Caribbean Review

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THE BRITISH

IN THE CARIBBEAN
by Cyril Hamshere

"Who the first English-
man was to arrive in the Carib-
bean or visit South America
is not certain. It is possible that
there were English or Irishmen
among the motley crews of
Columbus, but if there were,
their names are unknown."
So begins one of the most
exciting accounts of the

history of British experience
in the Caribbean from the
sixteenth to twentieth century.
Cyril Hamshere's fast-moving,
illustrated narrative depicts
the great Tudor seamen
Hawkins, Drake, and their
successors during the age of
colonization.
At better bookstores for $12.95

Harvard University Press
Cambridge, Massachusetts 02138

In this issue...
The Case of the Missing Majority, by Ken I. Boodhoo. An analysis of the problem
of the distribution and uses of political power in Trinidad and Guyana. Ken I.
Boodhoo is Chairman of the Department of Political Science at Florida
International University and is an Editor-at-Large for Caribbean Review. Page
Three.

Stranger in Paradise, by Eric W. Blake. An examination of the impact of
uncontrolled development on ethnic and racial consciousness in the U.S. Virgin
Islands. Eric W. Blake, a native Virgin Islander, teaches anthropology at Rutgers
University. Page Eight.

The Unholy Trinity, by Anselme Remy. Class, race, and ethnicity in the
Caribbean are assessed by focusing on the Island of Martinique. Anselme Remy, a
native of Haiti, teachers anthropology at Fisk University. Page Fourteen.

Elections Surinam Style, by Edward Dew. The opportunities and problems of
democracy in a multi-ethnic society are assessed by reflecting on the recent
elections in Surinam. Edward Dew is engaged in research in Surinam and teaches
political science at Fairfield University. Page Twenty.

Paz and Fuentes: How Close?, by Edward J. Mullen. An analysis of how two of
Mexico's most acclaimed writers attempt to reinterpret contemporary social
problems in terms of their respective artistic mediums. Edward J. Mullen teaches
at the University of Missouri. Page Twenty Seven.

Residence On Earth, by Pablo Neruda. A selection of poems by Chile's Pablo
Neruda is presented to Caribbean Review readers. They are excerpted from
Residence on Earth, and translated by Donald D. Walsch. Page Thirty Two.

Earth Words, by Florence L. Yudin. Florence Yudin, Chairman of the Modern
Languages Department at Florida International University, analyzes the work of
the famous Chilean Nobel-Prize-Winning poet, Pablo Neruda as presented in the
recently published volume, Residence On Earth. Page Thirty Eight.
Don Pedro, by Benjamin Torres Ortiz. A review of a political anthology about the
life of the famous Puerto Rican nationalist, Pedro Albizu Campos. Benjamin
Torres teaches in San Juan. Translated by Jos6 Aybar. Page Forty Three.

Central American Economic Integration, by Ramesh Ramsaran. The structure and
prospects of the Central American Common Market are evaluated in this review
article. Ramesh Ramsaran, a Trinidadian, is a research fellow in monetary studies
at the University of the West Indies. Page Forty Seven.
Recent Books, by Neida Pagan. Caribbean Review continues to introduce its
readers to new books about the Caribbean, Latin America, and their emigrant
groups. Page Fifty.
The Caribbean Guide. Caribbean Review helps Caribbean travellers to and within
the Caribbean become acquainted with where to stay, what to see, and what to
eat. Page Fifty Three.
The cover photo is of an oil by George Fortune, Haiti, from the collection of
Joyce H. Banks.

SCCAIBBcAN feviEW

April/May/June
Seventy-five Cents
Vol. VI No. 2

Editors:
Barry B. Levine
Joseph D. Olander
Managing Editor:
Jos6 Keselman
Business Manager:
Joe GuzmAn
Associate Editors
For the English Speaking Caribbean:
Basil Ince
For the French Speaking Caribbean:
Gerard Latortue
For the Spanish Speaking Caribbean:
Olga Jim6nez de Wagenheim
For Central America:
Ricardo Arias
Editors-at-Large:
Ken Boodhoo
Celia Fernandez de Cintr6n
Herbert Hiller
Anthony P. Maingot
Aaron Segal
Assistant Editor:
Susan Sheinman
Executive Administrator:
Denise Robicheau
Art Director:
Andrew R. Banks
Bibliographer:
Neida Pagan
Translators:
From the Dutch and Papiamentu:
Ligia Espinal de Hoetink
From the French and Creole:
Marlene Sdphirin
From the Spanish:
Adela G. L6pez

Caribbean Review, a quarterly journal dedicated to the Caribbean,
Latin America, and their emigrant groups, is published by
Caribbean Review, Inc., a non-profit corporation organized under
the laws of the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico. Mailing address:
Caribbean Review; G.P.O. Box C.R.; San Juan, Puerto Rico
00936. Unsolicited manuscripts (articles, essays, reprints, excerpts,
translations, book reviews, poetry, etc.) are welcome but should
be accompanied by a self-addressed stamped envelope. Copyright
C 1974 by Caribbean Review, Inc. All rights reserved.
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Payment in Canadian currency or with checks drawn from banks
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Back Issues: Vol. III No. 1 & Vol. V No. 3: $3.00 each. Vol. I, No.
1 out of print. All other back numbers: $2.00 each. New lifetime
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Advertising: Inquiries and orders for advertising space may be sent
directly to the magazine or to Cidia, Inc., Box 1769, Old San
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International Standard Serial Number: PRISSN 0008-6525;
Dewey Decimal Number: 972.9 800.

Editorial

Diversity has become synonymous with
Caribbean Review. The diversity of the area
on which it focuses is well known; the
diversity of the opinion and material it
presents is equally familiar. But Caribbean
Review subscribers should not lose their
sensitivity to the common themes and
characteristics of the region which has
brought us together in a community of
readership.
Two of these common themes are race and
ethnicity. In recognition of how interwoven
they are in the tapestry of Caribbean life and
reality, Caribbean Review presents four lead
articles in this issue which serve to remind us
of their commonality and significance!
We invite you to respond to the regular
appearance of theme-oriented issues in the
future.

Editorial

Page 2 C.R. Vol. VI No. 2

M

THE CASE OF

THE MISSING MAJORITY

by Ken I. Boodhoo

Tension and crisis within and between states not only
attracts attention but also induces scholarly interest
into the nature of conflict problems. The Black
Power Movement in the Caribbean, culminating in an
attempt to overthrow the government in Trinidad
during 1970, is a case in point. There has been a
renewed interest among social scientists and other
scholars to attempt to comprehend the dynamics of
Caribbean societies and the impact of the Movement
in the post-independence era. Whereas Caribbean
society has generally proved to be a complex
laboratory for analysis, study of the Trinidad and
Guyana societies is even more difficult.
Trinidad and Guyana are the only two Caribbean
societies where the mass of the population is not

homogeneously black African in origin. East Indians
in these two societies comprise a substantial
proportion of the population. Indeed, East Indians in
Guyana account for slightly more than fifty per cent
of the total population. The status and role of East
Indians in the Caribbean in general, and in these
countries in particular, have historically resulted in
problems not only for the researcher, but even for the
East Indian himself. More recently, the Black Power
Movement has been confronted with the problem.
For instance, does "black" mean African or does it
encompass all of the non-white? Are East Indians,
since they belong to the non-white sector, black?
Most importantly, do the East Indians consider
themselves black?

C.R. April/May/June Page 3

A soldier looks for concealed weapons.

In the years immediately prior to and since
independence, the politics of Trinidad and Guyana
have been dominated by race. Similarly, race is an
influential factor in Surinamese politics. The Peoples'
National Movement (P.N.M.) has been the governing
party in Trinidad since 1956, drawing its support
largely from the middle and larger lower-class black
sectors of the society. The party does receive some
support from the relatively small Muslim (East
Indian) religious group. The East Indian based
Democratic Labor Party (D.L.P.) is the major
opposition group. Since the last general elections of
1971 experienced a voter turnout of only 30 per cent
of registered voters, it is somewhat difficult to
determine precise support for the parties. However, in
that election the major opposition parties followed a
deliberate "no-vote" policy. The Peoples' National
Congress (P.N.C.) and the Peoples' Progressive Party
(P.P.P.) are the major political parties in Guyana.
While the P.N.C., which has governed for the past
eight years, draws support largely from the black
urban population, the rurally based East Indians are
the prime followers of the P.P.P. As is the case in
Trinidad, recent Guyanese electoral politics do not
serve to formulate a clear picture in terms of basis of
support. This is a consequence of recent electoral
reforms which allow for overseas voting, postal
voting, proxy voting, etc. These reforms have resulted
in charges of unprecedented rigging of the elections.
In the past decade, two social science models
derived from distinct schools of thought have been
utilized to explain the structure and behavior of
Caribbean societies. Supported by researchers like
M.G. Smith and emphasizing institutional divergence,
the first theory maintains that Caribbean societies
are characterized by "cultural and social pluralism."
Whereas societies in general are presumed to be held
together by common values and consensus, order in
plural societies is maintained by the employment of
force or its threat in the Caribbean.
R. T. Smith, in particular, has been associated with
the second body of thought. Sometimes referred to as
Page 4 C.R. Vol. VI No. 2

the stratification or reticulated model, class, as the
basis of social organization, is emphasized. As Leo
Depres has commented: "Culture, as a variable, is
relevant only to the extent that it represents a system
of shared symbolic meanings which makes com-
munication possible in an ordered social life." Unlike
the position held by the "pluralism school," the
second view minimizes the significance of the
basically different cultures introduced into the
Caribbean, emphasizing instead the factors which
tend to reduce the significance of the separate
cultural groups.
The foregoing social research in the Caribbean has
been conducted largely in the immediate pre-
Independence era at least, for the Commonwealth
Caribbean states. The question remains: Has the era
of independence, accompanied by the presumed rise
in nationalist sentiment and by the rise of the
nonblack sector in the individual societies to
positions of authority and power, created and
released social forces which have influenced the
alteration of the existing structure in the different
societies? Since the era of independence must
encourage new inputs into the Caribbean relations
system, it also demands the introduction of
additional conceptual tools to facilitate analysis.
Concepts such as power, authority, and minority
status are helpful.
Power generally, has been related to decision-
making. Thus the degree to which the individual or
entity controls or participates in the decision-making
process determines the extent of that individual's
power. Power, too, has traditionally been related to
authority. Indeed, some may hold that authority is
power and vice versa. Authority, however, may be
more correctly characterized as influence based on
legitimacy gained through acceptance of a state's
institutions. Therefore, whereas power is taken to
mean the actual participation in decision-making,
authority is understood to mean largely the legal right
to maintain or possess the office in which
decision-making is implemented. For example,
constitutional independence has been granted to
entities in the Caribbean like Trinidad and Guyana,
who have the legal right of actors to make all internal
decisions for themselves. Internally, this legal right is
gained through control over the apparatus of
government as a consequence of an electoral victory.
Yet independence does nothing to restructure the
pre-existing economic relations. Indeed, as some may
rightly argue, restructuring of economic relations
does not fall under the purview of constitutional
decolonization. For small developing states, like those
of the Caribbean, decision-making in the economic
arena is the fundamental decision-making activity for
the state. Economic decision-making in Trinidad and
Guyana, like much of the other Caribbean countries,
is largely controlled externally by foreign control
over the countries' economies. At independence,
therefore, the states gained the authority but not the

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ability or the power to make decisions, particularly in
the economic sphere.
Where power is shared among different groups in a
society or where such power or participation in
decision-making is shared by national and non-
national actors, the concept of minority status is
applicable. Feelings of minority status are further
facilitated by the perceived attitudes of individuals as
a group. In Guyana, therefore, even though the East
Indian population actually comprises a numerical
majority of the population, they feel politically and
consequently oppressed ascribe minority status to
themselves.
Since no group, in either the Trinidad or the
Guyanese societies, has a monopoly over power, these
societies are comprised largely of "minority groups."
In the economic sphere, foreign-owned and -con-
trolled multinational corporations dominate deci-
sion-making within the state. To a lesser degree, they
share decision-making with national actors. That
small sector of the economy which is locally-owned
and controlled is in the hands of the white and East
Indian national groups. Thus the black sector, which
dominates the governmental process, does not
meaningfully participate in ownership and control
over the economy. In the Trinidad context, therefore,
the black sector is in a position of authority, having
control over the apparatus of government, but less so
in a position of power.
The situation in Guyana is essentially similar to
that of Trinidad in terms of the sharing of power
among different groups within and outside that
society. Nevertheless, recent economic policy of the
P.N.C. government, with specific regard to attempts
at localization of economic control and decision-
making, has effectively increased the power base of
the state. State-controlled industry has been increas-
ing gradually. However, since the state's government
has been in the hands of the black party, state control
has been identified with black control, not with
general "people-control." Since the government of
Trinidad has attempted to follow a similar economic
policy, the results here have been more limited in
terms of ownership and control.
If the economies of both countries are largely
foreign-dominated, the societies, to a significant
degree, are white-centered. This should not be
surprising. A long history of metropolitan rule placed
the European socially and economically at the top
strata of the society. The masses that is, the blacks
and the East Indians have historically attempted to
achieve upper class status by duplicating the values
and attitudes of the European. The colonizers, of
course, also denigrated the cultural values of the
non-whites in the societies.
The European rulers, who had both economic
power and social status, are gone. Today their
counterpart the black government has neither.
This deficiency has had consequences for govern-
mental attitudes and feelings of minotiry status and

insecurity. Such attitudes are demonstrated by
charges of inability to participate in a full social life
because of, for instance, the continued existence of
racially-exclusive clubs, particularly among whites
and East Indians. Governmental fears are also
expressed with unfounded charges that the East
Indians are "taking over the economy," and by the
presumed discrimination against blacks with regard to
employment opportunities in privately-owned
industry.
To some degree, the governments in Trinidad and
Guyana have been identified, by both the black and
non-black, with the black sector of the society.
Governmental policy further facilitates this identifica-
tion.
Agriculture in Trinidad and Guyana is confined to
the East Indian sector of the societies. Agriculture,
too, is one of the largest employers of labor and
contributes, significantly, to the Gross National
Product of both countries. The government of
Trinidad since 1956, when it assumed office, has been
unable to propose a well-defined agricultural policy.
One can say that there is an agricultural policy to the
extent that the government has granted scholarships
and agricultural development loans. In an attempt to
increase involvement and awareness of programs, the
government has introduced the device of "national
consultation"; that is, a coming together of
government officials and particular groups in
conference. A national consultation was recently held
on agriculture coming after such consultations on
manufacturing, secondary schools, women's rights
and the steelband. This certainly is indicative of the
level of priority granted to agriculture.
The overt policy of the Guyanese government to
become involved with the so-called "non-aligned"
group and, more particularly, to develop close
relations with African countries has contributed very
little to the identification of Guyanese East Indians
with their government. Whereas the government-
sponsored CARIFESTA Festival was seen by East
Indians as a black arts festival, the government's
recent decision to legalize obeah a form of
witchcraft with its roots in Africa further
demonstrates the government's emphasis on black
culture and a preoccupation with the manipulation of
black symbols.
The attitudes and perceptions of the East Indians
in both societies have contributed to their position as
another minority group within the countries. Not
only do they identify the government with blacks;
they also increasingly, though gradually, appear to be
withdrawing from the political process in both
countries. This withdrawal is both physical and
psychological. On the one hand, while professional
and semi-professional East Indians are migrating,
particularly to Canada, in increasing numbers, on the
other hand, those who remain are withdrawing into
their rural villages and into themselves.
In Trinidad, this withdrawal is facilitated and

Page 6 C.R. Vol. VI No. 2

encouraged by the "minority-mentality" of East
Indian politicians. Yogendra Malik, for instance, in
his East Indians in Trinidad, writes of the minority
complex of the D.L.P. leadership and the fears,
possibly unfounded, expressed by such leadership of
retribution practices by the blacks in the event of
East Indian assumption to governmental office. Such
East Indian politicians generally welcome divisions in
the society and the withdrawal attitude of the East
Indian population. At least they make no attempt to
serve as a bridge between the different groups, since
societal cleavages serve to perpetuate their electoral
base.
The situation in Guyana is not dissimilar. The
manipulation by the black government of black
symbols; the generally inept and overly ideological
leadership of the East Indians; and, more recently,
the sense of futility induced by the highly suspicious
electoral machinery all have contributed to East
Indian minority status and withdrawal in that society.
Furthermore, East Indians in Guyana are able to
point to racial discrimination by the government with
particular regard to the highest career positions. A
recent report by the Guyana Council of Indian
Organizations stated that there was one East Indian
among 18 permanent secretaries while two East
Indians were among 28 technical heads of govern-
mental departments. No East Indians headed any of
the 22 Statutory Government Corporations. Blacks
formed 95 percent of the armed forces and police.
If the era of independence provided hope for some
degree of assimilation among different groups within
the individual societies, then the Black Power wave
which is sweeping the Caribbean has served to nullify,
if only temporarily, this hope. Regardless of the
somewhat laudable attempts by the Movement in
Trinidad at uniting blacks and East Indians along
common class lines and in terms of their being the
commonly oppressed and exploited group the
Black Power Movement overestimated the impact of
its appeal in achieving quick results.
As a direct consequence of the Black Power
Movement, East Indians and to a lesser extent the
blacks as well have been undergoing a "cultural
Renaissance," as one East Indian academic has
termed it. Practical manifestation of this "Renais-
sance" has been the recourse to East Indian names for
children, the increasing acceptance and pride in the
Indian forms of dress, the widespread teaching of
Hindi to the village East Indian, and the desire,
particularly among the young East Indian academics,
to identify and demonstrate concern for the rural
East Indian. Possibly, it could be claimed, East
Indians are merely experiencing a temporary reaction
as they did with the rise of India's independence in
the late 1940's. However, this reaction which
promoted divisiveness during that period, could have
similar consequences today. By the same token, too,
this reaction may also promote general understanding
among the different groups in that it increases

Geddes Granger

awareness of different cultures and values.
In conclusion, Caribbean societies, particularly
Trinidad and Guyana, are composed of minorities
without majorities. The minority position is facili-
tated by the sharing of power among different groups
within and outside the societies. Minority status is
further enhanced by the inability of all groups to
participate in a full integrated social life. Independ-
ence governments in the countries also reflect the
minority condition in that they identify, or are
identified with, a particular group within the state.
To some degree, governmental policies exacerbate
differences among the many groups. Finally, the
ideology and values of the Black Power Movement
have encouraged a "cultural Renaissance" among East
Indians and blacks in both societies. Whereas this
reaction may promote divisiveness, it may, by the
same token, encourage understanding among the
different groups. *

C. R. April/May/June Page 7

From ANTIGUA BLACK, Scrimshaw Press.

STRANGER IN PARADISE

by Eric W. Blake

The American Virgin Islands today are largely islands
of strangers. The root-causes of this factor stem from
growing aspects of racism and ethnicity. Of course,
there are other reasons too; they are frequently
labeled "the by-products of rapid economic develop-
ment." From available sociological data, this stronger
phenomenon means that our life style is becoming
one of "feeble rootlessness." From a race and ethnic
vantage point this rootlessness seems clearly to be
associated with a decline in companionship, in
meaningful activities, in mutual trust, and in
psychological security among the residents. Although
the islands have always had racial and ethnic feelings,
the situation was never as problematic as it is today.
Today it encourages in many a shallowness in
personal relationships and a relative indifference to
community problems.
Associated with rootlessness and the stranger
phenomenon that is becoming part of U.S. Virgin
Islanders is a high degree of growth and mobility in
the population. The Virgin Islands are in the midst of
a population explosion. Currently (1973) the resident
population, according to the Governor's Economic
Statistics Office, is estimated at 89,,832 with a
breakdown by islands as follows: St. Thomas, the

capital island, 45,814; St. Croix, the largest island,
42,221; and St. John, the smallest island with 1,797.
It is estimated that the population will increase to
128,078 by 1985 and 148,478 by 1990.
Before talking more about this present population,
let's take a look at the 1960 population as recorded
in the United States census. This census recorded the
resident population at 32,099, St. Thomas, 16,201;
St. Croix, 14,973; St. John, 925. This 1960
population according to the census was a 19%
increase over the 1950 population. The 1970 census
population count showed a total Virgin Island
population of 63,210, well below the local
government's estimate. A major factor in the large
difference between the U.S. census figures and the
local government's is that the race and ethnic situation
in the islands result in obstacles in counting.
The population of the Virgin Islands is very
unique, predominantly black and yet cosmopolitan.
It is also very young with 39% of the population
being 18 years and under. The white population has
increased significantly in the last decade, especially
in the latter part of the decade. There are several
racial and some ethnic situations for which this

Page 8 C.R. Vol. VI No. 2

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From ANTIGUA BLACK, Scrimshaw Press.

increasing white population is responsible, which will
be discussed later. The Puerto Rican population,
which was always large in St. Croix, now comprises a
little over one-third of the St. Croix or Crusian
population. The black alien represents the largest
ethnic and sub-ethnic group in the Virgin Islands and
by some definitions would comprise about 40% of
the total population. There are white European
aliens, some Canadians and some Cubans. However,
when the term alien is used here, it refers to the black
alien from the West Indies and other Eastern
Caribbean islands.
The present population with its racial and ethnic
problematic situation came about as a result of the
phenomenal development, expansion and acceleration
of the tourist industry and other allied business
activities, also some not so allied industrial
developments. The boom, however, started with our
most viable industry, tourism, shortly after Cuba
came under the leadership of Fidel Castro. This, in a
very true sense, was a blessing for the Virgin Islands
and several other West Indian islands. If we can
overcome the racial, ethnic, and other problems of
rapid economic development, then we will be able to
enjoy the changes that have taken place during the
past decade.
The rapidly developing tourist industry created a
need for manpower. The Virgin Islands did not have
Page 10 C.R. Vol. VI No. 2

the manpower in sufficient quantities, skilled, or
otherwise, primarily because Virgin Islanders, like
Puerto Ricans and other West Indians were migrating
to the mainland United States, especially New York,
to seek work. This pattern started in the late 30's,
accelerated during the 40's and 50's and declined
somewhat in the late 60's. The tourist industry
developers and the government power structure
initially opted for as cheap a labor supply as possible.
Under these circumstances and a high cost of living in
the islands it was difficult to attract and hold
mainland workers, especially blacks and lower class
whites. Puerto Ricans, for various reasons, did not
seem to want to work and settle in St. Thomas where
the major tourist boom was initially. The alternative
then, with the cooperation of the Federal government
and the various West Indian government, was to hire
aliens. They were permitted to come to the Virgin
Islands to work under specified type permits. Since
these aliens were non-citizens, they were frequently
discriminated against and not afforded many societal
privileges.
At the same time the alien was entering the labor
force, frequently at the bottom, the black native was
becoming upwardly mobile in the labor market. He
was able to move into white collar, higher paying
government jobs and to drive taxis, which surprisingly
brought in higher incomes than other tourist centered

From ANTIGUA BLACK, Scrimshaw Press.

occupations. Concurrently the whites who were
immigrating were moving into the better and more
comfortable jobs in the private sector. With this type
of labor force developing, racial and ethnic problems
began to creep into the lives of the people. Another
factor at this time, but not as acute as it is today, was
that the tourist for the most part was white.
The type of racial and ethnic situation that began
occurring in the labor market during the 60's is, to a
large extent, significantly aligned to present day racial
and ethnic problems. Aliens initiating demonstrated
more willingness to do any kind of work for almost
any kind of pay. They accepted exploitation type
wages and working conditions, and since natives did
not readily do this, they were identified as lazy. As a
result governmental work became the native's turf.
The other private sector work, except that like sales
and management which were filled by whites, was for
the aliens.
As the alien became more entrenched in the labor
force and other aspects of Virgin Islands life style his
-situation began to take on more racial and ethnic
tones as related to some of the community's social
problems. In addition, other racial and ethnic groups
are much a part of these social problems. The
Governor and other community and religious leaders
are speaking out against these rising racial and ethnic
problems sometimes too late.

There are many problem areas that are affected
through the tensions of racism and ethnicity. Some of
these are schools, public safety, housing, roads, public
transportation, health and welfare services. Education
and public safety are foremost in the minds of the
residents.
Public school education today in the Virgin Islands
seems to function to discourage aspirations for
upward mobility on the part of lower-class children,
reinforcing a pattern possibly already established in
the family. This is true of other places, too; we, like
other places, are seeing racism and ethnicity as a
significant part of the root cause. The efforts to
resolve the manpower problem facing tourist-oriented
and allied industry affected the entire Virgin Islands
school system in many negative ways and the public
school system more so than the private and parochial.
There are two distinct aspects of the public school
system that cause racial and ethnic expressions. Both
of these aspects are in-migration patterns.
The first aspect, in-migration of teachers from the
mainland who are predominantly white, became more
compounded as a result of the second aspect. The
second aspect is a continuing influx into the school
system of alien children who initially were not
admitted because of their non-citizen status. Let's
look at the first aspect of in-migration of mainland
teachers.

C.R. April/May/June Page 11

From ANTIGUA BLACK, Scrimshaw Press.

Approximately 50% of the teachers in the public
school system are from the mainland, and they are
predominantly white. The private and parochial
schools have over 90% of their teachers from the
mainland and predominantly white also. Recently a
handful of the teachers are from the West Indian
islands, and they are practically all graduates of the
College of the Virgin Islands. The interesting point
about who the teachers are and where they come
from is seen in the composition of the student
enrollment. Over 95% of the students in the public
schools are black Virgin Islanders and aliens.
Theoretically, perhaps, there is nothing wrong with
this, but what happens on a day-to-day and
year-to-year basis poses a critical situation in race and
ethnic relations in the islands. Racial slurs and other
covert and overt behavior frequently take place in
and out of the classrooms. Both teachers and students
are guilty. Students turn the white teachers off
claiming they are not relevant or are racist. Too many
white, teachers seem to be not relevant or could care
less; also some of them may very well be racist. One
must recall that to a large extent white America has
been socialized in this manner. The sad part about the
racial overtones in the schools is that insufficient
learning is taking place. Too frequently Virgin
Islanders cannot realize this. Since they can still
"lime" and be taken care of by the existing system,
they do not want to hear about the future of people

who are uneducated. Many of them are talking about
revolution and independence so that they can get rid
of "whitey," but this again they do not seem to
understand.
The second aspect, a continuing influx of alien
children in the public school system, has placed
severe strains on the facilities and capabilities of the
Department of Education. Initially, children of
certified alien workers were not eligible to attend the
public schools; as a result, not too many alien
children were residing in the islands. Through the
efforts of the Alien Interest Movement organization,
other organizations working on behalf of aliens, and
concerned citizens and political leaders a suit was
brought to court to allow these children to attend the
public schools. The court ruled in favor of the alien
children. Since then a seemingly uncontrolled number
of alien children come to the islands to attend school
each year. The Department of Education experiences
difficulty in planning effectively for this increase
because of the apparently loose controls on the part
of Immigration and the technical flaws pertaining to
the alien and his children.
Today, in the 29 public schools in the Virgin
Islands, there are a little under 7,000 non-citizen
students. There are approximately 22,000 students in
the public schools. These figures are based on a May
1973 survey by the Department of Education. In
1971 there were 18,860 students in the public
schools and that was an 8.6% increase from 1970.
With this rapid rise in enrollment the need for
teachers continues to accelerate. The College of the
Virgin Islands cannot produce locally trained teachers
at the rate the need indicates and so the in-migration
continues. According to the Department of Educa-
tion, white teachers are more inclined to accept jobs
in the Virgin Islands, and the problem described
previously becomes worse as the racial problems in
the community become worse.
Problems of ethnicity are leveled more against the
aliens, the Jews, and the Puerto Ricans than against
any other ethnics or national origin group residing in
the islands. The Jews control the economic power
structure and sometimes are subjected to racial and
ethnic biases. The Puerto Ricans are seen as a political
threat, especially in St. Croix. The alien is also viewed
as a political and economic threat. He is the primary
employee in many aspects of the labor force. He has
all the rights of a citizen except voting, and he
effectively influences this process. Many of his family
ties are now with native Virgin Islanders. The
empirical evidence for these conclusions is available.
Hence the native Virgin Islander does not like this
stranger phenomenon that has taken roots in his
home. Virgin Islanders are a friendly people, and the
islands are a show place of democracy. However, if
the black aliens and the white Americans continue to
squeeze, as is happening in many situations, then the
racial and ethnic problems will reach heights unseen
before in America's "paradise in the Caribbean." *

Page 12 C.R. Vol. VI No. 2

A musical love affair:

kids clap, critics

rave and senior

citizens dance

L.,

When Fred King opens another World of 1
Percussion experience, facing an amazing array
of percussion instruments from around the world,
audiences know they are in for something
unusual, whether they be conservatory scholars
or kids and their grandmothers from the ghetto.
And they are right. There is nothing like King's
World of Percussion.
You couldn't call it just a concert, nor just a
workshop. World of Percussion is both, plus a
visual 'trip', and a mind-opening encounter with
the rich variety of music from societies as diveise
as medieval Spain and today's Afro-Caribbean.
Conceived in 1969 as a creative vehicle for
educating audiences to the vast World of
Percussion, this unique concept has caused such
excitement that it has become a vital part of the
cultural life of Puerto Rico, home of the Casals
Festival, as well as generating enthusiasm in other
Caribbean and Latin American countries and the
United States.
Part of the reason for the wide appeal of
World of Percussion is King's own devotion to
painstaking research in presenting an authentic
slice of the cultures his musical overview touches.
It's also the infectious joy that spreads to every-
one in the hall, starts them clapping, tapping
their feet (if they can keep up), and joing the
musicians on the stage. In part, it's Kings
consummate musicianship. But most of all,
perhaps, it's the truly basic message of passionate
communication between humans, across all
barriers, that only percussion can produce. And
at that, King is a master.

FRED KING can be engaged as Conductor,
Lecturer, Percussionist and for Master Classes and Seminars
WRITE: Elliot Siegel Music Management, Inc. of Washington, D.C.
Mailing Address: 11215 Oakleaf Drive, Suite 1403, Silver Spring, Maryland

STHE WORLD
OF PERCUmion
Copywrite 1973

THE

UNHOLY TRINITY

by Anseleme Remy

Ernesto Fontecilla, Chile, RETRATO DE E., Museo La Tertulia, Call, Colombia.

The concept of ethno class helps to provide a better
understanding of social behavior in colonial Carib-
bean. The usefulness of this concept can be
demonstrated by focusing on the behavior of workers
in the French Caribbean Island of Martinique.

Caribbean societies are direct creations of western
European capitalism. As such, they cannot fail to
reflect the class structure inherent to western
capitalism. However, the colonialists did not create a
Caribbean economy based on wage labor. Instead
they created a plantation capitalist economy existing
as an appendage of metropolitan economy and based
on slave labor. This economic system, which included
an agricultural as well as an industrial sector, required
the existence of a skilled, privileged stratum within
the slave population. The size of this privileged
stratum was reinforced by those slaves attached to
the master's house that is the house niggers. The
members of the privileged stratum had needs and
obligations different from that of the other slaves. To
be effective, they needed to have at least a
rudimentary knowledge of western culture and
technology. Therefore, the slave masters were obliged
to provide the material conditions as well as a social
atmosphere necessary for the existence of this
privileged stratum. Because of their privileged

position, this stratum supported the interests of the
slave owners. However, individual members were able
to understand the general nature of the slave society
and participated in or led revolutionary movements
against the established social order. This privileged
stratum is phylogenetically and sociologically the
ancestor of the modern petty bourgeoisie in the
Caribbean.
In a racially and culturally homogeneous society,
this stratum would have evolved into a classic social
class after the abolition of slavery. But during the
development of the slave plantation economy, racism
became not only a rationale for, but also an intrinsic
element of, the system. By the time slavery was
abolished, it was commonly accepted that the
individual's social position was determined not only
by his wealth, but also by the degree he exhibited
caucasoid features and by his familiarity with
European culture.
As a result, in the stratified societies of the
Caribbean, social categories are not mere reflection or
product of economic conditions, but depend for their
existence on the ideas and beliefs the people hold. In
contributing to the formation of social categories,
these ideas and beliefs acquire an existence of their
own. These ideas become intrinsic part of the social
reality the people create. Given the Caribbean

Page 14 C.R. Vol. VI No. 2

experience, the understanding of political behavior
requires concepts which should incorporate the
dynamic interaction of class and ethnicity. The
contributing factors to ethno class are race (or color),
culture, and economics.
In the Caribbean context, race, or color, is the
most visible indicator of social position. It is the first
attribute the individual uses to make a preliminary
evaluation which will determine his initial conduct
toward an interlocutor. Two major racial or color
categories stand in opposition to each other; white
and Black. They are social badges or credentials of
identity. Caucasoid characteristics are positive
features, symbols of prestige and of high status and
are generally associated with wealth or material
well-being. Negroid features are perceived as indica-
tors of low status, cultural deprivation, associated
with poverty. Those who are unmistakably caucasoid
or Negroid are automatically ascribed to the highest
or lowest positions. In the Caribbean, since few local
individuals can be considered "pure white"
genetically, it becomes then necessary for individuals
to stress color variation and physical features rather
than "race" per se. Those who approximate the
caucasoid norms lay higher claims. Since there is no
established yardstick to determine degree of ap-
proximation to caucasoid norms, culture and wealth
are introduced as compensatory devices.
Moreover, in the Caribbean societies two cultural
traditions also stand in opposition: The European and
the local. European culture makes for high status, and
the local is seen as uncivilized. The near-caucasoid
individual or group supports the claims for high status
by publicly showing familiarity with European
culture. Behaviors will be watched and evaluated by
those in the same situation for possible breach of
good behavior. However, nobody is immune from the
influence of local culture; social behaviors are rather
more approximation or parody of the European.
Furthermore, in general, familiarity with European
culture can only be attained if the individual
possesses a certain amount of wealth. It is usually the
members of the economically privileged among the
non-caucasoid who usually can acquire such familiar-
ity. Wealth allows them to purchase the material
objects or to adopt life styles which set them apart
from the poor, uneducated masses.
In the colonial situation, there is always a need for
a class of westernized "natives" to carry out the
decisions of the colonial power. Many are sent to
study the metropolis. Upon their return they are
presented as undeniable proof of the progress
registered in the colony. They are then assigned to
lower position in the civil service and educational
institutions.
Many of these intellectuals trained in European
countries lacked the financial means to be included
into the upper levels of the society. They found
themselves relegated to marginal positions. However,
their familiarity with western culture represented an

asset and a medium for vertical mobility. Many
became conservative supporters of the status quo.
The others became social critics or politicians aspiring
to overthrow the colonial system.
Between ethno classes, cultural and economic
differences are continuous, and there exists a
constant movement of individuals from one ethno
class to another. A system of cultural code provides
for inter action between and within ethno classes.
Economic success facilitates the slow incorporation
of the individual into a higher status ethno class.
Complete incorporation of an economically success-
ful family into a higher status ethno class takes at
least two to three generations. The original
fortune-gatherer will buy his way into the periphery
of higher status ethno classes. If he maintains or
increases his wealth, and as his progeny becomes
culturally "westernized" and marry into near
caucasoid or caucasoid families, the third generation
will be completely identified with and accepted as a
member of the higher status ethno classes.
Ethno class results from the interplay of these
three factors: race (or color), culture and economic
position. It is a dynamic concept which accounts for
the manipulation of these three factors by those
raised in the system. It is illustrative of the internal
distinction operating within the class structure of
colonial society. The existence of ethno class prevents
the class system from expressing itself in the
traditional manner.
It can be seen that ethno class is not ethnic class,
since the latter is a social class distinguishable by its
ethnic characteristics. The notion of ethno class refers
to segments, "middle and intermediate strata" within
the Caribbean class structure. At that level, social and
political behaviors can best be analyzed. This concept
can help us understand why groups and individuals in
the Caribbean often make decisions which may be
apparently inconsistent with their class interests.
Members of an ethno class share some basic economic
attributes. These economic attributes which can be
had mainly through competition make the ethno class
an open social group characterized by achievement.
However, in colonial societies and specifically the
Caribbean there is a pervasive ethnic ideology
which defines and determines the social worth of
economic attributes. Therefore, the social worth, the
social position of an ethno class involves an element
of ascription.
Between the achievement and the ascriptive
ideologies there is no peace. Within the ethno class
they exist in a constant flux, in a state of conflict.
Therefore, ethno class is a structurally unstable
group, subject to membership fluctuation. With the
exception of extremely privileged and extremely
deprived ethno classes, membership within an ethno
class is always subject to challenge. In social relations
claims and counter claims are laid. Individuals must
legitimize, validate their claim to membership. In
interpersonal interaction, life in the Caribbean

C.R. April/May/June Page 15

manifests the characteristics of a "baroque goff-
manesque" play in which the actors perform certain
acts with the specific purpose of establishing their
social worth.

Ethno Class and Politics
The question to be asked is: How does the ethno
class manifest itself in the political arena? How do
groups or individuals reconcile their loyalty to their
ethno class with that of their general class interests?
In recent times, Cuba, in forging her socialist
revolution, has presented us in the Caribbean with the
only true manifestation of class conflict. There, class
contradiction was heightened and class interests
superseded those of ethno class loyalty. Still the
latter explains to a great extent the cleavages and
divisions within the Cuban counter-revolutionary
movement. The other territories of the Caribbean
have only witnessed bourgeois nationalist move-
ments led by the local petty bourgeoisie. In the light
of this situation, ethno class loyalty plays a
significant role in Caribbean politics.
Within the ethno class, those whose claims have
been substantiated and accepted are qualified to
assume leadership of their culturally recognized ethno
class. Those with doubtful but marginal credentials
will be accepted, provided the discrepancy between
their credentials and the group's ideal is not too great
and provided they do not attempt to assume
leadership.
Political organizations are organized around or
controlled by a given ethno class. However, they will
ideologically attempt to link with other ethno classes
or to appeal to a social class.
Political alliance for the ethno class will depend on
who and what is involved. Usually the more
prestigious one will seek to define the scope and
purpose of the alliance. Even when material and
economic interests are at stake it will not relinquish
its feeling of superiority, nor will it accept being
dependent or grateful to a less prestigious ethno class.
Manifestation of working class unity is of short
duration and hampered by ethno class loyalty. Within
the capitalist and comprador and petty bourgeois
classes, the same phenomenon manifests itself with
lesser intensity. The local capitalists oppose each
other in terms of ethno class identification and will
jointly fight metropolitan multinational corporations.
Opposition between capitalists is, however, restricted
to the level of rivalry, but is not allowed to
degenerate into conflict. Petty bourgeois elements are
nationalistic by orientation and have the tendency to
appeal to and to call upon the masses and working
classes to join in nationalist movements against
oppressive culture-specific groups. These elements
nonetheless are not opposed to the existence of a
class stratified society but rather wish "to integrate"
the system. Ultimately they align themselves with the
capitalists against the working class. The working
classes and their leaders still have to find a way to

transcend ethno class loyalties. Martinique, a French
colony in the Caribbean, is a classic illustration.
The white population of Martinique consists of: (a)
the BIkds or local whites; and (b) the Metropolitains.
The local white population is directly descended from
the French slave masters. They are known under the
generic name of BekIs. This group of about 3,000
individuals own 74% of the agricultural lands,
produces 76% of the island sugar production, and
67% of the banana production, 91% of the
production of rum. In the neighboring island of
Guadeloupe, it owns five sugar factories, 24% of the
agricultural land and produces 32% of Guadeloupe's
sugar production. In Martinique, it controls 80% of
the import-export businesses, the insurance com-
panies, credit institutions and local banks. The Bekes
are not newcomers. They have been living in the
island for at least three centuries. This group includes
the -"Gros Bekes" or Big Bedks, the medium size
Bekds and the small whites or Bekes Goyaves or
Bitacos.
We must also include the new whites or the
"not-really-whites". These are phenotypically white,
but there is the suspicion that some non-white
elements have been mixed with them in the not too
distant past. In Puerto Rico they are called "Blanco
con raja", i.e., whites with stripes.
The Metropolitains are functionaries of the
colonial government or employees of local firms.
They are usually excluded from Bekhs' society. The
second group consists of the "mulatres" or mulattoes,
and a small group of priveleged blacks. Occu-
pationally, these are mostly professionals, middle
level functionaries and owners of middle size
plantations. Then follows the great black masses of
urban' and rural workers and the East Indians working
in the banana plantations.
The characteristics contributing to the formation
of ethno class in Martinique are the following:

Attributes
Credentials Superordination Subordination

Race of Color Caucasoid Negroid
Culture French Martinique
Economic Wealth Poverty

With respect to race, when two individuals first
meet in the island of Martinique, they seek to acquire
information which would enable them to make a fast
judgment of each other. If they do not know each
other, physical characteristics are first used as an
indicator of social status. The individual is thus
judged according to his race or skin color. The
superordinate status of the caucasoid will not be
questioned. Due to the high rate of miscegenation,
this situation is not easily solved. The individual

Page 16 C. R. Vol. VI No. 2

whose skin color is closer to white tries to impose
upon the other. In all likelihood this decision will be
challenged if the difference between the two
individuals' skin color is not obvious. In this case, the
two actors will resort to culture to justify their claim
to status.

In Martinique, French culture symbolized prestige
and status in opposition the Martinique culture. The
ability to speak grammatical Paris-like French is the
best proof of the individual's familiarity with French
culture, since it is generally assumed that non-
caucasoid people do not speak French.
In the case of our two interlocutors, the most
threatened must take the initiative by initiating the
dialog to show his mastery of French. If the other
cannot respond in kind, the situation is dead-locked,
and they are entitled to treat each other as equal. If
he does respond, indicators of economic welfare must
be used.
Economically, the garments, the jewelry one wears,
the car one drives, and, if it can be determined, the
profession or occupation of the individual can help
establish equality between the interlocutors.
Until recently the economy of Martinique was
exclusively dependent on the sugar industry operating
within the confines of what is called "Habitation".
During the second half of the 19th century, due to
the influence of metropolitan finance capital, a

process of consolidation of small habitations into
large units of sugar cultivation took place. It led to
the sugar crisis of 1882 and the pauperization of the
wage earning class. After 1870, under the influence of
Metropolitan capital, sugar production began to be
mechanized. The steam engine replaced the animal
driven mill. At that time the "usines centrales" -
that, is a mechanized sugar factory controlling large
latifundia planted in cane competed with the small
sugar producing units. By the end of the century
there were 16 "usines centrales".

An illustrative plantation is one of the three
remaining sugar factories located in the southern part
of the island. The consolidation of the plantation
began in the early 1880's when a successful Bekh
married the daughter of Mr. Bougenot, representative
of C.A.I.L., one of the main manufacturers in France
of materials for sugar factories. It has been stated that
Mr. Bougenot, and his son-in-law, for sometime,
owned all the sugar factories in the Islands. The
enterprise is owned, controlled and managed by the
grand children of the original founder and includes
about two thousand hectares of land.
The occupational hierarchy within the enterprise
reflects the racial and ethnic divisions in the island
and facilitates the persistence of ethno class
behavior. Wage, working conditions, and occupa-
tional prestige depend on the interaction of ethnic

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C.R. April/May/June Page 17

and racial criteria. From top to bottom, the hierarchy
includes the senior officials, the cadres, and the
workers.
Members of these three occupational categories are
separated not only by occupation, but also by a social
world. According to Martiniquan conception, one
works, plays, drinks and sleeps with one's peer. Any
deviation from this principle brings shame upon the
individual involved. Contact is very formal between
individuals of different occupational strata. No joking
relationship is allowed between individuals of the
same occupational stratum if someone of higher
position is close enough to notice. Respect and
deference are the main tenets of social relations
between individuals of different occupational strata.
As an occupational category, the cadres place great
emphasis on "propriety." In working or public
situations, the individual is referred to or addressed
by his last name preceded by the qualificative
"monsieur." The rule is operative even among close
friends during drinking sessions. Relationships among
workers and among senior officials are more informal.
They conceive of themselves as being "better
educated" and "more civilized" than the workers.
They present the latter as "lacking good manners."
On the other hand, the workers refer to the cadres as
"supporters" of the Bekds.
The image these two working categories project of
each other creates an atmosphere of hostility and
suspicion between them. Consequently, the working
elements within the plantation find themselves
divided whenever they have to face the plantation
owners and management.
The most tangible manifestation of proletarian
solidarity consists of the worker's ability to
understand the ideological necessity of supporting the
struggle of other workers and his willingness to accept
sacrifices which might make their fight easier. The
colonial Caribbean was not a classic class stratified
society, nor is the structure inherited from the
colonial period. Elements of ethnicity hamper the
manifestation of class consciousness among the
workers. The workers and the cadres in the plantation
see themselves as belonging to the "wretched
proletariat" exploited by the capitalist Bdkds. Both
believe that the worker's union represents the best
protection for the workers against the capitalists.
Proletarian unity and solidarity are accepted as
necessary ingredients for a successful fight against the
capitalists. Awareness of class interests does not
necessarily imply that the group will behave
according to its class interests. Its behavior is molded
by the cultural and historical forces which have shaped
the society.
In Martinique, ethno class consciousness deter-
mines worker's behavior within the confines of the
plantation. Before actualizing his class interests, the
Martiniquan worker will have to determine if it will
not conflict or undermine his ethno class interests or
social standing.
Page 18 C.R. Vol. VI No. 2

The two working strata (cadres and workers) are
organized and represented by two different unions.
These two unions and their respective leaders are very
critical of each other's policy. It must be noted that
there is little difference between the ideological
pronouncements of the leaders of these two unions.
Each union independently bargains with the owners
for his membership. Cooperation and contact
between unions occur only in situations of crisis or
during the workers' parade of May Day. When one
working group is in conflict with the administration
of the plantation, the other remains passively neutral.
Over time, many writers have commented on the
interrelation between class, color and ethnicity in the
new world Black society.
Most of them seem to perceive the relations
between class, race, and ethnicity as a static one. It
thus becomes a way of assigning a given position to
groups in the social structure. It has no predictive
value.
The uneducated people of the Caribbean seem to
understand their social reality better than the
sophisticated social scientist. In Haiti, the often-
quoted saying "a rich Black man is a mulatto and a
poor mulatto is a Black Man" accurately seizes the
dynamic interaction between these variables and their
social significance. In Barbados, the "bracket
system," though vaguely formulated,. refers to a
hierarchial system in which people are recognized to
belong to different "bracket" strata on the basis of
ethnic, racial, occupational, or economic criteria. The
sentence "he is not of my bracket" implies that
people are separated by significant differences. These
may be economic, ethnic or social. In Barbados,
because of the fluid characters of these social
attributes, bracket membership is most often
questionable.
In creating the colonial societies of the Caribbean
based on slave labor, The Europeans introduced new
elements which were not necessary for the regulation
of social behavior in Europe. Ethnicity has become
an important, not secondary, aspect of social
relations in Caribbean societies. This is why it is
frustrating to understand the social structure and
social relations in the Caribbean in terms of fossilized
western bourgeois concepts.
Ethno class is nothing but the product of the
colonial nature of Caribbean societies. It is also very
divisive of the working class in the Third World and
specifically in the Caribbean. The major task of the
Caribbean people is the struggle against the colonial
and neo-colonial system imposed upon them by
capitalist Europe and the United States. In so doing,
they must also destroy the power of the local white
capitalist and compradore classes as well as that of
the petty bourgeois black and brown-skinned
intellectuals and politicians. To achieve victory over
their international and national enemies, the segments
within the working class must transcent their ethno
class loyalties. *

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Luis Paz, Colombia, EL PAIS SIGUE EN BUENAS MANOS, Museo La Tertulia.

ELECTIONS:

SURINAM STYLE

by Edward Dew

The streets of Paramaribo filled
once again on Tuesday, November
20, as they had on February 27,
1973. On February 27, the 27th
day of a general strike in Surinam,
a mass of Bush Negroes and other
workers, proceeded down the
Gravenstraat towards the govern-
ment center to protest for back-
wages and improved welfare
benefits. At the Cathedral they
were met be a large force of armed
police, who ordered their dis-
persal. On refusing, the police
fired tear gas at them, at which
point Abaisa, the leader of the
march, stepped forward, his
halfnaked body covered with the
sacred, protective white clay of
the Bush Negroes. He was im-
mediately shot. The mass of
marchers, horrified at the un-
expected violence, and the first
political death in the long strike,
dispersed. The strike had peaked.
Within a few weeks, all workers
were back at their jobs, and for
the next nine months, backroom
politics replaced street demonstra-
tions, as Creoles, Bush Negroes,
Hindustanis, Indonesians, Chinese
and Europeans, "among many
others, have weighed the meaning
of the "February days" and have
organized their judgments.
On November 19 the prelimi-

nary election returns were
announced. Surinam was stunned
by the news that the presumedly
all-powerful Hindustani-Creole
coalition government of the
Verenigde Hindostaanse Partij
(VHP, or United Hindustani
Party) and Progressieve Nationale
Parti] (PNP, or Progressive
National Party) was being ousted
in a near-landslide by the
National Parti] 'Kom binatie
(NPK, largely Creole-Protestant),
National Partij Suriname (NPS,
mostly Creole-Catholic), Progres-
sieve Surinaamse Volkspartij
(PSV), the Partij van de National-
istische Republiek (PNR, Creole
inteelectuals and young radicals)
and the Kaum Tani Persatuan
Indonesia (Indonesian lower
class). On November 20, sup-
porters of the victorious group
paraded through the streets of
Paramaribo waving the banners of
the four parties, and tearfully
proclaiming "Abaisa leeft"
(Abaisa lives).

In the wake of his own party's
thorough defeat, Creole Minister-
President Dr. Jules Sedney (PNP)
declared that the NPK victory
could only have been accomplish-
ed with at least some votes of
every racial group going to the

winners. Although some minor
complaints were heard about the
distribution of voting cards and
the effectiveness of the finger ink
used to identify voters, there were
no challenges made of the results
in any voting bureau, and the VHP
and PNP quickly acknowledged
their defeat. When one considers
the fears, for example, that exist
in Guyana regarding the demo-
graphic preponderance of East
Indians there, and which have
allegedly led to the fraudulent use
of absentee ballots to maintain the
position of the Blacks, one must
look with even greater amazement
at neighboring Surinam's "verras-
sende uitslag" (surprising out-
come), as the Creoles' victory is
being called. Hindustanis out-
number Creoles by over 3 to 2,
and the ratio is growing as Creoles
migrate and Hindustanis multiply.
How did it all happen? And
what does it mean for the future?
Have the Surinamese become
more racially polarized than ever,
despite the cross-over voting on
election day? Such would seem to
be the case, as there are no
Hindustanis among the new par-
liamentary majority in the Staten,
nor are there any Creoles in the
opposition. Has the Surinam
government become more
radical? Such would seem to be
the case from the presence of a
number of strike leaders among
the new Creole Staten members,
along with the charismatic Eddy
Bruma, leader of the PNR, who
was a major architect of the
victorious party alliance. Will
American and Dutch investments
be challenged and further invest-
ments be halted? Will unemploy-
ment (already 20-30%) rise
further? Will the massive emigra-
tion to the Netherlands continue,
including a rising tide of Hin-
dustanis, to supplement the 15%
of the population (mostly Creole)
already in "social exile"? The
answers to all these questions may
well be affirmative, at least in the
short-run, for one of the major
issues in the election was
Surinam's independence later in
the 1970's an issue that the

Page 20 C.R.- Vol. VI No. 2

Hindustani VHP strongly opposed
and the NPK's parties for the most
part supported.
Associated with independence
is the problem of Surinam's own
identity. One of the first con-
sequences of independence will be
the necessary decision by each
individual Surinamer of his future
citizenship. Every Surinamer
(whether in the Netherlands or
Surinam) will be free to decide
whether to remain a Surinamer, or
to take Dutch citizenship. But,
with this decision, the close and
fluid ties between the two lands
will be cut to some extent,
especially if Surinam opts for a
Republic rather than Dominion
status (as Bruma's party has long
advocated). Surinam will then be
thrown back onto its own re-
sources culturally, economi-
cally, and politically. Most ob-
servers agree that these resources
are very shaky and uncertain, at
best.
What does it mean to be a
Surinamer? And, if there are any,
what will the recent elections
mean for them? That is the
subject of this post-election
analysis of the events of the past
nine months.
In the seven weeks of political
campaigning that preceded the
November 19 election, one felt as
if a Northern Ireland was in the
making. One of the ominous signs
of this was in the use of colors by
the two major opposition parties:
orange (the color of the Dutch
House of Orange, to which the
Hindustanis claim they want to
remain bound) and green (the
color of the NPS, the central force
within the NPK). Orange banners,
teeshirts, flags and leaflets were
everywhere, proclaiming "stem op
de VHP" and "geen onafhan-
keljjkheid nu" (vote for the VHP,
and no independence yet).
Hindustani autos and trucks were
painted orange, women bought
dresses and other clothing in
orange, and every Hindustani
farmhouse in the districts seemed
to have a sign pasted on it showing
the VHP's elephant symbol against
an orange background. And in the

city's poorer districts, green
clothing and headgear became
slowly more apparent as election
day neared, while many houses
put up the NPK's green posters
showing the bloc's four symbols:
the NPS' torch, the PSV's family,
the PNR's churning-wheel, and the
KTPI's wajong character,
Djanoko.
But the cultural pluralism of
Surinam is more complicated than
that of Northern Ireland. There
are an incredible number of racial,
ethnic, linguistic, religious and
cultural differences within the
society, and an impressive number
of mixes thereof in marriages
and individuals.
Religion has been a frequent
source of conflict in Surinam -
but, ironically, more often within
than between racial groups. In
fact, religion, like racial inter-
marriage, has produced its own
group of "marginal men," whose
cross-cultural religious ties are
sometimes stronger than ethnic
loyalty. Catholicism, Judaism,
Protestantism (in a bewildering
variety of sects), Moham-
medanism, Hinduism (both
Sanatan Traditionalism and Aryan
reformism), Confuciansim, Bush
Negro Winti and American Indian
religion have variously attracted
converts and been subjected to
suspicion and attack. The curiosi-
ty and respect shown to each
religion by missionary and other
lonely activist figures in the
society have helped to keep them
all afloat and may be credited
ultimately with a major contribu-
tion to Surinam's stability and
growing interpersonal tolerance.
Added to these factors is the
richness and variety of languages
and literature within which the
people of Surinam have been
brought up. Language, of course,
can be divisive. The VHP's cam-
paign in the city was conducted
about equally in Hindi and Dutch,
with only an occasional speaker
using the Sranang of the Creoles
or the Malay of the Indonesians.
In the districts, VHP speakers used
Hindi mostly, with only a little

Malay, Sranang and Dutch. At the
NPK rallies everywhere, Stranang
was heavily used, with Dutch
running a distant second, along
with Malay. At the urban meetings
of the largely Creole PNP and
BEP; Dutch was the most heavily
used, with Sranang a close second.
As each of these parties ran
Hindustani, Javanese and Bush
Negro candidates, a bit of Hindi,
Malay and Bush Sranang could be
heard by way of introducing a
speaker. At the Hindustani-led
Actie Groep meetings, Dutch and
Sranang, but bery little Hindi, was
used in the city. At the Hin-
dostaanse Progressieve Parti] meet-
ings, especially in Nickerie, Hindi
was heavily used, complete with
the imagery of classical Hindu
parables. In all meetings a rich use
of English words and catch-
phrases was also evident.
Clearly, the appeal of parties
was geared to a variety of
educational, linguistic and cultural
audiences, and the candidates
exhibited great sophistication in
their rhetoric. Nevertheless, the
recent election had these points of
significance: (1) it restored the
unity that had been achieved in
1949 by Creoles in the first
general elections but which had
been nibbled away by color-line
and personality disputes in sub-
sequent years, (2) the other
population groups, at least to
some extent, gave their support to
the reunified Creoles with the
thought that a government by
these Surinamers couldn't be
worse than the mixed Hindustani-
Creole one they replaced; and (3)
it proved that the lower classes
were capable of "surprising the
experts" through a careful use of
the complicated and ingenious
electoral system.
Surinam has provided an in-
teresting case of "consociational
democracy" the type of polity
which Arend Lijphart described as
involving "government by elite
cartel," where leaders of sharply
divergent cultural blocs bridge the
system's cleavages by formal or
informal alliances at the top. Since
1958, all governments in Surinam

C.R. April/May/June Page 21

have involved a sharing of govern-
mental ministries among repre-
sentatives of the major religious
and cultural groups in the society.
This is all the more noteworthy in
that the society became sharply
fragmented politically by the
introduction in 1948 of universal
suffrage, and later, in 1963, of
proportional representation.
After a period of head-spinning
fission, fusion and musical chairs
within and between the political
parties, a period of calm began in
1958 and continued to 1967,
during which Surinam enjoyed its
most balanced and progressive
period of development. In this
period, an overwhelming majority
of seats in the Staten were held by
the representatives of the VHP
and the NPS, which had the
support of the vast majority of
Hindustanis and Creoles, respect-
ively. Beginning in 1967, as the
VHP began to demand more
ministerial posts, the NPS made an
alliance with a smaller Hindustani
party, the Actie Groep (AG).
Since then, Surinamese govern-
ment has been fragile. The NPS-
AG government tumbled pre-
maturely in a school-teachers
strike in 1969, and in the
subsequent elections, the VHP was
returned with a near absolute
majority of seats. In turn, rather
than re-establish the alliance with
the NPS, the VHP chose to ally
instead with the smaller (Creole)
Progressieve Nationale Partij
(PNP), with whom they had been
working in the opposition. Un-
employment and emigration to
the Netherlands have climbed
precipitously, while investments
from abroad, despite careful re-
search and planning on Surinam's
part, have not materialized.
Indeed, as the general strike of
February-March 1973 indicated,
Surinam seemed on the brink of
either bankruptcy or Communist
revolution, or both. What was so
unusual, even miraculous, about
the strike was that there was so
little loss of life, given the almost
daily mass demonstrations and
rioting. The calming influence of
religion and the presence (though

never unleashed) of the Dutch
military may have contributed to
the people's restraint, but so did
the uncertainty about the con-
sequences of new elections, which
a massive outburst would almost
certainly precipitate.
Surinam's electoral machinery
is unique. In short, it should be
said that in 1948, there was a
great debate over whether propor-
tional representation or single-
member district elections should
be used. Since the Dutch had long
accepted PR in the Netherlands, it
was odd that Surinam should hold
on to its single-member district
system. In fact, some even
thought it unjust, for in Parama-
ribo, as the system emerged in
1948, there were ten seats in one
district. As each voter was given
ten votes, the largest party in
Paramaribo, even if it held a mere
plurality over the others, could
win all ten seats. However, no one
proposed individual districts in
Paramaribo. All attention, instead,
in the parliamentary debates from
1945 to 1948 was focused on
whether to introduce proportional
representation or "winner-take-
all."
From 1948 to 1958, the elec-
tions were carried out under
winner-take-all. In 1963, as a
compromise betokening an
alliance between Protestant and
Catholic Creoles (the latter having
long advocated PR), a new
nation-wide district was created,
with 12 PR seats. This was added
to 24 winner-take-all seats, coming
from (1) Paramaribo with 10
seats, (2) the farming districts -
Nickerie, Commenwijne and
Saramacca with 2 seats each,
and (3) the eight suburban,
mining, fishing and bush interior
districts with one seat each.
Election strategy among the
Creoles had, to this time, been
geared to the winning of Parama-
ribo, plus the mining, fishing and
bush districts. The PR com-
promise seemed to offer no threat
in 1963, as it merely reinforced
the outcome in the district-system
elections. Thus, in 1967, the
NPS-dominated government

acceded to the demands of its
VHP allies by (1) consolidating
the largely Hindustani districts
surrounding Paramaribo into one
six-member district, and (2)
making both it (now called
"Kieskring II') and Paramaribo
("Kieskring I") Pr districts. The
resultant system, still in force,
produces the following remark-
able mixs: firstly, 12 seats on the
"landelijke list" are distributed
by proportional representation for
the nation as a whole; secondly,
16 seats, in Kieskrings I and II are
also distributed by PR; and
thirdly, 11 seats, in the remaining
Kieskrings are decided by "win-
ner-take-all." (This includes three
districts where the voters, using
two votes, can pick two Staten
members.)
The effect of changing Kiesk-
rings I and II over to PR seemingly
opened the floodgates for new
political party activity. Small
parties, such as the PNP, AG, PSV,
PNR, KTPI, SDP, SRI and PBP,
variously mustered enough votes
for one or more seats in the Staten
in the 1967 and/or 1969 elections.
The presence of these smaller
groups permitted the NPS, and
later the VHP, to break their
earlier dependence on each other
and to experiment with "one-
winged glying." But the con-
sequences were not to the
public's complete satisfaction.
Relying on a small ally from
another cultural group is dan-
gerous for two reasons: Firstly, it
provides for a strong oppositional
group in the parliament which
represents the mainstream, and
thus rallying ground, of a major
population group; secondly, this
in turn creates the dangerous
contingency that a dominant
party's smaller ally may go
through "the crisis of brokerage,"
which can lead to racial polariza-
tion, governmental collapse, or at
least self-destruction for the
brokerage party.
In June 1973, a "secret report"
began to make the rounds among
the political parties. It was the
effort by party strategists in one
of the major parties to calculate

Page 22- C. R. Vol. VI No. 2

LA REBELLION DE LOS SANTOS
(Spanish and English Edition)
160 p. 11 x 11"
100 Ilust. black & white
8 Ilust. full collours
Cloth

Popular imagery has in Puerto Rico a beau-
tiful tradition.
Religious mysticism together with a very
sharp instinct of artistic expression, have
given to the primitivism of Puerto Rican
"Santos" a strange and increasing value as a
relic.

THE REBELLION OF THE SANTOS at-
tempts to capture the past, point out the
present and help a future preserve human
and noble values, such as is this manner of
ours to approach art through the simplicity
of the people.

EdiciONES pUERTO

EDICIONES PUERTO 1972
SALDAIrA, 3.
RIO PIEDRAS. PUERTO RICO

voting strengths of each of the
"swing" groups (Hindustani,
Indonesian, Chinese, and "other")
in each of the districts, and in the
country as a whole. Almost as in a
chess game, each party began to
build its slates according to the
presumed "ethnic draw" that the
slate might have.
As the "secret report" made the
rounds, the campaign seemed to
fall back on personalities and
issues rather than primordial
sentiments. These issues were
fairly simple. The NPK was
composed of young strike leaders
calling for change, presided over
by the mild-mannered and sup-
posedly inexperienced Catholic
bank official, Henk Arron, the
leader (with Olton van Genderen)
of the NPS. The VHP was led by
the battle-scarred veteran, the
lawyer Jaggernath Lachmon.
Lachmon campaigned on a
platform of "verbroedering"
(brotherhood) and charged the
opposition with responsibility for
the "terreur brutaliteit en
onzekerheid (uncertainty)" of the
"February days." He warned
voters against the threat of Com-
munism and republicanism
exemplified by Bruma and the
other candidates of the PNR in
the NPK. Arron unbelievably
responded by allowing Bruma the

opportunity to take over the
keynote addresses at the nightly
party rallies. Bruma's lectures in
Sranang on aspects of the
economic development challenges
facing Surinam were dull.
The smaller parties meanwhile,
relied more on key personalities
and effective speakers than on
novel issues or programs. The
major exceptions to this were the
PNP, relying on its "program of
accomplishments;" the Actie
Groep, with its call for coopera-
tive socialism along the lines of
neighboring Guyana; and the
DVF, with its more clearly Com-
munistic program. (By the way,
both of these latter groups,
working to the left of Bruma,
clearly helped his "move towards
the center.") Nevertheless, large
Creole crowds attended the rallies
of the PNP mostly to hear its fiery
leader, Just Rens, respond to and
overcome the jeering challenge of
young anti-PNPers. Similarly, they
proceeded on to the BEP rallies to
hear Rens' energetic young
Creole-Chinese rival, Hans Prade,
whose expulsion from the PNP in
September had split and weakened
the PNP.
Similarly, large ,Hindustani
crowds went to the HPP rallies to
hear the brilliant young Dr.
Indradj Oemrawsing excoriate the

VHP for its alleged corruption,
exploitation of the poor Hin-
dustani farmer, and dictatorial
leadership. Many were also drawn
to the AG rallies to hear Dr.
Hirasing's pungent and com-
plicated analyses and proposals.
Yet both the HPP and AG
meetings were frequently dis-
rupted by hecklers.
In the interior, the BEP took on
the VHP's ally, the Progressieve
BosNegers Parti] (PBP), and the
NPS over their records of service
(or non-service) to the Bush
Negroes. As election day drew
near, the BEP increasingly protest-
ed that the government was failing
to distribute voting cards, es-
pecially in the district of Boven
Marowijne.
In the most critical small party
confrontation, the KTPI (in the
NPK alliance) took on the Sarekat
Rakjat Indonesia (SRI, a member
of the VHP party alliance) in
massive rallies and tight house-to-
house campaigning in Indonesian
residential areas in Commenwijne
and Kieskring II. One of the main
issues in this struggle was the
position given Indonesian can-
didates on the respective VHP and
NPK lists in the PR districts. Many
Indonesians felt their positions on
the VHP lists were too
low .i .e., that they were asked

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Page 24- C. R. ol. No. 2
Page 24 C. R. Vlol. V I No. 2

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to give the VHP more (votes) than
they might get (seats) in return.
Their position was decidedly
better on the NPK list. But while
the Indonesians are, perhaps, the
poorest and most frustrated
population group in Surinam, they
are also very conservative with
clear misgivings about sudden
independence or other radical
changes.
By the eve of the election it
seemed clear that the NPK was
closing in on the VHP, and that
the outcome would hinge on (1)
how the Bush Negroes and In-
donesians would vote, (2) how
many dissident Hindustanis would
vote for the HPP in Nickerie and
the country as a whole, (3) how
many voters would stay at home,
and (4) how the small mixed
parties would fare.
All the complicated worrying
and contingency-thinking was
tossed out by the outcome, as the
NPK swept to victory with 22
seats, all the rest going to the
VHP.
What are the consequences of
this "verrassende uitslag" for the

future? Will the new government
provide the jobs to stem the tides
of unemployment and migration
that have so plagued Surinam's
development in the past five
years? If one is to believe the
rhetoric of Bruma and his fellow
NPK-ers, a much greater emphasis
will be given to agriculture than
ever before building new rice
polders, clearing new farm land in
the interior, and reviving truck-
farming in the urban and suburban
areas. Not only will this improve
the chronic food shortages that
were such an issue in the cam-
paign, but it will produce new jobs
in food processing, as Surinam
launches a program of "buy
Surinam" at home and abroad.
Pride in national "opbouw"
(development) may, in fact,
eventually stanch the braindrain
and produce a return migration of
the thousands of skilled and
semi-skilled Creoles and others
who have gone to the Netherlands.
Will American, Dutch and other
foreign investments be challenged
by the new, more radical govern-
ment? Perhaps, but Bruma and

Arron have repeatedly declared
themselves opposed to "wholesale
nationalization," and will
probably only try to renegotiate
some contracts to increase
Surinam's share of the profits and
their control over auditing and
reinvestment plans. Indeed, as
much as the NPK had bitterly
attacked the PNP for allowing
stagnation and corruption to
paralyze Surinam's development,
they paid their Creole rivals a high
compliment by promising to
continue the PNP's "joint
venture" strategy wherever pos-
sible in the future.
Clearly, the recent elections
were more than a special sporting
event, although one feels the
restraint and good sportsmanship
of many participants was a fact.
Whether Surinam is going to
provide lessons that the rest of the
world can profit from is still very
much an open question. In any
case, Surinam is a land of
verrassende opportunities, if only
the big parties can follow the
example of the smaller parties and
"get it all together." *

His talent made him famous.
His humanity made him immortal.

CLEMENTE
L by Kal Wagenheim
Foreword by
Wilfrid Sheed

Roberto Clemente.
S Winner of four league
Batting championships.
4 Recently named to the
Baseball Hall of Fame.
This is the story of his
life, based on personal
interviews with Clemente's
family, friends, teachers
and fellow team members. "Kal Wagenheim has
drawn the true dimensions of this complex, extraor-
dinary man." -Congressman Herman Badillo
Illustrated with 16 pages of photos $6.95
ixrogow 111 Fourth Avenue New York 10003

crcotive'

GRAPHIC ART DESIGNERS

FOR THE CARIBBEAN

book covers record

jackets illustrations

Calle Coil y Toste No. 322
Hato Rey, Puerto Rico

PAZ

AND

FUENTES:

HOW CLOSE?

by Edward J. Mullen

In February and May of 1970,
respectively, the Mexican poet and
essayist Octavio Paz and his fellow
countryman Carlos Fuentes
published two slender, but pro-
vocative books: Postscript and All
the Cats Are Brown. Written in
the wake of the political and
literary fervor of the student
assassinations of Tlateloloco
the books represent a curious
interweaving of the authors'
ideologies and constitute a col-
lective reply to contemporary
political repression.

It is no anomaly that two of
Mexico's most acclaimed writers
would attempt to reinterpret a
contemporary social problem in
terms of their respective artistic
mediums. This intimate linking
between society and artist has
been a characteristic of Spanish
American literature since the days
of the Conquest. The British
Hispanist Jean Franco put it this
way: "While a considerable part of
occidental art is principally in-
terested in individual ex-
perience . the best Latin
American literary works, and even
its paintings, are preoccupied with
greatest intensity with social ideals
and phenomena." One only has to

From ANOTHER PLACE, Scrimshaw Press.

think of the nobel laureates,
Miguel Angel Asturias and Pablo
Neruda, to corroborate, in part,
this point of view.

What is most intriguing from a
literary perspective, however, is
the question of the thematic
interrelationship which becomes
patently obvious from even a
casual reading of both books.
While All the Cats Are Brown is
only Fuentes' second try at
drama, it is also the work which is
most similar to one by Octavio
Paz. While it is a very risky
business to talk about the direct
influence of one author upon
another, it is equally apparent that
both books in question come to
grips in essentially similar terms
with the same conflict. Whether
this confluence is a result of direct
influence or what literary critics
call polygenesis, a purely fortui-
tous coincidence of theme or
technique by independent writers,
is a moot question. What concerns
us here, however, are the particu-
lar points at which Paz and
Fuentes converge; since these
conjuctures mark important
themes in contemporary Mexican
literature.
It might be helpful to first note,

that the fact that similarities have
existed between Paz and Fuentes
has long been apparent. In an
important review of Paz's analysis
of his country's national
character, The Labyrinth of
Solitude (1950), Luis Leal noted
that the ideas of Paz had taken
root in other creative writers:
"The importance of Paz's book
can be seen in the work of
Mexico's young writers. In a novel
recently published by Carlos
Fuentes, Where the Air is pure,
one of the characters, Zamaconca
(whose philosophy makes us think
of Paz) carries The Labyrinth of
Solitude under his arm; another
one, Ixca Cienfuegos, has as his
life's mission the unmasking of his
compatriots. The ideas here seem
to mirror those of Paz in the
second chapter of his book.
Actually Fuente's entire novel
reflects the ideology of Paz's
book..." In an interview with
the Mexican literary critic,
Emmanuel Carballo, Fuentes
himself gave testimony to the
effect of the latter on his work:
"It has been said repeatedly that
in this novel (Where the Air is
Pure) I reflect the influence of
Paz. I confess it: it is found in the
intent and intensity of certain
C.R. April/May/June Page 27

expressions. It never goes farther
than that."
It would be incorrect to infer,
at least in a structural sense, that
Fuentes imitates Paz. What is seen
in Fuentes' novels, particularly in
Where the Air is Pure (1958) and
The Death of Artemio Cruz
(1962) are reflections of Paz, the
thinker, the mouthpiece of
Mexico's literary intelligensia.
Following the long established
Mexican tradition of probing the
essence of national character,
Fuentes has found in Paz a
spiritual mentor and guide. It is,
however, with the publication of
Postscript and All the Cats Are
Brown that the two converge most
closely.
A series of recently published
letters, written by Fuentes to Paz
prior to the publication of the
aforementioned books attests to a
growing concern among these
writers about the emerging
polarity in Western society and, in
particular, political oppression in
Mexico. For example in a letter
dated the 28th of February, 1966,
Fuentes questions Paz about the
future of traditional political
structures in a world of rapid
technological change. Fuentes'
reaction to the student massacre
of Tlatelolco, recorded in a letter
written May 29th, 1969 is particu-
larly important and calls to mind
some ideological parallels with
Postscript, especially with re-
ference to the problem of social
polarity:
"Between the Stone and the
Flower: In Yucatan I remembered
that great poem of your youth.
Yes, the unbearable binary tension
of polarities which is Mexico ...
What is wrong with the false
equilibrium of Mexico is that it is
neither humane nor civilized; it is
strictly the gilded mediocrity of a
few: a lie. In Acapulco the
bankers sing hymns in praise of
the Revolution... The peasants
of Yucatan don't even know that
there was a revolution nor that
they are Mexicans . We must
write, write with daring, with
vulgarity, with beauty, terror and
dreams: all that which affirms

denies this miserable fascism."
The affinities between Fuentes
and Paz become yet more ap-
parent when the prologues to the
two works are compared. Paz, for
his part, explains in the slim
prologue to Postscript that the
book is not only an extension of
concepts developed in The Laby-
rinth of Solitude but an attempt
to probe more deeply into the
enigma of Mexico's national
consciousness. The problem of
Mexican identity, however, is
joined by Paz to the broader
question of the effects of tech-
nological development on Latin
America as a whole: "The theme
of development is intimately
linked to that of our identity:
who, what, and how we are. I
repeat that we are nothing except
a relationship: something that can
be defined only as a part of a
history. The question of Mexico is From ANOTHER PLACE, Scrimshaw Press.
inseparable from the question of
Latin America's future, and this,
in turn, is included in another:
that of the future relations be-
tween Latin America and the
United States. The question of
ourselves always turns out to be a
question of others."
Although Fuentes makes no
references to Paz in his "Author's
Prologue' but instead ascribes the
inspiration for the play to a
conversation with Arthur Miller,
the influence of the Mexican
thinker is obvious. As Fuentes
writes, the motivating factors for
writing the play, was his desire to
delve into the enigma of the
Mexican identity crisis. Like Paz,
he underscores the constant
process of autoanalysis, "A reply
and an answer, All the Cats Are
Brown is at the same time a
personal and historical memory,
since the investigation of our
common origins to understand our
present existence requires both
memories of Mexico, the only
country I know, besides Spain and
the Slavic countries... where
asking yourself who am I? Who is
my father and mother, is the
equivalent of asking: What does
our history mean? "
Like many of his previous

Page 28 C. R. Vol. VI No. 2

From ANOTHER PLACE, Scrimshaw Press.

works, All the Cats Are Brown is
developed against a backdrop of
pre-Columbian ritual myth. Set in
the waning hours of the Aztec
empire, the play begins with a
poetic augury by Marina, the
Indian girl who served as Cortes'
interpreter. Here in a poetic
passage of unusual force Fuentes
establishes the central conflict:
"Ah, where shall I go? Our world
is coming to an end ... I lived this
story and I can tell it. It is merely
the story of two men: one who
had everything, whose name was
Moctezuma Xocoyotzin, great god
of Mexico; the other had nothing
and his name was Fernando Cortes
an insignificant captain and a
petty Spanish noble... It is
merely the story of two stories:
one about a nation that doubted
too much and one about a nation
that doubted too little."
Bringing into full play the
scenographic and technical re-
sources of the experimental
theater movement in Mexico,
Fuentes focuses on the tragic
consequences of the Conquest.
The characters who emerge as
principals in the play Moc-
tezuma, Cortes, and Marina -
encarnate the three racial groups
which have dominated Mexican
national history: the Indian, the
Spaniard, and the mestizo.
Through skillful, if not daring, use
of foreshadowing and choral
counterpart, Fuentes imposes
epic-like proportions on the work.
For far more than a clash of
military forces, the Conquest is
depicted as the complex en-
counter of two value systems. In
his review of the play, Joseph
Sommers aptly commented on the
nature of the conflict: "Fuentes
presents the Conquest not simply
as a clash between good and evil,
or innocence and corruption, but
rather as a confrontation between
two systems which, while differing
in culture, philosophy and cos-
mology, were ultimately alike in
their tragic impact on the lives of
individual men. As is implied in
the title, all oppressors look alike
from the vantage point, in dark-
ness, of the oppressed."

The nine scenes describe,. in
chronological order, the fear of
the imminent return of Quetzal-
coatl, the arrival of Cortes, the fall
of Moctezuma, and the eventual
tragedy of the aging and forgotten
Cort6s. In a dazzling finale, which
shows no small influence of
Pertolt Brecht, the characters
reappear garbed in contemporary
dress to witness the symbolic
slaying of a student in the plaza of
Tlatelolco.
It is not merely on the more
general thematic level (the search
for Mexican identity etc.) that
Postscript and All the Cats Are
Brown are similar. The authors
converge on a number of rather
unique points which can be seen
by a careful comparison of the
two texts. Postscript unlike Fuen-
tes play is a collection of three
essays and as such professes a
closer affinity with scientific
truth. In his first selection,
"Olympics and Tlatelolco," Paz
desdribes the political and social
climate in Mexico prior to the
Olympic games of 1968, which
erupted in a violent confronta-
tion between Mexican police and
students on October 2nd of that
year. Drawing his argument to the
plane of mythic speculation, he
evolves an archetypal theory to
explain the incident: "It was an
instinctive repetition that took the
form of an expiatory ritual. Its
resemblances to Mexico's past,
especially to the Aztec world, are
fascinating, frightening, and re-
pellent. The massacre at Tlatelolco
shows us that the past which we
thought was buried is still alive
and has burst out among us."
His second chapter, "Develop-
ment and other Mirrors," a
panoramic survey of Mexican
political systems from the Re-
volution of 1910 to the present,
examines the lingering malignancy
of bureaucratic control which has
evidenced itself in the cyclical
reappearance of dictators. His
abiding fear for the future of
Mexico is summarized in the
chapter's last paragraphs where he
draws three conclusions: first, that
the crisis in Mexico is the result of

C.R. April/May/June Page 29

From ANOTHER PLACE, Scrimshaw Press.

alterations in the nation's social
structure; second the country's
social ills require a democratic
solution; and thirdly if the present
government cannot achieve such a
solution the result will be a "cycle
of anarchy and personal dictator-
ship."
In the final and most impressive
essay of the collection, "The
Critique of the Pyramid," he
summarizes and synthesizes his
previous arguments in a highly
original theory of archetypal
patterns. Here Paz repeats what he
has constantly affirmed: Mexico is
an essentially myth-oriented cul-
ture; ritual is the essence and
structure of national life. Thus the
student assassination of 1968 calls
to mind an ever-present and
underlying aspect of national
character. When viewed in the
context of ritual-myth the tragedy
of Tlatelolco takes on more
transcendental proportions: "And
I am mistaken when I call it an
acting-out, because what unfolded
before our eyes was a ritual: a
sacrifice. To live history as a rite is
our way of assuming it."
The world view of the Mexican,
Paz continues, has been domi-
nated by the figure of the
pyramid, the fundamental symbol
of the Aztec ritual of "creative
destruction," and the image of its
Page 30 C.R. Vol. VI No. 2

stratified society: "the pyramid is
an image of the world; in turn,
that image of the world is a
projection of human society." The
affinities of Aztec culture with the
cyclic movement of the sun and
the resultant rhythmic pattern of
human sacrifice has parallels in
Modern Mexico: "To those who
inherited the Aztec power, the
connection between religious rites
and acts of political domination
disappears, but, as we shall see,
the unconscious model of power is
still the same: the pyramid and
the sacrifice."
The identification of the
pyramid as the symbol of the
structure of Aztec government,
the seat of the "flower war," the
ceaseless drive to support the
Aztec cosmology at the cost of
human lives, is also referred to
repeatedly in All the Cats Are
Brown. Speaking to Moctezuma,
Tzompantechtli declares: "Did the
gods order this farce your priests
and warriors call the "Flower
War" so that even in times of
peace, you can carry off young
men from their villages, their
wives, and their work in order to
feed this feast of blood to your
pyramid. ." Later in an im-
portant monologue Marina, la
malinche, refers to the pyramid in
terms which are strikingly similar
to those of Paz:

"You have come to a nation built
like a pyramid
(Pause)
The land is a pyramid which rises
from the broad humid and burn-
ing costs ... towards the rough
mountains... a pyramid, and its
name is the city of Mexico-
Tenochtitlin. The state is also a
pyramid held up in its base by the
slaves . and thousands of name-
less men... and sustained
through the bravery of its
warriers... On the top of the
pyramid is Moctezuma and his
power is absolute.
(Pause)
And the soul is a pyramid... the
pyramids which cover this earth
are the architecture of our spirit,
of our desire and our fear ...

Another conspicuous parallel
between these two works is seen
in the authors emphasis on the
identification between religion
and politics in the Aztec world.
Both Paz and Fuentes repeatedly
underscore the fact that as in-
heritors themselves of the fruits of
Toltec culture, the Aztecs had
modified their own mythology to
embrace the principal figures of
the Toltec world. This usurpation
explains the paradoxical duality of
central deities. The figure of
Huitzilopochtli, the Aztec god of
war and axis of solar culture,
stands in contrast to that of
Quetzalcoatl, the god of peace,
moral perfection and direct des-
cendant of Toltec mythology. The
defeat of Moctezuma may be
explained, writes Paz, in terms of
the fundamental ambivalence of
Aztec culture towards their god
figures. Haunted by the promised
return of the Toltec god Quetzal-
coatl, they fell easy prey to the
advance of Cortes: "All this
explains why Montezuma II, re-
ceiving Cortes, greeted him as the
envoy of someone who was
claiming his inheritance."

In All the Cats Are Brown
Fuentes repeatedly refers to this
bifurcation of Aztec religious
thought, and places particular
emphasis on the concept of
usurpation. In a speech between
Moctezuma and Cuauht6moc the
latter stresses the basic falseness of
solar cosmology: "Remember,
sire, that the kingdom of Mexico-
Tenochtitlin is very new and that
it was founded on the heritage of
the former kingdoms of Tula and
Teotihuacin, against whom we are
usurpers ..." In a conversation
with Cort6s, Marina alludes again
to the Aztec seizure of Toltec
culture: "Moctezuma is the name
of a usurpation; long before the
Aztecs came to the site of the
Eagle and the Serpent, my people
dreamed, imagined, built, created;
my nation is close to the ideas
which make life possible and
bearable .."
Projecting the archetype of
Aztec political dominance against

the screen of twentieth-century
life, Paz draws a contemporary
parallel in the form of the Partido
Revolucionario Institucional, PRI.
Similar to the Aztecs seizure of
Toltec civilization, PRI has de-
frauded and perverted the ideals
of the Mexican Revolution.
Simply stated, PRI represents the
consolidation and extension of the
archetype of the pyramid: "The
translation of pre-Hispanic
mythical concepts into contem-
porary political terms does not
end, however, with the equiva-
lence between the Party's usurpa-
tion of the revolutionary heritage
and the Aztec's usurpation of the
Toltec heritage. The fifth sun -
the era of motion, of earthquakes,
of the collapse of the great
pyramid corresponds to the
historical period in which the
whole world now lives: revolts,
rebellions, and other social
upheavals."
Fuentes projects the same idea
in several passages in All the Cats
Are Brown. The continuation of
the basic structure of Aztec
government is discussed by
Moctezuma. "No. I'm not loosing
it... I'm bequeathing it to the
Spaniards... They will continue
it... they, in my name will
impose my own subjection on
these lands... They too will
sacrifice . Their crimes will be

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mine. Behind the altar of their
crucified god will appear... my
gods and Christ will be the new
name of Huitzilopochtli and
Quetzalcoatl... Moctezuma will
always be lord of Mexico . Thus
while one man is able to dominate
others, Moctezuma will continue
living."
The conclusions of both
Postscript and All the Cats Are
Brown are suggestively similar. Paz
brings to an end his observations
of the archetype of the pyramid
by again calling attention to the
symbolic significance of the
Tlatelolco massacre: "Tlatelolco is
the counterpart, in terms of blood
and sacrifice, of the petrification
of the Institutional Revolutionary
party. Both are projections of the
same archetype, although with
different functions within the
implacable dialectic of the
pyramid."
The name of the same plaza is
evoked in the final act of All the
Cats Are Brown as Fuentes augers
the contemporary tragedy:
Chorus of Augurs:
The cry goes out, the tears fall
there in Tlatelolco
Augur II
In Tlatelolco Moctezuma killed
the dreamers
Augur III
In Tlatelolco Alvarado killed
the singers

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Augur IV
The new god arrived covered
with blood.
Augur I
Tlatelolco will always be the
scene of crime
As we have seen, both authors
have repeatedly emphasized two
basic ideas: (1) the symbolic
function of the pyramid and (2)
its relationship to the usurpation
of Toltec culture by the Aztecs.
As Gary Brower has pointed out,
the use of the pyramid symbol in
both writers can be traced to a
theory of dialectics shared by
both in which the pyramid "as a
dialectic metaphor is used as a link
between two realities: one human
and one mythic..." Although it
may be pointed out that the
sources for both works in question
is the rich field of pre-Columbian
mythology, common pratimony
to all creative writers in Mexico,
the specific focus of Postscript
and All the Cats Are Brown, and
in particular the repeated in-
sistence on the symbolic role of
Tlatelolco, points to a possible
occurence of mutual influence.
While both works deserve con-
sideration in their own right they
nonetheless call attention to the
prevailing importance of myth in
contemporary Mexican letters as
well as a curious case of literary
cross-pollination. *

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C.R. April/May/June Paae 33

Photo: Arthul Sirdolskv New Directions Publishing Corp.

~i
14 ,

,' i-
tu

, 12

Wilson Bigaud, Garden of Eden, Museum of Art, College St. Pierre, Port-au-Prince, Haiti.

WALKING AROUND

I happen to be tired of being a man.
I happen to enter tailorshops and moviehouses
withered, impenetrable, like a felt swan
navigating in a water of sources and ashes.

The smell of barbershops makes me wail.
I want only a respite of stones or wool,
I want only not to see establishments or gardens,
or merchandise, or eyeglasses, or elevators.

I happen to be tired of my feet and my nails
and my hair and my shadow.
I happen to be tired of being a man.

Nevertheless it would be delightful
to startle a notary with a cut lily
or slay a nun by striking her with an ear.
It would be lovely
to go through the streets with a sexy knife
and shouting until I froze to death.

I don't want to go on being a root in the dark,

vacillating, stretched out, shivering with sleep,
downward, in the soaked guts of the earth,
absorbing and thinking, eating each day.

I do not want for myself so many misfortunes.
I do not want to continue as root and tomb,
subterranean only, a vault with corpses,
stiff with cold, dying of distress.

That is why Monday day burs like petroleum
when it sees me coming with my prison face,
and it howls in its transit like a wounded wheel,
and it takes hot-blooded steps toward the night.

And it pushes me into certain corners, into certain
moist houses,
into hospitals where the bones stick out the windows,
into certain shoestores with a smell of vinegar,
into streets as frightening as chasms.

There are brimstone-colored birds and horrible
intestines

C.R. April/May/June Page 33

hanging from the doors of the houses that I hate,
there are dentures left forgotten in a coffeepot,
there are mirrors
that ought to have wept from shame and fright,
there are umbrellas everywhere, and poisons, and
navels.

I walk around with calm, with eyes, with shoes,
with fury, with forgetfulness,
I pass, I cross by offices and orthopedic shoestores,
and courtyards where clothes are hanging from a wire:
underdrawers, towels and shirts that weep
slow, dirty tears.

WALKING AROUND
Sucede que me canso de ser hombre.
Sucede que entro en las sastrerfas y en los cines
marchito, impenetrable, como un cisne de fieltro
navegando en un agua de origen y ceniza.

El olor de las peluquerfas me hace llorar a gritos.
S61o quiero un descanso de piedras o de lana,
s6lo quiero no ver establecimientos ni jardines,
ni mercaderias, ni anteojos, ni ascensores.

Sucede que me canso de mis pies y mis ufias
y mi pelo y mi sombra.
Sucede que me canso de ser hombre.

Sin embargo seria delicioso
asustar a un notario con un lirio cortado
o dar muerte a una monja con un golpe de oreja.
Seria bello
ir por las calls con un cuchillo verde
y dando gritos hasta morir de frfo.

No quiero seguir siendo rafz en las tinieblas,
vacilante, extendido, tiritando de suefio,
hacia abajo, en las tripas mojadas de la tierra,
absorbiendo y pensando, comiendo cada dia.

No quiero para mi tantas desgracias.
No quiero continuar de raiz y de tumba,
de subterrineo solo, de bodega con muertos,
aterido, muriendome de pena.

Por eso el dia lunes arde como el petr6leo
cuando me ve llegar con mi cara de carcel,
y afilla en su transcurso como una rueda herida,
y da pasos de sangre caliente hacia la noche.
Y me empuja a ciertos rincones, a ciertas casas
hiimedas,
a hospitals donde los huesos salen por la ventana,
a ciertas zapaterias con olor a vinagre,
a calls espantosas como grietas.

Hay pajaros de color de azufre y horribles intestines
colgando de las puertas de las casas que odio,
hay dentaduras olvidadas en una cafeteria,
hay espejos
que debieran haber llorado de vergiienza y espanto,
hay paraguas en todas parties, y venenos, y ombligos.

Yo paseo con calma, con ojos, con zapatos,
con furia, con olvido,
paso, cruzo oficinas y tiendas de ortopedia,
y patios donde hay ropas colgadas de un alambre:
calzoncillos, toallas y camisas que lloran
lentas lagrimas sucias.

SEXUAL WATER
Rolling in big solitary raindrops,
in drops like teeth,
in big thick drops of marmalade and blood,
rolling in big raindrops,
the water falls,
like a sword in drops,
like a tearing river of glass,
it falls biting,
striking the axis of symmetry, sticking to the seams
of the soul,
breaking abandoned things, drenching the dark.

It is only a breath, moister than weeping,
a liquid, a sweat, a nameless oil,
a sharp movement,
forming, thickening,
the water falls,
in big slow raindrops,
toward its sea, toward its dry ocean,
toward its waterless grave.

I see the vast summer, and a death rattle coming
from a granary,
stores, locusts,
towns, stimuli,
rooms, girls
sleeping with their hands upon their hearts,
dreaming of bandits, of fires,
I see ships,
I see marrow trees
bristling like rabid cats,
I see blood, daggers, and women's stockings,
and men's hair,
I see beds, I see corridors where a virgin screams,
I see blankets and organs and hotels.

I see the silent dreams,
I accept the final days,
and also the origins, and also the memories,
like an eyelid atrociously and forcibly uplifted
I am looking.

And then there is this sound:
a red noise of bones,
a clashing of flesh,
and yellow legs like merging spikes of grain.
I listen among the smack of kisses,
I listen, shaken between gasps and sobs.
I am looking, hearing,
with half my soul upon the sea and half my soul upon
the land,
and with the two halves of my soul I look at the
world.

Page 34 C. R. Vol. VI No. 2

And though I close my eyes and cover my heart
entirely,
I see a muffled water fall,
in big muffled raindrops.
It is like a hurricane of gelatine,
like a water fall of sperm and jellyfish.
I see a turbid rainbow form.
I see its waters pass across the bones.
AGUA SEXUAL
Rodando a goterones solos,
a gotas como dientes,
a espesos goterones de mermelada y sangre,
rodando a goterones,
cae el agua,
como una espada en gotas,
como un desgarrador rio de vidrio,
cae mordiendo,
golpeando el eje de la simetria, pegando en las
costuras del alma,
rompiendo cosas abandonadas, empapando lo oscuro.

Solamente es un soplo, mas hfimedo que el llanto,
un liquid, un sudor, un aceite sin nombre,
un movimiento agudo,
haci6ndose, espesindose,
cae el agua,
a goterones lentos,
hacia su mar, hacia su seco oc6ano,
hacia su ola sin agua.

Veo el verano extenso, y un estertor saliendo de un
granero
bodegas, cigarras,
poblaciones, estimulos,
habitaciones, nifias
durmiendo con las manos en el coraz6n,
sofiando con bandidos, con incendios,
veo barcos,
veo arboles de m6dula
erizados como gatos rabiosos,
veo sangre, pufiales y medias de mujer,
y pelos de hombre,
veo camas, veo corredores donde grita una virgen,
veo frazadas y 6rganos y hotels.

Veo los suefios sigilosos,
admito los postreros dias,
y tambi6n los origenes, y tambi6n los recuerdos,
como un pArpado atrozmente levantado a la fuerza
estoy mirando.

Y entonces hay este sonido:
un ruido rojo de huesos,
un pegarse de came,
y piernas amarillas como espigas juntdndose.
Yo escucho entire el disparo de los besos,
escucho, sacudido entire respiraciones y sollozos.
Estoy mirando, oyendo,
con la mitad del alma en el mar y la mitad del alma
en la tierra,
y con las dos mitades del alma miro al mundo.

Y aunque cierre los ojos y me cubra el coraz6n
enteramente,
veo caer un agua sorda,
a goterones sordos.
Es como un huracin de gelatina,
como una catarata de espermas y medusas.
Veo correr un arco iris turbio.
Veo pasar sus aguas a trav6s de los huesos.

BARCAROLE
If only you would touch my heart,
if only you would put your mouth on my heart,
your delicate mouth, your teeth,
if you would put your tongue like a red arrow
there where my dusty heart beats,
if you would blow on my heart, near the sea, weeping,
it would sound with a dark noise, with the sound
of sleepy train wheels,
like wavering waters,
like a leafy autumn,
like blood,
with a noise of moist flames burning the sky,
dreaming like dreams or branches or rains,
or foghorns in a dreary port,
if you would blow on my heart, near the sea,
like a white ghost,
at the edge of the foam,
in the midst of the wind,
like an unchained ghost, at the edge of the sea,
weeping.
Like an extended absence, like a sudden bell,
the sea spreads the sound of the heart,
raining, at nightfall, on a lonely coast:
night doubtless falls,
and its mournful shipwrecked-banner blue
peoples itself with planets of hoarse silver.

And the heart sounds like a sour snail,
call, oh sea, oh lament, oh melted fright
scattered in misfortunes and rickety waves:
from resonance the sea reveals
its recumbent shadows, its green poppies.
If you suddenly existed, on a gloomy coast,
surrounded by the dead day,
facing a new night,
filled with waves,
and if you blew on my heart cold with fear,
if you blew on its flaming dove movement,
its black bloody syllables would sound,
its incessant red waters would swell,
and it would sound, sound of shadows,
sound like death,
it would call like a tube filled with wind or weeping,
or a bottle squirting fright in spurts.
So it is, and the lightning would cover your tresses
and the rain would enter through your open eyes
to prepare the weeping that you silently enclose,
and the black wings of the sea would wheel around
you, with great claws, and croakings, and flights.
C.R. April/May/June Page 35

Do you want to be the solitary ghost that near the sea
plays upon its sad and sterile instrument?
If only you would call,
its prolonged sound, its malevolent whistle,
its arrangement of wounded waves,
someone would perhaps come,
someone would come,
from the peaks of the islands, from the red depths of
the sea,
someone would come, someone would come.

Somebody would come; play furiously,
let it sound like the siren of a broken boat,
like a lament,
like a whinny in the midst of the foam and the blood,
like a ferocious water gnashing and echoing.
In the sea season
its snail of shadow circles like a shout,
the sea birds belittle it and fly away,
its roll call of sounds, its mournful crosspieces,
rise on the shore of the solitary sea.

BARCAROLA
Si solamente me tocaras el coraz6n,
si solamente pusieras tu boca en mi coraz6n,
tu fina boca, tus dientes,
si pusieras tu lengua como una flecha roja
alli donde mi coraz6n polvoriento golpea,
si soplaras en mi coraz6n, cerca del mar, llorando,
sonaria con un ruido oscuro, con sonido de ruedas
de tren con suefio,
como aguas vacilantes,
como el otofio en hojas,
como sangre,
con un ruido de llamas h6medas quemando el cielo,
sofiando como suefios o ramas o lluvias,
o bocinas de puerto triste,
si tfi soplaras en mi coraz6n, cerca del mar,
como un fantasma blanco,
al borde de la espuma,
en mitad del viento,
como un fantasma desencadenado, a la orilla del mar,
Ilorando.

Como ausencia extendida, como campana siubita,
el mar reparte el sonido del coraz6n,
lloviendo, atardeciendo, en una costa sola:
la noche cae sin duda,
y su lfigubre azul de estandarte en naufragio
se puebla de planets de plata enronquecida.

Y suena el coraz6n como un caracol agrio,
llama, oh mar, oh lamento, oh derretido espanto
esparcido en desgracias y olas desvencijadas:
de lo sonoro el mar acusa
sus sombras recostadas, sus amapolas verdes.

Si existieras de pronto, en una costa 16gubre,
rodeada por el dia muerto,
frente a una nueva noche,
llena de olas,

y soplaras en mi coraz6n de miedo frio,
soplaras en la sangre sola de mi coraz6n,
soplaras en su movimiento de paloma con llamas,
sonarian sus negras silabas de sangre,
crecerian sus incesantes aguas rojas,
y sonaria, sonaria a sombras,
sonaria como la muerte,
l1amaria como un tubo lleno de viento o llanto,
o una botella echando espanto a borbotones.

Asi es, y los relAmpagos cubrirfan tus trenzas
y la lluvia entraria por tus ojos abiertos
a preparar el llanto que sordamente encierras,
y las alas negras del mar girarian en torno
de ti, con grandes garras, y graznidos, y vuelos.

iQuieres ser el fantasma que sople, solitario,
cerca del mar su esteril, triste instrument?
Si solamente llamaras,
su prolongado son, su mal6fico pito,
su orden de olas heridas,
alguien vendria acaso,
alguien vendria,
desde las cimas de las islas, desde el fondo rojo del
mar,
alguien vendria, alguien vendria.

Alguien vendria, sopla con furia,
que suene como sirena de barco roto,
como lamento,
como un relincho en medio de la espuma y la sangre,
como un agua feroz mordi6ndose y sonando.
En la estaci6n marina
su caracol de sombra circula como un grito,
los pijaros del mar lo desestiman y huyen,
sus listas de sonido, sus lfgubres barrotes
se levantan a orillas del oc6ano solo.

ALMERIA *
A bowl for the bishop, a crushed and bitter bowl,
a bowl with remnants of iron, with ashes, with tears,
a sunken bowl, with sobs and fallen walls,
a bowl for the bishop, a bowl of Almerfa
blood.

A bowl for the banker, a bowl with cheeks
of children from the happy South, a bowl
with explosions, with wild waters and ruins and fright,
a bowl with split axles and trampled heads,
a black bowl, a bowl of Almeria blood.

Each morning, each turbid morning of your lives
you will have it steaming and burning at your tables:
you will push it aside a bit with your soft hands
so as not to see it, not to digest it so many times:
you will push it aside a bit between the bread and
the grapes,
this bowl of silent blood
that will be there each morning, each
morning.

Page 36 C.R. Vol. VI No. 2

A bowl for the Colonel and the Colonel's wife
at a garrison party, at each party,
above the oaths and the spittle, with the wine light of
early morning
so that you may see it trembling and cold upon the
world.

Yes, a bowl for all of you, richmen here and there,
monstrous ambassadors, ministers, table companions,
ladies with cozy tea parties and chairs:
a bowl shattered, overflowing, dirty with the blood of
the poor,
for each morning, for each week, forever and ever,
a bowl of Almeria blood, facing you, forever.

ALMERIA
Un plato para el obispo, un plato triturado y amargo,
un plato con restos de hierro, con cenizas, con
lAgrimas,
un plato sumergido, con sollozos y paredes caidas,
un plato para el obispo, un plato de sangre de
Almeria.

Un plato para el banquero, un plato con mejillas
de niiios del Sur feliz, un plato
con detonaciones, con aguas locas y ruinas y espanto,
un plato con ejes partidos y cabezas pisadas,
un plato negro, un plato de sangre de Almeria.

Cada mariana, cada mafiana turbia de vuestra vida
lo tendr6is humeante y ardiente en vuestra mesa:
lo apartar6is un poco con vuestras suaves manos
para no verlo, para no digerirlo tantas veces:
lo apartareis un poco entire el pan y las uvas,
a este plato de sangre silenciosa
que estarA alli cada mafiana, cada
manana.

Un plato para el Coronel y la esposa del Coronel,
en una fiesta de la guarnici6n, en cada fiesta,
sobre los juramentos y los escupos, con la luz de vino
de la madrugada
para que lo veais temblando y frio sobre el mundo.

Si, un plato para todos vosotros, ricos de aquf y de
alli,
embajadores, ministros, comensales atroces,
sefioras de comfortable t6 y asiento:
un plato destrozado, desbordado, sucio de sangre
pobre,
para cada mafiana, para cada semana, para siempre
jams,
un plato de sangre de Almeria, ante vosotros,
siempre.

* In February 1937 hundreds of Republican
civilians, fleeing from Malaga toward Almeria, were
overtaken by Nationalist planes and tanks. The men
and boys were executed in the presence of their
waives and mothers.

K /

Wouldn't you rather be here than almost anywhere?

We would like to keep this beach
as it is well, maybe a couple of dozen
people- sunbathing, snorkeling, fishing, or
just splashing about wouldn't take
away from the beauty of the white beach and
the crystal clear water. We also have
another thirty odd beaches just like this one.
We have freeport shops for rare bargains.
Dutch, French, and oriental food will make
you forget your waistline. Then we have
really great hotels, large and small,
all designed to make your vacation in
Sint Maarten a gracious and memorable one.

Sint Maarten Tourist Board
Philipsburg
St. Maarten, N. A.

C.R. April/May/June Page 37

i~~

I~

EARTH

WORDS

by Florence L. Yudin

From ANTIGUA BLACK, Scrimshaw Press.

RESIDENCE ON EARTH, by
Pablo Neruda. Translated by
Donald D. Walsh (New Directions,
1973). $10.00 Cloth; $3.75 Paper.
True amphibia are rare today; but
the publication of Donald D.
Walsh's translation of Neruda gives
the English-speaking reader the
unique experience of a writer who
is equally gifted in the language of
English poetry and in Neruda's
inspired Spanish. Walsh's book
brings together for the first time
in English the poetry Neruda
composed as a single work, and
published separately over a period
of years from 1935-47.
Residence on Earth consists of
three parts: two of nearly equal
length, written during the periods
1925-31 and 1931-35; the third is
the longest and most extensive in
the chronology of composition,
1935-45. Apart from this struc-
tural division, the important
differences among the three in-
volve matters of style, thought

and composition. Each one reveals
common and exclusive aspects of
the development of Neruda's art.
Together, the three Residences
speak for the humanity and
creativity which earned for
Neruda an international repu-
tation as one of our greatest
modern poets.
To render these changing
voices, Donald D. Walsh offers a
brilliant text, stunning in its
harmony with the Spanish origi-
nal. Having had the pleasure to
attend Mr. Walsh's reading of
selections from Residence, follow-
ed by some of his new transla-
tions, I hear again in his English
that gift for word and rhythm
which comes from the best poets.
Mr. Walsh began teaching Spanish
in 1925. His most recent contribu-
tion to Hispanism and to poetry
will certainly be acknowledged as
one of the outstanding achieve-
ments of his career. Thanks to his
art and to the inclusion of the

Neruda's original poems, it is now
possible to offer the unfamiliar
reader an overview of the
Residences based on live, bi-
lingual texts. I will try to put
together a map of Neruda's
territories, so that the reader may
discover for himself how success-
fully Professor Walsh has recons-
tructed a poetic world. The task
of the commentator is secondary.
My principal aim is to applaud the
presence of Walsh as rhapsode, not
the precision of the translator.
The poems of Residence on
Earth are highly personal and
uncompromising in their search
for adequate expression. The poet
displays his creativity not only in
verse form and meter but also in
his original treatment of syntax
and lexicon. Fortunately for the
English-speaking reader, Mr. Walsh
has the talent to recreate and
project Neruda's unique voice.
The highly personal and in-
novative qualities of Neruda's

Page 38 C.R. Vol. VI No. 2

poetry, not to mention the real
semantic and verbal difficulties,
have tempted some critics to judge
the book as a private world, a
closed vision. But is this the case?
Is an alienated speaker blocked
from communication with
others? While the reader must
answer for himself, I think that
what shines through Walsh's trans-
lations is precisely the opposite of
hermeticism. Neruda's vision em-
braces the world of others; his
'Residential Man' is General Man,
the human being who demands to
affirm life but who finds over-
whelming negativity and un-
connected bits of confirmation.
If we take the three Residences

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as a single dimension in Neruda's
poetic development, it is clear that
they are not of a piece. Viewed
comprehensively, the parts make
up a dynamic whole, where
process and change are the artistic
and human principles. At the
center of the process is an "I"
looking in at himself and out to
the spectacle of the cosmos. In
the early poems of Residence,
fragmentation and dissociation
characterize the subject-object
relationship. Fleetingly, love will
appear as the only binding force in
the collapsing universe. In later
poems, the focus shifts, and more
territories of existence comprise
the landscape. Self-doubt, pain
and confusion add to the relent-
less course of destruction. Finally,
involvement in reality calls for
radical changes in what the poet
will or will not embrace in his
esthetic. Consequently, we have a
poetry that is organic and protean.
Blackout defines the first group
of poems in Residence I. The
speaker finds no respite from his
despair and solitude, no light at
the end of the fetid tunnel:

I am alone among rickety
substances,

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the rain falls upon me and it seems
like me,
like me with its madness, alone in
the dead world,
rejected as it falls, and without
persistent chape.

("The Dawn's Debility")

Also locked in this unlivable
environment is the poet's struggle
with his art. How does one find
one's voice, give expression to
experience when the context is
absent? "I have the same absent
thirst and the same cold fever,
/. ... /like the humiliated waiter,
like a slightly raucous bell,/like an
old mirror, like the smell of a
solitary house/where the guests

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C.R. April/May/June Page 39

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come in at night wildly drunk."
("Ars Poetica") Thus trapped
humanly and as an artist, the
victim inveighs against those he
perceives as enemies: any other
being, or whatever is 'not I':
The homosexual young men and
the amorous girls,
and the long widows who suffer
from delirious insomnia,
and the young wives thirty hours
pregnant,
and the raucous cats that cross my
garden in the dar,
like a necklace of throbbing sexual
oysters,
they surround my solitary
residence
I am securely and eternally
surrounded by
this great respiratory and
entangled forest
with huge flowers like mouts and
teeth
and black roots shaped like
fingernails and shoes.
("Single Gentleman")
Residence II (1931-35) presents
a broader view of modern man's
dilemma. New and more varied
themes are introduced, and the
"I" reaches out for something that
will piece together his fragmented
self. In "Barcarole," for example,
the insistence of the words "if
only you would touch my heart"
reverberates throughout this long
lament like a final, desperate
attempt to find human likeness.
But "the heart sounds like a sour
snail" and the natural world only
reinforces the pain and solitude.
The ray of hope that is carried in
the repeated phrase "if only" is
unable to build its corresponding
clause, 'then I would . .'
Perhaps it is not entirely idle to
look in a great writer's biography
for events and experiences that
might have conditioned or suggest-
ed some of his major themes and
preoccupations. Neruda traveled
widely for a man of his time. His
consular duties took him to India,
Burma, Shanghai, South and
North America, Europe and many
other 'territories of man.' We
know that he witnessed great

Page 40 C.R. Vol. VI No. 2

suffering, violence and upheaval;
we know that he saw repeated,
like a wild obsession, man's
inhumanity to man: repression,
war, tyranny, universal indiffer-
ence. This backlog of experience
seems to inform both the content
and tone of much of the Second
Residence and nearly all of the
Third.
In "Walking Around," for
example, the poet could be
playing his lonely travels whose
overall impression leads to an
inescapable conclusion: "I
happen to be tire of being a man."
Images and recollections flow out
like one solid layer of nausea and
denial:
I don't want to go on being a root
in the dark, vacillating,
stretched out, shivering with sleep,
downward, in the soaked
guts of the
earth, absorbing and thinking,
eating each day.

There is no sense to the spectacle
of daily living-death, and
there is no
ordering principle, human or
otherwise, which might
lend coherence or
meaning only a
flood of horrible surrealism:

There are brimstone-colored birds
and horrible intestines
hanging
from the doors of the houses that
I hate, there are dentures
left forgotten in
a coffeepot, there are mirrors
that ought to have wept
from shame and fright,
there are umbrellas everywhere,
and poisons, and navels.
The intensity of re-birth breaks
through conventional rationality
and syntax to give expression to a
more profoundly human coher-
ence.
While several of the poems in
Residence II provide a respite
from the self preoccupation that
characterized Neruda's poetry
prior to 1935, others return to the
major themes and human con-
cerns. This continues to be the
pattern in the first section of

Residence III (1935-45), but it is
definitively broken throughout
the following three sections.
Neruda opens the second section
with a relevant quote from the
seventeenth-century Spanish poet
whom he most admired, Francisco
de Quevedo: ".... In my heart
there are furies and sorrows . ."
What follows is Neruda's declara-
tion of esthetic and human
change: ("This poem was written
in 1934. How many things have
come to pass since then! Spain,
where I wrote it, is a girdle of
ruins. Ah, if with only a drop of
poetry or love we could placate
the anger of the world, but that
can be done only by striving and
by a resolute heart. The world has
changed and my poetry has
changed. A drop of blood fallen
on these lines will remain living
upon them, indelible as love.")
Neruda's declaration bears the
date, March, 1939.
Consequently, the final verses
in "Furies and Sorrows" mark off
a whole poetic dimension. They
could be said to speak resolutely
of a protagonist whose battle has
been with himself:

It is a single hour long as a vein,
and between the acid and the
patience of wrinkled time
we pass,
separating the syllables of fear and
tenderness,
interminably exterminated.
It is as if residential man must
travel to the bowels of the earth,
forget, drown, and be re-born out
of the destruction of the planet.
This unavoidable journey takes
place in the "Three Material
Songs," entitled "Entrance to
Wood," "The Apogee of Celery,"
and "Ordinance of Wine." These
pieces are considered by many to
be the best poems in Residence II.
Together they comprise a cosmos
in which the "I" discovers roots,
reality, and purpose: "Scarcely
with my reason, with my
fingers,/. ... /I fall into the realm
of the forget-me-nots,/. . ./and I
walk among moist fibers
torn/from the living being of
substance and silence." Stripped

of memory, free from monsters
and nightmares, a new residential
power touches consciousness:
"Gentle matter, oh rose of dry
wings/. .. ./I am the one with my
sourceless laments,/foodless,
abandoned, alone,/entering
darkened corridors,/reaching your
mysterious substance." The final
verses of "Entrance to Wood"
celebrate and afirm life:

and let' us make fire, and silence,
and sound, and let us burn,
and be
silent, and bells.

The poems which follow reach
out to transform personal despair
into sacrifice; they are poems
which seek to turn indifference
into commitment, apathy into
action:
I have the same wounded hand
that men have,
I hold up the same red cup
and an equally furious amazement:
one day
burning with human
dreams, a wild
oat reached
my devouring night
C.R. April/May/June Page 41

so that I could join my wolf steps
to the steps of man.

Neruda reacted to the Spanish
Civil War as if it were his war. The
poets who had encouraged him
when there were no critics to
understand him, the friends who
made his residence in Madrid so
much more human than previous
consular assignments these were
the people who were dying for the
Republic and whose deaths
provided Neruda with an im-
passioned purpose. "Spain in Our
Hearts" is both a memorial and an
outcry: ". .. Bring, bring the
lamp,/see the soaked earth, see the
blackened little bone/eaten by the
flames, the garment/of murdered
Spain."
Succeeding poems alternate
between actuality and its ante-
cedents. In "I Explain a Few
Things," for example, Neruda
takes the reader back to pre-war
Madrid, to the daily amenities of
good company and unspoiled
food, only to break his nostalgia
abruptly:

And one morning all was aflame
and one morning the fires
came out of the earth
devouring people,
and from then on fire,
gunpowder from then on,
and from then on blood.
"Song for the Mothers of Slain
Militiamen" and "What Spain Was
Like" follow the pattern of
alternating between on-going
events and history. Neruda lends
the full resonance of his voice to
the heroic Republic and to the
men of the International Brigade
who came to her defense:
"Comrades,/then/I saw you reach
/the pure brow of Castile/ ... ./to
defend the Spanish city in which
besieged liberty/could fall in die
bitten by the beasts." After the
shock, Neruda responds with
irony and bitter invective. Figures
such as Sanjurjo, Mola and Franco
are made the object of Neruda's
most stinging contempt. He views
their deeds against the Republic as
unnatural acts of beasts, not men.
He denies the enemies any re-
deeming human qualities and

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Page 42 C.R. Vol. VI No. 2

exiles them to an eternal, self-
destructuve hell. The only
triumph is the peoples':

But, like earth's memory, like the
stony
splendor of metal and silence,
is your victory, people, fatherland,
and grain.

The final group of poems in
Residence III describes new poetic
concerns, engaged social and
political thinking. Neruda looks to
Russia during the Second World
War, to the political heroes in
Latin America's struggle for in-
dependence, and he carries the
standard of a multi-nationalist
whose principal concern is the
preservation of collective freedom.
Inevitably one asks whether
programmatic poetry can also be
valid as art, whether Neruda's
non-universal and explicitly politi-
cal statements continue to
produce the originality and ex-
pressive values of the majority of
poems in the Residences. This is
perhaps not the place to raise such
questions, and without attempting
to provide new answers, I suggest
that the poetry speak for makes
itself, that the "Song to Stalin-
grad," for example, makes its own
case for humanity and poetics:

City, red star, say sea and man,
city, close your thunderbolts,
close your hard doors,
close, city, your glorious bloodied
laurel
and let night tremble with the
dark luster
of your eyes behind a planet of
swords.

Those who could not come to
defend Spain, like those who
could not break the barriers to
form a "Second Front," support
and affirm national survival:

Because men can no longer die
and must go on struggling from
the place where they fall
because other red hands, when
your hands fall,
will sow throughout the world the
bones of your heroes
so that your seed may fill all
the earth. *

r" L
From "Aqui en la Lucha" by Lorenzo Homar

LA CONCIENCIA NATIONAL
PUERTORRIQUENA: PEDRO
ALBIZU CAMPOS. Manuel Mal-
donado Denis (Ed.) 218 pp. Siglo
XXI Editores. (Mdxico), 1972.

Unfortunately the literature on
Pedro Albizu Campos and the
Partido Nacionalista de Puerto
Rico is very scanty. This situation
is worsened when one discovers
that the little that has been
written is quite often incorrect
and incomplete. The more serious
works that one finds are due to
the extraordinary efforts of the

Partido Nacionalista de Puerto
Rico, Dr. Laura Meneses Vda. de
Albizu Campos, Don Juan An-
tonio Corretger, Publications
Forum and some independently
edited pamphlets like that written
by Professors Angel R. Villarino
and Juan HernAndez Cruz.
Also, Don Ram6n Medina
Ramirez has done a very merito-
rious task in publishing his
voluminous work: El Movimiento
Libertador en la Historia de
Puerto Rico, and another entitled:
Patriotas Ilustres Puertorriqueros.
Unfortunately, the books are
unscientific. El Movimiento Liber-

C.R. April/May/June Page 43

DON

PEDRO

by Benjamin Torres Ortiz

Translated by Jose Aybar

tador en la Historia de Puerto
Rico is a very valuable work due
to the. appended documents, re-
prints of articles, and personal
testimony.
Last year, Federico Ribes
Tovar, published what he calls a
"biography" of Pedro Albizu
Campos. He titled it, Albizu
Campos: El Revolucionario. It is a
very superficial book based on
secondary sources of doubtful
validity. He makes no attempt to
corroborate the conclusions of
the secondary materials through
extensive primary source research.
Professor Manuel Maldonado
Denis has published a short
anthology called La Conciencia
Nacional Puertorriquefa: Pedro
Albizu Campos. At first glance, we
thought that it was a serious
contribution to the scarce litera-
ture about Pedro Albizu Campos,
the Partido Nacionalista and its
contribution to the definition of
Puerto Rican nationality. Another
frustration. It is a recapitulation
of previously published, well-
known articles and speeches by
Don Pedro Albizu Campos.
Maldonado Denis' publication is
plagued with incorrect data;
apparently, he did not collate,
revise, or correct what he had
compiled. In the preface, he
contends that Don Pedro Albizu
Campos was imprisoned for the
first time in 1937. Don Pedro
Albizu Campos and the other
seven nacionalistas were accused
of "conspiring to overthrow the
U.S. government in Puerto Rico
by force" during the court pro-
ceedings of the U.S. Court of
Justice in Puerto Rico that took
place in July 1936. They were
found guilty on July 31, 1936 and
were imprisoned on the same day
in the Princesa until June 7, 1937
when they were transferred to the
Atlanta Penitentiary.
Professor Maldonado Denis in-
cludes an introduction titled
"Albizu Campos y el desarrollo de
la conciencia national puertorri-
quefia en el siglo XX." It is
precisely in this section where we
find the most improbable errors.
First, he begins to insert quote

after quote without noting the
correct and exact source. He
mentions and quotes from the
newspaper "El Nacionalista" but
he does not cite which newspaper.
Apparently, Professor Maldonado
Denis does not know that in the
history of the Partido Nacionalista
three newspapers have been
founded with that name: El
Nacionalista (1922); El Nacionalis-
ta de Ponce (1923); and the
Nacionalista de Puerto Rico
(1930). The quotes used by him
are taken from El Nacionalista de
Puerto Rico, a newspaper founded
by Don Pedro Albizu Campos in
August 1930 after he had been
elected President of the Partido
Nacionalista on May 11, 1930.
On page 26, Maldonado says
"this is 1935" and he begins to
describe the assassination by the
Police of the four nationalists
(Ram6n S. Pagan, Pedro Quifio-
nes, Eduardo Rodriguez Vega and
Jos6 (Pepito) Santiago) on Oc-
tober 24, 1935, events that we
know as "a Masacre de Rio
Piedras." Nevertheless on page 27
he cites as the source El Mundo of
October 25, 1936. The correct
date is, of course, October 25,
1935, not a year later as he notes.
He further recounts the execu-
tion of the Police Colonel, Francis
Riggs, by the young nacionalistas
Hiram Rosado and Elias
Beuchamp on February 23, 1931.
But on page 35 where he makes
another reference to these two
nacionalistas, he changes their
names, calling them respectively
"Hiram Beuchamp and Elias
Rosado."
Professor Maldonado Denis,
then includes, without noting the
exact date, an interview given by
Don Pedro Albizu Campos to the
journal "Los Quijotes" which was
published by Don Paulino E.
Castro in the work Historia
sin6ptica del Partido Nacionalista
de Puerto Rico (1947) later
republished in a pamphlet called
Cuatro discursos, dos extractos,
una entrevista (1969). Maldonado
Denis says that it was published in
1926, This is incorrect. This
interview was published in the

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THE

MIDDLE

BEAT

A Correspondent's
View of Mexico,
Guatemala,
and El Salvador

Paul P. Kennedy was The New
York Times' chief correspondent
in Mexico and Central America
between 1954 and 1965, when the
area, his "middle beat" was a
bubbling political cauldron. His
story provides insight into the
historical background and social
milieu of the region as well as
memorable descriptions of
events and personalities.

1971 235 pp. Photos
Cloth $8.50

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New York, N.Y. 10027

Page 44 C.R. Vol. VI No. 2

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Marketing Research

Division

The Market Research Division of
the Instituto Psicologico de
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people with experience in
market, psychological,
motivational, and social research
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We work with bur clients in ob-
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planning more effective and
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weekly Los Quijotes on June 11,
1927.
The other articles, proclama-
tions, and speeches of Don Pedro
Albizu Campos and the Partido
Nacionalista that are included in
this work lack exact dates and
place of original publication. Mal-
donado Denis has cicluded in his
anthology, again without noting
sources, all the articles by Don
Pedro Albizu Campos which were
simultaneously published in the
newspapers El Mundo and El
Nacionalista de Puerto Rico from
July 31, 1930 until January 10,
1931. These were the articles that
Jorge Nogales Marin et. al. com-
piled in a pamphlet titled Indepen-
dencia Econ6mica sponsored by
FORUM in 1970. It is a valuable
document due to the textual
annotations made by Professor
Jos4 Antonio Herrero. In fact,
Maldonado Denis reprints in their
totality these same articles with
the annotations of Professor
Herrero without any other nota-
tions which would identify the
origins of said articles.
The last item that is included in
the book, again without indicating
source, is one of the best known
speeches by Don Pedro Albizu
Campos delivered in Ponce on
October 12, 1933 during the
festivities of the "Dia de la Raza. "
It had already been published by
the Partido Nacionalista and re-
printed in other independent
publications.
We consider all attempts to
bring to an ever widening public
the ideology, effort, and sacrifice
by Pedro Albizu Campos to
maintain Puerto Rican national
integrity, to enrich and give
solidarity to our national culture,
to avoid its destruction and
substitution, a great labor which
deserves our esteem and support.
This work must be undertaken in
a scholarly responsible manner
with an accuracy which the
Movimiento Libertador: El Par-
tido Nacionalista deserves. The
most just man in our national
history, Don Pedro Albizu Cam-
pos, also deserves such serious-
ness. *

1C

At all bookstores

111 Fourth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10003

C.R. April/May/June Page 45

THE CUBAN

EXPERIENCE

Acutely aware of the problems in
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before Castro? What's happening
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and popular participation or is
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is replacing traditional capitalistic
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are means towards understanding men and
ways of affirming a common humanity.
Although the Centro has concentrated on
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Alicia Viteri, Colombia, LAS OBRERAS, Museo La Tertulia, Cali, Colombia

CENTRAL AMERICAN

ECONOMIC INTEGRATION

by Ramesh Ramsaran

THE CENTRAL AMERICAN
COMMON MARKET, ECO-
NOMIC POLICIES, ECONOMIC
GROWTH, AND CHOICES FOR
THE FUTURE. Donald H. Mc
Clelland. pp. 243. Praeger Publish-
ers, 1972.

As the most successful integration
grouping to come out of the
developing world in the sixties,
the Central American Common
Market (CACM) has been the
subject of numerous studies.
McClelland's work is not only one
of the most recent on the CACM,
it is also one of the most
comprehensive. The author's
attachment to the United States
Agency for International Develop-
ment (U.S.A.I.D.) ought not to
give the impression that this study
is just another piece of U.S.
propaganda worth- dismissing with-
out so much as a glance. On the
contrary, the conclusions arrived
at, however much one might tend
to disagree with some of them, are

not only based on a great deal of
research but also reflect a high
level of independent scholarship
and judgement.
The study is concerned with
"three broad aspects" of the
CACM experience. "It assesses the
effects of the Common Market on
the growth of, and structural
changes in, the Central American
economy; it analyses the Common
Market forces and instruments in
terms of separable elements in
order to determine whether dif-
ferent policies or changes at the
margin, might have produced
more favourable results: and
finally, it endeavours to distill
from the record the lessons and
the policy implications that
appear to be most important for
the future." The data used for the
analysis relate mainly to the "first
five or six years, when the Market
seems to have been having its most
pronounced effect .". It is
perhaps a bit unfortunate that the
author was unable to incorporate

in the work, the experience of the
later years when earlier trends and
developments would have assumed
a much clearer form, thus giving
the conclusions and policy re-
commendations a firmer basis.
Still with the limited statistics at
his disposal, he was able to make
some quite interesting inferences
and judgements.
The perspective of the study is
largely economic, concerned
mainly with "developments in the
industrial sector and with tariff
and industrial-incentive schemes
and policies, primarily because
these are the areas where the basic
policy choice of economic integra-
tion has had its greatest applica-
tion." To many the decision to
ignore the politics of the area
while discussing policies and
guidelines for the future would
seem to be a bit unrealistic -
particularly in view of the over-
riding weight of political accept-
ance and feasibility in economic
policy and instrument making.

C. R. April/May/June Page 47

.5
i -:7..-- :: :-
;" : ::
. ....-_ .'. ? : -.: -_ .._'. :. '-
.~- .= .. ._.

I .

To overcome this shortcoming
the author confines his suggestions
on economic policy "to those that
are believed to be within the realm
of political possibility."
In any integration grouping the
divisions of gains is a crucial issue.
From the very beginning each unit
expects not just benefits that are
tangible, but benefits that measure
up to those reaped by other
members. This is by no means an
easy desire to satisfy, particularly
when there are differences of one
kind or another, however slight,
among the member countries.
Some countries are always going
to perform better than others. In
such circumstances, the tendency
of the lagging countries to at-
tribute their losses to the gains of
the others is quite tempting. To
exaggerate the discrepancy in the
division of benefits, losses not
resulting from integration can also
quite easily be attributed to it.
The ideal situation, of course, is
maintenance of some sort of
equilibrium in the division of
benefits without resort to
measures that can slow down the
growth of the overall movement.
This is not the easiest of tasks in
dealing with several different
political entities, each deeply
enmeshed in its own national
development program. In a situa-
tion where there is some kind of
commitment to political unity,
the problem would seem a lot
simpler to resolve.
Looking at developments in the
CACM McClelland has found that

some of the trade and revenue
losses claimed to be suffered by
certain member countries to be
"more apparent than real." "It
seems clear that each country has
gained something in gross terms;
all have benefitted to some degree,
from increased exports to the
other Central American countries,
increased industrial production,
and the increased dynamism of
the whole Central American
economy." What he does not
discuss at any length is the extent
to which national enterprises have
benefitted from the Common
Market as opposed to foreign
owned corporations an under-
standable commission, but a
paramount issue in the integration
process. He does however make a
few interesting observations on
foreign private investment which
he believes may have been nega-
tive in the 1962-66 period. "Gross
foreign investment rose from 1962
to 1966, but interest payments
and profit remittances may have
risen faster." Figures are quoted
from an AID publication which
shows that "gross foreign private
investment rose from $33 million
in 1962 to about $50 million in
1966. For the same period,
negative-investment income
moved from $30 million to more
than $60 million. .." (The latter
figure includes interest payments
on government borrowing).
Using limited statistical tech-
niques the author brings out a
number of observations that
should intrigue people interested

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Page 48 C.R.- Vol. VI No. 2

REVOLUTION IN PERU:
MARIATEGUI
AND THE MYTH
by John M. Baines,
introduction
by Juan Mejia Baca
As a study of the impact of one
man's life on those of his
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Mariategui and the Myth is the first
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in the effects and processes of
integration. It has often been
charged, and often quite justi-
fiably so, that the cost of
producing goods locally tends to
be several times higher than the
cost of the imports which they
replace. Taking a sample of ninety
items traded in Central America
McClelland has found that the
prices of goods produced in the
region were lower than imports
from outside (before tariffs).
"This was the case for more than
two-thirds of the items. In a few
cases, the prices were nearly the
same (plus or minus two per cent)
and for several more the prices for
Central American products were
slightly higher (up to 10 per cent).
Only in 17 per cent of the cases
were the prices of regionally
produced goods higher by 10 per
cent or more than those for
imports."
McClelland's observations on
the industrial sector confirm what
are generally widely known. "...
value added in many of the new
industries, even though numerous
and rapidly expanding, still
produced only 21 per cent of the
1966 GNP..." As to the extent
of net employment creation he
was unable to reach any firm
conclusions. However, "it seems
likely that increasing modernisa-
tion of industry, particularly in
such branches as shoes and cloth-
ing, has been partly at the expense
of artisan establishments."
Despite these limitations few
would argue with the fact that the
Common Market has introduced a
degree of dynamism in Central
American trading relations. The
lessons learnt and experience
acquired over the past dozen years
or so can usefully be applied
(assuming the present political
difficulties are overcome) in re-
structuring the CACM along lines
which can both increase the
efficiency of the industrialisation
program while at the same time
bringing a greater measure of
benefits to the national economy.
McClelland's work is a useful
contribution to the objective of
achieving greater efficiency. *

Trr
-

T

M
S

0
SI,

CARIBBEAN
ONOGRAPH
SERIES NO. 7

religious

cults of the

caribbean

trinidad,

jamaica

and haiti
US$5.00
by george e.

simpson

Revised and augmented
version of The Shango Cult
in Trinidad

PUBLICATIONS
Institute of Caribbean Studies
Box BM
University of Puerto Rico
Rio Piedras, Puerto Rico

C.R. April/May/June Page 49

ks

J t _6Z 0% Op -,ti by Neida Pagan

I. GENERAL
Biography

ANUARIO BIOGRAFICO COLOMBIANO
1971. Ruben Pdrez Ortiz. 299 pp. Aio
International del Libro (Bogota), 1972.
THE EXECUTION OF MAXIMILIAN, JUNE
19, 1867: .-, HAPSBURG EMPEROR MEETS
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A biography of Maximilian, emperor of
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the famous Puerto Rican baseball player.
ROBERTO CLEMENTE. Kenneth Rudeen.
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Herman Badillo. Inter-American U. Press
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leader, who organized the labor movement on
the island.
SPANISH SPEAKING HEROES. Robert W.
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1973. Brief biographies of twenty three
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WE ARE CHICANO. Rose Blus. ilius. by Bob
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A twelve year old boy faces the problems of
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Geography and Travel
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THE CARIBBEAN (THE ENGLISH-
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government, geography, economy and way of
life of the Bahamas, Virgin Islands, Barbados
and Trinidad & Tobago.
COLOMBIA IN PICTURES. Martha Murray
Sumwalt. 64 pp. Sterling Pub. (N.Y.), 1973.
$1.25. Brief text and photos introduce the
geography, history, people, government and
economy of Colombia.

A FIELD GUIDE TO MEXICAN BIRDS.
Roger Tory Peterson and Edward Cholif. 48
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the birds of Mexico, Guatemala, British
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PANAMA AND THE CANAL ZONE IN
PICTURES. Peter English. 64 pp. Sterling
Pub. Co. (N.Y.), 1973. $2.89. An introductio-
n to the geography, history, government,
people and economy of the Republic of
Panama.

PUERTO RICO IN FULL COLOR. Hans W.
Hannau. Hastings House Pub. (N.Y.), 1973.
$2.95. A handy little book with text and 52
photos of P.R.

VENEZUELA IN PICTURES. Lincoln A.
Boehm. 64 pp. Sterling Pub. Co. (N.Y.),
1973. $2.89. An introduction to the land,
history, people, economy and government of
Venezuela.

History and Archaeology

AGENT FOR CHANGE: THE STORY OF
HARVEY (PABLO) STEELE. Gary MacEoin.
176 pp. Orbis Books, 1973. $4.50. Harvey
Steele, a missioner in China was a pioneer of
the cooperative movement in Latin America.

ARTISTS AND CRAFTSMEN IN ANCIENT
CENTRAL AMERICA. George C. Vaillant.
102 pp. American Museum of Natural
History. (N.Y.), 1973. $11.00. Blaine
Ethridge reprint of 1935. A very readable
description and analysis of the areas of
Pre-Colombian culture.

THE BRAZILIAN-AMERICAN ALLIANCE
IN WORLD WAR II, 1937-1945. Frank D.
McCann. 400 pp. Princeton U., 1973. $16.50.
A discussion of the events during the Vargas
regime which brought about a close alliance
between Brazil and the U.S.

THE CARIBBEAN ISLANDS. Helmut Blune.
J. Maizewshi and A.V. Norton, translators.
Longman (N.Y.), 1973. $17.50. A com-
prehensive and detailed study of the region.

THE COLUMBUS DYNASTY IN THE
CARIBBEAN. 1492-1526. Troy S. Floyd.
304 pp. U. of New Mexico Press, 1973.
$12.00. The story of the establishment of
Spanish civilization in the Caribbean.

THE CONQUEST OF THE RIVER PLATE.
Robert Bontine Graham. 313 pp. Milford
House (Boston), 1973. $25.00. Reprint of the
1924 edition.

CUBA ECONOMIC Y SOCIEDAD. Levi
Marrero. 258 pp. Editorial San Juan (Rio
Piedras) 1972. History of Cuba especially
16th century. Wonderfully illus.

CUZCO: A JOURNEY TO THE ANCIENT
CAPITAL OF PERU. Clements Roberts
Markham. 419 pp. Kraus Reprint (N.Y.),
1972. $20.50. A reprint of 1856.

THE DUTCH IN BRAZIL, 1624-1654.
Charles Ralph Boxer. 329 pp. Archon Books
(Hamden, Conn.), 1973. Reprint of the 1957
edition.

THE HAITIAN REVOLUTION, 1789-1804.
Thomas O. Ott. 232 pp. U. of Tennessee
Press, 1973. $8.95.

THE HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST OF
MEXICO BY THE SPANIARDS. Antonio
Solis. Trans. by Thomas Townsend. 2 vols.
AMS Press, 1973. $49.50. A 1753 reprint.

A HISTORY OF THE DISCOVERY AND
CONQUEST OF PERU. Agustin de Zarate.
Thomas Nicholas, trans. Penguin Press
(London), 1973. $20.00. Reprint of the 1933
edition.

JUAN OF SANTO NINO. Charles E. Minton.
Sunstone Press (New Mex.), 1973. $7.95
cloth; $4.05 paper. A historical novel of life
in a New Mexico Village in 1863-1864. Giving
the reader a realistic view of the little
understood culture.

EL LIBERALISM MEXICANO EN LA
EPOCA DE MORA, 1821-1853. 347 pp. Siglo
XXI (mex.), 1972.

NICARAGUA, ITS PEOPLE, SCENERY,
MONUMENTS, RESOURCES, CONDITION,
NAD PROPOSED CANAL. Ephraim George
Squier. AMS Press (N.Y.), 1973. $17.50. A
reprint of 1860.

PEDRO DE VALDIVIA, CONQUEROR OF
CHILE. Robert Bontine Graham. 227 pp.
Milford House (Boston), 1973. $25.00.
Reprint of the 1926 edition.

POLITICS AND THE PUBLIC CON-
SCIENCE. Edith F. Hurwitz. 170 pp. George
Allen (London); Barnes and Noble (New
York), 1973. L3.65 cloth; L2.25 paper. Slave
emancipation and the abolitionist movement
in Britain.

LOS PRIMEROS POBLADORES: HISPANIC
AMERICANS OF THE UTE FRONTIER.
Frances Leon Swadesh. U. of Notre Dame
Press, 1974. $9.95 cloth; $3.95 paper. This
historical study focuses on the Spanish-
speaking pioneers who settled in the Chama
Valley of North Central New Mexico in the
18th century and thier descendents who
spread northward into Colorado.

ROOSEVELT AND BATISTA. GOOD
NEIGHBOR DIPLOMACY IN CUBA,
1933-45. Irwin F. Gellman. 344 pp. U. of
New Mexico Press, 1973. $12.00. A close
scrutiny of U.S.-Cuban relations during the
years when the good neighbor policy began.

THE SOUTHERN DREAM OF A CARIB-
BEAN EMPIRE, 1854-1861. Robert E. May.
304 pp. Louisiana State U. Press, 1973.
$10.00.

THE SPANISH EMPIRE IN AMERICA.
Clarence Henry Haring. 371 pp. P. Smith
(Goucester, Mass.), 1973. A reprint of the
1947 ed.

WEST INDIAN NATIONS: A NEW HIS-
TORY. Philip Sherlock. 362 pp. Jamaica
Publishing House, McMillan, 1973. L 4.95. A
study of Caribbean history from early
Amerindian Society up to the present day.

Reference

HISTORICAL DICTIONARY OF PUERTO
RICO AND THE U.S. VIRGIN ISLANDS.
Kenneth R. Farr. 148 pp. Scarecrow Press,
1973. $5.00.

LATIN AMERICA IN THE NINETEENTH
CENTURY. Alva Curtis Wilgus. Scarecrow
Press, 1973. $5.00. A selected bibliography of
books of travel and description published in
English.

MEXICAN AMERICANS: RESOURCES TO
BUILD CULTURAL UNDERSTANDING.
Lois B. Jordan. 265 pp. Libraries unlimited
(Colorado), 1973. $8.50. A selective anno-
tated bibliography of materials for young
adults.

Page 50 C.R. Vol. VI No. 2

RESEARCH LIBRARY COOPERATION IN
THE CARIBBEAN. Association of Caribbean
University and Research Library. Edited by
Alma Jordan. 145 pp. American Library
Assoc. (Chicago), 1973. Papers of the 1st and
2nd meetings of the assoc.

II. THE ARTS

Art, Architecture, and Music

TWO BRAZ.LIAN CAPITALS: ARCHI-
TECTURE AND URBANISM IN RIO DE
JANEIRO AND BRAZILIA. Norma Evenson.
225 pp. Yale U. Press, 1973. $19.50.

IN SEARCH OF THE MAYA: THE FIRST
ARCHAEOLOGISTS. Robert L. Brunhouse.
243 pp. U. of New Mexico Press, 1973. $7.95.

Language and Literature

THE BLACK GOLD OF MALAVERDE.
Richard L. Graves. Stein and Day, 1973.
$7.95. A novel about a South American
Country.

CHICANO POET. Nephtali De Le6n. 98 pp.
Trucha Pub. (Lubbock, Texas), 1973. $3.00.
With images and vision of the poet.

CHILDREN OF THE MIRE: MODERN
POETRY FROM ROMANTICISM TO THE
AVANTGARDE. Octavio Paz. Harvard U.
Press, 1974. The noted poet and essayist
examines the modern literary tradition from
the perspective of a Spanish America poet
contrasting it with changing nations of
religion, history and time.

FRAGMENT FROM A LOST DIARY AND
OTHER STORIES: WOMEN OF ASIA,
AFRICA AND LATIN AMERICA. Naomi
Katz and Nancy Milton, editors. Pantheon,
1973. $10.00. Twenty stories about third
world women.

FROM THE BARRIO: A CHICANO AN-
THOLOGY. Luis Omar Salinas, Comp. 134
pp. Canfield Press, 1972. $2.95.
GOD WAS LOOKING THE OTHER WAY.
Jos6 Le6n Sanchez. Little and Brown, 1973.
$7.95. A novel about San Lucas, an island off
the coast of Costa Rica.

A HEART FOR THE GODS OF MEXICO.
Conrad Patter Arken. Folcroft Library
Editions (Pa.), 1973. $20.00. Reprint of the
1939 edition.

THE INCREDIBLE BRAZILIAN: THE
NATIVE. Zulfikar Ghose. Bantam, 1973.
$1.25.

MAXIMILIAN AND CARLOTA. Gene Smith.
318 pp. Marrow (N.Y.), 1973. $8.95. A tale
of romance and tragedy of the emperor of
Mexico.

MODERN LATIN AMERICAN LITER-
ATURE. D.P. Gallagher. Oxford U. Press,
1973. $7.50 cloth; $1.95 paper.

LA NOVELA HISPANO-AMERICANA
ACTUAL Y SUS ANTECEDENTES. AndrB
Jansen. 152 pp. Labor (Espafia), 1973.

PARADISO. Jose Lazama Lima. Gregory
Rabassa, Translator. Farrar, Straus and
Ginous, 1974. The novel portrays the life of a
Cuban and his family in Cuba and the U.S.

PUERTO RICAN OBITUARY. Pedro Pietry.
Monthly Review Press, 1974. $7.50. Poems
about life in a Puerto Rican ghetto life in the
U.S. as it looks from the bottom.

SURVIVE THE SAVEGE SEA. Dougal
Robertson. 269 pp. Praeger, 1973. $7.95. One
of the most outstanding survival story ever
told. A non-fiction classic of heroic adven-
tures.

V.S. NAIPAUL. Robert D. Hamner. Twayne
Publishers (Boston, Mass.), 1974. $5.95. An
intensive analysis of the structure and content
of Naipaul's novels, short stories, travel books
and non-fiction.

WE ARE CHICANOS: AN ANTHOLOGY OF
MEXICAN AMERICAN LITERATURE.
Philip D. Ortega. 330 pp. Washington Square
Press (N.Y.). 1973. $1.25 paper.

III. SOCIAL SCIENCE

Anthropology and Sociology

AN ALBUM OF PUERTO RICANS IN THE
UNITED STATES. Stuart J. Brahs. Forward
by Herman Badillo. 87 pp. Watts *N.Y.)
Discusses the reasons for the Puerto Ricans'
migration of the U.S. their contributions to
the culture and the hardships still facing them
in adapting.

AMERICAN ME. Beatrice Griffith. Green-
wood Press (Conn.), 1973. $3.75. Problems of
Mexican-American identity.

BLACK CLUBS IN BERMUDA. Frank E.
Manning. 277 pp. Cornell U. Press, 1973.
$16.75. An ethnographic account of
Bermudian Society.

CHICANO: THE EVOLUTION OF A
PEOPLE. Renato Rosaldo, et. als, comp. 461
pp. Winston (Minneapolis), 1973. $5.95.

CHICANOS AND NATIVE AMERICANS:
THE TERRITORIAL MINORITIES. Rudolph
O. de la Garza. Prentice Hall, 1973. $6.95.
Most of the works were presented at the
workshop of Southwest Ethnic groups,
University of Texas.

CHILDREN ARE THE REVOLUTION: DAY
CARE IN CUBA. Mervin Leiner. Viking Press,
1973. $8.95.

THE CHURCH AND FREEMASONRY IN
BRAZIL, 1872-1875. Mary Crescentia
Thornton. 287 pp. Greenwood Press (Wes-
port, Conn.), 1973. $13.25. Reprint of the
edition published by Catholic U. of America
Press in 1948.

CONFLICT, VIOLENCE AND MORALITY
IN A MEXICAN VILLAGE. Lola Romanucci
Ross. 203 pp. National Press Books (Palo
Alto, Calif.) 1973. $2.95.

THE DRUM AND THE HOE. LIFE AND
LORE OF THE HAITIAN PEOPLE. Harold
Courlander. 371 pp. U. of California Press,
1973. $20.00. A reprint.

THE ECOLOGY OF MALNUTRITION IN
THE CARIBBEAN. Jacques Mayer May. 490
pp. Hefner Press (N.Y.), 1973. $19.95. Covers
the Bahamas, Cuba, Jamaica, Hispaniola
(Haiti and The Dominican Republic), Puerto
Rico, the lesser antilles and Trinidad &
Tobago.

FAMILY AND FERTILITY IN PUERTO
RICO. Mayone J. Stycos. 332 pp. Greenwood
Press (Conn.), 1973. The author's thesis at
Columbia U. in 1955, reissued.

THE ISLANDS: THE WORLD OF THE
PUERTO RICANS. Stan Steiner. Harper and
Row, 1974. $10.00. The author examines
Puerto Ricans in their native land in the U.S.

THE JEWS OF CORO, VENEZUELA. Isaac
Samuel Emmanuel. 63 pp. American Jewish
Archieves (Cincinnati), 1973.

THE LATIN AMERICAN TRADITION.
Charles Wagley. Columbia U. Press, 1973.
$3.95. Essays on the unity and diversity of
Latin American Culture.

PARAGUAY: ITS CULTURAL
HERITAGE? SOCIAL CONDITIONS, AND
EDUCATIONAL PROBLEMS. Arthur Elliot.
210 pp. AMS Press, 1973. $10.00. Originally
presented as the author's thesis at Teachers
College of Columbia U. 1931.

PEOPLES AND CULTURES OF NATIVE
SOUTH AMERICA. Daniel R. Gross. Double-
day Anchor Press, 1973. $12.50 cloth; $5.95
paper.

PODER Y CLASSES SOCIALES EN EL
DESARROLLO DE AMERICA LATINA.
Jorge Graciarena. 284 pp. Paidos (Arg.),
1972.

THE PROCESS OF MEDICAL CHANGE IN
A HIGHLAND GUATEMALA TOWN. Clyde
M. Woods and Theodore D. Graves. 61 pp.
Latin American Center, U. of California (Los
Angeles), 1973. $2.95 paper.

QUANTITATIVE SOCIAL RESEARCH ON
LATIN AMERICA. Robert S. Byars and
Joseph L. Love, editors. U. of Illinois Press,
1973. $8.95.

SANTERIA. AFRICAN MAGIC IN LATIN
AMERICA. Migene GonzAlez-Wippler. 192
pp. Julian Press (N.Y.), 1973. $6.50. Santeria
deals with magic healing and the religious
beliefs and practices of a Latin American cult.

SOMOS CHICANOS. David G6mez. Beacom
Press, 1973. $8.95. Account of his personal
quest for identity as a Chicano.

SPANISH AMERICA. TRADITION AND
SOCIAL INNOVATION 1900-1970.
Frederick B. Pike. Norton (N.Y.), 1973.
$7.95.

VIVA LA RAZA. JuliBn Nava, comp. 169 pp.
Van Nostrand (N.Y.), 1973. $2.95. Readings
on Mexican-Americans.

XINGU: THE INDIANS, THEIR MYTHS.
Orlando and Claudio Villas Boas. Kenneth S.
Brecher, editor. Farrar, Straus and Giroux,
1974. $12.95. More than 15 Brazilian tribes
are described in their intertribal relationship.

Economics

THE CARIBBEAN ECONOMIES: PERS-
PECTIVES ON SOCIAL, POLITICAL AND
ECONOMIC CONDITIONS. Vincent R.
McDonald. 196 pp. 'SS. Inf. Corp. (N.Y.),
1973. $10.00.

C.R. April/May/June Page 51

CONTRIBUTION AL STUDIO DEL
CAMBIO DEL REGIMEN REPRESENTA-
TIVO ARGENTINO. Salvador M. Dana
Montaio. 102 pp. Depalma (Argentina),
1972.

ECONOMIES AND SOCIETIES IN LATIN
AMERICA. Peter R. Odell. 265 pp. Wiley
(London, N.Y.), 1973. $11.50.

HOW TO PROFIT FROM THE COMING
LAND BOOM IN THE CARIBBEAN
ISLANDS AND LATIN AMERICA. William
E. Gilbert. 368 pp. F. Fell Pub. (N.Y.), 1973.
$9.95.

INDUSTRIALIZATION IN MEXICO: OLD
VILLAGES AND A NEW TOWN. Frank
Charles Miller. 161 pp. Commuings Pub. Co.
(Calif.), 1973.

JOURNEYS TOWARD PROGRESS. Albert
O. Hirshan. Norton (N.Y.), 1973. $3.95.
Studies of economic policy making in Latin
America, reissued.

MEXICAN BUSINESS ORGANIZATIONS;
HISTORY AND ANALYSIS. Robert Jones
Shafer. 397 pp. Syracuse U. Press, 1973.
$15.00.

POLITICS AND PLANNERS! ECONOMIC
DEVELOPMENT POLICY IN CENTRAL
AMERICA. Gary W. Wynia. 227 pp. U. of
Wisconsin Press (Madison), 1972. $15.00.

THE ROLE OF THE COMPUTER IN
ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL RESEARCH IN
LATIN AMERICA. Nancy and Richard
Ruggles, editors. 450 pp. Columbia U. Press,
1973. $15.00.

--] ,~1~

Philosophy and Theology

LOOK OUT! THE PENTECOSTALS ARE
COMING. C. Peter Wagner. 196 pp. Creation
House (Illinois), 1973. $4.95. Pentecostal
churches in Latin America.

A THEOLOGY OF LIBERATION. Gustavo
GutiBrrez. Orbis Books (Maryknoll, N.Y.),
1973. 323 pp. $7.95 cloth; $4.95 paper.
Theological argument for radical changes in
our social structures.

TIME AND REALITY IN THE THOUGHT
OF THE MAYA. Miguel Le6n Portilla.
Beacon Press, 1973. $12.50. An account of
intellectual and philosophical achievements of
ancient maya civilization.

Politics

AUTHORITARIAN BRAZIL. Alfred Stepan.
Yale U. Press, 1973. $10.00. Origins, policies
and future.

CHICANO POLITICS: READINGS. F. Chris
Garcfa, editor. 224 pp. MSS inf. Corp. (N.Y.),
1973. $11.00.

CHURCH AND POWER IN BRAZIL. Charles
Antoine. 275 pp. Orbis Books (Maryknoll,
New York), 1973. $4.95. Portrayed, by a
French Priest of the gradual institutionaliza-
tion of repression, vacillation and eventual
failure of church hierarchy to stand against
the Brazilian Regime, and the fate of those
Christians who did speak out.

COLONIALISM AND UNDERDEVELOP-
MENT-. PROCESSES OF POLITICAL AND
ECONOMIC CHANGE IN BRITISH HON-
DURAS. Norman Ashcraft. 180 pp. Teachers
College Press, 1973. $8.50.

DESARROLLO POLITICO Y DESARRO-
LLO ECONOMIC; LOS CASOS DE CHILE
Y COLOMBIA. Joan E. Garces. 298 pp. Esp.
Tecocos (Arg.), 1973.

LA DOMINACION DE AMERICA LATINA.
Jos6 Matos Mar. 180 pp. Amorrortu (Arg.),
1972.

GAUCHO POLITICS IN BRAZIL. THE
ROLE OF RIO GRANDE DO SUL IN
NATIONAL POLITICS. 1930-1964. Carlos E.
Cort6s. 288 pp. U. of New Mexico Press,
1973. $12.00. R(o Grande do Sul is the
southernmost state in the most powerful
Latin American nation. It has produced
politicians such as Getulio Vargas and JBao
Goulart.

GUERRILLERO DE LOS ANDES. Josd
Antonio Figueroa S6nchez. 312 pp. Mensaje
(U.S.), 1973.

HISTORIC DE LAS INSTITUCIONES PO-
LITICAS Y SOCIALES ARGENTINAS.
Exequiel C. Ortega. 260 pp. Plus Ultra (Arg.),
1973.

LATIN AMERICAN PROSPECTS FOR THE
1970's: WHAT KINDS OF REVOLUTIONS?
David H. Pallock and Arch R. M. Ritter,
editors, 334 pp. Praeger, 1973. $18.50.
Selected papers from a conference held in
1970 at Carleton U., Ottawa.

MARXISMO PARA LATINOAMERICANOS.
Jorge Abelardo Ramos. 340 pp. Plus Ultra
(Arg.), 1973.

MODERNIZATION AND BUREAUCRATIC
-AUTHORITARIANISM. STUDIES IN
SOUTH AMERICAN POLITICS. Guillermo
A. O'Donnell. 219 pp. Institute of Interna-
tional Studies, U. of California, 1973. $3.25.

NIEZERS EN POLTIEKE PARTIJEN IN DE
NEDERLANDSE ANTILLEN. Peter Verton.
66 pp. De Wit Store N.V. (Aruba, N.A.),
1973. Deals with the structure of voting and
voters in the Netherlands Antilles and with an
analysis of results from different polls held in
1970 and 1971.

PERSONALISM AND PARTY POLITICS:
INSTITUTIONALIZATION OF THE
POPULAR DEMOCRATIC PARTY OF
PUERTO RICO. Kenneth R. Farr. 143 pp.
Inter American U. Press (Hato Rey), 1973.
$5.00. A study of Puerto Rico's dominant
political party, Dr. Farr goes deeply into the
question of the transfer of power in 1960:
how leadership moved from a charismatic
leader to its successors.

POLITICAL SOCIALIZATION OF CHI-
CANO CHILDREN. Chris F. Garc(a. Praeger,
1973. $16.50. A comparative study with
Anglos in California Schools.

THE POLITICS OF LAND REFORM IN
CHILE 1950-1970. Robert R. Kaufman. 323
pp. Harvard U. Press, 1973. Public policy
political institutions and social change in
Chile.

SOLDIERS, GUERRILLAS AND POLITICS
IN COLOMBIA. Richard L. Maillin. 168 pp.
Lexington Books, (Mass.), 1973.

STATUS AND POWER IN RURAL JA-
MAICA. Nancy Forner. 172 pp. Teachers
College Press, 1973. $8.50. A study of
educational and political change.

TEN YEARS OF CASTRO. James Nelson
Goodsell, editor. Alfred A. Knopf, 1973.
$4.95.

Page 52 C.R. Vol. VI No. 2

GBOOITOrW

409 San Francisco

Plaza de Col6n

Old San Juan

Hours:
Til 10 p.m. Mon. to Sat.
12 Noon 'til 10 Sunday

I- IU

El sr iartal, Inr

maECIMro -um 311
UAN JUAN. P. I. 000MI

ANTIGUA

BASIC INFORMATION: Antigua has
108 square miles. The island is
shaped as a rough circle. She is
a member of the British Com-
monwealth under an Associated
Stale status. Antigua has a po-
pulation of around 60,000 and
her capital is ST. JOHN'S The
currency is the West Indian
Dollar (popularly called the bee
wee dollar). Visitors to Antigua
should have a certificate of vac-
cination and proof of citizenship.

WHERE TO STAY? Antigua h
a full range of tourist rat
hotels. Among the best, we esp
cially recommend:

las
ed
Ie-

I

BLUE WATERS BEACH HO-
TEL is located at Soldier Bay,
only three miles from the airport
and four from downtown St.
John's. All rooms face the hotel's
own white sand beach. Dancing
to island's best combo on Sun.,
Fri. And Wed. Nights. Native and
Continental cuisine. Full water
sports facilities. Tennis and Gol-
fing. Under the stars dancing and
dining at outside patio.

WHAT TO DO AND SEE?
English Harbor, in the South
coast of Antigua, is one of the
most important historical sites in
the Caribbean. Within this area
lies Nelson's Dockyard which
was restored some years ago to
its original splendor. Most hotels
offer native style entertainment
several nights every week. There
are a good number of indepen-
dent night spots near to and in
St. John's.

ARUBA
BASIC INFORMATION: Aruba, locat-
ed within viewing distance of
Venezuela's coast and 500 miles

southeast of Puerto
approximately 115 squ
The island has a pop
approximately 60,000 ar
pital is Oranjestad. As
of the Nertherland
(which are equal par
the Kingdom of the Ne
In addition, most island
fluent English, Dutch
ish.
WHERE TO STAY.
several luxury and mod
ce hotels in Aruba. V
mend the Divi-nivi

DIVI DIVI BEACH }
few steps from your p
warm clear waters of
bean. Clusters of Beac
sitas are designed
luxury and privacy.
enjoy your spacious
its private patio anld
sea, decorated with
ed furnishings of sixth
tury Spanish colonial
Casitas air-conditione
baths with tub and s
two double beds in ea

Rico, has even during a relatively short
are miles. visit. Walking around the island
ulation of capital one can't but admire its
nd its ca- Dutch-like cleaniness. The city's
a member Port, called Horses Bay, features a
Antilles very photogenic open air market
tners with where cookware, produce fruit
therlands). and fish from all the surrounding
ders speak islands and seas are sold. The
and Span- Bali, a famous restaurant/bar
built on a converted houseboat
There are which features Indonesian dishes,
lerate pri- is right in town and should be
Ve recom- visited. In addition to its interest-
ing architecture and riotous co-

Wl'ilhemina Park, a great place to
spend many relaxing evening
hours. Touring the rest of the
island will show the visitor
many examples of Aruba's famed
trade mark. the wind blown Divi-
": YS' D)ivi trees, its very curious rock
HOTEL: A formations and the many inte-
atio to the resting uses to which the island
the Carib- cactus plant has been adapted.
chfront Ca- The island has a nature-built
to provide Rock Bridge which is best seen
Relax and from ruins said to be from a Pi-
room with rate Castle but which actually are
view of the the leftovers of a gold-ore stamp-
hand-craft- ing mill built in 1872. On the
eenth cen- other side of the island, on the

design. All
d. Private
hower and
ch room.

FLOATING RESTAURANT
"BALI". This famous floating,
airconditioned Indonesian restau-
rant is located at the "Bali" Pier
at Oranjestad, Aruba's capital. It
is open 7 days a week, from 10
am. till 12 pm. and features
among many other exotic dishes
the well known RIJST'TAFEL
(ricetable) which consists of about
22 different dishes such as
shrimps, krupuk, veal, sate, chic.
ken, vegetables, etc., etc. They are
all prepared in ever varying tastes
with unlimitable combinations of
herbs and spices. Dinner at this
restaurant will be a culinary ex-
perience never to be forgotten and
therefore strongly recommended.
Its owner/host Karl Schinand
will always he there to help you
along and see to it hlat the service
will he the way you expect it.
It's view at the I'aarden Ba;ai
(The Horses Bay), Oranjestad's
Harbour is out of this world.
WHAT TO DO AND SEE? Aru-
ba is small enough so that the
typical visitors has time to see

C.R. April/May/June Page 53

- I

A

s:

.: .

South coast, there are caves full
of carvings and drawings report-
edly made by the island's native
inhabitants centuries ago. For vi-
sitors with a technological bent
the island's water distillation
plant, one of largest such plants
in the world, offers daily guided
tours. Aruba, of course, offers
the full spectrum of water sports
and activities: swimming, deep-
sea fishing, sailing, water skiing,
etc. There are several tennis
courts, one golf course and skeet
facilities in the island. Aruba has
no luxury taxes and no duties on
a large number of items, there
is a growing number of very top
native operations, so good buys
are plentiful. Most of the larger
hotels have San Juan-like night-
clubs and restaurants. Most have
fine food. Also in this category is
the Olde Molen an old windmill
brought to Aruba from Holland
and then converted into a res-
taurant nightclub.

Curacao

BAsic INFORMATION: Curacao is a
long, thin island with an area of
approximately 180 sq. miles and
a population of around 135,000.
Its capital is Willemstad which
has a magnificent Old World at-
mosphere. The largest of the six
Dutch islands in the Caribbean,
Curacao is the seat of the Nether-
land Antilles Government The
official currency is the Guilder
which exchanges for approxim-
ately $050 U. S.
WHERE TO STAY? Curacao
has three large, resort hotels. All
of these have gambling rooms.
Several of the city's charming old
mansions have been converted
into inexpensive guest houses

which cater, mainly, to Latin
American tourists. Among all,
we recommend the Curacao In-
ter-Continental.

r...

CURACAO INTER-CONTINEN-
TAL. Located right in the center
of a charming town, making it
perfect for both businessmen and
vacationers. 125 air-conditioned
rooms, swimming pool, night
club, casino. Also lovely tropical
gardens. Be sure to visit the
swinging Kikini Bar. Fine faci-
lities for conventions.

WHAT TO DO AND SEE?
Walking around Willemstad for
window shopping (Curacao is si-
milar to St. Thomas in the varie-
ty of goods and rock-bottom
prices it offers bargain hunting
Caribbean visitors) and sightsee-
ing are a must do activity for all
visitors to the island. The city's
famed Pontoon Bridge, which
opens and closes several times
a day to allow ships thru, of-
fers great photographic possibili-
ties. Like most islands in the
Caribbean Curacao offers the full
spectrum of ocean and beach re-
lated activities. It also has a golf
course, tennis courts and horse-
back riding. When the pontoon
bridge in Willemstad is open,
there is a free ferry ride across
the canal. Visitors taking this
free ride will have a unique op-
portunity for meeting the friend-

ly people of this island and thus
flavor another of its charms. Fi-
nally every visitor should try
some of the many candies, sweets
and tidbits sold by street vendors
all maundl t.wn

walk to nearest town daily
shopping tour to Pointe-a-Pitre -
French atmosphere Something
different and an occasion to
freshen up on your French.

WHAT TO DO AND SEE?
Guadeloupe, which is shaped like
ua ee a butterfly, has two distinct en-
G uadeloupe vironments. One of the wings
(Grande Terre) is generally flat
and rolling and full of lovely,
white-sand beaches. The other
BASIC INFORMATION: Guadeloupe wing (Basse Terre) is more hilly
has 532 square miles and a popu- and rugged and features black,
nation of around 00,000. She is a
state of France. Her capital S isvolcanic-ash beaches. Visitors to
oae of Fran. Her capital e the island should take time out
BAssE-TE. R. The accepted cur-
rency is the New Franc which ex- to try different restaurants even
changes at 00 S. Visitorthe smallest ones offer gourmet
should have a certificate of vac- dishes) and inspect the architec-
cination and proof of citizenship. ture of the Caravelle in which
French is almost exclusively the floating effect so many archi-
spoken here. tects seek was masterly achieved.
Also in the "must be seen list"
WHERE TO STAY? Guadeloupe is the VALLEY OF THE ANCIENT
has five major hotels. Among CARIs where some fine examples
these we especially recommend: of Carib Indian sculpture can be
seen; the EAST INDIAN VILLAGE at
JMatouba where, according to leg-
end, live sacrifices are carried
out and the beach at LE MOULE,
once the scene of battles between
European powers and the Carib
Indians. Visitors interested in
shopping should definitely go to
HOTEL LES ALIZES. Private Point-a-Pitre's commercial area,
sandy beach, swimming pool, an incredibly busy, Near East-
sumptuous gardens 30 minutes looking section where Persian
from airport, 128 air conditioned rugs and tropical fruits are some-
rooms French and Creole cui- times sold in the same small
sine French wines 9 hole store.
golf on hotel grounds 5 minute

MARTINIQUE

BASIC INFORMATION: Martinique
has 450 square miles. She is a
state of France. Her capital is
FoRT-DE-FRANCE. The island has
a population of around 300,000.
The accepted currency is the New
Franc which is worth $0.20 U.S.
French is spoken almost exclusiv-
ely. Visitors should have a certi-
ficate of vaccination and proof
of citizenship.
WHERE TO STAY? Martinique
has several Tourism Office re-
commended hotels. Among these
we especially recommend:

THE HOTEL BAKOUA (Tel.
55-95) is located at Trois Illets
at one of the ends of Fort de
France's magnificent harbor. It
has 77 de luxe, ocean-front, air.

Page 54 C.R. Vol. VI No. 2

BEACH HOTEL
ARUWA. N.A.

1,000 foot sugar white beach. Fully air conditioned.
40 Spanish style Casitas with their own beach front
patio. 42 rooms overlooking the beach with patio or
Spanish balcony. International Cuisine Pelican Bar
& patio Fresh Water Swimming Pool. BRUIF
BEACH ORANJESTAD ARUBA, NA. DIVIHO
TEL 3300

K AA.NL

rqnditioned rooms, 20 cabanas
.aith private bath & telephone..
Truly superb French and Native
cuisine. White sand beach and
swimming pool. Private marina.
All water sports. Every hour a
luxurious cruise boat tender
makes a round trip to the city.

WHAT TO DO AND SEE? LA rIU-"ir. JKM AUKAI'NI,
There are two things most vii- The finest n Isla erde, where
ton to this island do during the island's gourmets enjoy de-
their stay in the island: v licious Spanish and Continental
their stay n the island: visit cuisine. La Fuente's Clams Casino
the ruins museum at ST. PIEME, and Lobster Thermidor are par
and Lobster Thermidor are par-
formerly Martinique's capital ticularly recommended.
which in 1902 was burned to a
crisp by Mount Pellee's explosion,
and visit the BlITH-PLAcE OF WHAT TO DO AND SEE? Most
NAPOLEON'S JOSEPHINE at Trois of the hotels in San Juan offer
Ilets. Between these two points all types of water related activi-
is Fort de France, the present ties to which all house guests are
capital, which has unique archi- invited. The Caribe Hilton, La
tecture, an endless variety of Concha and the Puerto Rico She-

shops and the best restaurants in raton deserve close inspection by
the Antilles. Visitors planning architectural buffs. FaRT SAN J.-
longer visits no less than a week RONImO, off the Caribe Hilton,
is recommended should drive has been restored and converted
the whole perimeter of the island, into a museum and should be
Black sand beaches, tropical rain- seen. Live sea urchins (they
forest-like greenery, sky high vis- don't sting if properly handled)
tas and dazzling, plantation ho- can usually be found on the rocks
mes in the grand style will reward pointing towards Fort San Jer6-
them. The Atlantic side of the nimo in back of the hotel that
island offers some of the most carries its name...
beautiful, seascapes in the Carib- On the other side of town-on the
bean. And much more, all with a road to Bayam6n-are the ruins
distinct, very French ambience. of the foundations of PONCE DE

PUERTO

Rico

BAsic INFORMATION: Puerto Rico
has 3,435 square miles. It be-
longs to the U.S. under an As-
sociated Free State status. U.S.
Currency is the legal tender.
Spanish is the main language but
English is spoken almost every-
where. The capital of Puerto Rico
is SAN JUAN. The island has a
population of over 2500,000. Vi-
sitors from OUTSIDE the U. S.
should have a certificate of vac.
cination and a visaed passport.

WHERE TO STAY? San Juan has
numerous first class hotels.
Most of the larger ones have
Commonwealth Government su.
pervised gambling casinos.

CoCo Max Hotel 3 Amapola St.
Isla Verde, Puerto Rico

Dutch National
Car Rental
"We Do It Btter"
From $10.00 a day .. No Extra
Mileage
Volkswagen $10.00
per 24 hours.
Toyota, Airco, Automatic

* no mileage
* No pick up or
delivery charge
* Road map included
* $50.00 deductible insurance
coverage
* Full collision protection
available at $2.00 per day
All major credit cards
accepted.

-- Call 81090,81063
Dr. Albert Plsman airport
Willtmsted, Curacao N.A.
Cable address: Dutch Car

Under the Palm Trees in Sunny
Puerto Rico A Modern Efficien-
cy hotel located on the beach.
All rooms with ocean view. Air
Conditioned Kitchenette Area
- Daily Maid Service Bar &
Cocktail Lounge. Major Credit
Cards Honored

heeled visitors should make a
point of visiting one or all of
the fine jewelry shops clustered
around the corner of Fortaleza
and Cruz Streets. One of them,
appositely, is located in the
former office of Merril Lynch,
Pierce, Fenner & Smith. Every
ten minutes or so during the
day a FERRY leaves Old San Juan
for Catailo-the terminal is locat-
ed behind the Post Office. The
ride, which only costs 10 cents
each way, gives passengers a
change to get some good photos
of the bay, get a close look at the
pelicans and see, in Cataflo, an-
other face of Puerto Rico. .

PASANGGRAHAN (2388) 15 lo-
cated in a quiet lush tropical
garden on the beach of Philips-
burg, the FREE-PORT capital
of Dutch St. Maarten. Each of
it's 21 attractive double rooms
with private baths have over-
head fans and optional air-con-
ditioning. The kitchen is fa-
mous for a great variety of well-
prepared international dishes.

S Nassaust at 40 Aruba, N.A.

broid lecloth gold & silver
elry Italian Clothing,

C.R. April/May/June Page 55

LEoN'S first house in Puerto Rico.
Rediscovered in 194, they date t. aarte
back to 1508... West of the main
hotel area is Ota SAN JUAN which BAc INFORMATION: St. Maarten/
all visitors should take at least St. Martin has $7 square miles
one day to explore. While in Old which are roughly divided in half
San Juan three musts are FoT between the French and the
SAN FELIPE DEL MORRO, FORT SAN Dutch sides of the island. The
CasroAL-i-centuries old bastions capitals are PHuIlpsaURG (Dutch)
which guarded the dirty during and MAaCor (French) The is.
its Spanish Colonial days-and land's population is of around
LA FORTALZA OR PALACIO DE 4500 again roughly divided in
SANTA CATALINA which now serves half. Two currencies are accept.
as the seat of Puerto Rico's gov- ed, the New Franc, worth $0.20
ernor. Every day there are several U.S. and the Guilder which is
guided tours thru each of the worth about $0.0 U.S. Visitors
three sites. Approximately ten to the island must have a certi-
per-cent of Old San Juan's 700 ficate of vaccination and proof of
plus structures have been restored citizenship. The Dutch side of
to their original splendor. For- the island is a member of the
tunately some of them have been Netherland Antilles, an equal
converted into stores and/or art partner with Holland in the
shops (especially along Cristo Dutch nation, and the French side
and Fortaleza Streets) wnich allow is a dependency of Guadaloupe, a
leisurely browsing. Also in the French state.
"must be seen" list are Puerto WHERE TO STAY? St. Marten/
Rico's CAPIToL BUILDINC (on the St. Martin has four relatively
way to the Old City) and the large hotels and several smaller,
INSTITUTE OF PUErTO RICAN CUL- vry go hotels and es uses,
TVRE'S art collection ...Well- very good hotels and t hoes.
~ -- -~

Total informality sets it's West
Indian atmosphere. Established
in 1958 it is still St. Maarten's
biggest little bargain and repeat
visitors are the best salesmen for
the hotel. Write or cable PA-
SANGGRAHAN, St. Maarten.
Represented in North American
cities and Puerto Rico by The
Jane Condon Corporation.
WHAT TO DO AND SEE? This
lovely half French, half Dutch
island offers the full spectrum
of water/beach activities, marvel-
lous picture-book little village,
like Grand Case in the French
side, free port shopping and a
unique tranquility which truly
makes a vacation a rest. Front
Street in Philipsburg (the Dutch
side) and the dock area in Marigot
have a complete, assortment of
free port stores. Spritzer & Fuhr-
mann, the famous jewelers from
Curacao, have three stores in the
island; two in Philipsburg and
one at the airport. Several other
famous Curacao stores like El
Globo, Casa Amarilla and Vole-
dam also have stores in town.
Guests at any hotel or guest house
can and should take advantage
of their visit to experiment with
the cuisine of all other. There is
a nightclub with nightly dancing
and, during the season, entertain-
ment at Little Bay.

MOULIN ROUGE

AIRCONDITIONED
Ba.r & Restaura nt

ST. MARTIN, F.W.I.

1-- ---1

Beachcomber Villas: on the beach
at Burgeux Bay, St. Maarten are
the perfect setting for an un-
forgettable Caribbean vacation.
* Each villa is fully furnished
including linen, kitchen
utensils, etc.
* Two and three bedroom villas.
* Rents from $150 to $250
per week.
* For more information write:
Beachcomber Villas
P.O. Box 149, Philipsburg
St. Maarten, N.A.

FLOATING RESTAURANT

S"BALI"

INDONESIAN DISHES
*COCKTAIL BAR
Cho*n by: The Caribbeon
Tourist Association a.
thI BEST restaurant in
.h Coribbemn for 1958.59
TELS. 2131
ORANJESTAD. ARUBA 3006

ST. THOMAS

WHERE TO STAY? St. Thomas
has a large number of hotels
and guest houses of all sizes
and prices. Among these we
especially recommend:

MORNING STAR BEACH RE-
SORT (774-2650) is located on
one of the most beautiful white-
sand beaches in the Caribbean,
just five minutes from Charlotte
Amalie, the Antillean free-port
capital. Each of its 24 ocean-
facing rooms has a private terrace
and all the modern comforts. Ex-
otic drinks and American and
Continental dishes served just a
step from the surf in the hotel's
beach front bar and dining room.
Most water sports. Sky-diving ex-
hibition every Sunday afternoon.
Children welcome.

BOLONGO BAY BEACH CLUB
(775-0165) is located right on
the beach, only a few minutes
away from St. Thomas' airport
and town. This intimate resort
is made up of spacious, air-con-
ditioned, completely equipped
housekeeping fresh water pool
units. The resort has a beautiful
pool with a bar right over it.
The management will make the
necessary arrangements for fish-
ing, sailing or any other activity
the guests desire. For reservations
from the U.S. write the hotel at
P. 0. Box 3381 St. Thomas 00801.
WHAT TO SEE AND DO? ST.

THOMAS is a hilly island with
numerous neighbors. This makes
for endless, heart wrenching views.
The best viewing, in the sense
that one can sit down in com.
fort and sip a well-brewed drink
in the watching process, is from
the bar at the top o( the Tram.
way, or the pool at the Shibui
hotel or the restaurant at
Mountaintop. In addition to the
views (the cup overfloweths) the
visitors should take time to visit

DRAKE's SEAT from which, ac-
cording to legend, Sir Francis
Drake used to inspect his fleet;
FORT CHRISTIAN on the edge of
Charlotte Amalie which dates
back to 1666; GOVERNMENT HOUSE
which serves as the official res-
idence of the Governor of the
island and exhibits its fine art
collection to the public daily and
the VIRGIN ISLANDS MUSEUM lo.
cated in Beretta Center in the
middle of Charlotte Amalie.

CARIEBIEAN RENT -A- CAR

PH- 772-0688

P. 0. BOX 1487
ST. CROIX. VIRGIN ISLANDS 00840

Free Pick Up And Delivery

New Cars Checked Daily

ARUBA

ARUBA ST. MARTIN

New Cars
Unlimited Mileage New Cars
You Can Trust Unlimited Mileage
Hertz in Aruba like
Anywhere in the On n
World. o Only Rental Cars in
Island With Unlimited
Kolibristraat 1- Third Party Insurance.
Phone 2714
Aruba Caribbean
Hotel Phone 2250 Offices at Julianna Air-
Princess Beatrix port and Marigot, St.
Airport Martin.

UNVERSMAGELCEVE
GOLDEN SHADOW

exclusively at
CARDOW

' first on main street and at
the Caribbean Beach Hotel
St. Thomas, U. S. Virgin Islands.

Page 56 C. R. Vol. VI No. 2

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	Front Cover
	Table of Contents
	Front Matter
	Main
	Back Cover

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