Caribbean Review

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In this issue...

Haitian Voodoo: Social Control of the Unconscious, by Nelida Agosto Munoz. Voodoo is
demonstrated to control even the unconscious thoughts of individuals via spirit possession. UPR
professor Nelida Agosto's article is adapted from a larger work which will appear in Spanish,
published by the Institute of Caribbean Studies. Page 6.

Mexican Artists, by Paul P. Kennedy. The late N.Y. Times correspondent relates his experiences
with several of Mexico's great artists. His piece is excerpted from The Middle Beat, published by'
Teacher's College Press. Page 12.

Relations With Cuba, by Ezequiel Ramirez Novoa. The head of Peru's Bar association appeals to
the Latin American States to re-establish diplomatic relations with Cuba. Page 22.

The Negro Question, by John Stuart Mill. CR reprints Mill's reply to Thomas Carlyle in their
famous 19th Century debate over the rights of the freed Negro slaves. Page 24.

Three Trapped Tigers, by J. Raban Bilder. A tongue twisting masterpiece, in either English or
Spanish, is reviewed by UPR English professor J. Raban Bilder. Page 28.

A New World or Old Bargain Town? by Aaron Segal. A collection of essays by the radical thinking
New World Group is reviewed by Cornell professor Aaron Segal, who asks whether or not they
really have the cures for the diseases that they diagnose. Page 32.

The Caribbean Commissions, by Basil A. Ince. Analysing a book about four successive attempts to
establish international cooperation in the Caribbean, Trinidadian Basil Incenotes the persistent
theme of colonialism in the Caribbean. Basil Ince teaches political science and Afro-American
studies at SUNY Binghamton. Page 36.

R.I.P., by Thomas Mathews. The former head of the Institute of Caribbean Studies analyzes a
book by the former head of the North-South Center. Thomas Mathews is the author of Puerto
Rican Politics and the New Deal. Page 41.

Poverty in Trinidad, by Ronald G. Parris. Bajan sociologist Ronald Parris analyzes a book on
poverty in Trinidad that unfortunately attempts to account for the poverty in non-historical terms.
Page 44.

Recent Books, by Neida Pagan. CR continues to introduce its readers to new books about the
Caribbean, Latin America, and their emigrant groups. Page 47.

The Caribbean Guide. CR helps travellers to and within the Caribbean become acquainted with
the "where to stay, what to see, and what to eat" when travelling around the Caribbean. Page 52.

The cover photo is a water color by Diego Rivera, painted around 1938. It belongs to the collection
of Mr. and Mrs. Alan David, New York.

C.R. July-Aug-Sept 1972 Page 1

Dia CARBBAN 1EVIeW
July/August/September
Seventy-five Cents
Vol. IV No. 3

Editor:
Barry B. Levine
Associate Editors:
For the English Speaking Caribbean:
BasilA. Ince
For the French Speaking Caribbean:
Gerard R. Latortue
Executive Administrator:
Lucille Trybalski
Assistant Editor:
Susan Sheinman
Business Manager:
Joe Guzman
Art Director:
Victor Luis Diaz
Bibliographer:
Neida Pagan
Translators:
From the Dutch and Papiamentu:
Ligia Espinal de Hoetink
From the French and Creole:
Marlene Zephirin
From the Spanish:
Adela G. Lopez
Caribbean Review, a quarterly journal dedicated to the
Caribbean, Latin America, and their emigrant groups,
is published by Caribbean Review, Inc., a non-profit
corporation organized under the laws of the Com-
monwealth of Puerto Rico. Mailing address: Caribbean
Review; G.P.O. Box C.R.; San Juan, Puerto Rico 00936.
Unsolicited manuscripts (articles, essays, reprints,
excerpts, translations, book reviews, poetry, etc.) are
welcome but should be accompanied by a self-
addressed stamped envelope. Copyright @ 1972 by
Caribbean Review, Inc. All rights reserved.
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years: $7.50; Lifetime: $25.00. Air Mail: add $1.00 per
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please take 15 percent.
Back Issues: Vol. I, No. 1 & Vol. Ill, No. 1: $3.00 each.
All other back numbers: $2.00 each. New lifetime
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Microfilms, A Xerox Company, 300 North Zeeb Road,
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Advertising: Inquiries and orders for advertising space
may be sent directly to the magazine or to Cidia, Inc.,
Box 1769, Old San Juan, Puerto Rico 00903, the agency
through which they will be contracted and processed.

LETTERS

TO THE

EDITOR

MAINGOT'S RESPONSE:
THE OLD-BOSCH WAS BETTER

To the Editor:
In their critiques of my review essay on "The New
Caribbean History" (Summer 1971) Thomas Mathews and
Gerard Latortue challenge two empirical and one
methodological point: (1) Mathews questions my
description of Jose Bovesas being cruel and bloodthirsty;
he implies that this is a traditional view which has been
supplanted by a new one correctly advanced by Bosch -
Boves, the class revolutionary, the precursor of
contemporary mass movements; (2) Latortue questions
my view that Petion's policy led to a profound agrarian
reform while Henri Christophe's policies were despotic; (3)
Latortue seems to imply that my call to reconcile
ethnic-racial perspectives with-a class view of society is a
pretty bourgeois stratagem. "
Now, before Mathewslprfceeds any further in "shearing"
me of my authority because of my "surprising
unsophistication" and because I have "overstepped the
mark of solid scholarship," I believe he should join me in a
closer look at some of the issues. First, let us look at the
question of Boves' cruelty and barbarism. I do not want to
engage in an argument concerning the historical relativity
of the terms "cruelty" and "barbarism" mainly because I
believe that the standard ethical-cultural judgments on
"cruel" behavior have not shifted that much over the
period under discussion here. I would simply ask the reader
to evaluate the following three cases taken from the many
recorded by Venezuelan historians: 1. The entire
populations of the towns of San Joaqufn, Santa Ana (that is,
men, women, children of all ages) were ordered put to the
knife by Boves after they had surrendered. 2. The wives,
mothers and daughters of captured officers in Valencia
were made to dance to whiplashes while their husbands
were being decapitated; in Barcelona the same scene took
place, but with an added touch. An orchestra of creole
musicians were decapitated one by one each half hour; the
last remaining violinist being made to play while the
women were raped and decapitated. 3. The systematic
herding of men, women and children before the altar of the
local church where they were raped and disemboweled was
another of Boves' techniques.
Boves' penchant for ritualistic and sadistic killing
(captured officers were known to be put in local bull rings
with bull horns stuck to their foreheads and made to play
bull while the "picadores" stabbed at them) was clearly
psycho-pathological. But before Mathews again accuses me
of turning to discredited "traditional" interpretations let
me say that the three cases cited here are taken from Juan
Bosch's Bollvar y la querra social (Buenos Aires, 1966, pp.

87-88 and passim.). In this work, which I personally
consider to be one of Bosch's best written products, Bosch
does not minimize the importance of Boves in the guerra
social of 1812-1814 and his emphasis on the "mass" or
popular aspects of Boves' following is clear and, as
Mathews correctly points out, well taken; so is his position
vis-a-vis the white upper class mantuanos. But he retains in
1966 a balanced analysis when evaluating the personal roles
and merits of Boves and Bolivar which is lost in his De
Cristobal Colon a Fidel Castro book.
Noting in 1966 that Boves' idea was simply to destroy the
criollo whites, Bosch stated that for Boves, "Equality was
not sought by means of the creation of a State which would
guarantee it and maintain it through the authority of law; it
was sought through the destruction of the mantuano class.
The guerra social of Venezuela from 1812 to 1814 was, thus,
destructive, not creative. Only Bolivar tried to find, and
offered to those who had made (the guerra social) a
constructive way out" (p. 15. My translation.). Bosch very
carefully noted that being white and upper class himself,
Bolivar could not offer the masses the same immediate
gratifications Boves did; he did, on the other hand, offer
them something which in the long run would have been
more revolutionary because it attacked the structural
rather than the superstructural aspects of social action: the
nationalization of all property. Bosch noted that in
declaring on January 25, 1814 that all property belonged to
the State Bolivar had established his reformist credentials.
"A more revolutionary and equalizing piece of legislation
could not be given. Not even Lenin, upon taking power a
hundred years later, dared declare that all property
belongs to the State." (p. 85).
Given the historical stage of development the masses
were not in a position to appreciate the depth of the
measure. However, the remaining mantuanos and other
property owners were, and as a consequence Bolivar was
left without support in that A0o Terrible of 1814.
Now I am delighted that Mathews mentions the work of
German Carrera Damas a giant among Venezuelan and
Latin American social historians. I am surprised, however,
that he mentions him in the context of defending Bosch's
new mythological treatment of Boves. Carrera Damas is
engaged in a massive historiographical study of the
literature on Boves; his study, Sobre el significado
socio-economico de la accion historic de Boves (in
Materiales para el studio de la question agraria en
Venezuela 1800-1830. Tomo I. Caracas, 1964, it later
appeared in an unrevised second edition, the one mentioned
by Mathews, in 1968 as Boves: aspects socio-economicos.),
specifically deals with the new interpretation that Boves
was the initiator of the struggle for land and that he was an
"agrarian reformer." So important were Carrera Damas'
findings that in a subsequent work ( Historiografia marxista
venezolana. Caracas, 1967) he does a methodological essay
on the analysis of sources and he repeats his fundamental
conclusion on the myth of Boves as a reformer: the study
showed that the version of Boves the reformist leader "was
not based on respectable foundations" (p. 31). Boves,
rather, appeared as an administrator de secuestros -
confiscating property not for his followers but for the Real
Hacienda, the King of Spain. "In this manner, utilizing the
known documentation, it was not possible to state that
Boves turned out to be a distributor of land, or a
'redistributor' of property; instead, that same
documentation authorizes us to believe that Boves was an
orthodox administrator de secuestros, and so we
concluded" (pp. 31-32) Carrera Damas also approvingly
published the new findings of Professor Julio Febres

Cordero who concluded that Boves "did not have, nor could
he have had, agrarian concerns since his role was reduced
to being a simple guarantor of the properties and
possessions of the Crown" (p. 32 n.). These and similar new
findings were published in the Preface to the 2nd edition
(1968).
The crucial question is: If Bosch had dealt with Boves and
Bolivar in a new balanced way in 1966, why did he change
his interpretation radically in 1970? Did he discover "new"
sources?
Similarly, we can regard the question of Petion and Henri
Christophe on which Latortue attacks me. First let me say
that nowhere do I state that Christophe was "cruel,
tyrannic and stupid." Those words are Latortue's, not
mine. I simply wondered why Bosch chose to elevate the
virtues of Christophe and denigrate those of Petion. My
point was that Christophe was despotic and traditional,
while Petion was the reverse. Again, there has been a shift
in Bosch's position; note his 1966 version of the two men:
"Henri Christophe I and Alexandre Petion used the lands of
the nation in quite different ways. The King (Christophe)
returned to the latifundio colonial, for the benefit of himself
and that of the nobility he had created, and with the
latifundio he resuscitated slavery in fact, if not in law. The
logical result of a latifundista monarchy had to be, and it
was, a political tyranny based on an army which the King
maintained recruited from peasants without land. Petion,
on the other hand, distributed among the peasants of the
south the lands of the State, and frequently he himself did
the distributing. With a population of frugal life, in which all
the adults had been born slaves or at best black and
ex-slave freedmen, the agrarian republic of Petion lived in
a simple and peaceful sort of patriarchal democracy,
equally nationalistic as calm... In 1816 Haiti in the south
was happy but poor, it would never again be the splendid
land of other times; Haiti in the north was a tyranny of
horrors" (pp. 122-123).
Latortue cites the very fine work of Murdo McLeod on
President Soulouque. Even though I said nothing about
Soulouque in my review, it is worth noting McLeod's
conclusion that strong parallels are to be found between the
regime styles of Soulouque and Duvalier. Surely this is not
something Latortue would want us to rejoice about, or for
which we should make Soulouque a hero.
I would be happy to be informed of these studies by
"black" Haitians mentioned by Latortue which supposedly
disprove my position. The literature I know, such as that of
Leslie Manigat of whom I have never thought to enquire
whether he was a Haitian black or mulattre, merely
considering him one of the most outstanding Haitian social
scientists today corroborates my position. In his
meticulous study La politique agraire du gouvernement
d'Alexandre Petion, 1807-1818 (Port-au-Prince, 1962)
Manigat is under no illusions as to why Petion proceeded in
the fashion he did, but he does conclude that Petion's
policies represented a "decisive epoch" in Haitian history:
"The moment it represents is, thus, a key moment in the
evolution of Haiti's agrarian sector, a moment of property
divisions which stamped its imprint on the rural face of the
country" (p. 73). But then, perhaps, Latortue would
categorize Manigat's work as belonging to what he calls
"the establishment popularized lyric point of view of
Alexandre Petion,. ." In that case, it might be worth
mentioning that the most recent large scale study of
Haitian lower class peasantry I know of (Cf. Caroline J.
Legerman,"Haitian Peasant, Plantation and Urban Lower
Class Family and Kinship Organization: Observations and
Comments," in Richard P. Schaedel (ed.), Papers of the
C.R. July-Aug-Sept 1972 Page 3

Conference on Research and Resources of Haiti, New York
Research Institute for the Study of Man, 1969, pp. 71-84)
discovered in the South "a relatively stable core population
who had been cultivating its own lands since the time of
Indepedence if not before" (p. 77). Housing, family life and
other socio-cultural aspects in the South compared most
favorably vis-a-vis the other areas studied where large
scale production, absentee landlordism, wage labor and
share cropping predominated.
Up to this point, as far as I know, Bosch's 1966 version of
Petion and Christophe stands in the literature. But even if it
did not, in the absence of any knowledge of new sources
unearthed by Bosch, one must wonder again why the shift in
interpretation? The answer is not fully at hand, but there
are some fruitful propositions to be derived from a
sociology of knowledge approach to the question. I would
venture the following: Bosch is an author in ideological
transition. If one examines his works from, let us say, Cuba,
la isla fascinante, (Santiago de Chile, 1955. Finished in 1952)
to De Cristobal Colon a Fidel Castro (1970) one finds an
increasing shift to the'left in ideology. This is good. What is
not so good is that there is no parallel methodological shift.
In fact, there is not even a consistent methodology. Bosch
shifts from an economic interpretation of social change to a
psychologistic one, to a psychoanalytic to even a mystical
one as found, for example, in his study Trujillo; Causas de
una tirania sin ejemplo (Caracas, 1959) in which the
trauma of hurricanes determines Trujillo's psyche.
To call Bosch's work "Marxist" as Mathews does is
profoundly misleading. Marxism like "radicalism" is an
ideology. But Marxism unlike "radicalism" is also a
method of analysis the most rigorous and disciplined
method we have in the social sciences. Bosch is caught up in
the wave of radicalism of the area, but lacking a consistent
Marxist methodology he reverts to the traditional search
for heroes who are seen to embody not only the dynamics of
the historical period under study, but who also can be held
up as paragons of radical virtue, as reference points for
contemporary believers. There is nothing intrinsically
wrong in the use of particular men to illustrate social forces
which were embodied in their leadership. But to elevate
them to revolutionary "event-making" men on the basis of
their skin color or the intensity of their hatred of other races
is categorically unMarxian and unrevolutionary. In fact, it
comes close to what Lenin termed "revolutionary
phrasemongering." This was the message I intended to
convey in my review.
It is this message which Latortue misses when he asserts
that the call to combine class and race as categories of
analysis is "quite fashionable nowadays chiefly among
mulattoes, upper middle class groups, and self-styled
revolutionaries in the Caribbean." This is a surprising
statement given the fact that it is the Cuban Revolution, and
specifically the new historiography of that Revolution,
which has made that appeal loud and clear with enviable
results.
What the works of the new Cuban School of Marxist
historiography demonstrate (see the works of Raul Cepero
Bonilla, Sergio Aguirre Carreras, Julio LeRiverend, Oscar
Pino Santos, Manuel Moreno Fraginals, Jorge Ibarra, Jose
Rivero Muniz) is that while race is a crucial aspect of social
behavior in those areas which have had long histories of
racial consciousness and discrimination, broader
relationships to property and the sources of production
have to rem in at the core of our analysis. In other words,
Boves could not be at the same time a protector of the
Crown's monopolistic vested interests and a social
reformer; Christophe could not create a new aristocracy
Page 4 C.R. Vol. IV No. 3

with a base in the latifundia and at the same time be a social
reformer. No matter how much they both hated white
people and desired their eradication! Similarly, to ignore
the rise of a new black capitalist-administrative
bourgeoisie in the British Caribbean is to ignore the extent
to which this new class overlaps in interests with the old
white and colored elites at home as well as their
counterparts in the rest of the Caribbean. International
capital has no color preferences; profit is their sole
objective measure and all indications are that the profits of
the multinational corporations have been on the rise in the
Caribbean despite the shift in pigmentation of those in
governmental positions.
To conclude, I have welcomed this opportunity to
rejoinder the critiques of the two distinguished
Caribbeanists. Under no conditions do I consider the issues
raised by them as fully answered or closed; they are too
complex in their philosophical and methodological
implications. The one thing which has characterized the
field of Caribbean studies has been the liveliness of its
intellectual controversies. It is the high intellectual caliber
of the commentaries exemplified in those of Mathews and
Latortue which help us Caribbeanists stay on our toes. Let
us have more of it.
Anthony P. Maingot
Assistant Professor of History and Sociology
Yale University, New Haven

To the Editor:
Among West Indians, emigration has for many centuries
been a significant response to economic deprivation and an
important mechanism of social mobility particularly since
the turn of this century. In their host countries, West
Indians work hard at jobs of ambiguous status, jobs which
they would have readily rejected at home (e.g.
cane-cutting, elevator operating). They save diligently and
repatriate as fast as they can needed funds to relatives at
home, the surplus of which are to be deposited in local
accounts toward that piece of land, farm or house which
now seem within reach.
If the emigrants are in the United States, their
employers, nearly always White, are of course often very
pleased (until the recent recession) with such remarkable
drive and ambition a phenomenon which they claim is
largely absent among indigenous Blacks. Thus West Indian
Blacks sometimes receive preferential treatment and are
often told they are "different." In turn, these emigrants
begin to perceive and exaggerate the differences between
themselves and the indigenous Blacks (I'm Jamaican-
Bajan. I not Black), and often chide the latter for not
"taking advantage of their opportunities." Inevitably, West
Indian immigrants become for American Blacks as much
objects of derision as they often are for Whites a useful and
competent labor supply.
Then came the recent rush of Black consciousness among
American Blacks, and these emigrants from the sun found
themselves in a situation of deep alienation. On the one
hand, because of their phenotypical colour, they couldn't
very well regard themselves as White, though to some
degree they might have adopted White cultural behaviour.
On the other hand, they didn't at first quite know what to do
about the assertive development of "Black Power"
consciousness, since they had so well internalized at home,
and had reinforced in their emigrant experience the myth
of Black inferiority and the assumption that Blackness was
ugliness..was hell, was evil.

The aware West Indian emigrant tended to go through his
dilemma in silence, or unexpressed hope, but never got
together with others to define and articulate the problem
collectively. This is not surprising, for observers of West
Indian emigrant behaviour over the last decade can hardly
find significant evidence of ethnic solidarity or collective
response to West Indian problems (with the possible
exceptions of Jamaican and Puerto Rican emigrants). Out
of all the many ethnic groups in New York City (Italians,
Jews, Chinese, Irish, etc.), West Indians are least
integrated and least powerful. There is no West Indian
Community Center similar to the Jewish Community
Center in New Haven or New York. There is no West Indian
Club or West Indian Student Center here analogous to the
Student Center in London. It is true there are one or two
Jamaican restaurants around, one or two cricket clubs
dominated by the Bajans, the usual dances and church
meetings, and one knows of course, where to go in Brooklyn
to get curry-goat, patties or some pudding and souse on a
Saturday. But such activities constitute the range of West
Indian interaction and contact in New York. It is basically a
world of "every little islander for himself" among West
Indian emigrants and on those few occasions when regional
interest transcends such enclaves of island parochiality,
such interest is superficial and ephemeral. In most
poignant terms then, this state of affairs among West
Indian emigrants reflects the lack of development of West
Indian nationalism and unity at home. It also reflects the
West Indian's relative lack of experience at institution and
nation building.
Nor has the proliferation of various Missions or
Consulates in these capitals abroad alleviated the anomic
condition among these emigrants. Not surprising. . The
members of these various Missions themselves scarcely
have a working relation with each other and are often. in
fact in competitive relations. If one of the functions of
Overseas Representatives is to serve the needs of West
Indians abroad, it's a service that is being met
inadequately. Everyday, one meets or hears of West
Indians "buttin' bout" New York for rooms, for help from
local services, for advice about school or professional
programs, and even for information about home (some
newspapers from some of the islands are available, other
multinational publishing companies forward their editions
spasmodically and cannot be depended on). There has been
a recent attempt to rationalize the distribution of West
Indian newspapers in New York City and this is to be
congratulated. But a great deal still needs to be done. These
various Missions need more in the way of social workers
and'personnel skilled in the art of human relations than so
many "prima donna" representatives caught up in the
tiresome status validating diplomatic circuit of cocktail
parties. Small countries like those of the West Indies are
simply going to have to re-define the nature of diplomatic
representation. It is time too that the respective West
Indian Governments use some of their funds, now being
spent .unproductively in their Overseas Missions, to
increase the range and quality of services for their citizens
living or studying abroad. After all, the hard-earned
savings repatriated by emigrants become an important
source of national income in their respective countries of
origin.
Even if one views the idea of the role of Overseas
Missions in building and consolidating West Indian
solidarity as being premature and idealistic, let this be no
reason for rejecting the idea of these Missions playing some
part in building mechanisms for West Indians abroad to
meet their day to day problems collectively. At least it

would be cheaper. Particularly since the "February
Revolt" in Trinidad, many West Indians have become
aware of the need for some cultural and social reference
point. Monthly newsletters or bulletins however useful for
advertising new appointments and vacancies at home have
become inadequate to meet this need.
The National Organization of West Indian Americans,
recently formed by West Indians here in New York is
probably a step in the right direction, though some of its
stated goals need to be drastically re-defined. One of their
stated roles is apparently to "cool" the confrontation or the
possibility of exacebation of relations between Black and
White Americans, to interpret the racial situation to both
sides and apparently to act as a buffer or mediator between
these two groups. To the extend that this is a real
commitment, it is presumptious and shows an obvious lack
of priority. This is not to say that the ambition is not a noble
one. But there is in fact a lot of real hard work to be done
among the West Indian communities in New York and
throughout this country. We must all pull our weight in the
right direction and marshall our limited resources for
achievable concrete goals. It is not too much to ask or
expect some support, participation or even leadership
(where there is none) from West Indian Representatives or
West Indian Governments at home. The role of West Indian
Missions should not be simply to "represent" these
governments abroad, but to provide or to help the emigrant
constituents to provide for themselves the varied services
they need. Unless, of course, one is cynical enough to
believe that West Indians emigrate merely so that those left
behind can enjoy a higher standard of living.
Audrey Gibbs
New York City, N.Y.

C.R. July-Aug-Sept 1972 Page 5

GRAPHIC ART DESIGNERS

FOR THE CARIBBEAN

book covers record

jackets illustrations

611 FDEZ. JUNCOS

SAN JUAN, P.R.

i /

Haitian woodcarving, photo by Frank Farandeox
Page 6 C.R. Vol. IV No. 3

HAITIAN

VOODOO:

SOCIAL

CONTROL

OF THE

UNCONSCIOUS

by Nelida Agosto Muiioz
Spirit possession is a phenomenon which has interested
and mystified those interested in world religions.
Although spirit possession is a distinct category from
shamanism and other trance-like experiences, it seems
that all these manifestations represent a single
psychological phenomenon, having a very complex
cultural dimension which accounts for the variety of
religious and magical explanations.
A look at the vast literature on the subject suggests
that this phenomenon is subject to the most varied
interpretations based on cultural and religious
traditions. In some cultures, this phenomenon,
whatever its manifestations, is considered pathological;
in others, a privileged situation which only a few can
experience; and yet in others it is a common experience
available to many.
In some cultures this phenomenon takes the name of
shamanism. The shaman is a spiritual specialist whose
function is primarily curative. The trance is believed to
be a journey to the sky or to the underworld, where the
shaman encounters spirits or demons, as the case may
be. In others, the spirits or gods come and incarnate or
possess the bodies of their devotees, making them
behave according to the anthropomorphic conception
of the gods. A transformation of the personality of the
possessed is expected to take place, and a
discontinuation of the self is obtained. In other
situations, like the ecstatic experience of the Christian
mystics, a kind of trance occurs where usually no overt
manifestations are observed. The phenomenon is
explained in terms of the mystic union between the
spirit of the devotee and the spirit of God.
The phenomenon of possession is found in Voodoo,
the popular religion of Haiti. Its cultural heritage is
predominantly West African. Possession has proved the
most persistent African element in Voodoo in spite of
the fact that its manifestations do not carry many of the
traditional attributes.
In Voodoo, possession is explained by the eviction of
the main soul of the individual, the gros-bon-ange, by
the possessing divinity. As the gros-bon-ange is the
repository of the personality and experiences of the
individual, a change of personality is effected by the
displacement of the soul by the god. When this

happens, the individual is no longer himself, but is the
possessing god or loa, who is using his body. He no
longer experiences his self, since the existential
continuity of the self is severed. This is evident by the
state of amnesiawhich follows the period of possession.
In the voodooist parlance, the experience of possession
is metaphorically referred to as the mounting of the
devotee by the god, the devotee being called a horse.
Possession is announced by the experience of certain
symptoms which are regularly repeated from person to
person. A sense of heaviness and fatigue overcomes the
person; he feels his limbs to be broken and his feet
glued to the floor. The sense of balance is lost,
spasmodic tremblings are felt, and a heavy load on the
neck pulls the person backwards making him fall. This
period of staggering usually leads to the manifestation
of the god, and the person ceases to be himself.
The disturbing sensations which are usually
experienced atthe outset of possession are symptomatic
whenever a state of dissociation occurs. The
expounding of the phenomenon of dissociation involves
complex explanations of the physiological organization
of the human body. Leaving the complex explanations
aside, we could say that dissociation occurs whenever
certain centres which coordinate postural balance,
visual, tactile, and kinaesthetic sensations, are
impaired. Ofthese centres, the mechanism of the inner
ear, or vestibular apparatus, is the most important in
maintaining the unity of the sense impressions. The
tearing up of this unity accounts for the symptoms of
nausea, dizziness, and other disturbances of the sense
impressions and postural model of the body.
Laboratory findings also throw some light upon the
mechanism of dissociation. States of dissociation have
been induced in normal persons by submitting them to
rhythmical light and sound stimulation. Direct tactual
and kinaesthetic stimulation, as well as other factors
like over-breathing, also help to bring about states of
dissociation. This is of particular importance in the
examination of the phenomenon of possession in
Voodoo where almost all the above mentioned factors
comQbine in the ritual and ceremonial apparatus. The
possessed devotee is simultaneously stimulated by
rhythmic drumming, dancing and singing, and this
stimulation of the auditory and kinaesthetic apparatus,
combine in a strong inducement which precipitates the
crisis;
In every account or description of Voodoo
ceremonies, special attention is given to this
atmosphere of excitement produced by drumming,
singing, and dancing, that helps bring about the crisis
of possession. In the flood of sound produced by the
songs, the rattles, and the ogan (small iron bell), drums
are most noticeable. The disturbing effects produced by
drumming, as the preamble to possession, have given
way to their role as the summoners of the gods, and
their sound as the sacred voice which talks to the gods.
The cadence of drumming may also be thought of as
producing the sensations that give rise to the image of
the possessed as horses, and the state of possession as
being mounted by the god.
Maya Deren, who experienced possession in a
Voodoo ceremony, highlights the importance of

dancing in coordination with drum music and songs.
Dance, and hence kinaesthetic stimulation, is of great
importance in bringing about the state of dissociation.
With its rhythmical undulations, dance initiates and
mimes the process of dissociation. Often priests or
possessed persons induce possession in another person
by twirling him around, and this rarely fails in making
possession appear. But when the kinaesthetic
stimulation of the dance is combined with the cadence
of drumming, it is much easier for possession to occur.
But drumming and dancing alone are not
coterminous with dissociation and possession. Drums
are used in other occasions when possession does not
occur, and likewise, possession occurs in the absence of
drumming and even in the absence of any rhythmical
stimulation. In many instances, possession is provoked
in a person by certain ritual actions and gestures of the
priest. The drawing of the symbol of a particular god,
or the producing of any other related symbol can
produce the state of possession.
As possession in the course of ceremonies where
drums are used are by far the most frequent in Voodoo,
it is natural to concentrate on the importance of
drumming. But priests and others who have mastered
the techniques of falling into trance with extreme
facility, do not depend on drums or dance when they
have to achieve possession for purpose of simple
consultation with the gods or divination. This stage of
ritual expertise is known in Voodoo as "la prise des
yeux." In these instances possession is usually achieved
without undergoing dissociation.
The contagious and exciting atmosphere of
ceremonies makes particularly propitious the advent of
possession for persons not having the knowledge of
ritual techniques that the priest or expert iniate has. It
is usually at these occasions that the loa bosal (untamed
gods) possessions proliferate, taking prey of
non-initiates and unguarded persons. Neophytes rarely
go beyond the dissociational state, although there may
well be cases when a neophyte can produce full and
articulated possession.
Physical dissociation, when the unity of the sense
impressions (visual, motor, auditive, tactile, etc.) is
disrupted, is of the greatest importance in
understanding the curious states it produces. In
pathology it has been demonstrated how mental
disorders have a corresponding effect on the physical
body and on how the body is perceived by the patient.
Schilder, in his book The Image and Appearance of the
Human Body, (where the physiological mechanisms
involved in the process of dissociation of the body image
are discussed), mentions the case.of a woman suffering
from acute anxiety who lost the unity of her body and
experienced strange sensations regarding it. She felt
that her body was dismembered, the parts of her body
falling apart; she felt as if she were flying, not only in
dreams, but also in the waking state. The strange bodily
sensations this woman experienced are remarkably
similar to those experienced by a shaman or possessed
voodooist when in a trance.
The relationship of the state of dissociation with
possession can be seen as a composite process in which
C.R. July-Aug-Sept 1972 Page 7

Possession taking hold.
one state follows the other; dissociation being the
physiological mechanism which makes possible the
psychological manifestation of possession. During
dissociation, normal consciousness and behaviour are
replaced by some hidden part of the personality which
in normal circumstances is unexpressed. This
enactment of suppressed attitudes is the same process
that takes place during the state of ritual possession
when attitudes and characteristics alien to the normal
personality of the individual (those of the gods) appear.
Possession has been defined as the expression of the
repressed tendencies and attitudes which lurk in the
unconscious. This definition puts possession on the
same level as other psychological phenomena like
dreams and a range of mental disorders. But whereas
the mechsnism that brings about possession is akin to
the mechanism of mental disorders, the conditions and
processes that bring them about are not the same.
A basic distinction can be made between ritual

possession and mental disturbances. In both types of
phenomenon the mechanism of dissociation releases
what is contained in the hidden layers of the
personality. The difference is that in the pathological
situation the dissociational state comes as an automatic
response of the human organism to an unbearable
situation, while in ritual possession, dissociation is
provoked, and the new attitudes which comt co light are
ritually learned. The pathological situation is
individually oriented; it comes when the individual is at
war with his social environment, and reacts against it.
Ritual possession is directed towards the collectivity,
the individual is incorporated into a system of beliefs
where the manifestation of possession has a meaningful
role.
In those cases where the early manifestations of
possession point to a pathological state, the initiation
into Voodoo rescues the individual from being
deranged, channeling the pathological tendencies into a
ritualized expression.
But what then is this process which transforms a
pathological condition into a normal phenomenon?
Basically, the physiological and psychological
mechanisms of a neurosis and ritual possession are the
same. In neurosis, the patient's personality is invaded
by what he has repressed, and the repressed expresses
itself in attitudes and behaviour which do not
correspond to the usual behaviour of the individual.
Likewise, possession is the temporary replacement of
the normal personality of the individual by a set of
behaviour patterns which represent the particular god.
Thus the difference between the pathological state
and ritual possession is that the latter is the outcome of
a process of learning by which the behaviour patterns
which represent the gods are ritually learned, coming
out automatically during the physical dissociation
which has been deliberately created for possession to
occur. In a pathological state, on the other hand, the
individual is not protected by the ritual apparatus, nor
by the conscious elements involved in the process of

Page 8* C.R. Vol. IV No. 3

Haitian Charmer, photo by B.B.L,

learning that exists in Voodoo. Ritual possession is
expected and controllable; the repressed behaviour and
attitudes which are potentially dangerous are rendered
harmless by being projected into the conception of the
gods.
If initiation means that repressed and unacted
tendencies and attitudes are ritually brought out, it
would mean that the initiate is learning to express his
repressed attitudes in a ritualized way. The normal

process of an individual's socialization and learning
leave many of his personality traits underdeveloped.
The process of initiation then aims to "socialise" what
is suppressed.
Initiation shapes in the novice a second personality,
that of the loa, which is in fact his own tendencies and
attitudes elevated to the plane of the archetype.
Initiation succeeds in shaping and transforming the
tendencies of the novices into a concrete entity. Or to
C.R. July-Aug-Sept 1972 Page 9

1 .

j.1 i,

.w..,,

jI:

put it a different way, man's tendencies and attitudes
are shaped in accordance with the archtypal character
of the gods. Initiation incorporates, as it were, the god
into the novice, making him participate in the god's
nature; for in fact to become an initiate is to be able to
lose temporarily the status of man to become the god.
Ritual initiation is the process at the centre of the
phenomenon of possession' But behind the rites of
initiation, which only give a ritual imprint to what is
more or less known to the candidate, there is a long
process of learning which begins since the early age of
the individual. He is born to a system of beliefs, and his
growth is marked by his gradual incorporation into this
system. A Voodoo devotee knows intimately the
character of the gods, the public rites and ceremonies,
the organization of the cult, and, above all, he has
observed the behaviour of the possessed, and sometimes
experienced possession himself, before being submitted
to the initiation rites. In a way, initiation only
systematises what is already known to the person. But
initiation is more than putting organization into a bulk
of diffuse knowledge; it incorporates the character,
gestures, forces, principles, and symbols contained in
the gods into the initiate's own body and personality.
The organically oriented or sensory-motor character
of the rites of Voodoo has been repeatedly observed.
The dance, the music, sacrifices, etc., all have a
bearing in relation to the human body and organic
processes. Likewise, initiation is the process by which
the god is literally driven into the novice's body. He is
fed with food sacred to the god, he sings and listens to
the songs of the god, he dances the music of the god, he
acts the gestures and the character of the god, he is put
into contact with the emblems and colours of the god.
The complex phenomena contained in the concept of
the god, and the strong symbolic significance contained
in those elements are apprehended by the novice in a
direct and subjective way.
Initiation establishes a series of unconscious
associations between the various symbols contained in
the rites and elements of the loa. The internalisation of
these images and symbols which represent the god is so
achieved because there is an immediate correspondence
between these symbols and the organic processes of the
body. As a result, what the initiate has learned during
the period of initiation will become part of his
subconscious reflexes, and will manifest itself in the
form of autistic expression. The forces and abstract
principles represented by the gods are thus expressed in
bodily actions. The fiery Ogu who represents vigour
war, physical force, will express these forces by bathing
himself in blazing rum, and miming warring attitudes.
The principles of continuity, vital force, movement,
represented by the god Damballah, are portrayed by
the dancers and possessed by imitating with ondulatory
movements of the body, the movements of the serpent,
or by plunging themselves into water, or eating eggs.
The phallic character of Guede is expressed by miming
the movements of the act of copulation. The different
elements that make up the gods represent a cluster of
symbolically interrelated associations, and not a series
of juxtaposed elements. Thus water, tree, serpent, eggs,
Page 10 C.R. Vol. IV No. 3

the white colour, serpentine movements, rainbow, etc.,
the elements represented by Damballah, are all linked
together by the "logic" of symbolic thought, and all
carry in a latent or overt way the significance of
movement, continuity, vital force, etc., which the god
represents.
The process by means of which the behaviour of the
gods is internalized has been considered as a process of
strong suggestion and auto-suggestion, worked out
during the rites of initiation. During this period a state
of stupor is induced in the candidate. This state, the
saoule-loa of the voodooist, lowers the consciousness of
the novice and his resistance against the powerful
suggestions contained in the rites of initiation. The
inducement of this state of mild lethargy is aimed at
erasing temporarily all previous experiences, making
the mind of the novice a tabula rasa where the new
impressions can be fixed. This state can be seen as
having similar functions to the application of electric
shocks used in psychotherapy to stamp out complexes
from the mind of the patient.
The candidate has to assimilate during initiation
what will come automatically and unconsciously (the
behaviour and attitudes of the particular loa) during
possession. A close association will be established
between the physical state and what is learned during
it. What is learned will remain in the inner layers of the
personality, and will come out in the open during
dissociation when normal consciousness is broken
down, and the unconscious liberated. *

CENTRO CARIBEN0
DE STUDIOS POSTGRADUADOS
CARIBBEAN CENTER FOR ADVANCED STUDIES
CENTRE D'TUDES AVANCEES DES CARAIBES

THE POSITION OF THE CENTRO

The purpose of the Centro is to train future
leaders of their professions within
the context of a multicultural and
interdisciplinary community.
The Centro directly serves two groups of
students:

1. Graduate students seeking professional
training in theology and religion and
in clinical psychology, including
specialization in drug addiction.

2. Men and women already at work who
wish to up-date their skills, and, with the
perspective of other fields of knowledge,
to reflect upon and to deepen their
understanding of their vocation.

The Centro combines an insistence on
professional competency with the
awareness that professional disciplines
are means towards understanding men and
ways of affirming a common humanity.
Although the Centro has concentrated on
the disciplines within the purview of its
participating faculties, it seeks to introduce
perspectives from other social sciences and
from the humanities which may build
a genuinely multi-disciplinary educational
institution.
Both the student body and the faculty of the
Centro are drawn from a wide variety
of cultural backgrounds. Their interactions
frequently highlight the importance of different
cultural approaches and foster a flexibility
and an awareness of the world difficult
to achieve in monocultural settings.

PROGRAMS

I DOCTOR IN PROFESSIONAL PSYCHOLOGY (Ph. D.)
MASTER OF SCIENCE IN PSYCHOLOGY WITH
CONCENTRATION IN:
II CLINICAL PSYCHOLOGY (M.S.)
III DRUG ADDICTION (M.S.)

IV MASTER OF ARTS IN COUNSELING
PSYCHOLOGY (M.A.)
V DIVINITATUS MAGISTER (M. DIV.)
VI MASTER OF ARTS IN RELIGION (M.A.)
VII. MASTER IN SACRED THEOLOGY (S.T.M.)

INSTITUCIONES AFILIADAS

- INSTITUTE PSICOLOGICO DE PUERTO RICO SEMINARIO EPISCOPAL DEL CARIBE
PADRES DOMINICOS DE PUERTO RICO

REGISTRAR'S OFFICE
CENTRO CARIBERO DE STUDIOS POSTGRADUADOS
APARTADO 757
CAROLINA, PUERTO RICO 00630

C.R. July-Aug-Sept 1972 Page 11

Diego Rivera (left) painting a mural. Photo reproduced in "The Wind That Swept Mexico," by Anita Brenner, photos assembled by George R. Leighton (U. of
Texas Press, new edition, $10.00).

MEXICAN ARTISTS
by Paul P. Kennedy

At the end of 1964 there were about fifteen thousand
artists in Mexico, and the number was increasing daily.
Yet age and the ravages of hard living in youth, have
thinned the ranks of Mexico's great painters of the
past. Of Mexico's "Big Three" artists, the trio whose
works were blazing across the world shortly after the
turn of the century, only one remains, David Alfaro
Siqueiros: Diego Rivera, the political termagant, and
Jose Clemente Orozco, ranking with the greatest
muralists of all time, have gone. The field is left to
Siqueiros, a leader of Mexican Communism and an
indomitable political agitator who has survived
imprisonments, attempts on his life, and an endless

Reprinted by permission of the publisher from The Middle
Beat by Paul P. Kennedy; copyright 1971 by Teacher's
College, Columbia University; published by Teacher's
College Press.
Page 12 C.R.* Vol. IV No. 3

series of brawls and street fights. He has through it all
remained extremely active as a painter, and is now
approaching seventy, is finishing murals left undone
because of his last imprisonment, traveling between
Mexico and Europe, preaching death and destruction
to the United States, and haranguing radical meetings.
In his spare time he is still organizing leftist movements
against the government. This remarkable person --
"remarkable" in virtually any way one might want to
apply the term -- is so deeply steeped in controversy it is
unlikely that he will be brought into clear focus for
several generations.
Though an artist, he has seen more violence and
bloodshed, and often contributed to it, than most men
dedicated to violence, His elaborate attempt on the life
of Leon Trotsky was as carefully planned as it was
comically aborted. In the years I knew him he was as

rabidly anti-American as he was fond of publicity in the
North American press and as disdainful of United
States capitalism as he was fond of the stiff fees his
works brought in the United States. He was
extraordinarily fond of The New York Times, which he
grandly denounced as the paragon of Yankee reaction.
My first contact with the maestro was about a year
after arrival in Mexico, in December 1955. He had just
returned fipm a trip to Russia, Poland, and several
Western European countries. He was in a fine, fighting
mood when I finally got him on the telephone to learn
his latest impressions of the Soviet Union. I asked him
about an interview he had given on his arrival in Mexico
in which he denounced Mexican art, including that of
his friend Diego Rivera: "I say we have had enough of
pretty pictures of grinning peons in traditional dress
and carrying baskets of flowers, on their backs." My
story reported, "Getting warmed up to his subject the
painter declared, 'I say to hell with oxcarts -- let's see
more tractors and bulldozers.' "
To fail to give attention to Siqueiros would be
tantamount to failing to cover an explosion of
Popocatepetl should that majestic old fellow go on
another rampage. The volcano does not explode these
days, thank Heaven, but Siqueiros does, on the slightest
provocation, and at times with no provocation at all,
and he will most likely continue to explode until all the
explosion is gone from him.
His public appearances were as tempestuous as his
interviews in the quiet elegance of his home were
subdued and thoughtful. My clearest memory of one of
these interviews is of a warm afternoon, when we sat in
his cool drawing room sipping French cognac, and I
glanced occasionally at the gleaming new
Mercedes-Benz in the porte cochere. The painter talked
gravely about the sins of the bourgeoisie of my country
and about the irresponsibility of wealth. The object of
that interview was to learn about a mural for the
Motion Picture Actors Association. He had been
happily working away at his mural when association
directors came by to investigate. There had been
reports that the mural was far different from the sketch
on which the contract had been granted, and the
reports were completely accurate.
The artist worked imperturbably on after a fiery scene,
but that evening after finishing the day's work he
boarded up the mural and did not return. The motion
picture people were suing him in every possible court.
The difference of opinion, he explained, arose over a
matter of viewpoint. He was painting the struggle of
humanity, the iniquities of the imperialists, and the
final victory of social justice instead of a history of the
motion picture industry in Mexico as had been
contracted for. "Just a difference of opinion is all," he
explained quietly. "They wanted a history of motion
pictures and I felt that all of life went into the history of
motion pictures."
Siqueiros was in and out of jail many times; the only
imprisonment from which it was feared throughout the
world he would not return began in August 1960. He
had been arrested in connection with a series of student
demonstrations which the government insisted he had
instigated. He pleaded not guilty, but was sentenced to

eight years imprisonment on a formal charge of social
dissolution. An appellate court upheld the sentence
after a scene in which the prisoner at the bar grandly
denounced the entire judicial system, the Mexican
government, and the non-socialist world as a whole. His
wife, who visited him daily in prison, relayed
information regularly about his physical and mental
condition and his work. He painted incessantly in his
cell until he became ill. It was feared he might not come
out alive, but he maintained his painting pace as long
as he could, and a profitable pace it was too., His
pictures from the penitentiary cell were selling for as
much as $4,000 each, and he turned out many of them
from month to month.
In July 1964 a call came to the office from an
American friend whose apartment overlooked the
Siqueiros home. He reported that some sort of a fiesta
was going on over there and he was almost certain he
saw the bushy-haired artist living it up with a throng
crowding the patio. There had been rumors for a week
that the artist was about to be released from prison, and
apparently this was it. At his home, when we got there,
the rum was flowing profusely and the mariachi bands
had assembled. A roaring fiesta was in motion, and the
maestro was in the center of it all, roaring, shouting,
and hoisting toasts to one and all.
So far as I could see, I was the only gringo in the place.
Artists, leftist and Communist personalities, and old
friends were there for the welcoming party, and they
were regarding me for just what I was, an interloper,
until the maestro and his wife took me in tow. One
thing which struck me was the coldness with which, I
was greeted by leftist editors and commentators such as
Manuel Marcue Pardinas, editor of the-radical left
magazine Politica, and Jose Pages Llergo, editor of the
moderately left Siempre. I called on them regularly
from week to week to discuss leftist and Communist
viewpoints, and the relationship had been invariably
cordial. But the painter and his wife were extremely
warm and friendly. He introduced me around as his
"imperialist" friend, and the senora told of the events
of the morning when the artist was freed.
The artist himself was laughing and joking until we
asked what his plans for the future were. "Work," he
answered soberly, "work and get back to my party
activities. My art is my life but my party is my duty." He
could be critical, brutally so, of Soviet art, but not of
Communism. His duty to party ran so deep that when
his old friend and colleague Diego Rivera was expelled
from the Communist Party Siqueiros abruptly cut off
the friendship and did not renew it until the older artist,
following considerable humiliation and apologizing,
was finally readmitted. Friends of Rivera said later that
the coldness of Siqueiros was the cruelest cut of all in
the former's losing fight to maintain good standing in
the party.
Rivera was totally different from the ebullient
Siqueiros, at least in the final years of his life when I
knew him. Whereas Siqueiros joined in a little joking
over his anti-Americanism, with Rivera it was no joking
matter. He despised all Americans and all things
American in those years. He allowed some of us to come
C.R. July-Aug-Sept 1972 Page 13

to his frequent news conferences, which were usually
taken up with ideological matters rather than art. But
even after having invited us he would perceptibly scowl
as we entered. He abruptly commanded one American
woman correspondent to leave the studio after she had
asked what seemed to us a perfectly innocuous
question, so innocuous in fact that none of us could
correctly remember what it was.
Quite possibly his animosity was a device he had
invented in late years to protect himself from new
attacks in the party, or perhaps it was something that
came naturally with his increasing conviction of the
necessity of total war on the Western world, and of the
necessity of carrying Mexico right along with it. But
whereas Siqueiros could cheerfully slice up the gringos
verbally one moment and then look appreciatively over
the sales slips of his paintings the next to see how the
North American market was holding up, Rivera
preferred that his paintings not fall into American
hands. But again it should be stressed that this
assessment of the man was based on the time I knew
him in the closing years of his life. He never failed in
those days to dwell at length on the inferiority of
America as a nation and of North Americans as a
people.
Sr. Rivera was particularly bitter in his denunciation
of the United States following his return from Russia,
where he had been treated for cancer. He insisted that
he had been completely cured and maintained that the
Soviet Union was further advanced than the United

States in medicine. He subsequently died of cancer.
But injured nationalism would be misplaced and
petty before the magnificent things this man
accomplished at the height of his powers. There was
none in Mexico, friend or otherwise, who would deny
Don Diego was the maestro of maestros in Mexican
painting at the beginning of its renaissance. John
Canaday, art critic for The New York Times, observed
from Mexico City, "Diego Rivera deserves the position
generally accorded him as the father of Mexican
painting, no matter how badly his own painting
deteriorated and no matter how badly even the best of it
has worn."
Rivera shared much with his sometimes friend,
Siqueiros. Although they were born ten years apart,
Rivera in 1886, their stars were ascending
simultaneously. They shared originally and finally the
same political views, and the life of Rivera was, just as
that of Siqueiros continues to be, one of continuous
controversy. Rivera's works were reviled and praised
just as were those of Siqueiros, and each would, except
in the years of separation, come to the other's assistance
with fire and brimstone. Even in death controversy
dogged Rivera; at his funeral a full-fledged quarrel
erupted between relatives over to what extend the
Communist Party was to be allowed to participate in
the ceremonies.
And thus his political attachments had followed him
literally to the grave. His path in Communism had been
a rocky one despite his slavish obedience to it. He was

Mural by Jom Clsiemnte Ore

Page 14 C.R. Vol. IV No. 3

French writer Andre Breton, Mexican artist Jose Diego Rvera, abd Leon Trotsky.

expelled in 1929 from the party for which he had done
so much and for which he was to do much more before
his death. Ostensibly his expulsion was caused by his
early Trotskyist sympathies, which he tried in every way
to expunge from his record. He was instrumental in
bringing the Russian revolutionary to Mexico, the latter
landing at Tampico January 9, 1937 with full
assurances of safe conduct from President Lazaro
Cardenas. The Russian was brought immediately to the
home of Rivera and his wife, Frida Kahlo. What
happened between them was never made clear, but the
quarrel must have been extraordinarily bitter because
Trotsky moved out and never saw the Riveras again.
Trotsky was the object -of an unsuccessful
assassination plot hatched in May of that year by
Siqueiros. The assassination was finally accomplished
by a Spanish Communist named Ramon Mercader del
Rio, who had entered Trotsky's household as a Belgian
named Jacques Monard. He was arrested and
sentenced to twenty years imprisonment in 1943. He
was last heard of in Prague following his release. The
charge that the attack had come from Stalin's private
police was never conclusively proved, but Rivera, when
asked to comment on the assassination the day after the
attack, said cryptically. "The happiest day of my life
was when I sketched Stalin."
There was hardly, a time when Rivera's murals were
not under fire from one source or another. None of his
works, however, was attacked with the same fervor and
over such a prolonged period as his famous "Sunday in
the Alameda." The ~ mural, in :dream sequence,
consisted of the heroes and the villains of Mexican
history for centuries past on a Sunday stroll through the
jewel-like Alameda park in the heart of Mexico City. It
was painted for the Hotel del Prado, a
government-owned operation which was directly across

from the park. When the mural was unveiled in 1948 it
created a furor.
The principal attack came from religious groups,
almost wholly Catholic, which objected to the legend on
a scroll held by the famous statesman, reformer, and
atheist Ignacio Ramirez: "God does not exist."
Religiously inclined viewers, particularly prominent
Mexican Catholics, insisted that the government, which
owned the hotel, board up the entire mural. This,
however, was far from the unanimous reaction of the
church membership. Many powerful Catholics,
including the late Denis Cardinal Daugherty,
archbishop of Philadelphia, defended the painting as a
whole, including the controversial inscription, as being
historically accurate.
In any case the disturbance became so heated that
the government was seriously considering painting over
the entire mural. It was brought out, however, that
under Mexican law the artist has control over his work
even though it has been sold. Finally, to put an end to
the controversy the government boarded over the
offending mural, and thus it remained until 1956. The
argument, however, was anything but boarded over,
and it continued to rage through the years. Art lovers in
Mexico and throughout the world, urged on by friends
of the artist, continually launched campaigns to make
the work available to the public, either in the hotel or a
museum.
One of the leaders of these campaigns was Carlos
Pellicer, a prominent Mexican poet and museum
authority, who was a close friend of the Riveras. To
make his role of conciliator still more impressive, he
was a militant lay Catholic. Rivera. who had early been
inclined to erase the offending legend, had become
obdurate and bitter about it all. Thus he was adamant
in his refusal to alter the picture, and the government
C.R. July-Aug-Sept 1972 Page 15

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was just as adamant in refusing to go through another
donnybrook such as the one that followed the original
unveiling.
Finally, in January 1956 Pellicer received a letter
from the artist, who was at that time in Russia
undergoing the cancer treatment, agreeing to an
erasure of the legend and the substitution of another,
but with the proviso that in the new legend "history be
respected." Sr. Pellicer praised the artist's attitude and,
emphasizing that he was speaking as an ardent
Catholic, characterized the entire wrangle as "stupid,"
a condemnation in which large numbers of totally
uncommited persons in Mexico and throughout the
world joined.
The artist returned to Mexico in April, but in the
meantime the job of painting over the legend had been
assigned to Guillermo Sanchez Lemus, director of the
Institute of Fine Arts team charged with restoring
Mexico's art treasures. Rivera would have none of that.
Ill or not, he insisted on doing the work himself.
So on April 13, at 6:30 in the morning, the
seventy-year old artist ascended the high scaffolding
and worked for two hours without stop. In place of the
offending legend he painted an inoffensive reminder of
a historically significant conference held in Mexico in
1836. While at work on the scaffolding, the artist
touched up the portrait of himself as a boy often (with a
frog in one pocket and a snake in the other), which,
incidentally, is the central portrait in the sixty-foot
mural. He said he had chosen the early hour for the
work so that he could be alone. As it turned out, he
could not have been less alone. At the bottom of the
scaffolding were foreign and domestic newsmen,
photographers, hotel personnel, and early-rising
breakfasters, no doubt mystified by the strange customs
of Mexican artists who began work at daybreak. Also in
the throng was Sr. Sanchez Lemus, the nation's
outstanding art restorer, who was standing by in case
his services were called for, which they were not.
The artist, lumbering and still far from being a well
man, crawled down off the scaffolding and, true to
form, startled one and all by announcing, "I am a
Catholic." Again true to form, he took advantage of the
throng gathered for the occasion and launched into a
glowing account of his stay in Moscow and the glories of
Soviet art, medicine, and life in general. After this, the
mural was again on public view and was out of the news
and into history, except for some stories at the time of
its transfer from one part of the lobby to another. The
moving of an entire wall in order to resettle the mural
was considered a noteworthy engineering feat.
Mexico's art history is as brilliantly kaleidoscopic
and as controversial as the artists themselves. No
matter what was thought of the artistic durability of
their work, and serious questions have been raised in
this respect, there were giants in those days, and some
of them are still around. Aside from Siqueiros, the age
of the heroic muralists is being carried on by Juan
O'Gorman, muralist and architect extraordinary. The
major monument of this gifted Irish-Mexican artist is
the mosaic-mural complex forming the walls of the
library of the National University. The mosaic murals
of the great building depict the history of Mexico and

P C

P cl

are formed or stones of natural color gathered from the
regions of Mexico. In size, color, and design it must be
classed among the most imposing buildings of its kind
in the world, and, as O'Gorman himself remarked, it
certainly is the greatest postal card attraction
anywhere. Someone else, a visiting librarian, remarked
of the giant building almost without windows, "It's as
big as a barn and about as empty."
Another of the fine O'Gorman works is in the Castle
of Chapultepec, where he and Siqueiros, of whom he is
not overly fond, exhibit neighboring murals. In the
opinion of many, the two murals display the
temperamental differences between the two
outstanding artists as graphically as they display
differences in technique. That of O'Gorman depicts the
great figures of Mexican history against a sweeping
background of Mexican landscapes. The Siqueiros
mural depicts scenes of violence in Mexican history.
When Sr. O'Gorman begins a mural he is to all
intents removed from the society of friends and family
and from everything except the work at hand, which he
remains at from early dawn until the late hours of the
night. He loses weight and appetite. His wife, Helen, an
American-born botanist and authoress, becomes
worried, and the famous O'Gorman house, built into
volcanic stone and one of the showplaces of Mexico,
becomes a subdued place indeed. When the work is
finished, life returns and the O'Gormans show up once
again in society with Juan the charming
conversationalist as ever.
The mild, soft-spoken O'Gorman, like his colleagues,
has had his share of controversy. This did not reach the
world wide stage, however, until 1963 when the
American embassy in Mexico City denied him a visa to
visit the United States, where he was invited to speak at
a number of universities. The artist was on one of his
periodic South American tours at the time, but his wife
was extremely bitter over the way things were going. My
story noted 'invitations from several universities and
museums to Juan O'Gorman, Mexican artist and
architect, to lecture in the United States have been
cancelled because of his inability to obtain a visa to the
United States. Helen Fowler O'Gorman, Americanborn
wife of the famous Mexican muralist, architect, and
mosaic artist, said today that the University of
California at Berkely, among others, had withdrawn its
invitation to the artist because of uncertainty over his
visa. The Mexican-born artist of Irish parentage was
not immediately available for comment.
"The artist's wife, an authoress and one of Mexico's
best known authorities on Western Hemisphere plants
and flowers, said the various lecture invitations had
been issued her English-speaking husband because of
an exhibit of his works currently traveling in the United
States. She said the universities and museums desiring
his appearance had been insisting several weeks for ar
answer to their invitations. When his attempts to obtain
information on his visa application from the United
States embassy here failed, Mrs. O'Gorman said, the
institutions notified the artist they were reluctantly
withdrawing the invitations.
"An embassy spokesman here dictated a brief

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R July-Aug-Sep 1972 Page 17
C.R July-Aug-Sept 1972 Page 17

statemefft stating, 'Spokesmen tor the embassy
explained that the application for a visa is being
processed in the normal way for visas of this type and
that as soon as the decision has been reached the
applicant will be informed.' "
Sr. O'Gorman, who had in the past expressed leftist
leanings as a matter of course, as indeed have a
majority of Mexican artists, steadfastly denied any
Community connections (about a year later he joined
the PRI). Nevertheless, day after day he visited the
consulate and waited two hours for his visa. Finally he
addressed a letter to Ambassador Thomas C. Mann,
enclosing copies of urgent telegrams from museums
and universities demanding information on his
engagements.
He received no answer, and indeed it appeared to be
a hopeless cause until an editorial appeared in The New
York Times simultaneously with a letter-to-the-editor
from Frank Tannenbaum, professor emeritus of Latin
American history at Columbia University. Professor
Tannenbaum charged that the McCarran-Walter Act,
under which Sr. O'Gorman was being denied his visa,
was "at present the single greatest obstacle to the
flourishing of goodwill and friendship between
ourselves and our neighbors to the south." The teacher
and historian added, "Someone ought to call the
attention of the Congress and the President to the fact
that the millions of dollars we pour into Latin America
will go down the drain and the high purpose of the
present administration (that of John F. Kennedy) will
be defeated if the respected and often beloved leaders of
Latin-American cultural life are degraded and
insulted by obscure administrative officers insensitive
to the values represented by people such as Juan
O'Gorman and who are so unaware politically as not to
realize the harm they are doing to their country."
The editorial stated, "Juan O'Gorman is a leftist who
the State Department feels needs to go through what
might be called the 'McCarran-Walter wringer.' If his
trip is seen to be purely cultural, the visa should be
granted. Delaying or withholding visas to artists,
writers, musicians, scientists, teachers, and the like is
not only humiliating to them; it is humiliating to
Americans. The premise is that Americans must be
protected from ideas that differ from theirs."
The aftermath of it all was that Robert F. Kennedy,
then attorney general of the United States, ordered an
investigation, and the visa was granted on a qualified
basis. The first visit was such an artistic success that Sr
O'Gorman was invited back for another and finally for
a third, the last time to give a series of lectures on
architecture at Yale University.
Undoubtedly one of the greatest characters of all
time in Mexico's art world was Gerardo Murillo. He
loathed this name and was known in the world of art
and volcanology as Dr. Atl, a name he fashioned for
himself meaning "water" in the Nahuatl language, the
tongue of the Aztecs. A diminutive man with a stump of
a leg, he gave the impression on first meeting of a

towering prophet with a wild beard and flashing eyes.
Like the volcanoes he loved so much, he was eternally in
a state of eruption and being swept along on the river of
his own words.
A drive through the Mexican countryside with this
authentic genius was an extraordinary experience filled
with excitement and wonder. It appeared there was not
a single hill or valley of his beloved country the history
of which he did not know, and not just the political and
economic history but the geologic origins as well. I
heard him discourse for an hour about an obscure
foothill. He could carry on light conversations in
French, English, and Italian, but when he got down to
business, namely art, volcanoes, or women, he
instinctively went into his native Spanish
His enormous interest in all phases of living, loving,
and dying fascinated all who came in contact with him.
He walked, or rather hobbled, along with ministers,
savants, and presidents, many of whom were
occasionally exasperated with him but all of whom
either loved him or at least had unbounded respect for
him. He was an internationally recognized volcanologist
and one of the world's outstanding writers in this field,
in addition to being one of the world's prominent
painters of volcanoes. He died in 1964 at age
eighty-nine. One of his last visitors before he lapsed into
a coma from which he never emerged was President
Adolfo Lopez Mateos, a friend of many years. He was
also a friend of President John F. Kennedy, who had
one of his volcano paintings hanging in the White
House. An obituary I wrote at the time of his death
stated he was one of Mexico's most "bizarre and
beloved characters." That appeared extravagant at the
time. but in retrospect it seems almost an
understatement. He was as unpredictable as one of his
volcanoes. He never married, explaining, "I have never
understood marriage. I believe two people should meet,
fall in love, and separate in twenty-four hours, or if they
are deeply in love, maybe forty-eight hours." His love
affairs, and the famous ones numbered in the dozens,
lasted about that long, but most of his old loves
appeared to have remembered him with fondness.
One day when he was in his mid-eighties I
accompanied him to Cuernavaca, where he was
executing what proved to be his last mural. He was
called down from a swinging scaffolding which he had
devised to compensate for his missing limb, and two
frail old ladies went into deep conversation with him.
"Two of my old sweethearts," he said afterwards as he
swung himself up and away across the mural of fiery
volcanoes.
Dr. Atl despised smallness, whether in people,
painting, or any aspect of life. He took life in great,
happy gulps and regarded both his greatest successes
and the loss of several fortunes with the same
equanimity. He once explained, "I attribute my
happiness to my terribly disordered life and the
pleasure I get from giving away everything I have." For
a reason no one was able to understand, he was

Pegs 180 C.R. Vol. IV No. 3 SgU-portralt .1 Dt. MI. Oil, INS.

Page 18 C.R. Vol.. tV No. 3

Self-portrait of D. Atl. Oil, 19.

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Page 20 C.R. Vol. IV No. 3

__

inordinately proud of the name "Atl." At the death of
Jose Clemente Orozco, Dr. Atl was offered the coveted
seat left vacant in the National College of Art. The offer
was addressed to Sr. Gerardo Murillo. The painter
replied indignantly, "Do not address me as Gerardo
Murillo. My name is Doctor Atl, and Dr. Atl does not
accept vacant seats offered to Gerardo Murillo."
He was born into a Spanish colonial family in
Guadalajara in October 1875. His family claimed
relationship to the Spanish painter Murillo, but Dr.
Atl, an ardent Mexican nationalist and anti-Spanish,
refused to discuss the matter. He was educated in Rome
and Paris, and his name was early connected with
outlandish pranks and awesome scandals in both cities.
He made some sort of history early in his student days
in Rome by stripping and bathing one afternoon in a
fountain in front of Saint Peter's. To furious police he
explained, "It was hot and I felt like a swim."
He founded the intellectual magazine Action d'Art in
Paris in 1913 and edited it for three years. Then he grew
tired of it and returned to Mexico where he founded
and edited Accion Mundial. In 1923 he was made head
of the Department of Archeological Monuments. Later
he was made director of the entire Department of Fine
Arts. Early in his career he became fascinated with
Mexico's volcanoes and painted them continuously and
wrote numerous books about them with equal facility.
His fascination nearly cost him his life on several
occasions. The last time was on the hemisphere's
newest volcano, Paracutin, where he had an accident
which cost him his leg.
His flair for doing things in the grand manner led to
his buying the newly-active Paracutin outright before
the Mexican government realized what was happening.
"The campesino who owned the land did not want it
with all that fire flying around, so I bought it," he
explained. He established himself in a hut on the edge
of the boiling, exploding volcano and recorded in words
and sketches the day-by-day developments. An accident
to which he at first paid no attention led eventually to
amputation of his leg, but until he was rescued he
remained in the hut painting and making notes day and
night. When rescued he was delirious with pain and on
the point of starvation, but he had some remarkable
sketches and notes presently being used by
volcanologists the world over.
These notes and sketches and the books and
paintings of Paracutin that he eventually produced,
worth a fortune, were turned over outright to the
National Institute of Fine Arts. His ownership of the
volcano, which Mexican authorities challenged
menacingly as soon as they had recovered from their
astonishment, was turned over with a grand gesture to
the Ministry of the Interior.
Stories of Dr. Atl's younger years became so
embellished it was difficult to distinguish between fact
and legend. He cheerfully agreed with everything said
about him, good or bad. His affairs with the beauties of
Mexico, France, and Italy have provided parlor
conversation for years, and occasionally Sunday
supplements still come out with full-page spreads about
his prowess in romance.
Despite his size and apparent frailty, his record as a

revolutionary fighter is also colorful. He fought under
some of the great leaders of the Mexican Revolution,
and there were times when the revolutionaries of the
day were apparently not quite certain whether At was
fighting under them or giving the orders. There was, for
instance, the story about him, which he readily
confirmed to me, that during one of the engagements
he rode into Mexico City with one of the revolutionary
generals and personally ordered the national treasury to
be opened and $3,000,000 in gold pesos to be
distributed to the capital's needy. In confirming the
story to me he explained it was the only human thing to
do. But the population was so starved, he added that
the $3,000,000 were not enough, so he ordered grocery
stores to begin distributing their stocks free. When
asked on whose authority he was making the order, he
replied, "On my own authority, of course." He later
explained that the project had been so gradiose it never
occurred to anyone to question him. He told me once
that he had learned early in life that the wilder and
more improbable his schemes were the more readily
people were convinced by him. His gifts to his nation
were of such magnitude that he was branded an idiot,
but with his usual luck he found he could not give away
quickly enough. The more he gave, the greater his
prestige, and his works became collector's items.
At the height of his popularity he went to Europe for
.the dual purpose of purchasing a new type of artificial
limb he had heard was being manufactured in
Germany and of organizing another expedition to
search for the lost continent of Atlantis. He fancied
himself an authority on Atlantis and had written a book
and several scientific papers on the subject. The
artificial limb did not come up to his expectations. The
"new data" on Atlantis on which he had intended to
base his expedition turned out to be material he himself
had written long ago and discarded.
By the time he returned, however, he had learned to
handle himself so expertly with the aid of crutches that
he gave up the idea of an artificial limb. He was soon
hopping about volcanoes, and at age eighty-one he
again climbed his favorite, the rugged Popocatepetl.
His method at that time was to drive as far as he could
in his battered pickup truck and then continue on
burro until the beast could go no farther, and there Atl
took over with his crutches.
In his last years, after eighty-five, he found climbing
volcanoes with crutches too arduous and perfected a
method of observing the volcanoes from a helicopter
especially fitted so that he could sde and sketch while
the pilot hovered above the craters.
His final project was the establishment of a Temple
of Man in an abandoned monastery near Tepoztlan in
the state of Morelos. He wanted to build a colony
where, he explained, the great brains and moving
spirits of the world could gather and discuss problems
of the universe. As the need grew for more money, he
painted faster and faster, and with his usual good
fortune the sales kept pace with his endless
expenditures. At his death, he, inexplicably, had about
one million pesos unspent, which he left to his maid. his
nurse, and his chauffeur, who he had constantly
complained was systematically robbing him n-

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C.R. 6'July-Aug-Sept 1972 e Page 21

Adapted from the dust-jacket design for "Revolutions
Press, 1972, $12.50).

RELATIONS

WITH CUBA

The author of this article is the head of the Bar Association
in Peru and was the attorney who prosecuted the
expropriation of the property of International Petroleum
Company, a branch of Standard Oil of New Jersey. He
pleads for Latin America to reestablish relations with
Cuba. The irony of his article is that in this age of big-power
summetry, such accord will probably be reached because
of big-power needs rather than because of any truly
independent actions by Latin America itself. This is
attested to both by Fidel's May Day speech rejecting
attempts to pacify things, and by the protests of Cuban
emigrants claiming that "Cuba is not negotiable."

Page 22* C.R.Vol. IV No. 3

Forks of Fidel Castro," Rolando E. Bonachea and Nelson P. Valdes, eds. (M.I.T.

by Ezequiel Ramfrez Novoa
When in January 1961 the ministers of Foreign
Relations of America, assembled in Punta del Este,
decided on breaking relations with Cuba, the principle
of non-intervention fiercely defended by the Latin
American countries, suffered a severe blow. Never
before had it been seen that a meeting of such a nature
should directly assume the sovereignty of a group of
nations and deprive them of the fundamental rights of
countries big and small, and where the country
interested -- the U.S. -- should assume the tutorship of
all the Latin American countries. This was all the more
outrageous seeing that they had all come of age and
were not in need of instruction. Nor did the Latin
American countries need the U.S.'s care. They were not
sick but just the poor victims of the big interests which
humiliated, impoverished and destroyed them.
The principles of international law, in the
agreements of the Conference of Montevideo in 1933
which proclaimed the policy of non-intervention, those

of Buenos Aires in 1936, of Lima in 1939, as well as the
extraordinary assemblies of the Foreign Affairs
Ministers, that of Chapultepec, of Caracas, of Rio, all
came crashing down and resulted in what Hitler would
have called "just bits of paper written on in ink." The
charter of the Organization of American States (OAS)
approved in Bogota in 1948, which defended the
principle of non-intervention as the guardian of
independence, freedom, and self-determination of its
members, was put to one side. It manifestly forbade all
kinds of aggression -- even of an economic nature --
which might be used against any state or group of states
as a coercive measure to compel it to toe the line.
The basic principle that no state may intervene in the
affairs of another was killed outright at Punta del Este.
On that occasion I was with Cuba's President Osvaldo
Dorticos, Foreign Affairs Minister Raul Roa, and
Carlos Rafael Rodriguez. Dorticos, the only President
attending the meeting, vigorously defended the Latin
American thesis and revealed the intentions of the U.S.
to bring more pressure on Cuba. In order to win a two
thirds majority which the Department of State needed,
the conference had to be delayed and 20 million dollars
had to be offered publicly to Haiti as aid. The
host-country, Uruguay, was reluctant to back a
measure which would go against its traditional foreign
policy. Moreover by supporting this measure Uruguay
would -- by one of those ironies of fate -- be helping to
bury what it had costher so much to win back during
the Sixth Panamerican Conference held in Montevideo
in 1933.

Now at last Latin America is beginning to wake up
and understand that there is no reason for it to break
relations with its sister-country. Now Latin America is
demanding a revision of that decision which should
never have been made for the very prestige and interest
of the countries themselves and because it broke a
historical and friendly relationship which had always
united us to that heroic island. So let us start over
again: let each country exercise its sovereign rights,
which first and foremost is its self determination and
freedom to have relations with other states of its own
choice. Let each Latin American country now at the
cross-roads of economic development, endeavor to
make up for the decades of backwardness. This it can
do only if it is prepared to make its own political
decisions.
This decade we are now in is to be the decade of great
decisions. We must make up our minds to act with
complete independence and freedom, otherwise the
path we are tracing would be fictitious: would lead
nowhere and fail to achieve what history and the future
of our countries has a right to expect. Latin America is
to take the leap. Each country must start by setting
right an action which was both unworthy and unjust,
and to immediately re-establish its relations with Cuba
which were broken because of pressure of an alien
country and not for any reason based on history,
international law, treaty or interests of a continent
which, last but not least, speaks Spanish and believes in
Jesus Christ. *

Caribbean Review has been
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agree as to their favorite art-
icle. Some will recall the
Albizu & Matlin analyses of
the theatrics of Puerto Rican
politics. Others will prefer
the in-depth interview with
Peruvian novelist Mario Var-
gas Llosa, or the perceptive
critique of Model Cities by
Howard Stanton.

Still others may opt for the
poetry of Jorge Luis Borges,
or the fiction of Agustin Y&-
fiez, Renk Marques or Pedro
Juan Soto.

Moritz Thomsen's account of
"Living Poor" in Ecuador, or
Carlos Castaneda's study of
mind-expanding drug use
among the Yaqui Indians, or
the proclamation of Colom-
bian priest -revolutionary Ca-
milo Torres, or the discussion

by Lloyd Best of Black Pow-
er in Trinidad may also rank
as favorites among many
readers.

Or Gordon Lewis' piece on
the anatomy of Caribbean
vanity, or Anthony Maingot's
on the new Caribbean his-
tory, or any one of the his-
torical pieces that we've dug
up . .

Few readers, we find, agree
on anything. But they all
seem to agree that Caribbean
Review has been a reward-
ing, stimulating experience.
Won't you join them, and us,
by sending in your subscrip-
tion?

If you're young, just a wee
bit prosperous, and, above
all, healthy, we especially re-
commend the lifetime subs-
cription.

C.R. AiJy-Aug-Sept 1972 Page 23

the*

negrov

question
by JOHN STUART MILL

The following article is a response by John Stuart
Mill to an attack by Thomas Carlyle concerning the
rights of former West Indian slaves. Both articles
were published anonymously in Fraser's Magazine.
Carlyle's critique was originally published in
December, 1849 and was reprinted in the last issue
of Caribbean Review. Mill's answer, which appears

below was published in January, 1850. The
materials were located for C.R. by librarian J.
Robert Starkey and are reproduced in the original
type. The illustration is of a Terra Cotta sculpture,
"Mother and Child," by Karl Broodhagen, who was
born in Guyana and now lives in Barbados.

To the Editor of Fraser's Magazine.
Sin,
VOUR last month's Number con-
tains a speech against the 'rights
of Negroes, the doctrines and spirit
of which ought not to pass without
remonstrance. The author issues
his opinions, or rather ordinances,
under imposing auspices; no less than
those of the 'immortal gods.' The
Powers,' the Destinies,' announce
through him, not only what will be,
but what shall be done; what they
'have decided upon, passed their
eternal act of parliament for.' This
is speaking 'as one having authority;'
but authority from whom? If by
the quality of the message we may
judge of those who sent it, nt from
any powers to whom just or good

men acknowledge allegiance. Ths
so-called 'eternal Act of 'Parliamcnt'
is no new law, but the old law of the
strongest,-a law against which the
great teachers of mankind have in all
ages protested:-it is the law of force
and cunning; the law that whoever
is more powerful than another, is
Born lord' of fhat other, the other
being born his servant,' who must
be compelled to work' for him by
' beneficent whip,' if other methods
avail not.' I see. nothing divine in
this injunction. If 'the gods' will

this, it is the first duty of human
beings to resist such gods. Omnipo-
tent these gods' are nut, for powers
which demand human tyranny and
injustice cannot accomplish their
purpose unless human beings co-
operate. The history of human im-
provement is the record of a struggle
by which inch after inch of found
has been wrung from these mareficent
powers, and more and more of human
life rescued from the iniquitous do-
minion of the law of might. MIuch,
very much of this work still remains

[Ir all the meetings at Exeter Hall be not presided over by strictly impartial
chairmen, they ought to be. We shall set an example to our pious
brethren in this re pect, by giving publiitiy to the following letter. Our
readers have non% both sides of the question before them, and can form
their own opinions upon it.--EDiToa.R

Page 24 C.R. Vol. IV No. 3

--

to do; but the progress made in it is
the best and greatest achievement
yet performed by mankind, and it was
hardly to be expected at this period
of the world that we should be en-
S joined, by way of a great reform in
human affairs, to begin undoing it.
The age, it appears, is ill with a
most pernicious disease, which infects
all its proceedings, and of which the
conduct of this country in regard to
the Negroes is a prominent symptom
the Disease of Philanthropy.
Sunk in deep froth-oceans of Be-
nevolence, Fraternity, Emancipation-
principle, Christian Philanthropy,
and other most amiable-looking, but
most baseless, and, in the end, baleful
and all-bewildering jargon,' the pro-
duct of' hearts left destitute of any
earnest guidance, and disbelieving
that there ever was any, Christian or
heathen,' the human species' is re-
duced to believe in rose-pink senti-
mentalism al 'ne.' On this alleged
condition of t Le human species I shall
have something tosaypresently. But
I must first set my anti-philanthropic
opponent right on a matter of fact.
IHe entirely misunderstands the great
national revolt of the conscience of
this country against slavery and the
slave-trade, if he supposes it to have
been an affair of sentiment. It de-
pended no more on humane feelings
than any cause which so irresistibly
appealed to them must necessarily do.
Its first victories were gained while
the lash vet ruled uncontested in
the barrack-yard and the rod in
schools, and while men were still
hanged by dozens for stealing to the
value offorty shillings. It triumphed
because it was the cause of justice;
and, in the estimation of the great
majority of its supporters, of religion.
Its originators and leaders were per-
sons of a stern sense of moral obli-
gation, who, in the spirit of the
religion of their time, seldom spoke
much of benevolence and philan-
thropy, but often of duty, crime, and
sin. Fog nearly two centuries had
negroes; many thousands annually,
been seized by force or treachery and
carried off to the West Indies to be
worked to death, literally to death; for
it was the received maxim, the acknow-
ledged .dictate of good economy, to
wear them out quickly and import
more. In this fact every other possi-
ble cruelty, tyranny, and wanton op-
pression was by implication included.
And the motive on the part of the
slave-owners was the love of gold;
or, to speak more truly, of vulgar and
puerile 'ostentation. I have yet to
learn that anything more detestable
than this has been done by human
bLings towards human beings in any
part of the earth. It is a mockery to
talk of comparing it 'with Ireland.
And this went on, not, like Irish
beggry, because England had not
the skill to prevent it,-not merely by
the sufferance, but by the laws of the
English nation. At last, however,

there were found men, in growing
number, who determined not to rest
until the iniquity was extirpated;
who made the destruction of it as
much the business and end of their
lives, as ordinary men make their
private interests; who would not be
content with softening its hideous
features, and making it less intoler-
able to the sight, but would stop at
nothing short of its utter and irre-
vocableextinction. Iam so far from
seeing anything contemptible in this
resolution, that, in my sober opinion,
the persons who formed and executed
it deserve to be numbered among
those, not numerous in any age, who
have led noble lives according to their
lights, and laid on mankind a debt of
permanent gratitude.
After fifty years of toil andsacrifice,
the object was accomplished, and the
negroes, freed from the despotism of
their fellow-beings, were left to them-
selves, and to the chances which the
arrangements of existing society pro-
vide fbr those who have no resource
but their labour. These chances
proved favourable to them, and, for
the last ten years, they afford the
unusual spectacle of a labouring class
whose labour bears so high a price
that they can exist in comfort on the
wages of a comparatively small
quantity of work. This, to the ex-
slave-owners, is an inconvenience;
but I have not yet heard that any of
them has been reduced to beg his
bread, or even to dig for it, as the
negro, however scandalously he en-
joys himself, still must: a carriage or
some other luxury the less, is in most
cases, I believe, the limit of their
privations-no very hard measure of
retributive justice; those who have
had tyrannical power taken away
from them, may think themselves
fortunate if they come so well off;
at all events, it is an embarrassment
out of which the nation is not called
on to help them: if they cannot con-
tinue to realize their large incomes
without more labourers, let them
find them, and bring them from where
they can best be procured, onlynot by
force. Not so thinks .your anti-
philanthropic contributor. That
negroes should exist, and enjoy ex-
istence, on so little work, is a scandal
in his eyes, worse than their former
slavery. It must be put a stop to at
any price. Hle does not' wish to see'
them slaves'again 'ifit canbe avoided;'
but 'decidedly' they 'will have to be
servants,' 'servants to the whites,'
' compelled to labour,' and not to go
idle another minute.' Black Qua-
shee,' 'up to the cars in pumpkins,'
and working about half an hour a
day,' is to him the abomination of
abominations. I have so serious a
quarrel with him about principles,
that I have no time to spare for his
facts; but let me remark, how easily
he takes for granted those which fit
his case. Because he reads in some
blue-book of a strike for wages in

Demerara, such as he may read of
any day in Manchester, he draws a
picture of negro inactivity, copied
from the wildest prophecies of the
slavery party before emancipation.
If the negroes worked no more than
half an hour a day,' would the sugar
crops, in all except notoriously bad
seasons, be so considerable, so little
* diminished from what they were in
the time of slavery, as is proved by
the Customhouse returns? But it
is not the facts of the question, so
much as the moralities of it, that I
care to dispute with your contributor.
A black man working no more than
your contributor affirms that they
work, is, he says, 'an eye-sorrow,' a
'blister on the skin of the state,' and
many other things equally disagree-
able; to work being the grand duty of
man. 'To do competent work, to
labour honestly according to the
abilitygiven them; for that, and for no
other purpose, was each one of us sent
into this world.' Whoever prevents
him from this his 'sacred appoint-
ment to labour while he lives on
earth' is 'his deadliest enemy.' I
it be 'his own indolence' that pre-
vents him,' the first right he has' is
that all wiser and more industrious
persons shall, by some wise means,
compel him to do the work he is fit
for.' Why not at once say that, by
'some wise means,' every thing
shorud be made right in the world ?
While we are about it, wisdom
may as well be suggested as the
remedy for all evils, as for one only.
Your contributor incessantly prays
Heaven that all persons, black and
white, may be put .in possession of
this 'divine right of being compelled,
if permitted will not serve, to do what
work they are appointed for,' But
as this cannot be conveniently ma-
naged just yet, he will begin with
the blacks, and will make them work
for certain whites, those whites not
working at all; that so 'the eternal
purpose and supreme will' may be
fulfilled, and 'injustice,'whichis 'for
ever accursed,' may cease.
This pet theory ofyour contributor
about work, we all know Well enough,
though some persons might not be
prepared for so bold an application
of it. Let me say a few words on
this gospel of work'-which, to my
mind, as justly deserves the name of
a cant as any of those which he has
opposed, while the truth it contains
is immeasurably farther from being
the whole truth than that contained
in the words Benevolence, Fraternity,
or any other of his catalogue ofcon-
temptibilities. To give it a rational
meaning, it must first be known what
he means by work. Does work mean
every thing which people do? No;
or he would not reproach people with
doing no work. Does it mean la-
borious exertion? No; for many a
day spent in killing game, includes
more muscular fatigue than a day's
ploughing. Does it mean useful ex-

C.R. July-Aug-Sept 1972 Page 25

L L_ m i 19-~

- ---

C.R JuyAgSet17Pg 5

!

ertion? But your contributor al-
ways scoffs at the idea of utility.
Does he mean that all persons ought
to earn their living But some earn
their living by doing nothing, and
some by doing mischief; and the ne-
groes, whom he despises, still do earn
by labour the' pumpkins' they con-
sume and the finery they wear.
Work, I imagine, is not a good in
itself. There is nothing laudable in
work for work's sake. To work vo-
luntarily for a worthy object is laud-
able; but what constitutes a worthy
object ? On this matter, the oracle
of which your contributor is the pro-
phet has never yet been prevailed
on to declare itself. He revolves in
an eternal circle round the idea of
work, as if turning up the earth, or
driving a shuttle or a quill, were ends
in themselves, and the ends of human
existence. Yet, even in the case of
the most sublime service to humanity,
it is not because it is work that it is
worthy; the worth lies in the service
itself, and in the will to render it-
the noble feelings of which it is the
fruit; and if the nobleness of will is
proved by other evidence than work,
as for instance by danger or sacri-
fice, there is the same worthiness.
lWhile we talk only of work, and not
of its object, we are far from the root
of the matter; or if it may be called
the root, it is a root without flower
or fruit.
In the present case, it seems, a
noble object means 'spices.' 'The
gods wish, besides pumpkins, that
spices and valuable products be grown
in their West Indies'-the 'noble
elements of cinnamon, sugar, coffee,
pepper black and grey,' 'things far
nobler than pumpkins.' Why so?
Is what supports life, inferior in dig-
nity to what merely gratifies the
sense of taste? Is it the verdict of
the 'immortal gods' that pepper is
noble, freedom (even freedom from
the lash) contemptible ? But spices
lead 'towards commerce, arts, poli-
ties, and social developmentss' Per-
haps so; but of what sort? When
they must be produced by slaves, the*
'polities and social developments'
they lead to are such as the world, I
hope, will not choose to be cursed
with much longer.
The worth of work does not surely
consist in its leading to other work,
and so on to work upon work with-
out end. On the contrary, the mul-
tiplication of work, for purposes not
worth caring about, is one of the evils
four presentcondition. When justice
and reason shall be the rule of human
affairs, one of the first things to which
we may expect them to be applied is
the question, How many of the so-
called luxuries, conveniences, refihe-
ments, and ornaments of life, are worth
the labour which must be undergone
as the condition of producing them ?
The beautifying of existence is as
worthy and useful an object as the
sustaining of it; but only a vitiated

taste can see any such result in those
fopperies of so-called civilization,
which myriads of hands are now oc-
cupied and lives wasted in providing.
In opposition to the 'gospel of work,'
I would assert the gospel of leisure,
and maintain that human beings
cannot rise to the finer attributes of
their nature compatibly with' a life
filled with labour. I do not include
under the name lalour such work, if
work it be called, as is done by writ-
ers and afforders of 'guidance,' an
occupation which, let alone the vanity
of the thing, cannot be called by the
same name with the real labour, the
exhausting, stiffening, stupefying toil
of many kinds of agricultural and
manufacturing labourers. To re-
duce very greatly the quantity of
work required to carry on existence,
is as needful as to distribute it more
equally; and the progress of science,
and the increasing ascendancy ofjus-
tice and good sense, tend to this re.
sult.
There is a portion of work ren-
dered necessary by the fact of each
person's existence: no one could ex-
ist unless work, to a certain amount,
were done either by or for him. Of
this each person is bound, in justice
to perform his share; and society
has an incontestable right to declare
to every one, that if he work not, at
this work of necessity, neither shall
he eat. Society has not enforced
this right, having in so far post-
poned the rule of justice to other
considerations. But thereisan ever-
growing demand that it be enforced,
so soon as any endurable plan can
be devised for the purpose. If this
experiment is to be tried in the West
Indies, let it be tried impartially;
and let the whole produce belong to
those who do the work which pro-
duces it. We would not have black
labourers compelled' to grow spices
which they do not want, and white
proprietors who do not work at all
exchanging the spices for houses in
Belgrave Square. We would not
withhold from the whites, any more
than from the blacks, the 'divine
right' of being compelled to labour.
Let them have exactly the same
share in the produce that they have
in the work. If they do not like
this, let them remain as they are, so
long as they are permitted, and make
the best of supply and demand.
Your contributor's notions of jus-
tice and proprietary right are of
another kind than these. Accord-
ing to him, the whole West Indies
belong to the whites: the negroes
have no claim there, to either land
or food, but by their sufferance.
' It was not Black Quashee, or those
he represents, that made those Went
India islands what they are.' I sub-
mit, that those who furnished the
thews and sinews really had some-
thing to dowith the matter. 'Under
the soil of Jamaica the bones of many
thousand British men'-'brave Colo-

Page 26e C.R. Vol. IV No. 3

nel Fortescue, brave Colonel. Sedg-
wick, brave Colonel Brayne,' and di-
vers others, had to be laid.' How
many hundred thousand African men
laid their bones there, after having
had their lives pressed out by slow
or fierce torture ? They could have
better done without Colonel Fortes-
cue, than Colonel Fortescue could
have done without them. But he'
was the stronger, and could 'compel;'
what they did and suffered there-
fore goes for nothing. Not only they
did not, but it seems they could not
have cultivated those.islands. 'Never
by art of his' (the negro) 'could one
pumpkin have grown there to solace
any human throat.' They grow
pumpkins, however, and more than
pumpkins, in a very similar country,
their native Africa. We are told to
look at Haiti: what does your con-
tributor know of Haiti ? Little or
no sugar growing, black Peter exter-
minating black Paul, and where a
garden of the Hesperides might be,
nothing but a tropical dog-kennel
and pestiferous jungle.' Are we to
listen to arguments grounded on hear-
says like these? In what is black
Haiti worse than white Mexico? If
the truth were known, how much
worse is it than white Spain?
But the great ethical doctrine of
the Discourse, than which a doctrine
more damnable, I should think,
never was propounded by a pro-
fessed moral reformer, is, that one
kind of human beings are born ser-
vants to another kind. 'You will
have to be servants,' he tells the
negroes, 'to those that are born
wiser than you, that are born lords
of you-servants to the whites, if
they are (as what mortal can doubt
that they are ?) born wiser than
you.' I do not hold him to the
absurd letter of his dictum; it be-
longs to the mannerism in which he
is enthralled like a child in swad-
dling clothes. By born wiser,' I
will suppose him to mean, born more
capable of wisdom: a proposition
which, he says, no mortal can doubt,
but which I will make bold to say,
that-a full moiety of all thinking
persons, who have attended to the sub-
ject, either doubt or positively deny.
Among the things for which your
contributor professes entire disre-
spect, is the analytical examination
of human nature. It is by ana-
lytical examination that we have
learned whatever we know of the
laws of external nature; and if he
had not disdained to apply the same
mode of investigation to the laws of
the formation of character, he would
have escaped the vulgar error of
imputing every difference which he
finds among human beings to an
original difference of nature. As
well might it be said, that.of two
trees, sprung from the same stock,
one cannot be taller than another
but from greater vigour in the ori-
ginal seedling. Is nothing to be at-

I

-c_ -L

J

1

,I--r -~'-7LLI -- IL L

I

tribute lu soil, nothing to climate,
nothing to difference of exposure-
has no storm swept over the one and
not the other, no lightning scathed
it, no beast browsed on it, no insects
preyed on it, no passing stranger
stript off its leaves or its bark? If
the trees grew near together, may
not the one which, by whatever aec-
dent, grew up first, have retarded
the other's development by its
shade ? Human beings are subject
to an infinitely greater variety of
accidents and external influences than
trees, and have infinitely more ope-
ration in impairing the growth of
one another; since those who begin
'by being strongest, have almost al-
ways hitherto used their strength to
keep the others weak. What the
original differences are among hu-
man beings, I know no more than
your contributor, and no less; it is
one of the questions not yet satisfae-
torily answered in the natural his-
tory of the species. This, however,
is well known-that spontaneous im-
provement, beyond a very low grade,
-improvement by internal deve-
lopement, without aid from other
individuals or peoples-is one of the
rarest phenomena in history; and
whenever known to have occurred,
was the result of an extraordinary
combination of advantages; in addi-
tion doubtless to many accidents of
which all trace is now lost. No
argument against the capacity of ne.
groes for improvement, could be
drawn from their not being one of
these rare exceptions. It is curious
withal, that the earliest known civil-
ization was, we have the strongest
reason to believe, a negro civilization.
The original Egyptians are inferred,
from the evidence of their sculptures,
to have been a negro race: it was
from negroes, therefore, that the
Greeks learnt their first lessons in
civilization; and to the records and
traditions of these negroes did the
Greek philosophers to the very end
of their career resort (I do not say
with much fruit) as a treasury of
mysterious wisdom. But 1 again re-
nounce all advantage from facts:
were the whites born ever so supe-
rior in intelligence to the blacks, and
competent by nature to instruct and
advise them, it would not be the less
monstrous to assert that they had
therefore a right either to subdue
them by force, or circumvent them
by superior skill; to throw upon
them the toils and hardships of life,
reserving for themselves, under the
misapplied name of work, its agree-
able excitements.
Were I to'point out, even in the
highest terms, every vulnerable point
in your contributor's Discourse, I
should produce a longer dissertation
than his. One instance more must
suffice. If labour is wanted, it is a
very obvious idea to import labour-
ers; and if negroes are best suited
to the climate, to import negroes.

F-

C.R. July-Aug-Sept 1972 Page 27

This is a mode of adjusting the ba-
lance between work and labourers,
quite in. accordance with received
principles: it is neither before nor
behind the existing moralities of the
world: and since it would accom-
plish the object of making the ne-
groes work more, your contributor
at least, it might have been sup-
posed, would have approved of it.
On the contrary, this prospect is to
him the most dismal of all; for
either 'the new Africans, after la-
bouring a little,' will take to pump-
kins like the others,' or if so many
of them come that they will be
obliged to work for their living,
there will be 'a black Ireland.' The
labour market admits of three possi-
ble conditions, and not, as this would
imply, of only two. Either, first, the
labourers can lV'e almost without
working, which is said to be the
case in' Demerara; or, secondly,
which is the common case, they can
live by working, but must work in
order to live; or, thirdly, they can-
not by working get a sufficient liv-
ing, which is the case in Ireland.
Your contributor sees only the ex-
treme cases, but no possibility of the
medium. If Africans are imported,
he thinks there must either be so
few of them, that they will hot need
to work, or so many, that although
they work, they will not be able to
live.
Let me say a few words on the
general quarrel ofyour contributor
with the present age. Every age has
its faults, and is indebted to those
who point them out. Our own age
needs this service as much as others;
but it is not to be concluded that it
has degenerated from former ages,
because its faults are different. We
must beware, too, of mistaking its
virtues for faults, merely because, as
is inevitable, its faults mingle with
its virtues and colour them. Your
contributor thinks that the age has
too much humanity, is too anxious
to abolish pain. I affirm, on the
contrary, that it has too little hu-
manity-is most culpably indifferent
to the subject: and I point to any
day's police reports as the proof. I
am not now accusing the brutal por-
tion of the population, but the hu-
mane portion; if they were humane
enough, they would have contrived
long ago to prevent these daily atro-
cities. It is not by excess of a good
quality that the age is in fault, but
by defieiency-deficiency even of
philanthropy, and still more of other
qualities wherewith to balance and
direct what philanthropy it has. A
Universal Abolition of Pain Asso-
ciation' may serve to point a sarcasm,
but can any worthier object of en-
deavour be pointed out than that of
diminishing pain? Is the labour
which ends in growing spices noble,
and not that which lessens the mas
of suffering P We are told, with a
triumphant air, as if it were a thin

to be glad of, that 'the Destinies
proceed in a' terrible manner;' and
this manner will not cease 'for soft
sawder or philanthropic stump-ora-
tory;' but whatever the means may
be, it has ceased in no inconsiderable
degree, and is ceasing more and more:
every year the 'terrible manner,' in'
some department or other, is made a
little less terrible. Is our cholera
comparable to the old pestilence-
our hospitals to the old lazar-houses
-our workhouses to the hanging of
vagrants--our prisons to those vi-
sited by Howard? It is precisely
b.cru'se we have succeeded in abo-
li--ing so much pain, because pain
and its infliction are no longer fa-
miliar as our daily bread, that we
are so much more shocked by what
remains of it than our ancestors were,
or than in your contributor's opinion
we ought to be.
But (however it be with pain in
general) the abolition of the infliction
of pain by the mere will of a human
being, the abolition, in short, of
despotism, seems to be, in a peculiar
degree, the occupation of this age;
and it would be difficult to shew that
any age had undertaken a worthier.
Though we cannot extirpate all
pain, we can, if we are sufficiently
determined upon" it, abolish all ty-
ranny: one of the greatest victories
yet gained over that enemy is slave-
emancipation, and all Europe is
struggling, with various success, to-
wards further conquests over it. If,
in the pursuit of this, we lose sight
of any object equally important; if
we forget that freedom is not the
only thing necessary for human be-
ings, let us be thankful to any one
who points out what is wanting; but
let us not consent to turn back.
That this country should turn
back, in the matter of negro slavery,
I have not the smallest apprehension.
There is, however, another place
where that tyranny still flourishes, but
now for the first time finds itselfseri-
ouslyindanger. At this crisis ofAme-
rican slavery, when the decisive con-
flict between right and iniquity seems
about to commence, your contributor
steps in, and flings this missile, load-
ed with the weight of his reputation,
into the abolitionist camp. -The
words of English writers of celebrity
are words of power on the other side
of the ocean; and the owners of hu-
man flesh, who probably thought
they had not an honest man on their
side between the Atlantic and the
Vistula, will welcome such an aui-
liary. Circulated as his dissertation
will probably be, by those whose in-
terests profit by it, from one end of
the American Union to the other, I
hardly know of an act by which one
person could have done so much mis-
chief as this may possibly do; and I
hold that by thus acting, he has
made himself an instrument of what
an able writer in the Inquirer jstly
calls a true work of the devil.
D.

I

THREE TRAPPED TIGERS.
G. Cabrera Infante. Translated
from the Cuban by Donald
Gardner and Suzanne Jill
Levine, in collaboration with
the author. Harper & Row, 1971
487 pp.

TRES TRISTES TIGRES
G. Cabrera Infante. 451 pp.
Editorial Seix Barral,
Barcelona, 1965. 2d ed. 1971

M.H. Abrams, in A Glossary of
Literary Terms, defines Menippean
satire as an indirect form of satire,
written in prose -- though with

interpolated passages of verse -- of a
miscellaneous form often held
together by a loosely constructed
narrative. Its major feature, however,
is a series of extended dialogues and
debates (often conducted at a
banquet or party) in which a group of
immensely loquacious eccentrics,
pedants, literary people, and
representatives of various professions
or philosophical points of view serve
to make ludicrous the intellectual
attitudes they typify by the
arguments they urge in their
support.
In this fine Menippean satire Sr.
Cabrera fully exploits the original

THREE TRAPPED TIGERS

meaning of the term satura (i.e., a
medley, a grabbag, a mixed bag) and
freely draws on all previous authors
who have helped to form what I shall
call the minor tradition in prose
fiction -- a tradition which I suspect
is fast becoming the major one. The
three sad tigers of the title are in a
wheatfield ("tres tristes tigres en un
trigal"), and of course they are sad
because that is not the place for any
self-respecting carnivore to be. The
sad tigers of the story are in
pre-Castro Havana, and they are sad
because they too are frustrated --
sexually, mentally, spiritually, politi-
cally, etc. But in pre-Castro Havana
life was a cabaret, old chum, and so
the frustrations are acted out under
the glitter of a circus tent: to be
precise, with the background of
Havana's most famous night club,
the Tropicana, never far from the
minds of the protagonists. In the
opening prologue the master of
ceremonies introduces us to the
"famous" people in the audience:
photographers and writers for
Carteles, a couple of military men, a
senator or two. There is a Mr.
Campbell in the audience; he must
of course be related to the soup

people. How about Miss Vivian
Smith-Corona Alvarez de Real,
celebrating her fifteenth birthday at
the Tropicana? The typewriter
people, naturally (Smith-Corona?
Royal? Both?). And El Gran Codac?
Just allow for a little change in
spelling. And if we've gone this far,
why not add a few pure
charactonyms, like Minerva Eros
and Bustrofedon?
But let the reader beware (cool it,
lector): this is Menippean satire,
these characters are a mixed bag,
and besides, characters are seldom
their true selves in a nightclub
atmosphere. Vivian Smith (she never
Uses the "Corona") cannot be
seduced (at fifteen? -- they do things
early in Cuba) because, we learn, she
is like a display typewriter with a sign
that says, "Do not touch" ("Una
exacta maquina de escribir. Pero de
exhibition, de las que se ven en la
vidriera con un letrero al lado que
dice no tocar. "). But Vivian has just
told Silvestre she is not a virgin (was
not? at fifteen or at fourteen?), and
later Silvestre learns from his buddy
Arsenio Cue that it was probably he,
Arsenio, who did the deflowering.
And Arsenio had made the remark
to Silvestre about the display
typewriter! It is all very confusing, as
it is meant to be. Life is very much
like that, isn't it, and this kind of
satire, perhaps, even more so?
One particular point of narrative
may be told three or four times (does
this remind you of Durrell's
Alexandria Quartet?), from different
points of view; the reader cannot
choose the "true" version because
truth is not quite so pat as that. Each
version is true, and each false,
depending on where you're sitting at
the time you're reading it; or, to take
the calle metaforica -- Sr. Cabrera's
phrase -- depending, as in a hall of
mirrors, on where you're standing
and what you're looking for.
In the section called "Los
Visitantes," where there is quite a
good story in the manner of an
exemplum called "Historia de un
Baston y Algunos Reparos de Mrs.
Campbell." This is the Campbell of
the soup people in the Prologue. Mr.
Campbell tells the story, and Mrs.
Campbell adds some minor
alterations. The next chapter is
called "El Cuento" (note the change

from "history" to "tale") de un
Baston Seguido de Vaya que
Correcciones de la Sra. de Campbell
(note the change from Mrs.
Campbell's English to her Spanish
title). The third re-telling of the tale
has elaborate footnotes, crossings-
out, etc., to which I shall return later.
In that one, the tone has changed:
Mr. Campbell has taken out many of
his sneering references to Cuba and
"the natives." The footnotes seem to
add documentation to at least the
literary authenticity of the tale; but
again there are the corrections by
Mrs. Campbell (note the change
from "reparos" to "correcciones").
Much later, after other things have
commanded the reader's interest,
Silvestre discovers a paper contain-
ing a biography of William Campbell
which says, in part, about a story of
his: "The autobiographical device of
the story becomes a literary joke of
the finest vintage when one learns
that Campbell is a conformed (sic)
bachelor and sworn teetotaler and
that he has not yet reach (sic) forty."
So there was no Mrs. Campbell after
all! And if Mr. Campbell was a
sworn teetotaler, what was he doing
in the Tropicana? And was he alone?
Or were we just reading a story of his
made up during the time he covered
the Havana Rally for Sports
Spectator?
This is not a novel of action; the
novel spends most of its time at
parties, or tearing up and down the
streets of Havana in a convertible, or
dancing a literary limbo that
requires neither time nor space -- "la
Gran Novela del Aire," as
Bustrofedon calls it: "abrense las
paginas sonoras del picuismo en el
aire para hacer sufrir a ustedes la
cursileria y la bazofia en cada
ridicule" -- "open the resounding
pages of an idiocy into the air to
make you realize that they signify
nothing but the flashiness and the
ordure and the absurdity of
everything" (my trans.). It is not a
novel of character, for although some
of the characters are very well-drawn
-- for example, Silvestre and Arsenio
Cue -- none of them holds the
reader's attention for the usual
reasons (development, complexity,
interplay, &c.). In this novel it is the
ideas that are important, not in the
sense that ideas are important in
philosophy, say, but in the sense that

the author plays around with them,
tossing them up and hurling them
about in order to release that
flashiness and ordure and absurdity
(note play on words on ordure and
order, please).
In the original Spanish version Sr.
Cabrera gives a notice to the reader
that does not appear, understand-
ably, in the translation. He says,
"The book is in Cuban; that is to say,
written in the different Spanish
dialects that are spoken in Cuba.
The writing is no more than an
attempt to catch the human voice in
flight . Such an attempt was not
easy, and some pages ought to be
heard rather than read. In fact, it
might not be a bad idea to read them
aloud" (my trans.). The title of the
book is a tongue-twister, like "Peter
Piper" or "toy boat" in English.
"Three Trapped Tigers" is a
beautiful translation, I think,
although I have persisted in using
"sad" in this review. While I am on
the subject of translation, I should
note that this is rather a brilliant
reconstruction of the Spanish than a
translation. Some changes were
perhaps occasioned by the stricter
censorship in Barcelona than in New
York. It must have been with the
approval of the author that Gardner
and Levine rendered the original
"Pues no canto, vaya!" into "Then
you can go fuck yourself, I'm not
singing." Other changes indicate a
differently cultured audience, as
when the list of "Pintaurus" in the
Spanish is expanded from fourteen
to twenty in the English version,
which includes "Arstits" (the pun
seems better in English than in
Spanish) with whom the Spanish are
presumably unacquainted: among
them Whistler, Singer (a pun, one
coming after the other), Anti
Warhole, and (surprisingly) Silver
Dalli. On the other hand the Spanish
version has no fewer than thirty-six
listings under "Filosofos mas
Ilustrados," while in the English the
"Philosuffers" (the pun in English is
not echoed in the Spanish) number
only twenty. I get the impression
that, when the translators submitted
some of their work to Sr. Cabrera, he
became so enthusiastic about it that
he told them, "Good, then, let's write
it the way I wanted to in the first
place, and let's use all the linguistic
C.R. July-Aug-Sept 1972 Page 29

resources of English to enrich it." I
also think that Sr. Cabrera is very
fluent in English, language as well as
literature, and that he could help the
translators with the many allusions
to Milton, Yeats, Marlowe, Webster
and others that do not appear in the
original Spanish. Thus one is faced
with the possibility that a translation
is more accurate and more expressive
of the author's wishes than the
original.
As the reader can see from my
quotations so far, the novel is very
punny. It abounds in tongue-twist-
ers, anagrams, palindromes, mirror
images, puzzles of all kinds. One of
its chapters is called "Rompeca-
beza" ("Brainteaser"). Literary
allusions (too many to mention, but
the Fnttnotes in the Campbell section
I pointed to earlier will give some
idea), parodies (a brilliant one of
Edgar Allen Poe in the English
translation, and a more predictable
one of Guantanamero), style
imitations (Joyce and Proust
predominate) and plays on words
(innumerable plays on Arsenio.Cue's
name, which is itself a play on
"arse," "arson," "que?," &c.) are
perhaps the most frequently used
devices. What I earlier called "the
minor tradition in prose fiction" tells

us the literary antecedents of the
novel. Menippus (no surviving works,
but copied by) Varro (fragments),
Lucian, Apuleius, Petronius (whole
works, and in paperback!) -- not the
usual classics for background,
though Fellini did make a big movie
of the last-mentioned author's
Satyricon. After the Middle Ages
there were Rabelais, and the
picaresque novelists in Spain, and
Cervantes, of course, who had such a
great influence on Fielding, Smollett,
and Sterne. Sr. Cabrera is very
Sterne, and copies him in a page of
mourning. Sterne's Yorick died, and
merited a whole page of black
mourning. Sr. Cabrera's Arsenio Cue
dies, and gets the same treatment --
only to be resuscitated (Cue says
there were blank bullets in the gun)
as the very loquacious hero of the
novel. Two other sad tigers die -- La
Estrella and Bustrofedon -- without
benefit of mourning sheets nor
resuscitation, but their boleros (or at
least, La Estrella's) and their banter
(or at least, Bustrofedon's) continue
to inform the novel until the end.
From Sterne we go to a
little-known novelist of the late
eighteenth century, Robert Bage,
and then to his better known
colleague, Thomas Love Peacock, to

his son-in-law George Meredith, and
then to Aldous Huxley. When I said
that the minor tradition was
becoming a major tradition, I meant
it. From Huxley we can refer to John
Barth in America (The Sot-Weed
Factor], John Fowles and Lawrence
Durrell in England (The Magus and
The Alexandria Quartet, respect-
ively), Gunter Grass in Germany
(The Tin Drum), Julio Cortazar in
Argentina (Rayuela, or Hopscotch),
and many others, including
Guillermo Cabrera Infante.
This is a novel so rich and so
powerful that it will not be soon
forgotten. Of course there are
political overtones -- Sr. Cabrera
detests the idea of the Castro
takeover (he is living in London
now); and there are literary
overtones, which he indicates in his
talks about Cuban writers, on what a
novel should be, on his distaste for
Jorge Luis Borges, in his parody of
Alejo Carpentier's account of the
death of Trotsky, in his obvious
predilection for English and
American writers (Hemingway gets a
clean, well-lighted place among the
latter). Sr. Cabrera makes ludicrous
the many sanctimonious attitudes
that might be typified by three (or
however many) sad, sad, tigers. *

Wt -'. xYrs'-- -iWa '1111
From the Harper & Sketch of the author by Utermohlen
Row dust-Jacket. (photo of sketch by Chino Lope)
Page 30 C.R. Vol. IV No. ;3

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A NEW WORLD OR

OLD BARGAIN TOWN?
by Aaron Segal

READINGS IN THE POLITICAl
ECONOMY OF THE CARIB-
BEAN. Norman Girvan and Owen
Jefferson, eds. 287 pp. New World
Group (Box 221, Kingston 7,
Jamaica), 1971. $5.00.

What is wrong with Caribbean
society, politics and economics?
What is the appropriate method of
analysis and diagnosis for its
ailments? What are the cures and
how should they be administered?
The strength of this book and of
the writings of the New World group
is their willingness to pose and tackle
basic questions. Based on a handful
of economists and other social
scientists, mostly associated with the
University of the West Indies, the
New World group through its
publications has made a major

contribution to the level of discussion
and debate about the Caribbean. In
societies where the oral word is
cheaper and easier than the printed
one, their ability to keep going a
readable quarterly is a considerable
achievement. This book represents a
collection of reprints from that

bean Freedom." "Most everywhere
there is disorder: fragmentation,
segmentation and disarray. What is
more, it is mounting disorder:
growing populations, lagging in-
comes, increasing unemployment;
widening disequality, lengthening
dependence, and rising discontent."
One hears the lament of puppets
dangling at the end of political,
economic and psychological strings
being manipulated from beyond
their reach by alien and often hostile
hands.

quarterly WILt suggesLons for The fundamental cause of this
further reading. It is a useful disorder is seen as external
introduction to and survey of the dependence, exemplified by inde-
thinking of the New World Group, pendent governments who have
although it fails to reflect some of the based their economic development
important divisions among them. strategies on cheap labor and
What the New World group generous tax incentives to lure
members share is a conviction that foreign private capital to establish
something is rotten in the current industries for export. Owen Jefferson
state of the Caribbean. Lloyd Best, evaluates the economic record of
whose vision and historical perspect- Jamaica over the last 20 years and
ive is the widest in the group, sums it concludes that although "a very
up in an introductory essay on large amount of foreign capital
"Independent Thought and Carib- flowed into the country, . .

unemployment still exists on a large
scale, the income gap appears to
have widened and expectations have
been raised to a level which only a
miracle could resolve. The growing
integration of the economy into the
North American complex has been
accompanied by a form of perverse
growth involving a growing
polarization of the society." The
same basic pattern is detected
throughout the Caribbean with
governments surrendering their
economic responsibilities and tax
revenues to lure foreign capitalists,
local elites imitating exaggerated
and false foreign consumption
patterns, and foreign firms using
capital-intensive technologies in
their Caribbean branch-plants which
fail to create desperately needed
jobs. The model of the agricultural
plantation economy which exported
what it produced and imported what
is consumed sits alongside a new and
almost equally loathsome "planta-
tion" industrial and mining model.
The malignant disease described
and diagnosed, the New World
group members move on to suggest
remedies. These are basically
economic nationalism on a West
Indian scale relying on public rather
than local private ownership.
Specific proposals include a tight
regional economic integration for-
mula to permit industrialization for
domestic markets, replacement on a
regional basis of imported foodstuffs
with local agricultural produce,
development within the Caribbean of
publicly-owned industrial complexes
to transform raw materials such as
bauxite into finished products, and
severe restraints on elite incomes and
consumption of imported goods to
generate savings for investment and
full employment. The end product is
seen in terms of economic and
psychological welfare producing true
independence for "a people.
conceived, suckled and educated in a
neurotic dependence on external
props."
Have the New Worlders adequate-
ly figured out what is wrong with the
Caribbean and what to do about it?
Most governments remain uncon-
vinced and hesitant, clinging to bits
and pieces of the so-called "Puerto
Rican" model of inviting foreign
capital, while increasingly aware of

its defects. Guyana has nationalized
the bauxite industry but there are no
signs yet of plans for the nuclear
reactor proposed by New World
critic Norman Girvan to permit
Jamaica to produce its own
aluminum from its own bauxite. Nor
have the New World people
succeeding in selling their ideas to
the advocates of "Black Power" who
prefer to see Caribbean problems in
terms of racial rather than class or
economic dependence.
Whether or not the New World
diagnosis and suggested cures ever
become public policy, they deserve to
be taken seriously as ways of
understanding Caribbean societies.
It is the flaws and weaknesses of
their diagnosis that cause me the
most problems; not the fact that the
patient does not yet seem ready to
accept the proposed cures.
The first and inexcusable flaw is
the failure to consider the entire
Caribbean and its experience and to
assume that 5 million West Indians
are what an area of 25 million people
is all about. For instance, this
collection of readings contains only
one selection on a non-West Indian
country, a brief account by Eduardo
Seda-Bonilla of the alleged detri-
mental effects of export-industriali-
zation and the American presence on
the folk-values of a Puerto Rican
village. Even the suggested further
readings are almost exclusively
confined to West Indian subjects.
How is it possible to begin to discuss
dependence and independence in the
Caribbean without considering Cuba
or Haiti? Instead of complaining
that West Indian governments have
made their citizens lives worse by
adopting the crummy Puerto Rican
model, why not at least cite the
empirical work of Fuat Andic, Irma
Tirado and others comparing income
distribution in Puerto Rico and
Jamaica, demonstrating that indus-
trialization has helped make Puerto
Rico less unequal than Jamaica?
Indeed the whole book is marred by
the absence of footnotes or lists of
sources.
Similarly, the debate over how to
respond to Britain's entry into the
European Economic Community,
and the probable loss of West
Indian external preferences, totally
neglects the actual experience of the

Inter American University
of Puerto Rico
San German Campus

The Department of
Economics and Business
Administration announces
for August 1972, a new
Graduate Program leading
to an M.A. in Economics
with special emphasis on the
problems of economic
development in the
Caribbean and Latin
America.

For further information on
admissions and fellowships
to either this new program
or to our regular M.B.A.
program please write to:

CHAIRMAN,
DEPARTMENT OF
ECONOMICS AND
BUSINESS AD-
MINISTRATION
INTER AMERICAN
UNIVERSITY
SAN GERMAN,
PUERTO RICO 0953.

C.R. July-Aug-Sept 1972 *

Page 33

French and Netherlands Antilles as
associated overseas parts of the EEC.
Failure to think in Caribbean
rather than West Indian terms
produces formulas for regional
economic union which exclude Cuba,
and the Dominican Republic
although each country offers
markets for industrial products
larger than any single West Indian
state. The intriguing distinction
made by Alister McIntyre between
"structural dependence" which is
due to the size and structure of the
economy and cannot be helped and
"functional dependence" which
results from particular policies is
never developed or examined in a
Caribbean-wide framework. Is Cuba
or Haiti less "functionally depend-
ent" than the West Indies? Each
country in its own way has refused to
put itself in bondage to foreign
private capital. How do the results
compare with the objectives sought
by the New World thinkers?
The failure to think in Caribbean
rather than West Indian terms is
compounded by the unwillingness to
seek the causes of problems outside
the West Indian plantation model.
After all unemployment and the
inability of industrialization to
produce sufficient jobs is now a
global problem. Given nearly 50 per
cent of the population under twenty
years of age, rates of population
increase at 2-3 per cent per year, and
the fixed capital costs of job creation,
there the number of job-seekers is
almost certain to out-run employ-
ment creation. This book is silent on

the questions of population policies
and what can be done in the short
and long-term to reduce the numbers
of young people who come on to tight
labor markets.
It is easier to blame unemploy-
ment on foreign corporations rather
than demographic structures. How-
ever there is little evidence that more
labor-intensive technologies could
produce goods suitable for export or
internal consumption. Girvan's
proposed West Indian owned
aluminum industry using nuclear
power would be capital-intensive,
rely on skilled labor and expensive
imports, and be no more effective at
creating jobs for the unskilled
masses than the present foreign
firms. Similarly, cutting down on
imported foodstuffs through regional
production is a good idea but it
requires modern, scientific farming
which will probably displace labor
rather than create additional jobs.
One can punch additional jabs at
the economic diagnosis such as the
failure to consider transport costs,
but the main blow to be struck
against the New World proposals is
political. Nowhere does this group of
university technocrats examine the
political ideologies or institutions
which their cures would require. It is
a curious book on political economy
which is silent about politics. Is it
local or regional nationalism,
socialism or some other set of ideals
that will convince the elites to
drastically alter their consumption
patterns and redistribute incomes
and opportunities in favor of the

low-income groups? Can present
West Indian parliamentary govern-
ments through voluntary and/or
coercive measures generate the
austerity, egalitarianism, compulsory
investment, and full employment
which the New World critics want?
Who is going to repeal all the present
laws which are intended to lure the
nasty foreign capitalists? Who is
going to cut the salaries, and housing
and other subsidies of the present
elites, include these same New World
university lecturers?
The technocrats are divided
among themselves as to whether
their proposals are meant for the
more intelligent of the present
political leaders, or as the platforms
for political parties and regimes yet
to come into being. Lloyd Best
argues that "thought is the action for
us," and that "if we devoted our
attention to the production of books,
pamphlets and journals, and if we
did it well, that would be plenty."
Elsewhere New World pamphlets
and public debates strive with little
success to arouse the masses and to
chase governments from power. Like
intellectuals elsewhere the New
World scholars cherish their image
as academics and professionals,
yearn to be consulted by the
decision-makers, shy from the
painful compromises common to the
daily give and take of politics, and
remain aloof from and distrustful of
the uneducated majority whose
economic misery they do not share.
One can dismiss the New World
exercises as doubtful economics,

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dubious politics, and destined to end
in sterility. However this would be a
mistake since no one else has a
clear, consistent, or cogent analysis
of the problems of the Caribbean
which in most countries are getting
worse rather than better. The present
industrialization by foreign capital
for export strategy is not producing
enough jobs. Cuba has full
employment but with a swollen army
and militia and a grossly inefficient
agriculture. Neither the New World
people nor anyone else has the
answers. How can rapid economic
development, social justice, personal
and social egalitarianism, political
and civil liberties, and independence
be achieved anywhere in the
Caribbean?
All that is possible is to suggest a
different diagnosis and remedies.
Whatever may be the case in other
parts of the world, population
problems are fundamental in most of
the Caribbean. This means intensive
efforts to slow-down the birth rate,
including legalizing abortion. At the
same time there are too many
unskilled young people seeking
non-existent jobs. Some will have to
be helped to emigrate from the area
with job and other training to ease
the transfer. Others will have to be
given civic service jobs at low pay.
Education has to be revolutionized
so that every child leaving school has
marketable skills. Elitism is the
educational curse of the West Indies
and uniform comprehensive schools
with a pronounced vocational bias
are required to replace present
painful imitations of obsolescent
English schools.
Foreign private capital is needed
in the Caribbean, especially for the
export markets to which it has
access, but on uniform regional
rather than competitive island versus
island terms. Joint ventures should
be the order of the day, not just with
local governments or entrepreneurs,
but with trade-unions, cooperatives
and other non-governmental but
public institutions. Investment
should be technology-intensive,
recognizing that most Caribbean
countries have higher wage levels
and educational standards than the
majority of poor countries. The
model should not be Puerto Rico but

perhaps Singapore which manages to
export sophisticated goods without
any preferential access to external
markets. Economic regionalism
should be pursued while recognizing
that it must extend beyond the West
Indies to embrace more of the
Caribbean to be even marginally
effective. Even then Caribbean
countries will have to be able to
export goods and services competi-
tively without special ties to anyone,
whether the EEC, the US, or the
Soviet Union, if they hope to be fully
independent. Considering that the
world seems hell-bent on being
chopped up into geographic
preferential trading blocs this goal
may not be feasible.
Tourism should be seen as a
potentially positive force rather than
a necessary evil. (Most New World
writing either dismisses tourism as
another version of the plantation
model or blames it for importing
false standards, and consumption
patterns.) The Caribbean needs
cheap charter-flights, youth and
student hostels, public rather than
private beaches, and modest
boarding-houses to make it
accessible to other than high-income
travelers. A broader and less affluent
range of tourists will spend more on
locally produced goods, stay more in
locally owned accommodations, and
help to loosen terribly rigid and
stratified societies. Israel provides an
example of how mass tourism can be
consistent with basic egalitarian
goals, although it is of course a very
special case.
It is achieving egalitarianism that
will be the toughest nut of all to
crack. Above all, racial, educational,
class, status and ethnic differences
are the nuts and bolts of most
Caribbean societies. The Cuban
Revolution got rid of some of them
by exporting many of its elites,
reducing most of those who
remained to a shared level of
deprivation, and virtually elimina-
ting personal income in a country
where there are few goods which
people value that can be bought with
money. It is hard to see West Indian
or Puerto Rican civil servants or
university lecturers giving up their
private cars to ride crowded public

transportation, their wives standing
in line with ration cards at markets,
their children attending state-run
schools and kindergartens with
children of the masses, and
themselves spending their vacations
cutting sugar-cane.
Lloyd Best argues that "there is no
middle road" between external
dependence on foreign capital and
national mobilization based on
austerity. Like other New World
thinkers he does not tell us what
political institutions and what degree
of coercion are needed to make
austerity stick. Most Caribbean elites
are dismayed at the continuance of
relationships with the rest of the
world which, in the words of the
Trinidad Calypsonian, Mighty
Sparrow, have meant that with
independence "people saying,
Please, Mr. Nigger, please." Yet
neither at the personal nor the
societal level are these elites
prepared to make the kind of
sacrifices that an end to dependence
would involve. Their failure to look
hard at the Cuban experience is
partly a reluctance to see that Cuba
has neither escaped from external
dependence (structural and func-
tional) nor achieved economic
growth.
I think that there is a middle-road
although it is bound to be a
frustrating, difficult journey. It will
lack the emotional satisfactions of
heady economic nationalism which
allows a good, albeit brief, kick at
the rear of the foreigner. It would
involve first tackling the population
problem which is less exciting than
lambasting multi-national corpora-
tions. It would mean listening to the
people instead of assuming that the
possession of university degrees
provides a divine right to rule. This
in itself may involve acknowledging
that ordinary people in the
Caribbean are willing to tolerate a lot
more external dependence than the
elites who are calling for sacrifices in
the name of the welfare of the
masses. We don't know and won't
until we do some asking. The middle
road sees politics and economics as a
single process, striving to reconcile
the hopes and fears of real people, to
produce participation, opportunity,
welfare and freedom. *
C.R. July-Aug-Sept 1972 Page 35

PATTERNS OF INTER-
NATIONAL COOPERATION IN
THE CARIBBEAN 1942-1969.
Herbert Corkran, Jr. Southern
Methodist U. Press, 1970.

According to the author, the purpose
of this book is to "examine the
structures which have worked toward
international cooperation in the

Caribbean." This he has accom-
plished in a well organized volume.
Scrutiny reveals that the book falls
into four parts because Professor
Corkran, writing chronologically,
treats the evolution of four successive
structures which have worked toward
international cooperation in the
Caribbean.
These structures are the Anglo-

THE

CARIBBEAN CONFEDERATION.

Wlitb a i(lap.

A PLAN FOR THE UNION OF THE FIFTEEN
BRITISH WEST INDIAN COLONIES,
PRECEDED BY
AN ACCOUNT OF THE PAST AND PRESENT CONDITION OF THE
EUROPEANS AND THE AFRICAN RACES INHABITING THEM,
WITH A
TRUE EXPLANATION OF THE HAYTIAN MYSTERY,
In which is embodied a Refutation of the Chief Statements made by
Mr. Froude in his recent Work, "The English in the West Indies."
BY

C. S. SALMON,
LATE PRESIDENT OF NEVIS.;
FORMERLY COLONIAL SECRETARY AND ADMINISTRATOR OF THE GOVERNMENT
OF THE GOLD COAST;
CHIEF COMMISSIONER SEYCHELLES ISLANDS, ETC.
MEMBER OF THE COMMITTEE OF THE COBDEN CLUB.

CASSELL

& COMPANY, LIMITED:

LONDON, PARIS, NE W YORK &' MELEOURNE.
TUe p(e of a 188 pla to aie the West Indies. Reprnted by Frank Ca & International Scholarly Book
SPager C Vol0.
Page 386 C.R. Vol. IV No. 3

THE CARIBBEAN

COMMISSIONS
by Basil A. Ince

American Caribbean Commission
(1942-1946), the Caribbean Com-
mission (1946-1961), the Caribbean
Organization (1961-1965), and
CODECA (The Caribbean Economic
Development Corporation) (1965-
1969). Within the framework of these
four divisions, however, the author
discusses the political background of
the various Caribbean islands that
were at some time or another in one
of the four organizational structures:
American territories -- the Virgin
Islands of the U.S. and the
Commonwealth of Puerto Rico;
Netherlands territories -- Nether-
lands Antilles and Surinam; French
territories -- French Guiana,
Guadeloupe and Martinique; British
territories -- the West Indies,
Bahamas, British Guiana, British
Honduras and the British Virgin
Islands.
The Anglo-American Caribbean
Commission, the first of the four
regional organizations, was born of
crisis in 1942. As its name indicates,
it was set up by the British and
American governments, "in large
part to cope with wartime
emergencies." Later on, the author
admits that "it is probable that in
the absence of the war emergency the
AACC would never have been
created." Nevertheless, the author
attempts, unconvincingly, to per-
suade the reader that the two
metropolitan powers did not have
their own primary interests at heart
but instead, the long-term interests
of the Caribbean countries. However
well-intentioned the U.S. and Britain
were towards the long-term solution
of economic problems of the
Caribbean, the facts are that no
attempt was made to construct any
organization until Nazi submarine
action threatened the use of the
Atlantic. The British and American
concern for the Atlantic sea lanes
and for the loss of their colonies in
the area should Nazi Germany win
the war, was manifested in the
"destroyer for bases agreement"
whereby Britain leased bases in the
Caribbean to the U.S. in exchange
for forty over-aged destroyers.
Conceived by the metropolitan
powers in furtherance of their own
interests, the structure of the AACC
and its predecessors (save CODECA)
told a great deal of the general

orientation and control of this
attempt at regional organization in
the Caribbean. For example, when
the AACC came into existence, the
headquarters of the U.S. section was
in Washington and was administra-
tively a part of the Department of
State! To facilitate coordination
between the American and British
sections, the British section was
placed in quarters next to the United
States section offices. This was a sign
of things to come -- the replacement
of London by Washington for
Caribbean affairs.
A final example will suffice to
show how a regional organization,
purportedly set up for the benefit of
the peoples of the Caribbean,
functioned in such a way as to make
its proclaimed good intentions
doubtful. If there was an agricultural
problem common to an American
and British territory, the governor of
the latter territory could not directly
contact the governor of the American
territory. What the British governor
had to do was to communicate with
the British Colonial Office, which in
turn would send the correspondence
to the British Foreign Office, which
in turn would send the correspond-
ence on to the British Ambassador in
Washington. Once the matter was
handed over to the American side, it
made its way tortuously through the
American bureaucratic offices (De-
partment of State to Department of
Interior) until it reached the
governor of the American territory.
Needless to say, the reply would run
the same tortuous gamut. This
example is the epitomy of the
metropolitan-hinterland relationship
in that it reflects the division of the
Caribbean territories, one from
another, and their complete
attachment to the umbilical cords of
their respective "Mother countries."
As if the foregoing were not
ridiculous enough, it should be
pointed out that any decision of the
AACC was to be solely of a
recommendatory nature.
The life of the two-power
Commission came to an end in 1946,
when later in that year the
Netherlands and France joined what
was to be a new organization, the
Caribbean Commission. It would
have been awkward to name the new
Commission the Anglo-American-

Franco-Netherlands Commission,
but this name would have reflected
the real loci of power in the
Commission. Certainly Caribbean
territories comprised the majority of
members of the Commission, but it
must be recalled that the
Commission was ostensibly brought
into existence for them and not by
them. Therefore, what was appli-
cable in terms of the orientation,
structure and power of the
two-power Commission, was equally
applicable in the case of the
four-power Commission. Like its
predecessor, action taken by the
Caribbean Commission was only of
an advisory nature. Since the
Caribbean islands were non-
sovereign territories, they could not
implement the recommendations
that their own delegates made. This
is not unheard of in modern
international organization, since
many states supporting resolutions
are unable to implement them for
lack of financial or military
resources, but at least they did not
have to ask permission to implement
a resolution. The status of the West
Indian territories in the Commission
was such that it could have been
renamed the Colonial Commission.
To rub salt in the wound, some of the
recommendations made by the
Commission required the concur-
rence of one or more of the four
metropolitan governments. In effect,
the metropolitan powers had a veto
on certain recommendations made
by the Commission. When it is
recalled that the Commission
ostensivly was set up for the benefit
of the Caribbean countries, the mind
boggles in disbelief. It is not
surprising, therefore, that some of
the territories, experiencing consti-
tutional growth, should favor a new
organization that did not flaunt their
colonial statuses in their eyes.
It was the effort of these territories
to escape their subservient role in
this regional attempt at international
cooperation that led to the
disintegration of the Caribbean
Commission and the birth of the
Caribbean Organization. The Carib-
bean Organization could be
appropriately described as the result
of an effort at decolonization in the
field of international organization.
The Caribbean territories, anxious to

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Page 38 C.R.* Vol. IV No. 3

play a major role in an organization
that bore the name of the area, had
exerted enough pressure to make the
metropolitan powers realize that they
wanted a truly Caribbean organi-
zation. However, it should be pointed
out that although the regional
organization was partially decolo-
nized, the metropolitan powers did
not graciously surrender power, nor
did they completely relinquish such
power in the new organization.
On account of their march to
independence, in some cases, and
constitutional growth in other
instances, the Caribbean territories
sought a restructuring of the
organization which would reflect
their new and impending political
statuses. The four metropolitan
governments, reluctantly giving way
to the inevitable, stated that the new
Organization "should . reflect
appropriately the new responsi-
bilities which the Governments of the
area have undertaken since 1946 as
well as those which some of them are
about to assume." This was an
ominous warning of things to come.
What the metropolitan powers
were in fact saying to the Caribbean
territories was; "if you want to take
over the Commission as full
members, you are going to have to
foot the expenses that accompany
such membership." Professor Cork-
ran is not completely correct when he
writes that, "It was to the credit of
the metropolitan powers . that
they yielded gracefully and peace-
fully to the inevitable change in the
pattern of international organization
in the Caribbean." It contradicts the
essence of the four-power statement
which in effect said, "sink or swim as
you can," and also the statement of
the acting British co-chairman of the
Commission who said in colorful
language ". . he who calls the tune
must also pay the piper." In fact by
its action the British nearly destroyed
the Commission. Had the British
withdrawal been as gracious as the
author asserted, it would not have
drawn the ire of a member of the
Federal Parliament of the Wes
Indies who thought that the acting
British Co-chairman's speech merit-
ed "stern reprobation for the
ungracious spirit which it exemp-
lified," and who further commented
that the "British Government would

prefer its death (the Commission's)
rather than its democratisation."
But this has been the history of the
colonial experie ce in the Caribbean.
The islands have been used by the
metropolitan powers only to be
discarded at the appropriate time --
solely a metropolitan decision. (Thus
today as the British head for the
Common Market, they impose curbs
on immigrants from the West Indies,
and the Dutch are similarly
considering curbing migration from
Surinam.) The British decision to
withdraw from full membership had
its financial repercussions. Britain,
in unilateral fashion, halved its dues
for the final year of the Commission
and the other metropolitan members
had to automatically scale down
their contributions. The result was
that the new Caribbean Organi-
zation was to begin its effort at
regional cooperation with a reduced
budget. All the metropolitan powers
did not relinquish full membership
in the new Organization, however.
Since Martinique and Guadeloupe
were integral parts of France
(floating in the Caribbean -- these
two islands more recently were
derisively referred to by the late
Charles DeGaulle as. "specks of
dust"), France was eligible for
membership in the new Caribbean
Organization. In fact, France was in
a privileged position in the
Organization since it possessed three
votes, instead of the normal one vote
for each member.
Thus far efforts at regional
cooperation in the Caribbean have
demonstrated the unexpected birth
of a regional organization -- the
AACC followed by the demise, via
expansion, of that organization. The
political aspirations of the Caribbean
territories and their efforts to
democratize the AACC's successor
led to the Caribbean Commission's
demise. The third structure, the
Caribbean Organization, the result
of the effort at decolonization by the
Caribbean territories, went the way
of its predecessors. The story of these
organizations, however novel Pro-
fessor Corkran finds these experi-
ments at regional organization in the
Caribbean, is one of failure. Many
reasons have been adduced for their
demise; among them that the
organizations were not political

enough, the failure of the West
Indies Federation in 1962, the
constitutional structure of the
Organization that did not permit the
constituent units of the defunct
federation to rejoin the Organi-
zation, and budgetary problems. All
these reasons are correct, but
omnipresent in all of these themes is
the pressure of the metropolitan
entities.
It is true that Britain, the United
States and the Netherlands were only
observers in the Caribbean Organi-
zation, but observer status did not
diminish the pressure and power of
these countries in the area. The
Caribbean territories, in their
attempt to make the Organization
truly Caribbean, had ensured its
financial weakness. At the same
time, they proved unequal to the
task of preventing a metropolitan
countryfrom being a formal member
of the Organization. The obstinancy
of that metropolitan member,
France, sounded the death knell of
the Organization. After the failure of
the West Indian Federal venture,
France had three votes out of nine
votes, and since a two-thirds majority
was necessary for substantive
matters, France held a virtual
Membership of the individual
members of the disintegrated West
Indian Federation in the Organi-
zation would make that body
number seventeen, thereby minimi-
zing France's power. The Caribbean
territories, therefore, asked for a
revision of the four-power agreement
to facilitate the entry of the West
Indian islands. France refused and
this refusal drove the nail into the
coffin of the Organization. Three
members of the Organization,
including Puerto Rico, gave notice of
withdrawal and the experiment came
to an end.
The final chapter of this story of
aborted attempts at regional
cooperation came with the Puerto
Rican attempt at informal cooper-
ation, formal cooperation having
proved a consistent failure.
CODECA (Corporacion de Desarollo
Economic del Caribe) a public
corporation, created by the Puerto
Rican government, and that island's
attempt at regional cooperation in
the Caribbean, came to a virtual
standstill with the ouster of the

Popular party government and the
entry of the Progresista Party in the
1968 elections. Having statehood
plans for Puerto Rico, Governor
Ferre was not interested in a Puerto
Rican agency playing a leading role
in Caribbean international cooper-
ation.
The author devotes considerable
space to the role of Puerto Rico in
this protracted attempt (27 years) at
cooperation in the Caribbean. Puerto
Rico was among the group of
Caribbean countries that strongly
worked for the exclusion of
metre. olitan countries from formal
membership in the regional
organization. When the Caribbean
territories did not dominate the
Caribbean Organization as they
intended, Puerto Rico withdrew from
that organization, thereby bringing
about its termination, but only after
France had refused to amend the
agreement to permit the entry of
individual West Indian territories.
CODECA, the Puerto Rican
brainchild, was acknowledged by the
author to have "actual and potential
powers far in excess of those
possessed by the Caribbean
Organization or its predecessors."
Therefore, the evidence is substantial
that Puerto Rico was devoted to the
idea of cooperation with other
Caribbean territories. This may have
been so, but for the wrong reasons.
Professor Corkran writes that the
PDP administration's aim was to use
CODECA "to enhance the lustre of
the commonwealth status of Puerto
Rico . ." Again, summing up the
composite view of Puerto Rican
officials, Professor Corkran has
written, "So we Puerto Ricans feel
that if our commonwealth can lead
the way to orderly and progressive
cooperation in the Caribbean this
will tend to refute the charge that
Uncle Sam is an imperialist bully
and that Puerto Rico is his servile
colony." It seems, therefore that
while Puerto Rico was admittedly for
economic cooperation and the
economic benefits that would accrue
to Puerto Rico and the Caribbean,
such benefits played a secondary
role, since Puerto Rico was
concerned mostly with shedding its
image of U.S. domination that was
portrayed to the outside world.
Puerto Rico's colonial legacy, then,.

i-

T

-wtF-

_

-----..

CARIBBEAN
MONOGRAPH
SERIES NO. 7

--

)5,

religious

cults of the

caribbean

trinidad,

jamaica

and haiti
USS5.00
by george e.

simpson

Revised and augmented
version of The Shango Cult
in Trinidad

PUBLICATIONS
Institute of Caribbean Studies
Box BM
University of Puerto Rico
Rio Piedras, Puerto Rico
C.R. JWyv-Auga4pt 1972 Page 39

like that of other territories in the
Caribbean, weighed heavily upon the
Puerto Rican mind. In addition, as
some Popular Party officials may
admit, Puerto Rico was assuming the
mantle of big brother in the
Caribbean in the professed drive to
help her Caribbean neighbors. In
other words, Puerto Rico was
attempting to fill the colonial
vacuum left by the now-departed
metropolitan countries.
Earlier in this review we
mentioned that the author had
interspersed his discussion of the
various organizations with inform-
ative sketches of the politics of the
island. This political background
information is most useful for an
understanding of Caribbean political
developments, especially to those not
familiar with the area. Unfortunately
the author mars it by giving partial
information in some cases, by
showing a lack of sensitivity to the
aspirations of colonial peoples, and
by some arrogant and paternalistic
statements. For example, he writes
that Guyana's independence was
"delayed because of continuous
internal strife between two major
racial and ethnic groups." He then
moves on to another statement,
"With the radical Jagan out as head
of government, the British were
prepared to go ahead with
independence." Having introduced
the subject, he completely omits that
it was the United States which
aggravated the internal strife in
Guyana by financially supporting
groups opposed to Cheddi Jagan and
which brought pressure on the
British to withhold independence
while Jagan was at the helm.
When discussing Williams'
attempt to regain Chaguaramas, a
naval base leased to the Americans
for 99 years without the consent of
the people of Trinidad and Tobago,
the author writes that "Williams
rapidly gained international noto-
riety for his violent campaign against
continued occupation by the United
States of the Naval base." And he
describes the nationalist attempts by
the Trinidad and Tobago govern-
ment as taking "bizarre forms." A
peaceful march to the gates of the
naval base by no stretch of the
. iagination should.hbdescribed as a
Page 40 C.R. Vol. IV No. 3

"bizarre form." Moreover the author
may be surprised to learn that
Williams' effort to regain the
Chaguaramas base is regarded by
many as the high-point of his
political career to this day. It seems
that the author's views emanate from
a North American establishment
perspective.
Finally, he tries to belittle the
actions of the electorate of the people
of Martinique who "elect Cesaire to
high office and also give a heavy vote
to communists, while at virtually the
same time giving a referendum vote
in favor of DeGaulle," as a "lack of
political sophistication." Political
scientists know that the entire
political culture of a society must be
taken into consideration for certain
political events to make any sense.
Those not aware of the political
culture of a society will marvel at the
election of two individuals of
differing ideologies by the identical
constituency. Yet the election of
senators of differing ideologies from
the same state, and the simultaneous
election of a President and a
Vice-President in the United States,
are not viewed as ludicrous by those
observers who sympathize with the
political culture in which such
seemingly unsophisticated e\ :nts
happen.
Throughout the book the actions
of the metropolitan powers are
excused, while those of caribbean
territories, when not made to appear
ludicrous, are regarded with
paternalistic condescension. The
position in which these Caribbean
territories found themselves was only
partially due to their colonial
statuses, for those that have emerged
from their political colonial status
have discovered that they are still
confronted with the same problem --
namely, small poor territories in an
American lake. The effort at regional
cooperation (from AACC to
CODECA) via the functional
approach to international organi-
zation, which holds that the most
desirable route to international
community-building proceeds grad-
ually from initial trans-national
cooperation in the solution of
common problems was not a
successful venture. It is yet too early
to pass judgementon. another effort

at regional cooperation in the person
of the Caribbean Free Trade
Association (CARIFTA) which
comprises solely Caribbean territor-
ies. Should it be unsuccessful, then
the reasons for such failure would be
primarily internal.
Patterns of International Cooper-
ation in the Caribbean. 1942-1969 is
a well organized book. While the
author is interested in the precedents
set by these structures in the field of
international organization, most
other readers will be struck by the
persistent theme of colonialism in
the Caribbean. Caribbean intel-
lectuals will be. e

CARIBBEAN

VOICES
Selected and introduced
by John Figueroa
A fascinating two-volume anthology of
West Indian poetry containing over 300
poems which enable the student and the
general reader to gain a full appreciation
of the remarkable range and variety of
Caribbean verse. The poems show the
wealth of poetic imagination in the West
Indies, reflecting vividly the traditions,
beliefs and style of Caribbean culture
Short biographical details on the writers
are included, together with a number of
suggestions for further reading
Volume 1
Dreams and Visions
Provides an admirable introduction to the
richness and variety of West Indian
poetry.
Volume 2
The Blue Horizons
This volume contains a wider selection of
poems with a very useful critical
introduction.
Volume 1 45p (U.K.) paper 120 paces
Volume 2 1.05 (U.K.) paper 228 rages
Now available also as a coinllred edition
2.50 (U.K.) cased 348 pales
'A valuable and perceptive addition
to the growing body of critical
writing on West Indian Literature'
Jamaica Gleaner
Order from your bookseller
Evans are represented in the Caribbean by:
CBC (Trinidad) Ltd
64a Independence Square
P.O. Box 126 Port-of-Spain
Trinidad
Caribbean Book Centre (Jamaica) Ltd
1 Worthington Avenue
Kingston 5 Jamaica
Montague House
4W Russell Square London WC1 B 5BX

R.I.P.

R.I.P.

by Thomas Mathews

A STRATEGY FOR CARIBBEAN
ECONOMIC INTEGRATION.
Roland I. Perusse. 212 pp. North-
South Press, San Juan, 1971.

This is another of those do-it-your-
self-so-that-we-don't-have-to-do-it-
for-you books which Americans are
turning out with more frequency now
that the dollar is on the decline and
the welcome mat is more carefully
closeted. The native is instructed on
how to become more resourceful so
that he will be more useful to, and
less of a burden on, us. (Please,
editor, that is: U.S.) The author is
the hastily departed interim-director
of the ill-conceived and the even
more malevolently operated North-
South Center; the brain-child of the
erst-while present governor of Puerto
Rico who with his infinite wisdom
and selfless dedication apparently
foresees the spread of guerrilla
warfare in Latin America and wants
to prepare the U.S. for it just the way
the U.S. was prepared for our
involvement in Southeast Asia by the
infamous East-West Center in
Hawaii.
Roland I. Perusse (Editor, the
italics will become clear if the reader
can be persuaded to stick it out to
the end) was a former foreign service
officer who, like so many others, has
tried somewhat unsuccessfully to
enter the academic community once
either his ineptness was discovered or
his usefulness questioned. Neverthe-
less, he still writes (now for the
gullible public) his strategy reports.
The declared purpose of this one is to
consider a strategy for economic
integration in the Caribbean as a
means for economic development of
the region. The ulterior purpose we
will get to later.
The featherweight report of less
than 150 type-written pages plus
appendices is divided into six parts
called chapters. The first describes

the bias of the author and outlines
the remaining five parts. Section two
which is the most coherent part of
the report, mainly because it is a
resume of two other more substantial
studies, reviews the efforts for
integration in the Caribbean. Section
three is a hodgepodge of comments
on "basic values and national
objectives of the people in the
Caribbean" gleaned from interviews
with a 150 elite of the region. Fidel,
understandably, withheld permission
for a visit to Cuba so that country's
interests was covered by conversa-
tions with exiles. The confused
material for the remainder of the
Caribbean does not inspire much
confidence that a more accurate
picture is being presented that that
of Cuba. In discussing the interviews,
only the non-strategic island of
Dominica, or in the case of Robinson
in Trinidad and Tobago and Jagan
in Guyana did the author take us
into his confidence by divulging the
names of the opposition leaders he
consulted. According to the author
the "core" of the study can be found
in the last two chapters where four
strategies for integration are
discussed and the author outlines
suggestions for U.S. support for
these programs. Before taking up the
core let's look at the juicy meat
provided by the interviews with the
150 elite of the political and business
worlds of the Caribbean.
Since the author does not give us a
list of the people interviewed we must
judge from the few whose names are
scattered through the study and the
information taken from the
interviews. There is no indication of
the series of questions which were
used to guide the interviews. Neither
of these omissions are serious if a
wide sampling of the Caribbean
community was submitted to
in-depth interviews. What we are
presented with is a confused
hodge-podge of mis-information and
opinion which puts into serious
doubt whether the author's
perambulating through the hotel
bars of the Caribbean was anything
more than a tourist jaunt.
Early in the report we are warned
that the author is slip-shod in his
presentation of facts. On page 3 the
problems between El Salvador and
Honduras are dated as occurring in

1968 when in fact the year was fairly
peaceful, sandwiched between bor-
der clashes in 1967 and the soccer
war of 1969. Further confusion
comes up in stating that CARIFTA
has eleven members but twelve' are
listed! The author has the very devil
of a time with names. Norwell
Harrigan of the British Virgin
Islands becomes Norman on page 56.
George Walter, the newly elected
premier of Antigua is identified as
George Walker on page 92. But the
worst mix-up is where former
Premier Cato of St. Vincent is shifted
to the post of Premier of St. Lucia.
One can over-look these slips along
with the ignorance of Dutch which
has the author spell Sint Maarten
every possible way but the correct
way. In fact, inconsistencies and
errors plague the book. For example:
on page 60 we learn that Cuba has an
abundance of cheap labor for sugar
production but just a few pages
previously we are informed that
Cuba has a chronic shortage of labor
for her cane industry. It is clear from
whom the author was getting his
information in the Bahamas when he
states that Pindling has strong
opposition, which is of course
contrary to fact, unless you talk only
to the Bay Street Boys. His reference
to the brain drain of Cuba is sadly
out-dated since Cuba is now the best
technically prepared country in- the
Caribbean.
Allow us just one more gaff: On.
page 67 we read: "President
Balaguer considers that the
economics of the Dominican
Republic and Puerto Rico are
complementary, since Puerto Rico
produces mainly industrial goods,
and the Dominican Republic
agricultural produce. He feels that
this situation forms the basis for
'economic integration' of the two
countries and a lucrative exchange
between Puerto Rico and the United
States." (sic.) On page 72 the author
has gone to great lengths to correct
the error by running the paragraph
again, "President Balaguer considers
that the economics of the Dominican
Republic and Puerto Rico are
complementary. He believes that
Puerto Rico can concentrate on the
production of industrial goods while
the Dominican Republic produces
agricultural products, and each can
C.R. July-Aug-Sept 1972 a Page 41

trade with the other to mutual
advantage. This he terms 'economic
integration' though of course it falls
far short of total integration."
Concerning the core of the study
there is really little to report. The
author has stuck to generalities and
widely accepted opinions which he
has shaken down from his interviews.
Dr. William Demas amply discussed
the steps toward Caribbean
economic integration several years
ago in his policy-setting study on the
economies of small states of the
Caribbean (The Economics of
Development in Small Countries
with Special Reference to the
Caribbean, McGill U. Press: 1965).
As executive secretary of CARIFTA
he has tried to implement these steps
toward integration and has
endeavored to educate the leaders of
the Caribbean as to the necessity of
undertaking as soon as possible and
feasible the road outlined. All
Perusse has done is to confirm that
Dr. Demas is making some head-way
since there now seems to be a
consensus of opinion as to what
should be done to bring the small
Caribbean states into closer
economic cooperation. Perusse
although he has interviewed Dr.
Demas gives no indication of
knowing either about the published
work or the efforts of Demas,
including for example his historic
lecture to the heads of Caribbean
governments, at the precise time
Perusse was island hopping.
Perusse's suggestions for economic
prosperity of the Caribbean range
from the sublime to the ridiculous:
"The Netherlands Antilles could be
the center for petroleum refining" ---
and the British Virgin Islands should
investigate "the possibility of
additional (sic.) mineral resources". .
The rest of his concrete suggestions
reduce down to tourism, (for
Barbados, Antigua, Nevis, Anguilla,
U.S. Virgin Islands, Monserrat, the
Bahamas, and Martinique), sugar
(for Cuba, Belize, Haiti, Dominican
Republic and St. Kitts) and tropical
fruits (St. Lucia, St. Vincent, and
Guadeloupe). Certainly nothing
revolutionary can be found in this
section. The author precludes any
radical restructuring of the
conventional economic systems and
even writes as if the day of Cuba's
Page 42 C.R. Vol. IV No. 3

return to 'normalcy' is not far off.
In general the whole handling of
the Cuban .presence in the Caribbean
by the author is to put it mildly
deplorable. From the very beginning
he rejected the social and economic
achievements of the Cuban
revolution although elsewhere in the
study he candidly admitted that the
majority of the leaders of tlhe
Caribbean respected and shared
these goals. Nevertheless, he
accepted the go.as as stated by the
former leaders of, Cuba as if they
had, past, present 'or future.
demonstrated any sincere commit-
ment to such objectives. -
When the author deals with the
United States relationship to the
Caribbean his naivity and innocent
honesty sometimes shocks the
unsuspecting reader. There is little
wonder that he could not forge a
career out of State Department
service. Official spokesmen of the
State Department usually are
accustomed to expressing their
naked self-interest in more altruistic
terms. Perusse candidly confesses
that the real interest for economic
integration of the Caribbean is
essentially for the protection of the
southern flank of the United States
and the creation of a guaranteed
expanding market for U.S. manu-

factured goods. In a study replete
with contradictions and confusion, it
is not surprising then to see the
author's derision of Dr. Cheddi
Jagan when quoted as saying
precisely the same thing: "He
believes that the drive for common
markets and free trade associations
in different parts of the world is
motivated by the desire, mainly of
U.S. big business, to surmount tariff
walls of nation states and
preferential trade blocs." After
reading this study nothing could be
clearer than that Cheddi is jight.
A reviewer, if possible, should find
something in a-book to praise. I
commend the book to the reader as
an honest statement of U.S.
self-interest in the moves toward
Caribbean economic integration.
Frequently the North-South Center
in Puerto Rico is mentioned
throughout the study. Should anyone
still have doubts about the
propagandistic purpose and subver-
sive nature of that Center, a reading
of this study by the first
interim-director of the Center should
dispell any doubt. Aside from this
dubious value the volume can be
assigned to the obscure shelves of a
library where, hopefully, it will be'
untouched and R.I.P. *

La Perla by night, photo by Rafael Rivera Rosa, 1969.

Oil by Raymond Jacques

Le Colibri

Galerie D'Art

If you'd like to find out more about us
(about our artists, our stock, our prices,
etc.) then just drop us a line....
Write:

Hervn Mehu, Directeur
Le Colibri Galerie D'Art
27 Rue Pan Americaine
Petion Ville, HAITI

Look what a
about us:

recent reviewer said

For many years painting in Haiti
remained submerged as a dormant talent.
Recently Haitian painting has experienced
a renaissance. The revival is largely the
result of tourism and the promotion of Le
Centre d'Art.
Herve' Mehu, who used to be the
Assistant Director of Le Centre d'Art but
who now runs his own art gallery on the
Rue Pan Americaine in Petionville,
cautions that the real Haitian contribution

to the painting medium is in primitive art.
The concept of primitive art doesn't mean
"fossil art that one finds in caves but
present-day production." So why then do
they call it primitive?
As he puts it:
"... at the level of pictural or sculptural
technique, our artists do not bother
themselves with conventional rules to
render and express a created universe.
Totally ignorant of formal and rigid
academism, they seize upon reality
through the primitive vision that they have
of it. They paint scenes of life which ap-
pear grotesque to us at first sight because
they do not correspond to the balanced
image that we have of the world. Three
dimensional space is turned upside down.
No more depth, breadth, or height. Only
forms of extreme mobility count to the
point of sometimes giving the illusion of
swarming animated, manifold life.
"The vivid, irridescent colors add a
touch of the bizarre to these forms which
throw them into relief. This predominance
of raw color has often intrigued the critics
of art who have finally recognized that
they are the expression of an enveloping
luminosity fixing everything in the
majesty, if not the magic, of the tropical
sun. This contributes to establishing the
close correspondence between art and
daily life, and better arouses our emotions
and makes us appreciate the 'multiple
splendors of life'."
Haitian poverty has sent her people into
the streets to look for their daily needs.
One sees them walking to and fro, carrying
things here and there, selling things in the
streets. They somehow don't seem
resigned to the meager fruits their
economy wants to assign them. The Afro-
Haitian popular folk culture reflects this
vitality, this active attempt not to accept
defeat.
Frankly, the paintings that I liked best
not only demonstrate this folk vitality in
form but also in content. We bought two
paintings from Herve. They are both of
street scenes. The larger one by
Raymound Jacques shows a village street
over-flowing with men and women
engaged in the labors of market buying
and selling. The other one by Gilbert
Desird is of a street scene beneath a house-
filled mountain and boat-filled lake. Here
people are just walking back and forth
with no commerce involved.
In both cases the perspective is lousy but
the color just great. In the first one the
figures are fuller and more detailed while
the other has figures that are but stylized
lines and filled-in forms. Both are
miraculously endowed with life.

Susan Sheinman.
writing in Caribbean Traveler

C.R. July-Aug-Sept 1972 Page 43

~ ___

POVERTY IN,;

TRINIDAD.:.

180S map, reproduced in James Mfllette, "The Genesis of Crown Colony Government" (Moko Enterprises, 14, Riverside Road, Curepe, Trinidad, 1970, $12.00 TT).

LOWER CLASS FAMILIES: THE
CULTURE OF POVERTY IN
NEGRO TRINIDAD. Hyman Rod-
man. 242 pp. Oxford U. Press, 1971.
$8.00.
Hyman Rodman's Lower Class
Families: The Culture of Poverty in
Negro Trinidad is a well written
provocative study of family life in a
rural village in Northeastern
Trinidad. It shows how more flexible
patterns of family organization
among lower class Blacks and a more
open system of values ("value
stretch," "pragmatism") are funda-
mentally based in the weak economic
position of the Black male in the
system of production. But the author
argues that economic conditions of
poverty alone do not produce these
alternative patterns but do so only as
they interact with specific historical
and cultural characteristics of a
people.
His interest, however, is in
functional rather than historical
Page 44 C.R.o Vol. IV No. 3

explanations and this leads to some
distortions in his findings. For
example, the "child shifting" to
other households is not merely a
contemporary phenomenon, but is
historically derived not simply out of
the absence of the Black male as
Rodman suggests but out of the
conditions of the plantation system
itself. Child shifting on the
plantations followed a typical
process. The child was weaned at
twelve months, taken from the
mother and put under the care of a
matron. At the age of three years, he
was put under the care of another old
woman, who kept him from the age
of three to five years. At the age of
five, he became eligible to work in
the field in the "Children's Gang"
under the direction of another Black
female slave, who preferably had
children of her own. Child shifting
was apparently a generalized
practice on plantations in the British
West Indian colonies. The planter's

interest in ensuring some alternative
mechanism of care for the children
of his slaves or former slaves was
dictated more out of his own
self-interest in inhibiting the
prevalent practice of malingering
among mothers and in protecting the
sources of his labour supply than out
of any altruistic motivation to
function as surrogate father for the
children of his slaves or former
slaves. Thus the matrons who cared
for these children were highly valued
by the planter. There is, according to
one source, a monument erected by
Master Henry Shirley to one such
matron by the name of Eve on Hyde
Hall estate in Jamaica, when she was
drowned in a pond there.
After Emancipation, child shifting
persisted as atpattern of response to
the labour demands of the planters,
and together with the development of
"friendly societies" came to
constitute part of the adjustment by
the Black population to a situation of

structuring and functioning inequal-
ity. It persisted not simply because
the plantation owner continued to
make similar demands on the time
and labour of the Black female
labourers as he did on that of the
Black male but the process was also
encouraged out of the need of the
poor to supplement family resources.
In order to do so, mothers in the
presence or absence of the male
partner left children in the care of
older women (grandmothers) a
pattern of response, which has its
historical origins in the plantation
system. The system of economic and
class relations that obtained
historically for the Black poor exists
today. The child shifting pattern
continues to be part of the response
to poverty and deprivation. Such
emphases are lost in the author's
functional explanations.
Are the poor destined to remain in
this crucible of economic depriva-
tion? Shall they respond always in
the same way? The answer is "no."
According to the author, some
groups more than others possess a
cultural tradition that may insulate
them against the conditions of
poverty and provide their members
with greater capacity for social
mobility. Blacks in the Americas,
however, are viewed as possessing no
such cultural tradition (destroyed
during slavery), nor the creative
capacity that could enable them to
achieve quick mobility. Hence,
according to Rodman, Blacks "often
manifest the lower-class characteris-
tics in archetypal form." But the
author in fact presents little evidence
for this supposed lack of comparable
creativity among Blacks to surmount
lower class circumstances. A post
facto argument is implicit here.
Blacks have not achieved significant
mobility as a group in the capitalist
system. Ergo, they have little creative
capacity to surmount lower class
circumstances. Neither does the
author present convincing evidence
that the cultural tradition among
Blacks is less antagonistic than that
of other groups to the characteristics
of lower-class life. Nor is there
evidence that Blacks as a group value
less than others the family solidarity
and educational advancement which
the author sees as important
mechanisms of social mobility. Here,
the author's argument is weakest

and there is the obvious need for
more explicit combination of
economic, cultural and political
explanations. The obvious fact is
that it is the very economic system
within which Blacks seek to be
mobile that undermines their family
solidarity and educational advance-
ment. Racism and discrimination
constrict the structure of opportuni-
ties further for Blacks as well as they
do to some extent the degree and
scope of their creative abilities.
If Blacks indeed lack the cultural
tradition necessary to provide the
family solidarity and educational
opportunities for them to make it in
the capitalist system as Rodman
thinks they do, such lack is
fundamentally economic in origin.
Rodman ignores the possibility of the
development of such a tradition in
the Post Emancipation period and
talks only about the deleterious
effects of slavery on Black culture -
i.e. he uses historical material
selectively to underpin his functional
explanations. A more explicit
reliance on historical as well as on
sociological explanations is needed.
Rodman's major thesis in the
book, however, is tenable. Insecure,
unstable or marginal occupational
position in the capitalist system may
induce the pursuit of supplementary
and more flexible occupational roles
to improve the family's financial
resources. This weak economic
situation, as the author suggests, will
correlate with more flexible patterns
of social relationships and value
patterns. Query: What is the range
and the dimensions of such
alternative patterns? Are such
patterns confined merely to the
relationships the author investi-
gates? I will think not. This leaves a
wide realm of social phenomena that
could be fruitfully explored along
these lines, which were of course
outside the author's purview. It is
however a little disappointing that
with respect to the class structure
itself, not an unimportant consi-
deration in this work, the author
does not adequately explore the
possibility of more flexible hierar-
chial structures. In other words, do
his respondents see themselves just
simply as lower-class, or do-they, as
in their family relationships and for

similar reasons, demonstrate a more
flexible pattern of positional
placement? These answers are not
available.
There are, too, some methodologi-
cal problems with this work. It is not
always clear whether the author has
sufficient evidence for his generali-
zations to populations beyond
Coconut Village or what systematic
rules, if any, he uses for data
gathering and sampling. There is
therefore some question whether this
study in fact treats the "essential
characteristics of lower-class family
organization throughout Negro
Trinidad." The applicability of the
findings of this study to Afro-
American or poor populations
outside of Trinidad is even more
questionable. One methodological
strength of this study, however, is
that the author starts from the
perspectives and categories of his
respondents as a basis for describing
their family organization. As I have
suggested above, this approach
might well have been fruitfully
extended to their view of the
stratification system itself. *

"A rewarding study."
Foreign Affairs.
"...a bench mark study."
Journal of
Developing Areas,

CRUCIFIXION
BY POWER

Essays on Guatemalan
National Social Structure,
1944-1966
By Richard Newbold Adams
xiv, 553 pages $10.00

UNIVERSITY OF
TEXAS PRESS
Box 7819
Austin, Texas 78712

C.R. July-Aug-Sept 1972 Page 45

New books from Praeger

JAMAICA
A Historical Portrait
Samuel J. and Edith F. Hurwitz
The first book to provide factual coverage of the years between 1962 and 1969,
a time of phenomenal progress, this is one of the most comprehensive accounts
of Jamaican history available. From the age of exploration and exploitation
through the era of slavery and antislavery, from Crown Colony to independent
nation, the book explores the major themes of Jamaica's development. Focusing
on the how and why of slavery, the resultant social orders, the emergence of
a politically oriented labor movement which became the integrating force
for the creation of a unified society and the appearance of political leaders
able to pave the way to independence, "the authors provide a solid history of
Jamaica.... recommended."- Library Journal $9.50

THE CARIBBEAN COMMUNITY
Changing Societies and U.S. Policy
Robert D. Crassweller
Recognizing the rapid human change as well as the diversity of history and
geography in the area, Crassweller argues for development of a Caribbean
community a cooperative association, planning and working together for
common economic, social, and political purposes and shows what the United
States can and cannot do to facilitate these constructive changes. "A learned
humanistic study of the entire Caribbean. . realistic."-Publishers' Weekly
Published for the Council on Foreign Relations $12.50

PUERTO RICO
A Profile
Kal Wagenheim
In this "mini-encyclopedia," the former editor of the Caribbean Review, dis-
cusses Puerto Rico's geography, ecology, history, economy, politics, sociology,
and culture. Wagenheim "offers a lucid, sympathetic, and balanced overview
of the island and its people. The study is warm and human, and without engag-
ing in bitter polemics, captures the tragic ambiguity of this place. . required
reading."- Choice $8.50

Praeger
111 Fourth Avenue, New York 10003
Page 46 C.R. Vol. IV No. 3

S. o 'U .) by Neida Pagan

I. GENERAL

Biography
I AM FROM PUERTO RICO. Peter Buckley.
128 pp. Simon and Schuster, 1971. $4.95.

REVOLUTION IN PERU: MARIATEGUI
AND THE MYTH. John M. Baines. 206 pp. U.
of Alabama Press, 1972. $7.50. A biography of
the life of Jose Carlos Mariategui (1895-1930)
and a discussion of the effect of his ideas.

SPY FOR FIDEL. Orlando Castro Hidalgo.
128 pp. Seemann Pub. Co., 1972. $5.95.

General Works

FIVE OF THE LEEWARDS 1834-1870.
Douglas Hall. 210 pp. Caribbean U. Press,
1971 E 1.86. Discusses the major problems of
the post-emancipation period in Antigua,
Barbuda, Montserrat, Nevis and St. Kitts.

THE HUMAN CONDITION IN LATIN
AMERICA. Eric R. Wolf and Edward D.
Hansen, editors. 392 pp. Oxford U. Press,
1972. Cloth $12.50, Paper $3.95. A framework
Sfor understanding Latin America from the
bottom up.

MEXICO: SU ECONOMIC, POLITICAL Y
CULTURA. Sheremetiev Shulgovsky et als.
177 pp. Ediciones Fondo de Cultura Popular,
Mexico, 1971. A translation from the Russian
by Armando Martinez Verdugo.

MODERN BRAZIL. John Saunders, ed. 360
pp. U. of Florida Press, 1971. $12.50. An an-
thology which explores Brazil's potential for
the achievement of major power status
within the next century.

PEOPLES AND CULTURES OF THE
CARIBBEAN. Michael M. Horowitz, ed. 606
PP. Natural History Press, 1971. $4.50. This
study gives us a closer look at the complex
racial and ethnic combinations in the
Caribbean.

WEST INDIANS SOCIETIES. David
Lowenthal. 385 pp. Oxford U. Press, 1972.
Cloth $14.50, Paper $3.95. Provides a
multidisciplinary framework for a detailed
analysis of the non-hispanic Car bbean.
Special attention is given to the impact of
slavery and colonialism.

Geography and Travel

BIRDS OF MEXICO AND CENTRAL
AMERICA. L. Irdy Davis. 282 pp. U. of Texas
Press, 1972. Cloth $11.00, Paper $6.50. A
catalog of the birds of Mexico and Central
America. Contains 48 colored plates by F. P.
Bennett Jr. showing 1,000 different kinds of
birds.

A NATURAL HISTORY OF THE ISLAND
OF GRENADA. J. R. Groome. 116 pp.
Caribbean Printers Ltd. (O'Meary Road,
Arima, Trinidad), 1970. $7.50. The flora and
fauna of Grenada.

WILD LIFE OF MEXICO: THE GAME
BIRDS AND MAMMALS. A. Starker
Leopold. illustrated by Charles W. Schwartz.
568 pp. U. of California Press, 1972. L 8.80.
$18.50.

History and Archaeology

THE CONQUEST OF YUCATAN. Frans
Blom. 238 pp. Cooper Square Pub., 1972. $8.75.
About the Mayas. A reprint of the 1937 work.

EL CUATRICENTENARIO DE SAN
GERMAN. Dr. Luis J. Torres Oliver. 351 pp.
Imprenta Vda. de Daniel Cochs, Barcelona,
1971.

THE DIPLOMACY OF THE MEXICAN
EMPIRE, 1863-1867. Arnold Blumberg. 152
pp. American Philosophical Society, 1971.
$5.00.

DOCUMENT DE LA REAL HACIENDA
DE PUERTO RICO (Volumen I: 1510-1519).
Aurelio Tanodi, ed. 467 pp. Departamento de
Historia, U.P.R., 1971. $5.00. A collection of
documents.

ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT OF LATIN
AMERICA: A SURVEY FROM OLD TIMES
TO THE CUBAN REVOLUTION. Celso
Furtado. 271 pp. Cambridge U. Press, 1971.
$2.45.

AN ECONOMIC HISTORY OF COLOMBIA
1845-1930. William Paul McGreevey. 330 pp.
Cambridge U. Press, 1971. $10.95.

THE FRENCH IN THE WEST INDIES.
Walter Adolphe Roberts. 335 pp. Cooper
Square Pub., 1971. $10.00. The story of French
influence in Caribbean lands. A reprint of the
1942 work.

THE GENESIS OF CROWN COLONY
GOVERNMENT: TRINIDAD 1783-1810.
James Millette. 295 pp. Moko Enterprises (14
Riverside Road Curete, Trinidad), 1970.
$12.00 TT. An analysis of political changes in
Trinidad that resulted from the changes in
population, economics, and colonial control
during the 1783-1810 period.

HISTORY AND PRESENT CONDITION OF
ST. DOMI NGO. Johnathan Brown. Vol. 1; 307
pp. Vol. 11, 289 pp. Frank Cass and In-
ternational Scholarly Book Service, 1972. A
reprint of the 1837 book on Haiti including a
preface by Robert I. Rotberg.

F

r
r

5

THE HISTORY OF BARBADOS FROMTHE
FIRST DISCOVERY OF THE ISLAND, IN
THE YEAR 1605, TILL THE ACCESSION OF
LORD SEAFORTH, 1801. John Foyer. 668 pp.
Frank Cass, 1971. $26.00. A reprint of the 1808
work.

HISTORY OF JAMAICA: FROM ITS
DISCOVERY BY CHRISTOPHER
COLUMBUS TO THE YEAR 1876. W. J.
Gardner. 510 pp. Frank Cass, 1971. 522.00.
Includes an account of Jamaica's traded
agriculture, sketches of the manners, habits
and customs of its classes, and a narrative of
the progress of religion and education on the
island. A reprint.

HISTORY OF THE ISLAND OF DOMINICA.
Thomas Atwood. 285 pp. Frank Cass and
International Scholarly Book Service, 1971. L
4.20; $13.00. A repirnt of the 1791 work about
Dominica.

THE IBEROAMERICAN ENLIGHTMENT.
Owen A. Alaridge. 335 pp. U. of Illinois Press,
1971. $10.00. Eminent scholars in history,
philosophy and comparative literature.
reveal common trends in widely separated
geographical areas.

LATIN AMERICA. A CONCISE IN-
TERPRETIVE HISTORY. E. Bradford
Burns. 272 pp. Prentice-Hall, 1972. Cloth
$8.95, Paper $4.95. A comprehensive survey
of Latin American history from pre-
'Columbian civilizations through 1970.

LATIN AMERICA AND BRITISH TRADE
1806-1914. D.C.M. Platt. 368 pp. A & C Black,
London, 1972. $4.00.

NO PEACE BEYOND THE LINE. THE
ENGLISH IN THE CARIBBEAN 1624-1690.
Carl and Roberta Bridenbaugh. 440 pp.
Oxford U. Press, 1972. $12.50. Deals with the
daily lives of all the people who inhabited the
British West Indies in the seventeenth cen-
tury.

NOTES ON HAITI: MADE DURING A
RESIDENCE IN THAT REPUBLIC. Charles
McKenzie. Vol. 1, 335 pp. Vol. Li, 306 pp.
Frank Cass and International Scholarly Book
Service, 1971. $36.00. A reprint of the 1830
work on Haiti with a preface by Robert I.
Rotberg.

LA REVOLUTION INTERVENIDA.
RELACIONES DIPLOMATICAS ENTIRE
MEXICO Y ESTADOS UNIDOS (1910-1914).
Berta Ulloa. 394 pp. Centro de Estudios
Historicos de El Colegio de Mexico, 1971.

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C.R. July-Aug-Sept 1972 Page 47

SOCIAL CONTROL OF SLAVE PLAN-
TATION SOCIETIES. Gwendolyn Midlo
Hall. 166pp. John Hopkins Press, 1971. $8.00.
A comparison of St. Domingue and Cuba.

Reference

HISTORICAL DICTIONARY OF BOLIVIA.
Dwight D. Heath. 324 pp. Scarecrow Press,
1972. $9.00. Description of people, places and
things of importance to the history of Bolivia.
A reference manual.

Language and Literature

NATIVES OF MY PERSON. George Lam-
ming. 345 pp. Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1972.
$7.95. A novel exploring the West Indian
psyche.

OCTAVIO PAZ CONFIGURATIONS. trans.
from the Spanish by 9 contributors. 198 pp.
New Directions, 1971. Cloth $6.95, Paper
$2.75.

EL PERONISMO EN LA LITERATURE
ARGENTINA. Ernesto Goldar. 149 pp.
Editorial Freeland, Argentina, 1971. $3.00.

LES PROVERBES CREOLES DE LA
MARTINQUE. B. David et al. 353 pp.
C.E.R.A.G., 1971. The result of six years of
research and travel.

SEVEN JAMAICAN POETS. Mervyn
Morris, ed. 58 pp. Bolivar Press, Jamaica,
1971. $4.50.

THREE TRAPPED TIGERS. G. Cabrera
Infante. Harper & Row, 1971. $8.95. A tran-
slation of the famous cuban novel which has
won literary prizes in Spain and France.

EDUCATED TO EMIGRATE. THE SOCIAL
ORGANIZATION OF SABA. Julia G. Crane.
280 pp. Royal Vangorcum, The Netherlands
1971. A full study of the effect of emigration
on a Caribbean Island. The first an-
thropological study completely devoted to
Saba.

EDUCATION IN CENTRAL AMERICA.
George R. Waggoner and Barbara Ashton
Waggoner. 180 pp. Kansas U. Press, 1971.
$8.50.

EMPLOYMENT PROFILES OF SELEC-
TED LOW INCOME AREAS. NEW YORK
CITY: PUERTO RICAN POPULATION OF
SURVEY AREAS. 284 pp. +31 appendixes.
U.S. Bureau of the Census. Government
Printing Office, Washington, 1972.

ENSAYO SOBRE LAS CLASSES SOCIALES
EN MEXICO. 216pp. Sur, Mexico, 1970. $4.00.

EN TORNO A LA RENOVACION
UNIVERSITARIA. Pedro Roa y J.R. Nunez.
98 pp. Editorial Nueva Izquierda, Venezuela,
1971. (paper) 5 Bolivares. A discussion of
student power and university autonomy in
Venezuela.

THE WEST INDIAN NOVEL AND ITS LA EXPLOSION URBANA EN AMERICA
BACKGROUND. Kenneth Ramchand. 295pp. LATINA. Glen Beyer. Trans. by Mirta Arlt.
Barnes 8 Noble, 1970. $8.00. 364 pp. Aguilar Argentina, 1970.

II. THE ARTS

Art, Architecture, & Music

SANTOS DE PUERTO RICO. Irene Curbelo
de Diaz Gonzalez. 76 pp. Talleres Graficos
Interrnericanos, Puerto Rico, 1970. $3.75.

Page 48 C.R. Vol. IV No. 3

111. THE SOCIAL SCIENCES

Anthropology and Sociology

LANTROPOLOGIE PHYSIQUE DES
nAITIENS. J. B. Remain. 501 pp. Seminaire
Adventiste, Haiti, 1971.

CATHOLIC RADICALS IN BRAZIL.
Emanuel de Kadt. 320 pp. Royal Institute of
International Affairs, 1970. $9.75. Traces the
emergence and development of the ideas of a
small but significant section of Brazil's
Catholic intelligencia.
CHICANOS: SOCIAL AND
PSYCHOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES.
Nathaniel N. Wagner and Marsha J. Haug,
eds. 331 pp. C. V. Mosby Co., 1971. $5.75. The
readings examine significant basic issues
confronting Chicanos: their life style,
aspirations, cultural integrity, and
relationship with the Anglo community.

EAST INDIANS IN TRINIDAD: A STUDY
IN MINORITY POLITICS. Yogendra K.
Atalik. 199 pp. Oxford U. Press, 1971. $3.00. A
full-length study of the role of the East In-
dians in the politics of independent Trinidad.
A focused study of the religious
organizations, social structure and political
framework.

GREEN HELL: MASSACRE OF THE
BRAZILIAN INDIANS. Lucien Bodard.
Trans. by Jennifer Monaghan. Outerbridge,
1972.$8.95. A totally dismaying description of
what apparently is happening to the
primitive Amazonian Indians of Brazil today.

INTRODUCTION A LA CULTURAL
AFRICANA EN AMERICA LATINA.
UNESCO. 181 pp. 1970. $3.50.

A JAMAICAN PLANTATION. Michael
Craton & James Walvin. 344 pp. U. of Toronto
Press, 1970. $10.00.

LATIN AMERICAN UNIVERSITY
STUDENTS. Arthur Liebman et als. 320 pp.
Harvard U. Press, 1972. $12.50. A six nation
comparative study of university students in
Colombia, Mexico, Panama, Paraguay,
Puerto Rico and Uruguay.

MAN AND SOCIALISM IN CUBA: THE
GREAT DEBATE. Bertram Silverman, ed.
Atheneum, 1971. A collection of provocative
articles on the new man in revolutionary
Cuba, including several pieces by Che
Guevara and one by Fidel Castro.

MAN, STATE AND SOCIETY IN LATIN
AMERICAN HISTORY. Sheldon B. and
Peggy K. Liss, eds. 456 ppd. Praeger, 1972.
Cloth $12.50, Paper $5.95.

THE ONGOING EVOLUTION OF LATIN
AMERICAN POPULATIONS. Francisco M.
Salzano, ed. 717 pp. Charles C. Thomas, 1971.
$25.25.

PEASANT REVOLUTIONARY POTEN-
TIAL IN LATIN AMERICA. Gerrit Jan
Huizer. 256 pp. D.C. Heath & Co., 1972. $12.50.
The author demonstrates that peasants can
be mobilized effectively if they are shown
that changes will alter the status quo toward
a system in which they can expect real and
tangible improvements.

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PERSISTENT POVERTY; UN-
DERDEVELOPMENT IN PLANTATION
ECONOMIES OF THE THIRD WORLD.
George L. Beckford. 303 pp. Oxford U. Press,
1972. Cloth, $7.50, Paper $2.95. This book
presents an interpretation and analysis of the
phenomenon of persistent underdevelopment
in the plantation economies of the world. It is
concerned with the welfare of people living in
plantation societies.

POPULATION POLICY AND GROWTH IN
LATIN AMERICA. David Chaplin, ed. 224 pp.
D. C. Heath and Co., 1972. $12.50. Leading
authorities analyze the policy problems
arising from the rapidity of Latin American
population growth.

PROBLEMS DE DESIGUALIDAD SOCIAL
EN PUERTO RICO. R. Ramirez, B. Levine,
& C. Buitrago, eds. 177 pp. Ediciones Libreria
International, Rio Piedras, 1972. An an-
thology of the Spanish versions of papers
presented to the 1971 American Sociological
Association meetings on social inequality.
Includes a paper by the former governor of
Puerto Rico, Robert Sanchez Vilella.
RACE AND REVOLUTIONARY CON-
CIOUSNESS: A DOCUMENTARY IN-
TERPRETATION OF THE 1970 BLACK
POWER REVOLT IN TRINIDAD. var
Oxaal. 96 pp. Schenkman Pub. Co., 1971.

REFORM URBANA EN CUBA
REVOLUCIONARIA. Maruja Acosta y Jorge
eHardoy. 149 pp. Sintesis Dosmil Venezuela,
1971. A detailed account of the Cuban
program for urban reform.

RIO GRANDE VETBACKS: MIGRANT
MEXICAN WORKERS. Carrol Norquest. 152
pp. U. of New Mexico Press, 1972. $7.50.
Every year migratory farm workers illegally
cross the border between Mexico and Texas
by swimming the Rio Grande. The author,
employed such wetbackss" for decades on
his Texas farm and relates his experiences
with them.

SOCIETY, SCHOOLS AND PROGRESS IN
THE WEST INDIES. John J. Figueroa. 208
pp. Pergamon Press, 1971. A description of
social and economic realities in the West
Indies.

STRICTLY GHETTO PROPERTY: THE
STORY OF LOS SIETE DE LA RAZA.
Marjorie Heins. Ramparts Press, 1972. Cloth
$6.95, Paper $2.95. Los Siete de la Raza were
seven young men from the ghetto who were
arrested for allegedly murdering a
policeman.

STUDY OF THE CHINESE IN CUBA, 1847-
1947. Cuvon Clough Corbitt. 142 pp. Asbury
College Press, 1971.

URBANIZATION OF THE EARTH. Jorge
Arango. 175 pp. Beacon Press, 1970. $6.95.
Contains Arango's proposal for a workable
positive approach to pan-urban planning. He
formulates a new aesthetic for the in-
dustrialized urbanized earth and a new
science, ambiology.

Economics

AGRARIAN REFORM IN CHILE. Jeannine
Swift. 144 pp. D.C. Heath & Co., 1972. $10.00. A
major analysis of Chilean agriculture which
indicates the need for re-evaluating tenancy
structures and income redistribution.

BIENESTAR CAMPESINO Y
DESARROLLO ECONOMIC. Ifiger.ia M. de
Navarrete y otros. 337 pp. Fondo de Cultura
Economica, Mexico. 1971.

THE BORDER INDUSTRIALIZATION
PROGRAM OF MEXICO. Donald W.
Baerresen. 160 pp. D.C. Heath & Co., 1972.
$12.50. Industrialization along the Mexican -
U.S. border has dramatically increased over
the past six years, causing profound and
potentially long-lasting changes.

CAPITAL MARKETS IN LATIN AMERICA.
Antonin Basch and Milic Kybal. 163 pp.
Praeger, 1971. $12.50. Provides a general
survey ot the process of saving and in-
vestment in Latin America and examines the
operations of Latin American capital
markets.

CARIFTA AND THE CARIBBEAN. 143 pp.
Commonwealth Caribbean Regional
Secretary, 1971. $4.00. A discussion of the
attempts toward regional integration in the
Caribbean.

CENTRAL AMERICAN INTEGRATION.
Isaac Cohen Orantes. 160 pp. D.C. Heath &
Co., 1972. $10.00. Examines the results and
impact of Central American economic in-
tegration on the development of participating
countries.

CHANGE AND DEVELOPMENT LATIN
AMERICA'S GREAT TASK. Raul Prebisch.
295 pp. Praeger Publishers, 1971. $17.50.
Report submitted to the Inter-American
Development Bank.

CHANGE AND UNCERTAINTY IN A
PEASANT ECONOMY: THE MAYAN CORN
FARMERS OF ZINACANTAN. Frank
Cancian. Stanford University Press, 1971.
$7.95. A study of economic change in a
community of 9,000 Maya Indians in Southern
Mexico.

COLOMBIA'S FOREIGN & ECONOMIC
INTEGRATION IN LATIN AMERICA. J.
Kamal Dow. 85 pp. U. of Florida Press, 1971.
$5.00.

COOPERATIVISMO: TEORIA Y PRAC-
TICA. Antulio Parilla Bonilla. 352 pp.
Editorial Universitaria U.P.R., 1971. Cloth
$4.00, Paper $3.00.

FOOD MARKETING IN THE ECONOMIC
DEVELOPMENT OF PUERTO RICO.
Harold M. Riley et al. Michigan State
University, 1970. $2.50.

GUATEMALA; THE POLITICS OF LAND
OWNERSHIP. Thomas and Mariorie
Melville. 320 pp. Free Press, 1971. The book
stresses the parallels between the present
revolutionary ferment in Guatemala and
peasant rebellions in Africa, L.A. and Asia,
and points out the crucial importance of
understanding Guatemala's past history and
present dynamics.

LAND REFORM IN LATIN AMERICA.
ISSUES AND CASES Peter Dorner, ed. 276
pp. Land Tenure Center, University of
Wisconin, 1971. $3.95.

MARKET COORDINATION IN THE
DEVELOPMENT OF THE CAUCA VALLEY
REGION-COLOMBIA. Harold M. Riley et al.
Michigan State University, 1970. $3.50.

EL MOVIMIENTO OBRERO EN CHILE.
Jorge S. Barria. Ediciones de la Universidad
Tecnica del Estado, Chile, 1971. Outlines the
history of the labor movement in Chile from
its beginnings to the triumph of the Partido
Union Popular.

NEOLATIFUNDISMO Y EXPLOTACION:
DE EMILIANO ZAPATA A ANDERSON
CLAYTON & CO. Rodolfo Stavenhagen, et al.
176 pp. Sur, Mexico, 1971. $3.45.

TARIFF PROFILES IN LATIN AMERICA:
IMPLICATIONS FOR PRICING STRUC-
TURES AND ECONOMIC INTEGRATION.
Harry H. Bell. 168 pp. Praeger, 1971. $13.50.
Examines the structure of protection in in-
dividual Latin American countries and in-
terprets commercial policy issues in light of
attempts of regional economic integration.

Politics

BRAZIL: POLITICS IN A PATRIMONIAL
SOCIETY. Riordan Roett. 208 pp. Allyn &
Bacon, 1972. $3.50. Emphasizes the period
from 1945 1970 and analyzes the military's
involvement in national politics.

CAMILO TORRES. CRISTIANISMO Y
REVOLUCION. Guitemie Olivieri y German
Zabala eds. 612 pp. Sur, Mexico, 1970. $8.00.
An anthology of all the documents of Camilo
Torres.

CHILE: BUSQUEDA DE UN NUEVO
SOCIALISMO. Alejandro Foxley y otros. 266
pp. CEPLAN, Ediciones Nueva Universidad,
Chile, 1971.

THE CHILEAN REVOLUTION. Regis
Debray. Pantheon, 1972. $6.95. In two in-
terviews with Allende, Debray explains how
in Chile, of all Latin American Countires, it
was possible for a Marxist government to win
in a free election. A translation from the
original Spanish edition.

CUBA, CASTRO AND THE UNITED
STATES. Phillip W. Bonsai. 318 pp. U. of
Pittsburgh Press, 1971. $9.95. A former
American ambassador to Cuba analyses the
relation between Cuba and the U.S. both
during the Batista and early Castro regimes.

GBOOKRSTOYW

409 San Francisco

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Old San Juan

Hours:
Til 10 p.m. Mon. to Sat.
12 Noon 'til 10 Sunday

C.R. July-Aug-Sept 1972 e Page 49

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Young Peruvian girl, photo by Marvin Schwartz.

CUBAN FOREIGN POLICY AND CHILEAN
POLITICS. Miles D. Wolpin. 308 pp. D.C.
Heath & Co., 1972. $15.00. This study takes on
critical importance by illustrating where the
enduring influences on internal Chilean
politics actually lie.

THE DOMINICAN INTERVENTION.
Abraham Lowenthal. 28C pp. Harvard U.
PRESS, 1972. $10.00. Lowenthal argues that
the 1965 intervention should not be attributed
primarily to individual errors but rather to
the established premises and procedures of
American policy.

ECUADOR: CONFLICTING POLITICAL
CULTURE AND THE QUEST FOR
PROGRESS. John D. Martz. 224 pp. Allyn &
Bacon, 1972. $3.50. Discusses the elitist
domination of certain pressure groups and
their effects on political and social reform.
Page 50 C.R.* Vol. IV No. 3

FIDEL IN CHILE. 224 pp. International
Publishers, 1971. Cloth $7.50, Paper $2.25. The
book transmits the unique historic in-
terchange between the two revolutions.

JUDICIAL REVIEW OF MEXICO. Richard
D. Baker. 295 pp. U. of Texas Press, 1971.
$8.50.

LATIN AMERICAN POLITICS: A PRIMER.
Arpad Von Lazar. 157 pp. Allyn & Bacon 1971.
$3.50. Discusses Lain ;American social
structures with Specific emphasis upon the
problems of social mobility.

=0 _

THE MECHANICS OF INDEPENDENCE:
PATTERNS OF POLITICAL AND
ECONOMIC TRANSFORMATION IN
TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO. A.N.R. Robin-
son. 200 pp. MIT Press, 1971. $8.95. The
author traces the political I development of the
colony under Spanish and British imperial
rule, discussing the origin and evolution of
the idea that led to the rise of nationalism.

MEXICAN DEMOCRACY: A CRITICAL
VIEW. Kenneth F. Johnson. 190 pp. Aliyn &
Bacon, 1971. $3.75. Deals with Mexico's
single-party democracy and alienation
toward the esoteric system.

NACIONALISMO Y LI BERALISMO
ECONOMIC EN ARGENTINA 1860-1880.
Jose Carlos Chiaramonte. 280 pp. Solar-
Hachette, Argentina, 1971. $5.50.

PATTERNS OF COSTA RICAN POLITICS.
Charles F. Denton. 113 pp. Allyn & Bacon,
1971. $2.50. Presents important socio-
economic data in addition to the political
essentials.
PATTERNS OF FOREIGN INFLUENCE IN
THE CARIBBEAN. Emanuel de Kadt, ed.
188 pp. Oxford University Press, 1972. $3.50.
Discusses the effects of external influence on
Cuba, Guatemala, Guyana, Jamaica, the
French and Dutch Antilles and Surinam.
POLITICAL FORCES IN ARGENTINA.
Peter G. Snow. 157 pp. Allyn & Bacon, 1971.
$3.50. Analyzes the political roles played by
political parties, the armed forces, the
Catholic church, organized labor, and
university students.
THE POLITICS OF FOREIGN AID AND
THE BRAZILIAN NORTHEAST. Riortan
Rioett. 196 pp. Vanderbuilt U. Press, 1972.
$8.95.
PROTEST AND RESISTANCE IN ANGOLA
AND BRAZIL. Ronald H.Chilcote, ed. 352 pp.
U. of California Press, 1972. $5.70. $12.00.
Describes and analyzes a variety of protest
movements which have contributed to the
cleavages and conflicts common to Brazil
and Angola.
REVOLUTIONARY CHANGE IN CUBA.
Carmelo Mesa Lago, ed. 544 pp. U. of Pitt-
sburgh Press, 1971. $14.95. An anthology of
mayor aspects of the transformation that
have changed Cuba in one decade.
THE UNITED STATES AND THE
TRUJILLO REGIME. Pope G. Atkins and
Larman C. Wilson. 243 pp. Rutgers U. Press,
1972. $10.00. Outlines the relations between
the U.S. and the Dominican Republic during
the Truiillo Years. Confronts the perplexing
and continuous problem of what official
attitude the U.S. should assume toward
dictators and military regimes in the other
American states.
THE UNITED STATES IN PANAMANIAN
POLITICS. G.A. Mellander. 215 pp. In-
terstate Printers and Publishers, 1971. $7.95.
VIOLENCIA Y POLITICAL EN AMERICA
LATINA. Julio Barreiro. 205 pp. Sur, Mexico,
1971. $2.00.
A WORLD IN REVOLUTION. Herbert L.
Matthews. 462 pp. Charles Scribner & Sons,
1972. $12.50. Among other things it contains
an account of Fidel Castro's revolution, in
Cuba.

YEARBOOK ON LATIN AMERICAN
COMMUNIST AFFAIRS, 1971. William E.
Ratliff. 200pp. Hoover Institution Press, 1971.
$4.50.

Philosophy and Theology

LENIN Y LA AMERICA LATINA. Jose
Consuegra. Ediciones Cruz del Sur, Bogota,
1971. The author outlines the presence of
Lenin's thought in Latin America.

MY CHURCH IS SLEEPING. Salvador
Freixedo. trans, by Thomas Dorney. E.P.
Dutton, 1972. Cloth $4.95, Paper $2.95. Father
Freixedo, suspended from his sacramental
functions and barred from three Latin
American countries for his radical vision and
for writing this book, accuses the church of
being the root of unrest among Roman
Catholics throughout the world.

enPUERTJ

editado por:
Rafael L. Ramirez
Barry B. Levine
Carlos Buitrago Ortiz

eQUIENES SON LOS POB]
TO RICO?
Celia F. de Cintr6n y
EL DESARROLLO DE LAS
LES Y LOS CONFLICT
EN PUERTO RICO
A. G. Quintero River
LA PERCEPTION DE LA
EN UNA COMUNIDAD C
PUERTO RICO
Carlos Buitrago Ort
MARGINALIDAD, DEPEND
TICIPACION POLITICAL
BAL
Rafael L. Ramirez
LAS TRES ELITES EN PI
Roberto Sanchez Vil
HACIA UN ANALYSIS DE
DIA EN PUERTO RICO
Mariano Mufioz Her

EDIwerrs VEIA I

Saldana 3 Rio Pi

765-06:

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RES EN PUER-

Barry B. Levine
CLASSES SOCIA-
OS POLITICOS

ra
DESIGUALDAD
AMPESINA EN

iz
ENCIA Y PAR-
EN EL ARRA-

JERTO RICO
lella
LA CLASE ME-

rnandez

iedras, PR.

2C.R
C.R. July-Aug-Sept 1972 Page 51

ANTIGUA

BASIC INFORMATION: Antigua has
108 square miles. The island is
shaped as a rough circle. She is
a member of the British Com-
monwealth under an Associated
State status. Antigua has a pc-
pulation of around 60,000 and
her capital is ST. JOHN'S The
currency is the West Indian
Dollar (popularly called the bee
wee dollar). Visitors to Antigua
should have a certificate of vac-
cination and proof of citizenship.
WHERE TO STAY? Antigua has
a full range of tourist rated
hotels. Among the best, we espe-
cially recommend:

BLUE WATERS BEACH HO-
TEL is located at Soldier Bay,
only three miles from the airport
and four from downtown St.
John's. All rooms face the hotel's
own white sand beach. Dancing
to island's best combo on Sun.,
Fri. And Wed. Nights. Native and
"- Continental cuisine. Full water
sports facilities. Tennis and Gol-
fing. Under the stars dancing and
dining at outside patio.
WHAT TO DO AND SEE?
English Harbor, in the South
coast of Antigua, is one of the
most important historical sites in
the Caribbean. Within this area
lies Nelson's Dockyard which
was restored some years ago to
its original splendor. Most hotels
offer native style entertainment
several nights every week. There
are a good number of indepen-
dent night spots near to and in
St. John's.

ARUBA
BASIC INFORMATION: Aruba, locat-
ed within viewing distance of
Venezuela's coast and 500 miles
Page 52 C.R. *Vol. IV No. 3

southeast of Puerto Rico, has
approximately 115 square miles.
The island has a population of
approximately 60,000 and its ca-
pital is Oranjestad. As a member
of the Nertherland Antilles
(which are equal partners with
the Kingdom of the Netherlands).
In addition, most islanders speak
fluent English, Dutch and Span-
ish.
WHERE TO STAY. There are
several luxury and moderate pri-
ce hotels in Aruba. We recom-
mend the Divi-Divi.

DIVI DIVI BEACH HOTEL: A
few steps from your patio to the
warm clear waters of tlie Carib-
bean. Clusters of Beachfront Ca-
sitas are designed to provide
luxury and privacy. Relax and
enjoy your spacious room with
its private patio an.d view of the
sea, decorated with. hand-craft-
ed furnishings of sixteenth cen-
tury Spanish colonial design. All
Casitas air-conditioned. Private
baths with tub and shower and
two double beds in each room.
FLOATING RESTAURANT
"BALI". This famous floating,
airconditioned Indonesian restau-
rant is located at the "Bali" Pier
at Oranjestad, Aruba's capital. It
is open 7 days a week, from 10
am. till 12 pm. and features
among many other exotic dishes
the well known RIJSTTAFEL
(ricetable) which consists of about
22 different dishes such as
shrimps, krupuk, veal, sate, chic-
ken, vegetables, etc., etc. They are
all prepared in ever varying tastes
with unlimitable combinations of
herbs and spices. l)inner at this
restaurant will be a culinairy ex-
perience never to be forgotten and
therefore strongly reconnmended.
It's owner/host Karl Schmnand
will always be there to help you
along and see to it that the service
will be the way you expect it.
It's view at the 'aarden Baai
(The Horses Bay), Oranjestad's
Harbour is out of this world.
WHAT TO DO AND SEE? Aru-
ba is small enough so that the
typical visitors has time to see

even during a relatively short
visit. Walking around the island
capital one can't but admire its
Dutch-like cleaniness. The city's
port, called Horses Bay, features a
very photogenic open air market
where cookware, produce fruit
and fish from all the surrounding
islands and seas are sold. The
Bali, a famous restaurant/bar
built on a converted houseboat
which features Indonesian dishes,
is right in town and should be
visited. In addition to its interest-
ing architecture and riotous co-
lors, the city has flower-filled
l'ilhemina Park, a great place to
spend many relaxing evening
hours. Touring the rest of the
island will show the visitor
many examples of Aruba's famed
trade mark. the wind blown Divi-
Divi trees, its very curious rock
formations and the many inte-
resting uses to which the island
cactus plant has been adapted.
The island has a nature-built
Rock Bridge which is best seen
from ruins said to be from a Pi-
rate Castle but which actually are
the leftovers of a gold-ore stamp-
ing mill built in 1872. On the
other side of the island, on the

7'

C3

South coast, there are caves full
of carvings and drawings report-
edly made by the island's native
inhabitants centuries ago. For vi-
sitors with a technological bent
the island's water distillation
plant, one of largest such plants
in the world, offers daily guided
tours. Aruba, of course, offers
the full spectrum of water sports
and activities: swimming, deep-
sea fishing, sailing, water skiing,
etc. There are several tennis
courts, one golf course and skeet
facilities in the island. Aruba has
no luxury taxes and no duties on
a large number of items, there
is a growing number of very top
native operations, so good buys
are plentiful. Most of the larger
hotels have San Juan-like night-
clubs and restaurants. Most have
fine food. Also in this category is
the Olde Molen an old windmill
brought to Aruba from Holland
and then converted into a res-
taurant nightclub.

Curacao

BASIC INFORMATION: Curacao is a
long, thin island with an area of
approximately 180 sq. miles and
a population of around 135,000.
Its capital is Willemstad which
has a magnificent Old World at-
mosphere. The largest of the six
Dutch islands in the Caribbean,
Curacao is the seat of the Nether-
land Antilles Government. The
official currency is the Guilder
which exchanges for approxim-
ately $0.50 U. S.
WHERE TO STAY? Curacao
has three large, resort hotels. All
of these have gambling rooms.
Several of the city's charming old
mansions have been converted
into inexpensive guest houses

which cater, mainly, to Latin
American tourists. Among all,
we recommend the Curacao In-
ter-Continental.

u.a

---

CURACAO INTER-CONTINEN-
TAL. Located right in the center
of a charming town, making it
perfect for both businessmen and
vacationers. 125 air-conditioned
rooms, swimming pool, night
club, casino. Also lovely tropical
gardens. Be sure to visit the
swinging Kikini Bar. Fine faci-
lities for conventions.

WHAT TO DO AND SEE?
Walking around Willemstad for
window shopping (Curacao is si-
milar to St. Thomas in the varie-
ty of goods and rock-bottom
prices it offers bargain hunting
Caribbean visitors) and sightsee-
ing are a must do activity for all
visitors to the island. The city's
famed Pontoon Bridge, which
opens and closes several times
a day to allow ships thru, of-
fers great photographic possibili-
ties. Like most islands in the
Caribbean Curacao offers the full
spectrum of ocean and beach re-
lated activities. It also has a golf
course, tennis courts and horse-
back riding. When the pontoon
bridge in Willemstad is open,
there is a free feiry ride across
the canal. Visitors taking this
free ride will have a unique op-
portunity for meeting the friend-

ly people of this island and thus
flavor another of its charms. Fi-
nally every visitor should try
some of the many candies, sweets
and tidbits sold by street vendors
all around town.

Guadeloupe

BAsIC INFORMATION: Guadeloupe
has 532 square miles-and a popu-
lation of around 300,000. She is a
state of France. Her capital is
BASSE-TERRE. The accepted cur-
rency is the New Franc which ex-
changes at 0.20 U.S. Visitors
should have a certificate of vac-
cination and proof of citizenship.
French is almost exclusively
spoken here.
WHERE TO STAY? Guadeloupe
has five major hotels. Among
these we especially recommend:

HOTEL LES ALIZES. Private
sandy beach, swimming pool,
sumptuous gardens 30 minutes
from airport, 128 air conditioned
rooms French and Creole cui-
sine French wines 9 hole
golf on hotel grounds 5 minute
C.R. July-Aug-Sept 1972 a Page 53

BEACH HOTEL
ARUBA. N.A.

1,000 foot sugar white beach. Fully air conditioned.
40 Spanish style Casitas with their own beach front
patio. 42 rooms overlooking the beach with patio or
Spanish balcony. International Cuisine Pelican Bar
& patio Fresh Water Swimming Pool. BRUIF
BEACH ORANJESTAD ARUBA, N.A. DIVIHO
TEL. 3300

r.K A N
AUKNAI n C". A 40 1N-N. I

walk to nearest town daily
shopping tour to Pointe-a-Pitre -
French atmosphere Something
different and an occasion to
freshen up on your French.
WHAT TO DO AND SEE?
Guadeloupe, which is shaped like
a butterfly, has two distinct en-
vironments. One of the wings
(Grande Terre) is generally flat
and rolling and full of lovely,
white-sand beaches. The other
wing (Basse Terre) is more hilly
and rugged and features black,
volcanic-ash beaches. Visitors to
the island should take time out
to try different restaurants (even
the smallest ones offer gourmet
dishes) and inspect the architec-
ture of the Caravelle in which
the floating effect so many archi-
tects seek was masterly achieved.
Also in the "must be seen list"
is the VALLEY OF THE ANCIENT
CARIES where some fine examples
of Carib Indian sculpture can be
seen; the EAST INDIAN VILLAGE at
Matouba where, according to leg-
end, live sacrifices are carried
out and the beach at LE MOULE,
once the scene of battles between
European powers and the Carib
Indians. Visitors interested in
shopping should definitely go to
Point-a-Pitre's commercial area,
an incredibly busy, Near East-
looking section where Persian
rugs and tropical fruits are some-
times sold in the same small
store.

MARTINIQUE

BASIC INFORMATION: Martinique
has 450 square miles. She is a
state of France, Her capital is
FORT-DE-FRANCE. The island has
a population of around 300,000.
The accepted currency is the New
Franc which is worth $0.20 U.S.
French is spoken almost exclusiv-
ely. Visitors should have a certi-
ficate of vaccination and proof
of citizenship.
WHERE TO STAY? Martinique
has several Tourism Office re-
commended hotels. Among these
we especially recommend:

-" ~ --- m

THE HOTEL BAKOUA (Tel.
55-95) is located at Trois Illets
at one of the ends of Fort de
France's magnificent harbor. It
has 77 de luxe, ocean-front, air.

r,'nditioned rooms, 20 cabanas
wlth private bath & telephone.
Truly superb French and Native
cuisine. White sand beach and
swimming pool. Private marina.
All water sports. Every hour a
luxurious cruise boat tender
makes a round trip to the city.

WHAT TO DO AND SEE?
There are two things most visi-
tors to this island do during
their stay in the island: visit
the ruins museum at ST. PIERRE,
formerly Martinique's capital
which in 1902 was burned to a
crisp by Mount Pellee's explosion,
and visit the BIRTH-PLACE OF
NAPOLEON'S JOSEPHINE at Trois
Ilets. Between these two points
is Fort de France, the present
capital, which has unique archi-
tecture, an endless variety of
shops and the best restaurants in
the Antilles. Visitors planning
longer visits no less than a week
is recommended should drive
the whole perimeter of the island.
Black sand beaches, tropical rain-
forest-like greenery, sky high vis-
tas and dazzling, plantation ho-
mes in the grand style will reward
them. The Atlantic side of the
island offers some of the most
beautiful, seascapes in the Carib-
bean. And much more, all with a
distinct, very French ambience.

PUERTO

Rico

BAsIC INFORMATION: Puerto Rico
has 3,435 square miles. It be-
longs to the U.S. under an As-
sociated Free State status. U.S.
Currency is the legal tender.
Spanish is the main language but
English is spoken almost every-
where. The capital of Puerto Rico
is SAN JUAN. The island has a
population of over 2,500,000. Vi-
sitors from OUTSIDE the U. S.
should have a certificate of vac-
cination and a visaed passport.

WHERE TO STAY? San Juan has
numerous first class hotels.
Most of the larger ones have
Commonwealth Government su.
pervised gambling casinos.

CoCo Mar Hotel 3 Amapola St.
Isla Verde, Puerto Rico

Under the 'almn Trees in Sunny
Puerto Rico A Modern Efficien-
cy hotel located on the beach.
All looms with ocean view. Air
Conditioned Kitchenette Area
- Daily Maid Service Bar P&
Cocktail Lounge. Major Credit
Cards Honored

LA FUENTE RESTAURANT,
The finest in Isla Verde, where
the island's gourmets enjoy de-
licious Spanish and Continental
cuisine. La Fuente's Clams Casino
and Lobster Thermidor are par-
ticularly recommended.

WHAT TO DO AND SEE? Most
of the hotels in San Juan" offer
all types of water related activi-
ties to which all house guests are
invited. The Caribe Hilton, La
Concha and the Puerto Rico She-
raton deserve close inspection by
architectural buffs. FaRT SAN JE-
RONIMO, off the Caribe Hilton,
has been restored and converted
into a museum and should be
seen. Live sea urchins (they
don't sting if properly handled)
can usually be found on the rocks
pointing towards Fort San Jer6-
nimo in back of the hotel that
carries its name...
On the other side of town-on the
road to Bayam6n-are the ruins
of the foundations of PONCE DE

Dutch National
Car Rental
"We Do It Better"
From $8.00 a day .. No Extras
Rental Rates
Volskwagen . $12.00 per 24
hours Ford Cortina (automatic)
$12.00 per 24 hours
no mileage
No Deposit
No pick up or
delivery charge
Road map included
S$50.00 deductible insurance
coverage
Full collision protection
available at $1.00 per day
American Express, Carte Blan-
che. Diners Club credit cards
accepted Call
Call 47054
Dr. Albert Plesman airport
Willemstad, Curacao NA.
Cable address: Dutch Car

Page 54 C.R.*Vol. IV No. 3

LEON'S first house in Puerto Rico.
Rediscovered in 1934, they date
back to 1508... West of the main
hotel area is OLD SAN JUAN which
all visitors should take at least
one day to explore. While in Old
San Juan three musts are FORT
SAN FELIPE DEL MORRO, FORT SAN
CRISTOBAL-centuries old bastions
which guarded the city during
its Spanish Colonial days--and
LA FORTALEZA OR PALACIO DE
SANTA CATALINA which now serves
as the seat of Puerto Rico's gov-
ernor. Every day there are several
guided tours thru each of the
three sites. Approximately ten
per-cent of Old San Juan's 700
plus structures have been restored
to their original splendor. For-
tunately some of them have been
converted into stores and/or art
shops (especially along Cristo
and Fortaleza Streets) wnich allow
leisurely browsing. Also in the
"must be seen" list are Puerto
Rico's CAPITOL BUILDING (on the
way to the Old City) and the
INSTITUTE OF PUERTO RICAN CUL-
TURE'S art collection ...Well-
heeled visitors should make a
point of visiting one or all of
the fine jewelry shops clustered
around the corner of Fortaleza
and Cruz Streets. One of them,
appositely, is located in the
former office of Merril Lynch,
Pierce, Fenner & Smith. Every
ten minutes or so during the
day a FERRY leaves Old San Juan
for Catailo-the terminal is locat-
ed behind the Post Office. The
ride, which only costs 10 cents
each way, gives passengers a
change to get some good photos
of the bay, get a close look at the
pelicans and see, in Catafio, an-
other face of Puerto Rico...
-- __ -0..W.=PW _

Beachcomber Villas: on the beach
at Burgeux Bay, St. Maarten are
the perfect setting for an un-
forgettable Caribbean vacation.
* Each villa Is fully furnished
including linen, kitchen
utensib, etc.
* Two and three bedroom villas.
* Rents from $150 to $250
per week.
* For more Information write:
Beachcomber Villas
P.O. Box 149, Phillpsburg
St. Maaren, NA.

St.Maarten

BASIC INFORMATION: St. Maarten/
St. Martin has 37 square miles
which are roughly divided in half
between the French and the
Dutch sides of the island. The
capitals are PHILIpSBURG (Dutch)
and MARIGOT (French) The is-
land's population is of around
4,500 again roughly divided in
half. Two currencies are accept.
ed, the New Franc, worth $0.20
U.S. and the Guilder which is
worth about $0.50 U.S. Visitors
to the island must have a certi-
ficate of vaccination and proof of
citizenship. The Dutch side of
the island is a member of the
Netherland Antilles, an equal
partner with Holland in the
Dutch nation, and the French side
is a dependency of Guadaloupe, a
French state.
WHERE TO STAY? St. Marten/
St. Martin has four relatively
large hotels and several smaller,
very good hotels and guest houses.

PASANGGRAHAN (2388) is lo-
cated in a quiet lush tropical
garden on the beach of Philips-
burg, the FREE-PORT capital
of Dutch St. Maarten. Each of
it's 21 attractive double rooms
with private baths have over-
head fans and optional air-con-
ditioning. The kitchen is fa-
mous for a great variety of well-
prepared international dishes.

Total informality sets it's West
Indian atmosphere. Established
in 1958 it is still St. Maarten's
biggest little bargain and repeat
visitors are the best salesmen for
the hotel. Write or cable PA-
SANGGRAHAN, St. Maarten.
Represented in North American
cities and Puerto Rico by The
Jane Condon Corporation.

WHAT TO DO AND SEE? This
lovely half French, half Dutch
island offers the full spectrum
of water/beach activities, marvel-
lous picture-book little village,
like Grand Case in the French
side, free port shopping and a
unique tranquility which truly
makes a vacation a rest. Front
Street in Philipsburg (the Dutch
side) and the dock area in Marigot
have a complete, assortment of
free port stores. Spritzer & Fuhr-
mann, the famous jewelers from
Curacao, have three stores in the
island; two in Philipsburg and
one at the airport. Several other
famous Curacao stores like El
Globo, Casa Amarilla and yole-
dam also have stores in town.
Guests at any hotel or guest house
can and should take advantage
of their visit to experiment with
the cuisine of all other. There is
a nightclub with nightly dancing
and, during the season, entertain-
ment at Little Bay.

MOULIN ROUGE
AIRCONDITIONED
Bar &- Regtaurant

ST. MARTIN, F.W.I.

Nassaust at 40 Aruba, N.A.

broid lecloth gold & silver
ell Italian Clothing.

CG.. July-Aug-sept la2 Irage sb

FLOATING RESTAURANT

F BALI
INDONESIAN DISHES
COCKTAIL BAR
Cho sen by: Th. Coribbaon
Tourist Associotion as
th* BEST restaurant in
mth Coribb.n for 1958.59
TELS. 2131
ORANJESTAD, ARUBA 3006

THOMAS is a hilly island with
numerous neighbors. This makes
for endless, heart wrenching views.
The best viewing, in the sense
that one can sit down in com.
fort and sip a well-brewed drink
in the watching process, is from
the bar at the top o( the Tram.
way, or the pool at the Shibui
hotel or the restaurant at
Mountaintop. In addition to the
views (the cup overfloweths) the
visitors should take time to visit

ST. THOMAS

WHERE TO STAY? St. Thomas
has a large number of hotels
and guest houses of all sizes
and prices. Among these we
especially recommend:

MORNING STAR BEACH RE-
SORT (774-2650) is located on
one of the most beautiful white-
sand beaches in the Caribbean,
just five minutes from Charlotte
Amalie, the Antillean free-port
capital. Each of its 24 ocean-
facing rooms has a private terrace
and all the modern comforts. Ex-
otic drinks and American and
Continental dishes served just a
step from the surf in the hotel's
beach front bar and dining room.
Most water sports. Sky-diving ex-
hibition every Sunday afternoon.
Children welcome.

CARI BBEAIN RINT -A- CAP

PH- 772-0685
P. O. BOX 1487
ST. CROIX. VIRGIN ISLANDS 00840

Free Pick Up And Delivery

New Cars Checked Daily

ARUBA ST. MARTIN

New Cars
Unlimited Mileage New Cars
You Can Trust Unlimited Mileage
Hertz in Aruba like
Anywhere in the
World. Only Rental Cars in
Island With Unlimited
Kolibristraat 1- Third Party Insurance.
Phone 2714
Aruba Caribbean
Hotel Phone 2250 Offices at Julianna Air-
Princess Beatrix port and Marigot, St.
Airport Martin.

I

BOLONGO BAY BEACH CLUB
(775-0165) is located right on
the beach, only a few minutes
away from St. Thomas' airport
and town. This intimate resort
is made up of spacious, air.con-
ditioned, completely equipped
housekeeping fresh water pool
units. The resort has a beautiful
pool with a bar right over it.
The management will make the
necessary arrangements for fish-
ing, sailing or any other activity
the guests desire. For reservations
from the U.S. write the hotel at
P. O. Box 3381 St. Thomas 00801.
WHAT TO SEE AND DO? ST.
Page 56 C.R. Vol. IV No. 3

JAQUET.DROZ

exclusively at
CARDOW

first on main street and
at the Caribbean Beach Hotel
St. Thomas, U. S. Virgin Islands.

DRAKE'S SEAT from which, ac-
cording to legend, Sir Francis
Drake used to inspect his fleet;
FORT CHRISTIAN on the edge of
Charlotte Amalie which dates
back to 1666; GOVERNMENT HOUSE
which serves as the official res-
idence of the Governor of the
island and exhibits its fine art
collection to the public daily and
the VIRGIN ISLANDS MUSEUM lo.
cated in Beretta Center in the
middle of Charlotte Amalie.

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	Front Cover
	Table of Contents
	Front Matter
	Main
	Back Cover

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