Front Cover
 Table of Contents
 Front Matter
 Back Cover


Digitization of this item is currently in progress.
Caribbean Review
Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00095576/00020
 Material Information
Title: Caribbean Review
Physical Description: Serial
Language: English
Creator: Latin American and Caribbean Center, Florida International University
Publisher: Latin American and Caribbean Center, Florida International University
Place of Publication: Miami, FL
Publication Date: 1973
Copyright Date: 1980
Genre: serial   ( sobekcm )
 Record Information
Source Institution: FIU: Special Collections
Holding Location: FIU: Special Collections
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: oclc - 1553369
System ID: UF00095576:00020

Table of Contents
    Front Cover
        Front Cover 1
        Front Cover 2
    Table of Contents
        Page 1
    Front Matter
        Page 2
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
        Page 12
        Page 13
        Page 14
        Page 15
        Page 16
        Page 17
        Page 18
        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
        Page 22
        Page 23
        Page 24
        Page 25
        Page 26
        Page 27
        Page 28
        Page 29
        Page 30
        Page 31
        Page 32
        Page 33
        Page 34
        Page 35
        Page 36
        Page 37
        Page 38
        Page 39
        Page 40
        Page 41
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        Page 44
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        Page 50
        Page 51
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        Page 53
        Page 54
        Page 55
        Page 56
    Back Cover
        Back Cover 1
        Back Cover 2
Full Text



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In this issue...

Chile: Poetry and Anti-poetry, by Barry Wallenstein. A comparison of two Chilean poets,
Gabriela Mistral and Nicanor Parra. Barry Wallenstein explains how a poet expresses the
consciousness of a people while also expressing the needs, passions, and desires of his
private self. Barry Wallenstein has edited Years of Protest and Visions and Revisions: An
Approach to Poetry, and is currently writing a critical biography of James T. Farrell, to be
published by Praeger in 1973. Page Four.
The Protestant Cartel in Puerto Rico, by Howard B. Grose. Caribbean Review reprints an
excerpt from the 1910 publication, Advance in the Antilles, about the achievements of the
Protestant missions in P.R. during the first eleven years of American rule. The tactics
described represent a curious combination of corporate economics and governmental
welfare. Page Eleven.
Remembrances of Things Dominican, by Ligia Espinal de Hoetink. A series of small
biographical sketches about the Dominican Republic at the turn of the century. The style is
a cross between the imaginative literature popular in Latin America today and the
sociological analyses that attempt to understand historic Santo Domingo. A Durellian
perspective emerges as the reader is shown how the consequences of acts, especially political
ones, affect different families in different ways. Page Eighteen.
What Ever Happened to Polarization in the Caribbean, by Thomas Mathews. The former
head of the Institute of Caribbean Studies at the University of Puerto Rico analyses the
political changes that have taken place in the Netherland Antilles, the French Antilles, and
Puerto Rico. Thomas Mathews is author of Puerto Rican Politics and the New Deal.
Page Twenty-Six.
Who Cares About the Caribbean, by Colin G. Clarke. A review of three important books on
the Caribbean. Clarke concludes that the gap between the United States and the Caribbean
parallels the gap between the Caribbean Elites and their populations and that U.S. policy
towards the Caribbean is as unchanging as most of the Caribbean itself. Colin G. Clarke is
director of the Latin American Studies Centre at the University of Liverpool. Page
The Caribbean Watchers, by Joseph D. Olander. A review of two books on the Caribbean.
Caribbean Review co-editor Joseph Olander analyses these books in terms of the
"wise-man" syndrome, the "winnie-the-pooh" syndrome and the "iceberg" syndrome.
Joseph Olander recently edited Modem Political Problems, soon to be published by
Aldine-Atherton. Page Thirty-Five.
Cubanology, by Aaron Segal. A review of six books on Cuba. They are a sad commentary on
why books about Cuba are published and on the current state of Cuban intellectual life.
Aaron Segal, the author of several books on the Caribbean, teaches government at Cornell
University. Page Forty.
A Little Black Book, by Ken Boodhoo. Ken Boodhoo, a native of Trinidad, reviews a study
of the 1970 Black Power uprising in that country. Ken Boodhoo teaches political science at
Florida International University. Page Forty-Two.
100 Years of Military, by Jorge Rodriguez Beruff. An analysis of the literature about the
Peruvian military. Jorge Rodriguez, a native of Cuba, teaches at the University of Puerto
Rico. He recently spent a year in Peru doing researching on the military and is presently in
England analyzing his results. Page Forty-Four.
Recent Books, by Neida Pagan. Caribbean Review continues to introduce its readers to new
books about the Caribbean, Latin America, and their emigrant groups. Page Forty-Seven.
The Caribbean Guide. Caribbean Review helps travellers to and within the Caribbean
become acquainted with where to stay, what to see, and what to eat. Page Fifty-Two.
The cover photo is of a poster by Peruvian artist Jesus Ruig Durand, photo by Jorge

C.R. Jan/FeblMarch 1973 Page 1

Seventy-five cents
Editors: Vol. V No. 1
Barry B. Levine
Joseph D. Olander
Associate Editors:
For the English Speaking Caribbean:
Basil A. Ince
For the French Speaking Caribbean:
Gerard R. Latortue
For the Spanish Speaking Caribbean:
Jose M. Aybar
Executive Administrator:
Lucille Trybalski
Assistant Editor:
Susan Sheinman
Business Manager:
Joe Guzman
Art Director:
Victor Luis Diaz
Neida Pagan
From the Dutch and Papiamentu:
Ligia Espinal de Hoetink
From the French and Creole:
Marlene Zephirin
From the Spanish:
Adela G. Lopez
Adela G. Lo/pez
Caribbean Review, a quarterly journal dedicated to the
Caribbean, Latin America, and their emigrant groups,
is published by Caribbean Review, Inc., a non-profit
corporation organized under the laws of the Com-
monwealth of Puerto Rico. Mailing address: Caribbean
Review; G.P.O. Box C.R.; San Juan, Puerto Rico 00936.
Unsolicited manuscripts (articles, essays, reprints,
excerpts, translations, book reviews, poetry, etc.) are
welcome but should be accompanied by a self-
addressed stamped envelope. Copyright 1973 by
Caribbean Review, Inc. All rights reserved.
Subscription rates: 1 year: $3.00; 2 years: $5.50; 3
years: $7.50; Lifetime: $25.00. Air Mail: add $1.00 per
year; $20.00, lifetime. Payment in Canadian currency
or with checks drawn from banks outside the U.S. add 10
percent. Invoicing charge: $1.00. Subscription agencies
please take 15 percent.
Back Issues: Vol. No. & Vol. III No. 1: $3.00 each.
All other back numbers: $2.00 each. New lifetime
subscribers can receive all back issues for an extra
$15.00. In addition, microfilm and microfiche copies of
Caribbean Review are available from University
Microfilms, A Xerox Company, 300 North Zeeb Road,
Ann Arbor, Michigan 48106.
Advertising: Inquiries and orders for advertising space
may be sent directly to the magazine or to Cidia, Inc.,
Box 1769, Old San Juan, Puerto Iico 00903, the agency
through which they will be contracted and processed.
Page 2 C.R. Vol. 5 No. 1





Goure's attempt to review the Soviet Image of
Contemporary Latin America and The Soviet Union
and Latin America in the last issue of the Caribbean
Review is replete with academic banalities. The value of
reviewing these two obsolete and poorly written books
which only peripherally deal with Latin America might
have been either to inform the reader of their poor
quality or to apprise him of changes in Soviet-Latin
American relations heretofore not noted. Goure's
review fails in both tasks.


Caribbean Review continues to
expand. Joseph D. Olander now
becomes co-editor of the magazine,
and Jose M. Aybar, a native of Puerto
Rico, is associate editor for the
Spanish-speaking Caribbean. Several
issues back we bragged about our
ability to handle manuscripts in
languages other than English. We
continue to brag: Olander is fluent in
Chinese and Japanese, while Aybar is
fluent in Russian (among their other
languages). Let the manuscripts come

Much ado is made by Goure of the 1971 article in
Kommunist by Pomonarev, but the contradictions
implicit therein are left unstated. For example, it is
noted that "the Latin American revolutionary process is
developing at a faster pace than in other parts of the
non-socialist world (Pomonarev)." So much for the
official assessment; but what is the Soviet Union doing
to take advantage of this process to encourage the
formation of a radical revolutionary movement in Latin
America? Goure is unable to wed the contradictions
inherent in ideological pronouncements to their
practice in Latin American politics.
Altruistically, Goure is looking for the communist
conspiracy behind every door: Accordingly, he
interprets the establishment of trade relations between
the USSR and Latin America as an attempt by the
USSR to undermine the "soft-belly" of the U.S. It is an
accepted and mediocre banality that the USSR would
like to see the Latin American countries take a more
independent stance vis-a-vis the U.S., thereby gaining
an ideological victory. But the reality, which Goure does
not mention, is that such an ideological victory would
be overshadowed by a foreign policy which is in many
respects similar to that of the U.S., insofar as it gives
"recognition and aid" to rightist Latin American
military regimes such as the Brazilian military
The crux of the matter is that in order to understand
the contradictions inherent in Soviet foreign policy
vis-a-vis Latin America, the ideological statements by
members of the "elite," like Pomonarev, have to be
correlated with the conditions of the respective Latin
American countries. A prerequisite for such an
understanding is the knowledge of both the academic
banalities which are presupposed to be Soviet foreign
policy and the unique Latin American reality; the latter
conditions which Goure does not even investigate.
What is the significance of quoting Pomonarev on
the development of a "hotbed of anti-imperialist
revolution" in Latin America? Hasn't Latin American
"anti-Yankee sentiment" existed in varying degrees
from 1898 to the present? Why has it taken the USSR
so long in "correlating" this sentiment with a "real"
attempt by Latin American countries to leave the fold?
Could it be that the Latin American radical left is too
"radical" for the USSR and the conservative Latin
American communist parties? Or is it that the Soviet
Union continues to interpret revolutionary movements
in the light of its own, now passe, experience? When is
armed struggle believed to be valid? When the USSR
does not have to pay for it? Is there a tactical preference
for armed struggle over the "peaceful road to power?"
What is the position of given Latin American
communist parties on questions of tactical preference?
These are some of the more salient questions that
Goure's non-review leaves unanswered.
Finally, a note on factual disparities. Soviet Image of
Contemporary Latin America, a compilation of
readings by Carlton and Oswald which is supposed to
contain articles typifying the Soviet assessment of Latin
America, does not update the two-volume work, Latin

America in Soviet Writings, 1917-1964, by
Okinshevich. Oswald's book is a reader, while
Okinshevich's is an annotated bibliography on Soviet
Writings on Latin America. The annotated
bibliography is by far the more informative of the two
books. Oswald's reader was outdated prior to
publication and included few case studies from
individual countries in Latin America with the
exception of Cuba. Like Goure, Oswald's choice of
readings from the Soviet press mistakenly indicates that
Soviet scholars lump all the Latin American countries
together without taking into consideration their
different and unique behavioral patterns. This is
misleading. One can find such interesting case studies
by Soviet scholars (written about the time when
Oswald's books were published) as: S.A. Gonionskii,
ec., Venezuela: Ekonomika, politika, kul'tura
(Venezuela: Economics, Politics, and Culture); A.F.
Shul'govskii, ed., Mexico: Ekonomika, politika,
kul'tura (Mexico: Economics, Politics, and Culture);
and B.I. Koval', Istoria brazil'skogo prolitariata
(History of the Brazilian Proletariat). Goure makes the
same mistake as Oswald in treating all of Latin
America as if it were one country, and the non-review
gives the reader the erroneous impression that the
Soviet scholars do the same!

Jose M. Aybar
Florida International Univ.

C.R. JanlFeblMarch 1973 Page 3

We're moving soon to 322 Coil y Tostm St.. Hto Ray

Photo of Gabriel Mistral, Brazil, 1943, Courtesy Doris Dana.




by Barry Wallenstein

Nicanor Parra. Courtesy New Directions Publishers, Photo by Andres
In 1920 Pablo Neruda visited the already renowned
poetess Gabriela Mistral. Neruda was sixteen and a
devoted reader of Mistral's songs and poems. As
president of the Temuca Literary Club, he
acknowledged her literary achievement, 27 years before
the Nobel Prize committee, by presenting her with an
honorary membership. By 1967 so much had changed:
Mistral was ten years dead and Neruda, a respected and
gently aging poet, spoke out to honor another poet from
his homeland, "one of the great names in the literature
of our language," Nicanor Parra.
Though chronologically situated somewhat in the
middle, Neruda is not quite the median between
Mistral and Parra. Both poets were born in Chile; the
younger poet came from a small town in the south and
Mistral, her name taken from the Mistral wind of
Valley of Elqui. Parra is now a teacher, Mistral was the
teacher. Her first devotion was to teaching, her poetry
developed as a by-product. 200,000 people greeted her
when she spoke from the Presidential Palace in
Santiago on her last visit to Chile in 1954. More
emblematic, however, was the assemblage of 45,000
children in the national stadium singing the lyrics from
her Poemas Infantiles. Parra, as a professor of physics,
has taught mostly older students. His attitude toward
teaching is antithetical to Mistral's.
Mistral's verse shows what could be called an organic
development; her poetry develops as a deep response to
her private life and to the life that surrounds her. There

*The major texts for this study are: Nicanor Parra's
Poems and Antipoems (Miller Williams, ed. New
Directions, New York, 1967) and Emergency Poems

(Miller Williams, trans. New Directions, New York,
1972), and Gabriela Mistral's Selected Poems (Doris
Dana, trans. Johns Hopkins Press, Baltimore, 1971).

Page 4 C.R. Vol. 5 No. 1

is little conscious effort to explore the various inroads of
modern aesthetics. She seems hardly aware of the
modern movement in which she participates. Parra's
poetry, on the other hand, proclaims in energetic
fashion the birth of the modern, and many of his poems
could serve as texts for a new poetry. His devotion to the
aesthetics of antipoetry is as intense as Mistral's
devotion to teaching.
All surface indications point to Nicanor Parra as the
more popular poet in North America. To read him in
English is to be reminded of the current in American
poetry that stems from Whitman and is developed
further by Pound, Williams, Olsen and Ginsberg, a
current or tradition that utilizes in popular poetry the
voice of ordinary speech. A comparison of Parra's
antipoems to Mistral's intensely lyrical, recognizably
formal and modernistic structures sheds light on a
major question in the criticism of modern poetry
concerning the special relationship of the poet to "the
people." It might be phrased this way: How does a poet
achieve that communality necessary for expressing the
needs, desires, and passions of his private self?
Removing poetry from song, as Parra has done,
would seem to make it unpopular by definition, for the
ancient and modern basis for popular poetry is song
rather than speech. Despite Parra's present popularity,
no poet of Chile came closer to the hearts of "the
people" than Gabriela Mistral. Yet, reading her poems
now, placed along side Parra's, they appear almost
obscure, symbolistic and possibly more surreal than
A few major themes dominate Gabriela Mistral's
Desolacion, Ternura, Tala, and Lagar, the four books
which parallel stages in her life. These are maternity or
the tenderness of mothers and children; teaching and
the special task of the teacher; love which is often
expressed sorrowfully or nostalgically, though in some
striking examples with a masculine sort of bitterness or
vengeance; and, finally, faith and hope grounded in
orthodox religion. Mistral's credo, expressed in a line of
prose, underlies these various themes: "Speech is our
second possession, after the soul and perhaps we have
no other possession in this world." She regarded poetry
-language itself as a gift; to her, the poet
undertakes a mission larger than any one voice the
mission of humanity.
From the passionate and sensual poems of
Desolacion, through the painful elegies for Juan Miguel
in Terura, her first loyalties are to suffering people
and the conservation in language of moments of respite
from the overall pain of mortality. Few of the poems are
political but the spirit that urged against oppression -
"to resist, to protest, a thousand times to resist" is
the informing spirit of all her poetry. This is the
element in Mistral's often confessional poetry that
removes it from the personality of self.
The personal "I" is 'muted in the prose piece
"Decalogue of the Artist" though the personal vision of
the poet is proclaimed. Her themes are announced and
set in the context of a belief, e.g., "You shall bring forth
your work as a mother brings forth her child: out of the

blood of your heart." Human creation is a humbling
activity for it carries with it the knowledge of its
inferiority "to that most marvelous dream of God which
is Nature." Thus beauty should not, could not serve as
"a pretext for luxury and vanity," for it is "a spiritual
devotion," "virginal" as "the shadow of God over the
The poem "Serenity" contains perhaps the essence of
Mistral's maternity and of the disturbing quality in her
imagery, especially in the final lines. These make
terrible demands on the reader to leave himself and
somehow to merge with the object of the poet's
When I am singing to you,
on earth all evil ends:
as smooth as your forehead
are the gulch and the bramble.

When I am singing to you,
for me all cruel things end:
as gentle as your eyelids,
the lion with the jackal.
The role of mother, like that of poet or teacher, is
frequently accompanied by pain and sorrow. What
would otherwise be a playful or airy lyric is transformed
into bitterness through the recognition of her own
littleness before God or before the memory of personal
loss, loss of life, or loss of passion. But in turn, the
"Bitter Song," for example, is not solely bitter as the
poet objectifies her experience and donns a mask of
Further objectification of personal experience is seen
in such remarkable poems as "The Foreigner," "The
Flower of Air," and "The Woman Granger," where
Mistral observes herself from the perspective of the
third person. The North American reader is reminded
of both Emily Dickinson, with her cunning disguises
and metaphysical development of imagery, and Sylvia
Plath, whose seemingly direct confession of pain is
often in ironic counterpoint to the hidden pain that lies
beyond the subject of the poetry:
She speaks with the moisture of her barbarous seas
still on her tongue, with the taste
of sands and algae unknown to me.

She was nourished by breath of the desert
and loved with a scorching passion
she never tells. If she told us,
it would be like the map of another star.
Solitude, evoked in haunting images, is felt by the
watching persons, and the pain rings as if with two
voices. The poem Mistral wanted to call 'The
Adventure,' my adventure with poetry," is published as
"The Flower of Air." Its heroine, like one of Poe's
doomed figures, is mad, possessed; and the emotional
content of its final two stanzas reveals an ambiguous
connection between the narrator and the desolate
She goes before me, faceless,
leaving no footprint,
and I follow her, still follow

C.R. JanlFeb/March 1973 Page 5

through dense clusters of fog,
bearing colorless flowers,
not white or burnished red,
until my release at the farthest limit
when my time dissolves.
Mistral does provide relief from the darker moments
of her personal losses and human misery. Throughout
her work tenderness toward the lonely and the betrayed
prevails. We feel this in the later poems of religious
affirmation and in the early poems where the pleasures
of teaching are explored, e.g., "The Teacher's Prayer."
This emotion is especially marked in Ternura (1924),
where maternity is the central theme: "Hearing the
loving wind/I rock my son." Her ambition in this book
was to encourage the development of a children's
literature. We find cheerful lullabies, moralities, and
simple songs, a literature created out of native folk lore.
These poems remain the popular schoolroom songs
sung all over Latin America.
Mistral will frequently search for a spirit most unlike
herself to identify with, e.g., the lighthouse keeper in
"A Plus One." If the conditions of her search are
accepted by God, she is able to confess pain amidst
glorification of the larger experience of life:
He knows all there is to know of night
which has become my bed and path;
he knows the octopus, sponge, and undertow,
and the senseless slain by a scream.
This merging of her spirit with others is not unlike the
binding sympathy found in Whitman's poetry. The
reader understands this transcendent overflow of soul
as her moral energy.
Lagar (1954), her last book, is considered to be her
greatest. Her quest for religious harmony, communion
with nature is felt even in those poems which remind us
of her earlier poems of personal sorrow and loss of love,
the poems of Desolacion (1923). Here, for example, in
"Mourning," the metaphysical image of the tree
includes both birth and sorrow in one ecstatic
In one single night there. burst from my breast
the tree of mourning; it heightened and grew,
S pushed my bones, split my flesh,
till its crown reached my head.

It spread great leaves and branches
over my shoulder, over my back,
and in three days I was covered,
rich with it as with my blood.
Where can they touch me now?
What arm shall I give that is not of mourning?
Again in the third person, "A Woman" achieves
what could be called a poetry of direct evidence. The
moral power of Mistral's metaphysical conception of
soul is the power of displacement of self for a greater
compassion. She is lamenting the death of Juan Miguel,
or Yin Yin, and her use of nicknames concretizes the
image of the dead boy.
Where her house stood, she goes on living
as if it had never burned.
The only words she speaks
are the words of her soul;
Page 6 C.R. Vol. 5 No. 1

to those who pass by she speaks none.

When she says "pine of Aleppo"
she speaks of no tree, but a child,
and when she says "little stream"
or "mirror of gold" she speaks the same.
In 1945 Gabriela Mistral was awarded the Nobel
Prize for "the lyricism fired by powerful sentiment that
has made the name of the poet the symbol of idealism
in the Latin American world." Yet she is other than
idealistic in the poems of Lagar, many of which were
written during the cruel years of the Spanish Civil War
and World War II, years of loss and anger over
wholesome waste and large scale injustice. Her mythic
faith, rather than idealism, is registered in the
remarkable poem "The Fervent Woman." Here the self
is used as a device to affirm art as a humanizing act,
even when at the cost of the artist.
I have sung songs and danced around it
with kings, poets, goatherds:
When it died among its ashes
I rekindled it with my own flesh.
There is a ferocity in the most tender poems and a
powerful moral force in the most spiritual work of this
great "teacher-poet."
The transition to Nicanor Parra seems at first
impossible. Mistral's maternal concern for the poor,
her love of teaching as a spiritual mission, her use of a
lyrical poetry to embody these ideals all appear at odds
with Parra's poetry in which woman is an image of
horror and a disintegrating force, while poetry itself is
useful only if it is antipoetry. The antipoet despises the
very idea of poetry in the formal sense. The
metaphorical use of language is jettisoned for
"common language." Poetic diction, symbolism,
obscurity on any level are all considered errors of a past
age. This is the way Parra's manifesto reads, as
discovered through statements in the poems themselves
from Poems and Antipoems to the most recent
Emergency Poems (1972). Despite the fact that Parra
has written some rather fine lyric poems e.g.,
"Letters to the Unknown Woman," "Snow,"
"Beggar," and the resplendent "Song," all in Poems
and Antipoems, and "Seven," a fair example from the
new collection, and a great deal of verse that makes use
of any number of conventional poetic devices most of
his poetry gathers its special quality and
contemporaneity from the concepts and habits of mind
that make for antipoetry. Though the methods of
antipoetry are to be found in many older poets, Parra's
antipoetry is easily identified for its cumulative effect.
like the deflating humor and burlesque madness of
the prose of William Burroughs, Nicanor Parra's
antipoems define an antiworld where nothing works
and dissolution surrounds human effort. Yet, in his
poetry, vital speech provides the necessary charge for
life itself. The Burroughsesque vision of "The modern
world as an enormous sewer" in which man is seen
"sucking on the miserable human rib," underlies
Parra's doctrine of antipoetry, a most worldly poetry
located in "things themselves." He wants to bring
poetry out of the parlor and onto the streets. The

ironies, cliches, found phrases, vulgarities, rapid and
apparently irrational leaps of the imagination are
mirrored in the poet's vision. A passage from "Vices of
the Modern World" is an excellent example of Parra's
talk to compare with Mistral's song:
Modern delinquents
Are authorized to convene daily in parks and
Equipped with powerful binoculars and pocket
They break into kiosks favored by death
And install their laboratories among the
rosebushes in full flower.

And a hooded hero is robbing two nuns at gun
The vices of the modern world:
The motor car and the movies,
Racial discrimination,
The extermination of the Indian,
The manipulations of high finance,
The catastrophe of the aged,
The clandestine white-slave trade carried on by
international sodomites ...
In the most recent volume the earlier
Burroughsesque fantasies are extended, and the talk is
looser, closer to Parra's desire for speech originally set
down in Poems and Antipoems. A part of "Child's
Play" reads:
Laughing like crazy
the child goes back to the city
gives birth to monsters
creates earthquakes
hairy women run naked
old folks who look like fetuses laugh and smoke.
Both humor and horror are more marked in Emergency
Poems, but the credo is the same. Parra remains an
important poet of smallness. In his refusal to sing in an


elegiac or noble or even mildly sonorous voice, he
captures the poetry latent in ordinary speech. tsing
language as a fine instrument for making fine
distinctions is not Parra's concern, and this has been
the foundation for much negative criticism. However,
the inclusion of much apparently random material is
carefully devised. The effect when most successful -
is one of easy talk that is more honest than it is
selective. The reader finds himself, in these instances,
caught up not in the grace of language, but in the
substance of the poet's intense concerns.
There is an odd reference to Mistral in the new
collection. The poem "As I was saying," a fine example
of antipoetry, begins:
number one in everything
there has not been is not will not be
a man of greater sexual prowess than I
once I got a baby-sitter
to come seventeen consecutive times.

I am the discoverer of Gabriela Mistral
before me nobody knew what poetry was all about
I'm an athlete ...
Mistral regarded poetry as part of a great service or
mission. Parra, too, as evidenced by his constant need to
define the role of poet and his own personal
relationship to his craft, sees himself as on a mission.
For the older poet, that mission was coordinate with the
soul's growth and ascendancy. The antipoet places
himself at the center of his poetry and so of his mission.
This specimen man, in Whitman's use of the term,
records reality, and the record is from his point of view.
The diary techniques of Pbund, Williams, Olsen, et als,
are utilized in this naked and often powerful poetry.
"Nineteen-Thirty" begins with a portrait of the
naturalistic writer:
I am a rolling museum
An encyclopedia forcing a path through the waves.


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I record each and every human act.
Only let something happen anywhere on the globe
And a part of me sets itself moving.
That's what my job is.
A later poem, "The Individual's Soliloquy," is a clear
example of the Whitmanesque assertion of self, a more
lyrical and surrealistic poem than most, though its
casual tone and rapid movement identify it as a
Parraistic antipoem.
I'm the individual.
At the time I was asking myself,
Went to a canyon filled with air;
A voice answered me back:
I'm the individual.

I then took a stone I found in the river
And began working on it,
Polishing it up,
I made it a part of my life.
But it's a long story.
I chopped some trees to sail on
Looking for fish,
Looking for lots of things,
(I'm the individual.)
The poem goes on with a spell-binding intensity, setting
lyrical lines against the most casual exclamations. After
all, as Parra writes in a later poem: "In poetry
everything is permitted./With only this condition, of
course:/You have to improve on the blank page." His
aesthetic is no less compelling for its apparent
simplicity than Pound's stricture, "make it new."
The antipoet is explained through an avoidance of
definition. In "Test," Parra asks: "What is an
antipoet?" He then lists various possibilities, some
interesting, others somewhat fatuous, all to the point
that limitations cannot be set on poetry. He might be "a
dealer in urns and coffins" or "a general doubting
himself." He even manages a jab at his critics;
antipoetry might be "a salad bowl full of human
excrement/ as the Franciscan Father (who so
0 characterized Parra's work) believes." He allows the
reader to choose his own definition as to who the
antipoet might be. Beside "a revolutionary in the living
room" is "a poet who sleeps in a chair."
In Emergency Poems the motif is picked up in
"Letter from the Poet Who Sleeps in 4 Chair," and
Parra's ongoing credo is rephrased.
Young poets
Write any way you want to
In whatever style you please
Too much blood has gone under the bridge
To go on believing I believe -
That only one road is right:
In poetry everything is permitted.
In that poem an earlier line is amended: "The poet's
duty is this/To improve on the blank page/I doubt if
it's possible." But Parra does improve on the blank
page; he marks it with his most original adjustments to
the facts which surround him. The use of repetitions,
the most magical involvement of a real personality in



CONTROIL is an expanded vermiculite, surface
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Brazil C-79
Rolling Hills
Carolina, Puerto Rico 00930

Page 8 C.R. Vol. 5 No. 1


surreal episodes, affords Parra's direct, conversational
style the power of dramatic verse. With a conscious
avoidance of the grand style, the powerful line, Parra
often embellishes his direct speech with playful turns
and understatement. When Parra writes in "Madrigal"
that "I know my legs are trembling/ I dream my teeth
are falling out/ And that I came late to a funeral." The
reader is drawn by the voice but hardly disturbed by the
consciously artificial drama.
A program of poetry is not Parra's only
preoccupation. Like Mistral, he writes on maternity; his
"Mummies" betrays a tenderness not typical of his
attitude toward women:
One mummy walks on snow
Another mummy walks on ice
Another mummy walks on sand.

A few mummies sit down at the table
Some mummies offer cigarettes
One mummy seems to be dancing.

One mummy older than the others
Puts her baby to her breast.
More typical is his vengeful disdain for women
epitomized in "The Viper." This "contemptible
woman" has bewitched the speaker by drawing his
"poor soul into her orbit," but the poem is less
metaphysical than surreal, less surreal than
commonplace. The speaker gripes, "For years I was
under the spell of that woman./ She used to appear in
my office completely naked/ And perform contortions
that defy the imagination,/ . above all to wring from
me my last penny."
Just as he is anti-romantic, so does he view his
teaching as symbolic of larger tortures. In
"Self-Portrait" Parra says:
What's the matter with me? nothing
I have ruined my eyes teaching classes:
The bad light, the sun,
The miserable poison moon.
In the new volume Parra's anti-teacher stance grows
more strident as a gift for satire reveals itself in full
flower. Parra emerges as the arch enemy of
respectability, the enfante terrible of his people. Note
the irreverence of "Pastimes," the caustic edginess of
"How Many Times Do I Have to Tell You," the
outrageous humor of "Flies on Shit," the pretentious
offensiveness of "There Was Once a Monk," and the
anti-political position of "It's Crystal Clear" and "If
the Pope Doesn't Break with the USA." When the
antipoet, faced by the absurdity of modern political
strategies, asks "What the hell do you expect of
meee...!" he is asserting his artistic independence from
the positions that are marked out by political figures.
For all that, like W.B. Yeats, who also opposed political
poetry while writing as fine a body of it as can be found
in English, Parra emerges as a profoundly moving
political poet. His politics remains in the revolutionary
spirit of so much of modern poetry: "I'm neither leftist
nor rightist/ I just break the molds." His persistent
enunciations of the aesthetic of antipoetry also have

political dimensions. Making a poetry that not only can
be understood by the common man but is also spoken
in his idiom is an empathetic action, a closing of at least
one central gap that divides classes and keeps people at
odds with one another.
Though compassion is hardly a dominant emotion on
the surface of Parra's verse, it does appear, for
example, in "The Pensioners."
The pensioners live in symbiosis
With these birds of trembling colors:
The old men make an offering of peanuts
The birds with friendly pecks
Pick the old men's teeth.

The pensioners are to the pigeons
What crocodiles are to the angels.
The compassion for the poor and suffering, which is
essential to the poetry of Gabriela Mistral, forms the
underpinnings of Parra's love of Chile and his feeling of
helplessness over the poverty and spiritual aridity of the
cities of his homeland. The bitter poem "Chile" reads:
It's fun to see the peasants of Santiago Chile
come and go along the downtown streets
or move along the streets on the outskirts of town
with puckered faces pale worried frightened to
about the political order
about the sexual order
about the religious order
taking for granted
that the city and its people exist:
even though it's been shown
that the people are not yet born
and won't be before they die
and Santiago Chile is a desert.

We think we're a country
the truth is we're barely a landscape.
Final estimations are difficult to arrive at, especially
when reading the work of such contrary spirits as
Mistral and Parra. Mistral's poetry mustered around
her strong forces of social protest while the poetry itself
protested not at all. The power of her poetry is a
spiritual one, an almost secret force that takes shape in
grand yet unhurried movement. It is the movement of
song located in the voice of the poet and culled from the
voice of the people. On the other hand, Parra's poetry is
a poetry of protest. He is like a soldier waging a war to
stay alive in an alien climate; his antipoetry is a battle
record. It is important for his poetry to remain factual,
tied to everyday experiences no matter the hallucinatory
or fantastical development of imagery or odd
juxtaposition of lines. The best of his poetry
communicates the substance of his protest and provides
the special truths of an authentic voice. A single and
important point of contact remains between them. Both
are popular poets. Both mean something to a large
body of people. Both count for the people who can read
poetry a happy condition for Latin American poetry
and a condition lamentably absent in the queer desert
of the United States. *

C.R. JanlFeb/March 1973 Page 9



The purpose of the Centro is to train future
leaders of their professions within
the context of a multicultural and
interdisciplinary community.
The Centro directly serves two groups of

1. Graduate students seeking professional
training in theology and religion and
in clinical psychology, including
specialization in drug addiction.

2. Men and women already at work who
wish to up-date their skills, and, with the
perspective of other fields of knowledge,
to reflect upon and to deepen their
understanding of their vocation.

The Centro combines an insistence on
professional competency with the
awareness that professional disciplines
are means towards understanding men and
ways of affirming a common humanity.
Although the Centro has concentrated on
the disciplines within the purview of its
participating faculties, it seeks to introduce
perspectives from other social sciences and
from the humanities which may build
a genuinely multi-disciplinary educational
Both the student body and the faculty of the
Centro are drawn from a wide variety
of cultural backgrounds. Their interactions
frequently highlight the importance of different
cultural approaches and foster a flexibility
and an awareness of the world difficult
to achieve in monocultural settings






Page 10 C.R. Vol. 5 No. 1


4. Congregational
5. United Brethren
6. Christian Church

7. Lutheran
8. Christian and Missionary Alliance
9. Disciples of Christ



by Howard B. Grose

Although some activity on the part of the Protestant
churches had been allowed during the last days of
Spanish rule in Puerto Rico it was not until the
Americans took control of the island in 1898 that the
Protestant churches made any real headway. The
following excerpt from Howard B. Grose's Advance in
the Antilles [New York: Literature Department,
Presbyterian Home Mission, 1910] surveys the
achievements of eleven years of Protestant evangelical
work in Puerto Rico. The tactics that were employed, as
described in the excerpt, represent a curious
combination of corporate economics and governmental
welfare. On the one hand, the churches arranged a
cartel agreement to restrict competition between

themselves to avoid "wasting divine energy" trying to
sell the same clientele. On the other hand, there was
strong emphasis on educational and other institutional
services to be performed, in the proper diplomatic way,
for the welfare of those they served. It has often been
proposed that the chief function of the Protestant
missions in Puerto Rico has been the
"Americanization" of the island. However, as Gordon
Lewis has pointed out, the Catholic Church itself had
become "Americanized" as Americans replaced
Spaniards in the Church structure. The changes in
religion activity thus appear to be more a consequence
of the political changes than a complement to it.

C.R. JanlFeblMarch 1973 e Page 11

1. Presbyterian
2. Methodist
3. Baptist

How the Door Was Opened
Protestant Missionary Comity. Then came the day of
liberation, the advent of a new government, the era of
religious liberty and missionary effort. As soon as the
hold of Spain was broken in the Philippines, Cuba, and
Porto Rico, the home and foreign missionary boards of
the United States recognized the fact that a new
responsibility and opportunity confronted our people.
Various Protestant denominations sent representatives
to look over the fields with a view to establishing
missions. Most fortunately, it dawned upon the leaders
that this work in comparatively small and virgin fields
ought to be done by some arrangement that would
avoid overlapping or friction and secure the speedy
proclamation of the gospel to all the people. The
principle of Christian comity came into play, with the
happiest results. These are the general terms of
agreement: (1) San Juan and Ponce, the two chief cities,
to be open to all denominations for whatever work they
desire to initiate; (2) any denomination that first starts
work in a field shall be left in undisturbed possession
unless the town grows to exceed 7,500 population, in
which case others may enter if they feel called upon to

do so; (3) a division of the island, by which the
Presbyterians of the North became responsible for the
evangelization of the western section, the
Congregationalists, for the eastern section, the Baptists
and Methodists for the central section, the United
Brethren in the Ponce district, with due provision also
for other denominations. The Protestant Episcopal
Church, not becoming a party to the arrangement, but
working in harmonious relations, holds the island as
the Missionary District of Porto Rico, with a resident
Beneficial to All. Of the benefit of this comity to the
people of the island there can be no question. A home
mission secretary, after a tour of the island, says: "One
of the inspirations of work in Porto Rico is that the
different denominations are not overlapping and
wasting divine energy in competition. Christian work is
not being overdone in Porto Rico. Even the head of the
Roman Catholic Church on the island, Bishop Jones,
said to me that there is room for us all, freely affirming
that Porto Rico has never been truly evangelized and
frankly acknowledging that the Protestant work is
quickening that of his own Church." There is no doubt
of that, as many missionaries testify; but not all the
priests are as ready to welcome the means of quickening
as the bishop declared himself to be.
View of Protestant Episcopal Bishop. Similar
testimony is given by Bishop Van Buren: "The Church
of Rome in Porto Rico neglected the humanities. She
built no hospitals; she had very few schools, and those
were pay schools; she did not give to the people very
much to elevate and brighten their lives. Regarding the
attitude of the Church toward our missions, I was told
that some one went to Bishop Blenk and said, 'Do you
see what these Protestants are doing? Do you see how
many they are drawing away with them?' 'Yes,' he
replied, 'but what of that? If they can do anything to
improve the conditions of the Porto Ricans, for pity's
sake let them do it, but you depend upon it these people
will return to the Mother Church when they come to
die. You do not need to worry.' My reply to that is, 'If
we can help the Porto Ricans to live, we do not care who
buries them; the Lord will take care of them then'."
Attitude of the People. The American missionaries
were warmly welcomed for the most part both in city
and country, and their message was heard gladly,
except where the priests stirred up feeling against them.

Page 12 C.R. Vol. 5 No. 1

There has been some persecution, but not more than is
good for the workers, and the day for it has pretty much
passed, since the character of the missionaries and the
good results of their efforts have become known. As
already intimated, there is a vast deal to be done
without proselyting, for the masses of the people were
not religiously reached at all, and the Protestant
missionaries have seen to it that the rural districts are
visited and outstations planted. To take the opinion of
Bishop Van Buren again, from the same informing
article: "While nominally the entire population is
Roman Catholic, I think the great majority of the
people have no real allegiance to that religion. This
condition of things is not confined to ignorant people
who have been neglected and are the prey of
superstition. It prevails also among the better-informed
element of the community."
Missionary Outreach
Attractive Services and Missionaries. The character of
the Protestant services at once caught the attention of
the Porto Ricans. The singing of hymns quickly drew
listeners, and the priestly threats and foolish tales of the
evils that would come upon those who attended the
Protestant meetings were not sufficient to overcome the
interest aroused by the gospel hymns, translated into
the Spanish. The people like music, like to play and
sing, like to talk; and there was something in the
heartiness and informality of the meetings that was as
appealing as it was novel to them. The missionaries
therefore could easily get a congregation, and their
message was heard with respect. The first difficulty
came in regard to the mixed domestic relations of those
who desired to unite with the Church. The missionaries
insisted upon a straightening out of the family
relations, and thousands of marriages took place, with
no charge. This fact produced a profound impression.
A "free" gospel was indeed a new thing. A ministry that
seemed intent upon the good of the people, rather than
upon what it could make out of them, at first seemed
suspicious, but gradually came to be regarded in its
true light. The confidence of the people was won by the
true-hearted men and women who plainly had no
selfish reason for leaving their homes in the United
States and putting up with all sorts of discomforts in a
strange land. The denominations have as a rule been
very fortunate in the personality and capability of their
representatives. The native workers have proved quite
as trustworthy and consecrated as the average in any
land, and have shown in many cases remarkable
devotion and evangelistic gifts.
Moral Tone Raised. As Mr. Fowles says, to raise a
high moral standard among people who had never been
used to it in any class, high or low, required moral
courage. The Protestant Church emphasized the
sanctity of the home in a way never before known in the
island, and by insisting upon morality as a condition of
Church-membership has already perceptibly raised the
moral tone; and one of the highest tributes to the
character of the Porto Ricans is the manner in which
they have responded to these appeals to their better
nature, and the devotion with which they are striving to

live according to the standards of the higher life opened
to their view.
Communities largely Reached. Only eleven years of
Protestant missions, yet the cheering report is made
that there is not a city nor a large town where Protestant
services are not regularly held, while the same thing is
true of large numbers of the villages and even hamlets
up in the mountains. From Aguadilla on the east to
Humacoa on the west, from San Juan on the north to
Ponce on the south, the gospel is preached, the women
missionaries go into the homes with their messages of
cheer and suggestions of better things, the children are
gathered into the Sunday-schools, and in many places
into mission schools for instruction in practical lines.
Summary of Results. Without accuracy in statistics,
the general statement may be made that in this brief
period about nine thousand communicants have been
gathered into the Protestant mission churches, while
many thousands of adherents have declared their
sympathy with the new order, although they have not
yet openly professed conversion. The utmost care has
been exercised to avoid haste and mistake, to instruct
the people thoroughly and test their experience before
accepting them for membership, so that the outcome
may be permanent. It is a slow provess to permeate a
people with spiritual ideals. To pass from a religion of
ceremonial and outward expressions to one of the inner
life and experience requires the new birth. The
evangelical workers in Porto Rico have to meet with
prejudices, preconceived ideas, priestly falsehoods
calculated to neutralize their efforts, and all the natural
and cultivated tendencies of a tropical people. But they
see results constantly, and the encouragements
outweigh the discouragements always. It is believed by
one of the missionaries who has watched the progress
from the beginning that American missions have
already directly reached and influenced the lives of one
tenth of the population; while the preaching of the
gospel to the last man, woman, and child on the island
is easily within the reach of this generation. There is
absolutely nothing to hinder the evangelization of Porto
Rico but failure to provide the necessary means.
The Forms of Missionary Work
Three General Lines. The missionary work is (1)
Evangelistic, (2) Educational, and (3) Institutional.
Evangelistic Work. The first emphasis has been laid
upon preaching and teaching the gospel. Beginning in
rented quarters, the missionaries gathered the people
for religious worship and established regular services.
As converts were made, and they came with surprising
rapidity, they were carefully instructed and then
organized into churches. Every missionary, in addition
to his chief station, took on as many outstations as his
time and strength would allow, and commonly much
more work than health would safely carry. But the
eagerness of the people to hear was inspiring, and the
calls for services were incessant. Gradually chapels were
built, and in the strategic centers houses of worship
were erected that would command respect and give an
air of permanency to the work. The children were
gathered into Sunday-schools, and young people's
C.R. JanlFeb/March 1973 Page 13

societies were organized. Women missionaries engaged
in house to house visitation, where they were able to do
a most important service; and they also taught in the
simple schools that were started in response to a need
soon made apparent. The evangelistic work has been
pressed just as far and fast as the force of workers made
it possible.
Educational Work. While the American government
has covered the island with schools and is teaching
150,000 of the children English as well as Spanish, the
missionaries soon discovered that it was as necessary to
have distinctively Christian schools in Porto Rico as in
the United States much more necessary, if
comparison had to be made. The training of native
missionaries is indispensable if a strong native Church
is to be built up, and for this purpose the necessary
training-schools must be provided. There must be some
place in which to care for the boys and girls and young
men and women who have no suitable homes or home
training, if they are to be taught the Bible and
nourished in the Christian life. For higher and
Christian education there was a demand, as the first
schools opened under missionary auspices demonstra-
ted. There is little doubt that more and more emphasis
will be laid upon this phase of the work. There must be
not less evangelistic work, but more educational. Every
mission center should have its school, answering to the
particular need of the field. Nothing would strengthen
the work more, with a view to the future, than the
establishment of schools of the highest grade. These
schools would in no sense rival the public schools, any
more than do the Christian academies and colleges in
our own country. A theological seminary is an
imperative need, if a future ministry is to be provided.
To train these students in American seminaries and
colleges is impracticable, and of doubtful expediency. It
is likely to get them too much out of touch with the
island life.
Institutional Work. The missions have to extend
their sphere of service in many ways. The physical
development needs looking after, and the kindergarten
Page 14 C.R. Vol. 5 No. 1

and gymnasium, the cooking and sewing classes, and
all the ordinary forms of practical instruction find place
in the missionary curriculum. Two good hospitals have
been established as object-lessons of Christian
philanthropy. But more medical missionaries are
needed to instruct the people in the elementary
principles of hygiene and ventilation and proper care of
the body. This is a work in which all denominations
could unite, keeping three or four medical missionaries
at large at points where their services are most needed.
The country districts especially are ill supplied with
medical skill.
Difficulties of the Work
Difference of Race. Perhaps the chief difficulty to be
met, aside from the hostility of the priests, is the matter
of racial dissimilarity and the natural antagonism
between the Anglo-Saxon and the Latin. This race
feeling is not the same as that between the Anglo-Saxon
and the negro, but it is truly existent and must be taken
into account. There is prejudice on both sides, but
underneath prejudice the Anglo-Saxon at heart
distrusts the Latin, while the Latin dislikes the
Anglo-Saxon; and there is some basis for the feeling on
both sides. The Anglo-Saxon is superior in initiative
and resourcefulness. The Latin knows the Anglo-Saxon
methods as different from his, and also superior.
Whatever his air of courtesy, however graciously he may
seem to accept the inevitable, deep down there is a race
barrier that has never yet been overcome. Many
students of the races think it never can be; all that can
be hoped for is a peaceable and friendly and mutually
serviceable modus vivendi. Those who, in spite of the
ethnologists, believe that assimilation may be possible
are the missionaries, whose faith in the transforming
power of the gospel gives them hope of real unity
through religious experience. Surely it ought to be true
that a genuinely converted Latin and a genuinely
converted Anglo-Saxon might come to know and love
each other as brethren to such degree that at least the
racial prejudice should disappear. Evidences of this
result in the missions are gratifying. The relations

between the American and the native workers are close,
cordial, and brotherly, and friction is rare. As a
professional gentleman engaged temporarily in Porto
Rico said to me, it is the ill-bred, contemptuous, noisy,
boastful type of American, commonly in Porto Rico as a
commercial exploiter, who keeps the water of ill-feeling
boiling. Were it not for the American missionaries and
their unselfish and devoted labors there would be little
hope that the Porto Ricans would ever understand us as
we are in the main, or come to like us.
United States Officials. We have not always been
seen at our best in the Americans sent to the island in
official positions, but the average has been excellent
and the government as a whole worthy of high praise.
The manner in which the present head, Governor
George R. Colton, has won favor with the Porto Ricans
of all classes shows how necessary it is to have men of
high character and tact in that responsible office. By his
manifestation of sincere interest in the welfare of the
people, while at the same time making it clear that
demagogic leadership would find no favor at his hands,
Governor Colton has within six months from the time
he took office November, 1909 succeeded in
radically changing the attitude of the people toward the
American administration and people. He found intense
hostility against the United States regime. He devoted
himself to lifting the people out of the quagmire of
political discussion by pressing upon them their
business interests. Holding strictly aloof from local
politics, he talked of nothing but coffee, sugar, fruits,
and other agricultural products. When the politicians
tried to create political agitation, he talked business all
the more. As a result, he has allayed hostile feeling, has
secured the passage in seventeen days of the budget he
framed, and also the enactment of many important
measures. Among them is the donation of a site to the
Young Men's Christian Association in San Juan, upon
which a $125,000 building will be constructed, the
people of San Juan having raised $50,000 toward it, the
balance to come from the United States. The securing
of the subscriptions in the capital was one of the best
things for Protestantism yet done in Porto Rico, and the
building will aid the Christian missionaries greatly in
their work. Another act authorizes the expenditure of
$595,000 for good roads, which means that a road along
the coast will be built around the island, with small
stretches to connect all the important main roads. A
site has also been given to the Northern Methodists for
a school for boys, to be erected by outside subscriptions
and to cost not less than $50,000. This indicates a policy
to give sites where missionary boards agree to erect
buildings. That a Porto Rican legislature should make
such grants is significant; whether the policy seems wise
or not is another matter. The fact that every measure
endorsed by the governor was adopted by the legislature
proves that the future is full of hope for amicable
relations, which are essential for all the interests
involved, political, social, and religious.
The Influence of Comity
Protestant Cooperation. A standing argument and
persuasive one used by the Roman priests against the




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C.R. Jan/FeblMarch 1973 Page 15

Protestants is that of the unity of Catholicism and the
sectarian divisions of Protestantism. Happily the fruits
of comity are becoming evident, and an answer to the
argument of division is given in the Interdenomination-
al Conference of Porto Rico, which has held three
meetings in the ten years, the last one in San Juan in
November, 1908. The night sessions were so largely
attended that no church would hold the people, and the
theater, a spacious and handsome modern building,
was given free of charge for the purpose. That fact is
significant. So was the further fact that the address of
welcome was delivered by the Hon. Dr. Francisco del
Valle Atiles, mayor of San Juan, a man of high culture.
In a half-hour eloquent address he discussed the history
of religious liberty, and as he concluded his really
remarkable review the conference went wild in its
applause, according to the report of an eye-witness. The
influence of a man of his position and standing
addressing a Protestant conference is of great import in
Porto Rico. The response was by a physician of
Mayaguez, a Presbyterian, also a man of high
reputation. There was a fine representation of delegates
from all the denominations at work on the island, and
the subjects discussed were of broad character. The
first was "The Unity of Protestantism," the second
"Protestantism and Education," and so on. "The
Relation of the Church and the State," a matter of
great significance in Porto Rico, was ably presented, in
a way to influence public opinion. The conference made
for fellowship and harmony, and there was a happy,
optimistic spirit throughout. The brethren see that a
united Porto Rican Protestantism is the only force that
can successfully oppose the Catholic Church and
redeem the island.
Missionary Experiences
People's Hunger for the Gospel. One missionary says:
"Two weeks ago I went to a point an hour and a half
ride interior from Trujillo Alto. It was the second time
in all the history of the island that they had the
opportunity to hear the gospel. How the 120 men and
women watched me; how they listened; one man said he
hoped I would preach two hours! They learned for the
first time a gospel hymn. Most of them heard the gospel
for the first time. They want a teacher, but where is he
to come from?"
Patience under Persecution. What is the gospel doing
for Porto Rican character? Let this missionary
testimony answer: "The conference was held in a
thatched-roof building built by the native brethren and
seating about a hundred people. These hill people are
poor. The pastor of the little church is a well-to-do
farmer, but his income from his coffee plantation falls
short of $500. The Christians are suffering a peculiar
kind of persecution. Sugar-cane planting has called
many men from the hills to the valleys at just the season
when their hill lands should be worked and planted.
When harvest-time comes there is nothing to gather
and the people are hungry. Those who are not
Christians have turned thieves and are robbing their
more fortunate neighbors. Knowing that the Christians
will not retaliate they are robbing them right and left. It

is marvelous to see the patience with which they endure
all this, with no thought of retaliation, trusting that the
Lord will provide for them, as indeed he has up to the
present time." That shows practical fruits of the new
Ready Participation in Meetings. A visitor in the
eastern end of the island says: "I attended a mid-week
meeting in a church which would be a credit in any of
our New England villages. Many in our northern
churches might profit by taking note of that
prayer-meeting at Fajardo. No time was lost. As soon as
one speaker took his seat another was on his feet." That
is characteristic.
Generosity to the Needy. A woman missionary says:
"It was Saturday afternoon, and the girls and boys of
the industrial class had taken a nice patchwork quilt to
a poor homeless invalid who is sheltered by one and
another of kind-hearted people who take her in. And
here I see another good quality of the Porto Ricans. An
orphan child or an old person left without support
always finds a friend or friends among those who have
little to give, but give that little gladly."
The Outlook
What of To-morrow? American Protestantism is giving
to the people a veritable and pronounced religious and
social elevation. After such a remarkable advance
during the past ten years, and with such a splendid
condition existing to-day, we should rightfully expect
the near future to be heavy with enlargement and
permanent progress. The next few years will witness
unprecedented progress along educational and
industrial lines. But what will be the religious, the
social, and the moral condition of Porto Rico
to-morrow? This question is of the most vital interest to
Christ and to his Church. The answer will in part
depend upon the movements of government, upon
educational advance, and upon industrial prosperity.
But with all these outward conditions and above them
the answer to this question will depend upon the loyal
sacrifice and activity of the Christian forces of America
to-day. Will we provide a sufficient leadership and a
sufficient working plant? This is the immediate
demand upon American Christianity. We have heroic
and consecrated and efficient workers on the firing line.
Will we support them? Our answer to this will
determine the to-morrow of Porto Rico.
The Goal a Paradise Regained. The sad and desolate
yesterday, the ripe and hopeful to-day, with all the
varied activities enlisted in our home churches as well
as on the field itself, prophesy an intelligent and
Christian Porto Rico to-morrow. The end is one
devoutly to be wished, devotedly to be worked for,
determinedly to be accomplished. American Christians
of to-day have it in their power, with the divine
approval, to bring it to pass that this fair garden of
Porto Rico in the southern seas shall be a "Paradise
Regained." Already, in both Cuba and Porto Rico, the
new era of civil and religious liberty has begun, and the
missionaries of the cross are making conquest for
Christ. As a result of our study, shall we not assure
them that they will not lack adequate support. e

Page 16 C.R. Vol. 5 No. 1

Oil by Raymond Jacques

Le Colibri

Galerie D'Art

If you'd like to find out more about us
(about our artists, our stock, our prices,
etc.) then just drop us a line....

Herv6 Mehu, Directeur
Le Colibri Galerie D'Art
27 Rue Pan Americaine
Petion Ville, HAITI

Look what a
about us:

recent reviewer said

For many years painting in Haiti
remained submerged as a dormant talent.
Recently Haitian painting has experienced
a renaissance. The revival is largely the
result of tourism and the promotion of Le
('en tre d'Art.
Herve Mehu, who used to be the
Assistant Director of Le Centre d'Art but
who now runs his own art gallery on the
Rue Pan Americaine in Petionville,
cautions that the real Haitian contribution

to the painting medium is in primitive art.
The concept of primitive art doesn't mean
"fossil art that one finds in caves but
present-day production." So why then do
they call it primitive?
As he puts it:
"... at the level of pictural or sculptural
technique, our artists do not bother
themselves with conventional rules to
render and express a created universe.
Totally ignorant of formal and rigid
academism, they seize upon reality
through the primitive vision that they have
of it. They paint scenes of life which ap-
pear grotesque to us at first sight because
they do not correspond to the balanced
image that we have of the world. Three
dimensional space is turned upside down.
No more depth, breadth, or height. Only
forms of extreme mobility count to the
point of sometimes giving the illusion of
swarming animated, manifold life.
"The vivid, irridescent colors add a
touch of the bizarre to these forms which
throw them into relief. This predominance
of raw color has often intrigued the critics
of art who have finally recognized that
they are the expression of an enveloping
luminosity fixing everything in the
majesty, if not the magic, of the tropical
sun. This contributes to establishing the
close correspondence between art and
daily life, and better arouses our emotions
and makes us appreciate the 'multiple
splendors of life'."
Haitian poverty has sent her people into
the streets to look for their daily needs.
One sees them walking to and fro, carrying
things here and there, selling things in the
streets. They somehow don't seem
resigned to the meager fruits their
economy wants to assign them. The Afro-
Haitian popular folk culture reflects this
vitality, this active attempt not to accept
Frankly, the paintings that I liked best
not only demonstrate this folk vitality in
form but also in content. We bought two
paintings from Herve. They are both of
street scenes. The larger one by
Raymound Jacques shows a village street
over-flowing with men and women
engaged in the labors of market buying
and selling. The other one by Gilbert
Ddsird is of a street scene beneath a house-
filled mountain and boat-filled lake. Here
people are just walking back and forth
with no commerce involved.
In both cases the perspective is lousy but
the color just great. In the first one the
figures are fuller and more detailed while
the other has figures that are but stylized
lines and filled-in forms. Both are
miraculously endowed with life.

Susan Sheinman.
writing in Caribbean Traveler

: ,. CC.R. Jan/FeblMarch 1973 Page 17


Page 18 C.R. Vol. 5 No. 1

Adriano [Papacito, b. 1908];
Bertica [b. 1903];
Julieta's twin;
Luisa [b. 1913];
Rosario Mota,

Maria [1880?-1917?] &
Adriano Mota
[21 pregnancies]

The Santana Family: A Political Family
from San Pedro de Macoris

The Carvajal Family: A Merchant Family

ed, n ank Xy0v





,by Ligia Espinal de Hoetink

The following excerpts are from a larger manuscript by
Ligia Espinal de Hoetink. The manuscript's style is a
cross between the imaginative literature of Garcia
Marquez [of 100 Anos de Soledad fame] and the
sociological analyses of Harmannus Hoetink's El
Pueblo Dominicano: Apuntes para su Sociologia
Historica, 1850-1900. In many ways the manuscript
provides the "empirical" data necessary for any social
scientific analysis of Santo Domingo during the turn of
the century "empirical," in the best sense of that
term, as used before it took on the quantitative stigma
that it has today.
The vignettes are small biographical sketches about
individuals whose families and lives intertwine. There is
a certain Durellian multiperspective about it as the
consequences of an act, or sequence of acts, affect the
different families in different ways.
The reader will be aware of the effect larger political
movements have on the daily lives of the individuals
concerned. The historical changes start with the death
in 1899 of Dominican dictator Ulises Heureaux [Lilis]
who ruled Santo Domingo from 1887. The leaders that
followed him were Don Juan Isidro Jiminez, who
became president, and Don Horacio Vasquez, who
became vice-president. In 1902 a revolution put
Vasquez in power and exiled Jiminez. In 1903 a
revolution of followers of Jiminez and Heureaux put
Woss y Gil in power and exiled Vasquez. At the end of
the same year a revolution by followers ofJiminez and
Vasquez put General Morales Languasco in power. To
help follow this game of political musical chairs the
reader should be aware of certain terms: the followers
of Heurexux were known as the lilistas; those of
Jimenez, as bolos or jimenistas; of Vasquez, as
horacistas. The manuscript was translated from the
Spanish by Jose M. Aybar. -B.B.L.

Celia Carvajal [188?-194?]
The father was Don Juan de Jesus Carvajal, and his wife
was Dona Felipa. Their children were David, Celita
(who married a gentleman named Esteban Santana),
Tata (who married Fanfan Viciosa), Tila (who married
Luis Pastor), Aurora, and Rosita (Rosa Blanca).
Their house, described by Francisco Veloz Maggiolo
in his book, La Misericordia y sus contornos, was built
of palm and zinc and was situated on Charity Street at
the corner of Santome. It was here that Juan de Jesus
Carvajal "made an arbor from foreign wood with a roof
of zinc; in the patio . he set up a bakery fully
independent from the house . and a well stocked
general store." It was said that Don Juan de Jesus was
"hero of the restoration" and that he received a pension
for this status. During the second presidency of J.J.
Jimenez, in 1914, Celita was awarded his pension. The
mother, Dona Felipa, had a Crucified Christ, inherited
from her family and preserved by Rosa Blanca and
Tila. To us, it seemed that it was from the eighteenth
century very beautiful and multi-colored.
I do not know the fate of the only male, David. The
five sisters remained closely united. During this period,
when Esteban Santana met young Celita and courted
her, it seemed that the sisters lived together with their
mother. Tila is a contemporary of Rosario Mota. Both
were adolescent youths in 1908, when young Adriano
(Papacito) Mota was born, the last male survivor of
Adriano Mota and Maria Santana. The families lived
together in Ciudad Nueva close to Independence Park.
They maintained an intimate and affectionate
relationship, always sharing food, clothes, and
medicine for the numerous pregnancies and multiple
sicknesses of the children.
The younger Carvajal sisters, who were the same then
as today serene and docile would surely not

C.R. Jan/FeblMarch 1973 Page 19

participate in the political passions of the Santanas -
Esteban Santana and Maria Santana Mota. They
would marvel at this phenomenon, shaking their heads
and murmuring prayers to the many saints. The two
sisters were of gentle bearing: full of dignity, with the
erect posture typical of their generation (the fruits of
paternal discipline) and with infrequent, self-contained
gestures by hands always soft and well manicured (in
spite of domestic tasks which challenged any threat of
leisure). They would sit without ever crossing their legs,
their knees always together, backs erect, and hands
preferably in their laps, never in a careless fashion.
They spoke slowly, clearly and not excessively. They
cultivated the forgotten art of knowing how to listen,
guarding their appearance in and out of the house,
wearing hose in the afternoon and hats and gloves
whenever they went into the street. In today's world,
their regal-like behavior, which was so common then,
would be considered exceptional. Their serenity,
modesty, and apparent gentility hid firm spirits forged
by the force of discipline and morality.
After Juan de Jesus Carvajal died, Santanita
(Esteban Santana) was forced to take charge of the
family; so much so that he resolved to imitate the
example of old man Carvajal by starting a small bakery.
Upon the death of Lilis, politics became the overriding
concern of all the men of the country; it was
unthinkable that Sanatanita continue as a baker. The
new century brought the Carvajal sisters a period of
great happiness in the birth of Rosita, daughter of
Celita and Esteban Santana. On the other hand, it also
brought a period of upheaval and anxiety since
Esteban's life was in constant danger. In 1902, when
Santanita was jailed at San Pedro de Macoris by order
of the Governor of the province, General Luis Maria
Hernandez Brea (horacista), Celita went before him
with Clara, Esteban's elder sister, in order to intercede.
Hernandez refused, damaging the self-respect of this
woman who did not waver in kneeling before him while
emphasizing her plea. The very proud Clara also
kneeled, "drinking her tears," according to Rosita
Santana. Upon seeing this negative reaction, Celita
recovered her dignity and transformed it into
arrogance, saying: "get up Clara, let us leave here;
remember that grapes ripen in their own time." The
two women left haughtily, with a rustling of their silk
skirts and a clicking of their suede boots. It goes
without saying that they carried roses and umbrellas
and wore wide hats, gloves, and embroidered
handkerchiefs. Hernandez felt insulted but impotent.
Later in the day, another woman asked to see him, and
the Governor replied: "I don't want to see anymore
women today. Because if another one comes like the
two that came this morning, I'll have to jail all the
women of Macoris." Thirty years later, during the
hurricane of San Zenon, the sisters had occasion to deal
with Luis Maria Hernandez. When he went to their
house to thank them, he became speechless when he
saw a picture of Santanita hung in the living room. He
didn't say anything nor did they but continued
visiting them from time to time.

The years 1903-1904 were decisive and tragic in the
lives of the Carvajal sisters. There was the Revolution of
March 23, 1903, the siege of the capital, and the fire of
San Carlos. They lived through all these catastrophes,
fearing for Santana's life, while at the same time proud
of his accomplishments that won him two promotions.
The brief government of Alejandro Woss y Gil was an
oasis of peace, where Santana could finally enjoy his
wife and daughter, who was now three years old. The
fall of Woss y Gil and the subsequent revolution forced
Santana to make a decision: he resolved to join the
revolution and to leave for Bani.
One afternoon in January of 1904, Celita prepared,
amidst protests and tears, his "revolutionary attire." To
this very day Rosa Blanca and Tila have imaginary
discussions with Santanita about his erroneous decision
to choose the revolution instead of taking refuge in the
home of his sister, Maria: "I told him, he should not
have done it. But he did not want to listen to us ... Ah,
if only he had gone to Maria's house, nothing would
have happened!" But Esteban left, tenderly embracing
them while telling them not to worry, and scurried out
into the twilight. Several weeks later, an exhausted and
tattered messenger arrived with a package of bloody
clothing. It was his uniform. Simultaneously, in
Macoris, Altagracia Castillo received her son's hat.
"Tell my mother that I have died." There was great
lamentation among family and friends. The three
women could do nothing but cry and console
themselves with the little girl who seemed now more
precious than ever. General Lico Castillo searched in
vain for the body of Santana in Bani. At the end of
several months, there was no choice but to accept the
fact that Santanita was dead and that the government
which had entrenched itself in power was the one
against which Santanita had fought and from which no
help could be expected. From Macoris the tragic news
of the deaths of Rosendo and Amalio arrived. In such a
manner, the terrible year of 1904 ended.
The sisters remained together, surrounding the
young girl Rosita with love and affection and always
continuing to call her "La Mina." They did not break
their ties with La Nina's grandmother. Several times a
year, they took La Nina to Macoris, where the
grandmother presented herself, sour and apathetic. As
often as possible, they took photographs in Senior's
studio to send them to Macoris. After the mourning,
Rosa Blanca and Tila also had their pictures taken.
There were some very poetic photographs of Rosa
Blanca wearing the big hats of the period, the
half-length skirts, and the soft pleats of the dress
showing off her youthful, slender figure.
The death of Maria Santana Mota in 1917 broke the
ties between the Carvajal sisters and La Nina. The
memory of Esteban Santana never died in the home of
the Carvajals. He was always a vivid, vibrant figure for
his daughter, who could not possibly have remembered
him alive. Seventy years later, his sisters-in-law still
regret his decision on that afternoon in January 1904.

Maria Santana [18807-19177]

Page 20 C.R. Vol. 5 No. 1

There is no doubt in my mind that she was an
exceptional woman. The stories told by the Carvajal
sisters confirm her personality. In less than forty years,
she had twenty-one pregnancies, the large majority of
which were miscarriages. Many children died young
(among them Romeo, Julietta's twin, and another boy
called Eduardito). In those years of high infant
mortality throughout all of the country's social classes,
eight children grew to adulthood. One might think that
all this activity drained her spirit and energy; but her
physical vigor and great spirit never let her down. Her
first births were attended by a midwife, but, by 1900,
Dr. Roman Fernandez attended her and warned that
her life was in danger if she had many more children.
With each pregnancy and subsequent birth, the
concern of her physician increased; but what could one
do in those days?
The couple got along well together. Maria always
kept herself attractive, lacking the docile temperament
which would have allowed her husband, Adriano Mota,
to support another "home." In the twentieth-century,
she had five more children: Adriano (1908), Luisa
(1913), Altagracia, Alfredo, and, when the latter was a
year-and-a-half old, another boy. As a result of this last
childbirth, she suffered toxemia, causing her to become
bedridden. At midnight, Adriano, who slept in the
same room on a small cot while his wife occupied the
nuptial bed (still bedecked in lace and blue ribbons),
was awakened upon hearing her get up. Maria calmed
him with a smile and, with a gesture, insisted that he go
back to sleep while she continued on her way to that
indispensable piece of furniture in those old-fashioned
bedrooms upon which rested a wash basin, a jar of
water, and a chamber pot. Adriano fell asleep and woke
up a little later, surprised by the silence. He saw Maria
crouching by the bed with her head resting in her hands
in a position of sweet sleep. After calling "vieja,"
"viejal" and not receiving an answer, he touched her
and realized that she had died.
They buried her in the cemetery on Independence
Avenue, where her tomb and that of Adriano were
carefully taken care of by Rosario. The newborn child
died shortly afterwards. Her death, as operatic as it
might seem, amidst lace and embroidery, is not the
most important part of her life. This was the first and
last time that she bowed her head before a superior
force. In all other instances, we find her facing forces
impossible to combat, often winning. She did not do
battle as a soldier but rather as a woman of the
nineteenth-century a very feminine woman and
though her battles were not fought upon a battlefield
but in the palaces of dignitaries and in her home, there
was no reason to believe that she was less courageous
than her brother Esteban. It required an extra dosage
of moral force to act in that time as a decisive and
energetic woman. Fortunately, she never had to suffer
the disapproval of her friends, family, or neighbors,
since she never acted outside the limits of those
activities that were permitted a woman, she caused no
scandal. Above all, she employed her energy to become
a "superwoman," as understood in the society of her
day. As a woman she could intercede through a priest

or friend before a high dignitary; but, as a
"superwoman," she had the temerity to go as high as
the President. A woman could defend a threatened
brother with words or prayers, but she defended him
with a pistol. A woman earned some additional money
dress-making or preparing candies, but she set up a
general store in Ciudad Nueva.
By Dominican standards, she was a tall woman,
dark-skinned, with straight black hair "that one could
embroider with," as her daughter once said. Her
graceful carriage made her presence noted wherever she
went; she dressed with meticulous care and simplicity.
Of a happy temperament, she liked to organize
gatherings and small neighborhood parties, sometimes
to celebrate something, but more frequently, to raise
her husband's spirits when he was overwhelmed by his
multiple worries.
Adriano Mota did not have the same kind of
ebullient spirit that allowed one to overcome obstacles.
First, he was an asthmatic; second, his character was
placid, timid, and withdrawn. He couldn't have been
more different from Maria, who was all dynamism and
optimism. She was the one who gave him the spirit
necessary for his various capitalist forays: the grocery
store on Calle Separacion [El Conde], the founding of
"La Piragua," etc. In addition, it was she who got him
out of the Fortaleza where he was being held a
tragic-comic episode which we are about to relate.
Sometime after this event, Ulises Heureux was
assassinated, and a glorious and anxious period began
in which Maria was involved. When her brother,
Esteban, entered politics, Maria supported his
decisions with firm devotion. In the beginning of 1902,
when Esteban resolved to support Don Juan Isidro
Jimenez, Maria also took on thejimenista label and was
to become more passionately bolaa" than her brother.
Adriano Mota was also a sympathizer of Jimenez. In his
home province of Barahona, the Mota family was well
known for revolts supporting Jimenez. Esteban liked to
consult each of his political steps with his enthusiastic
sister and with his prudent brother-in-law; the Mota
house was a second home for him. In 1902, with the
establishment of the government of Horacio Vasquez,
Esteban was branded as a conspirator and a member of
the opposition. His house was singled-out, as was that
of Maria which he so often frequented. It was in those
days that Esteban was wounded in some "conflict" with
government troops, miraculously coming out alive but
badly hurt in the right arm. On horseback he went
towards the capital and wanted to take refuge in
Maria's house. The family was horrified at his battered
condition. While Maria was helping him take off his
shirt in order to dress the wound, mute knocks on the
door echoed throughout the house. In those days, the
family had a small general store occupying the front
room of the house. The second room, clearly visible
from the street, was occupied by the large dining table
which partially supported the wounded, half-dying
soldier. His sweating horse was stamping its hoofs in
the courtyard. The knocks on the door were
immediately recognized as belonging to the butts of the
bayonets of the horacista soldiers, and panic filled the
C.R. Jan/FeblMarch 1973 Page 21

house. Santanita, looking at his still-saddled horse,
wanted to get up, but he lacked the energy. Maria
reacted in her characteristic manner and signalled the
servant to open the door. She moved toward the
entrance, arranging her hair and straightening the
buttons of her white blouse. In the hot sun of the street,
framed against the large red doors, two soldiers
appeared with fixed bayonets, ready for attack. "Are
you Maria Santana, sister of Captain Esteban
Santana?" "Yes." Looking them straight in the eye,
"What can I do for you?" "We have orders to arrest
your brother, and we have been told that he's hiding
here." Our lady, with a wave of her hand, directed them
to the dining room. "There he is."
Behind her, Esteban was attempting to get up and
reach his gun. Simultaneously, the soldiers moved
forward, also pulling out their hand guns. But Maria
had pulled out a pistol from the cabinet, and she
pointed it directly at one of the soldiers, holding it with
both hands. Everyone froze. The children, witnesses to
this scene, held their breath. Maria repeated, with calm
deliveration: "There he is; but don't you touch him,
bandits!" The soldiers wavered (particularly the one
who would have been the target of the bullet).
"Please, madame, drop your weapon." Maria
refused to say another word (perhaps her voice had
failed her). Nor would she take her eyes from the soldier
- and the pistol remained firmly gripped in her hand!
"We don't want to cause you any harm. Do not provoke
an incident. Permit us to carry out our orders. We have
orders from higher up." But, when they wavered at the
first moment before the unexpected defense by the
woman, they had already lost the battle. The men
looked at each other trying to intimidate her again.
Finally, they retreated, promising to return with eight
soldiers and a commander with orders from the
When they entered the sunswept street, still
deliberating, Maria ran to close the large doors and to

bar them. Only then did she rest her forehead, suddenly
sweaty, shaking from head to foot.
In this way the year 1903 began, a year of national
and family cataclysms. Possibly at this time, the other
daughter, Bertica, was born. Her birth was surrounded
by great upheavals and sorrows: the March Revolution,
the siege of the capital, numerous deaths, the burning
of cadavers, the terrible battle of April 19th (only five
days after the fire of San Carlos), and finally, the
triumph of the Revolution. During these days, Maria
and Adriano remained united with their young family.
Santanita caused them both fear and pride: fear when
he went into battle; pride when he was promoted to the
rank of Commander. Maria was obliged to limit herself
to caring for the children in those fateful days. She
would have liked to take up arms and to go into the
streets. The presence of Adriano had a tranquillizing
effect because she found indispensable his calm words,
serene hand, and dispassionate manner of interpreting
the events all qualities which were not to be found in
Maria's temperament. At the beginning of January
1904, Esteban went to his sister's house for a moment to
inform her of his joining thejimenista revolutionaries in
Bani. Maria, with her heart suddenly oppressed,
begged her brother to remain hidden in her house. Her
brother, whom she so loved and who so resembled her,
left then for the last time. Some months later, Amalio
and Rosendo died in Macoris. The year 1904 was one
full of grief.
Maria would see many revolutions before the
American intervention. She would always follow the
events with great interest, helping the jimenistas, and
her house continued being a refuge for the pursued
boloss" and a center for reunions and political
discussions. Many politicians of importance knew the
Motas and became godfathers to one of the children.
The economic situation of the family was always
troublesome due to the sickness of Adriano, who would
become depressed when he viewed his constantly

Page 22 C.R. Vol. 5 No. 1

growing family and the poorly stocked general store. He
would sigh and sit down in the rocker in the patio.
Maria would say: "Come on, old man, don't lose your
spirit! Go on, and you will see the surprise I have for
you." She would dress with great pomp and ceremony.
She would make Rosario accompany her to the store of
godfather X, the owner of a grocery warehouse. Then
mother and daughter would return home, and a little
later the oxcart would be full of items from the store.
Thus they carried out the economic operations which
consisted, more or less, of barter. The small general
store also provided the material to make pleasant the
burials of numerous neighbors. They would arrive,
saying: "Ay, Don Fulano died, and how are we going to
bury him if there's no money for anything? Ay, Dona
Maria, I came to see if you would help us." Maria, with
a generous heart, would immediately look around her.
There were candles for the wake of the deceased, coffee,
sugar, a quart of rum and the social problem was
resolved. Frequently, one used to hear: "The wake was
paid for by Maria Santana, because she provided the
The children continued to be born, one after the
other. Dr. Roman admonished the couple, predicting
that Maria would someday pay with her life for one of
her pregnancies. At the same time, the doctor admired
Maria for her optimistic and courageous spirit. Doctor
and patient also would play political jokes on one
another. At one of her deliveries, Dr. Roman told Maria
that he had a medicine to attenuate the pain at the
opportune moment, a marvel that he had just received
from Europe. Maria gave him effusive thanks. When
the time of birth approached, the expectant mother was
already in bed in labor, the doctor seated by her side,
holding her hand firmly. In order to bolster her spirit,
he began to jest with her: "Right now I'll give you the
anesthetic if you deny Jimenez and declare yourself
horacista." "Never," panted Maria roguishly; "I an a
jimenista until death. Before going over to the Coluo
Party, I'll have my child without your anesthetic."
In 1916, the North American military occupation
took place, which ended the instability of the country.
Rosario had met a young Spanish immigrant who came
from a town close to Santo Domingo de Silos in Castilla
La Vieja. When he left Spain, via Madrid, a large
central avenue to be named La Gran Via was being
built. The courtship with Antonio Langa made Maria
happy because it was known that the Spaniards were
diligent and assiduous and were able to advance
themselves in work. Another daughter, Aracelli, who
was very beautiful, caught the eye of a young man,
Aquiles Penson, from a "good" family in the center of
the city. Maria viewed this relationship with
apprehension, as well as with pride.
This was how things were at the time of her death.
The whole family came from Macoris to attend the
funeral: her mother, the "servants," the brothers and
sisters and their wives (Luis Santana went with his wife,
Beatrice Vincent, still on their honeymoon and already
expecting their first son, Porfirio). Adriano, crushed by
the weight of the tragedy, sometime later married
Senora Concha Sepulveda, an event that signalled the

disintegration of the old home. Adriano had quite a few
more children with Senora Sepulveda; among them the
best known is Rhadames Sepulveda (Pildorin).
Esteban Santana [18657-1904]
The favorite son of his mother, Esteban reciprocated
this devotion in like manner. Sensing that death was
near, he charged a subordinate to have his uniform
taken to his wife and his hat to his mother and to "tell
them that I have died."
From the remaining photographs one can tell that he
was a handsome man, with a somewhat elongated face,
good posture, and very expressive eyes. Those who
remember him say that he was tall, graceful, elegant,
jovial, a singer and musician, sympathetic and affable.
He was loved by his brothers and nephews (Rosario
remembers him perfectly and with great childish
affection). Like all of the children, he played all the
available musical instruments: guitar, cuatro, and
mandolin. Undoubtedly, he would have been a lover of
serenades and parties. At the death of his father, Jose
Santana, he and his elder brother, Mateo, were left in
charge of exercising parental authority over the younger
children, who called them "Papa Mateo" and "Papa
Santana." The brothers closer to him in age, Rosendo
and Amalio, saw in Esteban an example for them to
follow and imitated him in everything. The favorite
sister, Maria, who was just a little older than he, adored
him with the devotion of her affectionate temperament.
He returned this affection and allowed himself to be
influenced by her more than by any other person except
his mother, who was at the same time his friend and
His family relationship showed a man very much in
love with his family, preoccupied with its welfare, who
was understanding and frequently played the part of
the conciliator when anyone made a "mistake." He was
liberal and modern in his approving attitude toward his
widowed mother's admirer, the teacher from Macoris,
Romulo Morel. His public life was characterized by
courage, audaciousness, boldness, and a passion to
lead. The Santana warrior, untamed and warlike, with
his spectacular exploits, would overshadow Santana the
family man, whose loss is still lamented by all those who
remember him. "General Santana," "Santana," and
"Santanita" were the names to prevail in the familial
mythology over "Papa Santana" and "Esteban." His
name was going to acquire adjectival qualities
synonymous with courage: "Aren't you a Santana?"
scoundrels would ask his brother, Luis. "My Santana
blood came out" was said when someone acted with
courage in a dangerous situation. "You cannot deny
that he is a Santana" is said when a child gets hurt and
swallows his tears without crying. "Am I not a
Santana? I do not need anesthesia," the daughter of
Felix would say during a difficult childbirth. "Those
Santanas are very brave." Anyone who was related to
him felt compelled to live up to the Santana name. He
was killed in the flower of his youth and the sorrow of
losing him was crystallized in a myth of gallantry and
boldness (founded upon reality, of course).
Towards the end of the nineteenth-century, Santana
often traveled between San Pedro de Macoris and the
C.R. Jan/FeblMarch 1973 Page 23

capital, where his sister, Maria, lived after her marriage
to Adriano Mota. At about age thirty, Santana decided
to become a family man and married Celia Carvajal.
The newlyweds settled in Ciudad Nueva, maintaining
close contacts with Maria's and Adriano's family. It
was in those years that Esteban set up the bakery.
When Lilis was assassinated in 1899, Santana became
totally absorbed by politics, a field of action suited to
his temperament. Sympathizing as much with Juan
Isidro Jimenez as with Horacio Vasquez, Santana made
direct contact with the latter through the fraternal
cousin of his mother, General Manuel de Js. Castillo
(Lico). Horacio Vasquez was the godfather of Rosita
(the daughter of Celita and Esteban), even though he
was Vice-President, not President. At that time,
Vasquez and Jimenez were still allies. At the
commencement of the gradual estrangement between
the two caudillos, Santana found himself in a very
difficult position. Compromised by Don Horacio
through his ties as godfather and through his family
relationship to General Castillo, Santana, nevertheless,
believed that Jimenez, as constitutional president,
should have the right to finish his legal term in office.
Finally, he decided to defend Jimenez and therefore was
marked as being definitely "bolo" as was the remainder
of the family. Apparently, he knew Jimenez because the
latter made him Captain of the Army some days before
being sent into exile.
From April 1902 until March 23, 1903, Santana was
to become "persona non grata" in the country. He
would have to become prudent in his actions and words,
while at the same time conferring with thejimenistas in
order to make life difficult for the government of
Horacio Vasquez. He, Rosendo, and Amalio were in
fact exiled to Cuba, the Mecca of revolutionaries of
both sides. Many times they were condemned to death,
but the sentences were never carried out because the
government feared creating any incidents. Often they
participated in guerrilla attacks and were wounded.
The manner in which Santanita was "arrested" is
worthwhile relating. According to Rosita Santana, her
father was never arrested, even though he was jailed in
some prison. But whenever the guards went to look for
him and he saw that there was no alternative, he would
say: "Well, all right, I'll go with you; but one thing -
don't you dare touch me or disarm me, much less
surround me. I will go on foot to jail, and you can keep
me company, walking behind, because I don't walk
behind anyone." Finally, he would emerge,
meticulously dressed, his pistol in the holster, tipping
his hat to passers-by, with the guards acting as his
On March 23, 1903, the coup at the Fortaleza de la
Capital took place, led by General Alejandro Woss y
Gil (lilisista) and with the support of the jimenistas.
Santana took part in the battle and was numbered
among the most courageous men, miraculously
emerging without injury while many well known
generals on both sides lost their lives. The alarming
situation of the city the fires, the wounded, and the
unburied bodies caused him great anxiety about the

Wouldn't you rather be here than almost anywhere?

We would like to keep this beach
as it is well, maybe a couple of dozen
people sunbathing, snorkeling, fishing, or
just splashing about wouldn't take
away from the beauty of the white beach and
the crystal clear water. We also have
another thirty odd beaches just like this one.
We have freeport shops for rare bargains.
Dutch, French, and oriental food will make
you forget your waistline. Then we have
really great hotels, large and small,
all designed to make your vacation in
Sint Maarten a gracious and memorable one.

Sint Maarten Tourist Board
St. Maarten, N. A.

Page 24 C.R. Vol. 5 No. 1


families, children and defenseless women. Nevertheless,
everything came out all right. Woss y Gil promoted
Santana to Commander and at the end of the
Revolution, once he became constitutional President,
promoted him to Colonel.
During the month of October, the Revolution of "La
Union" began, led by General Carlos Morales
Languasco. Marrero Aristy says: "The government,
besieged by national and foreign creditors, with only
700 soldiers, without credit and with a large sector of
the administration estranged (i.e., the bolo-jimenista
group), was obliged to capitulate November 24th, giving
up command to the generals under Morales Languasco,
whose explosive revolutionary action increased the
country's internal debt by $700,000."
Santana found himself among the few defenders of
the government of Woss y Gil, and, on the 23rd of
November, the latter promoted him to the rank of
General of Brigads. The following day, Woss y Gil had
to seek asylum in the English Consulate, and Santana
was left "in the air." He did not want to support
Morales Languasco who was a "bolo" like himself
and who received for several days the support of the
majority ofjimenistas as well as of the horacistas. Not
many days would pass before Morales Languasco would
break with hisfimenista friends, who turned their backs
on him, leaving him supported only by the horacistas.
Upon retracting their support from the new president,
the jimenistas hurried to overthrow the same
government which they had recently installed in power
some days previously. All over the country, "guerrilla
attire" was prepared, horses saddled, and the
Revolution was on.
Santana took a ship back to Macoris in January
1904, where he held a conference with his mother,
Rosendo, and Amalio, still weighing the possibilities
open to him: exile, joining the revolution, or seeking
refuge in some friendly house. Upon leaving his parents
house to board the ship which was to take him back to
the capital, and after saying his goodbyes, Esteban
stopped for an instant by the door and re-entered the
house, taking from his overcoat a small pouch filled
with gold doubloons. "Take it, mother, perhaps you
will need it if we don't see each other again." Altagracia
protested, frightened by the somber thoughts of her
son, she rejected the gift. But he insisted, and
Altagracia kept the money for fifteen years, until one
day it was stolen by scoundrels. Esteban left without
turning his head and without seeing the picture of his
mother standing in the doorway of the house where he
was born. The trip by schooner was one of the last ones
made, because a few days later President Morales
Languasco closed all ports to private shipping, making
the rapid transport of jimenista arms and men
In the capital, Santana listened attentively and
understandingly to the arguments of his family and of
the women who, with a mixture of reasoning, begging
and tears, in a confused and incoherent manner,
wanted to protect his life. "La Nina," three years old,
her eyes large and frightened due to the atmosphere of
tension, was the most powerful argument. Santana

himself thought of exile as a possibility, but his political
friends demanded his presence in the field of battle.
The flaming uniform of General of Brigade had to
have its "baptism by fire." When 'they' came, they
convinced him," says Rosa Blanca. "He did not want to
follow our advice but, instead, listened to that of the
Once his decision was made, Santana left
immediately by horse to Bani, dressed in his
"revolutionary attire." The discussion between him and
the women of his family was indecisive and
inconslusive. The things that he should have said but
didn't these echoed in his mind, and the warm
atmosphere of reproach in which they allowed him to
leave caused him sorrow. At the same time, the final
moments with his family were to give him comfort and
would make him laugh from time to time as he relived
the confusion of tears, arguments, and saintly
invocations. His farewell to his sister, Maria, was
perhaps more depressing because it so little resembled
his courageous, optimistic sister. She also begged and
cried as if it were not Maria the courageous but
Clara, or Celita, the timid and prudent.
Some weeks later, they arrived at Bani, where they
fought several battles. In one of them, Santana was
wounded. There are two versions of his death. The
Carvajals say that a surgeon operated on his abdomen
to remove a bullet and ordered Santana to remain in
bed without drinking liquids. But, in the night, with the
scarce vigilence of improvised field hospitals, Santana
arose and drank a little water which provoked an attack
of peritonitis. The heroic version of his death the
myth of "Santanita" is as follows: With the
abdominal bullet wound recently operated upon,
Santana was in bed when an enemy attack took place at
midnight. All got up to fight and recommended that
Santana remain in bed. "General, do not move!" But
Santana got up and, taking his revolver, went out to
fight an activity which caused the reopening of his
wound. Thus he died, with the left hand holding his
abdomen and shooting with the right.
The truth is that on that terrible day an exhausted
and tattered messenger knocked on Celita's door,
handing her a small package the uniform. At the
same time, Altagracia Castillo de Santana received the
hat. General Manuel Jesus de Castillo immediately
moved toward Bani with ease for he was a friend of the
government, and tried to investigate the area in
order to find Santana's body. Even though he was able
to find the place, however, he learned that all who had
died in the battle were buried in a common grave. Forty
years later, Rosita also was to go by that spot, but she
saw nothing more than a beautiful peasant landscape,
rustic, peaceful, full of flowers, covered by a cupola of
clear and splendorous skies.
Verdun, Dunkirk, the fields of Normandy, where the
peaceful rural scenes acquire sad shades, with vast
areas covered by anonymous white crosses as far as
the eye can see. If one were to do the same in our
country, how many vast cemeteries would we have of
good men from both parties who lost their lives in a
struggle doubly sad because of its futility! e
C.R. JanlFeblMarch 1973 Page 25



by Thomas Mathews

After the second world war the imperial powers which
controlled most of the Caribbean either directly or
indirectly undertook fairly drastic steps to modify
outwardly at least the political ties which subjected the.
Caribbean peoples to decisions of political leaders in
foreign capitals The most decisive steps were taken by
the British who created four independent states:
Trinidad and Tobago, Barbados, Jamaica, and
Guyana. However, in much of the rest of the English
speaking area, in the Dutch area, and in the U.S.
sphere, the formal colonial relationships were replaced
with unique administrative arrangements which
provided the Caribbean communities with varying
degrees of local autonomy which fell short, in each case
by a carefully measured distance, of full independence.
There is no intention on my part to imply that
independence was being withheld from a people who
cried out for it. Indeed, in the cases of the Netherland
Antilles, Surinam and Puerto Rico; and the six
Associated States of the English speaking Eastern
Caribbean, the highly unique arrangements conceived,
satisfied at the time the vast majority of the population
These unique political creations whether termed
Estado Libre Asociado or the Kingdom of the
Netherlands were usually recognized as mid-way points
between two divergent political developments, i.e., the
road to absolute and complete independence and the

road to complete and total integration into the larger
state. The new status was publicized as a viable and
finite political form which would combine the
advantages of independence in the sense of local
autonomy with the advantages of imperial support and
protection. However, at the same time it was recognized
that this finite political creation was flexible enough to
be modified slightly or drastically as the circumstances
might warrant.
For over a decade and a half and more this middle
road of political development for the colonies of the
Caribbean worked with little strain or stress and
seemed for the moment at least to have solved the
dilemma of what to do with former colonial entities
which expressed some interest in freedom but lacked
the experience, determination, and economic resources
necessary for the creation of a truly independent state.
It was to be expected that an end to this honeymoon
period in the relationships between the sponsoring
nation and the former colonial polity would eventually
be forthcoming as the Caribbean communities matured
and developed.
In fulfillment of a promise made by Queen Julian to
her overseas colonies (made while she was in exile
during the second World War) the Kingdom of the
Netherlands was created in 1954. A delay of several
years had been deemed necessary in order to resolve the
problem presented by the drive for out-right
independence by Sukarno in toe Dutch East Indies.
The structure of government combined a nation of
some 10 mission people with two former colonies each

Page 26 C.R. Vol. 5 No. 1


containing a population of about of a million. The
structure of government was an admirable work of
genius which provided a happy combination of almost
complete local autonomy with an integrated form of
government at the highest levels. There were defective
features, some of which were eventually modified.
Effective autonomy grew as fast as local abilities were
developed to handle the responsibilities.
In the Netherland Antilles the two major parties fully
supported the structure of government. It could
almost be judged amusing that the opposition party,
which was slightly more radical than the conservative
group that was in power during most of the period, was
actually on one or two occasions placed in the
embarrassing position of having to appeal for internal
intervention of Holland in local affairs; an invitation
which was rejected by the Dutch government as being
against the basic law of the Kingdom.
About fifteen years after the creation of this new
form of government, on the night of May 29, 1969, a
destructive riot convulsed Willemstad, the capitol of the
Netherlands Antilles. Four persons were killed, 150
injured, and damage was estimated at 30 million
dollars. The direct causes of the riot were economic.
Automation in the oil refineries in Aruba and Curacao
had provoked persistently high rates of unemployment
and job insecurity contributed to a feeling of
uncertainty. A high rate of inflation plagued the
general population and strikes for higher wages and for
the right to work met with little success. The riot had
racial and political overtones and in the soul-searching
which was intensively carried out in the subsequent year
serious questions were raised as to whether the
Kingdom of the Netherlands actually had provided the
ideal form of government.
A parallel but less drastic development was unfolding
at the same time in Surinam where a general strike of
teachers and government employees brought down a
corrupt middle of the road party and opened up for
general debate and discussion a re-evaluation of the
existing relations with Holland. While politics in
multi-racial Surinam do not relate in any way to
political developments in comparatively homogeneous
Netherlands Antilles, the two entities did coincide in
their feeling that the time had come for a closer look at
the structure of government and the existing political
relationships with Holland.
One brief word on the reaction of the Dutch is
necessary. Holland, one of the most densely populated
countries of Europe (325 per sq. km.) and not one of the
more wealthier ones, has received close to 350,000
immigrants from its former colonies in the East and
West Indies since World War II (about 3% of the
population). This has created some tension and may go
far to explain the attitude of the principle political
leaders in their visit to the Netherlands Antilles and
Surinam early in 1972. In Curacao when they
descended from the plane, hardly waiting for the
termination of official formalities, the visitors greeting
their hosts with the question as to when could they work
out the eventual independence of the Netherlands
Antilles. This attitude caught the population

completely unprepared and provoked resentment.
The majority of the population is still in favor of the
existing Charter of the Kingdom of the Netherlands.
However, much more than before the riots, there are
now expressions of interest in independence by some of
the more radical political leaders. This usually takes the
form of dissatisfaction with the existing federal form of
government. Thus Aruba would be happier to be free
from the political framework which binds her to a
subordinate position in relation to Curacao. Even the
small island of Saint Martin in the northwestern corner
of the Caribbean has voiced its interest in considering
independence; such expression coming from the
conservative Wathey family no less. In the case of
Aruba, and even Curacao to a lesser extent, there is
raised the spector of Venezuela which would probably
not wait long after the withdrawal of Holland to fill any
vacuum created. Many in Aruba are of Venezuelan
In Surinam the Dutch delegation of political leaders
proceeded with more caution and did not rely on the
shock treatment to bring the extreme elements into
reality. In contrast to the Netherlands Antilles,
Surinam contains the economic resources for sustaining
independence. Where practically all the food consumed
is imported into the islands, Surinam produces a great
part of what it eats. Whereas the Netherlands Antilles
economy is tied to the importation of crude petroleum
from Venezuela, Surinam mines the minerals, such as
bauxite, to which its economy is geared. However, the
multi-racial population with almost equal divisions of
East Indian and creoles (or blacks of African descent)
approaches independence with much reluctance and
candid expressions of fear. At the moment the majority
party is the East Indian, one which has wisely chosen to
govern through a coalition with a breakaway group
from the creole party (the National Progressive Party),
from which prime minister Ju was selected. The real
power is held in the person of Mr. Lachmon (United
Hindustani Party), an East Indian who is cool toward
independence. This, however, does not stop the
discussion of independence by radical leaders who are
now much more numerous and more powerful than in
the previous two decades.
Effective pressure from the left will force a revision of
the relationship with Holland in the next decade and it
is possible that Surinam may achieve a status
comparable to the independent states of the British
Commonwealth of Nations. This would satisfy
Surinam's generally expressed desire to participate in
the field of international relations and yet would
continue to allow a tenuous connection to the House of
What we have then after the riots of '69 is a freer and
broader range of political discussion. Where previously
proponents of independence were totally absent or
ignored now there is serious discussion and dialogue
being carried out. Where for fifteen years the Charter of
the Kingdom found only defenders from leaders of
moderate or conservative political persuasion now there
are leaders of all political persuasions operating and
some in the Antilles and many in Surinam are
C.R. JanlFeb/March 1973 Page 27

questioning the basic tenets of the Charter. In the
Antilles the middle way has not been destroyed but it is
under severe pressure; in Surinam the middle way still
continues to hold majority support but there are clearer
signs pressures are mounting from the left to produce a
Since 1946 Guadeloupe, Martinique, and French
Guina have been incorporated into the French state as
supposedly fully integrated departments on a plain of
equality with French departments. During the
post-war years and particularly during the de Gaullists
years, proponents of independence for the Caribbean
colonies were severely restricted in political activity and
even jailed or banished from their island homes. Those
in favor of autonomy within the French system fared
somewhat better but even they were restricted in their
political activity and subjected to the accusation that
they were really independentistas in disguise. In the
past decade the opposition to the existing relationship
to France has been on the increase. Aime Cesaire, the
popular Communist mayor of Fort de France, now in
his ninth term in office was the first to rebel in a 1956
letter blasting the colonial mindedness of the French
Communist Party and declaring his right to determine
his own political position which he pronounced at the
time as autonomist. Since then riots in Guadeloupe,
general strikes in Martinique, and a major riot in
Cayenne last year all manifested in one way or another
the growing dissatisfaction with the concept of
In 1972, the current Prime Minister, Pierre Messmer,
proposed the creation of an advisory council composed
of French West Indians with the responsibility of
offering orientation and advice concerning the
distribution of government funds within the Caribbean
departments. This council would be expected to
establish priorities and express local desires concerning
programs of a local nature. For a government which has
firmly stuck for twenty five years to the charade that
there was not one iota of justification for considering in
a different light the overseas departments, this slight
but significant modification in the highly centralized
bureaucratic structure of the French state, is a
monumental concession to the autonomist point of
view. The concession was not spontaneous but rather
came as a result of the very impressive victories in the
municipal elections, held late in 1971, which returned
communist party majorities to a record number of
municipal councils. Dignified by official government
recognition and action, the autonomist point of view
has now been more widely supported throughout the
islands and in French Guyana.
Afflicted by an unjustified reputation as a death trap
which defeated efforts to establish a colonization
program to populate this potentially rich state, French
Guina suddenly became the center of attention
through the establishment of an expensive space center
for the launching of satellites. The center is located on
the coast within sight of the ruins of the prison
installations of Devil's Island. The space center has
been a very mixed blessing for the neglected colony. It

has brought attention and money. An impressive
landing strip for intercontinental airplanes has been
built. Unemployment has disappeared and even
migrant working teams from near-by Colombia have
been brought in. However, the space center far from
forming an integrated part of French Guiana is a world
unto itself. It has direct contact with Paris and the rest
of France. The prefect located some thirty miles to the
east is virtually uninformed as to what is happening at
the center, as is the rest of the native population. This
disrespectful lack of interest or concern for the rest of
the population was one of the key elements in
producing the riot of late 1971.
The next decade in the French areas of the
Caribbean should see a wider expression of local
interest and concern. Independence is thought to be
impractical for the islands and yet Barbados has made
an impressive record as an independent state with less
going for it than either Martinique or Guadeloupe.
French Guiana has rich untapped resources which
could easily maintain independence if and when the
small area would attract a substantial permanent
population. Now that the muzzle has been removed
from political expression in the overseas territories the
populace is venturing to explore these hitherto taboo
topics. The French speaking territories in the
Caribbean after twenty five years of integration into the
French political system are now turning away from the
orientation toward a more autonomous political role.
Puerto Rico, the first in the Caribbean to move
toward autonomy with its elective governor act of 1948
and with a clear but limited definition of autonomy
under the restrictive federal structure imposed by the
United States Constitution, seemed to be turning
toward the same type of position abandoned by
Guadeloupe and Martinique,that of integration intothe
metropolitan system. Rexford Guy Tugwell, the last
colonial governor of Puerto Rico, was perhaps one of
the first observers to note the then almost imperceptible
trend toward statehood in 1953. The back-bone of this
trend was to be found in the growing middle class
created by the same industrial development made
possible by the unique fiscal benefits of the
Commonwealth of Puerto Rico. The first fairly
authentic testing of the strength of this pro-statehood
sentiment, somewhat free from pressures of party
loyalty or personality influence came in the plebiscite
held by the government in 1967.
At that time defying the political pros who had
monopolized the representation of statehood up until
then Luis Ferre broke from the fold dominated by his
brother in-law Miguel Angel Garcia Mendez, who for
decades had symbolized the worst in conservative
politics on the island, to wage a campaign for a
pro-statehood vote. The result was a surprising 39%0
which was more than any previous support earned by a
pro-statehood party in recent regular elections. Thus
encouraged, Ferre undertook to organize his own
political party. Realizing that he still represented a
minority position, he muted his pro-statehood
orientation and tried to base his claim to office on

Page 28 C.R. Vol. 5 No. I

promises of efficiency and successful administrative
ability. After almost thirty years of political power the
Popular Party and government bureaucracy had grown
out-dated, inefficient, and unresponsive to the needs of
the people. However, they were actually removed from
office more because of an internal split which was led
by the incumbent governor Roberto Sanchez Villella
who had alienated the old guard of the party in his
attempt to bring youth and vigor to the forefront of an
ineffective government machine.
Luis Ferre became governor of Puerto Rico in 1968
on the basis of 45% of the popular vote, with the
majority vote, however, being held by the two
pro-commonwealth political parties. Although the
governor himself was careful to hedge any public
pro-statehood statements with vague promises of some
future development his followers, including his son and
other elected members of his party both in the
legislature and in the San Juan municipal government,
did not disguise their plan to drive ahead rapidly
toward statehood with an electoral victory in 1972
followed by a new plebiscite before 1974. Furthermore,
in Washington and at meetings of the governors of the
mainland, Luis Ferre was extremely active in mustering
support among Republicans for the eventual
Congressional granting of statehood to Puerto Rico. His
aim was to celebrate the bicentennial in 1976 with the
granting of statehood to Puerto Rico.
Such activity combined with a reorganization and
revitalization of the Puerto Rican Independence Party
under the dynamic leadership of a young law professor,
Ruben Berrios, who is scarcely old enough to qualify for
the post of governor under the island constitution,
clearly pointed to a polarization of the political
ideologies. Violence was not difficult to predict as
militants of both extremes burned and bombed almost
at will. The headquarters and printing establishment of
the Independence newspaper, Caridad, was burned out,
many department stores, both those owned by
mainland interests as those locally owned were burned
out with fire-bombs, and disturbances closed down the
main campus of the University of Puerto Rico while
students battled among themselves or with the police.
The undeclared uneasy truces, which had come over
the island, was honored by the extremists. Both sides
curbed violence in the battle because both realized that
lawlessness would impede their chances at the polls.
The aim of the Independence Party was to elect
sufficient members of the legislature to hold the
balance of power between the two major parties.
The polarization of politics on the island was further
increased by the intervention of outside elements
through the instrumentality of the United Nations. The
special Commission on Colonies of the United Nations
after a brief study of the case of Puerto Rico came to the
conclusion that there was sufficient evidence to justify
further study of the question of how the declaration of
the United Nations on independence relates to the case
of Puerto Rico. The vote was 12 to 0 with 10 nations
abstaining. The final decision rests with the General
Assembly of the United Nations which is supposed to
debate the matter in 1973. Should the matter be placed

on the agenda there is little question as to the direction
the debate would take and the decision forthcoming.
Indeed, pro-statehood elements have announced their
intentions of supporting the charge within the United
Nations that Puerto Rico is still a colony. It is
reasonable and logical to believe that the case for
statehood would be improved by such a decision by the
international body thus placing Congress on the spot to
take some positive step. The argument is then made
that this would not be in the direction of further
development of the autonomist or Commonwealth
position which some believe has developed to the limits
of Constitutional flexibility (i.e. that further autonomy
would require a Constitutional amendment.), but
rather statehood.
The position of the Commonwealth is not without its
defenders but few of them have the vigor and ability of
the inventor of the concept, Luis Munoz Marin. The
result is that the existing status has been admitted to be
imperfect, it has been increasingly recognized even by
its supporters as a half-way station; and even Munoz
has come close to confessing that its chief asset is that it
provides a shelter for proponents of statehood and
independence who recognize that each is impotent as
long as the other exists and, therefore, greater
democracy is only possible through the instrument of
the Commonwealth concept.
This was the picture up to the election of November,
1972 in which the Popular Democratic Party returned
to power with slightly over 50% of the vote and a 90,000

C.R. Jan/Feb/March 1973 Page 29

plus vote margin over the party of Governor Ferre.
Apparently the majority of the voters had returned, as
the editorial writer of The San Juan Star put it on the
day after the election: . ."to the Great Center, the
great umbrella of the middle ground that
commonwealth status represents, with its supposed
security and lessening of tensions." This in an odd way
would substantiate our thesis that there had been a
polarization of politics in Puerto Rico; but is it
justified? Let us briefly take a closer look at the election
The percentage points of the votes obtained by the
New Progressive Party declined only by 2.5% (from 45%
to 42.5%). The pro-statehood position on the right was
holding fairly firm. The decline only occurred in the
large metropolitan areas where people had voted in
great numbers in 1968 against the promise of more of
the same decrepit administration of city government
under the ancient leaders of the Popular Party who did
not have the good sense to withdraw from politics. In
1972 a youthful candidate in San Juan and a dynamic
one in Ponce both won back sizable quantities of votes
for their party cutting down seriously the advantage the
Ferre party had enjoyed in the previous election. In fact
both candidates refused to accept their defeat,
confident that the split ticket ballots (estimated at well
over 150,000) would allow a slim margin of victory.
In the case of Ponce this hope was justified.
Turning now to the center party, the
pro-Commonwealth vote did not grow by much more
than the 2.5% lost by the NPP. The combined vote of
the two Commonwealth parties in 1968 came to about
52% of the vote (41.8% & 9.8%). In 1972 the People's
Party of former governor Sanchez Vilella all but
disappeared from the political scene. Obviously those
who voted for him when given the choice between the
Populares from whom they had broken away and the
pro-statehood government of Ferre, swallowed their
pride and returned to the fold of the Popular Party. The
PP got about 1% of the votes. These votes alone would
explain the increase in the Popular Party totals to bring
their percentage up over the 50% mark.
The Party which surprised most of the observers was
the Independence Party which came through with easily
50% less than the most pessimistic estimate before the
election. (5% of the vote). This prompted the
observation by Governor Ferre that there had been a
conspiracy and coalition of the left against him. This
easy excuse for a poor showing was promptly echoed by
the leaders of the Independence Party and might be
accepted if it were not for the fact that the PIP
leadership during the campaign had concentrated their
full attention on attacking the Popular Party and
ignored the conservative party.. The line of reasoning
used was that the Popular Party had to be demolished if
independence was to have a chance to secure mass
support. Apparently, however, voters of a
pro-independence inclination preferred to use their vote
to remove Ferre from office. There is another
explanation which has not been voiced and is somewhat
more logical. It is quite possible that the traditional

minded independentistas, the group which could
muster almost 20 percent of the popular vote in 1952
(long before Castro appeared on the Caribbean scene)
were alienated by the radical direction taken by the
party under the leadership of Ruben Berrios. Whatever
the explanation, the fact is clear that the left collapsed
and may have contributed to the strengthening of the
Thus the polarization in Puerto Rico, which certainly
did exist in 1969 and 1970, did not hold up in 1972
when the center group recovered sufficient power to
block the return to power by the right-wing party. In
1976 the power of the center could again be
strengthened by weaning support from disappointed
followers of the pro-statehood party. There is a clear
indication that conservative elements wish to take a
more forth-right stand on statehood in 1976 and this,
contrary to their wishes, might further benefit the
Popular Party.
There are observers of the contemporary scene who
see that this polarization of political points of view in
the Caribbean, which apparently peaked in the twelve
months between May, 1969 and May, 1970, was a result
of direct influence within the Caribbean by Fidel
Castro. A much stronger and more perceptive case
could be made for the explanation that the awakening
of political concern in the Dutch, French, and United
States areas of the Caribbean is due to an increasing
level of sophistication among the citizens of the colonies
who are no longer willing to be economically suffocated
by the monolithic impact of imperial exploitation.
There was an undeniable element of black-power
protest against White, foreign, corporate interests in
the riots of Curacao. The back-bone of the movement
for autonomy in the French West Indies is found in the
philosophy of negritude. Ruben Berrios in Puerto Rico
has proved in the election campaign just ended that his
devotion to socialism is as sincere as his dedication to
independence. None of these elements look to Castro or
owe any debt to Cuba, unless it be that it was the first to
explore a different Caribbean path of development; but
all of these movements are of like mind in the
identification of the political and economic adversary,
whether it be personified by a Dutch banker, a French
prefect, or the local selective service official. The Puerto
Rican voter gave evidence of his growing sophistication
by registering more than 150,000 split ballot votes. The
blind following of a party leader or symbol seems to be
declining and now the voter is selecting with greater
care than previously those leaders who show ability.
Thus, it would seem that the historian of tomorrow
who looks at the current developments in the Caribbean
would assess the scene as a normal process of
unfettered political expression out of which eventually
might come a resolution of the extremists points of view
into a new consensus which will allow free Caribbean
communities to develop peacefully, untorn by civil strife
like that seen in the Dominican Republic and
unhampered by one party states, even though that party
might be described as the party of the people, as in the
case of Cuba. *

Page 30 C.R. Vol. 5 No. 1


Colin G. Clarke

From E. Jenkins, The Coolie: His Rights and Wrongs (1871), reproduced on the dustjacket of A. Adamson, Sugar Without
Slaves (Yale U. Press, 1972, $12.50).

Michael M. Horowitz. 606 pp.
Natural History Press, 1971. $4.50.
Lowenthal. 385 pp. Oxford U. Press,
1972. 4.50. [$15.25 cloth; $3.95
U.S. POLICY. Robert D.
Crassweller. 470 pp. Praeger, 1972.
The majority of the West Indies are
internally self-governing; develop-
ment and diversification have
transformed many former mono-
cultures; and the legal basis for
social discrimination has everywhere
been abolished for about a century.
Yet the quest for national identity,
for regional co-operation, and for
freedom from foreign dominance
continues. Economies remain open
and heavily dependent on primary
products and overseas markets.
Social structures are still remarkably
hierarchic, status frequently being
allied both to colour and to culture.
These factors provide either the

scenario or subject matter for each of
the books under review.
Michael Horowitz has brought
together thirty-one reprints in his
reader entitled Peoples and Cultures
of the Caribbean. These reflect the
traditional concern of the anthro-
pologist with the analysis of human
behaviour at the community level.
Admittedly, the first four sections of
the book deal with the wider issues of
Caribbean culture and history,
language, race, ethnicity, and class.
But the weight of the material is
concentrated on plantations, peas-
ants and communities, land tenure,
labour, economics, internal market-
ing, domestic organization, religion,
and folklore.
The book is disappointing for a
number of reasons. The introduct-
ions to each section are slight or
non-existent, and the editor's
prefatory remarks are culled from an
earlier book, not tailor-made to the
needs of this particular volume. A
major feature of Caribbean studies
during the last decade has been the
multi-disciplinary approach; but this
reader draws on the work of only five
contributors who are neither

sociologists nor anthropologists -
and these are two geographers, two
historians, and a language specialist.
As a consequence, the important
questions of insularity, regional
sentiment, race relations, social
stratification, national conscious-
ness, political change, demographic
imbalance, and urbanization are
either treated cursorily or omitted.
Moreover, the papers which are
included are descriptive rather than
analytic, though this is not surprising
in view of the dates at which they
were originally published. Two
appeared before 1945, seven between
1946 and 1955, sixteen between 1956
and 1965, and only six since 1966. It
is especially unfortunate that there
are no selections from the seminal
work of M.G. Smith, even if there are
copious references to his publica-
tions scattered throughout the book.
Horowitz provides an introductory
essay which is remarkable for two
errors of fact. The famous
calypsonian Francisco Slinger is
known as the Mighty Sparrow, not as
the Great Sparrow. Trinidad and
Tobago form a unitary state; Tobago
is not a dependency.

C.R. Jan/Feb/March 1973 Page 31

Sidney Mintz study of "The
Caribbean as a Socio-Cultural Area"
is a helpful summary. He quite
rightly indicates that Caribbean
societies are "among the most
westernized of the modern world,"
and that "individualization" is a
major trait throughout the region.
That these two situations have been
created by the plantation system is
axiomatic. But when Mintz claims
that "the most urban communities
are not cities but plantations," he is
surely overstating his case. While
many of the pre-industrial cities of
the Caribbean are clearly different
from their counterparts in the
developed world, they nevertheless
possess the only substantial


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Short biographical details on the writers
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Volume 1
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concentrations of service functions.
Lloyd Braithwaite's paper on
"Social Stratification and Cultural
Pluralism" rejects Furnivall's con-
ception of the plural society but
slides easily into an acceptance of the
idea of cultural pluralism. He takes
Trinidad as a case-study but fails to
pursue his theme to the community
level. However, this reflects the
unwillingness of anthropologists,
generally, to test M.G. Smith's
refinements of pluralism against
their own field data.
One of the best studies re-issued in
this book is Edith Clarke's "Land
Tenure and the Family in Four
Selected Communities in Jamaica."
First published almost twenty years
ago, it possesses freshness, thor-
oughness, and logical strength which
mark it as a major contribution to
Caribbean studies. Clarke shows that
among rural folk "there is a
traditional system of tenure which
distinguishes three categories of land
(family land, inherited land and
bought land) and governs the process
of their transmission and inheri-
tance." Family land is unrecognized
by the law and unknown to most
solicitors and lawyers.
Good chapters are also contribu-
ted by Margaret Katzin on "The
Business of Higglering in Jamaica,"
and by Nancie L. Solien who writes
about "Household and Family in the
Caribbean," demonstrating that the
two units often do not coincide
among Negroes of low status. R.T.
Smith and Michael Horowitz
indicate that socio-economic position
may have a direct bearing upon
mating and household structure, but
neither produces data to confirm this
The best section of the reader
deals with religion and folklore. All
the chapters are devoted to low
status groups. George Eaton
Simpson writes on "The Belief
System of Haitian Vodun" and
wisely argues for the tenacity of the
cult, while William R. Bascomb
examines the "Focus of Cuban
Santeria." Andrew Pearse traces the
development of "Carnival in
Nineteenth Century Trinidad" and
indicates its integrative role and
cathartic effect among the Creoles.
Annemarie de Waal Malefijt

describes processes of syncretism
between "Animism and Island
among the Javenese in Surinam,"
and Scott Cook provides an
interesting case study of "The
Prophets: a Revivalist Folk Religious
Movement in Puerto Rico." The
poorest paper in this section is Sheila
Kitzinger's account of "The
Rastafarian Brethren of Jamaica."
She claims that the doctrine of the
movement changed between 1960
and 1966, but fails to substantiate
her assertion.
Peoples and Cultures of the
Caribbean provides ample evidence
for the persistence of distinctive folk
traditions. Differences between low
status Negroes, white jibaros and
rural Javanese and East Indians may
be inferred from the various articles.
But no one except Mintz relates
these groups to the wider Caribbean
society. No one demonstrates that
low status and social control have
been major determinants of folk
David Lowenthal's scholarly
synthesis, West Indian Societies
examines the role of race in the
broader context of West Indian
social relationships. Fifty societies -
former colonies of Britain, France
and Holland are studied
comparatively to draw out the
underlying similarities and differ-
ences. The author skillfully
distinguishes between islands which
are racially homogeneous and lack
stratification, those in which colour
differences are irrelevant to class,
and the majority where the
implications of colour pervade the
social hierarchy. The plural
framework of the Creole stratifica-
tion is carefully investigated; whites,
browns and blacks are institutionally
differentiated by the law, family,
religion, education and occupation.
Creole-East Indian relations are
discussed in a masterly chapter
which compares the situations in
Trinidad, Guyana and Surinam,
where descendents of indentured
immigrants from India form
substantial cultural segments, with
those in other units where they form
low status, acculturated enclaves.
The author's categorization of the
ethnic minorities is especially acute.
Outcast elements include Amer-

Page 32 C.R. Vol. 5 No. 1

indians, Bush Negroes, and
Javanese; but the Jews, Portuguese,
Chinese and Syrians are portrayed as
adaptive groups which have filled
status gaps in the upper echelons of
the Creole stratification.
David Lowenthal shows that West
Indian societies are small and easily
dominated by foreign powers and
companies. Insularity is rife.
Population pressures are mitigated
by emigration to Britain and North
America; stagnation in agriculture is
eased by remittances earned
overseas. In the Commonwealth
Caribbean, where internal self-
government has recently been
achieved and only Jamaica,
Trinidad, Barbados and Guyana are
sovereign states, the creation of
national identities is frustrated by
pluralism and a long history of
imitation of Europe. The emergence
of Negro political elites has left the
social and economic structures
unchanged. In Trinidad and
Guyana, Negroes and East Indians
have become politically polarised.
Throughout the Commonwealth
Caribbean, revolutionary tenets are
cloaked in the terminology of black
power which seeks to reverse the
"white bias" and place control in the
hands of the Negro (and East
Indian?) masses. Yet the language of
black power is derived from the
U.S.A. and its garb from Africa.
Even in this protest movement a
sense of West Indian identity is often
This remarkable study does not
put forward any new hypotheses
about the West Indies, nor does it
present a set of remedies for
Caribbean problems. Yet it is replete
with perceptive insights. For
example, we are reminded that
"much that passes for Indiannesss in
Trinidad and the Guianas is, indeed,
a result as well as a cause of East
Indian-Creole stress." The chapter
on the ethnic minorities concludes
with the observation that "immigra-
tion or natural increase may
transform a minority into a
full-fledged ethnic community;
population loss may reduce a
segmented ethnic community to
minority status; assimilation may
eliminate its reason for separate
existence and bring it within that

Creole sphere engaged in the search
for its own West Indian identity."
Furthermore, attention is drawn to
the structural rigidity of society:
"The West Indies always seem to be
on the verge of developments that
fail to occur or that leave things
much as before."
While the essence of the West
Indies is undoubtedly distilled in this
book, the unique circumstances of,
say, British Honduras or Jamaica or
Martinique, are often lost. Another
criticism is that it is slightly
misleading to state that in Haiti
black power is state power, and to
imply that vodun is now the official
state creed. Attitudes to vodun in
Haiti remain ambivalent, and
Duvalier's version of black power has
little of positive value to teach to
activists in the Commonwealth
territories. However, these are mere
quibbles with a book which touches
on most aspects of West Indian life
and carefully investigates semblance
and reality, change and staticity.
David Lowenthal's writing is
imaginative, flexible, evocative, but
always penetrating and beautifully
controlled. He allows West Indians
to speak for themselves through their
contemporary poetry and prose, and
the extensive quotations are
beautifully integrated in the text.
This material is backed up by an
astonishing depth of reading and a
maturity of understanding that few
Caribbeanists can equal. As long as
the West Indies are studied, scholars
will turn to this book for
information, insight and inspiration.
Robert Crassweller's The Carib-
bean Community: Changing Soci-
eties and U.S. Policy is a wolf in
sheep's clothing. The author, now
employed by International Tele-
phone and Telegraph, has produced
a blueprint for U.S.-Caribbean
relations. He examines two major
themes: the quest in the Caribbean
for identity and modernity and the
need for the U.S.A. to develop a "low
profile" foreign policy towards the
"American Mediterranean."
Crasweller's survey of the
Caribbean is well-written; the
information is generally sound,
up-to-date, and carefully presented.
Trujillo, Batista and Duvalier are
neatly described as continuing long

by John M. Baines,
by Juan Mejia Baca
As a study of the impact of one
man's life on those of his
contemporaries and on the history of
his country, this book is both a
political biography of the famous
Peruvian revolutionary, Jose Carlos
Mariategui (1895-1930) and an
analysis and critique of his Ideology
and the influence of that ideology on
Mariategui and the Myth Is the first
book-length study in English of a
Latin American radical in whose life
and work there is Increasing
Interest, partly as a result, no doubt,
of events in Latin America since
World War II, and especially since
Castro's revolution. Though the
extent of the influence of
Mariategul's legacy in these
developments has yet to be fully
assessed, he Is undoubtedly one of
the foremost intellectual precursors
of the Latin American radicalism of
the 1960's and 1970's. $7.50

by Robert M. Bemardo,
by Irving Louis Horowitz
In 1966 the proponents of "moral
incentives," led by "Che" Guevara,
triumphed over the more liberal
economic planners who wished to
emulate the Yugoslav and pre-1968
Czechoslovak methods of develop-
ment. Essentially, moral incentives
meant that the worker was to be
motivated entirely by his commit-
ment to the society and his fellow
citizens, and remuneration in the
form of money and other "material"
awards was to be phased out of
Cuban society.
"The book ably probes the nature
of the challenge that confronted the
island's architects in their attempt to
create a 'new Cuban man' motivated
by moral incentives." --Ramon
Eduardo Ruiz, The New York Times.
Drawer 2877
University, Alabama 35486

C.R. JanlFeblMarch 1973 Page 33



Acutely aware of the problems in
his native Jamaica, playwright and
journalist Barry Reckord went to
Cuba with some very basic ques-
tions: Is Cuban socialism working?
Are the people really better off than
before Castro? What's happening
in the areas of health, housing, and
education? Is there any freedom
and popular participation or is
Castro an iron-fisted Stalin? What
is replacing traditional capitalistic
incentives-and does it work? To
get the answers, Reckord moved
freely and spoke to the people
themselves-to street cleaners,
farmers, mechanics, students,
teachers, doctors, and factory
workers as well as government
officials. His remarkable report on
these interviews, spiced with the
language of the people, cuts
through all the myth and propa-
ganda (from both sides) to give us
the first on-the-spot, grass-roots
picture of the total Cuban expe-
rience. $6.95

In Cuba
Barry Reckord

At all bookstores

111 Fourth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10003

Page 34 C.R. Vol. 5 No. 1

Antillean traditions of dictatorship.
The treatment of Castro is very
unsatisfactory, however. According
to the author, Castro's alignment
with the Soviet block was devised to
secure his individual style of political
leadership. But hasn't the U.S.A.
supported a host of latter-day
caudillos? Furthermore, a certain
coyness creeps into Crassweller's
references to U.S. intervention in
Guatemala in 1954 and the
Dominican Republic in 1965. No
mention is given to the Bay of Pigs
episode in Cuba or to the C.I.A.'s
involvement in 193 in the internal
affairs of British Guiana.
Why does Crassweller combine
Central America, the West Indies,
and the Guianas in his definition of
the Caribbean? Ties between the
islands and the isthmus are
non-existent. Surely the author is
adopting the "colonial" technique,
so well-known in the West Indies, of
grouping units for political conven-
ience. Crassweller recommends that
these Caribbean states should
develop a Caribbean Community
and that the U.S.A. should provide
encouragement and assistance but
not leadership. This scheme would
involve a degree of modest
co-operation between units to
promote joint action on a systematic
basis; economic and political
integration along the lines of the
Caribbean Free Trade Association or
the ill-fated West Indies Federation
are not envisaged. However, the
activities of this Caribbean Com-
munity remain unspecified, and one
is left with the suspicion that it is to
act as a vehicle to foster the informal
control of the region by the U.S.A.
Crassweller is hostile to the
nationalization of U.S. enterprise.
He argues that Caribbean territories
should use their bargaining positions
to extract more concessions from
American firms, and cites the recent
success of the Jamaican government
in its negotiations with the bauxite
companies. The system should be
played, not overturned. Positive
suggestions for U.S. assistance to the
Caribbean Community are confined
to extensions of the Puerto Rican
"solution." The U.S.A. should free
trade and accept large-scale
immigration. How ironic it is to read

this in the very year in which Puerto
Rico has been designated a colony of
the U.S.A. by the United Nations
Trusteeship Committee of Twenty-
By the end of the book it is clear
that Crassweller is much more
concerned with American foreign
policy than with the Caribbean. He
believes in the divine right of the
U.S.A. to intervene in the region by
force; America's national interest far
outweighs its legal commitment to
non-intervention enshrined in the
charter of the Organization of
American States. He lists three basic
principles to guide policy in the case
of intervention. Action should be
limited "to those relatively rare cases
of genuine menace to a vital national
interest of the United States," and he
indicates that intervention is to be
directed only against regimes linked
to the Communist block. Intervent-
ion should be "deferred until the fact
of the hostile affiliation is reasonably
apparent," and unilateral action
should be resorted to only if multi-
lateral effort, via the O.A.S., had
been sought in vain.
Crassweller claims that "there is
abundant evidence that, except in
the case of Cuba, economic
motivations and the pressures of
American business interests were a
minor or negligible factor in the
establishment of the American
protectorate system; strategic causes
were paramount." Cuba is a big
exception, however; and the
separation of economic and political
motives is a false dichotomy. The
regimes which have been, and will
be, toppled by the U.S.A. are those
defined as Communist; expropri-
ation of U.S. assets is the hall-mark
of Communist activity. Moreover,
Crassweller's preoccupation with
U.S. investment in the Caribbean
and the space he devotes to the
Bahamas clearly indicate that
economic factors loom large in his
geopolitical calculus. Perhaps the
major lessons to be learned from this
book are that the gap between the
U.S.A. and the Caribbean still
parallels the gap between West
Indian elites and folk and that U.S.
policy towards the Caribbean is as
unchanging as most West Indian
societies themselves. *

Returning the Gaze, Photo by B.BL., Hait. 171.


by Joseph D. Olander

and F.M. Andic [eds.]. University of
Puerto Rico, Institute of Caribbean
Studies, 1971 [2nd revised edition]

CARIBBEAN. Tad Szulc [ed.].
Prentice-Hall, 1971. $2.45

The United States and the
Caribbean is a set of eight papers
which were designed as "Back-
ground reading" for the Thirty-
Eighth American Assembly held in
1970. The papers are divided into
three sections: Caribbean Issues,

Caribbean Problems, and Caribbean
Experience. Politics and Economics
in the Caribbean is a set of sixteen
papers, with an introductory
overview by the editors, which
outline the major political and
economic problems confronting
Caribbean units. The topics range
from "The Macroeconomics of
Puerto Rican Development" to "The
Politics of Surinam."
These books of essays on the
Caribbean are welcome principally
because they are good pedagogical
tools. First, their selections contain
contributions from some of the
better known Caribbean watchers.
Lewis, Silvert, Latortue, Mathews,

Anderson, Gastmann, Andic, and
Maingot are presented in varying
degrees of clarity and obfuscation.
Indeed, the books, when taken
together, might have been entitled
Who's Who in the Study of the
Caribbean. Second, having such a
selection of readings in two volumes
has its obvious benefits for the
undergraduate whose forays into the
literature are thereby lessened by
twenty-two. To anyone who
recognizes that the literature on
Caribbean politics and economics
comes from widely disparate sources,
this is no small advantage.
Of course, as is the case with any
book of essays, a reviewer can
C.R. Jan/Feb/March 1973 Page 35

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Page 36 C.R. Vol. 5 No. 1

criticize the editors' sins of omission.
Why, for example, in both books are
there no essays contributed by East
Indian or New-World scholars?
Why, in the Mathews-Andic reader,
is there no essay outlining the
political and economic dimensions of
population distribution, especially in
view of Andic's assertion, in his
introductory overview, that "high
population ratio to natural resour-
ces" constitutes the Caribbean's
"major problem of development?"
Why, in both books, are there no
chapters devoted to the role of the
multi-national corporation, to inter-
national relations within the
Caribbean, or especially in the
Mathews-Andic reader to several
theoretical chapters on politics and
economics which could hopefully
explicate much of the political and
economic trivia contained in many of
the essays? Why didn't the editors
replace some of the essays e.g.,
Gastmann's essay on "The Charter
of the Kingdom of the Netherlands"
and Latortue's essay on "Contem-
porary Political Development in
Haiti" with maps and
organization charts which would
have been less offensive to the
reader' intellectual sensitivity and
much more efficient? As for sins of
commission, the following hypothesis
holds for these sets of essays: the
wider the selection of materials, the
greater the degree of criticism which
can be leveled at the editors.
But let us not linger on sins of
omission or commission. To deal
critically with the reasons for an
editor's selection and omission of
given essays soon becomes a literary
excursion with rapidly diminishing
returns. Of greater importance to the
readers of these books is an
indication of the rationale and the
purpose of the materials contained in
them. According to Szulc, the
purpose of the United States and the
Caribben is ". . to study and
attempt to assess the new Caribbean
reality and the issues and problems
facing this multicultural, multi-
lingual, and multiracial world."
"Reality" may be defined as a search
for constancy and consistency in
one's environment. Neither con-
stancy nor consistency is woven
throughout the essays; and it

remains for Kalman Silvert, in the
last essay, to weave the tapestry
which is not otherwise apparent.
The purpose of Politics and
Economics in the Caribbean is to
introduce the reader to the major
political and economic problems of
that area of the world. In his
introduction, Mathews delineates
four major political problems: (1) the
psychological legacy of colonialism
which permeates political behavior
and vitiates public-policy discourse;
(2) "the racial problem"; (3) the
problem of the transfer of authority
between regimes; and (4) "foreign
intervention." Andic, in his
introductory overview, points out
three major economic problems: (1)
skewed exports, (2) quota and
preferential price dependency, and
(3) population distribution. The
reader is encouraged to keep these
problems in comparative perspective
as he read through the remainder of
the essays. Unfortunately, this
comparative perspective is lost in
what can only be described as an
intellectual cacophony of specialized
essays, most of which have no
meaningful and explicit relationship
to the political problems alluded to
in the introductory essay and many
of which were published elsewhere
and obviously superficially dusted off
for inclusion in this "completely
revised edition" of the book. This is
tragic, since the editors passed an
opportunity to commission papers
which could have flowed smoothly
from and about the significant
problems with which both of them
dealt in introductory essays. Finally,
it should be noted that the economic
chapters are more sophisticated and
clearer than the chapters dealing
with politics. Even in the generally
better economic-oriented chapters,
however, there is a serious weakness.
For the most part, aggregate
economic data are presented in
tabular form without sufficient
explanation of either the system-
relevant or the individual-relevant
consequences of these aggregate
measures. Ironically, Lewis' chapter
on the economy of the U.S. Virgin
Islands, which contains no tabular
presentation, is perhaps the most
economically and politically insight-
ful contribution of the entire book.

Perhaps the greatest utility of
these two sets of readings is that they
may be reflective of the major
dimensions of social science
scholarship on the Caribbean of
"Caribbean-watching," as it were.
For the student, learning about
Caribbean-watching may be instru-
mental to learning something about
the Caribbean. Both seem to share
certain general themes: complexity,
diversity, jealousy, and confusion.
The United States and the
Caribbean and Politics and
Economics in the Caribbean
exemplify three major clusters of
characteristics. Let us call the first
the "wise-man syndrome"; the
second, the "Winnie-the-Pooh
syndrome"; and the third, the
"iceberg syndrome."
The "wise-man syndrome" can be
discerned in the fact that social
science scholarship on the Caribbean
has been based upon a serious
absence of explicit rules of evidence
and of correspondence which permit
the making of meaningful inferences
about Caribbean political behavior.
Hence disputes about such behavior
have been resolved most often by
recourse to competing claims of
"expertise." Such claims are
normally predicated upon the basis
of a period of residency in the
Caribbean, a "familiarity" with
either the history or the language of
the country, etc. Much of what has
been passed off as an analysis of
Caribbean politics came as a result
of the research strategy of the "inside
dopester." Too often this strategy
has led to a great deal of trivia
collection and not to analytical
Most of the essays in both sets of
readings under review assume the
nature of trivia-collection rather
than of analytical scholarship. For
this reason, they exemplify the
"Winnie-the-Pooh syndrome."
While running continuously in
circles around a tree, Winnie was
asked what he was chasing. He
replied seriously: "I don't know, but
I will find out when I catch up with
it." Similarly, scholars who approach
the study of Caribbean politics
without a theory-specific inquiry -
i.e., without some analytical
assumptions about what they are

looking for and why they are looking
for it are information collecting
Winnie-the-Poohs. This is a serious
problem in a field like Caribbean
politics, where there are discontinu-
ities in the elicitation and
accumulation of data and extremely
diverse political and cultural units.
Not only is the "Winnie-the-pooh
syndrome" evident in most of these
papers through the presentation of
descriptive data which remain
inadequately interpreted, but there is
also conceptual confusion through-
out the essays which attempt to be
theory-specific. Three major sets of
variables run throughout the essays:
(1) attitudinal, e.g., attitudes of
elites; (2) attribute, e.g., socio-
economic and demographic charac-
teristics of the units involved; and (3)
systemic-cultural, e.g., historical
legacies like slavery, structure of
administrative and governmental
units. class stratification). There are
two obvious problems. The first is
that these three different kinds of
variables are compounded and
thereby confused by some of the
authors. We are told, in one place,
that the attitudes of elites towards
problems will determine the course
of Caribbean development and, in
another place, that the course of that
development is a function of
population pressure. The second is
that conceptual terms such as
"race," "class," "caste," and
"political system" mean different
things to different authors. We are
told, in one place, that "the race
problem" gives rise to a politics of
"pigmentocracy" and, in another
place, that there are no racial
problems, only social problems
which are normally interpreted as
"racial." It is therefore exceedingly
difficult to interrelate the inferences
of these studies. Silvert, in a
concluding essay in The United
States and the Caribbean, is sensitive
to this problem; the editors of
Politics and Economics in the
Caribbean are not. This is ironic, for
it is the latter who call for the reader
to maintain a comparative perspect-
ive. Ignoring this problem means,
among other things, that, with a
region as diverse as the Caribbean,
one can not distinguish between
within-systems similarities and


.11 -



cults of the




and haiti
by george e.


Revised and augmented
version of The Shango Cult
in Trinidad

Institute of Caribbean-Studies
Box BM
University of Puerto Rico
Rio Piedras, Puerto Rico

C.R. JanlFeblMarch 1973 Page 37



Carlos Albizu-Miranda,
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Page 38 C.R. Vol. 5 No. 1

differences and between-systems
similarities and differences, whether
those systems are political parties,
class stratification, or economic
The third syndrome which these
sets of readings exemplify is the
"iceberg syndrome." Just as the tip
of an iceberg seems to its observer all
there is to observe, so, too, social
science research on the Caribbean
has focused largely on "macro" units
of analysis. This, too, is the result of
a research strategy: it has been
considerably easier to obtain data
about and from national sources.
The strategy has led to a dominant
image of Caribbean nations as
monocentric political systems with
three implications for analysis: that
there is usually a single, most
powerful center for decision-making;
that these decision-making ar-
rangements are linear; and that,
accordingly, public policy is created
and implemented through mobiliza-
tion techniques based upon racial
and/or class patterns.
Evidence of the "iceberg syn-
drome" are plentiful. Mathews'
introduction, for example, was taken
from an earlier article entitled
"Political Leaders and Their
Problems." The political problems to
which he alludes in the essay are the
problems which confront national
ruling elites. Gastmann's chapter on
"The Politics of the Netherlands
Antilles" outlines the major issues
"for the leaders of the Antilles."
Woven throughout discussions of
elite analysis is a call for "national
identity" as a major solution to
serious public problems. Lewis, in
characterizing the politics of the
Caribbean as a politics of
nationalism, underscores the signifi-
cance of a "national identity . a
shared feeling in the citizen-body of
belonging to a nation-state."
Mathews argues that "the solution to
the problem (of a racially divided
society) lies in the creation of a
feeling of nationhood which
transcends racial or religious
loyalties or at least which
manipulates such loyalties for the
benefit of the country as a whole."
The implication of the "iceberg
syndrome" is that the creation of a
national identity ensures legitimate

support for a ruling elite to
formulate and implement badly
needed public policy. Two points can
be made to show the inadequacy of
this popular Caribbean-watching
prescription. The first is a
demonstration of a contradiction
inherent in the arguments advoca-
ting this solution; the second, a
comparative example.
There is much discussion in both
sets of readings about the economic
integration of the Caribbean region,
primarily through the vehicles of
supra-national organizations such as
the Caribbean Development Bank
and CARIFTA. Caribbean scholars
agree that economic integration
must occur before political integra-
tion can be achieved. This agreement
usually comes in the context of
discussions about the failure of the
West Indian Federation. Lewis, for
example, argues: "As with the
historic growth of the European
Common Market, it (regional
cooperation in the Caribbean)
recognizes that the establishment of
federal economic structures must
precede the establishment of federal
political structures. Concrete com-
mon interests concretely met, not
vague sentiments of federal idealism,
become the order of the day."
Andic's overview essay recognizes
that technical and economic
integration must precede political

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Why isn't the insight into and
knowledge about the development of
economic and technical integration
as a condition precedent to the
establishment of regional identity
applied with equal vigor to
sub-national problems? That is to
say, rather than articulate vague
sentiments about nationalism,
national identity, and "common
feelings," there is a serious need to
implement social and economic
reforms before political integration
and national identity can meaning-
fully occur within a nation. What is
needed, to paraphrase Lewis, are
concrete interests, concretely met,
not vague sentiments of national
identity! It is contradictory to apply
this principle to the supra-national
level of conflict and cooperation in
the Caribbean and not to the
sub-national level of conflict and
Moreover, there is evidence, in the
form of a comparative example, that
arguments for national identity
without genuine economic and social
reform are inadequate for solving
public problems. The example is that
of China. The Kuomintang, under
the leadership of Sun Yat-sen and




Chiang Kai-shek, had a threefold
plan to solve the staggering problems
of China: (1) to bring about a
national identity, (2) to form a
tutelary government, and (3) to
institute wide-scale social and
economic reform. This plan was to
be operationalized in strict priority:
first national identity, then govern-
ment tutelage on the principles of
democracy, and finally social and
economic reform.
The genius of Mao Tse-tung lies in
his recognition of the necessity to
bring about two revolutions
concurrently: a national revolution,
which would achieve a national
identity for all Chinese, and a social
and economic revolution. Both had
to be developed simultaneously. The
leadership of the Chinese Commu-
nist Party learned very early that
cries for concern about the nation
and about national identity were
worthless without the peasantry's
experiencing social and economic
reform at the same time. Mao was
successful in overcoming the
tradition of amoral familism in
China which, for millennia, had
militated against a national identity.
So, too, with the Caribbean: the
articulation of the need for national
identity in the absence of meaningful
social and economic reform is
inadequate. It is simply another
consequence of the "iceberg
The problems related to the three
syndromes which have been dealt
with are cited in order to show the
importance of reflecting on the
nature of Caribbean-watching. The
justification and assessment of
conflicting explanations and of
conflicting sets of data about
Caribbean issues, problems, and
experience are important tasks for
the student of the Caribbean. After
all, of what use are "right answers"
to "wrong questions?" Thus it is not
quite accurate to assume that all of
the studies contained in these sets of
readings add to our knowledge about
the Caribbean. "New light" is not
costless; its price may be conceptual
confusion. Yet it is a price we
welcome and must pay if we are
interested in sustaining meaningful
inquiry about the problems of and in
the Caribbean. *

BOX 2244. U.P.R.







A Correspondent's
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memorable descriptions of
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1971 235 pp. Photos
Cloth $8.50



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C.R. Jan/FeblMarch 1973 Page 39



by Aaron Segal

CUBA, CASTRO AND THE since the passions of yesteryear are
UNITED STATES. Philip W. today's marginalia. Striking a
Bonsai. 318 pp. University of similar note are the memoirs and
Pittsburgh Press, 1971. $9.95. impressions of Americans involved
with pre-revolutionary Cuba, a dying
SLAVE SOCIETY IN CUBA. breed. The most recent batch of
Franklin W. Knight. 228 pp. Cubanology includes a book by
University of Wisconsin Press, 1970. Philip Bonsai, last U.S. Ambassador
to Cuba, which is a sad, dull, and
REVOLUTIONARY CHANGE IN unsuccessful attempt to refurbish his
CUBA. Carmelo Mesa-Lago, ed. 544 reputation during those last days of
pp. University of Pittsburgh Press, the American presence.
1971. Another category of writers about
KENNEDYETLA REVOLUTION Cuba are left-wing intellectuals,
CUBAINE. Manuela Semidei. 282 generally European, looking at the
pp. Julliard, Paris, 1972. Cuban Resolution from the

TION. Jaime Suchliki, ed. 250 pp.
University of Miami Press, 1972.
FREEDOM. Hugh Thomas. 1,696
pp. Harper and Row, 1971. $20.00.

People who write books about Cuba
fall into neat if not always tidy
categories. First come the Cuban
exiles, usually ensconced at an
American university and concerned
about putting pseudo-academic
interpretations on events in their
former homeland. Those who were
too young to have been politically
active before 1959 tend to be more
sympathetic towards what has
happened since and to have acquired
some of the jargon and tools of
North American social science. The
older men often ardently defend
their particular role or that of their
generation, usually to little avail
Page 40 C.R. Vol. 5 No. 1

perspective of their years of
enchantment and dis-enchantment
with the Third World and their
inability to achieve revolutions in
their own countries. Hugh Thomas, a
British historian and former Labor
Party member of parliament, is the
latest in a distinguished line that
includes Rene Dumont, the French
agronomist and polemicist, and K.S.
Karol, the ex-Trotskyite journalist.
These European intellectuals have
their American counterparts in
economists like Sweezy and
Boorstein, however, the Europeans
have a more negative attitude about
the current Cuban experience and
taint it with a deja vu feeling of failed
or frustrated revolutions they have
seen elsewhere. Only Sartre remains
an optimist and it is nearly ten years
since he wrote about Cuba.
A fourth category consists of
political scientists, usually North
American, but sometimes European.
Some, as in the book by Manuela
Semidei of France, are primarily

interested in international relations
concerning Cuba, essentially the
1961 Bay of Pigs and the 1962 missile
crisis. Relying on the oral history
archives of taped interviews with
associates of the late President
Kennedy, Ms. Semidei has put
together a well-documented and
coherent account of what happened
in Washington. The Cuban side of
the story tucked away in the brain
of Fidel is missing while that of
Kruschev is less than half-revealed in
his possibly authentic memoirs.
Other political scientists, writing in
the volumes edited by Mesa-Lago
and Suchliki, are interested in
political institutions in Cuba and try
to explain Soviet-Cuban and Soviet-
Latin American relations. Relying on
published sources and occasional
defectors they provide a plausible
but fundamentally dull and
misleading account. Surely the
significance of Cuba's revolution is
not what pro-Soviet Latin American
communist leaders write about Fidel
or what Fidel says about them?
Cubanology as a branch of
Kremlinology is at its worst here.
A fifth and perhaps the most
interesting category consists of black
Americans and Caribbean peoples
writing about Cuba. The recent
books excerpted and reviewed in
these pages include Barry Reckord's
highlyreadable Does Fidel Eat More
Than Your Father?, and Andrew
Salkey's (another Jamaican writer -
resident in London) less engaging
account of his visit to Havana.
Franklin Knight is a black American
professor of history who has

apparently never been to Cuba but
who has written, using Spanish
archival sources, a thoughtful
account of 19th century slavery
there. At least the blacks ask some of
the right questions and try to get at
what life is and was like for ordinary
Out of this array of persons who
write about Cuba one category is
singularly missing. There are almost
no books being published or
translated into English about Cuba
by Cubans living there. There is
some fiction which is translated,
although most of it by exiles. There
are the speeches and nauseum of
Fidel. But there is little historical
scholarship and almost no contem-
porary research which is available, a
sad commentary both on why books
about Cuba are published and the
current state of Cuban intellectual
A survey of books about Cuba
makes it clear that the revolution has
failed; yet it goes on, and has both
changed and left intact many basic
features of Cuban society. Hugh
Thomas, who goes back to 1762
when British forces captured Havana
and opened the Spanish trade
monopoly, has written a superstar of
a book because it adds historical
depth and perspective to current
analysis. The birth of Cuban sugar,
the 19th century society in which it
fluorished, the role of slavery, the
failure of the revolt of 1868, and
more are all dealt with. The
drabness, economic stagnation,
political authoritarianism, pre-
dominance of the military, and
cultural void of Cuba since 1959 are
all seen against a vast historical
canvas on which they have their
analogies, parallels and underlying
causes. An appendix sums up what is
known about pre-European Cuba in
a brilliant job of historical
reconstruction. Never a paradise but
probably a happier and saner place
before the white man ever stepped
The Cuban exiles work out of
Cuban Study centers at the
Universities of Pittsburgh and
Miami. Carmelo Mesa-Lago is the
best of the group, a thoughtful and
well-read economist who has
prodigously assembled what statis-

tics are available, assessed their
reliability, and traced relationships
between economy and society.
Thomas is better at explaining why
Cuban sugar has dominated,
mesmerized, and paralyzed Cuban
society, and relating technology and
markets elsewhere to Cuban
responses. Mesa-Lago strips away
much of the rhetoric of emphasis on
moral incentives and new men to
show how the revolution has failed to
deliver consumer goods, is groping to
pay for social services, which the
Soviets are reluctant to finance, and
has found neither a way of
mechanizing sugar nor of growing
other crops productively.
Those exiles who focus on Cuban
politics lack first-hand access to men
and ideas and, like their North
American counterparts, spend much
of their time analyzing minutiae.
There is lacking a clear sense of who
has profited from the revolution.
Given that such a group exists, how
large and coherent is it, how is it
recruited and purged, and what are
its privileges? Lowry Nelson, an
American sociologist whose pre-1959
study of rural Cuba has become a
classic, makes a stab at dissecting
the new social structure in a chapter
in the book edited by Suchliki but is
stymied by lack of empirical data.
Yet it makes one of the few readable
chapters in what is otherwise a
repetitious and redundant book
more thrown together than edited.
The Mesa-Lago volume is more
useful with chapters on the Catholic
Church since 1959, literature,
theater and films, education, and
other matters. Those who write
about post-1959 cultural life should
read Thomas to learn what it has
been like since 1762 and not merely
Except for the books by Knight
and Thomas, Afro-Cubans are
missing from these thousands of
pages, especially those written by
Cuban exiles. Yet what is distinctive
about Cuban culture and society is
largely from their contribution.
Knight, a former student of Philip
Curtin at Wisconsin, carefully
meshes economic history with
vignettes of 19th century plantation
life. Thomas is bolder if less sure of
his materials, painting in vivid

strokes of Afro-Cuban secret
societies, before and after the
revolution, and the structure of race
relations. Largely unaware of
Afro-Cuban interests and problems
before 1959, Fidel has sought to
incorporate individuals into the
revolutionary ranks while keeping
heritage and living traditions apart
and separate.
None of these books strikes a
happy note about Cuba's present
and future. The economic problems,
including a bondage to the Soviets
nearly as painful as the previous
dependence on the United States,
seem to be unresolvable although
Thomas at least has some
suggestions about what can be done
with sugar. Economic dependence
which fails to yield economic growth
feeds a political and cultural
nationalism which is increasingly
repressive at home and sterile
abroad. Egalitarianism of sacrifice
without liberty or political participa-
tion from below makes for a drab
and oppressive society. Absenteeism,
low productivity, and poor morale
are the characteristics of a society
which has too little confidence in its
own people to decentralize decision-
making and provide for genuine
popular participation in what
happens. Instead there is a will-o'-
the-wisp pursuit of an absolute and
chimerical freedom. Like Don
Quixote charging at windmills, Fidel
rails at the Americans, the Soviets,
the imperialists, the bureaucracy,
and even on occasion himself, but
has no Sancho Panza to remind him
that the Cuban man needs bread,
rice, and many other items.
The prospects for a Yugoslavia in
the Caribbean, brandishing a milder-
and more -humane form of
regimentation, perhaps with a
limited reconciliation with Wash-
ington, seem dim for the foreseeable
future. As long as another generation
of material sacrifices is required,
anti-Americanism is a basic
ideological justification, whether or
not it leads to higher standards of
living. Nor is there anything in or
about Cuba to prompt American
policy-makers to seek to make-up.
All the more reason for reading the
Thomas book which tells the Cuban
story almost from its inception. *

C.R. Jan/FeblMarch 1973 Page 41


by Ken Boodhoo

S RACE AND REVOLUTIONARY sugar industry which is partially
CONSCIOUSNESS: A foreign-owned. This, then, very
DOCUMENTARY INTERPRE- briefly, is the politico constitutional
TATION OF THE 1970 BLACK and economic position of Trinidad in
POWER REVOLT IN TRINIDAD. the decade preceding independence.
Ivar Oxaal. 96 pp. It is with this background that one
Schenkman, 1971 could place in a proper perspective
the meaning of "Black Power" in the
Trinidad and Caribbean setting.
When is a book a book? Ivar Oxaal's To the superficial analyst, and to
Race and Revolutionary Conscious- those for whom it is more prudent to
ness does not contribute to a seek foreign explanations, the black
clarification of this question. This power movement in Trinidad was a
ninety-six page study has, by its flagrant copy of the American
author, been variously termed "an experience, or a wholesale importa-
Existential Report," "A Document- tion of foreign ideas. The latter
ary Interpretation," "a collection of charge, in particular, fits into the
primary source materials," "a much-repeated argument that the
pamphlet," and, finally, "a sequel or Trinidadian society is composed of
extended final chapter" to his "mimic men." Oxaal probes
previously published Black Intellect- somewhat deeper, though with
uals Come to Power. Interestingly, incomplete analysis, arriving at the
however, Race and Revolutionary conclusion that "it represented
Consciousness does, in some way, another local battle in the
fulfill its different descriptions as contemporary international struggle
outlined by its author. against western neo-imperialism
The study is an attempt to piece being waged, frequently by the
together, largely through photo- young, in virtually every country
graphs and documents, what is now where private enterprise, particularly
termed the "February Revolution," when foreign-owned, is seen to be
or otherwise called the Black Power incompatible with the general
uprising in Trinidad, and to offer welfare that is to say, everywhere
some interpretation of the events, in the capitalist world." Thus it is
Trinidad, formerly a colony of this phenomenon of exploitation
Great Britain, gained constitutional resulting from a long history of
independence in 1962 under Dr. Eric colonial domination, and its more
Williams and the People's National recent manifestation in the multi-
Movement. This party, which first national corporation, that adds an
assumed governmental authority on economic dimension to the form and
a wave of rising nationalism in 1956, content of the black power
maintained office through the 1970 movement in the Caribbean.
uprising and continues to form the While one must be cautious
government today. Though constitu- concerning possible overstatement of
tional independence was achieved a the economic input to the movement,
B decade ago, its familiar twin this dimension appears closely linked
economic dependence contin- to the feelings and attitudes of the
uously prevails for so many third masses towards themselves. Dave
world countries. The Trinidadian Darbeau, one of the brilliant young
From: Thomas Clarkson, The Histor economy is dominated by the thinkers of the movement, wrote:
the Rise, Progress, and Accomplishments of
the Abolition of the African Slave-Trade foreign-controlled petroleum indus- "we have now developed our
by the British Parliament, 1808 try and, to a lesser extent, by the consciousness by disciplined organi-

Page 42 C.R. Vol. 5 No. 1

zation and an examination of our
condition... When we understand
ourselves in this way we can build a
genuine brotherhood in this
community, a sense of pride in
ourselves and the confidence and
courage to tackle our problems. The
development of this consciousness on
a national scale will allow us to take
control of our economy and so our
lives." Again, in East Dry River
Speaks, it is written: "There is a
mood, tempo, feeling call it what
you like. There is a new individual
who refuses to submit, who wants his
manhood. Who knows that freedom
will come only with change,
revolutionary change, who says that
one has to stand up and be counted,
who speaks of 'human value' not
gold, and gives no respect but to
contribution. Above all, he says that
the wealth of this country should be
used in the interest of all and not
made the possession of the few."
The point here is that the so-called
black power movement in Trinidad
actually de-emphasized use of the
term "Black," employing instead the
battle-cry "Power to the People."
This was done not only because the
movement was concerned with
confronting the foreign-owned
economy, but also because of the
peculiar racial composition of the
society (38% East Indian), conse-
quently resulting in attempts by
leaders to incorporate the Indian
masses in a struggle along class lines.
This latter consideration does not
appear to be well taken in Race and
Revolutionary Consciousness. While
Oxaal concedes that "the appeals of
the Black Power movement certainly
did bridge class lines," there was
little consideration of the move-
ment's attempts to bridge racial
barriers and of the role of East
Indians in the political process. After
an early statement that a basic
structural weakness in the island's
social order is "its celebrated but
troublesome ethnic pluralism, es-
pecially as manifested between the
East Indian and Negro sections," the
issue is insufficiently analyzed.
While most of the leaders of the
black power movement in Trinidad
publicly expressed the desire of full
participation by East Indians in the
movement, the fact that these efforts
were only partially successful was

probably one of the contributory appears rather low.
factors to the eventual downfall of Oxaal has suggested that "over-all
the movement. Suspicion between Trinidad would appear to be more
the Negroes and the East Indians is structurally stable than at any time
widespread and long-standing. Its since independence." Perhaps be-
antecedents are in the actual entry of cause of this, though it is not clearly
the latter group into the Trinidadian stated, the author, discussing the
society over a century ago failure of the revolution, surmised
immediately after the termination of that "the structural conditions for a
slavery. The entry of this group, successful revolution were probably
providing an abundant supply of not present." Some elaboration of
cheap labor, is claimed to have these assertions would have been
influenced a depression of the most beneficial to the study. The
general wage level with consequent issue here is that there is not enough
repercussions for the Negroes. of Oxaal in Race and Revolutionary
Suspicion between the groups was Consciousness. After a somewhat
also often promoted by the colonizer, provocative Black Intellectuals Come
In general, the East Indian to Power, which dealt with an equally
community experienced mixed stimulating subject, one approaches
reactions to the black power the book with eager anticipation.
movement. Whereas the leaders of These expectations, however, are not
the movement welcomed East Indian fulfilled. A spatial analysis of the
participation, symbols employed study reveals that in a publication of
were largely of African extraction, some ninety-six pages, sixteen are
and the values, as articulated, devoted to photographs, another
appeared different. Yet these nineteen to reprints of documents,
leaders, recognizing the economical- and ten to newspaper editorials.
ly depressed position of the Indian Oxaal, then, reveals himself in just
masses, stressed liberation from over fifty per cent of the material. It
oppression as the theme for the is necessary to point out that the
involvement of the East Indian documentation section, in particular,
community. It was with this aim that is admirably done in that not only
the march on Caroni, one of the high was Oxaal able to bring together
points of the movement's activities, relatively little-known writings at
into the sugar belt populated by the least, for interested scholars outside
rural East Indians was organized, of Trinidad concerning the
This writer-could recall numerous Trinidad uprising, but also these
instances of obvious support selections reveal the feelings and
demonstrated by these rural people attitudes of some of the major actors
for the marchers, possibly illustrative in the crisis. The same, too, could be
of the direction of their future said concerning the newspaper
behavior. The announcement of the editorials.
State of Emergency, shortly after, Oxaal's brief analysis of the
however, effectively precluded any attitude of the Trinidad's middle
possible widespread cooperative class to the 1970 uprising is most
activity between the groups. interesting. He states that whereas
Oxaal's de-emphasizing of the this group was opposed to any basic
East Indians' role possibly stems change which threatened its position
from his over-statement of the part and which probably would bring into
played by the Tapia group in the power the working class, the former
1970 uprising and from an apparent were able to rationalize its opposition
mis-reading of Tapia's impact upon by other means. In his words, "it was
the politics of Trinidad. While it is the spectre of a coup d'etat and
probably correct to state, as Oxaal, visions of a military junta in
does, that Tapia's members Trinidad on the model of the
"constitute the intellectual heavy- frightful and turbulent Latin
weights of the immediate genera- Americans.. which would be later
tion," politics in Trinidad does not cited by many middle-class
necessarily constitute an intellectual Trinidadians as the reason for their
exercise. To that extent, therefore, vehement rejection of the form the
Tapia's position on the political Black Power movement ultimately
ladder to governmental office assumed." *
C.R. Jan/Feb/March 1973 Page 43

"La Reforma Agraria require la crecient# y
Para ellos se hizo, y ellos deben ser tos' a

loss* rrer

i.6i s campesinos.
Joceso". Velasco.


Peruvian poster by Jesus Rui Durand, photo by Jorge Santana


MILITARY by Jorge Rodriguez Beruff

CAMBIOS. Victor Villanueva. 185
pp. Editorial Juan Mejia Baca, Lima,

Victor Villanueva, a retired Peruvian
Army major, has dedicated himself
to becoming one of the sharpest
commentators on Peruvian politics.
He is the only Peruvian author to
have studied the political actions of
the Armed Forces in depth. In
addition to his classic chronicle
about the revolt of October 3, 1948,
La Tragedia de un pueblo y un
partido [The Tragedy of a People
and a Party], his other three books
about the political behavior of the

military, El militarismo un ano bajo
el sable [Militarism: A Year Under
the Sword], and Nueva mentalidad
military en el Peru [The New Military
Mentality in Peru], have become
required reading for researchers of
those topics.
Villanueva proposes to find the
causes of the ideological change and
functional enlargements in the
Peruvian army. In order to
accomplish this, he begins with a
brief analysis of the origins of the
institution and identifies and
discusses the main crises which it
faced and how it dealt with them. He
maintains that the ideological
content that characterizes the
present orientation of the military is
the result of the historical

conditioning to which it has been
subjected, from Peru's independence
to the present (which has been a
gradual settling process).
After independence, the Peruvian
military maintained itself in power
for the longest uninterrupted period
of any Latin American country
(1821-1870). It was not until the late
nineteenth-century that the classes
which exercised economic domi-
nance were able to wrest control of
the State from the military caudillos.
The author believes that the
military's loss of power to the
civilians, a political expression of the
strengthened commercial and agrar-
ian obligarchy, presented the
military with one of its first and most
serious crises. The military did not

Page 44 C.R. Vol. 5 No. 1

its power without resistance, and an
attempted coup by the Gutierrez
brothers had to be repressed by force
before President Pardo could take
The military experienced two
other hard blows during the
nineteenth century: the first was an
international conflict and the second
an internal one. In the War of the
Pacific (1879-1883), Peru was
defeated by Chile with the added
humiliation that General Mariano
Ignacio Prado, the President of Peru
and one of Peru's heroes of the
resistance to the Spanish fleet in
1866, left the country under very
suspicious circumstances while the
war was in progress. The internal
crisis occurred later in 1895 when
Marshall Caceres was deposed after
the army was defeated by the
montoneros, a group of armed
civilian irregulars.
From 1895, the victorious caudillo,
Nicholas de Pierola, attempted to
guide the army away from politics
through what the well known
political scientist, Samuel P.
Huntington has called objective
control; in other words, through
professionalizing it. Nevertheless,
this process was interrupted by the
upper bourgeoisie when they
promoted the coup of 1914 against
the half-hearted reforms of President
Billianghurst and the significant rise
of the popular classes during his
Villanueva also discusses the
impact of the army in the frontier
conflict of that century. The conflict
between Peru and Colombia
confirmed the aversion the military
had to "politics" and to the
interference of politicians in the
conduct of military affairs. The
victory over Ecuador reflected the
necessity and appropriateness of a
policy to expand the autonomy of the
military institution. In discussing
more recent determinants of
ideological and functional changes,
the author notes the following: the
failure of the last military caudillo,
General Odria; the marginalization
of the Peruvian Armed Forces as a
consequence of the development of
military technology since World War
II; the serious threat to institutional
unity and cohesion caused by the

penetration of its rank and file by the
apristas which reached crisis
proportions in the coup of October 3,
1948; and, finally, the development
of the guerrillas while a reformist
middle-class government was in
power, which the military itself had
placed there.
Cien anos del ejercito Peruano
questions the thesis now in vogue
about the linear development
towards professionalization of the
Peruvian army, sustained primarily
by two North American investiga-
tors, Luigi Einaudi and Liisa North.
The strategy of the upper bourgeoisie
has been a changing one. At times
this group promoted professiona-
lization; however, at other times,
conservative politicization was the
rule. Even the violation of the army's
internal norms were at times
violated, as, for example, during
Seguria's administration. The
aprista penetration of the army's
rank and file, primarily involving
lower and middle rank officers, can
be taken as a sign of institutional
decay. October 3, 1948, represents
the high point of the breakdown of
discipline and hierarchical cohesion
as a consequence of the politicization
of the middle body of troops. A
discussion, no matter how brief, of
the multiple aprista conspiracy
among the rank and file of the army
between 1932 and 1948 is
unfortunately lacking.
In order to expound his
hypothesis, Villanueva makes use of
psychological sociology which hardly
helps to clarify the discussed
phenomena. The institutional crises
are "frustrations," "shocks," or
"traumas"; the reactions are
"depressions," "projections," or
"suppressions." Fortunately, this
never goes so far as to represent a
rigid theoretical frameword of the
psychological type but, instead, a
heuristic and expository device
behind which lie rich arguments full
of original ideas and observations
which may become grounds for
future investigations.
Villanueva's work is founded on a
fundamental proposition: that
ideological content is maintained
and transmitted through the
generations in the military. This
accounts for his search in the

institution's history for experiences
that contributed to the present
orientation. Regardless of the
fundamental importance of this
supposition, we do not find an
explanation even tentative of
the mechanism which makes this
possible. There is only an indirect
reference to the function of military
historians, but there is no discussion
of the possible function of military
publications, of the academies and
other formal media of socialization,
of informal media like personal
relations, and of the lodges, etc. One
might also ask: when did the
Peruvian Army become a sufficiently
integrated and bureaucratized
organization to make possible the
continuity of a corporate conscience?
The author does not seem to give
sufficient weight to some external
factors that have contributed to the
present ideological impact of both
the Americans and the Cubans on
the Peruvian military; for example, a
factor such as the doctrine of "civic
action" formulated by the Pentagon
and the Cuban Revolution, both of
which guided the expansion of the
function of the military between the
years 1961-1968.
In his last chapter, Villanueva
tries to establish the components of
the present direction of the military
and attempts to tie this in with the
historical experiences of the
institution. His perspective tends to
highlight those elements that are
common to all officers' ranks
without going into depth regarding
the particulars of the present
direction or taking into account the
ideological differences between
various factions.
Despite its weaknesses, Villa-
neuva's analysis of the Peruvian
Armed Forces is a useful book and is
anaddition to a growing trend among
other Latin American authors. On
Argentina we already have the
excellent works by Jose Luis de Imaz,
Potash and Dario Canton; on Chile,
the work by Alain Joxe; on Brazil,
the detailed work by Alfred Stepan;
on Colombia, the work by Francisco
Leal. Because of these books it will
eventually be possible to begin
comparative studies using more
reliable data to achieve greater
understanding of the military. *

C.R. Jan/Feb/March 1973 Page 45

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Page 46 C.R. Vol. 5 No. 1


Cecilia Arwaldi de Olmeda. 187 pp. Editorial
Universitarla, 1972

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Roger Dunbier. U. of Arizona Press, 1972.
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History and Archaelogy

Seiourne. Trans. by Josefina Olina de Coll.
Siglo XXI de Espana, 1971

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C.R. JanlFeblMarch 1973 Page 47

THE DEATH THORN. Alma M. Karlin.
Trans. by Bernard Miall. 346 pp. Blaine
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El Earorial, r.

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AN JUMA P. a. 61 l

Page 48 C.R. Vol. 5 No. 1

TECS. Burr Cartwright Brundage. 400 pp.
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GRANDE. Robert N. McLean. 184 pp. Revell
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Essays on Guatemalan
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Box 7819
Austin, Texas 78712

burne F. Cook and Woodrow Borah. 479 pp.
University of California Press, 1971.
Rafael Caries. Universidad Catolica "Andres
Bello," 1970.
Clifford. 283 pp. Institute Interamericano de
Ciencias Agricolas

Richard Morefield. 106 pp. R. & E. Press
Assocs., (San Francisco) 1971. $8.00
Originally presented as the authors thesis in
FORMANCE. Ineke Cunningham. 193 pp.
U.P.R. Press, Rio Piedras Cloth $3.50, paper
$2.50. A study of students in a Puerto Rican
high school.

LA NEGRITUD. Luis Marin Anson. 295 pp.
Ediciones de la Revista Occidente (Madrid),
1971. The negritude literary movement in
Africa and America.
INDIAN ECONOMY. by Sol Tax. 230 pp.
Ortagon (N.Y.), 1972. $9.50 a 1953 reprint.

SAN CIPRIANO. Anthony L. LaRuffa. 149 pp.
Gordon and Breach Science Publishers, 1971.
$9.95 cloth, $2.95 paper.
Heins. 324 pp. Ramparts Press, 1972. $2.95.
The Story of Los Siete de la Raza.

209 pp. Pall Mall, 1972 $6.25
EDUCATION. Ysidro Arturo Cabrera. 203
pp. R & E Res Assoc. (San Francisco), 1972.
$7.00 The author's thesis in 1963.

Patricia Beu Blawis. 191 pp. International
Publishers, 1972. Cloth $6.95; paper $2.65. An
important book on the history and
development of the Mexican-American
Durmeval Trigueiro Mendes. Latin
American Studies Center, Michigan State


James W. Wilkie. 47 pp. SUNYAB, 1972. $2.00
LATINA. Bruno A. Bologna. 56 pp. Ediciones
Colmegna, S.S., 1970.

PRERIALISMO. Jose Moreno. Ediciones
Barbara, 1971. Discusses the limitations and
contradictions of the ideology to which
CEPAL is committed. Places the cepalist
doctrine within the "reform school" in Latin

SICTION? Sergio Ramos Cordova. 539 pp.
Casa de las Americas 1972. Won the essay
prize for 1972. Deals with the change from
capitalism to socialism in Chile.
INVESTMENT. Stephen F. Lav. 118 pp.
Prager, 1972.

TRIFICATION. James E. Rose 343 pp. Pall
Mall 1972 $7.25. Rural development through
electrification in Colombia, Costa Rica,
Ecuador and Nicaragua.
Streeten and Diane Alson. 101 pp. Pall Mall,
1972. $5.25 Concerns the coffee producing
countries of Africa and Latin America.

Adams, comp. 366 pp. Editorial Paidos, 1971.
CORPORATION. Charles S. Jones 364 pp.
ISBN: 0-8061-0976-9.

1 Il' "


409 San Francsco

Plaza de Col6n

Old San Juan

Til 10 p.m. Mon. to Sit.
12 Noon 'til 10 Sunday

C.R. Jan/Feb/March 1973 Page 49

281 pp.' Exposition Press (New York) 1972.
$8.00 An authoritative analysis of Haiti's
problem of economic and social develop-

Mathis. 143 pp. Diana, 1971.

Lizano Fait. 175 pp. Editorial Universitaria
Centroamerlcana, 1970.

PRESENT. W.F.C. Purser. 339 pp. Pall Mall,
1972 $7.75.

174 pp. Praeger, 1972. $15.00.

William R. Cline. 242 pp. Pall Mall Press,
1972. $6.25.

UNAM, Mexico, 1972. Details the reality of
Mexican exports within the Latin American

VENTURE IN MEXICO. Robert W. Randall.
257 pp., U. of Texas Press., 1972.

Nelson, et als. 322 pp. Oxford U. Press, 1972.

GUIANA, 1838-1904. Alan H. Adamson. 315
pp. Yale U. Press, 1972. $12.50 It is a wide
range of problems confronting a multiracial,
multicultural, one-crop British colony in the
post-emancipantion 19th century.

Page 50 C.R. Vol. 5 No. 1

Villagran Kramer. 559 pp. Editorial
Universitaria Centroamericana, 1969.
Juridical study attempting to analyze the
movement toward Latin American in-

Raul Prebisch. 305 pp. Fondo de Cultura
Economic, 1970.


PARA 0 PROGRESS. Abelardo F. Mon-
tenegro. 169 pp. Editor Henriqueta Galeno,

1865-1875. Jan Bazant. 364 pp. El Colegio de
Mexico, 1971. Discusses the nationalization
and sale of church holdings in Mexico bet-
ween 1822-1875.

Hugh Thomas, 1,696 pp., Harper and Row.

Suchlicke (ed). 250 pp. U. of Miami Press,
1972. $7.95. Ten Cuba watchers pool their
ideas and research to give the reader a
penetrating view. Insight into Cuba's
economic, political and social realities.

'Miranda. 1,969 pp. Inds. Grafs. Cyma, 1971.

AMERICAN POLITICS. John D.Martz (ed.).
395 pp. Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1971.

Allison. 338 pp. Little, Brown & Co., n.d.

INTERNACIONAL. Juan Carlos Puig. 295
pp. Editoriales Depalma, 1970.

Marcio Moreira Alves. 284 pp. Casa de las
Americas, 1972. won the 1972 "testimony"
Casa de las Americas prize. Deals with the
awakening of the Brazilian revolution.

Cadenhead. 161 pp. Texas Christian
University Press, 1972. $3.50.

CUBAINE. Manvela Semidei. 282 pp.,
Juliard, Paris, 1972.

GREAT DEBATE. Bertram Silverman. 382
pp. Atheneum Publishers, 1971.

CULTURA. Anon. Trans by Armando
Martinez Verdugo. Fondo de Cultura
Popular, 1971. This presents the Soviet
viewpoint on Mexican studies; literature,
politics and economics.

INDOCILES. Fernando Medina Ferrada. 202
pp. Casa de las Americas, 1972. Won the Casa
de las Americas prize for the best novel of
1972. Deals with Bolivian history.

Helio Silva. 421 pp. Editora Civilizacao
Brasileira, S.A., 1971. Traces the links bet-
ween Integralismo and Nazism and fascism
in Germany and Italy. Integralismo isshown
to be the source of repression and terrorism
in Brazil.

Parker. Editor Qulmantu, 1972. A historical
study of fascism and analyses its
"resurgence" in Latin America.

(OAS). Gerhard Kutzner. Hansischer
Gildenverlag Joachim Heitmann & Co.,
Decio Freitas. Trans. by Claudia
Schilling. Editorial Nuestra America,
1971. Analyses the establishment of the
Black Brazilian Slave Republic in
Northeastern Brazil and studies the last
slave uprising.
CASE STUDY, 1965-1971. James Petras
and Hugo Zemelman Merino, trans. by
Thomas Flory. 164 pp. University of
Texas Press, 1972.
1961. Manuel Espinoza Garcia. Casa de
las Americas, 1971.
Laredo. 135 pp. Ediciones Depalma,
Maldonado Denis. Translated by Elena
Vialo. 336 p. Random House, 1972, $8.95.
One of the first books to acknowledge
the longetivity and ardor of the Puerto
Rican struggle for freedom.
Gutelman. 259 pp. Francois Maspero,
1971. Analytic study of agrarian con-
ditions in Mexico from the ad-
ministration of Porfirio Diaz to 1970. It
is a careful study of a societal
restructuring, as a result of the
agrarian reform.
Blanca Torres Ramirez. 142 pp. El
Colegio de Mexico, Mexico, 1971.
LATINE. Ruy Mauro Marini. 190 pp.
Libraire Maspero, 1972. Discusses the
capitalist system within the framework
of dependence theory. Special attention
given to Brazil.


DOCTRINA. Eduardo J. Tejera.
Primer Congreso Nacional de AB-
DALA, 1971.
Editorial Universitaria, 1971.
Lascaris. 485 pp. Editorial Univer-
sitaria Centroamericana, 1970.
Anibal Ponce. 243 pp. Siglo XXI
Editores, 1970.
VENEZUELA. Domingo Milani. 159 pp.
MEN, 1971. Systematic analysis of
Venezuelan philosophic thought.

problemas de



editado por:
Rafael L. Ramirez
Barry B. Levine
Carlos Buitrago Ortiz

Celia F. de Cintr6n y Barry B. Levine
A. G. Quintero Rivera
Carlos Buitrago Ortiz
Rafael L. Ramirez
Roberto Sanchez Vilella
Mariano Mufioz Hernindez

Sldana 3 Rio Piedras, RR.


C.R. JanlFeblMarch 1973 Page 51


108 square miles. The island is
shaped as a rough circle. She is
a member of the British Com-
monwealth under an Associated
State status. Antigua has a pc-
pulation of around 60,000 and
her capital is ST. JOHN'S The
currency is the West Indian
Dollar (popularly called the bee
wee dollar). Visitors to Antigua
should have a certificate of vac-
cination and proof of citizenship.
WHERE TO STAY? Antigua has
a full range of tourist rated
hotels. Among the best, we espe-
cially recommend:

TEL is located at Soldier Bay,
only three miles from the airport
and four from downtown St.
John's. All rooms face the hotel's
own white sand beach. Dancing
to island's best combo on Sun.,
Fri. And Wed. Nights. Native and
Continental cuisine. Full water
sports facilities. Tennis and Gol-
fing. Under the stars dancing and
dining at outside patio.
English Harbor, in the South
coast of Antigua, is one of the
most important historical sites in
the Caribbean. Within this area
lies Nelson's Dockyard which
was restored some years ago to
its original splendor. Most hotels
offer native style entertainment
several nights every week. There
are a good number of indepen-
dent night spots near to and in
St. John's.


ed within viewing distance of
Venezuela's coast and 500 miles
Page 52 C.R. Vol. 5 No. 1

southeast of Puerto Rico, has
approximately 115 square miles.
The island has a population of
approximately 60,000 and its ca-
pital is Oranjestad. As a member
of the Nertherland Antilles
(which are equal partners with
the Kingdom of the Netherlands).
In addition, most islanders speak
fluent English, Dutch and Span.
WHERE TO STAY. There are
several luxury and moderate pri-
ce hotels in Aruba. We recom-
mend the Divi-Divi.

few steps from your patio to the
warm clear waters of the Carib-
bean. Clusters of Beachfront Ca-
sitas are designed to provide
luxury and privacy. Relax and
enjoy your spacious room with
its private patio an.d view of the
sea, decorated with hand-craft-
ed furnishings of sixteenth cen-
tury Spanish colonial design. All
Casitas air-conditioned. Private
baths with tub and shower and
two double beds in each room.
"BALI". This famous floating,
airconditioned Indonesian restau-
rant is located at the "Bali" Pier
at Oranjestad, Aruba's capital. It
is open 7 days a week, from 10
am. till 12 pm. and features
among many other exotic dishes
the well known RIJSTTAFEL
(ricetable) which consists of about
22 different dishes such as
shrimps, krupuk, veal, sate, chic.
ken, vegetables, etc., etc. They are
all prepared in ever varying tastes
.with unlimitable combinations of
herbs and spices. Dinner at this
restaurant will be a culinary ex-
perience never to be forgotten and
therefore strongly recommended.
It's owner/host Karl Schmand
will always be there to help you
along and see to it that the service
will be the way you expect it.
It's view at the l'aarden Baai
(The Horses Bay), Oranjcstad's
Harbour is out of this world.
ba is small enough so that the
typical visitors has time to see

even during a relatively short
visit. Walking around the island
capital one can't but admire its
Dutch-like cleaniness. The city's
port, called Horses Bay, features a
very photogenic open air market
where cookware, produce fruit
and fish from all the surrounding
islands and seas are sold. The
Bali, a famous restaurant/bar
Alilt on a converted houseboat
which features Indonesian dishes,
is right in town and should be
visited. In addition to its interest-
ing architecture and riotous co-
lors, the city has flower-filled
Wilhemnina Park, a great place to
spend many relaxing evening
hours. Touring the rest of the
island will show the visitor
many examples of Aruba's famed
trade mark, the wind blown Divi-
Divi trees, its very curious rock
formations and the many inte-
resting uses to which the island
cactus plant has been adapted.
The island has a nature-built
Rock Bridge which is best seen
from ruins said to be from a Pi-
rate Castle but which actually are
the leftovers of a gold-ore stamp-
ing mill built in 1872. On the
other side of the island, on the

South coast, there are caves full
of carvings and drawings report-
edly made by the island's native
inhabitants centuries ago. For vi-
sitors with a technological bent
the island's water distillation
Plant, one of largest such plants
in the world, offers daily guided
tours. Aruba, of course, offers
the full spectrum of water sports
and activities: swimming, deep-
sea fishing, sailing, water skiing,
etc. There are several tennis
courts, one golf course and skeet
facilities in the island. Aruba has
no luxury taxes and no duties on
a large number of items, there
is a growing number of very top
native operations, so good buys
are plentiful. Most of the larger
hotels have San Juan-like night-
clubs and restaurants. Most have
fine food. Also in this category is
the Olde Molen an old windmill
brought to Aruba from Holland
and then converted into a res-
taurant nightclub.


long, thin island with an area of
approximately 180 sq. miles and
a population of around 135,000.
Its capital is Willemstad which
has a magnificent Old World at-
mosphere. The largest of the six
Dutch islands in the Caribbean,
Curacao is the seat of the Nether-
land Antilles Government. The
official currency is the Guilder
which exchanges for approxim-
ately $0.50 U. S.
has three large, resort hotels. All
of these have gambling rooms.
Several of the city's charming old
mansions have been converted
into inexpensive guest houses

which cater, mainly, to Latin
American tourists. Among all,
we recommend the Curacao In-


TAL. Located right in the center
of a charming town, making it
perfect for both businessmen and
vacationers. 125 air-conditioned
rooms, swimming pool, night
club, casino. Also lovely tropical
gardens. Be sure to visit the
swinging Kikini Bar. Fine faci-
lities for conventions.

Walking around Willemstad for
window shopping (Curacao is si-
milar to St. Thomas in the varie-
ty of goods and rock-bottom
prices it offers bargain hunting
Caribbean visitors) and sightsee-
ing are a must do activity for all
visitors to the island. The city's
famed Pontoon Bridge, which
opens and closes several times
a day to allow ships thru, of-
fers great photographic possibili-
ties. Like most islands in the
Caribbean Curacao offers the full
spectrum of ocean and beach re-
lated activities. It also has a golf
course, tennis courts and horse-
back riding. When the pontoon
bridge in Willemstad is open,
there is a free feiry ride across
the canal. Visitors taking this
free ride will have a unique op-
portunity for meeting the friend-

ly people of this island and thus
flavor another of its charms. Fi-
nally every visitor should try
some of the many candies, sweets
and tidbits sold by street vendors
all around town.


has 532 square miles and a popu-
lation of around 300,000. She is a
state of France. Her capital is
BASSE-TERRE. The accepted cur-
rency is the New Franc which ex-
changes at 0.20 U.S. Visitors
should have a certificate of vac-
cination and proof of citizenship.
French is almost exclusively
spoken here.
WHERE TO STAY? Guadeloupe
has five major hotels. Among
these we especially recommend:

sandy beach, swimming pool,
sumptuous gardens 30 minutes
from airport, 128 air conditioned
rooms French and Creole cui-
sine French wines 9 hole
golf on hotel grounds 5 minute

C.R. JanlFeblMarch 1973 Page 53


1,000 foot sugar white beach. Fully air conditioned.
40 Spanish style Casitas with their own beach front
patio. 42 rooms overlooking the beach with patio or
Spanish balcony. International Cuisine Pelican Bar
& patio Fresh Water Swimming Pool. BRUIF
TEL. 3300


o.CAl.A.I :B. BH I.-

walk to nearest town daily
shopping tour to Pointe-a-Pitre -
French atmosphere Something
different and an occasion to
freshen up on your French.
Guadeloupe, which is shaped like
a butterfly, has two distinct en-
vironments. One of the wings
(Grande Terre) is generally flat
and rolling and full of lovely,
white-sand beaches. The other
wing (Basse Terre) is more hilly
and rugged and features black,
volcanic-ash beaches. Visitors to
the island should take time out
to try different restaurants (even
the smallest ones offer gourmet
dishes) and inspect the architec-
ture of the Caravelle in which
the floating effect so many archi-
tects seek was masterly achieved.
Also in the "must be seen list"
CARIBs where some fine examples
of Carib Indian sculpture can be
Matouba where, according to leg-
end, live sacrifices are carried
out and the beach at LE MOULE,
once the scene of battles between
European powers and the Carib
Indians. Visitors interested in
shopping should definitely go to
Point-a-Pitre's commercial area,
an incredibly busy, Near East-
looking section where Persian
rugs and tropical fruits are some-
times sold in the same small


has 450 square miles. She is a
state of France. Her capital is
FORT-DE-FRANCE. The island has
a population of around 300,00.
The accepted currency is the New
Franc which is worth $0.20 US.
French is spoken almost exclusiv-
ely. Visitors should have a certi-
ficate of vaccination and proof
of citizenship.
WHERE TO STAY? Martinique
has several Tourism Office re-
commended hotels. Among these
we especially recommend:

55-95) is located at Trois llets
at one of the ends of Fort de
France's magnificent harbor. It
has 77 de luxe, ocean-front, air.
Page 54 C.R. Vol. 5 No. I

conditioned rooms, 20 cabanas
.ith private bath & telephone.
Truly superb French and Native
cuisine. White sand beach and
swimming pool. Private marina.
All water sports. Every hour a
luxurious cruise boat tender
makes a round trip to the city.

There are two things most visi-
tors to this island do during
their stay in the island: visit
the ruins museum at ST. PIERRE,
formerly Martinique's capital
which in 1902 was burned to a
crisp by Mount Pellee's explosion,
and visit the BIRTH-PLACE OF
Ilets. Between these two points
is Fort de France, the present
capital, which has unique archi-
tecture, an endless variety of
shops and the best restaurants in
the Antilles. Visitors planning
longer visits no less than a week
is recommended should drive
the whole perimeter of the island.
Black sand beaches, tropical rain-
forest-like greenery, sky high vis-
tas and dazzling, plantation ho-
mes in the grand style will reward
them. The Atlantic side of the
island offers some of the most
beautiful, seascapes in the Carib-
bean. And much more, all with a
distinct, very French ambience.



has 3,435 square miles. It be-
longs to the U.S. under an As-
sociated Free State status. U.S.
Currency is the legal tender.
Spanish is the main language but
English is spoken almost every.
where. The capital of Puerto Rico
is SAN JUAN. The island has a
population of over 2,500,000. Vi-
sitors from OUTSIDE the U. S.
should have a certificate of vac-
cination and a visaed passport.

WHERE TO STAY? San Juan has
numerous first class hotels.
Most of the larger ones have
Commonwealth Government su.
pervised gambling casinos.


CoCo Max Hotel 3 Amapola St.
Isla Verde. Puerto Rico

Under the Palm Trees in Sunny
Puerto Rico A Modern Efficien-
cy hotel located on the beach.
All rooms with ocean view. Air
Conditioned Kitchenette Area
Daily Maid Service Bar &
Cocktail Lounge. Major Credit
Cards Honored
The finest in Isla Verde, where
the island's gourmets enjoy de-
licious Spanish and Continental
cuisine. La Fuente's Clams Casino
and Lobster Thermidor are par-
ticularly recommended.
of the hotels in San Juan offer
all types of water related activi-
ties to which all house guests are
invited. The Caribe Hilton, La
Concha and the Puerto Rico She-
raton deserve close inspection by
architectural buffs. F3RT SAN JE-
RONIMO, off the Caribe Hilton,
has been restored and converted
into a museum and should be
seen. Live sea urchins (they
don't sting if properly handled)
can usually be found on the rocks
pointing towards Fort San Jer6-
nimo in back of the hotel that
carries its name...
On the other side of town-on the
road to Bayam6n-are the ruins
of the foundations of PONCE DE


Dutch National
Car Rental
"We Do It Better"
From $10.00 a day .. No Extra
Volkswagen $10.00
per 24 hours.
Toyota, Airco, Automatic

no mileage
* No pick up or
delivery charge

* Road map included
* $50.00 deductible insurance
* Full collision protection
available at $2.00 per day
All major credit cards

--all 81090, 81063---
Dr. Albert Plesman airport
Willemstad, Curacao N.A.
Cable address: Dutch Car

LEON'S first house in Puerto Rico.
Rediscovered in 1934, they date
back to 1508... West of the main
hotel area is OLD SAN JUAN which
all visitors should take at least
one day to explore. While in Old
San Juan three musts are FORT
CRISTOBAL-centuries old bastions
which guarded the city during
its Spanish Colonial days and
SANTA CATALINA which now serves
as the seat of Puerto Rico's gov-
ernor. Every day there are several
guided tours thru each of the
three sites. Approximately ten
per-cent of Old San Juan's 700
plus structures have been restored
to their original splendor. For-
tunately some of them have been
converted into stores and/or art
shops (especially along Cristo
and Fortaleza Streets) wnich allow
leisurely browsing. Also in the
"must be seen" list are Puerto
way to the Old City) and the
TURE'S art collection .. .Well-
heeled visitors should make a
point of visiting one or all of
the fine jewelry shops clustered
around the corner of Fortaleza
and Cruz Streets. One of them,
appositely, is located in the
former office of Merril Lynch,
Pierce, Fenner & Smith. Every
ten minutes or so during the
day a FERRY leaves Old San Juan
for Cataiio-the terminal is locat-
ed behind the Post Office. The
ride, which only costs 10 cents
each way, gives passengers a
change to get some good photos
of the bay, get a close look at the
pelicans and see, in Catafio, an-
other face of Puerto Rico. .
3- 1- -

Beachcomber Villas: on the beach
at Burgeux Bay, St. Maarten are
the perfect setting for an un-
forgettable Caribbean vacation.
* Each villa is fully furnished
including linen, kitchen
utensils, etc.
* Two and three bedroom villas.
* Rents from $150 to $250
per week.
* For more Information write:
Beachcomber Villas
P.O. Box 149, Philipsburg
St. Maarten, N.A.


St. Martin has 37 square miles
which are roughly divided in half
between the French and the
Dutch sides of the island. The
capitals are PHILIpSBURC (Dutch)
and MARICOT (French) The is-
land's population is of around
4,500 again roughly divided in
half. Two currencies are accept.
ed, the New Franc, worth $0.20
US. and the Guilder which is
worth about $050 U.S. Visitors
to the island must have a certi-
ficate of vaccination and proof of
citizenship. The Dutch side of
the island is a member of the
Netherland Antilles, an equal
partner with Holland in the
Dutch nation, and the French side
is a dependency of Guadaloupe, a
French state.
WHERE TO STAY? St. Marten/
St. Martin has four relatively
large hotels and several smaller,
very good hotels and guest houses.

PASANGGRAHAN (2388) is lo-
cated in a quiet lush tropical
garden on the beach of Philips-
burg, the FREE-PORT capital
of Dutch St. Maarten. Each of
it's 21 attractive double rooms
with private baths have over-
head fans and optional air-con-
ditioning. The kitchen is fa-
mous for a great variety of well-
prepared international dishes.

Total informality sets it's West
Indian atmosphere. Established
in 1958 it is still St. Maarten's
biggest little bargain and repeat
visitors are the best salesmen for
the hotel. Write or cable PA-
SANGGRAHAN, St. Maarten.
Represented in North American
cities and Puerto Rico by The
Jane Condon Corporation.

lovely half French, half Dutch
island offers the full spectrum
of water/beach activities, marvel-
lous picture-book little village,
like Grand Case in the French
side, free port shopping and a
unique tranquility which truly
makes a vacation a rest. Front
Street in Philipsburg (the Dutch
side) and the dock area in Marigot
have a complete, assortment of
free port stores. Spritzer & Fuhr-
mann, the famous jewelers from
Curacao, have three stores in the
island; two in Philipsburg and
one at the airport. Several other
famous Curacao stores like El
Globo, Casa Amarilla and Vole-
dam also have stores in town.
Guests at any hotel or guest house
can and should take advantage
of their visit to experiment with
the cuisine of all other. There is
a nightclub with nightly dancing
and, during the season, entertain-
ment at Little Bay.

OBa &- RerIaurant


C.R. JanlFeblMarch 1973 Page 55

& Nassaustraat 40 Aruba, N.A.


Chosen by: The Caribbean
Tourist Association as
the BEST restaurant In
he Cribbean for 1958.59
TELS. 2131

THOMAS is a hilly island with
numerous neighbors. This makes
for endless, heart wrenching views.
The best viewing, in the sense
that one can sit down in com.
fort and sip a well-brewed drink
in the watching process, is from
the bar at the top of the Tram.
way, or the pool at the Shibui
hotel or the restaurant at
Mountaintop. In addition to the
views (the cup overfloweths) the
visitors should take time to visit


has a large number of hotels
and guest houses of all sizes
and prices. Among these we
especially recommend:

SORT (774-2650) is located on
one of the most beautiful white-
sand beaches in the Caribbean,
just five minutes from Charlotte
Amalie, the Antillean free-port
capital. Each of its 24 ocean-
facing rooms has a private terrace
and all the modern comforts. Ex-
otic drinks and American and
Continental dishes served just a
step from the surf in the hotel's
beach front bar and dining room.
Most water sports. Sky-diving ex-
hibition every Sunday afternoon.
Children welcome.

(775-0165) is located right on
the beach, only a few minutes
away from St. Thomas' airport
and town. This intimate resort
is made up of spacious, air-con-
ditioned, completely equipped
housekeeping fresh water pool
units. The resort has a beautiful
pool with a bar right over it.
The management will make the
necessary arrangements for fish.
ing, sailing or any other activity
the guests desire. For reservations
from the U.S. write the hotel at
P. O. Box 5381 St. Thomas 00801.
Page 56 C.R. Vol. 5 No. 1


PH- 772-0685
P. O. BOX 1487


Free Pick Up And Delivery

New Cars Checked Daily


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Aruba Caribbean
Hotel Phone 2250 Offices at Julianna Air-
Princess Beatrix port and Marigot, St.
Airport Martin.


exclusively at

first on main street and
at the Caribbean Beach Hotel
St. Thomas, U. S. Virgin Islands.

DRAKE'S SEAT from which, ac-
cording to legend, Sir Francis
Drake used to inspect his fleet;
FORT CHRISTIAN on the edge of
Charlotte Amalie which dates
back to 1666; GOVERNMENT HOUSE
which serves as the official res.
idence of the Governor of the
island and exhibits its fine art
collection to the public daily and
cated in Beretta Center in the
middle of Charlotte Amalie.

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