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Caribbean Review
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STANDARD VIEW MARC VIEW
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00095576/00014
 Material Information
Title: Caribbean Review
Physical Description: Serial
Language: English
Creator: Latin American and Caribbean Center, Florida International University
Publisher: Latin American and Caribbean Center, Florida International University
Place of Publication: Miami, FL
Publication Date: 1970
Copyright Date: 1980
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Genre: serial   ( sobekcm )
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Source Institution: FIU: Special Collections
Holding Location: FIU: Special Collections
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: oclc - 1553369
System ID: UF00095576:00014

Full Text


BULK RATE
U. & POSTAOG
PAID
WVALDEN,. .Y. 12a
PERMIT NO 73


Return Postage Guaranteed


Published quarterly at 180 Hostos, B-904, Hato Rey, Puerto Rico, 00918


Address Correction Requested


Winter 1970, Vol. 2, No. 4


View of a Spanish Building, from "The History of Jamaica," 3 volumes, published in 177and published in a new 1970 edition by Frank Cass & Co., Ltd.. London.


\


THE MAKING OF AN UN-
AMERICAN, Paul Cowan. 370 pp.
Viking Press, 1970.
LIVING POOR. Moritz Thomsen.
314 pp. University of Washington
Press, 1969.
These two books are remarkable by
the difference with which they view the
same experience: a period of service
with the Peace Corps in Ecuador.
If I would review them merely by the
impression they made on me, I would
say: Living Poor is a delight, and The
Making of an Un-American a pain. The
one I read with ever mounting an-
ticipation, as I slowly turned from page


p --1 1


'I I


to page; the other I finished only out of
a sense of duty because it was assigned
to me.
The delightful book was written by a
California pig farmer whose spon-
taneity and grippingly poetic
descriptions, full of human insights,
could apparently interest no publisher
except the .University of Washington
Press. The resistant volume was written
by a Harvard grad eagerly recording
his own intellectual evolution.
Living Poor is the product of a
mature older man who uses the word
'piss" only when someone pisses. The
other is authored by a young man in


\Contents




TWO VIEWS OF ECUADOR, Leopold Kohr ..................... 1
WEBER AND LATIN AMERICA, Reinhard Bendix ............... 3
THE STRUGGLE FOR THE UNDERDEVELOPED WORLD, II,
Joseph Bensman and Arthur Vidich .................. 4
IN THE HOUSE OF THE DAY, Jaime Sabines .................. 4
MERCEDES, Barbara Howes.............................. 5
19TH CENTURY SANTO DOMINGO, Harmannus Hoetink ........ 6
PUERTO RICO IN 1834, Edinburgh Review .................... 8
BREAD VS. SOUL, Barry Bernard Levine ..................... 11
KOHR'S SIZE THEORY, Anatol Murad ....................... 12
INFINITY, Barry Wallenstein ....... ......................... 12
RECENT BOOKS ....... ..................... ........ 13


(


Two Views


of Ecuador
by Leopold Kohr



















Contributors

LEOPOLD KOHR,
author, economist, and
advocate of "the greatness
of smallness," taught at the
U. of Puerto Rico and is
now with the U. College of
Wales. REINHARD
BENDIX, former president
of the American
Sociological Association, is
the author of "Max Weber:
An Intellectual Portrait,"
"Nation Building and
Citizenship," and other
books, and teaches at the
University of California,
Berkeley. JOSEPH
BENSMAN teaches
sociology at CUNY, and
ARTHUR VIDICH
teaches sociology and
anthropology at the
Graduate Faculty of The
New School. . JAIME
SABINES, the Mexican
poet, was born in 1925 and
has published five books of
poetry. . BARBARA
HOWES. a resident of
Vermont, has traveled
widely in the Caribbean.
Her anthology of Caribbean
literature, "From the Green
Antilles," was published in
1966 by Macmillan. .
HARMANNUS HOE-
TINK, with the
Institute of Caribbean
Studies in Puerto Rico, is
co-winner of the 1970
annual prize of the Con-
ference on Latin American
History of the Hispanic
Foundation for articles on
the Dominican Republic
published during the
previous year in "Caribbean
Studies" magazine. .
ANATOL MURAD is with
the faculty of the U. of
Puerto Rico. . BARRY
WALLENSTEIN is with
the Dept. of English, City
College, CUNY. He has
edited a book on poetry for
S. J. Crowell and has
contributed to several
magazines.



CAItBBEAN IEVIeW
Winter, 1970-71 Vol. 2, No. 4
Editors:

Kal Wagenheim,

Barry Bernard Levine

Caribbean Review, a books-oriented
quarterly journal, is published by
Caribbean Review, Inc., a non-profit cor-
poration. Mailing address: 180 Hostos,
B804. Hato Rey, Puerto Rico, 00918.
Caribbean Review is listed in Abstracts of
English Studies. Available by subscrip-
tion only: 1 year, $3; 2 years, $5.50; 3
years, $7.50; lifetime, $25. Advertising
accepted (see rates elsewhere in this is-
sue). Unsolicited manuscripts (book re-
views. translation, essays, etc.) are wel-
comed, but should be accompanied by
self-addrissed stamped envelope.


.41


search of revolution, interspersing his
prose with modern baby terms such as
shit, bullshit, fuck, fistfuck, mother-
fuck, describing nothing that happens
in the book as if as is the case with
little children he did not know what
the terms mean.
Moritz Thomsen's book is a won-
derfully zesty adventure story of
someone living in the midst of people
whom he tries to help and whose life he
shares. He is poor among the poor, sick
among the sick, sad among the sad, and
gay among the gay. He becomes worm-
ridden like everyone else, but instead of
launching forth into psycho-socio-
economic profundities deploring the
imperialist misery of the affluent
society that has sent him abroad, he
marvels in one brief humorous passage
at the length of the creatures feeding
inside the human system without
making man's spirit, if not his body,
either better or worse for it.
He founds an agricultural and
fishing cooperative which becomes a
fascinating Odyssey of pitfalls,
tribulations, failure, new hope, and
failure again as the decrepit ship the
socios have picked up on the beach, and
equipped with a motor that is too small,
makes at last an effort of going to sea -
and founders. Like the whole ex-
perience of his four years of service, it
bears witness to the failure of a mission,
of the Peace Corps, of America. Or does
it?
It does nothing of the sort. Above all,
this wonderful book puts everything
back into proper perspective. When a
couple of Peace Corps inspectors
visited the author while he was sick in
Quito, they reported that they had
found his beloved coastal "co-op in a
state of chaos: the two hundred
chickens in my bedroom were flying out
of the pen and making cross-country
trips all over the house; there was only
about a three-day supply of corn; the
canoe was running badly; the co-op's
books were hopelessly fouled up; Baby,
our purebred gilt, kept jumping out of
her pen, running down the main street,
and flipping old ladies over her head
out of pure high spirits; and the socios
did not seem to have any idea of what
was going on." Well, if this looked like
chaos to the inspectors from the central
bureau, it did not to the author. "What
they were describing," he writes, "was
a typical day in the life of the co-op.
There wasn't any crisis; everything was
going along just fine."
As a result, when he left after a life
shared with what reformers like to call
"the people," there was hope, purpose,
and trust on the part of the community,
not so much in America as in the good
faith of an individual American having
tried his best which, as all efforts at
social improvement, just turned out to
be not good enough.
So the villagers kept their emotions
under control on his last day. There
were no speeches. "But as I stepped
down off the porch to leave, Esther
screamed, and I turned to see her, her
face contorted and the tears streaming
down her cheeks. We hugged each
other, and Ramon rushed from the
house and stood on the brow of the hill
looking down intently into town."
Finis.
No such farewell scene is recorded by
young Paul Cowan in The Making of
an Un-American. He came to Ecuador
not as a pig farmer but as a Harvard
grad with experience as a campus
revolutionary whose contact with "the
people" seems to have been more for
the purpose of curing the emotional
illnesses of today's guilt-stricken af-
fluent youth than of the pauper whose
misery is used as the monk uses the
rope with which he flagellates himself:
to do penance for man's original sin.
If Moritz Thomsen does, Paul
Cowan organizes. Where Thomsen


builds chicken coops, Cowan dialogues.
Where Thomsen despairs, Cowan
monologues. Where Thomsen aims at
departing, Cowan seems to seek ex-
pulsion. Where Thomsen gives a
fascinating account of people he has
come to help, Cowan's main story is
about the bureaucrats and fellow
volunteers of the Peace Corps in search
of moral self-development. The index
lists the names of more than 200 of
them. Indeed, one may say about of the
approach of the two authors to the
same theme what Stephen Potter writes
in Oxford Undergraduateship: "Where
the layman concentrates on his subject,
the gamesman concentrates on his
tutor."
Actually, Paul Cowan is too young,


and too trapped in his own complexes
to be merely a gamesman. He writes
not as a snooty witness, but as the
victim, of his time. Indeed, in his in-
tellectual brilliance he suffers more
than lesser lights from the misery of a
mass age that deprives the individual of
his identity, not because of the
wickedness of "the system," that gives
him no hearing, but because of the
exploding dimensions of his own
multitudes, that make his voice
hopelessly inaudible.
If he wants therefore to be heard, he
must not only shout louder than his
contemporaries, but also shock them
with what he shouts. This is why Paul
Cowan, whose rebellion is as American
as apple pie, entitles his book: "The
Making of an Un-American;" why he
is "exhilarated" when people angrily


Winter, 1970


shout at him "Yanqui go home,"
"Afuera, Cuerpo de Paz," "Abajo
imperialismo," and threaten to beat
him up; or why he ends his painful self-
analysis in his last sentence by calling
this a "decade of bullshit, and wanton,
crazy violence."
To which I have little to add, except
that there are two ways of getting out of
it. One is: to prevent bullkind from
shitting. This is the ageless target of
reformers. The other is: not to roll
around in it.
However, lest I be misunderstood for
calling Cowan's book a pain: it is a
very sincere case study of a con-
scientious young man who cannot
understand why Prometheus should be
chained by the gods to a rock for his


noble affrontery of bringing fire and
progress to mankind. To an outsider, it
gives a great many insights which the
author himself is still lacking. It is an
idealist's search for a way out that does
not exist except by self-defeating
violence, which he himself calls
"crazy". And when he forgets ideology,
it offers some beautiful descriptions
and characterizations which rival
Thomsen's. It is a diary of a period the
older generation has long gone through.
This is why I have the greatest sym-
pathy for Paul Cowan's book, and if I
did not particularly enjoy reading it, it
is simply because I don't enjoy reading
my own diary covering the same period
of a long time ago.
If one wants to escape the misery of
man, one must become not an Un-
American, but a horse.


CkA-BBMANeKW


From the dustjacket design of "Black Man in Red Cuba," by John Clytus, U. of Miami
Press.







Winter, 1970 CANB WAN VIEW 3


POLITICAL HISTORY OF
LATIN AMERICA. Ronald
Glassman. 324 pp. Funk & Wagnalls,
-1969. $7.95.
The German sociologist Max Weber
died fifty years ago (1920). In the
English-speaking world his work
became known primarily for his essay,
The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of
Capitalism, his methodological concept
of the ideal type, and his analysis of
bureaucracy. While other writings, like
his essays on the sociology of religion
and, most recently, his posthumous
work Economy and Society (1969)
have also become available in tran-
slations, these have not exerted a
comparable influence. Accordingly it is
of considerable interest that the book
here reviewed proposes to examine the
political history of Latin America with
a "heavy reliance. . upon the,
Weberian approach to social structure
and social reality, including such
concepts as classes as carriers of
distinct social realities, the elective
affinities of classes, class interactions,
legitimacy systems, transitional
legitimacy systems..." (p. xv). What of
the framework referred to in this
summary way and how adequately has
this been applied? As a student of
Weber's work rather than a Latin-
Americanist I feel obliged to put my
emphasis on these questions.
The author assumes a knowledge of
the Weberian approach so that the
reader of his book must maneuver as
best he can with a terminology that
takes its cues from Weber but develops
rather luxuriant growths of its own.
Still, the basic ideas he takes from
Weber are relatively simple and should
be stated clearly. "Classes as carriers of
distinct social realities" means that
Weber saw all social groups as defined
by both common economic interests
and shared beliefs and conventions.
"Legitimacy systems" is a misnomer.
The author means to refer to Weber's
concept of legitimate authority which
suggests a tacit quid pro quo between
rulers and ruled, i.e. that the right to
rule and the duty of obedience involve
an exchange of rights and obligations.
Since such "exchanges" are frequently
inequitable and easily upset, the
legitimacy of any authority is relatively
tenuous. As Professor Glassman amply
demonstrates, the legitimacy of
authority in Spain as well as in Latin
America has been tenuous indeed.
The book does not cover "political
history" in the ordinary sense, nor does
it extend to the present. Instead, the
author presupposes a knowledge of
Spanish and Latin American history up
to the wars of independence, and
presents a socio-political interpretation
of that history. In Part I he seeks to
illuminate the changing structure of
Spanish society, emphasizing its
divergence from that of feudal Europe.
In Parts II, III, and IV he deals with
the origin of the Latin-American
class structure in the countryside, with
the development of towns, and with the
structure of royal authority, respec-
tively. In dealing with these topics
Professor Glassman draws upon
Weber's concepts in a manner which is
both illuminating and frustrating.

Let me deal with the frustrations
first. As a scholarly production the
book is a disgrace. Filled with misprints
and an often impenetrable jargon
("dereification" and refinedd reality


position" are among the choicer, brief
examples), the book cites the secondary
literature extensively, but without
proper identification. Although it is
called a history, the book has hardly
any dates (this defect the author copies
from Weber) so that the reader is left to
guess when the social processes referred
to took place a task complicated
further by the author's penchant for
footnotes careening wildly through
whole countries and historical epochs.


Last but not least, the style is simply
execrable. In all these respects the book
is a misfortune. But having said this
with no holds barred, I have to add that
it is a brilliant interpretation, from
which much can be learned. Ap-
parently it is part of a larger work, in
which the author may be able to resolve
his problems of style and presentation.
Admittedly, this is no easy task.
What he has attempted in the present
volume is to base his analysis of the
Latin-American social structure firmly
upon Spanish history. The first of four


Weber and


Latin America
by Reinhard Bendix


with its anarchy in the countryside, its
urban style of life, its regionalism and
private empires, its hidalgo spirit, and
the priestly involvement in secular
affairs was transferred to Latin
America. (pp. 78-93 contain the key
passages to this interpretation.) The
main thesis is that Latin American
political history can be understood best
as a reenactment of the unresolved
issues of Spanish reconquest history on
the new continent.
Part II examines the interaction
between this transferred social


parts is devoted to the divergence of
Spanish from Western European
society in the feudal period. Glassman
emphasizes that, in the course of
reconquering the peninsula from the
Moslems, Spain developed a semi-
feudal system, by which he means that
vassalage was a system of favoritism
without reciprocal obligations. Hence
the unity achieved in the reconquest
disintegrated into anarchy in the
countryside and the cities, which in
turn provoked the resurgence of
kingship at the expense of both the
cities and the nobility. These an-
tecedents produced a top-heavy
bureaucratic structure under royal
authority on one hand, and, on the
other, a widespread diffusion of
aristocratic aspirations in the cities
where the nobility moved after the
reconquest. This semi-feudal structure


structure and the conquered Indian
empires, giving considerable weight to
an understanding of the latter. The
result is an illuminating picture of
social stratification in the countryside,
though in the absence of dates it is
difficult for the outsider to know
whether an analysis apparently
referring to the post-conquest period is
meant to apply to the present period as
well. (The author ends this part with a
reference to 1936.)
Part III deals with the development
of Latin American cities and here the
emphasis is placed not only on the
recreation of Spanish models, but
specifically on the class conflict bet-
ween a landless class of city dwellers
and the class of "estate-lords" which
eventually moves to the cities (as the
nobility did in Spain).
Finally, Part IV deals with the
structure of royal authority in Latin
America and the eventual pressure for
independence from the homeland.
Thus, the book ends with the early
nineteenth century, though it may be
noted that Professor Glassman is
working to extend his analysis to the
present. (Cf. his article "The Limiting
Social and Structural Conditions for
Latin American Modernization,"
Social Research Summer, 1969).
I do not know how Latin
Americanists will judge the merits of
this work, but for the sociologist the
book poses a genuine puzzle. For aside
from the avoidable defects noted
earlier, scholars interested in com-
parative studies face a certain dilemma.
Like the author they will be obliged (as
well as inclined for theoretical reasons)
to refer to social groups held together
by common economic interests and
shared conventions. There is ample
evidence for the existence of such
groups over time, but as yet we have
rather little sophistication in dealing
with the collective actions of such
groups in a comparative-historical
context. Weber's own treatment of this
problem was facilitated by his
typological procedures and by his
research problem (in his sociology of
religion). But even in Weber the
paucity of concrete historical references
and the neglect of chronological
sequences is a handicap for the reader
and a drawback in his analysis. Where
the intent is more explicitly historical as
in Professor Glassman's work, the
drawback is even greater. It will not be
easy to remedy this defect, which is
endemic in an analysis of persistent
group-structures that are reflected in
events and time-sequences only in-
cidentally. But the present work makes
quite clear that such structures need to
be analyzed and that we must develop
methods suitable for the purpose. As
such it is an important contribution to
comparative sociological studies and,
perhaps also, to an understanding of
Latin American history.


From the dustjacket design of "Cuban Communism," edited by Irving Louis Horowitz,
Transaction Books, Aldine, 1970.


--






4 CANBBAN ~PW Winter, 1970


The Struggle for the


Underdeveloped World: II

by Joseph Bensman & Arthur Vidich.


(This is the second
of a two-part series)

The most obvious and direct form of
political penetration and coordination
is diplomatic representation: the
requests, the demands, and the
pressures applied through the normal
channels of the State Department.
However, State Department in-
tervention is supplemented, directly
and indirectly, by American aid, loans,
military assistance, subsidies, food
programs and many other forms of
economic assistance policies. On their
part, underdeveloped countries seek aid
and assistance when in their attempts
to hasten the pace of industrialization
they find themselves without the
financial resources necessary to sustain
a viable economy. To support the
projects they desire they are forced to
come to the American government or to
any of its numerous front
organizations, including the various
banks comprising the international
banking system. Their requests for aid
are usually considered and granted.
This is true for two reasons:
1. Because of our central policy we
are forced, whenever possible, to allow
no government, no matter how
bankrupt or corrupt, to fall into the
hands of any anti-American opposition.
Aid may be denied, delayed, or
discussed indefinitely only in those
instances where the recipient is
unreliable or where there is a secondary
backstage government capable of
taking the place of the unsupported
government.
2. The condition for receiving this
aid is the acceptance of international
political policies favorable to America's
position in the cold war. India is a
recent example. In 1967 the Indian
government, because of its need for aid,
was forced to temper its resentments
against the delay, indifference, inef-
ficiency, and high-handedness of
President Johnson and the State
Department in providing aid.
Similarly, the United States canceled
economic and military aid to Peru
when the Peruvian government carried
out what Washington regarded as
excessive demands for retroactive
compensation for oil royalties. The
result has been a breakdown in the
Peruvian client relationship with the
United States.
The idea that aid results in a form of
simple domination over the aided
nation is an oversimplification. These
governments, even when favorable to
the United States, are aware of the
internal alternatives to their own
regimes. When it is necessary to
enhance their bargaining power, they
can attempt to blackmail the United
States by threatening to allow their
regimes to fall. Since many of these
governments are in fact precarious, the
United States must frequently agree to
terms that are not only short of
domination but even frequently involve
the acceptance of unfavorable com-
promises. The weakness of a dependent
country may be the source of its
greatest bargaining strength, but even
with this kind of strength, the
bargaining capacity of the dependent
country is limited. Regional
organizations such as the OAS, regional
military pacts, the International Bank
for Reconstruction and Development,
the Import-Export Bank, and a whole


host of world commodity agreement
agencies serve as fronts by which
American policy can be implemented
with the collaboration of individual
groups within the indigenous nations
themselves. Usually the United States is
only one of several participating


partners in these organizations, but
while it has only one vote, in almost all
cases it has the markets or the money to
implement or impede any policy agreed
upon.
All of these forms of direct and in-
direct pressures on governments are not
enough to guarantee their loyalty and
stability. The instability of such
governments is too well known to
permit placing all one's eggs in so weak
a basket. It is thus necessary to have
secondary echelons of support and
reserves in case the first line fails. These
reserves are various.
American businesses often co-opt
local leaders, suppliers, franchise
importers, banks, and shipping and
transportation elites. In being linked to


American business these elite members
act as points of penetration for United
States policy, the more so as American
international businesses must cooperate
with the overall policies of their own
government. Moreover, the local elites
who cooperate with the United States
are doubly paid off by the vast increase
in opportunities for graft and theft of
the other forms of American aid. It
must be said, however, that American
aid as such is not the source of this
graft. It is rather that this baksheesh is
the traditional form of paying the cost
of administration in the feudal and
preindustrial societies. As has been said
of the Congolese politician, "He cannot
be permanently bought, but only rented
and then only for a day at a time." This
sort of traditional power simply carries
with it the privilege of being bought off.
However, American aid increases the
volume of graft without discount rates
for quantity purchases. Since dealing
with Americans sharply increases both
profitability rates and commitments to
the United States, large segments of the
leaders of colonial societies must and do
defer, at least minimally, to American
expectations in the hope of continuing
the flow of personal emoluments. These
local elites would in other eras have
been called quislings or rapscallions,
living off their own populations.
However, as they are themselves in-
digenous and frequently identified with
the symbols of nationalism and in-
dependence, their role is less clearly
visible to the rest of the domestic
population.
But even the existence of co-opted
local leaders is not enough to assure
reliable governments. The CIA at a sub
rosa level creates shadow governments
which at times are prepared to replace
existing governments if they are too
unstable, incompetent, greedy, or
undependable. Such subterranean
institutions can always operate in the
shadows and so can leave an ap-
pearance of ambiguity with respect to
the purposes of their work. The myth,
no doubt in part a fact, is that every
Latin-American country has three
governments one on the way out, one
in, and one in the wings. In truth there
are usually two or three in the wings,
leaving plenty of choice for all con-
tingencies. As a result of these in-
stitutions there is even more societal
instability than appears on the surface.
Lest one conclude that such
diabolical designs operate with
smoothness and dispatch, one must
always remember the confusion and


A la casa del dia

A la casa del dia entran gentes y cosas,
yerbas de mal olor,
caballos desvelados,
aires con mfisica,
maniquies iguales a muchachas;
entramos ti, Tarumba, y yo.
Entra la danza. Entra el sol.
Un agent de seguros de vida
y un poeta.
Un policia.
Todos vamos a vendernos, Tarumba.


Translated by Philip Levine


inefficiency of all large-scale
operations. For example, the CIA may
back a revolt while the State Depart-
ment and local American businessmen
support incumbents. At other times,
just because of mistakes in timing, the
rightest revolutionary group may tip its
hand before the expected failure of the
incumbent government. In such cir-
cumstances it can easily happen that
two American-supported regimes may
be fighting each other, and in doing so
reflecting factional policy differences
within the American group. Certainly,
in all of these maneuvers a sine qua non
for success is the secrecy of the CIA or
the State Department. It is the secrecy
itself which prevents more efficient
coordination. The CIA, perhaps out of
its emphasis on a Prussian, rigid ef-
ficiency, tends to tip its hand too soon.
This frequently neutralizes the effects
of its total operation by revealing the
fact that an indigenous group is a
puppet. When this happens, the in-
terventionist policy boomerangs, and
the indigenous population reacts more
negatively than if no intervention had
taken place. Blunders resulting from
supersecret efficiency add to anti-
American hostility. Moreover, such
blunders provide grist for the
propaganda mills of indigenous
Communist and other antigovernment
factions which are also busily engaged
in the same kind of maneuvers as the
CIA, with respect to their sponsoring
governments.
It is because of situations like these
that the activities of the American
philanthropic organizations are not only
useful but extremely valuable. Simply
because they are not directly and of-
ficially branches of the American
government, they can co-opt local
intellectual leaders, especially
university officials and professors and
aspirants to positions in organizations,
schools, and institutes which the
foundations themselves create. The
purposes of foundation-created schools,
projects, programs, and institutes are
always the highest and, hence, morally
blameless, so that in accepting foun-
dation largess one does not have to feel
that he is an explicit tool of the
American government or the foun-
dation. The social and economic im-
provement of the underdeveloped
country is thus linked to such sub rosa
co-optation of university officials and
professors. However, even more than is
true of the United States, university
youth and intellectuals have become
aware of the processes of philanthropic


In the House of the Day

People and things enter the house of the day,
stinkweeds,
the horses of insomnia,
catchy tunes,
window dummies that are girls;
you and I enter, Tarumba.
The dance enters. The sun enters.
An insurance agent enters
and a poet.
A cop.
We're all going to sell ourselves, Tarumba.


-Jaime Sabines


Reprinted with permission from "New Poetry of Mexico," E. P. Dutton, 1970, 224 pp., $495.







Witer, 1970 CAJBBAN YR S5


cooptation. While they seem to be
willing to accept the money, they define
their existences as radicals by at-
tempting in every way to disrupt the
programs and agencies created not only
by government, but also by private
foundations.
The activities of such foundations
and institutes appear to be nonpolitical
with respect to the cold war. Their
work and interest involve fertility
control, population problems, health,
agricultural productivity, urban
planning, community development,
education, agrarian reform, public
housing, and so on. In connecting
themselves to these activities, local
professors and intellectual leaders
inevitably are drawn into the orbit of
the American sphere of local society.
They begin to have Americans as
friends, and their careers become at-
tached to their American contacts. It is
understandable that anyone whose
economic and professional existence
depends on such affiliations would find
it disadvantageous to make an outright
attack on the government and society
that are the source of his wellbeing.
Thus, whether intended or not, this
philanthropic institutional co-optation
silences potential opposition, especially
in the intellectual strata, and may even
create friends. Needless to say, those
who are co-opted, particularly because
they are the intelligentsia, are
frequently aware of the fact and the
consequences of their co-optation. In
their awareness of their compromised
position, they choose to be cynical and
critical of American policy, govern-
ment, and foundations, but because
they are compromised they tend to
confine the expression of this cynicism
to private and intimate circles, hoping
that someone else will play the public
role of exposing and embarrassing the
United States. If they themselves
consider being anti-American, they do
so with reference to the future after
the grant expires.
Even among those who are co-opted,
there is a sympathy and sometimes
secret collaboration with the left-wing
opponents of American policy. Such
scholars and intellectuals are frequently
deeply anguished by their being
ideological middlemen. Nevertheless,
at any given moment, the policies of co-
optation achieve the effect of
neutralizing, sublimating, and silencing
opposition. The exposure of such
fronts, as in the case of Project
Camelot, embarrasses both the project
and its co-opted indigenous leaders. It
results in anti-American propaganda,
the collapse of the program, and the
necessity to invent newer and more
innocent-appearing programs.
Of course, the majority of American
foundation executives and field workers
are high-minded liberals, and are
genuinely concerned with solving the
problems of misery, poverty, ignorance,
overpopulation, and disease wherever
they exist. They welcome the op-
portunity to do meaningful work
outside the framework of the crass
materialism and tinniness of American
commercial institutions. In this respect
they are not unlike the missionaries
who in earlier centuries, out of the
highest purposes, paved the way for
political and economic imperialism. In
the same sense, the modern foundation
missionaries produce consequences
which are independent of their own
intentions but which may not be far
removed from the intentions of higher-
level Machiavellians. The effects are
the same as they were in the case of the
missionaries, perhaps even more so,
precisely because modern liberals are
equally as high-minded as the
missionaries, but are not men of God,
and therefore do not have to act as if
they were.
Yet, all of these modes of


GMercedes


Hopscotch
Through patches
Of light, a greeneyed
Dominican slanted
From palm-frond street-shadow in
To a job, to stay on, to be safer;
But by June, daubed soap on her mirror:
MERCEDES DE LA ROSA ESTA MUERTA

Mercedes had
Worked Casuarina-long days:
"San Francisco, San Francis-
Co, San Fran. ." written fifty-three
Times. .. "In my grandmother's garden
Tomatoes grew, red whole
Hearts, we ate them; they said
'Mercedes de la Rosa is dead'.."

Dream-knives
Cut out dolls but I'l
Help them that leaf,
Falling, is a dory...
Chicago, Chicago;
Men: their pants


Pressed to the coil of a whip,
Shoot billiard
Eyes at me...
MERCED ES DE LA ROSA

I can hide my dolls, my
Cuckoo-clock, though his beak
Orders me to dance;
Sequins, I glue gold pieces, I sew
Justice on chiffon,
All colors as I whirl,
They dance how my body aches!
I must nail my cuckoo... The
Spinning mirror splinters:
MERCY BEFITS THE ROSE

Next day, duck with two heads,
Her radio quacked to itself; a needle
Slanted through the cuckoo's
Heart; lint of chiffon
Rocked in Erzulie's breeze.. "People
Do strange sometimes," she had said,
And,
MERCEDES DE LA ROSA IS DEAD


--Barbara Howes


penetration, serious and expensive as
they are, are minor in their effects on
the total mass of the populace as
compared with the propaganda value of
American consumer goods and ad-
vertising. American products such as
automobiles, refrigerators, Coke,
transistors, television, plastics, toys,
garments, and chrome automobile
ornaments have an irresistible appeal.
They symbolize a higher life devoid of
misery, poverty, drabness, hopelessness
- and what appears to the un-
derdeveloped world as a secular version
of heaven. The symbolic significance of
American consumption models is so
great that the gimcrackery of Western
industrial countries almost exhausts the
foreign reserves of many un-
derdeveloped countries. In many ways,
"Manhattan" is still being bought from'
the "Indians" in the four corners of the
globe. Countries have been known to go
bankrupt buying expensive gadgets,
airplanes, and /or women. American
consumption goods can have the same
glamour, novelty, and excitement that
toys have for children let loose in a
department store. The United States as
a consumption model seems to have
captured the imagination of all
countries and all their classes, so almost
everyone seems to be willing to spend to
the limit to acquire the plastic toy.


However, it is necessary to make a
qualification here. Even though vast
sums are spent on consumption, this
does not account for all the capital
drains that occur in underdeveloped
countries. The other sources of loss of
foreign exchange are the depositing of
excess capital by the upper classes in
foreign banks as a hedge against
revolution, direct hoarding, and in-
vesting capital in land which serves to
increase the value of land beyond its
productive value but produces no other
benefits other than a claim of social
honor, since it evokes the image of a
feudal, land-based, aristocratic past
rather than the nouveau riche


associations of commercial or industrial
wealth.
While hedging themselves, the upper
classes are likely to engage in higher
forms of gimcrackery which consist of
participation in the international jet-set
society, where they spend capital on
European and American imports,
foreign residences, and on travel and
play in Europe and America. The
Latin-American contribution to in-
ternational society constitutes another
set of interconnections between the
elites of the entire Western world.
Combined with their European,
Middle Eastern, Southeast Asian, and
African counterparts, the whole set
comprises an international upper class
which excludes only the Russians and
the Chinese. But this exclusion
probably holds only because China and
the Soviet Union have not allowed
members of their elites to participate in
this worldwide system of social
stratification.

Such members of the international
social elite can be more than playboys.
Because they represent or have con-
nections with their respective domestic
elites and institutional leaders, they, in
their play, can carry out formal and
informal patterns of negotiation.
Without publicity or official scrutiny or
procedures, they can then set in motion
forms of negotiation, coordination, and
leadership between segments of the
international institutional and
diplomatic worlds. At times former
leaders, for reasons of secrecy or fear of
rebuff, may find it convenient to
communicate through such jet-set
socially connected individuals. In this
respect it has not mattered if Averell
Harriman has occupied an official
position or not. He plays the same role
on an informal as on a formal basis.
Such individuals at times occupy
official positions primarily in the
foreign services of their respective
countries. Others operate as private
individuals, but the patterns of their
personal contacts and class contacts


qualify them for their public roles.
Such an interinstitutional elite
provides a necessary basis for achieving
some forms of international coor-,
dination, can assist in the preparation
of a revolution, a detente, an alliance,
signing of a contract, arranging of an
international political marriage, the
division of spheres of influence and of
international monetary cartel and
patent agreements.
It is doubtful, however, that these
types make international policy. They
rather implement and facilitate it. The
UN and Washington, DC, provide
focal meeting grounds for these widely
dispersed groups, and the diplomatic
corps of the entire world are absorbed
into the culture of these centers.
At some level, everyone seems to
understand that the United States is the
dominant power of the world. The halo
effect of this recognition is to produce
some admiration for US technology and
productivity. However, the very
successes of the technology and the
productivity are the bases, the
operating instruments, on which
resentment builds. The United States is
resented because it has too much, gives
too much, and yet cannot be wholly
indulgent. The world's reaction is one
of ambivalence, ambiguity, and
resentment, perhaps because it is
difficult to accept the full implications
of American political, economic, and
military dominance and intervention. It
is thus natural that Americans and
America should be hated in most areas
in the world, but this is a point that
most Americans, including our national
leaders, are unwilling to accept. It is
not enough that we influence or control
policy. We must be respected and we
must be loved. And we turn on those we
manipulate when they do not love us
for our manipulation. In this respect,
the problems of American foreign
policy are based only on the over-
sensitivity and righteousness of
Americans. They are not "reality
problems," unless we make them so by
becoming vindictive or punitive to our
allies and to the underdeveloped world.






CABBEANP MWW


I I


Society in the Dominican Republic is
roughly divided in two sectors, of which
the highest calls itself the thinking class
(la clase pensante), la gente bien, la
gente culta, while the lowest sector is
referred to as the vulgus (El vulgo), la
clase baja or the unhappy ones flos
infelices).
Just as happened with the English
word "villain," Spanish words such as
vulgo, bajo and even pueblo acquired
an unfavourable connotation, while
words like noble and cortes now
produce associations with such
qualities of morality and behaviour, as
only an idealization of the groups that
they are etymologically connected with,
can have produced.
The language in such an aristocratic
culture tends to produce pairs of
synonyms, of which one word is
associated with the higher and one with
the lower group. A nino is a high class
little boy; his lower-class counterpart is
a muchacho. If the nino dies, his little
corpse is an angelito; but the lower-
class child (who by the way is badly
born, mal nacido) becomes only a
muertico, a little dead one. The
"lower" woman, who has given birth,
ha parido, the higher one ha dado a luz.
The nineteenth century politician
Luperon, considered by Dominican
historians as a liberal, wrote without


hesitation: "Woe to him who is loved
and flattered by the vulgus, for the love
of the vulgo is the road to the scaffold."
In an aristocratic culture the theme
of vertical distance is not limited to the
image of social structure. Cultural
goods are also subject to a hierachy:
there is a distinction between higher
and lower objects of knowledge,
"higher" and "lower" branches of
science, the highest being, of course,
that which deals with spiritual
questions.
As Karl Mannheim, has pointed out,
the highest social group does not deem
it correct to dwell at length on low
matters, such as daily needs, food and
money. The idea that truth is reserved
to a small number of select and blessed
individuals fits well in this aristocratic
model of thought, in which quality and
essence are dominant. This leads to a
pedagogical pessimism, since one can
hardly expect the common people to be
susceptible to truth. Furthermore, this
hierarchic model does not stress at all
the need for unlimited access to, and
diffusion of, knowledge. Free
discussion is not necessarily conducive
to the truth, since the latter is a given
quantity, so to say. Conversion and
illumination of the mind as roads to the
truth are superior to argumentation. If,
like the scholastic, one tries to put the


rational test in the service of revealed
truth, then a concession is in fact made
to a totally different mentality.
It is clear that in an aristocratic
culture, limited freedom of expression
is not necessarily viewed as an in-
fringement of essential rights of all the
people. As President Heureaux, who
governed the Dominican Republic in
the two last decades of the former
century, put it: "The political thoughts
which the Government cherishes and
which must lead to a maintenance of
international harmony, . cannot be
handed over to the vulgus, which does
not know how to measure the distance
between throwing words in the air in
cafes or ... in the public square, and
working and decision-making with the
responsibilities which duty and con-
science demand of a respectable
government." The strict patterns of
behaviour produced by the emphasis on
distance have their psychological
correlate in the value attached to
predictable behaviour: in an
aristocratic culture, impulsivity and
spontaneity are not appreciated, except
in specific, well-defined spheres of
activity and institutions, where
emotional outlets are provided.
The general stress on formalistic and
disciplined behaviour in an aristocratic
culture also tends to increase the
horizontal distance between equals or
near-equals. The political leader, the
caudillo, before he has reached the top
of his career, is therefore, like the
Dominican Santana: "austere... with
a passion for order to the point of being
inexorable"; he will possess, like
Heureaux, a formidable self-control,
and, like Trujillo, not lose his sense of
distance with his closest collaborators,


not only, because these qualities are
functional in the selection of leaders per
se, but also because they are valued as a
close approximation of a cultural norm.
In the caudillo's meticulous care for
his clothing and general appearance,
we recognize again this formalistic trait
but here it is accompanied by a nar-
cissism that is also culturally deter-
mined. Narcissism and formalism are
of course interconnected, mutually
reinforce each other, and help create
the image of a distinct, autonomous,
personality. Mannheim speaks in this
context of "self-distantiation". Next to
vertical and horizontal distance, I must
mention the stress on temporal
distance, which shows itself in the rigid
separation between profane and sacred
time (holi-day), and which is still a
striking trait in Iberian culture.
Mannheim remarks that the Father-
God-concept of Christian religion fits
far better in a culture that emphasizes
distance, than would for example, a
pantheistic interpretation.
Perhaps this partly explains the
penetrating force of religious sym-
bolism in the Dominican secular
culture, and the ease with which
national leaders are compared, or
compare themselves to Christ. Thus
Heureaux could write: "Things are
going well and I go on playing the role
of Christ," and: "I will have to walk
with the cross to Calvary." One of the
contemporary politicians, who by some
of his followers is called "the Christ of
Democracy," wrote a book on the
Dominican Founding Father Juan
Pablo Duarte, "the Christ of Liberty."
This identification with Christ seems to
show the political leaders' ex-
traordinary self-assertion.
When leadership in such a culture is
transferred by inheritance and or
ritual procedures, the origin of
authority is removed to a mythical
distance, and authority itself is sup-
posed to be sanctified by godly
revelation and grace, if not by long
duration alone. Where, as in the Latin
American countries, the selection of the
caudillo precludes such godly sanc-
tification, while on the other hand the
aristocratic model of thought
"demands" that it be an Election (with
a capital E), the mythical role of elector
is allocated to history itself, as an
autonomous instrument, uninfluenced
by men in this respect. The awareness
of being elected by history makes it
easier for the political leader to consider
himself superior, also in character, to
his adversaries. "I have always been of
the opinion," writes Heureaux, "that
the special mission which destiny has
charged me with, ought to provide a
contrast to the haughty impatience of
my opponents, and it is by obedience to
this consideration, that I have been
able to make myself superior to them."
I do not imply that thoughts such as
these cannot be noted in other types of
society than the Latin American; I do
believe, however, that where "history"
is the only legitimizing agent of the
origin of authority, its role will be
stressed more than elsewhere. Where
the caudillo evokes "history" to defend
his actions, as Luperon did when he
refused to participate in a certain
revolution "because I cannot justify
myself in the face of the country or of
history" (or as Fidel Castro did in
"History will absolve me"), then
history becomes a synonym of
posterity, and loses the connotation of
being an active instrument of selection.
This emphasis by the political leader
on the superiority of his own character,
is really a striking phenomenon,
because of its frequency and intensity.
President Heureaux often speaks of his
"magnanimity, benevolence and
generosity." Luperon writes of himself:
"never has any man had more power
over himself, more firmness of will,


Winter, 1970


20th Century Santo Domingo: Vice President Nixon visits Rafael Trujillo In 1955.


19th Century


Santo Domingo
by Harmannus Hoetink






Winter, 1970 C.WIABWEAN ItYk


while being inspired by generous and
grand ideas." Nor is this self-
glorification limited to leaders of a
former century. Does not Juan Bosch
say in his 1963 inaugural speech, that it
is known to all that he cannot hate
anybody?
And another present day Dominican
politician writes: "By natural
predisposition and mental discipline, I
am... an entity of love, of concord, of
charity, who never, under any cir-
cumstance, could be poisoned by the
virus of hate or of revenge. I only know
to love, to serve and to forgive."
It is obvious that we deal here with a
culture that permits an outspoken
narcissistic individualism. I think we
can detect one of its social functions by
paying attention to the emphasis which
altruistic qualities receive in most of
these statements: when Heureaux
writes that he always obeys an impulse
of generous sympathy, which makes
him "sought after by persons who are
victims of miscalculation or bad luck,"
then we clearly see the protector-
function come to the foreground: in the
patronage-system of Ibero-america, he
who wants to play the role of patron is
allowed to attract potential clients by
referring to his charitable and generous
inclinations.
This applies a fortiori to the greatest
patron of all, the political leader, whose
honorary titles the Protector, the
Benefactor are mostly invented by
flattering clients, partly in order to
remind him continuously of his
patronal obligations. Boissevain points
out that in Mediterranean and Ibero-
american culture "the role of patron...
receives constant and authoritative
validation from the Catholic Church
through the widespread cult of com-
munity and personal patron saints...
"I think, it is obvious that religious and
political patronage reinforce each
other, for each serves as a model for the
other." We might add that the
patronage structure receives a similar
reinforcement from the ritual kinship
system.
Both the eager belief of being elected
by History, and the awareness of being
the patron or protector of the land,
easily bring the leader to identify
himself with the country and the
people, which in its turn leads the
caudillo to act as the somewhat ar-
bitrary Director of a large private
estate. In this way the psychological
correlate is constructed of the
patrimonial political structure.
Karl Mannheim feels that
aristocratic culture prefers political
thinking in Gestalt-form, over that in
analytical terms of process and func-
tion. He again relates this preference to
the emphasis on distance in such a
culture: morphologic thinking, i.e.
thinking in terms of given contexts,
without further analysis, results from
the great distance which separates the
mass of the people from the central
authorities. The latter manifest
themselves concretely only as
Gestalten; the people can only observe
them by their symbols and rituals;
what really happens "behind the
scenes" is a mystery. It is in this vein
that some 19th century inhabitants of
the interior of the Dominican Republic
write about the Chief of State being
"something like a demi-god," and the
Capital of the Republic "with its
solemn sounds, its showy uniforms and
its elevated domes" being "a kind of
Rome of Popes and Caesars."
Where political power was very
clearly concentrated in one person,
even the highest officials maintained
the fiction of Government as a Gestalt:
the ministers would write: "on order of
Government," and "after having
consulted Government"; "govern-
ment" of course, merely meant the
President, who would write: "as


Government I want to maintain my
authority." The static interpretation of
politics and the rare inclination to think
in terms of function and process seem
to be reflected in the mataphors used by
a dictator such as Heureaux: thus he
compares the political structure with an
altar, which must not be shaken, lest
the saints fall; elsewhere he compares it
to a "national monument, badly
constructed to be sure," while his
favorite image is that of a fabric, in
which it is sometimes necessary to
"straighten some threads."
This mechanistic, artisan-like, and
(at least at the conscious level) non-
ideological approach to politics can also
easily be detected in president
Heureaux's private correspondence: he
often repeats that for him politics is a
matter of "cold and mature calculation,
of efficiency, of rational allocation of
positions."


Of course we can interpret these
statements also as an effort to, if not
deny, then at least rationalize, both
literally and psychologically, the
particularistic basis of the political
system, in order to present as ob-
jectively necessary and correct, the
bonds between followers and caudillo,
which in the last instance are only
based on personal loyalty.
If we deal here with an aristocratic
culture, we must bear in mind that, also
in Mannheim's opinion, such a culture
in its pure type is not confined to an
aristocratic minority, but that it is
shared by the governed as well as by the
governing. It is a social system in which
aristocratic culture permeates all its
layers, in which, apart from a "normal"
number of social rebels with their
cultural counterpoints, "everyone"
clings to an aristocratic view of society,
and stresses in his own sphere of life the
different types of distance mentioned
before. I might offer the speculation
that the oft-reported lack of class
consciousness in Latin America is in
several countries partly explained by
this penetration of Iberian aristocratic
culture throughout all social classes.
But, not only need an aristocratic
culture not be confined to a numerical
minority, but the accompanying social
stratification need not at all be rigid
and without mobility. The two
nineteenth century political leaders
Heureaux and Luperon, whose
aristocratic utterings I have quoted,
both experienced the greatest mobility
possible: Heureaux came from a lower-
class Negro milieu, and the fatherless
Luperon also grew up under miserable


economic circumstances. Of the two
other successful caudillos of that
century, Santana raised cattle in the
East, and Baez was born as the result of
a union between a slave and the son of a
priest.
Furthermore, 19th century Santo
Domingo was so underpopulated, that
land hardly had a scarcity-value in the
predominantly autarchic agrarian
economy; with frequent civil wars,
which made political favours
precarious, a stable national social elite
could not easily be formed. Only a few
of the richer families had been rich for
generations, and only a few had lived in
the country for generations. What the
19th century immigrant groups, such
as the Curacao Jews, Canary Islanders,
Catalans, Cubans and Puerto Ricans
and Arabs found was a society which,
in the generally short periods of
political stability, offered them every


opportunity to fill in the gaps in the
economic structure. They could mingle
with the small, nuclei of the Dominican
well-to-do, provided they found each
other culturally and somatically ac-
ceptable, after which they would, in the
periods of internal troubles, risk their
rapidly earned money by following the
banner of either government or
revolution; the latter being according
to some "the standard of fortune."
Political and economic mobility was, of
course, intensified by the patronage
system: the success of a caudillo could
mean the collective social rise of a
whole region, and the individual rise of
many clients, also from the lowest
strata and from the farthest parts of the
country.
In order to understand how an
aristocratic culture can smoothly go
together with a non-rigid stratification,
with undeniable mobility, we must pay
attention to the ideology of heroism,
which so clearly manifests itself in
Santo Domingo and, I believe, in Latin
America in general. In his
autobiography, Luperon presents
himself as "one of the men who in the
Dominican Republic have risen from
the poor working class, and who have
distinguished themselves in various
activities"; he believes his glory to be
due to his strenuous efforts, his work
and his sufferings." (As you notice he
writes about himself in the third
person. He had read Plutarch, whose
oeuvre he came to know as a boy in the
house of his protector, and which
"awakened his sentiments and aroused
his love for truth, liberty and national
glory." The success of another hero he


ascribes to the effects of "exile, per-
secution, prison, philosophy and
study."
"God," says Luperon, "in his infinite
wisdom has created the heroes," to
serve as an example, but how great the
impact of good examples may be, "it is
overwhelmingly clear, that man has to
be the active agent of his own well-
being and prosperity."
President Heureaux simply observes
that he had always aspired to "name
and glory." The chronic internal
troubles of the Republic gave much
food to such aspirations, and Luperon
bitterly remarked that "in this country
ambition can bring more success than a
hard-working genius can ever hope to
attain anywhere else; as a consequence,
nowhere are so many heroes being
improvised as here."
"However," he goes on, "the more
the real heroes distinguish and elevate


themselves, the more difficult will it be
for them to feel at ease in the midst of
the vulgus; their heroism makes them
transcend everything, molds them in
another form, so that they no longer fit
in the common people."
Thus it would seem that by
strengthening one's character, by
performing glorious feats for the nation
in military and /or political action, and
by making oneself acquainted with the
classic-humanistic ideals, it was
possible to achieve the status of hero,
which, however humble one's origin,
created an impressive distance to the
common people, and which both
justified and necessitated the leader's
type of condescending behaviour based
upon belief in his individual
superiority.
Just as social Darwinism can be
conceived as the ideology of those who
experience upward mobility in a
democratic culture, so heroism would
seem to be its counterpart in an
aristocratic culture where notable
mobility occurs. It is tempting to draw
here a parallel with the Italian
Renaissance, when in similar fashion a
heightened mobility in an aristocratic
culture produced an ideology of
heroism. In this context the fact is not
surprising that so many Dominican
politicians of the former century (and
of today) read Machiavelli and not
seldom can quote him by heart:
Machiavelli de-mythologizes the "inner
circle" of political power this is
precisely what is psychologically
needed by those who are moving
toward that circle in an aristocratic
culture.


"Does Fidel Eat More Than Your Father?" a conversation in Cuba by Jamaica-born Barry Reckford, published in


Illustration from
1971 by Praegar.






CAGUKAN MYW


(Editor's note: the following book
review appeared in the Edinburgh
Review, 1835. It is reprinted here not
only for the fascination which its an-
tiquity provides, but also because of the
perceptive views of the reviewer in
relation to the impact of slavery, and
large-scale sugar cultivation, upon a
rural society of small farmers.)
AN ACCOUNT OF THE
PRESENT STATE OF THE
ISLAND OF PUERTO RICO. By
Colonel Flinter, of the General Staff of
the army of her Most Catholic Majesty.
8vo. London: 1834.
This volume has the recom-
mendation of presenting us with a full
and interesting account of a valuable
island, less known in this country than
even Japan or Madagascar; and it
possesses an additional value in our
eyes, from being the production of a
writer who has evidently formed his
opinions on his own account. His
sentiments do not savour of any class or
school: on the contrary, he frequently
advances, in the same breath, positions
which are usually maintained by
persons of opposite principles in
political matters. Thus, being an officer
in the service of Spain, he has a high
respect for the administration of the
late King Ferdinand, and a thorough
contempt for all the various liberal sects
which overturned his absolute throne,
and have now taken his daughter under
their protection. He moreover holds in
utter abhorrence all the promoters of
the South American revolution, and all
persons and things connected with the
new republican governments; which
afford, it must be confessed, but too
good grounds for his sarcastic remarks.
Here, however, besides the feelings of
the soldier and the royalist, additional
bitterness is imparted to the Colonel's
pen, by his recollection of the sufferings
and losses of his 'father-in-law,' Don
Francisco Arambureo, one of the
wealthiest landed proprietors of
Caraccas.' But at the same time he is a
strong partisan of negro emancipation;
and his book, written before, but
published after, the passing of that
great enactment by the British
Parliament, contains some of the most
pointed examples which have yet been
adduced in its favour. He is moreover a
political economist; and has garnished
his pages with a great many citations
from Say, who appears to be his
favourite authority. But with all his
ardour for the cause of free trade in
general, he nevertheless impresses upon
his government, the necessity of
protecting the manufactures of the
Peninsula: these he asserts the
colonists of Cuba and Puerto Rico will
not take, though as good and better
than those of France and England,
owing to a perverse prejudice; and they
should be compelled, in his opinion, to
adopt more impartial sentiments by the
gentle arguments of the Custom
House; while, on the other hand, they
should be restrained from importing
provisions from abroad, that they may
be encouraged to develop their own
agricultural resources. If, without
entering into our military author's
speculations on these subjects, we shall
content ourselves with the facts which
he has brought before us, concerning
the present condition of this island, we
shall find, in his details, some singular
views of a state of society which was not
believed to exist in the West Indies, and
which, aoording to theories generally


received amongst us, was a prior
conceived impossible.
Colonel Flinter appears to have
commanded, for several years, the
regiment of Spanish troops which was
in permanent garrison at Puerto Rico;
and must have had ample opportunities
of becoming fully acquainted with its
internal condition. It will be perceived,
no doubt, that his local partialities
sometimes lead him into apparent
overstatements and manifest con-
tradictions; but every candid reader
will make allowance for the spirit of
exaggeration which appears oc-
casionally to dictate his eulogies on his
favourite colony.
The early history of Puerto Rico
affords few features of interest.
Although one of the oldest colonies of
the Spanish crown, it served for three
centuries only as a convict station; and
its free population presented, until a
few years ago, a marked specimen of
the besotted indolence which
characterized a Spanish settlement of
the old times. The military and civil
expenses were defrayed by remittances
from Mexico; and it was not until the
revolution caused these remittances to
cease in 1810, that the island, owing to
the extreme embarrassment of its
financial condition, began to attract the
notice of the mother country. In 1815 a


Puerto Rico


in 1834


decreee was published in its behalf,
distinguished, like many of the early
acts of the restored government, by its
enlightened sagacity. But this decree,
whilst it greatly encouraged free in-
dustry, unfortunately at the same time
gave an impulse to the employment of
slave labour, which had hitherto been
unused, rather from indolence and
want of capital than from motives of
humanity. Colonists were invited to the
island on the most liberal terms -- lands
were allotted gratis the settlers were
freed from direct taxes, and, for a
certain number of years, from the tithes
and alcabala; as well as from the
exportation duties, which formed one of
the most impolitic features of the old
Spanish system.
From the period of this decree, the
advance of Puerto Rico in wealth and
population has been unexampled, even
in the virgin regions of America. A
great additional impulse was given by
the arrival of capitalists, driven by civil
war from the Spanish Main; -- men
distinguished in the more prosperous
times of South America for their steady
regularity and probity in the tran-
saction of business. Our limits will not
allow us even to abridge our author's
account of the rapid improvement of
the island; and of the manner in which
her soil has been cultivated, until she is
become, next to Brazil and Cuba, the
most formidable rival with which our
colonies have to contend in the
production of their staple articles, and
at the same time a granary competent
to supply all the ordinary wants of her
abundant population.
The island appears to be one of the
most lovely of all those regions of
loveliness which are washed by the
Caribbean Sea. Even in that ar-


chipelago it is distinguished by the
luxuriance of its vegetation and the soft
variety of its scenery. It comprises
every kind of tropical landscape in a
space not much exceeding the area of
one of the larger English counties. Like
Jamaica, it is divided from east to west
by a range of forest-covered mountains,
which do not appear to exceed 3000 or
4000 feet in height, but which are
sufficient to create a very marked
difference of climate between their
opposite declivities. The northern
district is moist, subject not only to the
periodical rains of the West Indies, but
visited also by occasional showers.
Hence its undulating surface is adapted
for pasture and the more ordinary
kinds of cultivation, and is intersected
by numerous perennial rivers; whilst
the southern part of the island is
frequently without rain for many
months together, although even here,
water, according to our author, is
always found at half a yard beneath the
surface. The sugar-cane, not-
withstanding the drought, thrives
abundantly, and most of the chief
plantations of the island are formed on
this coast. This inestimable benefit of
moisture, Puerto Rico derives from its
forests, which as yet clothe a large
portion of the interior; the thick cover
at once attracting the rain and
preventing evaporation. By the laws of
the colony every person who cuts down
a tree is bound to plant three in its
place. But it is to be feared that a law so
difficult of enforcement is habitually
violated, and that it will come, like
some other islands, which formerly
exhibited a similar feature, to present a
naked surface to the ineffectual
vapours of the Atlantic: its fertility will
then diminish, and its perennial rivers
waste away; even as the clearing of the
forests on various parts of the
Mediterranean coasts, -- in peninsular
Greece and Sicily, for example, which
were well wooded within the historical
era, has diminished the classical rivers
of antiquity into mere occasional
torrents.
Although the climate of Puerto Rico
does not appear to differ materially, as
far as its effects can be measured by
instruments, from that of the other
islands of the Gulf of Mexico, yet its
inhabitants certainly seem to enjoy a
more than ordinary exemption from the
evils which afflict humanity in these
sickly regions. The mortality, according
to our author's tables, does not exceed
that which prevails in some of the
healthier countries of Europe. A still
more singular characteristic appears to
distinguish this island from its neigh-
bours, namely, the great deficiency of
native animals of every sort; and
especially the entire absence (if our
author can be credited) of those
noxious reptiles and insects which seem
to inherit the rest of the West Indies as
their peculiar possession.
The population of Puerto Rico
amounted, according to the Spanish
census of 1830, to 323,858; of which
127,287 were free people of colour, and
34,240 only, slaves. But as the
numbers of all the classes were
probably underrated; and as there was
every inducement to return an under
estimate of the slaves, in order to avoid
the capitation, our author calculates,
apparently on good grounds, the whole
number at 400,000, and the slaves at
45,000; or nearly 180 inhabitants to
the square mile.
Here, then, we have a free white
population of 200,000 souls, or half the
entire amount of inhabitants. What
causes can have produced a result so
utterly different from that which exists
in all the West India islands, except
those of Spain? Whence arises this
numerous and prosperous Creole
yeomanry, (for we shall see that a great
proportion of them are owners or


Winter, 1970






Winter, 1970

occupiers of land,) whilst other colonies
are divided between a few white
proprietors, and a degraded multitude
of slaves, with hardly a vestige of an
intermediate class? Such was not
always the state of our own islands.
Without admitting the exaggerated
accounts of the early greatness of
Barbadoes, we have abundant evidence
that Antigua, St. Kitts, Dominica, and
other colonies, possessed, a hundred
years ago, a multitude of English
settlers; who have gradually dwindled
away, by intemperance, by their own
misconduct, and above all through the
extension of the sugar cultivation, and
of its companion the slave trade, to the
small remnant which now exists. We
believe, that if any causes should arise
to give a sudden impulse to the colonial
industry of this now happy Spanish
island, it would soon follow as Cuba
is already following the baneful
course of our own settlements, and
purchase wealth at the expense of
happiness. But this is an opinion which
our readers will be best enabled to
estimate, by observing the results
displayed in the work before us.
Of the free inhabitants of Puerto
Rico, a very small proportion is settled
in the towns: indeed, the capital, San
Juan, with about 8000 souls, is the only
place which seems to merit such a title.
Some of the best, in point of connexions
and respectability, are the descendants
of military men, who, during the long
period when the island was a mere
garrison, formed alliances and settled
within it. These people maintain the
pride of their descent with all the
stateliness of grandees; and some of
them are opulent. Wealthy merchants
and planters (many of whom are
foreigners) form the next class; but the
latter, fortunately for the happiness if
not for the riches of the island, form
altogether but a small, and not now a
very thriving class. lhe number of
sugar estates is about 300; chiefly
situated on the southern coast. They
hardly pay at present, according to our
author, the expenses of cultivation. But
there are, in addition, some 1300 small
plantations belonging to poor
cultivators, who, growing only an acre
or two of cane, devote their attention
chiefly to the raising of provisions.
There are 148 coffee estates; but in this
branch of cultivation, as well as that of
sugar, the larger capitalists have been
gradually losing money and aban-
doning their estates; whilst the small
farmer who pursues various lines of
industry on his little tract of land, has
been able, in this way, to increase his
comforts.
It is this class which forms the
distinctive feature of the population. A
numerous race of cultivators brave,
for their courage was largely tried in the
exigencies of the South American wars -
- of white blood, and Spanish feelings,
opinions, and prejudices, -- is
something so widely different from
what is to be found in our own islands
or those of France -- that we are almost
tempted to abandon the principles of
political enonomy, and to feel grateful
for the want of enterprise, and slothful
contentment, which undoubtedly have
prevented the conversion of the island
into one wide sugar factory, with white
overseers and negro labourers. Our
author gives the extraordinary number
of 19,000 proprietors of land in per-
petuity: nearly 18,000 of these are
small occupiers, raising provisions and
herding cattle. The Xivaros as the
white country population are called -
are, it cannot be denied, an indolent
race; who seem to multiply under an
easy condition of existence, without
adding much to the commercial wealth
or social refinement of their country.
'Like the peasantry of Ireland, they
are proverbial for their hospitality:
and, like them, they are ever ready to


_ CARKN qmW


fight on the slightest provocation. They
swing themselves to and fro in their
hammocks all day long, smoking their
cigars, and scraping a guitar. The
plantain grove which surrounds their
houses, and the coffee-tree, which
grows almost without cultivation,
afford them a frugal subsistence......
The cabins are thatched with the leaves
of the palm-tree; the sides are often
open, or merely constructed of the same
sort of leaves as the roof such is the
mildness of the climate. Some cabins
have doors, others have none. There is
nothing to dread from robbers, and if
there were banditti, their poverty would
protect them from violence. A few
calabash shells, and earthen pots one
or two hammocks made of the bark of
the palm-tree two or three game-
cocks, and a machete -- form the extent
of their moveable property. A few
coffee-trees and plantains, a cow and a
horse, an acre of land in corn or sweet
potatoes, constitute the property of
what would be denominated a com-
fortable Xivaro -- who, mounted on his
meagre and hardworked horse, with his
long sword protruding from his
baskets, dressed in a broad-brimmed
straw-hat, cotton jacket, clean shirt,
and check pantaloons, sallies forth
from his cabin to mass, to a cockfight,
or to a dance, thinking himself the most
independent and happy being in
existence.' Pp. 76 78.
'Riding out one afternoon in the
country, I was overtaken by one' of
those sudden showers of rain so
common in tropical climates. I fled for
shelter to the nearest house, which
happened to be the cottage of a poor
Xivaro. It was on the slope of a little
hill, surrounded by plaintain trees,
which did not appear to be carefully
cultivated, and a large patch of
potatoes was close by. I placed my
horse without ceremony under the
projecting roof. I entered the humble
dwelling with the usual salute, which is
the same as in Ireland, "God save all
here," which was courteously answered
by the man of the house, who seemed to


be about forty years of age. He was
dressed in a check shirt and wide linen
drawers. He was coiled up in a ham-
mock of such small dimensions, that his
body was.actually doubled in two; one
foot rested on the ground, with which
he propelled the hammock to and fro;
and at intervals with his great toe he
turned a large sweet potato, which was
roasting on a few embers, placed on a
flag on the ground close to him, and
which no doubt was intended for his
evening meal. He had a guitar in his
hand, from which he produced sounds
which appeared to me discordant, but
seemed to please him exceedingly. On
my entrance he turned on his side, and
offered me the hammock, which of
course I refused to accept. Two small
children, perfectly naked, were
swinging to and fro in another small
hammock, and greedily devouring large
roasted plantains. The woman of the
house was squatted on the floor,
feeding four game-cocks, which were
lodged in the best part of the house,
while the husband every now and then
would warn her not to give them too
much corn or too much water. They
received me with an urbanity unknown
to the peasantry of Northern Europe.
They placed a large leaf of the palm-
tree over my saddle to protect it from
the rain; and pressed me to sit down in
the kindest manner. The host was very
communicative; he gave me the whole
pedigree of his game-cocks, and
enumerated the battles they had won.
He pointed out one to me which he said
was "a most delicate bird," an ex-
pression made use of by the Xivaros to
denote its great value; and he con-
cluded by offering it to me as a present.
Indeed a Xivaro would form a very
poor opinion of a person who could not
discuss the merits of a game-cock. In
going away they offered me their cabin
with as much politeness as if it had
been a palace, and hoped to see me
again. I was forcibly struck with the
native courtesy of these people, and it
gratified me to observe the content and
happiness they enjoy, without a


thought for the present or a care for the
future without wants, withoutwishes,
without ambition.' -- P. 80.
We cannot see, in the descriptions of
character which the Colonel has here
given, any symptoms of the industry
which he elsewhere attributes to the
husbandmen of Puerto Rico. But it is
quite clear, that the spread of these
tropical backwoodsmen over the virgin
soil of the island, has prevented it thus
far from falling into the hands of the
sugar monopolist; and it furnishes a
sufficient answer to those who imagine
that a European race, living by its own
labour, cannot exist, where 80 degrees
is the average height of Fahrenheit's
thermometer. With the gradual dif-
fusion of education, of which our
author admits that there is a lamen-
table deficiency, much of the grosser
parts of their character may be
progressively removed.

Puerto Rico produced in 1830,
414,000 quintals of sugar, 250,000 of
coffee, and 35,000 of cured tobacco,
besides other colonial produce; and it
possessed, in addition, very numerous
herds of cattle, divided among
numerous proprietors from the three
or four who owned upwards of 1000
each, to the poorest of the free
peasantry, who possessed a cow or two
for the supply of their family. Its
revenue is stated at 800,000 Spanish
dollars; its whole expenses, civil and
military, at 630,000.
The free coloured inhabitants of
Puerto Rico are by far more numerous
than in any other West India island;
and this fact alone, when we consider
the ineradicable prejudice attaching to
colour, which has brought such infinite
misery, and social discomfort, over
great part of the world, speaks more
than any eulogy in favour of its people
and their government. The whole
British West Indies contained, before
1834, not more than 80,000 free
coloured inhabitants, in a population of
ten times that amount: of these, sixteen
thousand were to be found in Trinidad


Dustjacket illustration for "San Miguel: A Mexican Collective Ejido," by Raymond
University Press.


Wilkie, published by Sanford







m u~v~w Winter, 1970


alone, an island which had long been
governed by Spanish laws. Although
white blood is, in Puerto Rico, as every
where else beyond the Atlantic, a
patent of nobility, yet the Xivaro no
more treats with contempt and con-
tumely his inferior in caste, than the
grandee of Old Spain, his inferior in
station.
But the good treatment of the slaves
is the basis upon which the polity of the
island may be said chiefly to rest. Small
as their number may be, we may safely
say, that in every community in which
slavery is recognized, it gives a
character to the whole society; that
the people in general are licentious,
cruel, disorderly, according to the
estimate formed of the lowest class. The
peculiarities of the Spanish character
are as strongly marked in the New, as
in the Old World. No national
character, perhapsiJs so deeply
engrained with opposite hues of ex-
cellence and of evil. The same natural
and fundamental goodness of
disposition, paradoxical as it may
seem to speak thus of a people whose
evil deeds are blazoned in the worst
pages of European history, prevails
wherever the Castilian standard has
been raised, and the industrious
Catalan and Biscayan have assembled
around it. The Spaniard is, above all
mankind, subject to strong and
overpowering passion. His goodness of
disposition, although radical, is but a
passive quality, easily subdued by the
prevalence of strong emotion. His
reasoning powers are of the same
character as his moral, fundamentally
good, yet swayed and distorted by every
impulse of prejudice. Thirst of gold in
former times, then zeal for religion, and
lastly, the spirit of party, have roused
up in him all the savage ferocity of
which nature is capable. Yet in the
worst crisis of the passions, when the
evil spirit was silenced even for a
moment in the bosom which it swayed,
a natural and graceful kindliness'of
heart has often shone forth in full


brightness. It was while the mania of
avarice ruled the early conquerors of
America, and seduced them into
practices revolting to human nature,
that the foundations were laid of a code
of laws both for slaves and the native
Indians, the spirit of which has ever
since prevailed among the Spanish
creoles, and which puts to shame the
nations which arrogate to themselves
exclusively the title of enlightened.
Shallow thinkers have often entertained
the paradox, that free states show less
humanity in their colonies, than is
shown in those under absolute
monarchies. Of all West India annals,
those of the French islands, before the
Revolution, were perhaps the most
darkly stained with cruelty. And the
free states of South America, on the
other hand, have not only followed, but
have still farther extended, in the midst
of their anarchy and factions, those
principles of Christian mercy and
justice, which Spain alone, until
recently, knew and practised.
By the Spanish laws, the hours of
labour, the amount of food and
clothing, and various other particulars
in the treatment of the slaves, are
minutely and humanely specified.
Owners are obliged to have their slaves
instructed in the elements of
Christianity, so that they may be
admitted into the church by baptism
within a year after their importation.
Twenty-five stripes form the maximum
of punishment. The regulations for the
encouragement of marriage according
to our author's statement are so
favourable to the slaves, that they must
frequently produce much hardship to
the owner. These are only a few
specimens of a clement cbde, which
seems to be so seconded by the natural
humanity of the people, as to leave as
little of misery and shame attached to
servitude, as is compatible with its
miserable and shameful nature.
Thus far it is easy to agree with our
author, upon the whole, in his estimate
of the condition of his favourite island.


The statements by which he en-
deavours to establish the practicability
of sugar cultivation, by unrestricted
labour, although highly encouraging,
are not, we confess, wholly conclusive.
But they form the most important
passages in his book; and, on a question
of such infinite importance -- one, as yet
undecided, and which awaits for final
decision the issue of the momentous
experiment now in trial -- all evidence is
useful: and, we may add, without
partiality, that all evidence which
appears to bear on the side of truth and
religion is peculiarly welcome.
In 1823, Jamaica, with 340,000
slaves, exported 1,400,000 quintals of
sugar. Puerto Rico, with 45,000 slaves,
produces about 410,000. The French
colony of Guadaloupe, with twice as
many slaves as Puerto Rico, produces
an equal crop of sugar. The soil of the
latter is far more fertile than that of the
other islands, already in great measure
exhausted. But, on the other hand,
capital and industry form essential
elements of the manufacture, in the
British and French isles, while the
Spaniards are far behind in all pursuits
requiring either. From these premises
our author concludes, not
unreasonably, that a large proportion
(which elsewhere, however, he
calculates at one-fifth only) of this crop
of sugar is raised by free labour.
But it must be remembered, that,
besides the greater estates, there are in
Puerto Rico some 1200 or 1300 small
sugar plantations, the property of the
Xivaros of the interior, who live
cheaply and work lazily, but who
contrive to raise a small quantity of this
valuable article, together with
provisions and cattle. If such rough
cultivation as this succeeds at all, it can
only be in consequence of the vast
productiveness of the soil, cleared of its
forests only within the last twenty
years, which gives the planter the same
advantage over his brethren to wind-
ward and leeward, as the settler of
Illinois has over the cultivator of the


IC


From "The Conquest of the Incas," by John- Hemming, published in 1970 by Harcourt, Brace & Jovanovich.


worn out 'old fields' of the Atlantic
coast. Such production can in the
nature of things be only temporary. On
the other hand, the great sugar estates,
which must form the main sources of
this commodity, are evidently
cultivated here as elsewhere by slaves;
and although at present the cultivation
of sugar on a large scale is extremely
unprofitable, a rise in its price would
undoubtedly cause at once an increased
importation of slaves, and the ap-
plication of more capital and ingenuity
to the business, until the small farmers
would be driven from the market by the
slave-owning capitalists. Many con-
tingent events might occasion such a
rise; as a temporary diminution of
the produce of the British islands; or
an increased consumption in Great
Britain in consequence of a reduction of
the duty. Upon the whole, therefore,
not withstanding the flattering an-
ticipations of our author, we cannot see,
in the present state of Puerto Rico, such
to justify his prophecy that slave labour
will be permanently dispensed with,
merely from the preference which free
labour will find in the market.
At present the question of the future
destiny of this beautiful and happy
island may be said to remain un-
decided. But it soon must call for a final
adjustment. Slave labour, reinforced by
the slave trade, cannot long coexist with
the industry of a free race of cultivators.
Puerto Rico, long neglected and
unknown, now called into unexampled
prosperity by the same causes which
once raised cities and established small
commonwealths in the windward
islands, is fast reaching the same crisis
in her fate which they reached; and it is
in the power of the Spanish Govern-
ment, by abolishing the slave trade, to
enable her to pass that crisis in safety.
The island is only preserved from
presenting a spectacle similar to theirs,
by a concurrence of circumstances
which render the cultivation of sugar at
present a disadvantageous investment
of capital; and by its yet unexhausted
soil, which affords an ample return of
other colonial produce to such labour as
her free husbandmen are inclined to
bestow upon it. Remove that obstacle,
and let capital flow into the island,
together with an unrestricted slave
trade, and Puerto Rico will follow the
fortunes of Cuba. That island, when
visited by Humboldt, thirty years ago,
was chiefly tilled by the labour of
freemen. But at the close of the war, the
baleful influence of African im-
portation began. One hundred and
eighty-five thousand slaves were landed
at the Havanna alone in fourteen
years; a peaceful and industrious
people became contaminated with vice
and disorder of every kind; the slaves
already exceed in numbers the white
free population; and the old Spanish
kindness and loyalty between master
and slave has so far disappeared, and
tyranny has so far begun its usual work,
that the planters openly confess that
one of the reasons for the importation
of fresh slaves is, to supply the masters
with a guard of mamelukes against the
discontented negroes of the colony. If
the colonists of Puerto Rico will not
follow the example, which Antigua
alone of all the West Indian Islands has
yet proclaimed, by setting her negroes
free on the day when statutory
emancipation began, without ap-
prenticeship, or education from
freedom of any kind, it is at least in the
power of the crown of Spain, without
injustice to any one, to cause the greater
evil of the slave trade to cease; and to
rescue one fair island, one loyal and
gallant people, from the insidious
advances of ruin. Would that we could
with confidence anticipate this or any
other good result, from the issue of the
ill-omened struggle which now con-
vulses that unfortunate monarchy!


Winter, 1970


CAffMEAN reww






CA(MBEAN FWW


THE POLITICS OF PUERTO
RICAN UNIVERSITY STUDENTS.
Arthur Liebman. 153pp. plus addenda.
Institute of Latin American Studies,
Latin American Monograph No. 20. U.
of Texas, 1970. $6.
In the summers of 1964 and 1965,
Arthur Liebman came to Puerto Rico
to study the political attitudes of
students of the University of Puerto
Rico. He finds most of them to be
urban, middle-class, more American
than Latin, more concerned with bread
than soul, uninspired intellectually, and
pointed politically to the center and
right.
The study was undertaken before
Abrahan Diaz Gonzalez was made
rector, before the FUPI (Federation of
University Students Pro-
Independence) and Socialist League
students burned the ROTC building,
before the Commonwealth government
police shot a Rio Piedras co-ed, before
the students voted to restore a long-
abolished student government, to
eliminate ROTC from the Rio Piedras
campus, and nearly asked UPR
president Jaime Benitez to resign. Both
the book and this review are written
before whatever events the Fall 1970
semester may unfurl in the wake of the
Diaz Gonzalez ouster.
The book is somewhat intellectually
anemic, sometimes careless, and a bit
outdated. However, to the extent that it
can focus dispassionate attention on the
independentista and leftist students
who, for better or worse, have come to
the center of attention at Rio Piedras, it
is worthwhile.
The author's questionnaire inquiries
among 577 students show them as "the
political children of their parents."
Most follow the political preferences of
their fathers, especially those of PIP
(Puerto Rican Independence Party)
parentage. Those who live at home
follow parental preferences more than
those who live away; those who
strongly believe in filial obedience
follow father politically. This, sup-
posedly, demonstrates "the power of
political inheritance."
Neither sex nor class differences
seem to differentiate the students
politically. However, religion appears
to be significant. The PIP and the left
become increasingly attractive as one
becomes less Catholic and less
religious.
Students of the liberal arts faculties
(Humanities, Law, and Social Science)
are more likely to be leftist and pro-PIP
than are those in other faculties.
Liebman would like to see whether this
is due to selection or socialization, i.e.,
whether students choose their schools
to fit the politics they have already been
socialized into, or whether they learn
their politics via school indoctrination.
His data, however, prove inconclusive.
Those students dissatisfied with
student life tend to be leftist. So do
those with better grades.
To Liebman it all shows the effect of
socialization, of conformity to an in-
stitution's training via some sort of
internalization of beliefs, sentiments, or
what have you. Families are supposed
to train their children to think the way
father does. If the result is contrary,
then some other agency is assumed to
be doing the training. In that case, the
author searches for different in-
stitutions to "blame" for the students'
beliefs. Once he identifies or
disqualifies a "culpable" agency he


tries to explain why it professes those
attitudes he thinks it does. While some
of his explanations are interesting -- and
others are gratuitous the whole bit
doesn't go very far.
The author deals inadequately with
much of the data in the book. For
example, the PIP has the greatest
sticking power of all the parties (i.e.,
PIP fathers have the highest proportion
of offspring who follow their politics),
and also the greatest drawing power
(i.e. the PIP drew the greatest
proportion of students away from the
parties of their fathers).
Combine the above with the fact that
proportionately more PIP students
consider themselves to be non-religious,
and one begins to wonder what makes
the independentista ideology
qualitatively different from the other
political attitudes. Given Liebman's


linear conception of socialization, he
can't properly take this differentiation
into account.
The author's chapter about the
militant FUPI has a pasted-on, af-
terthought quality. The intensity of
FUPI members' commitment and the
increase in their numbers is greater
than that which could be generated by
either tag-socialization or rational and
realistic weighing of issues and
solutions. Somehow the force of this
commitment has to be considered.
Indeed, one may ask what it was that
the converted PIP students who
refused Papa's politics did inherit at
home?
I have some untested ideas that
might be of value. They depend, of
course, on a conception of socialization
that is much more complex than the
one presented in this book.
Children in most societies undergo
two periods of learning. The first period
we can call socialization. Here, the
child is taught what is officially con-
sidered by his parents' share of society
to be good, moral, and correct. He is
taught not to lie, to be religious, to act
justly, to treat others as equals, to


Bread vs. Soul

by Barry Bernard Levine


counteract, and water down the values
he was originally taught, he converts en
toto to a new set of beliefs to substitute
for the original ones.
If the child undoubtingly believes
what his parents tell him, and the
normally counter-socialized adult has
various degrees of disbelief and doubt,
then this type of person, the 'surrogate
counter-socialized' is more like the
child. The only difference is that he
longs to believe what somebody else's
parents tried to teach their children.
The student rebels in modern
universities probably fall into two
categories: socialized true-believers
and the surrogate counter-socialized.
Among the first group are lower middle
class urban youths who participate in
the student revolt as a logical extension
of their Christian religiosity, or home-
nurtured moralism. One wonders how
many UPR students of this type there
are.
It is costly to believe in Puerto Rican
independence. To do so is often to incur
the wrath of both the official establish-
ment and the silent majority some
police-types go so far as to consider
belief in independence to be a crime.


believe in liberty, to love mankind, etc.
The second period we can call
counter-socialization. Here, the young
man learns that all the beautiful
thoughts and ideas of his childhood are
supposed to be forgotten. In traditional
societies he goes through a ritual, a rite
de passage, by which he is supposed to
leave childhood and become a man.
Today, without the ritual, we simply
tell him not to be a fool, to grow up and
forget his childish illusions; the world
is false, and it pays to be a hypocrite.
While some people such as juvenile
delinquents and criminals, take their
counter-socialization seriously, most
live with a loosely integrated un-
derstanding of the good and the bad:
being honest in some situations,
cheating a little in others. Yet other
people become professional calculators
and devote all their time to beating the
system, while the more theoretically
oriented simply become cynical.
Normally, only children and true
believers, who have never been counter-
socialized, present themselves as in-
flexibly committed to a single set of
values. There is another type of person,
however, that is of interest to us.
Instead of letting the process of
counter-socialization undermine.


Winter, 1970


Independentistas, then, have to huddle
together in sect-like fashion. The
moralistic atmosphere of an in-
dependentista family, where one rejects
the rewards of selling out, is obviously
more intense than in other homes. To a
certain extent, this explains the high
sticking power of the PIP. Both here
and in the case of those non-PIP but
moralistically-consistent families that
preach liberty and democracy, student
allegiance to the PIP probably
represents a projection of originally
socialized ideas. It is more difficult to
imagine such a moralistic basis for
allegiance to the other parties.
With respect to the second group of
student rebels, there are the upper
middle class urban youth who live in a
post-scarcity, post-bourgeois situation.
Their parents' appeals that they be
counter-socialized, grow up, tell some
lies, and become successes, are ignored.
Children of the affluent society, they
have no need to be successful;
moreover, they know there is no
relation between success and hap-
piness. Consequently, for them,
hypocrisy is simply not worth the effort.
And their parents disaffection from the
values that they originally taught leave
those values hanging in mid-air without
support.
In the 1950's and 60's this type of
youth became introspective, searching
in psychoanalysis and existentialism for
new beliefs. Today and tomorrow the
jump is into political activism: freedom
in Eastern Europe. social justice in
Western Europe, racial equality in the
U.S., Independence in Puerto Rico,
anti-imperialism all over.
Underneath the specific revolts of the
student rebels is essentially a single
revolt against hypocrisy. Their political
solutions all flow from a politics of
meaningfulness. Their concerns are
moralistic; they want to be authentic,
consistent, committed. Enemy Number
One is insincerity, and the principal
fear is being bought out by the system.
It is not simply that they are willing
to risk a lot for their new political
beliefs, but that precisely because
commitment to them is so risky, so
potentially costly, so demanding of
allegiance, that these beliefs are
considered worthwhile.
Though aware of hypocrisy, these
student rebels are not disbelievers. Yet
their families have left them with
nothing to believe in. Thus, they are
open to alternate systems of belief.
Political ideologies fill the gap. Periodic
confrontations with police and other
authorities serve as frequent tests of
their courage of conviction, substituting
for the now absent rites des passages.
As in the first case it is the high cost
of the belief that makes it appealing.
The more it demands sacrifice, the
riskier it seems, the more moral an
ideology appears. Thus in Puerto Rico
it is the very marginality of the In-
dependentista and leftist positions that
defines their value. This, in part, ex-
plains the great drawing power of the
PIP and other Independentista youth
groups.
Understanding this process might
also throw some light on the students'
temptation to be. overly pushy, even
when this damages their own cause.
The dialectic between strategies that
bring gain, versus those that test
commitment, is obviously central to
any radical group's functioning. Here
in Puerto Rico this is attested to in the
recent split within the militant MPI
(Pro-Independence Movement), as well
as in the ease with which chest-beating
governmental machos infiltrate that
movement.
As I see it, a study trying to
demonstrate these dimensions of
student politics might be more
enlightening than the summertime
sampling of a stranger.


Portrait of the author, by Ricardo Carpani, for "Poemas del Circulo Vicioso," by
Ariel Canzani D., Editorial Losada, Buenos Aires, 1970.







12 uCARBBiAN IMrW


I


EL SUPERDESARROLLO (THE
OVERDEVELOPED NATIONS).
Leopold Kohr. Biblioteca Universal
Miracle, Barcelona, 1969.
(Editor's note: the following is not a
review, but the preface to the book,
which originally appeared in English.)
There is no mistake. The title of this
book is The Overdeveloped Nations.
We are used to hearing only about the
underdeveloped nations and how to
promote their development. Indeed,
this has been the main topic of
discussion and controversy among
economists, and the concern of
statesmen throughout the world, ever
since the end of Word War II.
Professor Kohr, however, insistently
reminds us that the real problems are
not those of underdevelopment, but of
overdevelopment. While the world
lavishes its attention and sympathies on
the countries struggling to catch up
with the industrial giants, it is blind to
the much greater problems and dangers
faced by these already developed large
industrial nations.
The problems of overdevelopment,
as Professor Kohr sees it, are due to
social overgrowth. There is an optimum
social size (defined and explained in
Chapter II) beyond which a society can
grow only at the cost of multiplying
difficulties. Each further step in the
direction of integration, consolidation,
automation, then begins to contribute
not to the solution of problems, but
only to their scale. As the weight of
bodies progresses by the square of their
size which explains why an
elephant's legs must be so much
sturdier than a doe's so the weight of
a society's problems may be said to
increase by the square of any increase
in its size, once it has passed optimum
size and reached "critical size" (defined
and explained in Chapter I).
Social growth beyond critical size
leads not to greater welfare, but to
social elephantiasis. Though per capital
output may continue to grow, living
standards decline (Chapter III).
Staggering under the weight of their
excessive size, the economies of
overgrown, overdeveloped nations are
increasingly unstable. They are af-
flicted not only with business cycles,
but with wider, less controllable "size
cycles" (Chapter V). These size cycles
occur regardless of the prevailing
economic system, whether capitalist or
socialist. In fact, Professor Kohr
argues, all the overgrown elephantine
nations must necessarily be socialistic,
since capitalism is no longer feasible
when social size has become excessive.
(Chapter IV).
The concept of social size, and its
implications, is the unifying thought
running through the whole of the
present book, as indeed it has been the
central idea Professor Kohr advanced
and elaborated over many years in
numerous newspaper and magazine
articles and in his earlier book The
Breakdown of Nations (New York,
Rinehart, 1957; London, Routledge,
1957). Social size, Professor Kohr
argues, is the ultimate determinant of
social and economic development. It is
not human reason which is ultimately
significant, nor the choice of this or that
economic system, such as socialism or
capitalism, nor Marx's "mode of
production," but social size. And all
modem social, political, and economic
problems are in the last analysis
treaeable to excessive social size.


Although many reviewers, including
economists, have acknowledged and
acclaimed the merits of Professor
Kohr's ideas, the economics
"profession" has not welcomed his size
theory; that is to say, the size theory
has not, up to now, been admitted to
general discussion and debate in
professional economic journals. One
reason for this may be that economists
have so consistently ignored the
question that they simply could not see
the relevance of social size to economic
problems.
Another, perhaps more important,
reason is that the size theory strikes at
one of the most cherished shibboleths of
our day: the belief in the virtue of
cooperation, unification, integration.
One would think that the emphasis on
social overgrowth, on excessive size,


would find a warm acceptance and
approval in our capitalistic society
which professes to abhor "big
business," and offers no statistical
evidence to support it. He uses what
might be called the "literary method"
of presenting his theories. This method
is by no means novel in economics. On
the contrary, it was until recently the
only known way of proceeding in
economic analysis and even today, in
our statistics-minded age, it is a widely
used and reputable method. Yet when a
new theory is advanced and
especially one which does not fall
within the range of subjects decreed by
"the profession" as eligible for debate
- the verdict is apt to be: prove it
beyond a reasonable doubt or we will
not consider it at all. This, of course, is
an inadmissible position. The
discoverer of a new theory may not
have the inclination, or perhaps the
facilities, for marshalling the empirical
evidence which will either prove or
disprove the theory. Einstein for-
mulated theories, but left it to others to
supply experimental proof. Professor
Kohr's ideas should similarly be tested,
proved, improved, or disproved, on the
basis of further empirical investigation,
but should certainly not be lightly
discarded merely because such em-
pirical proof has not as yet been for-
thcoming in sufficiently conclusive
quantities. As Professor Kohr says, his
purpose in advancing a new idea is to
start a discussion, not to say the last
word about it.

For any or all of these reasons, then,
or for still others perhaps, Professor
Kohr's theory which sees in excessive
social size, in social overgrowth, the key
to social and economic problems, has


Kohr's Size Theory

by Anatol Murad


be admitted to respectability within
"the profession." Meeting at Lisbon in
1957, the International Economic
Association directed its attention to
"the relationship between the welfare
of nations and their size." The papers
presented at that conference by a group
of top-ranking economists were
published in a volume entitled The
Economic Consequences of the Size of
Nations, edited by Professor Austin
Robinson of Cambridge (London,
Macmillan, 1960). It is to be hoped
that publication of the Lisbon papers
will spark a more extensive discussion
of this important subject which has for
so many years been the chief interest of
Professor Kohr. Already the same ideas
which, when presented in Kohr's
Breakdown of Nations, were
characterized by the London
Economist as "curiously maddening,"
have been declared in the same journal
as "an immensely rich mine of ideas
and facts" now that they have been
sanctified by proper authority. This
belated recognition that "the whole
question of size deserves a great deal
mose attention than it has hitherto
had," should stimulate further in-
vestigation on the subject. As the
Journal of Economic History (June
1961) put it: "there is room for
subsequent exploitation by whole
brigades of economists, political
scientists, historians for any one
interested in the nature and causes of
the wealth of nations."
With their attention at last directed
toward the role played by social size,
economists and laymen alike will find
many provocative questions raised and
many unexpected answers suggested in
Professor Kohr's fascinating volume on
The Overdeveloped Nations.


not had the attention on the part of
"the profession" which the importance
of the subject merits. For two decades
this theory was developed and
discussed only extra muros, so to speak,
and was barred from discussion within
the sacred precincts of "the
profession." Kohr's size theory shares
this fate with many other new ideas in
economics as in other sciences which
had to wait as pariahs outside the walls
before eventually being admitted as
honored newcomers to the inner circle.
One thinks of Pasteur's germ theory of
diseases, which was at first con-
descendingly brushed aside by the
medical profession; or, in economics, of
Hermann Gossen, whose theory of
marginal utility, advanced in 1854, was
ignored until, seventeen years later, it
became orthodox doctrine in the
formulations of Jevons and Menger. In
fact, it seems that most new ideas and
theories are developed extra muros;
rarely do they spring from within the
established schools which have a vested
interest in the elaboration of their
approved subjects, like to stick to
established dogma, and tend to be
unreceptive to new ideas.
There have been indications that
Professor Kohr's size theory may at last


. I


Mythical butterfly, ancient Mexican design


I ,LWW Is

Ozomatll (monkey) patterns from Vera-
cruz.


Winter, 1970






Infinity

by Barry Wallenstein

ECUADOR. Henri Michaux. Tr. by
Robin Magowan. U. of Washington,
1970. $4.95.
"An ocean," Henri Michaux writes,
"is simply the recurrence of a dab of
water, a sizable recurrence. . And
there is nothing on this planet that has
such a hold on you as the sea... By the
same token the simplest, most
monotonous existence must also be the
most attractive." If a central idea exists
in Equador (and it is possible there is
none) then this is that idea reduced to a
simple statement. It is not the in-
dividual detail, the single object or
experience that concerns Michaux. It
is, rather, the totality, the infinity of
detail that he tries to discover and
relate. This need for a sense of infinity
is the center of Michaux's respect for
the ocean and clouds, "shimmering and
chamelleon in (their) infinity, "the two
physical entities that liberate man from
his earthly bounds, the limits of
physical existence. In search of this
liberation, the author looks beyond
detail, through generality into infinity.
Michaux's problem is the difficulty
in creating an interesting work out of
"the simplest, most monotonous
existence." To discover meaning, or
infinity, in detail or create power by the
understatement of fact is the work of an
artist with insight and skill. Michaux,
however, avoids description, runs from
perception. Instead his travel journal is
the record of his imaginings and
complaints.
One entry is a personification of
loading booms, another becries the
discomforts of crossing Equador on
horseback. Only when he relates actual
physical reality, as in the sections on his
journey to the Amazon, does his work
take on substance. Otherwise, Equador
suffers from a pervading negativity,
both meaningless and unconstructive.
In the preface to an appendix Michaux
himself says, "seeing a huge year
reduced to so few pages the author is
astonished. Surely there must have
been lots of other things."








CA -BEANCMW


Fiction

CUENTOS TICOS: SHORT STORIES OF
COSTA RICA. Ricardo Fernandez Guardia. Tr.
& intro. by Gray Casement. Books for Libraries,
Freeport, N.Y., 1970. 307 pp. $12.50: Reprint of
the 1925 edition.

EL INFORMED DE BRODIE. Jorge Luis
Borges. Emece Editores, Buenos Aires. 11 new
stories written in 1969-70.

LA MUERTE Y OTRAS SORPRESAS. Mario
Benedetti. 177 pp. Alfa, Montevideo, 1969.

THE BOOK OF IMAGINARY BEINGS. Jorge
Luis Borges. Avon, $1.45. Paperback version of
the recently published clothbound collection of
120 essays.

VASCONSELOS: A ROMANCE OF THE NEW
WORLD. William Gilmore Simms. 531 pp. AMS
Press, 1970 (reprint of the 1885 ed.). $10.

Poetry

CARIBBEAN VOICES: AN ANTHOLOGY OF
WEST INDIAN POETRY. Vol. 2., The Blue
Horizons. Ed. by John Figueroa. 228 pp. Evans
Brothers, Ltd., 1970. $4.50. Poems by 53 West
Indians, collected by the noted Jamaica-born
poet. The three-part book documents the in-
creasing distinctiveness of West Indian poetic
expression.

CORMORAN Y DELFIN. July 1970. "Viaje
No. 22." 80 pp. $1. A "planet-wide poetry
magazine," issued quarterly, distributed by
Editorial Losada, Alsina 1131, Buenos Aires.
This issue includes 11 poems from Cuba, and
numerous others from different parts of Latin
America and the Caribbean.

EL AMOR, EL SUENO, Y LA MUERTE EN
LA POESIA MEXICANA. Jaime Labastida. 306
pp. Porrua, Mexico, 1969.
EN EL MEJOR DE LOS MUNDOS, AN-
TOLOGIA POETICA, 1929-1969. Bruaulio
Arenas. 212 pp. Zig-Zag, Chile, 1969.
NUEVA POESIA CUBANA. Jose Agustin
Goytisolo. 237 pp. Ediciones Peninsula, Bar-
celona, 1970.

OCHO POETAS TACNENOS. Ed. by Segundo
Cancino. 30 pp. Meiia Baca, Lima, 1970. $0.75.
POESIAS COMPLETES. Jose Maria Heredia.
425 pp. Ediciones Universales, Miami, Fla.,
33145, 1970. Complete works of the Cuban poet,
who now teaches in California.

TALES FROM THE ARGENTINE. Ed. by
Waldo D. Frank. Tr. by Anita Brenner. 268 pp.
Books for Libraries, Freeport, N.Y., 1970.
Reprint of stories by R.J. Payro, L. Lugones,
L.V. Lopez, D.F. Sarmiento, R. Guiraldes, and
H. Quiroga.
Theatre

CHE: A PERMANENT TRAGEDY. Matija
Beckovic & Dusan Radovic. Tr. by Drenka
Willen. 137 pp. Harcourt, 1970. $5.75.
Art

AQUI EN LA LUCHA. Lorenzo Homar. Intro.
by J.A. Torres Martino. 84 pp. Cuadernos de la
Escalera (Box 22576, San Juan, P.R. 00931), 1970.
$6.50. 38 biting caricatures by the noted Puerto
Rican artist and political caricaturist. Selected
from works between 1959-70.

EL MUNDO DE JOSE LUIS CUEVAS. Carlos
Fuentes. 47 pp. Galeria de Arte Misrachi,
Mexico, 1969.
HOUSES OF MEXICO: ORIGINS AND
TRADITIONS. Verna Cook Shipway. 294 pp.
Architectural Book Pubns., New York, 1970.
$13.95. Heavily Illustrated.
THE ART OF TERRACOTTA POTTERY IN
PRE-COLUMBIAN CENTRAL AND SOUTH
AMERICA. Alexander von Wuthenau. Tr. by the
author and Irene Nicholson. 203 pp. Crown, 1970.
$6.96.

Biography
ADVENTURES, VENTURES Y DESVEN-
TURAS DE UN MAMBI EN LA LUCHA POR LA
INDEPENDENCIA DE CUBA. Raul Roa. 352
pp. Siglo XXI, Mexico, 1970.
DOM HELDER CAMERA: THE VIOLENCE
OF A PEACEMAKER. Jose de Broucker. Orbis
Books, Maryknoll, N.Y., 1970. $4.95. A biography,
recently translated into English, of the con-
troversial Brazilian prelate who was nominated
for the Nobel Prize.

FRANCISCO I. MADERO, APOSTLE OF
MEXICAN DEMOCRACY. Stanley R. Ross. 378
pp. AMS Press, 1970. $14.50. Originally presented
in 1955 at Columbia U. as the author's thesis.

FRANZ FANON. David Caute. 116 pp. Viking,
1970. Paper, $1.65.

GOMEZ, TYRANT OF THE ANDES. Daniel
Clinton. 320 pp. Greenwood Press, 1969. S13.

SIR FRANCIS DRAKE. Sir Julian Corbett. 209
pp. Greenwood Press, 1970 (reprint of 1890 ed.).
$9.25.


.1 1


THE BLACK BERET: THE LIFE AND
MEANING OF CHE GUEVARA. Marvin D.
Resnick. 306 pp. Ballantine, 1970. Paper, $1.25.

UNBOUGHT AND UNBOSSED. Shirley
Chisholm. 177 pp. Houghton Mifflin, 1970. $4.95.
The biography of the first black woman in U.S.
history to be elected to Congress. She was born
and raised in Barbados.

VIVA VILLA! A Recovery of the Real Pancho
Villa, peon, bandit, soldier, patriot. Edgcumb
Pinchon. 383 pp. Arno Press, 1970 (reprint of 1933
edition). $15.
Economics

AGRARIAN PROBLEMS AND PEASANT
MOVEMENTS IN LATIN AMERICA. Rodolfo
Stavenhagen. 583 pp. Doubleday, 1970. Paper,
$2.45.

AMERICA LATINA Y LA LIQUIDEZ IN-
TERNACIONAL. Centro de Estudios Monetarios
Latinoamericanos, Mexico City, 1970. 376 pp.

ECONOMIC IMPACTS OF IMMIGRATION:
THE BRAZILIAN IMMIGRATION PROBLEM.
Fernando Bastos de Avila. 102 pp. Greenwood,
1970 (reprint of 1954 ed.). $7.

ECONOMIC INTEGRATION IN LATIN
AMERICA. John F. Mathis. 112 pp. U. of Texas,
1969. Paper, $3.

EL IMPERIO ROCKEFELLER: AMERICA
LATINA: DE LA DOCTRINE MONROE AL
INFORMED ROCKEFELLER. Paulo R.
Schilling. Tierra Nueva, Montevideo, 1970.

EL SUBDESAROLLO LATINAMERICANO Y
LA TEORIA DEL DESAROLLO. Osvaldo Sunkel
y Pedro Paz. 400 pp. Siglo XXI, Mexico, 1970.

ESSAYS ON THE ECONOMIC HISTORY OF
THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. Carlos F. Diaz
Alejandro. 549 pp. Yale U., 1970. $18.50. The
economic development of Argentina since 1860,
which special focus upon selected features, such
as the remarkable pre-1930 economic expansion,
and the paradox of high investment rates and
low growth since World War II.

LA REFORM AGRARIA PERUANA. Jorge
Colque. 265 pp. Mejia Baca, Lima, 1969. $5.40.

MIGRATION OF INDUSTRY TO SOUTH
AMERICA. Dudley Maynard Phelps. 335 pp.
Greenwood Press, 1969. $12.

MODELS OF POLITICAL CHANGE IN
LATIN AMERICA. Ed. by Paul E. Sigmund. 338
pp. Praeger, 1970. Cloth, $9; paper, $3.95.

PLAN ECONOMIC ANNUAL 1970. Peru,
Ministerio de Economia y Finanzas. 479 pp.
Mejia Baca, Lima, 1970. $7.50. (two volumes).


REGIONAL ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT.
THE RIVER BASIN APPROACH IN MEXICO.
David Barkin. 262 pp. Cambridge, 1970. $10.50.

STATEMENT OF THE LAWS OF EL
SALVADOR IN MATTERS AFFECTING
BUSINESS. Sales and Promotion Division,
Organization of American States, Wash., D.C.,
1970. $5. The latest of a series of volumes, which
also cover Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia,
Costa Rica, Chile, the U.S., Guatemala, Hon-
duras, Nicaragua, Panama, Paraguay, Peru,
Dominican Republic, Uruguay, and Venezuela.

UNA DECADE DE LUCHA POR AMERICA
LATINA. Jose C. Cardenas & others. 607 pp.
Fondo de Cultura Economica, Mexico, 1970.
Flora & Fauna

LAS AVES DE PUERTO RICO. Virgilio
Biaggi. 371 pp. U. of Puerto Rico, 1970. $6.50. A
lavishly illustrated encyclopedia on the birds of
Puerto Rico by an island ornithologist. The
definitive work on the subject.

History

AMERICANIZATION IN PUERTO RICO &
THE PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM: 1900-1930.
Aida Negron de Montilla. 282 pp. Editorial Edil,
Rio Piedras, P.R., 1970. $5. Analyzesthe circular
letters of the seven Puerto Rican Commissioners
of Education between 1900-1930.

ANTI-IMPERIALISM IN THE UNITED
STATES. The Great Debate, 1890-1920. E.
Berkeley Tompkins. 344 pp. U. of Pennsylvania,
1970. $12.50.

APUNTES PARA LA HISTORIC DE LA
GUERRA ENTIRE MEXICO Y LOS ESTADOS
UNIDOS. Siglo XXI, Mexico, 1970. 476 pp.

A VIEW OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE
BRITISH COLONIES IN NORTH AMERICA
AND THE WEST INDIES, 1783. Anthony Stokes.
Dawsons, London, 1969 (facsim. of the first
edition of 1783). $22.50.

COLOMBIA AND THE UNITED STATES,
1765-1934. E. Taylor Parks. 554 pp. Arno Press,
1970 (reprint of 1935 edition). $21.
COLONIES: WEST INDIES. Irish Univ. Press
series of British Parliamentary papers. Irish U.
Press, 1968. $109.00. Part of a proposed 22 volume
set.

DE SOTO AND THE CONQUISTADORES.
Theodore Maynard. 297 pp. AMS Press, New
York, 1969 (reprint of 1930 ed.). $10.50.

DOLLAR DIPLOMACY: A STUDY IN
AMERICAN IMPERIALISM. Scott Nearing,
Joseph Freeman. 353 pp. Arno Press, 1970
(reprint of 1925 edition). $14.


EMANCIPATION IN THE WEST INDIES.
James A. Thome & J. Horace Kimball. 128 pp.
Arno, 1969 (reprint of the 1838 ed.). $5.

FOREIGN INTERVENTION IN THE RIO DE
LA PLATA. John Frank Cady. 296 pp. AMS
Press, New York, 1969. $7.75. A study of French,
British and American policy from 1838-50 in
relation to the dictator Juan Manuel Rosas.

HACE 100 ANOS. CRONICAS DE LA
GUERRA DE 1864-1870. Efraim Cardozo. 332 pp.
3rd tome, from Nov. 5, 1865 to May 31, 1866. Lib.
Comuneros, Asuncion, 1970. $2.50.

HAITI, HER HISTORY AND HER
DETRACTORS. Jacques Nicolas Leger. 372 pp.
Negro Univs. Press, 1970 (reprint of 1907 ed.).
$15.

INFORMED SOBRE LA REPUBLICAN
DOMINICANA. Jose R. Cordero Michel. 114 pp.
Lib. Hispaniola, Santo Domingo, 1970. $1.50.

LA CAUSA. George Horwitz. Macmillan, 1970.
Cloth $6.95; paper, $2.95. Chronicles the years-
long struggle of the United Farm Workers
against the corporate grape growers of
California. With photos by Paul Fuseo.

LA GUERRA DE LOS QUECHUAS CON LAS
CHANCAS. Luis A. Pardo. 77 pp. Meiia Baca,
Lime, 1970. $1.80.

LA LEY FORAKER: RAICES DE LA
POLITICAL COLONIAL DE LOS ESTADOS
UNIDOS. Lyman J. Gould. 186 pp. U. Puerto
Rico, 1969. $4.

MEMORIAL SOBRE LA PAMPA Y LOS
GAUCHOS. Adolfo Bioy Casares. 64 pp. Sur,
Buenos Aires, 1970.
PAN-AMERICANISM: ITS BEGINNINGS.
Joseph B. Lockey. 503 pp. Arno Press, 1970
(reprint of 1920 edition). $18.

REVOLUTION; MEXICO: 1910-20. Ronald
Atkin. 354 pp. Day, 1970. $8.50.

SLAVE SOCIETY IN CUBA DURING THE
NINETEENTH CENTURY. Franklin W. Knight.
248 pp. U. of Wisconsin, 1970. $10.
THE AMERICANS IN SANTO DOMINGO.
Melvin M. Knight. 189 pp. Arno Press, 1970
(reprint of 1928 edition). $8. Deals with the U.S.
occupation of 1916-1924.

THE CUBAN AND PORTO RICAN CAM-
PAIGNS. Richard Harding Davis. 360 pp. Books
for Libraries, Freeport, N.Y., 1970 (reprint of
1898 ed.). $17.50.

THE CUBAN REVOLUTION. Robert C.
Goldston. 188 pp. Bobbs, 1970. $5.
THE DUTCH IN THE CARIBBEAN AND ON
THE WILD COAST. Cornelis Ch. Goslinga. U. of
Florida, 1970. $20.


Winter, 1970


Recent



Books


EL GRO sE OYO EN TOO PVERWO ic


S!N4O ?VPOEJ4 1ASfR

LAS~ N\ AROQMEA


Cartoon from the Jan. 24, 1971 issue of "Claridad," the newspaper of Puerto Rico's Pro-independence Movement. The cartoon
depicts the "invasion" by pro-independence militants of the island of Culebra, which the U.S. Navy has used for years as a bomb
target.








14 CAWBBAN review_


TRAVELS IN CENTRAL AMERICA, 1821-
1840. Franklin Parker. 340 pp. U. of Florida, 1970.
$12.50.

THE LOSS OF EL DORADO: A HISTORY.
V.S. Naipaul. 327 pp. Knopf, 1970. $7.50. The
distinguished Trinidadian writer describes his
nation's history, from its 15th century European
discovery, until the three revolutions of the last
quarter of the 18th century: the American, the
French and the Haitian.

THE VIRGIN ISLANDS, OUR NEW
POSSESSIONS AND THE BRITISH ISLANDS,
by Theodoor de Booy & John T. Faris. 292 pp.
Negro Univs. Press, Westport, Conn., 1970.
$13.50. Reprint of the 1918 edition.

THE REPUBLIC OF PANAMA IN WORLD
AFFAIRS, 1903-1950. Lawrence O. Ealy. 207 pp.
Greenwood Press, 1970. $9.50.

THE SANTANDER REGIME IN GRAN
COLOMBIA. David Bushnell. 381 pp. Greenwood
Press, 1970. $14.25.

THE SCOUTING EXPEDITIONS OF MC
CULLOCH'S RANGERS; or, The Summer and
Fall Campaign of the Army of the United States
in Mexico, 1846. Samuel Chester Reid. 251 pp.
Books for Libraries, Freeport, N.Y., 1970
(reprint of 1847 edition). $9.75.

THE STORY OF PANAMA: THE NEW
ROUTE TO INDIA. Frank A. Gause, W.F.H.
Nicolaisen and Melville Richards. 290 pp. Arno
Press, 1970 (reprint of 1912 edition). $13.
THE VARGAS REGIME: THE CRITICAL
YEARS, 1934-1938. Robert M. Levine. 270 pp.
Inst. of Lat. Amer. Studies, Columbia U., 1970.
$9.

THE WAR WITH SPAIN. Henry Cabot Lodge.
276 pp. Arno Press, 1970 (reprint of 1899 edition).
$16.

VISION, DESTINY -WAR! Ronnie C. Tyler.
44 pp. Steck-Vaugh, Austin, Tex., 1970, $1.

ZAPATA AND THE MEXICAN
REVOLUTION. John Womack. 435 pp. Random
House, 1970. Paper, $2.95.
Language & Literature

CONJUNCIONES Y .DISYUNCIONES. Oc-


tavio Paz. 143 pp. Joaquin Mortiz, Mexico, 1969.

EL TEATRO EN MEXICO DURANTE LA
INDEPENDENCIA: 1810-1839. Luis Reyesde la
Maza. 429 pp. UNAM, Mexico, 1969.

JULIO CORTAZAR: VISION Y CONJUNTO.
Roberto Escamilla Molina. 183 pp. Novaro,
Mexico City, 1970.

NEGRITUDE AS A THEME IN THE
POETRY OF THE PORTUGUESE-SPEAKING
WORLD. Richard A. Preto-Rodas. 85 pp. U. ot
Florida, 1970. Paper, $2.

REVISTA DE AMERICA. The long-lost
"Revista de America," published by Ruben
Dario and Jaimes Freyre in 1894 is now available


in a complete facsimile edition, in the Dario
Centennial issue of "Specialia-2". Copies
available for $5 each from Latin American In-
stitute, Southern Illinois U., Carbondale, Illinois.

LA OBRA NARRATIVE DE ALEJO CAR-
PENTIER. Alexis Marquez Rodriguez. 220 pp.
Univ. Central, Venezuela, 1970.

SPEAKING FOR OURSELVES. Ed. by Lillain
Faderman and Barbara Bradshaw. 615 pp. Scott,
Foresman & Co., 1969. On black, Oriental,
Hispanic, Jewish, European and Near Eastern
American writing.

STORIES TOLD BY THE AZTECS BEFORE
THE SPANIARD CAME. Carleton Beals. 208 pp.
Abelard, 1970. $5.25. 28 stories passed down from


Winter, 1970

the Aztecs, many of which were learned from
pottery shards & charcoal & skeletal records
dating back 12,000 years.

THE MODERN CULTURE OF LATIN
AMERICA: SOCIETY AND THE ARTIST. Jean
Franco. 381 pp. Penguin Books, revised edition,
1970. $2.95. About Latin American culture and
the art forces that resulted in its development.

Politics

AMERICAN POLICY IN NICARAGUA. Henry
Lewis Stimson. 129 pp. Arno Press, 1970 (reprint
of 1927 edition). $6.

A REBEL IN CUBA. Neill Macaulay. 201 pp.
Quadrangle Books, 1970. An American who
joined Castro's Cuban rebel army, and now
teaches history at the U. of Florida.

A REVIEW OF THE CAUSES AND CON-
SEQUENCES OF THE MEXICAN WAR.
William Jay. 333 pp. Arno, 1969 (reprint of 1849
ed.). $12.

AUTHORITARIAN POLITICS IN MODERN
SOCIETY. Ed. by Samuel P. Huntington,
Clement H. Moore. 544 pp. Basic Books, 1970.
$12.50.

BAUTISMO DE FUEGO DEL
PROLETARIADO PERUANO. Pedro Parra
Valverde. 110 pp. Mejia Baca, Lima, 1970. $0.60.

BRYAN ON IMPERIALISM. William Jen-
nings Bryan. 92 pp. Arno Press, 1970 (reprint of
1900 ed.). $6.

CARTAS DEL CHE. Ernesto "Che" Guevara.
76 pp. Sandino, Montevideo, 1969. $1.

CHANGING THE COLONIAL CLIMATE.
Rexford Guy Tugwell. 265 pp. Arno Press, 1970
(reprint of the 1942 edition). $10. A collection of
messages-rom Governor Tugwell to the Puerto
Rican people.

COLONIAL POLICIES OF THE UNITED
STATES. Theodore Roosevelt, Jr. 204 pp. Arno
Press, 1970 (reprint of 1937 edition). $8.

CONFEDERATION OF THE BRITISH WEST
INDIES VERSUS ANNEXATION TO THE
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A
POLITICAL DISCOURSE ON THE WEST IN-
DIES. Louis S. Meikle. 279 pp. Negro Univs.
Press, 1969 (reprint of the 1912 ed.). $10.50.

CUBAN COMMUNISM. Ed. by Irving Louis
Horowitz. 143 pp. Transaction Books, Aldine,
1970. Cloth, $5.95; paper, $2.45. Articles which
analyze the successes and failures of Cuban
Communism, and predict future directions.

DEMOCRACY IN MEXICO. Pablo Gonzalez
Casanova. Tr. by Danielle Salti. Oxford U. Press
(2nd ed., 1970). $7.95.

ENSAYOSREVOLUCIONARIOS DEL PERU.
Alfonso Molina. 220 pp. Meiia Baca, Lima, 1970.
$1.20.

GOLPE EN EL PERU. Victor Villanueva. 94
pp. Sandino, Montevideo, 1969. $1.

HACIA UNA POLITICAL CULTURAL
AUTONOMA PARA AMERICA LATINA. Sergio
Bagu. Fundacion de Cultura Universitaria,
Montevideo, 1969.

1917-1969. HOMENAJE PERUANO A LA
UNION SOVIETICA. Asociacion Cultural
Peruano-Sovietico. 62 pp. Dist. Meiia Baca,
Lima, 1970. $0.30.
LA REBELLION DEL TERCER MUNDO.
Abraham Guillen. 255 pp. Andes, Montevideo,
1969.

LATIN AMERICAN POLITICS: STUDIES OF
THE CONTEMPORARY SCENE. Robert
Dennis Tomasek (Ed.). 584 pp. Anchor, 1970 (2d
ed. rev. & updated). Paper, $2.45.

LOS PARTIDOS POLITICOS ARGENTINOS.
Carlos R. Melo. 315 pp. Univ. Nacional de Cor-
doba, 1970.

LOS PARTIDOS POLITICOS DEL MEXICO
CONTEMPORANEO (1926-1970). Daniel
Moreno. 289 pp. Costa Amic, Mexico City, 1970.

PARTIES AND POLITICAL CHANGE IN
BOLIVIA.
1880-1952. Herbert S. Klein. Cambridge U. Press,
1970. $14.50.

POLITICAL GROUPS IN CHILE. Ben G.
Burnett. 319 pp. U. of Texas, 1970. $8.50. The
dialogue between order and change, published
for the Inst. of Latin American Studies.

POLITICAL LEADERS OF LATIN
AMERICA. Richard Bourne. Knopf, 1970. $7.95.
Examines the late Eva Peron, Brazil's
physician-president Kubitschek, Brazilian
journalist Carlos Lacerda, Che Guevara, Chile's
Eduardo Frei, Paraguay's Alfredo Stroessner.

POLITICS AND SOCIAL STRUCTURE IN
LATIN AMERICA. James Petras. 382 pp.
Monthly Review, 1970. $9.50. Twenty-five essays
view the class structure of typical Latin
American countries, and the dynamics of recent
political struggles based upon that class
structure.

PUERTO RICO: LIBERTAD Y PODER EN
EL CARIBE. Gordon Lewis. 756 pp. Editorial
Edil, 1970. Paperback Spanish translation of the
important work first published by Monthly
Review Press.

READINGS IN U.S. IMPERIALISM. Ed. by
K.T. Fann & D.C. Hodges. Porter Sargent
Publishers, Boston, Mass., 1970. Cloth, $7.95;
paper, $3.95. Essays on U.S. involvement
overseas, including Latin America.

RESOLUTION POLITICAL DEL PARTIDO
COMUNISTA DE COLOMBIA. 79 pp. Nativa,
Montevideo, 1969. $0.50.


In our last seven issues, CARIBBEAN REVIEW has been to virtually every nation and colony
in the West Indies and Latin America.

We've delved into myriad disciplines, from politics and fiction, on through economics,
cinema and race relations.

We've introduced our readers to over 900 books.

Our regular readers may disagree as to their favorite article. Some will recall the Albizu &
Matlin analyses of the theatrics of Puerto Rican politics. Others will prefer the in-depth interview with
Peruvian novelist Mario Vargas Llosa, or the perceptive critique of Model Cities by Howard Stanton.

Still others may opt for the poetry of Jorge Luis Borges, or the fiction of Agustin Yanez,
Rene Marques or Pedro Juan Soto.

Moritz Thomsen's account of "Living Poor" in Ecuador, or Carlos Castaneda's study of
mind-expanding drug use among the Yaqui Indians, or the proclamation of Colombian priest-revolu-
tionary Camilo Torres, or the discussion of Black Power in Trinidad may also rank as favorites among
many readers.


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Winter, 1970 LCA RAN IctM 5s


Old San Juan, photo by Orlando Canales


REVOLUTIONARY POLITICS AND THE
CUBAN WORKING CLASS. Maurice Zeitlin. 307
pp. Harper, 1970. Paper, $1.95.
SOCIALISMO PARA VENEZUELA? Teodoro
Petkoff. 149 pp. Libreria Politecnica, Caracas,
1970.
STRATEGY FOR REVOLUTION. Regis
Debray. Ed., with intro. by Robin Blackburn.
255 pp. Monthly Review, 1970. $6.50. A translation
of "Essais sur I'Amerique latine."
TEORIA Y PRACTICE DEL LA
REVOLUTION PERUANA. Julio Mejia Scar-
neo. 121 pp. Meiia Baca, Lima, 1970. $0.60.
THE ALLIANCE THAT LOST ITS WAY: a
Critical Report on the Alliance for Progress.
Jerome Levinson & Juan de Onis. 381 pp.
Quadrangle, 1970. $7.95.
THE DESTINY OF A CONTINENT. Manuel
Ugarte. Tr. by Catherine A. Phillips. 296 pp. AMS




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Press, 1970. $9.50. Reprint of the 1925 translation
of "El destino de un continente"

THE FAILURE OF THE ELITES. Frank
Bonilla. 335 pp. MIT Press, 1970. $15. Studies the
politics of change in Venezuela.
THE ROCKEFELLER REPORT ON THE
AMERICAS. Nelson A. Rockefeller. Intro. by
Tad Szulc. 144 pp. Quadrangle, 1969. Paper,
$1.95.
THE SOVIET UNION AND LATIN
AMERICA. Ed. by J. Gregory Oswald and
Anthony J. Strover. 190 pp. Praeger, 1970. $7.50.
A wide-ranging look at 50 years of diplomatic,
political, economic and cultural contacts.
THE UNITED STATES AND CUBA: A Study
in International Relations. Harry F.
Guggenheim. 268 pp. Arno Press, 1970 (reprint of
1934 edition). $11.

Reference
ANUARIO ESTADISTICO DE LA
REPUBLICAN DEL PARAGUAY: 1966-1968. Dist.
Lib. Comuneros, Asuncion. $3.50.
BIBLIOGRAFIA INDIGENA ANDINA
PERUANA (1900-1968). Hector Martinez et al.
157 pp. Dist. Mejia Baca, Lima, 1969. $6.
BIBLIOGRAFIA SOBRE EL ESPANOL EN
AMERICA: 1920-1967. Carlos A. Sole.
Georgetown U., 1970. Paper, $3.95.
MANUAL OF HISPANIC BIBLIOGRAPHY.
David William Foster. U. of Washington, 1970.
206 pp. $11.
MIGRACIONES A LAS AREAS
METROPOLITANAS DE AMERICA LATINA.
Juan C. Elizaga. Desal, Santiago, Chile, 1970.
THE SCIENTIFIC INSTITUTIONS OF LATIN
AMERICA. Ed. by Ronald Hilton. A detailed
survey of the continent's centers of learning
where science is taught. 808 pp. California In-
stitute of International Studies, Stanford, Cal.
URUGUAY, ESTADISTICAS BASICAS.
Fundacion de Cultura Universitaria, Mon-
tevideo. 1970.
Social Sciences
ASPECTS SOCIALES Y POLITICOS DE LA
INTEGRATION CENTROAMERICANA.
Seminario de Integracion Social Guatemalteca,
Guatemala. $1.
AYACUCHO: HAMBRE Y ESPERANZA.
Antonio Diaz Martinez. 310 pp. Dist. Mejia Baca,
Lima, 1969. $3.60.
BIOTIPOLOGIA DEL INDIGENA
PERUANO. Jose Marroquin Calderon. 43 pp.
Univ. San Marcos, Peru, 1970. $0.90.
CELEBRATION OF AWARENESS: A CALL
FOR INSTITUTIONAL REVOLUTION. Ivan D.
Illich. Intro by Erich Fromm. Doubleday, 1970.
$4.95. The controversial director of the Center of
Intercultural Documentation in Cuernavaca,
Mexico, asks serious questions about long-
cherished myths and institutions.
CRUCIFIXION BY POWER: ESSAYS ON
GUATEMALAN NATIONAL SOCIAL
STRUCTURE, 1944-1966. Richard Newbold
Adams, with chapters by Brian Murphy, Bryan
Roberts. 553 pp. U. Texas, 1970. $10.
CUBAN COUNTERPOINT: TOBACCO AND
SUGAR. Fernando Ortiz Fernandez. Tr. by
Harriet de Onis. Intro. by Bronislaw
Malinowski.312 pp. Random House, 1970. Paper,
$1.95. Originally published as "Contrapunteo
cubano del tabaco y el azucar."
CUBA, RACES Y FRUTOS DE LA
REVOLUCION. Ovidio Garcia Regueiro.
Digesa, Madrid.
EL CASO DE KUYO CHICO (CUZCO). Nunez
del prado y Whyte. 156 pp. Dist. Meiia Baca,
Lima, 1970. $2.10. An essay on the integration of
the peasant population.


STUDIO SOCIO-ECOLOGICO DE LA
DESERCION ESCOLAR Y DE LA DELIN-
CUENCIA JUVENILE EN PUERTO RICO.
Mercedes Otero de Ramos. 115 pp. Social Science
Research Center, U. of Puerto Rico, 1970.
LA COMUNIDAD ANDINA. Inst. Indigenista
Interamericano. Mexico City. 1969. $4.
LA VIDA. Oscar Lewis. 649 pp. Joaquin
Mortiz, Mexico, 1969. $5.95. Paperback Spanish
edition of the controversial work about Puerto
Rican slumdwellers in San Juan and New York.


CARIBBEAN STUDIES
Quarterly Journal devoted to the Social Sciences, Arts, and
Humanities relevant to the Caribbean and circum-Caribbean
areas.
MANAGING EDITOR: SYBIL LEWIS

Vol. 10 January, 1971 No. 4

I. Articles
LUIS NIEVES FALCON, Puerto Rico: A Case Study of
Transcultural Application of Behaviorial Science.
PETER J. WILSON, Caribbean Crews: Peer Groups and Male
Society.
CEDRIC L. JOSEPH, The Venezuela-Guyana Boundary Ar-
bitration of 1899: An Appraisal, Part II.
NORWELL E. HARRIGAN, A Profile of Social Development
in the British Virgin Islands.
NEVILLE T. HALL, Governors and Generals: The
Relationship of Civil and Military Commands in Barbados,
1783-1815.
II. Research Surveys
DENNIS R. CRAIG, English in Secondary Education in a
Former British Colony: A Case Study of Guyana.
CARL CAMPBELL, Denominationalism and the Mico Charity
Schools in Jamaica, 1835-1842.
III. Review Article
GORDON ROHLEHR, Islands.
IV. Book Reviews
FUAT M. ANDIC and SUPHAN ANDIC, Government
Finance and Planned Development: Fiscal Surveys of Surinam
and the Netherlands Antilles, reviewed by Oliver Oldman.
LYMAN J, GOULD, La Ley Foraker: Raices de la Politica
Colonial de los Estados Unidos, reviewed by Thomas G.
Mathews.
ARTHUR LIEBMAN, The Politics of Puerto Rican University
Students, reviewed by Juan Rodriguez Cruz
ELEANOR BURKE LEACOCK, Teaching and Learning in
City Schools, reviewed by Sylvia Viera de Blasini.
AARON SEGAL with KEN C. EARNHARDT, Politics and
Population in the Caribbean, reviewed by Adaline P. Sat-
terthwaite.
VERA RUBIN and MARISA ZAVALLONI, We Wish to be
Looked Upon: A Study of the Aspirations of Youth in a
Developing Society, reviewed by Ursula M. von Eckardt.
R. FERNANDEZ MARINA, U. VON ECKARDT, and E.
MALDONADO SIERRA, The Sober Generation: Children of
Operation Bootstrap, reviewed by Norman Matlin.
V. Current Bibliography
Published Quarterly by
THE INSTITUTE OF CARIBBEAN STUDIES
University of Puerto Rico
Rio Piedras, Puerto Rico 00931
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I I U S


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In this rare and human portrait, the editor of the Caribbean
Review provides a key to understanding the rich and en-
during cultural tradition of Puerto Rico. In a lively and
discerning manner, the author describes the history, ecol-
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the contemporary culture of the island.
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111 Fourth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10003


LOS MAPUCHE. SU ESTRUCTURA SOCIAL.
Louis Faron. 304 pp. Inst. Indigenista
Ineramericano, Mexico, 1969.
MESA REDONDA DE CIENCIAS
PREHISTORICAS Y ANTROPOLOGICAS. (2
vol.). 563 pp. Published by Inst. Riva Aguero.
Dist. by Melia Baca, Lima, 1969. $7.50.
MEXICAN AMERICANS: SONS OF THE
SOUTHWEST. Ruth (Stanton). Lamb. 196 pp.
Ocelot Press, Claremont, Calif., 1970. $5.95.
Includes Spanish and English text of the Treaty
of Guadalupe Hidalgo (1848) and Gadsden
Treaty (1853).
NEITHER BLACK NOR WHITE. Slavery and
Race Relations in Brazil and the United States.
Carl N. Degler. Macmillan, 1971. $6.95.
OBSTACULOS PARA LA TRAN-
SFORMACION DE AMERICA LATINA.
Jacques Chonchol and others. 262 pp. Fondo de
Cultura Economica, Mexico City, 1969.
PEASANTS IN CITIES: READINGS IN THE
ANTHROPOLOGY OF URBANIZATION. Ed. by
William Mangin. 207 pp. Houghton Mifflin, 1970.
Paper, $2.75. 17 articles, including those on Peru,
Bolivia, Brazil, Mexico and Puerto Rico.
SOCIAL CHARACTER IN A MEXICAN
VILLAGE. Erich Fromm and Michael Maccoby.
Prentice-Hall, 1970. Cloth, $9.95; paper, $4.95.
Applies Fromm's theories of psychoanalysis to a
group of people, via questionnaires, interviews
and observation.
SUBDESARROLLO Y VIOLENCIA:
GUATEMALA. Juan Maestre. 245 pp. IEPAL,
Montevideo (dist. by Digesa, Madrid), 1969.
THE AMAZON. James R. Holland. 256 pp.
Illus. A.S. Barnes, 1970. $20. A camera recorded
trip along the Amazon with 150 photos of lost
monuments, the Yagua Indians, and primitive
rites.
THE AMERICAS AND CIVILIZATION. Darcy
Ribeiro. Dutton, 1970. $15.75. A Brazilian an-
thropologist analyzes the factors that influenced
the formation of the various national ethnic
groups found in America today.
THE GROWTH AND CULTURE OF LATIN
AMERICA. Donald E. Worchester and Wendell
G. Schaeffer. Oxford U., 1970 (2nd ed.). $4.50.
URUGUAY: REALIDAD Y REFORM A
GRARIA. Eliseo S. Porta. 78 pp. Banda Oriental,
Montevideo, 1969 (3rd ed.). $0.80.
VOODOOS AND OBEAHS: PHASES OF
WEST INDIAN WITCHCRAFT. Joseph John
Williams. 257 pp. AMS Press, 1970. $12.50.
Reprint of 1922 edition.
Travel & Geography
BERMUDA IN FULL COLOR. Hans W.
Hannau. 128 pp. Doubleday, 1970. $9.95.


EASTER ISLAND: Island of Enigmas. John
Dos Passos. Doubleday, 1971. $6.95. Dos Passes
visited the remote Pacific island, now called
Rapa Nin, and writes with enthusiasm of the
people and their history. Has 49 photos.
LIVING IN THE CHANGING CARIBBEAN.
Ellis Gladwin. 299 pp. Macmillan, 1970. $6.95.
THE PRESENT STATE OF HAYTI (SAINT
DOMINGO) with remarks on its agriculture,
commerce, laws, religion, finances and
population. James Franklin. 411 pp. Negro
Univs. Press, Westport, Conn., 1970 (reprint of
1828 ed.). $15.
TRAVELS IN CENTRAL AMERICA, 1821-
1840. Compiled by Franklin Dallas Parker. 340
pp. U. of Florida, 1970. $12.50.


ibrrria Internarilnal, nt.


LITERATURE
LATINOAMENCANA
Raza de Bronce Alcides Arguedas 1.15
Los Ojos de los Enterrados Miquel A.
Asturias 4.00
El Alhajadito Miquel A. Asturias .85
Maladron Miquel A. Asturias 1.80
Hombres de Maiz Miquel A. Asturias
El Hermano Asno Eduardo Barrios .80
El Nino que enloquecio de Amor Eduardo
Barrios .75
Letras del Continente Mestizo Mario
Beneditti 2.50
La Mujer Pobre Leon Bloy 1.50
El Reino de este Mundo Alejo Carpentier
1.15
Los Pasos Perdidos Alejo Carpentier 2.25
El Siglo de las Luces Alejo Carpentier
2.40- 3.00
Ceremonies Julio Cortazar 2.50
Los Premios Julio Cortazar 2.50
La Vuelta al Dia en Ochenta Mundos -
Julio Cortazar 5.60
Rayuela Julio Cortazar 3.50
Este Domingo Jose Donoso 1.85
La Region ma's Transparente Carlos
Fuentes 2.50
Para Esta Noche Juan C. Onetti 1.35
Las Buenas Conciencias Carlos Fuentes
1.00
Cien Anos de Soledad Gabriel Garcia
Marquez 2.70
La Hojarasca Gabriel Garcia Marquez
.95
Los Funerales de la Mama' Grande -
Gabriel Garcia Marquez .95
El Coronel No Tiene quien le Escriba -
Gabriel Garcia Marquez 2.60
Caentos de Muerte y de Sangre Ricardo
Guiraldes .85
Huasipumgo Jorge Icaza .90


DISTRIBUIDORA EDITORIAL
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FILOSOFIA
?Que es Filosofia? + Jose Ortega y Gasset
1.20
La Sabiduria de Occidente Bertrand
Russell 14.00
El Positivismo Logico A.J. Ayer 3.00
Historian de la Logica Formal I.M
Bochenski 8.50
El Problem del Conocimiento Ernst
Cassirer 3.90
Del Mito y de la Razon Manuel Garcia -
Pelayo 3.00
Metafisica Fundamental Jose Gomez
Caffarena 4.00
Filosofia del Derecho- Guillermo Federico
Hegel 3.50
Critical de la Razon Practica Kant 1.20
Critical del Juicio Kant 2.25
Temor y Temblor- Soren Kierkegaard 1.00
El Racionalismo como Ideologia Leszek
Kola Kowski .95
La Crisis del Hombre J. Krishnamurti
2.50
Iniciacion al Estudio del Conocimiento -
Jose M. Lazaro 3.00
Las Grandes Lineas de la Filosofia Moral -
Jacques Leclercq 2.90
Introduccion a la Logica Simbolica -
Susanne K. Langer 4.40
La Nueva Moral Ignace Lepp 4.10
Filosofia Cristiana de la Existencia -
SIgnace Lepp 2.25
Problems del Realismo Georg Lukacs
3.75
Ensayos de Logica Dialectica V. I.
Maltsev 2.40
, Introduccion a la Filosofia Hector D.
Mandrioni 4.50
El Crepusculo de los Idolos Federico
Nietzsche 2.00


CRITICAL LITERARIA
Modernidad de Apollinaire Saul
Yurkievich 2.35
Vida y Teatro de Carlos Arniches Vin-
cente Ramos 6.00
La Narrativa de Miguel A. Asturias -
Giuseppe Bellini 2.40
Estetica de Azorin Manuel Granell .75
Camus Jean Claude Brisville 3.25
Genio y Figura de Jorge Luis Borges .50
La Sabiduria de Cervantes Alberto Jose
Vaccaro 2.25
Teoria de la Novela en Cervantes 3.00
Cuestiones Rubendarianas Ernesto Mejla
Sanchez 3.00
La Originalidad de Ruben Dario Enrique
Anderson Imbert 2.60
Dostoievsky Luis de Castresana 1.25
Dostoievsky: La Vida y la Obra Abraham
Yarmolinsky 2.50
Claves Liricas de Garcia Lorca Carlos
Ramos-Gil 3.25
Gabriel Garcia Marquez: Una Con-
versacion Infinita M. Fernandez Braso
2.50
La Tryectoria Poetica de Garcilaso -
Rafael Lapesa 1.95
Con Romulo Gallegos- Andres Iduarte 1.45
Genio y Figura de Ricardo Guiraldes -
Ivonne Bordelois 1.65
Homero y la Realidad Historica Luigi
Pareti 2.00
El Sistema de Ortega y Gasset Ciriaco
Moron Arroyo 8.00
Lope de Vega: Introduccion a su Vida y
Obra F. Lazaro 2.90
Antonio Machado Poeta del Pueblo -
Manuel Tunon de Lara 2.75
Horacio Quiroga: Narrador Americano -
M.A. Feliciano Fabre 3.00


CIENCIAS POLITICAL
Eros y Civilizacion Herbert Marcuse 1.25
El Hombre Unidimensional Herbert
Marcuse 1.50
La Sociedad Carnivora Herbert Marcuse
1.25
El Fin de la Utopia Herbert Marcuse 1.75
Etica de la Revolucion Herbert Marcuse
1.95
Ensayos Sobre Politica y Cultura Herbert
Marcuse .95
Los Partidos Politicos en el Estado
Moderno Lorenzo Caboara 1.75
El Mito del Estado Ernst Cassirer 2.50
La Corrupcion Rosario Castellanos
yotros 2.25
Geopolitica y Geoestrategia Pierre
Celerier 1.30
La Revolucion Cultural y la Crisis China -
P. Cavendish, J. Gray .95
La Teoria Pura de la Politica Bertrand de
Jouvenel 3.00
Obra Revolucionairia Ernesto Che
Guevara 5.90
El Diario del Che en Bolivia 1.75
Pasajes de la Guerra Revolucionaria -
Ernesto Che Guevara 2.25
Trotsky, el Profeta Desarmado Isaac
Deutscher 5.95
Los Partidos Politicos Maurice Duverger
3.30
Los Sistemas Politicos de los Imperios S.
N. Eisenstadt 9.90
Los Condenados de la Tierra Frantz
Fanon 1.00
! Escucha, Blanco Franz Fanon 2.60
Mitos y Simbolos Politicos Manuel
Garcia Pelayo 2.00
Teoria del Estado Hermann Heller 2.10
Ho Chi Minh en la Revolucion Bernard B.
Fall 2.90


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Title page design for "Coplas de Amor,
del folklore mexicano," published by
El Colegio de Mexico.


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