
American news media has played


up racial incidents, there is no
more racial tension in the Carib-
bean than in New York, Chicago,
or Los Angeles." Mr. Gilbert
obviously has been away from
home for abit. He portrays the
people of the Caribbean, as people
willing to bend over backward to
help the "friendly" American
Tourist. Somehow this seems to
be in conflict, somewhat, with
what has happened in St. Croix in
the last few years.
The last thing the people of the
Caribbean and Latin America
want is for the American investors
to come in and rape their country.
Yet investments need not rape,
especially if they are productive.
No mention of such distinctions in
his book of course. Mr. Gilbert's
book reads like a travel guide, and
a rather poor one at that, rather
than a book on investment coun-
seling. The book wastes little
time becoming boring. After the
first twenty pages of his foot-by-
foot description of the coastline
and the reproductions of his
antiquated marine maps, things
begin to seem alike.
The only positive advice Mr.
Gilbert gives is that an American
contemplating an investment of
substantial capital in the Carib-
bean should first contact the
United States Government to find
out if the United States Govern-
ment is having any problems with
that country. $9.95.
Since Mr. Gilbert has a "B.S."
in Engineering from Princeton
University, and a "M.B.A." from
the Wharton School of Finance
and Commerce, maybe he should
try next time to find a job slanted
a little more towards Engineering
rather than Finance. Some 150
hours of flying time, and 617
places of reference (14.5 minutes
in the air for each) and the reader
still doesn't know what to do with
his money. He must be a better
pilot than he is an Investment
Counsellor. Maybe Aeronautical
Engineering... How To Profit
From The Coming Land Boom In
The Caribbean Islands and Latin
America is NOT a good "invest-
ment." *


a.


-
V_

(9


I


CARIBBEAN
MONOGRAPH
SERIES NO. 7


religious

cults of the

caribbean

trinidad,

jamaica

and haiti

by geogee e.

simpson






Revised and augmented
version of The Shango Cult
in Trinidad


PUBLICATIONS
Institute of Caribbean Studies
Box BM
University of Puerto Rico
Rio Piedras, Puerto Rico


C.R. July/Aug/Sept Page 45


I


;e


ks







A new voice in

the Caribbean





Revista/Review


InterAmerican

Inter American Revista/Review...a dual-language journal of
scholarship and opinion, published quarterly by Inter American
University, San Juan, Puerto Rico. Provocative articles on history,
literature, political affairs, education, economics...plus book reviews,
poetry, short stories and major bibliographies. Past and future issues include
Eric Williams, Prime Minister of Trinidad, on Slavery and its Apologists.
Eugene V. Mohr, An Annotated Bibliography of Puerto Rican Literature in
English, 1923-1973. J. L. Dillard, author of "Black English," on Spanish-
English Language Contact in the American Southwest. Luis Diaz Soler,
University of Puerto Rico, on Relaciones Raciales en Puerto Rico.
Thomas Dale Stewart, of the Smithsonian, on Myths and Realities in
Amerindian Life. Angel Aguirre, Inter American University,
on Ren6 MarquBs and the Struggle of the Puerto Rican Theater.
Joshua Fishman, Yeshiva University, on The Sociology of Language.
Ram6n Cruz, Secretary of Education for Puerto Rico,
on El Reto Educativo en Puerto Rico. John Figueroa, Jamaican
poet, on West Indian Writers. Rub6n del Rosario, University of
Puerto Rico, on Puerto Rican Slang, plus much more...



U Please send me:
SEl Your free 1973-74 Book Catalog
A subscription to the Inter American Revista/Review O
SEO One year $5.00 O Two years $8.00 U
SO Check enclosed O Bill me U
SName (please print)
Street
SCity State and Zip Code
Inter American University Press / Box 1293, Hato Rey, P.R. 00919 *
.....m mmmmm mmmm mmmmmmmm





























1. GENERAL

Biography

CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. ErnIe Brad-
ford. 288 pp. Viking Press, 1973. $16.95.

COLUMBUS; DISCOVERER OF THE NEW
WORLD. Matthew G. Grant. John Kelley,
Illus. Creative Educational Society (Mankato,
Minn.), 173. $3.95. A brief biography.

FIDEL CASTRO, A BIOGRAPHY. John
Gerassi. 137 pp. Doubleday, 1973. $3.95.

MONTEZUMA: LORD OF THE AZTECS.
Cottie Arthur Burland. 269 pp. Putnam,
1973. $15.00.

PABLO CASALS. H.L. Kirk. Holt, Rinehart
and Winston, 1974. $14.95. A detailed
biography about the world-renowned cellist
and humanitarian.

ROBERTO CLEMENTE, BATTING KING.
Arnold Hano. 190 pp. Putnam, 1973. $4.89.
Traces the career of the famous Puerto Rican
baseball player.

A YANKEE REFORMER IN CHILE; THE
LIFE & WORKS OF DAVID TRUMBULL.
Irven Paul. 155 pp. William Carey Library
(South Pasadena, Calif.), 1973. $3.95.


General Works

BARBADOS. George Hunte. Hasting House
(N.Y.), 1974. $8.95.

BRAZIL: A CHRONOLOGY AND FACT
BOOK, 1488-1973. Russell Hunke Fitzgib-
bon, editor. Oceana Publications, 1973.
$7.50.

THE CARIBBEAN COMMUNITY: A GUIDE.
111 pp. Caribbean Community Secretariat,
June 1973.

CUBA: FROM COLUMBUS TO CASTRO.
Jaime Suchlicki. Charles Scribners, 1974.
$7.95.

THE LAND AND THE PEOPLE OF PERU.
Joshua David Bowen. 158 pp. Lippincott,
1973. $4.95. Introduces the geography,
history, industries, diverse cultures and
peoples of Peru.

THE LATIN AMERICANS: THEIR
HERITAGE AND THEIR DESTINY. Ronald
Hilton. 253 pp. Lippincott, 1973. $6.95.

MEXICO. THE STRUGGLE FOR MODER-
NITY. Charles C. Cumberland. 406 pp.
Oxford Univ. Press, 1973. $3.00.


PERSPECTIVES ON LATIN AMERICA.
Samuel L. Baily and Ronald T. Hyman,
editors. Macmillan, 1974. $5.95. In-depth
analysis of the crucial conflicts that plague
Latin America in the 70's.


Geography and Travel

A FIELD GUIDE TO SHELLS OF THE
ATLANTIC AND GULF COASTS AND THE
WEST INDIES. Percy A. Morris. William J.
Clench, editor. 330 pp. Houghton Mifflin,
1973. $7.95. A reprint of the 1947 edition.

A GUIDE TO THE BIRDS OF TRINIDAD
AND TOBAGO. Richard French. 516 pp.
Livingston, 1974. $12.50. An illustrated guide
to more than 400 species that inhabit the
area.

JAMAICA: A HOLIDAY GUIDE. Lan
Sangster. Charles Scribners, 1974. $4.95.

SEA TURTLES AND THE TURTLE IN-
DUSTRY OF THE WEST INDIES, FLORIDA
AND THE GULF OF MEXICO. Thomas P.
Rebel. U. of Miami Press, 1974. $10.00. A
reprint of the 1949 edition.


History and Archaeology

ACCLIMATIZATION IN THE ANDES.
Carlos Monge Mediano. Donald F. Brown,
trans. 130 pp. Blaine Ethridge Books, 1973.
$14.50. A reprint of the 1968 edition.

AFRICA, LATIN AMERICA AND THE
EAST. Leonard Frank James. 236 pp.
Pergamon, 1973. $6.35. Traces the history of
Latin America, Africa, Asia and the Middle
East.

ANALYSIS HISTORIC DE LA DEPEN-
DENCIA ARGENTINA. Jose Maria Rosa. 94
pp. Guadalupe (Arg.), 1973.

ANCIENT PERUVIAN CERAMICS: THE
NATHAN CUMMINGS COLLECTION. Alan
R. Sawyer. 144 pp. New York Graphic
Society, 1974. $7.95.

ARCANE SECRETS AND OCCULT LORE
OF MEXICO AND MAYAN CENTRAL
AMERICA. Lewis Spence. 288 pp. Blaine
Ethridge Books (Detroit), 1973. $12.50. A
reprint of the 1930 edition. A treasury of
magic, astrology, witchcraft, demonology,
and symbolism.

THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC, 1516-1971.
Henry Stanley Ferns. 212 pp. Barnes &
Noble, 1973. $10.00.


THE AZTECS. Nigel Davies. Putnam, 1974.
$8.95. A political history of the most famous
indian tribe of Central America.

CHILE: A HISTORICAL INTERPRETA-
TION. Jay Kinsbruner. 176 pp. Harper &
Row, 1974. $3.45.

TO CONQUER A PEACE: THE WAR
BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND
MEXICO 1846-1848. John Edward Weeds.
Anchor Press, 1974. $12.50.
COUNTERREVOLUTION: THE ROLE OF
THE SPANIARDS IN THE INDEPENDENCE
OF MEXICO, 1804-38. Romero Flores
Caballero. Jaime E. Rodr(guez, tr. U. of
Nebraska Press, 1974. $7.95.

THE DIPLOMATIC AND COMMERCIAL
RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES
AND CHILE, 1820-1914. William Roderick
Sherman. 224 pp. Russell & Russell (N.Y.),
1973. $14.00. A reprint of the author's 1923
thesis.

THE GENERAL HISTORY OF THE VAST
CONTINENT AND ISLANDS OF AMERICA,
COMMONLY CALLED THE WEST INDIES,
FROM THE FIRST DISCOVERY THERE-
OF: WITH THE BEST ACCOUNTS THE
PEOPLE COULD GIVE OF THEIR AN-
TIQUITIES. Antionio Herrera y Tordesillas.
John Stevens, translator. AMS Press, 1973.
$15.00. A reproduction of the 1740 edition.

THE GROWTH OF THE BRITISH COM-
MONWEALTH, 1880-1932. I.M. Cumpston,
editor. 195 pp. St. Martins Press, 1973. $8.95.

HISTORY OF THE INDIANS OF NEW
SPAIN. Toribio Motolinia. Elizabeth Andros
Foster, editor. Greenwood Press, 1973.
$15.00. A reprint of the 1950 edition.

INSURGENT GOVERNOR: ABRAHAM
GONZALEZ AND THE MEXICAN
REVOLUTION IN CHIHUAHUA. William H.
Beezley. 195 pp. U. of Nebraska Press, 1973.
$7.50.

THE LOST CIVILIZATION: THE STORY
OF THE CLASSIC MAYA. Patrick T.
Culbert. Harper & Row, 1974. $3.95.

THE MEN WHO MADE MEXICO. Clarke
Newlon. 273 pp. Dodd Mead, 1973. $4.95.

THE MEXICAN REVOLUTION AND THE
CATHOLIC CHURCH, 1910-1929. Robert E.
Quirk. 276 pp. Indiana U. Press, 1973.

THE PANAMA CANAL: ITS HISTORY,
ACTIVITIES AND ORGANIZATION. Darrell
Havenor Smith. AMS Press, 1973. $18.50. A
reprint from the 1927 edition.

REVOLUTION OF QUERETARO. THE
MEXICAN CONSTITUTIONAL CONVEN-
TION OF 1916-1917. E.V. Niemeyer. U. of
Texas Press, 1974. $10.00.

SCHOLARS AND SCHOOLS IN COLONIAL
PERU. Luis Martin, ed. 206 pp. School of
Continuing Education, Southern Methodist
U., 1973.

THE STRUGGLE FOR SOUTH AMERICA.
Joao Frederico Normano. 294 pp. Greenwood
Press, 1973. $12.00. A reprint of the 1931
edition.

SUGAR AND SLAVERY: AN ECONOMIC
HISTORY OF THE BRITISH WEST INDIES,
1623-1775. Richard B. Sheridan. John
Hopkins, 1974. $22.50.

THE UNITED STATES AND THE CARIB-
BEAN REPUBLICS, 1921-1933. Dana Gard-
ner Munro. Princeton U. Press, 1974. $17.50.


C.R. -July/Aug/Sept Page 47







iVIVA CRISTO REY! David C. Bailey. U. of
Texas Press, 1974 $10.00. The Cristero
rebellion and the Church-State conflict in
Mexico.


Reference

HISTORICAL DICTIONARY OF
ECUADOR. Albert Williams Bork and George
Maier. 192 pp. Scarecrow Press, 1973. $6.00.

LATIN AMERICA REVIEW OF BOOKS I.
Colin Harding and Christopher Roper, editors.
Ramparts Press, 1974. $2.95. Over 100 books
analyzed by leading experts.

THE PUERTO RICANS: AN ANNOTATED
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Puerto Rican Research and
Resource Center. Paquita Vivo, editor. 299
pp. Bowker, 1973. $14.95.


II. THE ARTS

Art, Architecture, and Music

STONEWORK OF THE MAYA. Edward
Ranney. 192 pp. U. of New Mexico Press,
1974. $9.95. A photographic study of ancient
Mayan architecture.

TEXTILES OF ANCIENT PERU AND
THEIR TECHNIQUES. Raoul d'Harcourt.
Grace G. Denny and Carolyn Osborne,
editors. U. of Washington Press, 1974. $20.00
cloth; $8.95 paper. A republication of the
1934 French edition.


Language and Literature

BETRAYED BY RITA HAYWORTH. Manuel
Puig. Avon Books, 1973. 254 pp. $1.65
paper.


BORINQUEN: AN ANTHOLOGY OF PUER-
TO RICAN LITERATURE. Maria Teresa
Babin and Stan Steiner, editors. Alfred A.
Knopf, 1974. $8.95 cloth, $2.95 paper.

CARIBBEAN RHYTHMS. James T. Living-
ston, ed. Washington Square Press, 1974. 379
pp. $1.95 paper.

CARLOS MARIA OCANTOS, ARGENTINE
NOVELIST. Theodore Anderson. 136 pp.
AMS Press, 1973. $7.00. A reprint of the
1934 edition.

THE GREEN HOUSE. Mario Vargas Llosa.
383 pp. Avon Books, 1973. $1.65 paper.
Translation of the famous novel by the
Peruvian author.
A HERO FOR JAMAICA; A NOVEL OF
THE LIVING LEGEND OF MARCUS
GARVEY. Gershom Artonio Williams. 139
pp. Exposition Press (N.Y.), 1973. $5.00.

INDEX OF MEXICAN FOLKTALES, IN-
CLUDING NARRATIVE TEXTS FROM
MEXICO, CENTRAL AMERICA AND THE
HISPANIC UNITED STATES. Stanley Linn
Robe. 276 pp. U. of California Press, 1973.
$9.00.

IS MASSA DAY DEAD? BLACK MOODS IN
THE CARIBBEAN. Orbe Coombs, editor.
Anchor Press, 1974. $2.95.

JUAN BOBO AND THE PIG: A PUERTO
RICAN FOLKTALE. Retold by Bernice
Chardiet. Illus. by Hope Meryman. Walter,
1974. $5.95. Children's book.

LEAF STORM AND OTHER STORIES.
Gabriel Garc(a M6rquez. Avon Books, 1973.
223 pp. $1.65 paper. Translations of works
by the famous Colombian novelist.

IN PRAISE OF DARKNESS. Jorge Luis
Borges. Norman Thomas di Giovanni, transla-
tor. Dutton, 1974. $7.95 cloth; $3.75 paper.
Translation of the famous Argentine writer's
work.

62: A MODEL KIT. Julio Cortazar. 288 pp.
Avon Press, 1973. $1.65 paper. Translation of
work by the famous Argentine writer.

SPIKS. Pedro Juan Soto. Victoria Ortiz, trans.
Monthly Review Press, 1973. $6.50. Trans-
lation of the work by the famous Puerto
Rican author.


Mexican Dancers, Photo by Peggo Cromer
Page 48 C.R. Vol. VI No. 3


III SOCIAL SCIENCE

Anthropology and Sociology

THE AFRICAN DIMENSION IN LATIN
AMERICAN SOCIETIES. Franklin W.
Knight. Macmillan, 1974. $5.96. How Afro-
Americans are influencing life in Latin
America.

AZTECAS DEL NORTE: THE CHICANOS
OF AZTLAN. Jack D. Forbes, Comp. 336 pp.
Fawcett Pub., 1973. $.95.

THE CHICANOS: LIFE AND STRUGGLES
OF THE MEXICAN MINORITY IN THE
UNITED STATES. Gilberto L6pez y Rivas.
Monthly Review Press, 1973. $7.95. An
analysis of the history and current realty of
the Chicanos in American society.

CONTEMPORARY CULTURES AND
SOCIETIES IN LATIN AMERICA. Dwight B.
Heath, ed. Random House, 1973. $11.95. A
reader in the social anthropology of Middle
and South America and the Caribbean.

DISCRIMINATION WITHOUT VIOLENCE:
MISCEGENATION AND RACIAL CON-
FLICT IN LATIN AMERICA. Mauricio
Solaun. 240 pp. Wiley, 1973. $9.95.

FOREIGNERS IN THEIR NATIVE LAND.
David J. Weber, editor. 288 pp. U. of New
Mexico Press, 1973. $12.00. Historical roots
of the Mexican-Americans.

INDIAN INTEGRATION IN PERU: A HALF
CENTURY OF EXPERIENCE, 1900-1948.
Thomas M. Davies. U. of Nebraska Press,
1974. $7.95. Analyzes government efforts to
integrate Peru's large Indian population and
the impact on both the Indian masses and on
national development.

LOS INDIOS DEL BRASIL. Julio Cesar
Melatti. 281 pp. S.E.P. (Mex.), 1973.

THE KALAPALO INDIANS OF CENTRAL
BRAZIL. Ellen B. Basso. 157 pp. Holt,
Rinehart and Winston, 1973. $3.50.

MEXICAN-AMERICANS OF SOUTH
TEXAS. William Madsen. 124 pp. Holt,
Rinehart and Winston, 1973. $3.00.

MITOS, SUPERSTICIONES Y SUPER-
VIVENCIAS POPULARES DE BOLIVIA.
Rigoberto M. Paredes. 358 pp. Burgos (Bol.),
1973. A reprint.

THE MOVING FRONTIER: SOCIAL AND
ECONOMIC CHANGE IN A SOUTHERN
BRAZILIAN COMMUNITY. Maxine L.
Margolis. U. of Florida Press, 1973. $10.00.

THE NEW PROFESSIONAL IN VENE-
ZUELAN SECONDARY EDUCATION.
Thomas J. La Belle. 195 pp. Latin American
Center, U. of California, 1973.

POLITICAL LEARNING AMONG THE
MIGRANT POOR: THE IMPACT OF RE-
SIDENTIAL CONTEXT. Wayne A. Cornelius.
88 pp. Sage Pub., 1973. $2.90. A Mexican
case study.

READINGS ON LA RAZA. Matt S. Miert &
Feliciano Rivera. Hill & Wang, 1974. $8.95
cloth; $3.50 paper.






SAN JOSE DE GRACIA. Luis GonzBlez. John
Upton, trans. U. of Texas Press, 1974.
$12.50. A Mexican village in transition.

SOME POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC AS-
PECTS OF MEXICAN IMMIGRATION INTO
THE UNITED STATES SINCE 1941; WITH
PARTICULAR REFERENCE TO THE IM-
MIGRATION INTO THE STATE OF
CALIFORNIA. Dean L. Williams. 74 pp.
Rand E. Research Assoc. (San Francisco),
1973. $7.00. Originally presented as the
author's thesis in 1950.

TEMAS DE SOCIOLOGIA VENEZOLANA.
Rafael Caldera. 200 pp. Tiempo Nuevo
(Ven.), 1973. $1.80.


Economics

AGRARIAN REFORM IN LATIN
AMERICA. Robert J. Alexander. Macmillan,
1974. $5.95. Concerns one of the most
explosive issues in Latin America and what its
resolution means to the rest of the world.

AMERICAN CORPORATIONS AND
PERUVIAN POLITICS. Charles T. Goodsell.
Harvard U. Press, 1974. $14.00. A study of
the political impact of U.S.-owned enterprise
in Peru.

BRITISH-OWNED RAILWAY IN AR-
GENTINA. THEIR EFFECT ON THE
GROWTH OF ECONOMIC NATIONALISM.
1854-1948. Winthrop R. Wright. U. of Texas
Press, 1974. $10.00.

LA FACTORIA DE TABACOS DE COSTA
RICA. Marco Antonio Fallas. 249 pp.
Editorial Costa Rica, 1973. $2.30. The
history of the tobacco industry in Costa Rica.


-Mimi-


LA INTEGRACION ECONOMIC
LATINOAMERICANA Y LA POLITICAL DE
ESTADOS UNIDOS. J. Grunwald, et als. 265
pp. CEMLA (Mex.), 1973.

LA INTEGRACION LATINOAMERICANA
EN UNA ETAPA DE DECISIONS. Eric
Wyndham-White, et als. 206 pp. INTAL,
(Arg.), 1973.

INTERNATIONAL TOURISM AND LATIN
AMERICAN DEVELOPMENT. Walter
Krause, et als. 74 pp. Bureau of Business
Research, U. of Texas (Austin), 1973. $2.00.

MODOS DE PRODUCTION EN AMERICA
LATINA. Carlos Sempat Assadourian. 242
pp. Pasado y Presente (Arg.), 1973.

SANTA ANA MEXTAN: A BENCH MARK
STUDY ON GUATEMALAN
AGRICULTURE. A.B. Lewis. 87 pp. Latin
American Studies Center, Michigan State U.,
1973. $3.00.

Philosophy and Religion

BRAZIL 1980: THE PROTESTANT HAND-
BOOK. William R. Reed. 405 pp. MARC
(Monrovia, Calif.), 1973. The dynamics of
church growth in the 1950's and 60's and the
tremendous potential for the 70's.

FUNDAMENTOS FILOSOFICOS DE LA
EDUCACION. Miguel A. Riestra. Universidad
de Puerto Rico, 1973. 317 pp.

HISTORIC ECLESIASTICA DE COSTA
RICA. Ricardo Blanco Segura. 401 pp.
Editorial Costa Rica, 1973. $2.30.

LAS IDEAS LIBERALS EN COLOMBIA.
Gerardo Molina. 344 pp. Tercer Mundo
(Col.), 1973. A reprint.
LATIN AMERICAN THOUGHT. Harold
Eugene Davis. Macmillan, 1974. $3.95. An
historical introduction.

THE MARXISM OF CHE GUEVARA;
PHILOSOPHY, ECONOMICS AND
REVOLUTIONARY WARFARE. Michael
Lowy. Brian Pearce, trans. 127 pp. Monthly
Review Press, 1973. $6.50.

MEXICO'S ACCION NATIONAL, A
CATHOLIC ALTERNATIVE TO RE-
VOLUTION. Donald J. Mabry. 269 pp.
Syracuse U. Press, 1973. $15.00.

Politics

THE ALLENDE VICTORY: AN ANALYSIS
OF THE 1970 CHILEAN PRESIDENTIAL
ELECTION. Michael J. Francis. 76 pp. U. of
Arizona Press, 1973.

THE BRAZILIAN COMMUNIST PARTY:
CONFLICT AND INTEGRATION,
1922-1972. Ronald H. Chilcote. Oxford U.
Press, 1974. $15.00.

CASTRO, EL KREMLIN Y EL COMUNISMO
EN AMERICA LATINA. D. Bruce Jackson.
153 pp. Editorial Libera (Buenos Aires),
1973.

CHE GUEVARA: THE FAILURE OF A
REVOLUTIONARY. Leo Sauvage. Prentice
Hall, 1974. $6.95.

LA CONSTITUTION DE 1949. Oscar Aguilar
Bulgarelli. 192 pp. Editorial Costa Rica, 1972.
$2.00.

CUBA: ZSOCIALISMO DEMOCRATIC 0
BUROCRATISMO COLECTIVISTA? Nelson
P. Valdez. 108 pp. Tercer Mundo (Col.),
1973.


THE CUBAN MISSILE CRISIS. Abram
Chayer. Oxford U. Press, 1974. $5.95.

THE DEMOCRATIC LEFT IN EXILE; THE
ANTIDICTATORIAL STRUGGLE IN THE
CARIBBEAN, 1945-1959. Charles D.
Ameringer. U. of Miami Press, 1974. $10.00.

DERECHO NOTARIAL DE CENTRO-
AMERICA Y PANAMA. Oscar Salas. 588 pp.
Editorial Costa Rica, 1973. $4.50. Analyses
notary law in Central America and Panama.

DESARROLLO CONSTITUTIONAL DE
COSTA RICA. Mario Alberto Jim6nez. 176
pp. Editorial Costa Rica, 1973. $2.00.
Constitutional changes in Costa Rica from
1921 to 1949.

EL DESARROLLO CONSTITUTIONAL DE
PUERTO RICO. Carmen Ramos de Santiago.
Universidad de Puerto Rico, 1973. 470 pp.

LA FUNCTION PRESIDENTIAL EN CEN-
TRO AMERICA. Fernando Guier. 144 pp.
Editorial Costa Rica, 1973. $1.55. An analysis
of the presidential function in Central
America.

GENESIS E INTEGRACION DEL MUNDO
NUEVO HISPANO-INDOAMERICANO.
Raimundo Lazo. 268 pp. Porria (Mex.),
1973.

GIVE US THIS DAY. Howard Hunt. 235 pp.
Arlington House (N.Y.), 1973. $7.95. Dis-
cusses the invasion of the Bay of Pigs in Cuba
by the U.S.

GRUPOS DE PRESION EN COSTA RICA.
Oscar Arias SBnchez. 130 pp. Editorial Costa
Rica 1973. $1.60. A study of pressure groups
in Costa Rica.

1


C.R. July/Aug/Sept Page 49


CBOOKST7WR





409 San Francisco

Plaza de Colbn

Old San Juan














Hours:
Til 10 p.m. Mon. to Sat.
12 Noon 'til 10 Sunday

-Uj-fief^ lmm


ltibtria

El fornrtal. hnr.


mCieolmN'o u as1
N JUIANM P. O DOM






THE HAVANA INQUIRY. Hans Magnus
Ensensberger. Holt, Rinehart and Winston,
1974. $8.95. A portrait of the men who tried
to overthrow Castro at the Bay of Pigs.
HONDURAS: AN AREA STUDY IN
GOVERNMENT. William S. Stokes. Green-
wood Press, 1973. $15.50. A reprint from the
1950 edition.
LA IDEOLOGIA DE LA REVOLUTION
MEXICANA; LA FORMACION DEL
NUEVO REGIMEN. Arnaldo C6rdova. 508
pp. Era (Mex.), 1973.

INSIDE CUBA. Joe Nicholson. Sheed and
Ward (N.J.), 1974. $6.95. A socio-political
report on Cuba today. Describes what we can
expect when U.S.-Cuban relations are nor-
malized.

LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED
STATES. THE CHANGING POLITICAL
REALITIES. Julio Cotler & Richard R. Fager,
editors. 448 pp. Stanford U. Press, 1974.
$18.75 cloth; $4.95 paper. Politics of
multinational corporations, military elites,
military thinking and sources of U.S. policy.

MILITARY RULE IN LATIN AMERICA.
Philippe C. Schmitter, editor. 322 pp. Sage
Publications, 1973. $12.50. Functions, con-
sequences and perspectives.
MODERNIZATION, DISLOCATION, AND
APRISMO; ORIGINS OF THE PERUVIAN
APRISTA PARTY, 1870-1932. Peter F.
Klaren. 189 pp. Institute of Latin American
Studies, U. of Texas Press, 1973. $8.50.
PERONISMO. TEORIA E HISTORIC DEL
SOCIALISMO NATIONAL. Norberto y
Mastorilli Ceresole. Corregidor (Arg.) 1973.
PERONISMO, GOBIERNO Y PODER. Ruben
Bortnik. Corregidor (Arg.), 1973.
PERONISMO Y REVOLUTION. J.W. Cooke.
Granica (Arg.), 1973.
POLITICS IN BRAZIL, 1930-1964. AN
EXPERIMENT IN DEMOCRACY. Thomas E.
Skidmore. 406 pp. Oxford U. Press, 1973.
$9.50.
PROTEST AND THE URBAN GUERRILLA.
Richard Clutterbuck. Abelard-Schuman
(N.Y.), 1974. $7.95.

LAS PROVINCIAS UNIDAS DE CENTRO-
AMERICA: FUNDACION DE LA RE-
PUBLICA. Andres Townsend Ezcurra. 494
pp. Editorial Costa Rica, 1973. $4.20.
REVOLUTION FROM ABOVE. MILITARY
GOVERNMENT AND POPULAR PAR-
TICIPATION IN PERU, 1968-1972. David
Scott Palmer. 307 pp. Cornell University,
1973.

LSOBERANIA O ENTREGUISMO?;
MODERN POLITICAL CONOUISTADORA
DE CHILE. Mario R. GutiBrrez. 232 pp. Los
Amigos del Libro. (Bol.), 1973.

TREATY ESTABLISHING THE CARIB-
BEAN COMMUNITY: CHAGUARAMAS,
4th. July 1973. 153 pp. Caribbean Com-
munity Secretariat. (Georgetown) 1973. The
official text of the treaty, the final act and
the agreement establishing the common
external tariff signed by the Prime Ministers
of Barbados, Guyana, Jamaica, & Trinidad &
Tobago.
TWO DEMOCRATIC LABOR LEADERS IN
CONFLICT: THE LATIN AMERICAN
REVOLUTION AND THE ROLE OF THE
WORKERS. Carroll Hawkins. 140 pp. Lexing-
ton Books, 1973. $8.50.


ARP OCCASIONAL PAPERS


Maruja Acosta and Jorge E. Hardoy, Urban Reform
in Revolutionary Cuba. xiv + 111 pp., maps, tables,
photographs, bibliography. Paper $4.00. "... a
pioneer study of one of the most important
consequences of the 1959 Revolution... it
focuses on one cardinal point which admits of little
disagreement, namely, that Cuba alone in Latin
America has arrested the widely deplored rural and
small-town exodus to big-city slums and shanty
towns." Richard M. Morse.

Ira P. Lowenthal and Drexel G. Woodson
(compilers), Catalogue de la Collection Mangones,
Petionville, Haiti. xii + 388 pp. Paper: $16.50.
"Although designed primarily to serve as the key
to the book collection of the Mangones Library,
the volume will appeal to a range of scholars
interested in the bibliography of Haiti and the
Dominican Republic in particular, and of the
Caribbean in general." Lee H. Williams, Jr.

G.B. Hagelberg, The Caribbean Sugar Industries:
Constraints and Opportunities. xvi + 173 pp.,
tables, references. Paper: $7.00. "It may be too
often forgotten because of an anti-planter ideol-
ogy, a cultivated dislike of large-scale enterprise, a
distrust of 'monoculture,' or a romanticized
conception of the sturdy yeoman that, under
optimum conditions, sugar cane turns out to
provide a rich return to the environment in which
it grows, relative to its yield of energy in sugar and
by-products, and to the utilization of resources
necessary to its cultivation." Sidney W. Mintz.

Forthcoming:

Sidney W. Mintz (editor), Working Papers in
Haitian Society and Culture.

Order from:

Antilles Research Program
Yale University
Box 1970 Yale Station
New Haven, Connecticut 06520


Page 50 C.R. Vol. VI No. 3


_ __







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Samuel J. and Edith F. Hurwitz
The first book to provide factual coverage of the years between 1962 and 1969,
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Changing Societies and U.S. Policy
Robert D. Crassweller
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PUERTO RICO
A Profile
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LA REBELLION DE LOS SANTOS
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Popular imagery has in Puerto Rico a beau-
tiful tradition.
Religious mysticism together with a very
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given to the primitivism of Puerto Rican
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relic.
THE REBELLION OF THE SANTOS at-
tempts to capture the past, point out the
present and help a future preserve human
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ours to approach art through the simplicity
of the people.


It'


ediCIONES pUERTO


EDICIONES PUERTO 1972
SALDANA, 3.
RIO PIEDRAS. PUERTO RICO


-i





















ANTIGUA


BASIC INFORMATION: Antigua has
108 square miles. The island is
shaped as a rough circle. She is
a member of the British Com-
monwealth under an Associated
State status. Antigua has a pc-
pulation of around 60,000 and
her capital is ST. JOHN's The
currency is the West Indian
Dollar (popularly called the bee
wee dollar). Visitors to Antigua
should have a certificate of vac-
cination and proof of citizenship.

WHERE TO STAY? Antigua has
a full range of tourist rated
hotels. Among the best, we espe-
cially recommend:


BLUE WATERS BEACH HO-
TEL is located at Soldier Bay,
only three miles from the airport
and four from downtown St.
John's. All rooms face the hotel's
own white sand beach. Dancing
to island's best combo on Sun.,
Fri. And Wed. Nights. Native and
Continental cuisine. Full water
sports facilities. Tennis and Gol-
fing. Under the stars dancing and
dining at outside patio.
WHAT TO DO AND SEE?
English Harbor, in the South
coast of Antigua, is one of the
most important historical sites in
the Caribbean. Within this area
lies Nelson's Dockyard which
was restored some years ago to
its original splendor. Most hotels
offer native style entertainment
several nights every week. There
are a good number of indepen-
dent night spots near to and in
St. John's.

ARUBA

BASIC INFORMATION: Aruba, locat-
ed within viewing distance of
Venezuela's coast and 500 miles


southeast of Puerto Rico, has
approximately 115 square miles.
The island has a population of
approximately 60,000 and its ca-
pital is Oranjestad. As a member
of the Nertherland Antilles
(which are equal partners with
the Kingdom of the Netherlands).
In addition, most islanders speak
fluent English, Dutch and Span-
ish.
WHERE TO STAY. There are
several luxury and moderate pri-
ce hotels in Aruba. We recom-
mend the Divi-Divi.


DIVI DIVI BEACH HOTEL: A
few steps from your patio to the
warm clear waters of the Carib-
bean. Clusters of Beachfront Ca-
sitas are designed to provide
luxury and privacy. Relax and
enjoy your spacious room with
its private patio antd view of the
sea, decorated with hand-craft-
ed furnishings of sixteenth cen-
tury Spanish colonial design. All
Casitas air-conditioned. Private
baths with tub and shower and
two double beds in each room.
FLOATING RESTAURANT
"BALI". This famous floating,
airconditioned Indonesian restau-
rant is located at the "Bali" Pier
at Oranjestad, Aruba's capital. It
is open 7 days a week, from 10
am. till 12 pm. and features
among many other exotic dishes
the well known RIJSTTAFEL
(ricetable) which consists of about
22 different dishes such as
shrimps, krupuk, veal, sate, chic-
ken, vegetables, etc., etc. They are
all prepared in ever varying tastes
with unnlmnitable combinations of
herbs and spices. Dinner at this
restaurant will be a culinary ex-
perience never to be forgotten and
therefore strongly recommended.
It's owner/host Karl Schmand
will always he there to help you
along and see to it that the service
will be the way you expect it.
It's view at the I'aarden Blai
(The Horses Bay), Oranjestad's
Harbour is out of this world.


WHAT TO DO AND SEE? Aru-
ba is small enough so that the
typical visitors has time to see


C. R. July/Aug/Sept Page 53


1


even during a relatively short
visit. Walking around the island
capital one can't but admire its
Dutch-like cleaniness. The city's
port, called Horses Bay, features a
very photogenic open air market
where cookware, produce fruit
and fish from all the surrounding
islands and seas are sold. The
Bali, a famous restaurant/bar
built on a converted houseboat
which features Indonesian dishes,
is right in town and should be
visited. In addition to its interest-
ing architecture and riotous co-
lors, the city has flower-filled
WIilhemina Park, a great place to
spend many relaxing evening
hours. Touring the rest of the
island will phow the visitor
many examples of Aruba's famed
trade mark. the wind blown Divi-
Divi trees, its very curious rock
formations and the many inte-
resting uses to which the island
cactus plant has been adapted.
The island has a nature-built
Rock Bridge which is best seen
from ruins said to be from a Pi-
rate Castle but which actually are
the leftovers of a gold-ore stamp-
ing mill built in 1872. On the
other side of the island, on the







South coast, there are caves full
of carvings and drawings report-
edly made by the island's native
inhabitants centuries ago. For vi-
sitors with a technological bent
the island's water distillation
plant, one of largest such plants
in the world, offers daily guided
tours. Aruba, of course, offers
the full spectrum of water sports
and activities: swimming, deep-
sea fishing, sailing, water skiing,
etc. There are several tennis
courts, one golf course and skeet
facilities in the island. Aruba has
no luxury taxes and no duties on
a large number of items, there
is a growing number of very top
native operations, so good buys
are plentiful. Most of the larger
hotels have San Juan-like night.
clubs and restaurants. Most have
fine food. Also in this category is
the Olde Molen an old windmill
brought to Aruba from Holland
and then converted into a res-
taurant nightclub.

Curacao

BASIC INFORMATION: Curacao is a
long, thin island with an area of
approximately 180 sq. miles and
a population of around 135,000.
Its capital is Willemstad which
has a magnificent Old World at-
mosphere. The largest of the six
Dutch islands in the Caribbean,
Curacao is the seat of the Nether-
land Antilles Government. The
official currency is the Guilder
which exchanges for approxim-
ately $0.50 U. S.
WHERE TO STAY? Curacao
has three large, resort hotels. All
of these have gambling rooms.
Several of the city's charming old
mansions have been converted
into inexpensive guest houses


which cater, mainly, to Latin
American tourists. Among all,
we recommend the Curacao In-
ter-Continental.


ly people of this island and thus walk to nearest town daily
flavor another of its charms. Fi- shopping tour to Pointe-a-Pitre -
nally every visitor should try French atmosphere Something
some of the many candies, sweets different and an occasion to
and tidbits sold by street vendors freshen up on your French.


all around town.


Guadeloupe


CURACAO INTER-CONTINEN
TAL. Located right in the center
of a charming town, making it
perfect for both businessmen and
vacationers. 125 air-conditioned
rooms, swimming pool, night
club, casino. Also lovely tropical
gardens. Be sure to visit the
swinging Kikini Bar. Fine faci-
lities for conventions.

WHAT TO DO AND SEE?
Walking around Willemstad for
window shopping (Curacao is si-
milar to St. Thomas in the varie-
ty of goods and rock-bottom
prices it offers bargain hunting
Caribbean visitors) and sightsee-
ing are a must do activity for all
visitors to the island. The city's
famed Pontoon Bridge, which
opens and doses several times
a day to allow ships thru, of-
fers great photographic possibili-
ties. Like most islands in the
Caribbean Curacao offers the full
spectrum of ocean and beach re-
lated activities. It also has a golf
course, tennis courts and horse-
back riding. When the pontoon
bridge in Willemstad is open,
there is a free feiry ride across
the canal. Visitors taking this
free ride will have a unique op-
portunity for meeting the friend-


BEACH HOTEL
ARUBA. N.A.


1,000 foot sugar white beach. Fully air conditioned.
40 Spanish style Casitas with their own beach front
patio. 42 rooms overlooking the beach with patio or
Spanish balcony. International Cuisine Pelican Bar
& patio Fresh Water Swimming Pool. BRUIF
BEACH ORANJESTAD ARUBA, N.A. DIVIHO
TEL 3300


WHAT TO DO AND SEE?
Guadeloupe, which is shaped like
a butterfly, has two distinct en-
vironments. One of the wings
(Grande Terre) is generally flat
and rolling and full of lovely,
whit-uandrl lbwarh Th, other


BASIC INFoRMATION: Guadeloupe wing (Basse Terre) is more hilly
has 532 square miles and a popu- and rugged and features black,
lation of around 300,000. She is a vol h Vi s
stale of France. Her capital is volcanic-ash beaches. Visitors to
state of Fr e. her capital iur the island should take time out
BAssE-TERRr. The accepted cur- try en
rency is the New Franc which ex- to try smadifferent onestoffeaurnts (evourmet
changes at 0.20 U.S. Visitors the smallest ones offer gourmet
should have a certificate of va- dishes) and inspect the architec-
ture of the Caravelle in which
cination and proof of citizenship. tre of the avelle ch
French is almost exclusively the floating effect so many archi-
spoken hesre. tects seek was masterly achieved.
spoken here. Also in the "must be seen list"
WHERE TO STAY? Guadeloupe is the VALLEY OF THE ANCIENT
has five major hotels. Among CARIBS where some fine examples
these we especially recommend: of Carib Indian sculpture can be

Matouba where, according to leg-
end, live sacrifices are carried
out and the beach at La MOULE,
once the scene of battles between
European powers and the Carib
Indians. Visitors interested in
shopping should definitely go to
HOTEL LES ALIZES. Private Point-a-Pitre's commercial area,
sandy beach, swimming pool, an incredibly busy, Near East-
sumptuous gardens 30 minutes looking section where Persian
from airport, 128 air conditioned rugs and tropical fruits are some-
rooms French and Creole cui- times sold in the same small
sine French wines 9 hole store.
golf on hotel grounds 5 minute


MARTINIQUE


BASIC INFORMATION: Martinique
has 450 square miles. She is a
state of France. Her capital is
FORT-DE-FRANCE. The island has
a population of around 300,000.
The accepted currency is the New
Franc which is worth $0.20 U.S.
French is spoken almost exclusiv-
ely. Visitors should have a certi-
ficate of vaccination and proof
of citizenship.
WHERE TO STAY? Martinique
has several Tourism Office re-
commended hotels. Among these
we especially recommend:


THE HOTEL BAKOUA (Tel.
55-95) is located at Trois Illets
at one of the ends of Fort de
France's magnificent harbor. It
has 77 de luxe, ocean-front, air.


Page 54 C.R. Vol. VI No. 3


^^^KAN







conditioned rooms, 20 cabanas
.,ith private bath & telephone.
Truly superb French and Native
cuisine. White sand beach and
swimming pool. Private marina.
All water sports. Every hour a
luxurious cruise boat tender
makes a round trip to the city.

WHAT TO DO AND SEE?
There are two things most visi-
tors to this island do during
their stay in the island: visit
the ruins museum at ST. PIERRE,
formerly Martinique's capital
which in 1902 was burned to a
crisn by Mount Pellee's explosion.


Under the Palm Trees in Sunny
Puerto Rico A Modern Efficien-
cy hotel located on the beach.
All rooms with ocean view. Air
Conditioned Kitchenette Area
. Daily Maid Service Bar &
Cocktail Lounge. Major Credit
Cards Honored
LA FUENTE RESTAURANT,
The finest in Isla Verde, where
the island's gourmets enjoy de-
licious Spanish and Continental
cuisine. La Fuente's Clams Casino
and Lobster Thermidor are par-
ticularly recommended.


and visit the BIRTH-PLACE OF WHAT TO DO AND SEE? Most
NApOLEON'S JOSEPHINE at Trois of the hotels in San Juan offer
Ilets. Between these two points all types of water related activi-
is Fort de France, the present ties to which all house guests are
capital, which has unique archi- invited. The Caribe Hilton, La
tecture, an endless variety of Concha and the Puerto Rico She-
shops and the best restaurants in raton deserve close inspection by
the Antilles. Visitors planning architectural buffs. FORT SAN JE-
longer visits no less than a week RONINMO, off the Caribe Hilton,
is recommended should drive has been restored and converted
the whole perimeter of the island, into a museum and should be
Black sand beaches, tropical rain- seen. Live sea urchins (they
forest-like greenery, sky high vis. don't sting if properly handled)
tas and dazzling, plantation ho. can usually be found on the rocks
mes in the grand style will reward pointing towards Fort San Jer6-
them. The Atlantic xide of the nimo in back of the hotel that
island offers some of the most carries its name...


beautiful seascapes in the Carib-
bean. And much more, all with a
distinct, very French ambience.




PUERTO

Rico

BASIC INFORMATION: Puerto Rico
has 3,485 square miles. It be-
longs to the U.S. under an As-
sociated Free State status. U.S.
Currency is the legal tender.
Spanish is the main language but
English is spoken almost every.
where. The capital of Puerto Rico
is SAN JUAN. The island has a
population of over 2,500,000. Vi-
sitors from OUTSIDE the U. S.
should have a certificate of vac
cination and a visaed passport.

WHERE TO STAY? San Juan has
numerous first class hotels.
Most of the larger ones have
Commonwealth Government su.
pervised gambling casinos.









CoCo Mal Hotel 3 Amapola St.
Isla Verde, Puerto Rico


un te otner siae or town-on the
road to Bayam6n-are the ruins
of the foundations of PONCE DE




Dutch National
Car Rental
"We Do It Better"
From $10.00 a day .. No Extra
Mileage
Volkswagen $10.00
per 24 hours.
Toyota, Airco, Automatic

no mileage
No pick up or
delivery charge
Road map included
$50.00 deductible insurance
coverage
Full collision protection
available at $2.00 per day
All major credit cards
accepted.

--Call 81090, 81063-
Dr. Albert Plesman airport
Willemstad, Curacao N.A.
Cable address: Dutch Car


LEON'S first house in Puerto Rico.
Rediscovered in 1934, they date
back to 1508... West of the main
hotel area is OLD SAN JUAN which
all visitors should take at least
one day to explore. While in Old
San Juan three musts are FORT
SAN FELIPE DEL MORRO, FORT SAN
CRISTOBAL-centuries old bastions
which guarded the city during
its Spanish Colonial days-and
ILA FORTALEZA OR PALACIO DE
SANTA CATALINA which now serves
as the seat of Puerto Rico's gov-
ernor. Every day there are several
guided tours thru each of the
three sites. Approximately ten
per-cent of Old San Juan's 700
plus structures have been restored
to their original splendor. For-
tunately some of them have been
converted into stores and/or art
shops (especially along Cristo
and Fortaleza Streets) wnich allow
leisurely browsing. Also in the
"must be seen" list are Puerto
Rico's CAPITOL BUILDING (on the
way to the Old City) and the
INSTITUTE OF PUERTO RICAN CUL-
TURE'S art collection ...Well-
heeled visitors should make a
point of visiting one or all of
the fine jewelry shops clustered
around the corner of Fortaleza
and Cruz Streets. One of them,
appositely, is located in the
former office of Merril Lynch,
Pierce, Fenner & Smith. Every
ten minutes or so during the
day a FERRY leaves Old San Juan
for Cataiio-the terminal is locat-
ed behind the Post Office. The
ride, which only costs 10 cents
each way, gives passengers a
change to get some good photos
of the bay, get a close look at the
pelicans and see, in Cataflo, an-
other face of Puerto Rico. .


St.Maarten
BASIC INFORMATION: St. Maarten/
St. Martin has 37 square miles
which are roughly divided in half
between the French and the
Dutch sides of the island. The
capitals are PHILIPSBURC (Dutch)
and MARIGOT (French) The is-
land's population is of around
4,500 again roughly divided in
half. Two currencies are accept.
ed, the New Franc, worth $0.20
U.S. and the GuilMlr which is
worth about $0.50 U.S. Visitors
to the island must have a certi-
ficate of vaccination and proof of
citizenship. The Dutch side of
the island is a member of the
Netherland Antilles, an equal
partner with Holland in the
Dutch nation, and the French side
is a dependency of Guadaloupe, a
French state.
WHERE TO STAY? St. Marten/
St. Martin has four relatively
large hotels and several smaller,
very good hotels and tuest houses.
P'-


PASANGGRAHAN (2388) is lo-
cated in a quiet lush tropical
garden on the beach of Philips-
burg, the FREE-PORT capital
of Dutch St. Maarten. Each of
it's 21 attractive double rooms
with private baths have over-
head fans and optional air-con-
ditioning. The kitchen is fa-
mous for a great variety of well-
prepared international dishes.


C. R. July/Aug/Sept Page 55


*^i^^HH##


7OSh rdfda






Total informality sets it's West
Indian atmosphere. Established
in 1958 it is still St. Maarten's
biggest little bargain and repeat
visitors are the best salesmen for
the hotel. Write or cable PA-
SANGGRAHAN, St. Maarten.
Represented in North American
cities and Puerto Rico by The
Jane Condon Corporation.
WHAT TO DO AND SEE? This
lovely half French, half Dutch
island offers the full spectrum
of water/beach activities, marvel.
lous picture-book little village,
like Grand Case in the French
side, free port shopping and a
unique tranquility which truly
makes a vacation a rest. Front
Street in Philipsburg (the Dutch
side) and the dock area in Marigot
have a complete, assortment of
free port stores. Spritzer & Fuhr-
mann, the famous jewelers from
Curacao, have three stores in the
island; two in Philipsburg and
one at the airport. Several other
famous Curacao stores like El
Globo, Casa Amarilla and Vole-
dam also have stores in town.
Guests at any hotel or guest house
can and should take advantage
of their visit to experiment with
the cuisine of all other. There is
a nightclub with nightly dancing
and, during the season, entertain
ment at Little Bay.




MOULIN ROUGE
AIRCONDITIONED
-ar &- Rectaurant
gyenA 9tuetine

ST. MARTIN, F.W.I.
0& 00


FLOATING RESTAURANT
l "BA "LI'

S INDOESIAN DISHES
S COCKTAIL BAR
0... on by: Th. Cribbeon
Tourit Association as
the BST r.t.urnt in
t. C.ribb.an ( r 1958.59
A TELS. 2131
ORANJESTAD, ARUBA 30T


ST. THOMAS



WHERE TO STAY? St. Thomas
has a large number of hotels
and guest houses of all sizes
and prices. Among these we
especially recommend:


MORNING STAR BEACH RE-
SORT (774-2650) is located on
one of the most beautiful white-
sand beaches in the Caribbean,
just five minutes from Charlotte
Amalie, the Antillean free-port
capital. Each of its 24 ocean-
facing rooms has a private terrace
and all the modern comforts. Ex-
otic drinks and American and
Continental dishes served just a
step from the surf in the hotel's
beach front bar and dining room.
Most water sports. Sky-diving ex-
hibition every Sunday afternoon.
Children welcome.


BOLONGO BAY BEACH CLUB
(775-0165) is located right on
the beach, only a few minutes
away from St. Thomas' airport
and town. This intimate resort
is made up of spacious, air-con-
ditioned, completely equipped
housekeeping fresh water pool
units. The resort has a beautiful
pool with a bar right over it.
The management will make the
necessary arrangements for fish-
ing, sailing or any other activity
the guests desire. For reservations
from the U.S. write the hotel at
P. O. Box 3381 St. Thomas 00801.
WHAT TO SEE AND DO? ST.


THOMAS is a hilly island with
numerous neighbors. This makes
for endless, heart wrenching views.
The best viewing, in the sense
that one can sit down in com-
fort and sip a well-brewed drink
in the watching process, is from
the bar at the top o( the Tram-
way, or the pool at the Shibui
hotel or the restaurant at
Mountaintop. In addition to the
views (the cup overfloweths) the
visitors should take time to visit


ARUBA

New Cars
Unlimited Mileage
You Can Trust
Hertz in Aruba like
Anywhere in the
World.

Kolibristraat 1-
Phone 2714
Aruba Caribbean
Hotel Phone 2250
Princess Beatrix
Airport


DRAKE's SEAT from which, ac-
cording to legend, Sir Francis
Drake used to inspect his fleet;
FORT CHRISTIAN on the edge of
Charlotte Amalie which dates
back to 1666; GOVERNMENT HOUSE
which serves as the official res-
idence of the Governor of the
island and exhibits its fine art
collection to the public daily and
the VIRGIN ISLANDS MUSEUM lo.
cated in Beretta Center in the
middle of Charlotte Amalie.


ST. MARTIN


New Cars
Unlimited Mileage


Only Rental Cars in
Island With Unlimited
Third Party Insurance.


Offices at Julianna Air-
port and Marigot, St
Martin.


S11
UNMERSALCE1EVE
GOLDEN SHADOW

exclusively at
CARDOW

first on main street and at
the Caribbean Beach Hotel
St. Thomas, U. S. Virgin Islands.


Page 56 C.R. Vol. VI No. 3


CARIiBEAN RENT -A- CAR


PH- 772-0685
P. 0. BOX 1487

ST. CROIX. VIRGIN ISLANDS 00840

Free Pick Up And Delivery

New Cars Checked Daily


Beachcomber Villas: on the beach
at Burgeux Bay, St. Maarten are
the perfect setting for an un-
forgettable Caribbean vacation.
* Each villa is fully furnished
including linen, kitchen
utensils, etc.
* Two and three bedroom villas.
* Rent from $150 to $250
per week.
* For more information write:
Beachcomber Villas
P.O. Box 149, Philipsburg
St. Maarten, N.A.







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