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Caribbean Review
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Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00095576/00011
 Material Information
Title: Caribbean Review
Physical Description: Serial
Language: English
Creator: Latin American and Caribbean Center, Florida International University
Publisher: Latin American and Caribbean Center, Florida International University
Place of Publication: Miami, FL
Publication Date: 1970
Copyright Date: 1980
 Subjects
Genre: serial   ( sobekcm )
 Record Information
Source Institution: FIU: Special Collections
Holding Location: FIU: Special Collections
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: oclc - 1553369
System ID: UF00095576:00011

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Published quarterly at 180 Hostos, B-507, Hato Rey, Puerto Rico, 00918 Spring, 1970 Vol. 2, No. 1








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Editorial

Caribbean Review celebrates its first anniversary with this
Spring 1970 issue, which ranges far and wide in geography and
subject matter.
Two exiled Haitian scholars look at their homeland, long
ruled by Francois Duvalier; the Dominican Republic, which shares
the island of Hispaniola with Haiti, is covered with a review of
recent writings by former President Juan Bosch, whose thesis of
Popular Dictatorship has become a key factor in the coming Domi-
nican presidential elections.
The American Virgin Islands, and the plight of the alien la-
bor force there, is depicted in an excerpt from Gordon Lewis'
new book; John Hawes' forceful estampa on poverty in rural Puer-
to Rico completes the tour of the Caribbean.
Angelina Pollack-Eltz ventures farther south with her com-
ments on slum life in Venezuela, and Wolfgang A. Lutchting off-
ers a lively treatise on liberals, the military and sports (and their
occasional inter-relation), based upon his trip last summer to Bra-
zil, Chile and Peru. The rising influence of Protestantism in his-
torically Catholic South America, and its possible impact upon


political currents, is examined by Samuel Silva Gotay.
Our regular Recent Books section gives the reader a time-
saving survey of publishing activity on, and in, the region.
Most of the illustrations for this issue are works shown at the
first San Juan Biennial (January 16 March 15, 1970) which pre-
sented 700 graphic works by 180 Latin American and Caribbean
artists.


Contents


THE ISLANDER, John Hawes.......................................... 2
ROMANS, NATIVES & HELOTS, Gordon K. Lewis............... 3
100 YEARS OF SOLITUDE, Eneid Rouette....................... 5
TIRED LATIN LIBERALS, Wolfgang A. Luchting..................... 6
PAPADOCRACY, Jean-Claude Garcia-Zamor .......................... 8
CHAIRMAN DUVALIER, Gerard R. Latortue ............. 9
JUAN BOSCH'S NEW STANCE, Kal Wagenheim................... 10
FOLLOWERS OF THE NEW FAITH, Samuel Silva Gotay... 1I
THE VIEW FROM THE BARRIO, Angelina Pollack-Eltz.......... 13
RECENT BOOKS ................................................................ 14
LETTERS, Manuel Maldonado-Denis................................ 16


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CAtPBBEAN FEvIw


Spring, 1970


Contributors

JOHN HAWES, teacher,
writer and craftsman of fine
musical instruments, has lived
in rural Puerto Rico for many
years. "The Islander" first
appeared in the now defunct
Island Times weekly newspa-
per... GORDON K. LEWIS is
a University of Puerto Rico
professor. His third book on
the Caribbean, "The Virgin
Islands: A Caribbean Lilliput,"
will soon by published by
Northwestern University Press
..ENEID ROUETTE is a re-
porter with the San Juan Star
...WOLFGANG A. LUCH-
TING is with the Dept. of For-
eign Languages at Washington
University in Pullman, Wash-
iangton ... JEAN-CLAUDE
GARCIA-ZAMOR,- a Haitian,
is with the Dept. of Govern-'
ment at the University of Te-
xas, at Austin. :
. . GERARD LATORTUE,
also Haitian, is chairman of the
Economics Dept. at Inter Amer-
ican University in San German,
Puerto Rico . SAMUEL
SILVA GOTAY teaches at the
Social Sciences School, Univer-
sity of Puerto Rico, where he
was formerly Protestant chap-
lain and Associate Dean of Stu.
dents. He has traveled through
Europe and Latin America for
the World Federation of Christ-
ian Students . ANGELINA
POLLACK-ELTZ has written
on Afro-American topics and
has done research work in Vene-
zuela and the Caribbean islands.



Our Sponsors
In older to guarantee editorial free.
dom Caribbean Resiew while accept-
ing ads), hope. to he sell-sufficient
\ stnhscrnptionl income and thus
answeiahle only to its readers. We
uige leaders to subscribe for the long-
est period possible, hopefully lifetime
at ;25, to provide us with needed
woliking capital in the tlitticiil carl%
lnages. The following people or insti-
tutions hasc helped sponsor this
publication In sending us lifetime
subscriptions: Beare Salz. Marin Rajan-
das, Loienzo Barcel6.



CArBBEAN IEI6W

Spring, 1970 Vol. 2 No. I

Editors:
Kal Wagenheinm,
Barry Bernard Levine
Ca ilibhean Re iew. a books-oriented
ilua ileil journal. is published by
(.jlilih an Revies%. Inc., a non-profit
ropoi)nation. Mailing address: 1801
Hlo,,i. HB.U7. Halo Re%. Puerto Rico,
I(l18R. \\ailahnlel h) sucription only:
I sran. .I: 2 cars. '55-0 ; 3 years, 7.50;
lifetinie.. 21i. .iAdvertising accepted isee
t-.nt. lcws ihene in this issue). Unsoli.
rilnl minI:Isnipis (Imok reviews, trans-
lailions. r ,,ass.. etc.) air welcomed, hut
,hol11ul Iw nraomnnpanicl bI self-addies.
Mrl i.itnpeIl Ienselope.


Don Abelardo Reyes Rivera is a
liery little fighting cock of a man.
Inl his middle sixties, with a shock
of white hail that stands straight up
on his head. large observant black
eyes, three iemnining front teeth
which have turned yellow with age,
like old ivory, he has been President
of the Barrio for twenty yeais. For
twenty years he has acted as the inter-
mediary between his neighbors, in the
valley that makes up Barrio Flores,
and the 'municipal authorities. He
has judged minor offenses that never
reached the police: found work.
whenever possible, for those who
needed it, and settled disputes. His
only authority derives from the neigh-
bors, who chose him, and like the jud-
ges of medieval Castille, lie judges by
no set code of laws, but poi los .sus
.sesov (by his own wits and experien-
ce). His wits are sharp, and his expe-
rience encompasses most of life in
Barrio Flores.
Abelardo was born in the Barrio,
and he has spent all of his sixty odd
years there. He has seen. the days of
the tobacco boom, when everyone had
money in their pockets, and life was
good and the times, after a hurricane
passed, when people collected pantm
nuts and wild beans from the scat-
tered weeds, roasted them, and made
a substitute for coffee. He survived
-the terrible time when the great
Northern Tobacco Companies went
into bankruptcy, and men went
about the hills at night, burning the
barns that had tobacco in them, to
maintain their strike for a chance
to live.
As long as lie may live, he will
never forget the night when he heard
muffled voices outside his house at
midnight and roused himself to see
who the intruders were. At the first
flicker of the match that he started
to light 'the lamp with, a familiar
voice called to him:
"Don't light the lamp Abelardo,
and don't open the door. We will kill
the cow, because people are hungry,
and we will' leave a share for you,
but we don't want to be forced to
hurt anyone."
He would never forget it, just as
lie would never forget that they left
the head and a filete for him, propped
up on sticks, where the dogs couldn't
reach them.
"Fair enough", he said. Needless
to sa). lie never said anything about
recognizing the voice of his midnight
visitor. In times of really desperate
need, anyone might dIo such a thing.
When his midnight visitor died, 15
years later, Abelardo was President
of the Barrio. He went to the wake
early in the evening. At three o'clock
in the morning, when a group of
people were about to leave, they of
feared to accompany him to his house.
"No," lie said, "we have some-
thing in common, the dead man and
1. I'll see him through." He stayed
through the night, and in the first
clear light of dawn, he helped to
carry the coffin over the tortuous
mountain trails, up and down, but
mostly down, leading to the town,
and he was present when the grave
was filled in.
These are things that people
remember, and they are still men-
tioned in the neighborhood. Apart
from these inevitable disorders, pro-


by John Hawes I
evoked by crises, in the world in
which he lives. don Abelardo is fa-
miliar with ordinary weakness. He
know-s why the men who work all
clay. five or six days,a week, on the
steep slopes of the tobacco talas, o0
weeding and ctitting the hill cane,
get drunk at the end of the week.
He knows why they fight with their
wises, and quarrel with their children
and neighbors. He knows how people
get killed on such occasions, how
sudden anger leads to death. He un-
derstands and sympathies with the


remorse of the murderer, at the same
time that he sympathizes with the
bereaved, but lie is sentimental
about neither. Violence is a mistake,
but once started, it has to run its
course like a canefire or a sickness.
A man is killed the killer must be
punished. And the whole Barrio suf-
lers in both instances. This might
not be just, but it is the law. Abelar-
do shrugs and repeats the bitter
proverb:
"For the poor, there is no justice."
.belardo's moral judgment is fiirm-
ly based on the teachings of the
church, but with certain individual
amendments, founded on his own
experience and knowledge of his
neighbors, that would shock a parish
priest.
Underneath all of his patience
anid understanding, even his seeming
resignation in adversity, Abelardo is
a fighter. He has bought hard and
well for the people of his Barrio.
Flores is one of the poorest barrios in
the municipality, and -one of' lie
most thinly populated. Lacking any
,ich and important residents who
might raise their voices in thle mu-
nicipal councils, or a large number
of votes that would compel the atten-
tion of politicians, the barrio might
well be almost forgotten, were it
not for Abelarlo. Armed with no-
thing but his boundless energy, ready
wit and love of Reasoning, Abelardo
sees to it that nobody forgets Flores.
People say that the Mayor winces
whenever he sees Abelardo coming,
but Abelardo's demands are never
unreasonable, and he takes most of
the unpopular decisions upon him-
self. In times ot drought and hard-
ship there is a fierce competition for
the jobs that the municipality offers,
repairing the roads, trimming the
undergrowth and clearing the drains.
It was Abelardo who established the
principle that the roads in Barrio
Flores should be tended by residents


The Islander


started to answer, was kicked by his
neighbor, and kept quiet.
"We all want to stay here with our
families, and there's only one way to
do it." The little white-haired man
stood in the glaring light of the
electric bulb over the doorway. His
big gnarled hands made an encircling
movement. "We all want to live here.
So we all have to sacrifice. I could
pick you, and you, and you," his
root-like finger indicated three men
in the semi-circle that faced him,
"and say that you are the best work-
els, and so", he shrugged, "you
should have the jobs." He paused.
and then his spatulate index finger
pointed to the first man that he had
picked out, "would you, could you,
provide for your sister and all her
children? No sir. You couldn't. It
is better to have one day's work for
the head of every family, so that
everyone has something, even if it's
only a little, tlian to have seven or
eight prosperous families in this
hunger-bitten barrio, and the rest
starving to death. Am I right, gentle-
men or am I wrong?"
For a long moment, the old man
stood in the harsh light of the bare
bulb,, facing the half circle of neigh-
bors, gathered around the counter.
Then someone said:
"Don Abel, we're dry. Isn't there
any beei here?"
Slowly, muscle by muscle, don
Abelardo relaxed. "Joven, I have
more than you could drink in a year."
Two minutes later, Abelardo was be-
hind the counter, providing drinks
lor the men and doling 'out eight
cents worth of dried codfish to a
small bo) who had been sent on an
errand by his overworked mother.
Many times Abelardo has threat-
ened to resign as president of the Ba-
rrio. But Flores without Abelardo
would be like rice without beans -
like an asopao without olives, like
bread without salt, unthinkable.O


of the Barrio. This was clearly a po-
pular decision among his neighbors,
but he went further. No man who is
not the father of a family, he de-
creed, may work on the roads. And
more, in hard times, no man may
work more than one day a week on
the roads.
Not unnaturally, this decision was
resented by some, but its essential
justice made it acceptable to the Ba-
rrio. It was questioned, one night, in
clon Abelardo's little store. Feeling
ran high, -and several of the partic-
ipants were a little tight. Don Abe-
lardo came out from behind the
counter. He liked to fight in the
open.
"-liren sciiores", he said, "is there
anyone here who wants to go to
New York?" He waited for a minute
and a half. Someone in the back


I







Spring, 1970


cCARBBAN Fevw


Romans, Natives


& Helots
by Gordon K. Lewis -


Perhaps the most single remark-
able fact of the Virgin Islands way
of life is that its economic base, in
the form of the majority of the labor
task force, is alien, constituted of
inon-American immigrants_ settled,
legally or illegally, in the various
island communities. Initially coming
from the neighboring British Virgin
Islands and then from the more dis-
tant Leeward Islands group, they.
have been refugees from the despe-
rate poverty of their Caribbean back-
ground, responding to economic op-
portunities in the more affluent
American possessions. They are a
further particular example of the gen-
eral metastasis ol West Indian po-
pulations, of the vast, silent and of-
ten underground cyclical movements
of uprooted peoples in search of
jobs. It has been largely an econo-
mically motivated phenomenon, with
little ol the political motives that
have characterized the Haitian exo-
dus to the Bahamas or the Cuban
exodus to Puerto Rico. But they cons-
titute at the same time, as do those
other groups, a potentially acute mi-
nority problem for their host-society;
for if in the neo-hellenistic Virgin
Islands society the "Continentals"
play, as it were, the role of the Ro-
mans -from the viewpoint of the
",native Virgin Islanders"- the alien
laborers and their families play the
role of the barbarian helots. The
consequences of their presence, cul-
tural, economic, social, are felt dai-
ly in the spirit of Virgin Islands life
and become daily more acute.
The historical background of the
alien influx relates to the fact that
the US Virgins have constituted the
economic magnet of the entire north-
ern Antillean chain of territories.
The area as a whole, in every sense
except that of national ownership,
forms a national labor market entity;
the exchange of goods and services,
and within the last four decades or
so of human beings, has been a lead-
ing feature of its life. Two particu-
lar aspects of the phenomenon are
worth emphasising, as a sort of prefa-
tory note to the analysis of its con-
sequences. In the first place, it has
been a generally spontaneous move-
ment, in response to economic pres-
sures, a voluntary uprootedness as
distinct from the earlier forcible
uprootedness of the slave trade.
Many of the migrants support child-
ren and aged parents back in their
home'islands -Tortola, Anguilla, St.
Kitts, St. Maarten, Nevis, Montserrat,
even Trinidad- and such alien in-
come leaves the Virgins in the form
of remittances back home, although
its statistical amount is unknown;
but there is little of the romantic nos-
talgia for the madre patria so elo-
quently evident in the Puerto Rican
uprooted. Neither is there any re-
tognisable return migration pattern,
similar to the wave of returning
Puerto Ricans from the continental
United States described in Jos6 Her-
nAndez Alvarez's monograph, Return
Migration to Puerto Rico (1967).
There is, of course, the visit back
home to bury a parent or bring
back yet some more children. But
the average alien seeks to become
permanently integrated into the host


economy. The American dream may
have faded for other immigrant
groups. But for the Puerto Rican in
New York and the West Indian in
the Virgins it is still a real thing.
Their migratory movement is a res-
ponse, more or less voluntary, to the
promise of American life. That this
is so can be seen from the fact that
in the case of the West Indian influx
it predates, historically, even the
transfer of 1917 ..
In the words of some Crucian old
ladies recently interviewed by a local
enquirer, speaking of their reasons
lor coming at that time, "You come
Yourself as well as buckra send for
you."
The other partictl.r aspect desern-
ing notice is that the legal status
-or possibly, more correctly speaking,
the absence ot legal status- of the
alien has been problematical from the
start. Generally speaking, the connol
ot alien admission has been divided
between the three federal departments
of State, Labor, and Justice. Yet
strangely enough the first large in-
tlux, during the Second World War
period, was a thoroughly laissez-laire
episode, with none of the incoming
migrants being processed with work
permits; they entered as "visitors,"
found jobs, and worked without inter-
terence by Immigration officialdom,
and were even permitted voluntary
departure, thus removing the onus of
illegality from their employment. The
federal machinery was only brought
into play once the wartime boom end-
ed, and much of the social history of
the aliens after 1945 was that of a
cat and mouse game with Immigra-
tion officials scouring the islands for
aliens in hiding; there is in fact a
growing popular literature describing
the tragi-comedy of the hunt. The
abolition of the old 29-day visitors
permit has helped to regularise the
position somewhat, but there still
remain the many injustices inherent
in the subsequent bonded labour
system, an ad hoc program institut-
ed by the U.S. Department of La-
bor with -no basis in law. It is dif-
ficult not to avoid the feeling that the
US-Virgin Islands authorities have
made things easy for the alien worker
when they have needed him and mov-
ed to -harass him once his presence
becomes embarrassing. He has become,
increasingly, the victim of a combin-


ation of official neglect and public
hostility, and it is only comparati-
vely recently that any institutions of
the insular life, the College of the
Virgin Islands, for example, have be-
gun to show any keen and sympa-
thetic interest in his problems.
These two factors -the voluntary
character of the migration and the
questionable legal status, frequently,
of the individual immigrant- help to
explain, perhaps, the surprising do-
cility of the West Indian group and
tlieir generally unrebellious attitude
to their frequently infelicitous con-
ditions of life and work. That there
is a job to be had, and that the finan-
cial remuneration is frequently hand-
some, for wage and hour matters are
statutorily regulated (with the single
exception of domestic workers, who
come under federal pro\visions), serv-


I Ketrato e un Joven Artista, by Mau-
ricio Lasansky, Argentina(engraving,
49.5 x 45.5cm)
es, apparently, to offset the more neg-
ative aspects of the contract. And
that, in turn. the migrant, on the
whole, is only conditionally present
in .the economy, being a bonded
worker at the pleasure of the employ-
er and a non-permanent alien at tlhe
mercy of the immigration authorities
(a recent study indicates only some
423 aliens with permanent residency
in St. Croix, a tiny percentage of
the total alien population) naturally
discourages 'him from undertaking
any sort of active protest against the
more onerous conditions of his stay,
even if he should consciously feel
them. His general attitude, then,
either becomes one of philosophical
and god-tempered acceptance of the
good with the bad or a sullen and
suspicious regard of any visitor -wel-
fare officer, academic researcher, cen-
stis gatherer- who tries to pry infor-
mation from him. To the degree that
it becomes the latter attitude it in-
volves a regrettable loss of the warm
and contagious bonhomie so charac-
teristic of the West Indian person in
his home habitat, almost as if emi-
giation has stripped him of part of
his being.


It is difficult to put together an
exact statistical picture of the alien
presence. All the foreign born are
not aliens; many aliens are integrat-.
ed in "native" homes, men-with "na-
tive" girls, girls with "native" men;
the absence of a housing registry
makes it impossible to use occupancy'
indices as a guide to population fi-
gures; and there is a widespread eva-
sion in declaring the alien person
-many aliens, in the phrase of the
officer in charge of the 1960 Census
program, left by the back door when
the census enumerators appeared at
the front door. As of mid-1967 the
local government's Office of Statis-
tics and Economic Studies estimated
a total of 13,000 aliens, 8000 in St.
- Croix and 5000 in St. Thomas-St.
"John; the local office of the Bureau
of Immigration, on the other hand,
estimated a total, a year earlier in
1966, of some 14,000. There is no
doubt, however, of the the vastly ac-
celerated growth of the alien popu-
lation. The Governor's Annual Re-
port for 1926 estimated that 21 per-
cent of the then total population of
some 23,000 people were British Vir-
gin Island aliens, but with a much
larger percentage of something like
50 percent having relatives in the
British Virgin Islands. A 1965 report
on St. Croix alone estimated a total
poplilatinii at that time of 21,761 for
that ilasl id, with aliens representing
23.9 percent of the tiguie. The live-
birth statistics tell ai similar story,
toi beginning in 1961 the number of
listed loreign-born parents exceeded
the number ol native-born parents.
mos t of them being Iroin the British
\\est Indies, with Tortola predo-
miinating: the excess has continued
to rise .innmuially, with, however, Tor-
tolin-born mothein falling behind
the other British islands after 1965.
Some ol the foreign-born parents, of
course, are natiralised citizens. But
most of them are aliens, with resident
visas or without, who seek the benefits
ot United States citizenship for their
children.
Whatever the correct figure at any
given moment may be, the statistics
as they stand indicate several consi-
derations. In the first place, the Vir-
gin Islands population is rapidly
changing in its basic character. Se-
condly, as far as the alien component
is concerned, the newcomers -are not
transients, "visitors" or merely con-
tract labor, but a visibly integral part
of the community, inter-marrying
and establishing permanent house-
holds, indicating altogether a deter-
mination to stay. Third, the aliens
constitute a vital element in the
economy since so far no other effect-
ive way of recruiting the economy's


I






4 CAIBBEAN PEVW Spring, 1970


supplementary labor force has been
established, only limited success hav-
ing attended the efforts of the local
Labor Department and the Virgin
Islands Employment Service to re-
cruit American workers from Puerto
Rico and the mainland, most of
whom are deterred in any case by
the massive housing problem that
awaits most newcomers to the islands.
And finally, of course, the average
alien is lower-class, poor, colored and
generally unskilled, in contrast, for
example, with the class of European
and American business and profes-
sional aliens who resided in St. Tho-
mas and St. Croix during the Danish
period and who, interestingly enough,
enjoyed the alien franchise granted,
them by'the Danish Colonial Law
of 1906. The comparison indicates
the vast transformation that has taken
place in the character of the alien
person over the last sixty years or so;
it is a far cry from the Charles Edwin
Taylor type of European gentleman-
alien cultivating the upper-class va-
lues of the old St. Thomas Aihana-
eum Society to the West Indian pro-
letarian-alien of the present-day pe-
riod, desperately struggling to hold
his own in a bitter struggle for sur-
vival.
For, characteristically, the alien
worker is at the very bottom of the
Virgin Islands economic and social
ladder. That is clear enough from the
profile of alien employment. The
largest number are employed, mostly
as unskilled laborers, in the cons-
truction industry; after that comes
domestic work in private households;
a less numerous group works in the
service and trade sectors; while the
277 workers who, as of 1966, were
governmental employees worked
mainly at the menial and dirty jobs
like the "nightsoil" collection bri-
gades. The average alien is forced to
take what is available to him, the
job vacated by an upward-bound lo-
cal worker, or the job everybody else
refuses to do. He accepts willingly in
large part because of the rewards of
a wage-structure handsome in com-
parison to anything he has known in
the West Indian economy. Merely to
read the angry response of the local
political leaders to the surprise di-
rective of the US Department of La-
bor in 1967 which raised the wage-
rate of the 2700 alien domestic work-
ers of the economy to a variable mi-
nimum of $100-148 a month, unset-
tling as it did the secondary economy
of the working housewife dependent
on maid service, is to be made aware
of how real the protection of the fe-
deral bureaucracy can be in the strug-
gle between "native" employer and
alien employee. But the alien worker
also accepts much of what he has
to do because, in many other ways,
he is far from being a free agent. His
certification, although approved by
the Virgin Islands Employment Serv-
ice and accepted by the US Immi-
gration Service, is not a "contract" in
the full sense of the word. It gua-
rantees little beyond the prevailing
wage rate. His employer is not re-
quired to house him. He can be ar-
bitrarily farmed out to other jobs,
especially in construction, or shifted
to a higher job classification without
increased pay. If he objects, he can
be threatened with "deportation", a
form of intimidation widely practis-
ed. He is thus more than ordinarily
willing to accept "under the table"
arrangements with the employer, to
the detriment of the normal collective
bargaining process. He performs, this
is to say, almost all of the productive
and menial work of the economy, but
as a bonded worker is not allowed to


freely seek employment. If, as fre-
quently happens, he comes in as a
short-term visitor on a no-work basis
and then proceeds to violate the con-
ditions of his entry, he becomes even
more vulnerable to intimidation. It-
goes without saying, naturally, that
all this militates severely against any
possibility of trade union activities on
the part of the alien worker, and
there is a large file of cases in the
San Juan office of the regional au-
thorities of the National Labor Re-
lations Board that deal with the
victimisation of union-minded work-
ers, many of whom had been deport-
ed back to their island homes long
before their cases had been finally
adjudicated.


The general living conditions of
the alien laborer constitute some of
the flagrantly worst existing any-
where under the American flag. An
alien residence census in the Crucian
population concentrations has clas-
silied "houses" either built or rented
into three categories: (1) residences
constructed from plywood board
sheets or a combination of sheets and
wood recovered from packing cases
(2) old plantation barns, warehouses
and dilapidated brick structures
'patched tip" to provide housing
and (3) an amazing assortment of
unclassified decrepit frame buildings,
galvanized shacks, and in some in-
stances crudely constructed concrete
structures. Of all these some 90 per-
cent, many of them illegal "squatter"
structures, had electricity installations
of questionable design and materials.
while 96 percent of them had no in-
door running water or other plumb-
ing facilities, the most prevalent
means of sewage disposal being the
antiquated pit privy system; all of it
adding up generally to an overcrowd-
ing situation so immense as to consti-
tute a serious threat to health and
general welfare. In addition to these
makeshift assemblies that proliferate
all over the islands' landscapes there
is the separate category of housing
provided by some employers of large
cadres of alien workers. But much
of it, following the bad example set
earlier by the. now defunct Virgin Is-
lands Corporation, is aesthetically
displeasing, and a visit paid to the
temporary block housing provided by
the Harvey and Hess companies in
St. Croix will show that although su-
perior to the old "Vicorp" villages
-which can be seen in the Bethle-
hem and Machuchal areas- it is es-
sentially of the steel-made trailer
camp variety, constructed with no
physical or community relationship to
either existing housing or planned
future development, and apparently.
concerned only with the considera-
tion of nearness to the site of em-


ployment. Aliens, of course, not be-
ing in practice eligible for public
housing projects, must do the best
they can in the private housing de-
velopments; yet even there, as surveys
of the Tide Village and Golden Rock
developments have shown, slum con-
ditions rapidly make themselves felt,
under the population pressure, even
in the newest of structures. It is hard
to believe, looking at all this, that
there exist rent control laws and
building and housing codes on the
Virgin Islands statute book.
Not the least single most anti-so-
cial feature of it all is that of the
prevalent rental exploitatiori. Enter-
ing an economy which is a. classic
example of the truth of Henry


George's land economics the alien
becomes easily its first victim. He
must pay exorbitant rents for jerry-
built housing. To meet his rental
obligation he must crowd as many
bodies as possible into the rented
quarter, usually family members
or friends from his home island who
masquerade as"visitors"; with the
result that stories abound of units
that are used in shifts by several
groups of tenants reminiscent of the
stories about tenement house tenan-
cy in New York City at the turn of
the century. Much of this exploi-
tation is on the part of the big
real-estate and housing operators
now entering the economy; it is
enough to read the testimony of
long-time shack tenants before the
Rent Control Board in 1967 to
realise how a large corporation like
Harvlan in St. Croix is prepared' to
use the terroristic economic device of
massively accelerated rents in order:
to get people off property it wishes
to exploit more nationally. Much of
it, however, is on the part of indivi-
dual property owners only too ready
to make the most of this human
misery. The Deputy Regional Ad-
ministrator of the Federal Department
of Housing and Urban Development,
in a spirited attack upon this ex-
ploitative situation, has ventured
the opinion.. that if the presently
available legal tools for its correction
were fully utilised by the local gov-
ennent forces the incomes of many
Virgin Islanders on various social
levels would be reduced, rental in-
come being in fact the item that is,
most often "forgotten" or at least
"adjusted" at income tax time. For-
ced, altogether, as he is into this sort
of tenant-occupied substandard hous-
ing organized on the basis of private
greed it is no consolation to the alien
worker to be told that although
there are no legal barriers to his
eligibility for inclusion in the var-
ious low income housing programs





'Tus Sueflos No Tendran Frontera, II,' by Pedro Alcantara, Mexico(lithograph, 43.5x46cm)


undertaken by both the local and
the federal governments there are in
fact operative practical barriers due
to the fact that priorities are assig-
ned to both "natives" and resident
aliens before his own class of bonded
non-resident alien can even begin
to be considered; and, that in the
light of that fact he should look to
private non-profit organizations such
as cooperatives and church groups
to provide non-profit rent supple-
ment housing for him.
It seems at times that the whole
of Virgin Islands society is engaged
in a conspiracy to make life hard
for the alien stranger at the gate. If
he comes from the British Virgin
Islands he must undergo an onerous
and humiliating encounter with the
US Immigration officials at the St.
Thomas quayside, standing in line
endlessly in a hot tropical sun while
his interrogators sit in shaded coin-
fort on the boat. He must pay in-
come tax to the local treasury, but
if he sends remittances to children
or parents back home he can-
not list them as deductible depend-
ents for tax purposes. He must go
through endless paperwork in order
to regularise his status, which be-
comes an additional area of exploi-
tation: "native" clerks and steno-
graphers charge excessive fees to do
the work, and there is at least one
former judge of the Municipal
Court, well-known in social circles,
who local rumor points to as having
made a small fortune over the years
in processing, frequently fraudulen-
tly, papers for alien clients. Employ-
ers complain that, because of the
feudal semi-slavery of their work
conditions, only untrained employ-
ables come to the Virgins to work,
in spite of the money advantage, yet
little is done to improve the con-
ditions so as to encourage the intake
of more skilled workers. Yet many
employers themselves contribute to
this situation by their practice of
requesting certification for more
workers than they need, with the
surplus being casually left to fend
for themselves.
The exploitation of the alien
has been compounded by a massive
indifference over the years on the
part of the Virgin Islands govern-
ment as a whole. The essence of the
problem-a rapidly increasing popu-
lation accompanied by very little
planned effort to accelerate welfare
facilities and services to meet the
explosion-has meet with little im-
aginative response from official lead-
ership, either political or adminis-
trative. That can be seen from the
gross anomalies characteristic of the
relationship of the alien to the pub-
lic service regime. He is the main-
stay of the economy; he pays taxes;
without him entire areas of acti.'ity,
from public works operations to the
hotel tlade, would collapse. Yet what
he gets.in return by way of welfare
aid and social services is scanty to
a degree. His employer must pay
unemployment tax, but the worker
himself cannot collect unemployment
benefits. The local Employment
Service office gives him no help in
finding a job, unless he is a per-
manent resident alien. He and his
family receive certain limited serv-
ices from the varied prograins of the
Department of Social Welfare, the
child adoption program, for exam-
ple, the foster home program, the
financial assistance program to the
needy, and others. But, as with the
day care service, the alien must pay
the full board fee for most of these
services; he is not eligible for the






CAIBBEAN PEviW


Spring, 1970


surplus foods program; he, or his
employer, must meet expenses if he
requires treatment under the cancer
care program; while he is generally
excluded from the regular public
assistance program. This is not to
say that both the hospital and the
social service case-load programs are
not overburdened by a tremendous
pressure of alien patients and clients;
but the alien must pay the expenses
as best he can. It is not unknown
for hospital staff to refuse a birth
certificate to an alien mother until
she has paid the full fee. In the field
'of education, again, alien children.
until only very recently, have not
been eligible for entry to the public
school system, with the result that
there has grown up an unofficial
third alien-parochial school system
of a second-rate standard and in any
case restricted to children whose
parents can afford the rather high
fees required. Unequal access to the
public school system has also gen-
erated the phenomenon of the pri-
vate home nursery in which a single,
sometimes elderly woman looks af-
ter the infant children of alien
neighbors who are also working
mothers, and quite unregulated by
any sort ol inspection system: the
possibility of the emergence of Vic-
torian-type Dotheboys Halls run by
unconscionable "educators" is ap-
parent enough. Not the least tragic
of all Visgin Islands figures is that
of the working mother usually alien,
who-single, divorced, separated or
widowed-inust provide, everything
for her family on an average income
that rises only slightly above the
national poverty level. The only
solution, as a recent report has in-
dicated, is governmental provision
of day care centers throughout all
the island communities to guarantee
adequate care and supervision for
the pre-school children of this im-
portant group of people.
The social consequences of the
inequality ol public services turns
the bonded alien into a second-class
citizen. It has produced the charac-
telistic types of socio-cultural malad-
justment: the alien schoolchild turn-
el truant, the abused or neglected
alien child, also frequently abandon-
ed by parents who make emergency
trips to look after other children
left behind in the home island, the
adolescent girl become pregnant out
of wedlock by alien men and who
is frequently a bonded "companion"
of the man without any guarantee
of security, the young male alien
worker whose natural sexual prob-
lems are not in any way helped by
bachelor-oriented housing arrange-
ments, the alien maids and garden-
ers who have "live in" housing ar-
rangements with their employers that
do little to meet the problem of so-
cial relationships, not to speak of
sexual relationships, with fellow
nationals, the pregnant woman who
cpmes to the territory, technically,
as a "visitor" in order to guarantee
American citizenship for her child,
not least of all the diseased person
who for want of proper medical at-
tention helps become responsible for
the resurgence over the last few
years of venereal disease, from which
it was once assumed the islands had
been fully freed by the earlier work
of Dr. Roy Anduze and his col-
leagues. So endemic and widespread
are all these problems that they have
evoked the angry criticism of both
Congressional leaders- and federal
administrators in the national capi-
tal. "One of the few things wrong
with the Virgin Islands," the acting


director of the Office of Territories
of the Interior Department wrote to
Governor Paiewonsky in 1965, "is a
complex of problems, two of the
parts of which might be labelled
'alien labor' and "low wages.' Six,
eight, ten alien laborers sleeping in
a room in a chicken house, away
from their families, or when they
manage to bring them in under cir-
cumstances of questionable legality
having them be an impossible bur-
den on the social services of the com-
munnity, while they are paid sweat-
shop wages by enterprises that never
had it so good-this does something
to the quality of life in the islands
that is not compatible with the Great
Society."
This is a harsh but thoroughly
justified charge. In return for a
federally permitted alien labor pro-
gram the Virgin Islands assumed
responsibility for protecting alien in-
terests. Until only very recently,
certainly, the territorial government
has done little to honor that obli-
gation . .
Much of this revived activity has
been a belated response of the local
governmental bureaucracy to insistent
federal pressures which, given the


-fl k ,j,,


CIEN ANOS DE SOLEDAD. Ga-
briel Garcia Mhirquez. 351 pp. Edito-
rial Sudamericana, Buenos Aires.
1968.
100'YEARS OF SOLITUDE. Ga-
briel Garcia M irquer. Harper & Row,
1970. $7.95.

In the early days of Macondo, no
one had died and no one was over
thirty. Its streets, filled with the song
of birds, were so ordered that no
house received a disproportionate
amount of sun during the heat of the
day. Macondo was Utopia then,
though its inhabitants would not have
known the word. It was isolated in
its glory, to be yearned much later,
and "rlte world was so recent that
many things lacked a name..."
Such is the setting of 'Cien Aios
de Soledad," an extraordinary novel
by Colombia's Gabriel Garcia MAr-
quez. His people, the Buendfas, are
superhuman, even the weakest of the
fatal tribe, moving across a broad
spectrum of this tropical human com-
edy, mired in their individual soli-
tuldes.
Tle novel is an essay on solitude.
Of solitude so heavy as to be almost
inconceivable in this age of Aquarius
when to die before thirty is not un-
common. There is the solitude of Jo-
se Arcadio Buendia, founder of Ma-
condo and its most industrious and
delirious citizen. An Adam expelled
from the Garden of Eden, he is lured
by the omniscient gypsy Nlelquiades
into discovering the world; he studies
manuscripts and, like the early philo-
sophers, becomes an alchemist. In his
solitude, Jose Arcadio Buendia dis-
covers that the "world is as round as
in orange," to the disbelief and an-
ger of Ursula Iguaran, his wife and
his cousin. Site wore a chastity belt
in the early days of their marriage
because she believed that as cousins
they would have a child with a pig's
tail.It had already happened to one
of their family who had his tail cut


colonial character of the island ter-
ritories, cannot be ignored .. There
has been, and still is, a gross dis-
crepancy between the money, imag-
ination and effort that the Virgin
Islands governmental machine has
devoted to furthering the interests
of tie local business community and
what it has been prepared to do for
the alien interests. "I know", John
Kirwan has put it in the same letter
to Governor Paiewonsky already
quoted, "that the problems on the
S200 duty allowance, and the liquor
exemption, and the watch and
woollen problems are technically
the concern of the Custom Bureau,
and the Commerce Department,
and the Treasury Department.
Yet the pressure from the Virgin
Islands people, legislature, and gov-
ernment upion such agencies has
been unremmitant, creative, and
successful. The Virgin Islands just
wouldn't take 'no' for an answer
in those cases. and couldn't care less
what the regulations, the old lIw, or
the old established limitations were.
If they got in the way of progress
they had to go, even if it meant
months of footwork here in Wash-
ington, and a series of new laws


JLl U l&-AJI
by Eneid Rouette

oil and bled to death. Murder and
.incest founded Macondo.
Ulsula Iguaran was "never heard to
sing in her life," a long life of self-
will, of activity, unlike Eve, a life
spent being matriarch to the clan.
She is perhaps, the most vital Buen-
ldia, disciplined yet expansive, fear,
less yet able to lament "The years are
coming like those of before." It is
not a lament, Western style,for tlhe
good old days, rather an anguished
cry, in the midst of solitude, against
the abnormal decay of Macondo and
thie Buendfas.
Gabriel Galcina MAirquez is like his
Nlelquiades, deftly interweaving and
contrasting history and myth. There
is the history of the family where the
names Jose Arcadio and Aureliano
are repeated so often throughout
the line that the name itself becomes
Ia myth in the final generation. There
is the history ol Macondo which start-
ed as a paradise then developed into
;a thriving town with prostitutes and
bars, cars and trains, gringos, govern-
ment and revolution. Macondo finally
becomes a ghost town. The myth in
turn becomes history. The plague of
insomnia, an Indian tale, breaks out
in Macondo and the names of things


from the Congress." The contrast,
as Kirwan went on to note, between
that record and the reluctance of
any Virgin Islands lobby to persuade
the Congress to raise wage levels in
the territory, by means, for example,
of eliminating the Virgin Islands'
exemption from the federal mini-
mum-wage legislation which only
benefits employers battening on the
underpaid alien worker, throws seri-
ous doubt upon the willingness of
the Virgin Islands leadership to
move itself with any urgency or det-
ermination in the cause of the alien.
Nor has there been-and this is the
third point to make- any visible ef-
fort on the part of the local govern-
ment to utilise its tax powers as a
means of raising more revenue for
alien services, a scandalous derelic-
tion of duty when it is remembered
that this. for all its affluence, is one
ol the most lightly-taxed areas under
the American flag. The result of
that fiscal conservatism is that the
gapl between the low wage and liv-
ing-conditions level of the bottom
ol the work force and the increasing
allluence of the entrepreneurial seg-
ment of the tourist and export in-
dustries grows wider all the time.r]


are written down to fend off forget-
fulness. The fantastic manuscripts,
undecipherable for many years, final-
ly reveal their terrible message.
It's a strange world, that of Ma-
condo and the Buendfas, where Re-
nmedios la Bella, a girl so' pure and so
beautiful that men died because of
her, who one day was lifted in the air
like Enoch and was never seen again;
where Colonel Aureliano Buendla,
revolutionary, born with his eyes
open, Iaving escaped death many
times, died while urinating against, a
tree, trying to remember the circus;
where 16 of the 17 bastard sons of
Colonel Aureliano Buendla, all with
the mark of Cain on their foreheads,
were shot l own one night by govern-
ment agents; where Jos6 Arcadio
lHuendia the founder died under the
oak tree "soaked by the sun and the
rain" and flowers fell from the sky
and covered the streets of Macondo,
where it once rained continuously for
four years, II months and two days.
Gabriel Garcia Mairquez is implac-
able, unrelenting. The sins of the fa-
thers are visited upon the children
and as each generation diminishes the
clan, the clamp of solitude gets tight-
er. There is no way out. Jose Arcadio
Buendia started it, Colonel Aurelia-
no Buendfa continued it, making
little lishes out of gold, selling them
and again melting the gold to make
little fishes. It's a repetition, Ursula
believed. Jose Arcadio Segundo, the
only survivor of a massacre that no
one believed had occurred, found
peace in the room of Melquiades,
solemnly reading and studying the
manuscripts. Tile solemn solitude
ends with the last Buendla, lover to
his aunt.
Lives are long in this phenomenal
book. "Years before, when she had
passed 145 years, Pilar Ternera had
renounced the pernicious custom of
counting her age..." Ursula appar-
ently was even older when she died
on a Holy Thursday, dead birds
falling from the sky. The lives are
long and hard, the reader hears the
sounds of clashing cymbals.
"Cien Alios de Soledad", with its
awesome, apocalyptic final curtain,
could only have been written by one
terribly sensitive to the human condi-
tion, by Gabriel Garcia Marquez,
whose shadow is certainly solitude. [


100 Years

n4f Qnlria


Gabriel Garcia Mkquez, photo by
Rodrigo Moya.


__


I






6 CASIBBAN "EW Spring, 1970


Tired Latin


Liberals
by Wolfgang A. Luchtingi


This summer-there, it was winter
I traveled and stayed, each time for
between two and four weeks, in Bra-
zil, Argentina, Chile, and Peru. It
was, of course, not any old summer,
or winter, but: the one when two
men tramped around the moon "be-
cause it's there;" it was when the
Argentine government played some
of its military games (cf. David Vi-
iias' Los hombres de a caballo); the
month when the Chilean writers in-
vited their Latin American colleagues
and some observers to a magnificent
conference in Santiago and Vifia del
'"ar; it was, furthermore, not quite
a year after the Peruvian military
took over their country and an oil
refinery away from Rockefeller. It
was, finally and, for the Peruvians,
most importantly, the late winter in
which they "beat" Argentina in foot-
ball.
Here is the most remarkable com-
ment I heard, in Rio de Janeiro, on
Brazilian TV, regarding the mooni
landing: in the course of a series of
televised interviews with the inevita-
Sble "Man In the Street" (mostly
government bigshots; but also some
of the reportorially ubiquitous house-
wives and the proverbial taxi-dri-
vers) one such housewife stated flat-
ly, when asked what she thought
about the. moon business, "Look, it's
one of those things that you either
believe in or don't believe in. I
don't." As for the taxi-drivers, I
asked several of them on my own
account. The general reaction, and
I am not kidding, was: come on, now,
you know it's not true Just look at
her up there It was a film; like
2001, Inao d verdade? But why
would the United States wish to ...?
-Who knows? Who ever knows why
they do anything? Perhaps it was in
order to find out why that a few
weeks later, some non-housewives and
non-taxistas abducted the United
States Ambassador.
I was not in Rio long enough to
get the profound insights journalists
get after having been at a trouble
spot for three days. I limited my
"research" to reading all the news-
papers I could get hold of. They
were indirectly (if you know what I
mean) full of reports on banks and
other moneyed institutions being
robbed by political radicals. One day,
in fact, as I read in the evening pa-
pers, I happened, in the morning, to
have been in an airline office next
to which a bank was being robbed.
I did not notice a thing. All the pa-
pers were, of course, also full-directly,
now-of communiques by the various
military security agencies promising
the hardest crackdowns ever. It was
the time of the return... well, of
one more return, to the "hard line"
against political dissidents, a direct
line to the abduction of the Ambas-
sador. Among the dissidents, by the
way, there were and are a number of
military. The "hard-liners" evidently
did not heed what President Nixon
said-and forgot-not so long ago:
"We should bring dissidents into our
policy discussions, not freeze them
out..." (In a pre-election radio
broadcast, September 19, 1968, quoted
by I. F. Stone in his Weekly of No-
vember 3, 1969)


My last time in Buenos Aires, was
a week or so after the military had
taken over Argentina, in 1966. This
time when I arrived I was somewhat
worried. The news reports on the po-
litical unrest in the. Argentine pro-
vinces and some assassinations in the
capital had not been conducive to
alluring tourists. In the provinces,
government-caused messes had al-
most led to massacres and definitely
to some masses.
I had to deal mainly with writers
and intellectuals, i.e. with people


who, normally, tend to be liberals.
Here they were definitely not (as by
the way they were not in any of the
remaining two countries either). This
was perhaps the most incisive im-
pression I received this time of Latin
America: the rejection of liberalism.
What liberalism? Well, I am evident-
ly not referring to Manchesterism, i.e.
to economic liberalism, which in Ar-
gentina still flourishes quite nicely,
thank you-for some classes (always
the same: the cattle-breeders and the
industrialists). What the many
people I talked with had in mind
when discussing liberalism was, I
tliink, democratic process, Parliamen-
tarism. They were utterly and total-
ly fed up with it (Congress, in Bue-
nos Aires, was dissolved by the mili-
tary; as it was, too, in Brazil). The
one reason given always was that of
the supposedly rampant corruption
and the hitter ineffectualness among
parliamentarians. Everywhere in the
countries I visited, and not only this
year, either, the term liberal has
become an insult, as has the term
"refolmista" (advocate of institu-
tional reforms, as over against violent
change). This attitude does not, how-
ever, imply any liking for the mili-
tary (except in Peru, where the gene-
ral attitude toward them seems still
ambiguous). The military are pre-
ferred-"liked" would be an exag-
geration- only by the economic lib-
erals. What do Argentinians want,
then? I am afraid I do not really
know; nor, I had the impression, do
they themselves- the older ones, at
any rate. To judge by what the young-
er ones told me- and I think that
endless film (forbidden, of course, in
Argentina, but made by Argentinians;
I saw it in Pars:) Tiempo de los hor-


nos, is its most plastic expression-
there appears to be a very strong cur-
rent toward a revision and revalua-
tion of the image of Per6n. I was
trulN astounded by this new tendency,
one of whose present quality I had
been unaware until I saw the film;
for it would seem to contradict so
totally the conclusion British Jean
Franco came to in her book The
Modern Culture of Latin America:
Society and the .Artists (New York,
Praeger, 1967): Latin American art
is much more concerned "with social
ideals . with that form of love
which the Greeks called agape or love
tor one's fellow man." Per6n, com-
monly, is regarded, especially outside
Latin America, as a sort of crony of
Hitler, as a dictator most vile. In
Latin America at large they do not
normally care much for his memory
either. In Argentina, up until per-
haps three years ago, he continued


to be a hero, of course, but, naturally
and primarily, to the Peronistas; not,
however, to the artists, intellectuals,
and the economic liberals (cf. Jorge
Luis Borges on him, or Ernesto SA-
bato, and many of the older writers
except Leopoldo Marechal). This
has changed completely. I often asked
the question: why, of all people,
should film makers, writers, journal-
ists- especially the younger ones,
who were kids during Per6n's last
years of rule and thus know nothing,
experientially, of what life was like
under him for people like them- why
should they now have begun to re-
habilitate him and even admire him?
The answer was, usually and in es-
sence, that he most certainly had had
that humanitarianism, i. e. that social
and socialist impulse, that agape Jean
Franco speaks of, and that in fact he
implemented them to a larger degree
than anywhere else in Latin America.
In short, that he had shown that in-
terest in the miserables that since him
no Argentine government has shown
again, and this includes the military,
for they are, in Argentina and togeth-
er with the Brazilian brass hats, cer-
tainly the most reactionary rulers of
them all. And, as is rather common
knowledge by now among those who
study Latin America, the demand for
social changes there is becoming
more and more irrepressible (cl.
Carlos Fuentes' "Letter to the Citi-
zents of the United States," a little
known document in which he fore-
cast, already in 1962, what meanwhile
has become only too true).
More than a hundred years ago, a
very interesting Argentine, Domingo
Faustino Sarmiento (1811-1888), wrote
a book called Civilizacd6n y barbaric
(18-5). The general thesis was that


the latter resided in the provinces
(where the caudillos- the famous
Factindo, among them- reigned; one
of the most famous of them, ironical-
ly, later became the longest reigning
dictator of Argentina: Juan Manuel
de Rosas (1793-1877 ruling of
course from Buenos Aires), while the
civilizacidn was centered in and was
meant to spread from Buenos Aires.
This dichotomy is traditional in Ar-
gentina, even today. But I believe it
has undergone some change, if not,
in fact, a complete reversal. For
those that today rebel against the
military (i.e. Buenos Aires) do so for
civilized reasons; whereas the repres-
sive powers, in this view, sit in
Buenos Aires and engage in all sorts
of barbaridades with not very much
simplification. This new imagery of
old Argentine patterns can indeed be
perceived quite clearly when one
compares some almost symbolically
interpretable events in both areas, i.e.
in the provinces and in the capital:
in the former, government troops
shoot protesting students and striking
workers ("good guys"); in the latter,
the defenders of the rebels in the
provinces, the dissident intellectuals,
artists and others, are harassed, their
newspapers or magazines forbidden or
closed down (Prunera Piano ), a week-
ly, was ordered to cease publication
and an offending edition was requi-
sitioned while I was in Buenos Aires)
by the military ("bad guys").
The next thing to strike me in
Argentina was the apparent acqui-
escence of the bonaerenscs- and 1
mean the people in general there,
not only the dissenters of all arts and
intellectual disciplines- the average
acquiescence in the frequently indeed
very risible, heavy-handed interferen-
ces and manoeuvres of the govern-
ment, i.e. the military. I was told, by
sources that I know from experience
to be quite reliable, stories of govern-
ment censorship in bookstores, pu-
blishing houses, etc., that were indi-
cative of such a lack of the most
rudimentary familiarity with the very
matters in which the interference
were affected that one should have
thought that the very comicality of it
all would or could put a stop to it.
Since I was unable to verify these
stores, I refrain here from repeating
them. I must admit, however, that
they do in effect betray all the charac-
teristics of military thinking... well.
perhaps not thinking: reacting, may-
be. How could such things- and there
were many to match them in different
fields- be tolerated by, of all people,
the bonaerenses, who, all through
Argentine history, have been known
to be the most easily rebellious and
definitely the most articulate group?
I asked this question, too, and got as
an answer generally that they are
quite simply- tired I They have, over
the last fifteen or so years, seen so
many government changes, each one
with so many promises, they have
witnessed so many attempts at repre-
sentative democracy and its opposites,
that they simply do not believe any
more that anybody, any system can
be trusted, can really work. "Why,
we even lost in football! Against
Per'i !", ;as a riend wrote me recent-
ly, tongue in cheek. Or, as the cons-
tant refrain goes in Argentina, and
not only during these last few years,
"este pai.\ no ticne aireglo." The same
"tiredness," by the way, can be found
in many other Latin American coun-
tries, including Mexico.
Aside from these observations, I
found, in this year's visit, that an
earlier impression I had gotten of
Buenos Aires was only too correct:







CArIBBEAN PFEKw


Sorinn. 1970


Buenos Aires is an overwhelmingly,
bourgeois city. In this respect it now
even outdoes Santiago de Chile, my
next stop. And skepticism, as should
not surprise, is an intensely bourgeois
phenomenon.
Chileans are the friendliest of all
Latin Americans. Beside this, they
have the reputation not only of pos-
sessing the most durable democratic
traditions- as the recent strange at-
tempt at a military uprising (of one
Division) proved again when it was
rejected right out by the popula-
tion- but also of having the highest
consumption of wine in the world.
But then, the wine is truly excellent.
The consumption must have been a
bit higher during August, to judge
by what I was to observe- and I was
invited as an observer- among the
writers from virtually every Latin
American country that gathered in
Santiago and in Vifia del Mar on
occasion of the Encuentro Latino-
americano de Escritores. Wine, lite-
rature, and politics led in fact, at one
point, to the following situation of
lonescan logic: an observer from
Rumania, a poet and translator, com-
plained to the third plenary session
that "the distinguished Chilean writer
Francisco Coloane . last night . .
insulted me and, worse, insulted my
country . saying that Rumania is
degenerate because, a month ago, its
government received Nixon for a vi-
sit of seventeen hours." Coloane apo-
logized to the "Rumanian comrade,
because I was a little drunk after the
fiesta of Pablo Neruda." We had all
gone to the famous Isla Negra, which
is no island at all, in order to pay
our visitors' homage to the great poet.
During my stay in Santiago, Vifia,
and Valparaiso, I was told on several
occasions by Chilean writers and
other artists, as well as by students
and even government officials, that
they did not have the least doubts
about the fact that very soon the
Chilean Right (the landowners pri-
marily, as invariably in Latin Ameri-
ca) would try a coup against the
government of Prime Minister Frei.
They based themselves on some of
the events that had taken place ap-
proximately a week before the En-
cuentro began, for instance on the
strike-breaking by the hacendados
themselves, in opposition to govern-
ment instructions, against their
peones. It will not surprise, under
these circumstances, that the insur-
rection led recently by an appar-
ently quite picturesque Chilean gen-
eral, Viaux, allegedly for higher
salaries for the officers, was imme-
diately linked to a conspiracy be-
tween the private heavy industry,
the landed-property classes, and the
American and Canadian controlled
mining concerns against the reformist
government action (cf. Le Monde
of October 30 and of November 6,
1969). That is one interpretation.
Another was that the Chilean mil-
itary were attempting to imitate the
Peruvian colleagues. The first inter-
pretation was based primarily on the
indeed somewhat bizarre claims of
the insurgent military that they de-
manded better pay and less antiquat-
ed equipment. Representative Cough.
lin (R.-Pa.) on October 15 said in
Congress that it is in "Greece, Iran,
Republic of China, El Salvador,
Chile and Morocco (where) our lev-
el of [arms] aid in fiscal year 1969
has skyrocketed compared to the
average of the previous 6-year period."
Also, according to an article in OLGA
(Lima) the sum involved for meet-
ing the pay demands of the Chilean
military amounted to the not very


high sum of 750,000 dollars. Be all
that as it may, I think that there
can be little doubt that the custom-
ary image of Latin American mil-
itary needs an urgent revision: they
no longer are what. they generally
and traditionally were considered to
be, (a) by non-military Latin Amer-
icans: "America-trained and -equip-
ped occupation troops of our own
people against our own people ['in-
ternal colonialism'];" (b) by non-
Latin Americans: "Powers interested
mainly in the perpetuation of their
power." At any rate, they are no
longer only the former, although
they remain, of course, definitely the
latter. There is a new image emerg-
ing-even in the countries (Brazil,
Argentina) where the conservative
military in power not only have to
defend themselves against dissenting
civilians but, increasingly, also against
the "new" military in their own
ranks-an image the contours of
which cannot yet be clearly made
out, as for instance in Peri6.


When I arrived in Periu, everybody
was talking football. The Sunday
before my arrival, the country had
beaten-really "beaten"- Bolivia.
Now, the coming Sunday, the national
team was up against the Argentinians,
on the latter's homeground, in Bue-
nos Aires. Argentina, for many years,
was considered the best Latin Amer-
ican football team.
It is impossible to describe the
atmosphere of expectation, hope-
and of dread that Peru might lose.
Cardinal LandAzurri. as behooves a
good shepherd, predicted a score of
three-two for Peru. I was not able
to listen to the broadcast of the
game and, therefore, had no' idea
how it ended. However, at around
four o'clock on that Sunday after-
noon I heard cars honking in this
rhythm: .. : ... .and the honking
increased until, an hour or so later,
all of Lima was a complete mad-
house. I assumed that the game had
indeed been guided by God and
resulted in the Cardinal-predicted
score. The noise grew so much that
I went out to watch the fiesta. I had
never seen anything like it: thousands
and thousands of cars, with slogans


painted on them viva-ing Peru, mov-
ed through the whole central area
of Lima, people (mostly youths)
sitting on them with pots and pans
which they clanked together, end-
lessly and monotonously, shouting
"p6-ri p&-rd, pe-rn." Everybody
wore something or other that reflect-
ed the colors of the Peruvian flag,
red and white. People -and this is
no cliche now-literally danced in
the streets and on the platforms of
the huge trucks that had joined the
parade. The noise was so deafening
that I took refuge in a bar. There
the TV set was turned on so that I
could observe the celebration going
on all over town. Spontaneously the
masses gathered at two focal points:
the Government Palace on the Plaza
de Armas, and in front 'of the pri-
vate residence of Peri's President,
General Velasco. He stepped out
onto the balcony and, of course, made
a speech in which he used the fol-
lowing memorable expression: "This
victory possesses the fragrance of
Petroleum and of Agrarian Reforml"
The petroleum bit referred, of course,
to the nationalization of the Inter-
national Petroleum Company (Shell).
The phrase may seem rather Alice-
in-Wonderlandish, but it documents
to a degree that I have never ob-
served in Peru, and I lived there
a long time, an identification of the
Peruvian masses with their new mil-
itary regime that was unheard of.
The expropriation of the Canadian-
American Oil Company-it had been
talked about for decades-was a gov-
ernment measure that, from one day
to the other, caused an enormous
swing of an immense majority of
Peruvians behind the military, some-
thing that must be called short of
miraculous, because Peruvians, just
like the bonaerenses I mentioned
before, have for many years now
been known to look at any kind of
new government with very weary
eyes, full of cynicism and indiffer-
ence. Therefore, the football score
reinforced the government's stand-
ing hugely. Nothing better could
have occurred as far as its integrants
were concerned. The expropriation
and the football game had origin-
ated and consolidated an explosive
awakening of national pride. It has
been growing ever since, not least
because the Peruvian example has
brought imitators (cf. Bolivia) and
applause from virtually all Latin
American nations (except official
Brazil). In addition to this, the
machismo of it all has to be taken
into account: Velasco's expropria-
tion of the IPC and his manner of
standing up under the subsequent
pressure from Washington, for Latin
Americans was a heroic deed, one
only a macho dares. And, so far, he
has won. It has been a long time
since Peru was observed, expectantly.
and wonderingly, by so great a part
of the world. It is, therefore, not at
all uncommon that in (carefully)
discussing the country's situation
with Peruvians you will hear them
associate, automatically, the great
moments of their more or less recent
past in the most surprising and yet,
I believe, significant manner: "We
have our Petroleum back; we are,
next to Cuba, the only nation that
is serious about Agrarian Reform
[something, I venture to say, that
remains to be seen] -why, the Cu-
bans are even coming here to study
it! And we have had a Miss Uni-
verse [Gladys Zander, in, I believe,
1958], and we have the greatest
Latin American writer: Mario Var-
gas Llosa."
On Monday, the day after the


On Tuesday, late at night, the
"victorious" team came home. Ac-
cording to press reports the crowd
that met them at the airport num-
bered over 300,000 persons. Again
spontaneously, everybody congregat-
ed-around three a.m.-on the Plaza
de Armas. Velasco gave a speech,
decorated the players, and the crowds
were delirious. A friend of mine
observed: "If we don't win now in
the World Championship in Mexico,
the consequences are unforeseeable"
(Editor's note: after the 2-2 tie in
Buenos Aires, the Peruvians beat
Brazil in Lima, qualifying for the
World Championship in Mexico, to
be held from May 3-June 21.)
What now about all those mili-
tary? I have to confess that my dis-
trust of the military mind is pretty
strong, even more so when they are,
visibly or invisibly, the ones who
run the show. And yet, the develop-
ment in Peru is worth pondering.
To judge by what they have achiev-
ed so far-things, in the main, that
are concrete expressions of dreams
cultivated by Latin Americans many,
many years now-there appears to
be emerging a new type of military.
This impression is reinforced by the
many. frequently very hesitantly voic-
ed musings of progressive Latin
American intellectuals and artists
who, too, cannot quite get them-
selves to believe their eyes and trust
their ears concerning the develop-
ments in Peru. What is going on
there?
Well, I do not know. But, con-
jecturing, I would say that quite
simply the appropriation by the
military of certain populist desire,
of nationalist ambitions, of generally
leftist attitudes and suggestions for
solutions-all of them things the
civilian governments and represent-
ative democracies never seemed to
be able to make their own-has come
to result in an amalgamation of
(military) discipline and civiliany
dreams that, at least in this case,
have produced a partial and symbol-
ical wish fulfillment. The military
in Peru are, to some extent, putting
into effect what the by far greatest
part of the population has always
considered necessary and possible.
True, the Peruvian military, too,
are still up against the obstruction
of the reactionary powers in the
country-and they are very strong in
Peru (cf. The New Yorker, May 15,
1969)- but the military have be-
hind them that most persuasive
means of executive enforcement:
soldiers and weapons. This is the
disagreeable aspect of the situation.
But in countries where the vast
majority has nothing and a very
small minority has everything, the
former are not likely to worry about
force being applied to the latter.
And "popular support," in Latin
America, means the masses who have
nothing.
What, then, of the "seepage"-
principle? Basically, this principle


-,---,.


victory, I learned from the news-
papers that the game had really
ended in "a draw: two goal both
The score the cars had honked (and
were honking until early Monday
morning: the mass euphoria did not
end that easily) was what Peruvians
felt-guided by their Cardinal- the
score ought to have been. This cel-
ebration of a desideratum instead of
a fact is a very Latin trait. Its power
cuts both ways, of course. It can
become a most effective impulse to
real changes, or it can take the form
of being content with the desider-
atum.







cAftBBAN r Eew


Spring, 1970


consists of the belief that outside-
for instance: US-financial help will
in the long run, by being invested
in enterprises that favor and enrich
the already rich, "seep" down into
the pockets of those who have noth-
ing, by means of creating more jobs
in new industries, etc. This way, too,
the pockets of the "haves" would be
surfeited.
Unfortunately, it seems that the
pockets of the rich were much deeper
than had been expected. Quite aside
from the ethical cynicism the "seep-
age" principle implied, there was
also the administrative incapacity to
direct the overflow into the pockets
of the "have-nots." The "seepage"
principle did not work: the capacity
of the "haves" to "have more" and
their expertise in remitting it to
banks in the United States or in
Switzerland had simply been under-
estimated. Very little of the outside
aid pumped into the country ended
in the country itself. Due to this,
the have-nothing masses remained
available for other experiments: they
did not even get a chance at indulg-
ing in any acquisitive instinct.
And what is the view of the fut-
ure development? To conjecture on
an answer to this question it is nec-
essary to see Latin America in
relation to the United States. The
latter have-if we cut out the rhet-
oric-lad two primary aims: (I) to
assure the safety of its own territory
(think of Cuba); (2) to insure the
continued availability of Latin Amer-
ica as a market for finished products
and as a producer of cheap raw
materials. In pursuit of both aims,
US policy has always been, overtly
or covertly, to support such govern-
ments as were likely to safeguard
these interests. If they were dem-
ocratic governments-good. If not,
they. were assumed to be more ef-
ficient in controlling the "insurgen-
cies." Hence the fact that numerous
Latin American military have over
many years been trained in the
United States or on United States
territory e.g. in the "counter-insurg-
ency" courses in the Panama Canal
Zone. Control was also attempted,
for longer range goals, by less evid-
ent means, such as the ill-fated Plan
Camelot. By now, as per President
Nixon's recent policy statement on
Latin America,* even the customary
rhetoric has been dropped: he said
that even military governments will
have to be accepted in order to act
realistically. Perhaps this "realism"
comes too late.
As of late, however, many of
those very military trained in the
United States, especially the younger
ones whose thinking has been shaped
by quite different models, return to
their countries and, not least because
of Cuba, begin to identify-to what
degree it is difficult to say-with the
dreams and ambitions of an awaken-
ing Third World. And then you
get Peru and, most recently, Bolivia.
More such cases will follow. What,
exactly, motivates this new identifi-
cation. I do not know. My guess is
that it is simply and, it appears,
definitely a new way successfully to
perpetuate military power and the
very existence of the military.O
*This text was written before the
Rockefeller Report was published.
The reaction to it, as far as the press
comments I was able to read are
concerned, is to consider it highly in-
sufficient. Frequently it is pointed
out, moreover, that it appears absurd
to see North America tolerate lack
of freedom in Latin America and to
fight for freedom in Vietnam.


PAPA DOC: THE TRUTH
ABOUT HAITI TODAY. Bernard
Diederich and Al Burt. Introduction
by Graham Greene. 393 pp. Mc-
Graw-Hill, 1969. $8.95.
HAITI: RADIOGRAFIA DE
UNA DICTADURA. Gerard Pierre-
Charles. Pr6logo de Juan Bosch. 168
pp. Editorial Nuestro Tiempo, MNxi-
co, 1969. $2.
During the past thirteen years, the
Republic of Haiti has been governed
by Francois Duvalier, a formerly
obscure country doctor (from which
came the nickname "Papa Doc").
He was educated partly in the Unit-
ed States, but no one in this country
knows him very well despite his long
tenure in power.
The press reports on Haiti only
when the political situation seems
to worsen because of the perennial
drought that devastates an already
weak economy or because of political
invasions by exiles. This fragmenta-
ry news contributes to the outside
world only a murky picture of the
present -political system of Haiti.
Three years ago the celebrated En-
glish novelist, Graham Greere, ex-
posed to the world for the first time
an accurate picture of the Haiti of
Duvalier in his book, The Comedians
(later produced as a motion picture).
Although Greene's name and literary
talent greatly publicized the Haitian
situation, two books published in
1969 add vastly to our knowledge of
the Duvalier regime.
Papa Doc is the work of two Ame-
rican journalists, Bernard Diederich
and Al Burt. Diederich, who lived
in Haiti for fourteen years and
married a Haitian woman, owned an
English daily newspaper in Port-au-
Prince and lived through the first
six years of Duvalier's regime under
the same threats as his Haitian col-
leagues. Mr. Diederich's involvement
with Haiti gives to his book the va-
lue of an insider's report, but does
not affect the objectivity of his ana-
lysis. However the reader of Papa
'Doc can become confused, especially
-the foreign one, because some of the
numerous incidents which the author
relates strain the credulity of anyone
not familiar with Haiti. One of the
finest chapters.of the book is probably
the fifth, "The Formative Years,"
which attempts to answer the ques-
tion asked by many observers: "What
is the source of Duvalier's madness?"
Radiografia de una Dictadura is
also an account of the Duvalier re-
girhe, but in this case the author is
a young Haitian professor at the
University of Mexico and an avowed
Marxist theoretician. Pierre-Charles,
an exile well qualified to comment
on Papa Doc, presents a more com-
pact analysis than Diederich. Where-
as Papa Doc is more abundant in de-
tails, perhaps natural since its au-
thors are journalists, Radiografia is
more useful to the political scientist
because of its acute assessment of the
political system.
,Both books make it clear that the
Haitian people cannot be exonerated
from responsibility for the present
situation. Duvalier's regime has been
invincible because of the nature of
the Haitian mentality. The books
relate in detail the numerous inva-
sions, all of which failed to shake


Sby Jean-Claude Garcia -Zamor I
the regime. The reasons were always
the same. First of all, the exiles have
been able to coolly assess the real
strength of Duvalier's government.
All of them, young and old, have
been repeating to themselves and
each other since 1957 that Duvalier's
militia (better known as Tonton Ma-
coutes) would not be able to with-
stand an attack from outside. Al-
though this could be easily explain-
ed by the popular theory of "wish-
ful thinking," it is still not an excuse
for intelligent Haitians to be blind-
ed by their emotions and frustrations.
When in the mid-thirties an inde-


pendent poll was conducted in Ger-
many to measure Hitler's popularity,
a majority of the Germans responded
unfavorably about Hitler, but that
same majority admitted he would be
in power for a great many years
ahead. For the past thirteen years,
when the Haitians in exile have
been asked about the chances for Du-
valier's survival, the answer has in-
variably been, "He will fall within
a few months."
A second reason for the failure of
the numerous invasions against Du-
valier and of the isolated attempts on
his life lie in another characteristic
of the Haitian mentality: their pro-
pensity to side with those in power,
whether a native dictator or a fo-
reign invader. During the early years
of the American occupation, Colonel
W. T. Waller, Chief of the U. S.
Occupation Force, complained to a
Haitian politician that when the
Americans invaded Cuba, they had
spent years without being able to
find a Cuban spy to -serve them.
When they were in the Philippines,
only one Filipino offered himself to
them, but he was a double agent in
the service of General Aguinaldo, and
the night the false spy disappeared,
the Americans were attacked by Agui-
naldo's troops. But as soon as they
arrived in Haiti, according to Colo-
nel Waller, numerous Haitians of-
fered themselves to serve the Ame-
rican information service. Such trea-
son accounts for the failure of most
of the resistance movements against
the occupation troops. Duvalier has
had the same success in buying in-
formation.
A third reason which also lies in
the Haitian philosophy is their ex-
treme reliance on outsiders to solve
their problems. Throughout history
Haitians have been convinced that
by themselves they could not develop


Papadocracy


sures brought by the American-go-
vernment to end his regime. All these
accounts depict Duvalier as an astute
connoisseur of the art of politics, and
there is little doubt that many of his
opponents must feel a secret admi-
ration for his handling of attempted
foreign interference. A lively illus-
tration of this is Diederich's account
of American Ambassador Thurston's
departure after he had opposed Du-
valier. As the Ambassador stood at
the' open door of a U.S. military
plane and waved good-by to his staff:
. a Haitian officer emerged
from the nearby Air Force head-
quarters and dashed toward the
plane. He talked to Thurston
briefly and then to Embassy staff
members gathered at the door.
The Ambassador got off. The of-
ficer told him that the plane had
not been cleared to leave Haiti.
The officer was exceedingly
pleasant as he explained that per-
mission was being requested.
There was a long wait. The hot
tropical sun leaped up over trees
and the temperature mounted.
Angrily, Embassy staffers suggest-
ed all kinds of alternatives, in-
cluding an emergency call to
U.S. Navy units at nearby Guan-
tanamo, Cuba. Finally it was de-
cided not to wait for permission
any longer. Thurston reboard-
ed the plane, again waved good-
by, and the DC-S's engines roar-
ed. Just then, however, ancient
Haitian Air Force P-51 Mustangs
also went into action. Three of
them rumbled out of a nearby
ramp and in deft ground mane-
uvers boxed in the DC-3 so that
it couldn't move in any direction.
Hopelessly hemmed in, the DC-3
cut off its engines. A visibly an-
gry Thurston emerged once more
from the plane and conferred


their own economy and find solu-
tions to their socio-political pro-
blems. Before Duvalier, the Ameri-
can embassy in Port-au-Prince was
an influential factor in the decision-
making process of the political sys-
tem. The old elites which continuous-
ly cooperated with the Americans,
and are now in exile, continue their
dependence on the Americans and
expect the State Department, the
CIA, or the FBI to overthrow the
Duvalier regime and hand power
back to them. It is no secret that
one U.S. agency or another has
been involved in most of the attempts
against Duvalier. Although the two
books do not use the above consi-
derations to explain the failure of
the invasions, their similar accounts
sustain this analysis fairly consistent-
ly.
The books also relate how success-
ful Duvalier has been on several oc-
casions in resisting tremendous pres-







Spring, 1970


CANBBcAN rIEW


with his aides. The pleasant Hai-
tian Air Force officer, acting al-
most as if thoroughly sympathiz-
ing with the Americans, joined
them, then went back to his
quarters, apparently to press for-
permission to let the U.S. aircraft
leave. Finally, after some thirty
minutes of waiting, the Haitian
officer re-emerged from his of-
fice, stood on the porch, and
clapped his hands to get the at-
tention of the Americans. Then
he signalled them, with a wave
of his hand, that it was all right
to leave. As if by signal, the three
P-51s once more lumbered into
action, slowly circled out of the
way of the DC-3 which Thurston
once more boarded and which
took off. (pp. 238-239)

This incident, and several others
reported in Diedereich's book, illus-
trates Duvalier's extreme arrogance
toward the United States, a feat un-
til now unseen in Haitian politics
(most presidents have been tools of
the Americans). Such activities un-
doubtedly contributed to enhance
the dictator's stature in the eyes of
the Haitian people.
Neither of the authors offers a
clearpicture of what the post-Duva-
lier world will be like, but this in
itself does not constitute a weakness,
because the elitist composition of the
system precludes such a forecast. In
countries where the decision-making
group is broadly based, it is often
possible to predict the trends of a
system. But in Haiti, the group which
circulates within the periphery of
power is so, thin that any single
strong-minded politician could swing
the system one way or another. The
emergence or death of one of those
politicians, their personal ideological
preferences, their own madnesses or
frustrations, can reshape the political
system. The great masses are com-
pletely apathetic toward political
happenings.
The two books indicate how very
little Duvalier needs to resort to sub-
terfuge with the Haitian populace.
An example of this, mentioned in
both books, is Duvalier's speech of
June 22, 1967, on the occasion of
his tenth anniversary in power. Ad-
dressing a huge crowd, he began by
calling the names of nineteen of-
ficers who had been secretly shot to
death ten days earlier for "plotting"
against the regime. In a theatrical
manner, each name called was follow-
ed by the words, "Where are you?
Come to your benefactor . (no
response) . Absent." After a
pause, he declared to 'the stunned
crowd, "All of them have been shot."
Such incidents reported throughout
the two books describe the extent to
which the regime has closed its firm
grip over the Haitian people
Both books make it clear that the
present situation, and especially the
post-Duvalier situation, will not be
easy for the United States to cope
with. But the authors oppose a new
American intervention as unfair,
undesirable, and detrimental to the
Haitian people. Although the occu-
pation of 1915-1933 re-established
some ephemeral- stability and pro-
gress, the post-occupation events have
shown that the sudden attempt to
redirect the values of a political
system does not favor a continuum in
the development of that- system.
Haitian minds and energies will have
to find Haitian solutions solidly
based on the culture and tradition
of their country to solve the pro-
blems ahead.O-


BREVIAIRE D'UNE REVOLU-
TION Francois Duvalier. 150 pp. Impri-
miere Deschamps, Port-au-Prince, Haiti,
1967. Distributed free.
MEMOliRES D'UN LEADER
DU TIERS MONDE. Francois Du-
valier. 383 pp. Hachette, Paris, 1969. $15
The "Breviaire" was published at
a time when Duvalier used to com-
pare himself with great world rev-
olutionaries like Mao or Sukarno.
He wanted to be krown as a Third
World leader and adopted for his
"Breviaire," the size, color and
presentation of "Chairman Mao's
Thoughts." It contains 160 quota-
tions of Dr. Francois Duvalier cover-
ing wide aspects of Haitian political,
social and cultural life from Voodoo
to foreign policy, and from the role
of the elite to industrial relations.
The book, was presented by
Gerard Daumec -who edited it- as
"the new Gospel of the Haitian intel-
lectuals and statesmen." They would
find in the "Breviaire," according
to Daumec, "the zeal to fight and
win against hunger and social in-
justice."
Dr. Duvalier pretends that his
government is a revolutionary one.
In what sense is this true? Although
the question is not easy to answer, it
is certain that Duvalier differs basi-
cally from the former president of
Haiti in that he gave participation
to the masses in his government. In
the past, political power in Haiti was
concentrated largely in the hands
of few families, bowing to the will
of the elites and bourgeoisie. Most
political rivalries were limited to a
very small percentage of -the popu-
lation, which comprised the Port-au-
Prince elites and the urban elites of
the largest four or live cities. To a
large extent, Haiti was a feudal
country.
Some progress was made with the
1946 revolution. Efforts to modernize
the political structure began with
President Estimn (August 1946-May
1950) and continued to a certain ex-
tent with President Magloire (De-
cember 1950 December 1956).
After the overthrow of Magloire
four major candidates campaigned
for the presidency: Agronomist
Louis Dejoie, Dr. Francois Duvalier,
Professor Daniel FignolM and econ-
omist Clement Jumelle. Dr. Duvalier
was certainly the most popular, the
closest to the Haitian masses and the
one who knew the most about all
aspects of the Haitian society. His
election, although fraudulent in
many respects, represents the will of
the majority of the electorate.
Louis Dejoie, a mulatto, was sup-
ported by the majority of the mul-
atto group and advised chiefly by
the most reactionary of them. He
represented a desperate move by ta
minority group to regain control of
Haitian political life. He was bound
to lose because at this turning point
in Haitian history, he represented
not the "cause" of the country, but
the interests and prejudices of his
class.
Professor Daniel Fignol6, very well
known in Port-au-Prince and an
"idol" of the masses of the capital,
lost all chance to be elected by ac-
cepting, in May 1957, the provisional


by Gerard R. Latortue I
presidency of the country. Less than
a month after his elevation to the
presidency, he was sent into exile
to New York by a military junta.
Economist Clement Jumelle, al-
though the best qualified to mod-
ernize Haiti's social and economic
structures, had a poor chance to be
elected because of his close associa-
tion with the Magloire regime. But
he persisted, and not only lost the
elections, but he also lost his life
in a foreign embassy, after months
of hiding had ruined his health.
During his campaign, Dr. Duva-
lier persistently emphasized that he
I-.


favored the participation .of the
peasant and lower classes in govern-
ment, and that, if elected, he would
strive to implement this point of his
program. This is the only true re-
volutionary aspect of Duvalier's reg-
ime: the opportunity given to the
lowest classes to work in the govern-
ment if they were willing to serve
the regime, to accept the undisput-
able and total rule of Dr. Duvalier,
and to be faithful only to Duvalier
even if it meant the denunciation
of a father a spouse, a son, or a
daughter. Membership in the "clan"
requires complete obedience to Du-
valier. This rule' is not completely
new, but with Duvalier no.waiver is
given, no exception is accepted.
In this sense, a real revolution is
taking place in Haiti and it was
greatly needed. It was no longer
tolerable to let an "elite" minority
dominate the country and deny the
large majority of the Haitian people
an active participation in public
affairs.
Duvalier knows that his strength
comes primarily from that policy of
mass participation. He said in his
"Breviaire":
Any revolution, if it is to be complete
and durable, must aim for the re-
deiption of the masses (page 103)...
The Power that comes from the
masses is an undestrictible reality
(page 112).


Chairman


Duvalier


'A Mae,'by Wilma Martins Morals,
Brazil(silk screen, 80 x 50cm)


Unfortunately,, it has been the
practice of the government, to call
upon the most servile and ignorant.
members of the lowest classes. Thus,
the "progress" so far realized may
not survive by one day Duvalier's
regime. A long term approach to the
social, political and economic pro-
gress of the masses, requires -above
all- proper training.
Some milestones in the "Breviaire"
are Dr. Duvalier's views regarding
Education in general and the teach-
ing of History and Geography in
particular. His views were prompt-
ed by the remarks of a French Ro-
man Catholic teacher to his class,
the day following the celebration of
the centenary of our National In-
dependence: "Your Dessalines (the
Founder of the Nation) is now burn-
ing in Hell because of all the crimes
he committed."
This is probably one example
among thousands that illustrates the
need for each nation not to trust the
teaching of History to foreigners, es-
pecially when these foreigners are
front the former colonial power. In
Haiti, a law was enacted to this effect
during the government of President
Estime and nowadays, only Haitian
citizens are permitted to teach His-
tory and Geography in Haitian
schools, both public and private.
The "Breviaire" devotes more
thoughts to Education and culture
than any other topic. 'But although
Duvalier talks and writes a lot about
.-it, he in fact does very little. This
seems to be a constant in Haitian his-
tory: the more our politicians talk
and write about an issue, the less
they act upon it. It is what makes
research about Haiti by scholars who
are not familiar with the reality of
the country very difficult and dis-
appointing. If one bases his opinion
of Haiti only on existing laws, offi-
cial reports and speeches, he will
know very little about the country.
One might be led to believe that
Haiti is a democratic country ruled
by leaders always wanting the best
for their fellow citizens, but never
reaching it because of internal op-
Sposition groups, foreign interests,
natural disasters, etc. etc. etc.
But, the "Breviaire" is certainly
a book that all Haitians. should
read. It contains some pertinent
truths about the problems-of Haiti,
the obstacles to development, the
myths of a so-called "elite", and the
working of democracy in a poor and
illiterate country.
Unfortunately, it seems that Du-
valier's regime wants to forget about
the "Breviaire." It "smells" perhaps
too "Communistic" and is too .close
to Mao's thoughts. When the regime.
last year, started to get ready for
what became the Memorable Rocke-
feller Visit, Duvalier spoke less and
less of his being a revolutionary. He
wanted to sell himself as the cham-
pion of law and order and the de-
fender of stability in Haiti. Anti-
Communism became the rule number
one. The officials spoke less and
less of the "Breviaire"; Gerard Dau-
mec, the editor, went to jail and,
once freed, lost most of his influ-
ence.
In writing Memoires D'un Leader
Dn Tiers Monde, Dr. Duvalier's
chief concern seemed to be to con-
vince his readers of how great a re-
volutionary, a leader and a president
lie is. He was being the "poet of his
life" as it befalls to most slatemen
writing their own Memoires. There-
fore one should not expect an accu-
rate, objective account of the events
that took place during Duvalier's


''






10 CAI BBEAN IEVW Spring, 1970


first twelve years in power.
It is extremely interesting, how-
ever, to read his interpretation of
the Haitian vote against Cuba at the
second OAS Punta del Este Confer-
ence in January 1962; his account
of the events of 1963 and the solu-
tion of this problem with Rome con-
cerning the Roman Catholic Clergy.
At Punta del Este, Argentina, Bra-
zil, Mexico, Chile, Bolivia, Ecuador,
Uruguay and Haiti refused to sup-
port the American motion to oust
Cuba from the OAS. The motion
needed two thirds of the votes to
pass. The U.S. State Department,
after a proper evaluation of the si-
tuation, concluded that Haiti's vote
was the easiest to "buy."
In Punta del Este, Secretary of
State Dean Rusk made direct contact
with his Haitian counterpart, Mr..
Ren6 Chalmers. In Port-au-Prince,
U. S. Ambassador Raymond L.
Thurston obtained a special audience
with President Duvalier to report on
the formal agreement of his govern-
ment to finance infrastructure pro-
jects in Haiti, including an inter-
national jet airport.
The outcome is easy to guess: a
telegram from President Duvalier to-
Minister Chalmers gave a "formal
order to vote in favor of U.S.A." and
asked members of the delegation "to
return immediately after the final'
session."
It is an open secret that the order
was sent to Punta del Este only af-
ter Ambassador Thurston in Haiti
and Secretary of State Rusk formally
promised Duvalier funds to cons-
truct the airport in Port-au-Prince.
The Americans got the vote, but Du-
valier didn't get the money. The in-
ternational jet airport was built ma-
ny years later, almost exclusively
with Haitian funds.
Duvalier pretends not having sold
the Haitian vote. He wrote:
. keeping in mind the long-
term objectives of the Confer-
ence, that is the safeguard of our
civilizations, of our spiritual
philosophy of life and of our
culture against communism . .
I decided on Sunday January 29,
1962 to instruct the Haitian dele-
gation in Punta del Este to
vote in favor of the motion spon-
sored by the U.S.A. . We
didn't hesitate to put in the bal-
ance the key vote of the Black
Republic of Haiti."
Duvalier is not convincing. He
does not want to recognize that he
can be bought. But most disappoint-
ing to Duvalier was that the money
didn't even come. President Kennedy
intensified the "non-aid policy" to
dictatorial regimes and President
Johnson didn't reverse that policy in
the case of Haiti. Perhaps the money
will come now, after the Rockefeller
visit. As a good businessman, Gov-
ernor Rockefeller recommended that
"debts are debts" and must be paid
as is done in good, fair and sound
business practices . .
At different times, Dr. Duvalier's
regime has been very shaky. But the
period between January and May
15, 1963 was certainly the most crit-
ical one. At one time everybody
-including close associates of Dr.
Duvalier- thought that the regime
would not last beyond May 15, the
constitutional term of the govern-
ment elected on September 22, 1957.
One event that strengthened Du-
valier's position was the ultimatum
sent by President Juan Bosch, then
President of the neighboring Domin-
ican Republic, giving the Haitian
government "twenty four (24) hours
to radically change its conduct vis a


vis the Dominican Republic" after
an alleged attack upon the Domin-
ican Embassy in Port-au-Prince. It
was a terrible mistake on the part
of the Dominican officials and their
Haitian advises. They should have
known better. If any two events can
automatically build Haitian unity,
they are: the possible invasion of
Dominican forces, and the landing
of American troops. The Haitians
at large -except lot a minority of
privileged members of the upper
classes who, in fact, are opportunists
looking out for their own interests-
will unite against any attempt of
Dominican or American aggression
against the integrity of the national
territory.
The ultimatum gave Duvalier a
tremendous opportunity to call a
mass rally around the Palace. About
150,000 persons came to express
their strong desire to defend the Na-
tion. I was in Port-au-Prince that
clay of May I, 1963 and I recall very
well the crowd singing our national
anthem:
"Our past tells us:
To die is beautiful
For the Flag,
For the Country."
It was then easy for Duvalier to
respond to the crowd. "I'll not ac-


I
PENTAGONISM. Juan Bosch, Tr. by
Helen Lane. 141 pp. Grove Press, 1969.
DICTADURA CON RESPALDO
POPULAR. Juan Bosch. 24 pp. Special
supplement reprinted from the June 16,
1969 issue of "Revista Ahora!, "Ave.
San Martin # 236, Santo Domingo,
Repiblica Dominicana. 15 cents.
The former President of the
Dominican Republic has confirmed the
old adage about good things often coming
in small packages. His book is
disappointing, but his essay is a very
significant piece of work.
Penlagonism is not the book we
were-and still are-expecting from Juan
Bosch, with the details of April-June
1965, when the United States intervened
in his country to "protect American
lives," and later "to prevent a Communist
takeover." Theodore Draper has already
given us a nearly definitive account of the
Dominican fracas (The Dominican
Revolt, Commentary, 1968) but Bosch's
ability as a writer, and his privileged
position as a central figure in the drama,
make for the ingredients of an invaluable
postscript. However, on page 104-of
Pentagonism he pleads for more time,
explaining
The ex-ambassador from the United
States to my government, John
Barlow Martin, drew up one of those
made-to-order documents to justify
the intervention... in the Dominican
Republic, charging that I was a
madman full of fears. The Dominican
people have a saying that "when the
dog barks the master is punished."'I
have not had rime to reply to the
ex-ambassador's book ... because I
am devoting myself to punishing the
master. But as soon as I finish, I will
turn my attention to this sorry
creation of .. propaganda.
Pentagonism, then, is an embittered
Bosch's attempt to "punish" the United
States, but aside from coining a good new
word, he has accomplished little else, and
if "punishment" were the goal, he could
likely achieve far more damage, and
certainly more relevance, by focusing


cept an ultimatum from anybody."
That day, for the first time, "Duva-
lier, President For Life" was shout-
ed by some lanatics in the crowd.
There is no doubt that Duvalier is
a brilliant tactician. He knew how
to transform a quasi defeat into a
real victory .
Even before lie became President,
Dr. Duvalier belonged to that group
of Haitian intellectuals which was
very concerned about the "French"
domination of the Haitian Church.
He took advantage of his presidential
prerogatives to solve that particular
problem. History will recall that it
was under his government that the
Haitianisation ot the Roman Catho-
lic clerical hierarchy was completed
by the appointment of one Archbi-
shop and four bishops, all natives of
Haiti.
The "Alemoires," is luxuriously
printed by Hachette in Paris, with
many pictures and photocopies of
official documents, including confi-
dential reports from the Armed For-
ces regarding the movement of U. S.
Navy Ships in Haitian waters dur-
ing the April-May 1963 events.
The lemoires," as well as the
"Breviaire," is a must in any Hai-
tian collection.
Duvalier certainly remembers tlhe


by Kal Wagenheim..
upon the Dominican Republic, rather
than misspend his talents in a broad
frontal attack upon the United States, the
impact of which is diffused by its limited
vision of America's complexities.
What is "Pentagonism"? Bosch calls
it a "substitute" for U.S. imperialism, and
fixes its birthdate as sometime after the
end of World War 11. Unlike old-fashioned
imperialism, Pentagonism does not
exploit foreign colonies; it "exploits its
own people, by colonizing the mother
country."
The goal is not to invest surplus
capital abroad, but to get a hunk of the
millions being spent on arms and defense
"contracts in the mother country. What
the United States spends in Vietnam in
one year, for example, "it could not
recoup in half a century, even if the two
Vietnams were covered with a layer of
gold half an inch high." Bosch reports
that 164 new U.S. millionaires were
created in the 12 months following the
1965 escalation of the Vietnam War.
Under Pentagonism, the target to be
1I


words of Napoleon: "No IF, no
BUT, one must succeed." Duvalier,
tor sure, succeeded in staying in
power and he has proved that he
intends to do so, for the rest of his
life.
Duvalier's published doctrine
constitutes a good analysis of the so-
cial, political and economic problems
of Haiti. But there is a painful con-
tradiction between his doctrine and
his practices as head of government.
Except for moving some members
of the lower class into government,
and making progress towards the
Haitianisation of tie Church, Duva-
lier -in twelve years' of absolute
control- has done nothing to change
Haiti's socio-economic structure. It
is still dominated by a few foreign
merchants and the same Haitian elite
who have run things since Indepen-
dence Day. The only poor family
which has "prospered" during the
last twelve years in Haiti is the fa-
mily of Dr. Francois Duvalier.
I don't believe that Duvalier
would have the intellectual honesty
of Tolstoy, who once asked himself:
"Tell me Tolstoy, do you live ac-
cording to the principles of your doc-
trine?" and answered, with irritation
and despair: "No . I am guilty,
and deserve to be despised."O


Attacked isn't important, because


it is merely a place destined to receive
expendable material ... bullets,
bombs, medicine, clothes, cement;
the attacked country 'is the final
depository of goods that have already
been produced and sold and paid for
in the mother country.
Thus, he maintains, it matters not to
those who earn the profits if the goods
are dumped at sea, or used up in
maneuvers. But the important thing is
that a state of war exist in order to justify
such large-scale production.
Bosch traces how America has
become "Pentagonized" by citing
government budgets. In 1925, the total
U.S. government was $3 billion, with
one-fifth going for military spending. By
1950, the budget was $39.6 billion, and
one-third went for the military. By 1960,
the budget had soared to $75.2 billion,
and more than sixty-five percent, two out
of every three dollars, was spent by the
military.
Still oozing bitterness, Bosch calls
Americans "racist" and "Germanic" in
their penchant for war, and lists a number
of military leaders-from Washington on
through Eisenhower-who won the
Presidency. To confirm his theory that
Pentagonism is a conspiracy of
"financiers, industrialists, politicians,
journalists and clergymen," he shows that
a mere 200 of America's 180,000
manufacturing firms control half of
America's assets. Americans, he says, are
"Pentagonized... drugged" and they will
vote
for the use of the A-bomb in Vietnam
and anywhere else if the use of the
bomb will bring them more security,
more well-being and flatter their
national pride.
Bosch's argument gives one a
surrealistic portrait of an America neatly
arranged into a war machine, with a
privileged few pressing the buttons. His
analysis sounds like a well-orchestrated
symphony, played slightly off-key.
No one denies the horrifying fact
that two-thirds of America's budget is for
military purposes. But one cai question
his explanation of the origins and motives
for such a dilemma. Perhaps it is more
reassuring, or more reasonable at least, to
explain Pentagonism as some form of
Cold War fever that has consumed
American society. Perhaps not. But
Bosch's theory of a malevolent, greedy
clique of manipulators is far too simple to
encompass the whole truth.


Juan Bosch's


New Stance


'Misa-en-page XXII,' by Sonia Castro,
Brazil(silk screen, 96 x 66cm)






CAIRBEAN rILmEw


Spring, 1970


On page 71 of the book, he gives us a
titillating bit of gossip that makes the
need for his book on the Dominican crisis
even more imperative.
While I was President of the
Dominican Republic, I received a
cablegram from a well-known
American liberal who had made a
name for himself as a supporter of
berrer treatment for Latin America.
In 1963, this liberal, a mature man,
was a member of the board of
directors of a powerful sugar
company, in the United States and he
cabled me asking me to sell sugar or
one of its derivatives to his company.
The Dominican state owned various
sugar plants, but I was not a seller of
sugar, nor had it ever occurred to me
that this American political figure
dealt in sugar. At that time sugar
prices were going up in the world
market, so that in defense of the
interests of my country I asked that
sales not be made except at prices
that had previously been stipulated to
be the proper ones. Some years later,
this liberal wrote an article in The
New York Times Book Review that
pictured me as a public calamity for
the Dominican Republic. This liberal
was Adolph Berle.

Bosch comes much closer to home,
and stands on firmer sociological ground
in his essay on the Dictadura con
Respaldo Popular (Popular Dictatorship)
as a cure for Latin America's ills. This is a
significant statement (no matter what
one's opinion on the efficacy of such a
solution) from a man who once
championed representative democracy as
the alternative to communism and
right-wing dictatorship.
This is a sweeping review of Latin
America that Bosch wrote to "serve as a
basis for discussion for the ideological
platform of the Partido Revolucionario
Dominicano (PRD)," the party which he
-headed until his defeat in the 1966
elections.
Having been deposed from the
presidency by right-wing militarists, and
later thwarted in his attempt to return by
the armed might of the United States,
Bosch makes it clear that he has no faith
in democracy's ability to function under
such brutal circumstances.
Bosch has been radicalized.
In the beginning of his thesis, he
discusses Latin America's financial
condition and shows that, since the
outset of the Alliance for Progress, Latin
America has not progressed, while at the
same time the United States has profited
handsomely via restrictive grants and
credits to its hemispheric neighbors, and
also from the earnings of U.S.
corporations with subsidiaries in South
America. "Let us not fool ourselves," he
says, "we cannot solve our problems with
North American aid. Foreign solutions
... have completely failed."
Bosch blames much of this failure on
the structure of Latin America's society,
which is dominated by a U.S.-supported
oligarchy that is pre-capitalistic, and
unable to generate development, even
were it desirous of doing so. He blames
both Latin America's Marxists and
democrats for having committed the
"grave error" of believing that the
bourgeois class is an ally of the
oligarchies. He feels that the bourgeoisie
is as much a victim as are the
impoverished masses, and that the
oligarchy is in bed with the "Pentagonist"
government of the United States, which
seeks to discourage the formation of a
large, strong bourgeoisie, which could
effectively compete against U.S. imports.
Bosch is again chopping a path
between the extremes of Marxism and
right-wingdictatorship as he did before,
with his democratic left government. But
this time he views a Popular Dictatorship
as being necessary to seize and
consolidate power, to carry out rapid
agrarian reform, to break up the
oligarchic landholdings, to draft master
plans for development, and to nationalize
large companies (foreign and native),
paying them a just compensation.


Once a strong critic of Fidel Castro,
he now credits Castro with being astute in
allying himself with Cuba's bourgeoisie
against Batista, and maintains that
they..not the urban or rural proletariat-
were responsible for Castro's triumph. He
also believes that the bourgeois class
could have continued to live comfortably
in Cuba had it not been for the pressure
of the oligarchy, which was truly
threatened, and proceeded to panic
everyone else.
He explains how such a Popular
Dictatorship would function, and how it
should be created. But the most
important news in his essay is that a
once-stolid democratic leftist no longer
trusts democracy. He now prescribes
fighting fire with fire. If the oligarchy
must be dismantled, it must be done with
the authority and strength of a dictatorial
government; if there is a threat of foreign
intervention, the intruders should be
faced by a centralized, well-armed
government, with popular support.


FOLLOWERS OF THE NEW
FAITH. Emilio Willems. Vanderbilt
LUniversity Press, 1967.
How does one explain the deve-
lopment of a North American style
of proselytizing Protestantism in La-
tin American societies which have
Roman Catholic loots and culture?
How does one explain it, when this
Protestantism, imported by mission-
aries, represents thoughts, attitudes
anti values thought to be characteris-
tic of North American culture and
society, and quite incompatible with
Latin America? How are class and
culture conflicts manifested in reli-
gion?
The sociology of religion shows us
that this cannot be explained in
theological terms, without under-
standing the socio-economic condi-
tions that make these changes pos-
sible. However, it is only recently
that religion in Latin American so-
cieties has been observed from this
perspective. Two good studies have
appeared recently: El Refugio-de las
MAlsas, by the young Swiss sociolo-
gist Christian Lalive D'Espinay, and
the book under review.
Emilio Willems, a sociologist of
German upbringing who has been
in Latin America for several years,
tries to understand the upsurge of
proselytizing Protestantism in the con-
text of the cultures of Chile and Bra-
Ail. He first tries to observe social
change in the institutions, and in the
cultural traditions of the countries; se-
condly, lie examines this form of
Protestantism as an "agent ot social
change, once it is established."
Although the author does not fully
define "proselytizing Protestantism,"
he makes it quite clear that he means
the type of North American funda-
mentalism that most missionaries
took with them to South America.
This is European Protestantism as
it was reinterpreted on America's
Frontier and in New England by the
experiences of "evangelicanism," and
"revivalism," with emphasis upon:
radical conversion; lay priesthood;
free individual examination of the
scriptures; congregational govern-
ment, and the autonomy of local
congregations; a certain anti-intel-
lectualism and distrust of profession-
:il theological education; a Puritan


Bosch sees encouraging signs favoring
the formation of Popular Dictatorships
throughout Latin America. Until 1966,
the Catholic Church was considered part
of the oligarchy, he says, but now the
church has young priests and bishops who
side with the poor and espouse radical
change.
Since 1962, there have been 16
coups d'etat in Latin America, and "all
except one were carried out under the
pretext of eliminating communist or
pro-communist governments." The
exception was Peru in 1968, where young
militarists moved the country leftwards,
nationalizing the U.S.-owned oil
company, attacking foreign fishing boats
in Peruvian waters, and establishing
cordial relations with Russia and other
socialist nations. Bosch explains the new
militarism by the fact that most
high-ranking soldiers in the past came
from the oligarchy, but that today many
emerge from the middle or lower classes.
The Peruvians, he says, "have begun a
military revolt throughout Latin America,


by Samuel Silva Gotay--
ethic with Calvinist roots; all of
which occurred both in England and
the United States in a context of
dissidence and defiance against the
established political-religious order.
This was the protest of the poor
against "the world" dominated by
the upper classes. This same Pro-
testantismn, today highly articulated
and institutionalized, constitutes the
so-called "historical churches" '(Bap-
tists, Methodists, Presbyterians, Con-
gregationalists, United Church, etc.).
Thus, "proselytizing Protestantism"
refers to the conservative fundamen-


--- -
C -.- r-
--


'Estaci6n Espacial,' by Simone Cham-
belland, Chile(etching, 59.5x57.5cm)
talist wing of the "historical church-
es."
Willems' study, which he calls
"exploratory in its methodology" and
"tentative in its results," mainly ver-
ifies three principal theses:
1. The growth of Protestantism is
related to changes that strongly af-
fect the society's traditional order,
and that contrary to this, Protestants
have not flourished in areas not sig-
nificantly exposed to social change.
2. The internal dynamics of com-
petition, conflict, schism, ajnd the
proliferation of Protestant sects
should be understood as attempts,
manifest or not, to reject cultural as-
pects of missionary Protestantism
which do not agree with the needs,


but within the limits of-a bourgeois
democratic revolution."
With a new church and a new
military, Bosch sees signs that "Latin
America has entered a new period of its
history."
Representative democracy, he says,
"has been a failure in Latin America for
more than 150 years. It
cannot guarantee true equality for all
men, since it is a fundamentally
unjust socio-politial system which is
organized and sustained by the
principle that there are men who have
a right to exploit, and that there are
others whose duty it is to allow
themselves to be exploited.
Dictadura con Respaldo Popular is
the statement of a disillusioned man who
tried to govern by the rules and failed,
and is now writing his own rules. Whether
they are any better is hard to say, but
Juan Bosch's is an important voice in
Latin America, and we suspect that
feasability studies of his thesis will be
made in Santo Domingo and elsewhere in
years to come. 0


Followers of


the New Faith


or aspirations of the national socie-
ty which receives them. In other
words, it constitutes a type of indi-
genous adaptation.
3. The social change which makes
possible the diffusion of Protestant-
ism reinforces the changes in belief
anti conduct demanded by the Pro-
testants because new socio-economic
conditions give direction and sense
to the Protestant ethic (Willems
makes it clear that he is not imerest-
ed in putting Weber's thesis to a
test). This makes Protdstantism an
agent, or partner, of social change.
Willems first examines those cul-
tural patterns which could be in-
compatible and compatible with
Protestantism, in order to establish
that there are conditions inherent to
Latin America's culture that are
compatiblee (the authoritarian struc-
ture of the hacienda and the church
which permeates the society; the
availability of marginal groups; pre-
cedents of religious revolts; the so-
cial control of the Catholic Church
and its lack of control over folklore
Catholicism; the- anti-clerical atti-
tude of the upper and lower classes:
the ascetic nature of the local reli-
gious movements and the compati-
bility and incompatibility of the
Protestant ethic, etc.)
His findings confirm that first hy-
pothesis, when we see that the devel-
opment of Protestantism is parallel
to the process of industrialization, of
urbanization, and to the existence of
pre-industrial cities (which affect the
family structure and the paternalist-
ic leudal relationship); to the exist-
ence of areas marginal to established
cultural patterns; and to zones where
internal migration causes rapid popu-
lation growth.
For example, in Chile, Protestant-
ism was static until social change
commenced. The number of Protes-
tants there has doubled every decade.
After thirty years of expansion, Wil-
lems find that II of every 200 Chil-
eans are Protestant, mainly from the
Pentecostal sects, because the "his-
torical churches" have cast no roots
there.
Working with the second hypo-
thesis, Willems studies the many
schisms in Brazil and Chile, where
the Methodist Episcopal, Baptist and
Presbyterian churches have spawned
many sects (17 different sects had
emerged as of 1962 from the Pen-
tecostal Methodist Church alone).
This confirms that each time a so-
cial institution is transplanted from
one culture to another, creating con-
flicts with national patterns, the
transplant is modified, or schismatic
changes occur that are of a markedly






12 CAIfBBEAN I'EW W Spring, 1970


nationalistic nature, although they
may he clothed in doctrinal pretexts.
Two basic reasons cause this: (1)
the protest against the power of the
missionaries; (b) doctrinal differences
due to social class. At first, the
schisms were caused by the former.
but after time passes, they are main-
ly caused by the latter. Front here on,
and this is the most interesting pail
of his book. Willems examines his
hypothesis from the viewpoint ol the
these. ol Troeltsch and Richard Nie-
buhrli, who view the "sect" as a re-
ligions manifestation of the lower
class, and the "church" as emanating
from the middle ant upper classes.
althoughh \Villems does not men-
tion the theories of Troelisch. Nie-
buhr, Pope anti the others lie uses
for his analysis, it might be helpful
to outline them here.
The German sociologist anlt his-
torian Ernest Troeltsch formulated
the classic terms "sect" and "church."
He tlistinguishes "church" as a nat-
Lural group 'identified with the famii-
ly or nation, while "sect" is a vol-
luntarv association. The individual
is "born" into the "church", lie does
not convert to it. The "church" ex-
tends throughout the society; it ac-
cepts the secular structure and is an
integral part of the social structure:
it depends upon the upper classes
andt most conservative groups, who
maintain established order. As an
institution, the church is considered
the authority in religious affairs. and
its hierarchy are the spokesmen for
the official truth.
The "sect," on .,he other hanl,
according to Troeltsch, is a volunta-
ry association which aims to perfect
and maintain in communion those
individuals who have "converted" to
it. With respect to he secular cul-
ture, it is hostile, indifferent, or at
best tolerant, but never accepts it;
it is a morally self-suflicient colm-
munitv which has no interest in pene-
trating or sustaining the existing so-
cial order. It deposits its authority
in the scriptures, or in the inner spir-
it of the individual, but never in
the institution, nor in its officials.
And it is intimately linked with the
lower classes. To this, Richard Nie-
buhr adds that most of the denom-
inations now recognized as "his-
torical churches" began as sects among
dispossessed classes, and as their mem-
bers climbed the socio-economic scale
of their society, the characteristics of
the sects slowly modified until they
became churches. Later, Liston Pope
worked on a scale to indicate the
several facets of this transition, anti
the factors which advance or retard
it. Wilson, Goldschnnidt and others
further specified the types of sects.
In Willems' study of Chile anti
Biazil, he confirms that the new
groups ot believers conform With the
concept of "sect" (mostly Pentecos-
tal). They belong to the lower class.
they are a "class organization." They
emphasize religion as an emotional,
rather than a national, experience;
they strongly attack education and
theology as impediments to the man-
ifestation of the spirit; they attack
the lack of participation, and the
lack of familiarity and .spontaneity
duiing the process of formalization
of the church; they attack the'social
parti ipation of the more educated
members in the processes of the
mundanen" secular institutions, and
exhort them not to "contaminate
themselves" with "the world," which
is win they isolate their members
from the rest of the community by
monopolizing their time. These
gr"tlps flourish in areas of social and
cultural upheaval. In the interviews,


members revealed similar patterns
of dissatisfaction with their "previous
life": sickness, vice, anxiety and self-
rejection. Now, they express a posi-
tive concept of themselves, better
health, and a feeling of "joy."
Willems concludes that this re-
jection of the world and the inversion
ot criteria which determine the so-
cial elite (no education, no money,
no social position in the world,
"those chosen by the Spirit") cons-
titutes a "subversion of the tradition-
al ordei in 'the language of icligious
symbolism" (p. 140). In most of the
studies made of sects in the United
States (Marty, Clark, Braden, Gold-
schmidt, Holt, Boisen, Cation, Nie-
buhr, Hollingshead, Troeltsch, anti


I 'Um Rosa, Uma Esperanca,' by Zora-
via Beltiol, Brazil
in a very precise way, Wilson) it has
been pointed out that the "conver-
sionist" and "adventist" sects live
oriented towards the other world (or
toward the "second coming"); they
are hostile to and deprecate the cul-
tural values of the secular order:
they hope to overthrow the present
order, since the apocalyptic literature
promises the destJultion of the pre-
sent world and the salvation of those
few who have managed to follow an
isolationist ethic (they develop a
ghetto which insulates them from
social and political participation).
Willems sees this ab a protest in the
context of Latin American culture
when he tells us: "Protestantism in
Latin America is indeed what it orig-
inally intended to be -a protest
movement, not just in the narrow
theological sense, but a movement
against the religious monopoly of
the Roman Catholic Church and its
traditional ally, the ruling class . .
If this interpretation is correct, one
may expect that the further removed
the ideology and structure of a par--
ticular Protestant denomination from
those of the traditional society, the
greater appeal it holds for the
common people (and the inveise
should also be truLe)." (p. 154)
Nevertheless, we must point out
immediately that this is a symbolic
rebellion which has individual el-
fects upon the personality and self-
image of the believer and of the sect.
but does not transform the world in
which he lives. Even worse ,it dis-
solves the revolutionary spirit and
motivation lor social tlhange. Because
of this, one would hope that Willems
had given great importance to the
following question, which would
have been most relevant: what causes
the needy masses of Latin America
to choose the option of a symbolic
evoluthlin, instead of one which re-
solves the problem of the social
structure in the reality of this world?
It is not difficult to understand this
in a highly d 'loped well organized,
and very state society, such as the
United States. But how does one ex-
plain it in societies which are in re-
volutionary ferment, such as those
in Latin America?
In any event, hypothesis rntnuber
two confirms the theory of the mod-
ification of cultural transplants


when they conflict with the patterns
of the recipient society, but in this
case, once the religious institution is
iationali/ed, the conflicts which mo-
tivate rejection and schisms are more
among social classes. Thus there is
confirmation of the sociological
theory on the formation of sects
which reject the patterns that fill
the needs of the higher classes, but
not those of the lower.
With respect to the third hypo-
thesis, that of Protestantisin as an
agent of social change in areas al-
ready undergoing change, Willems
analyzes some of these changes.
Among these, lie examines the change
ol the monolithic parochial system of
the Catholic church in the nation;
the isolation of the Protestants when
they break with the community to
form their own ghetto: the modifi-
cation of family life; the modifica-
tion of the machismo pattern : the
effects upon the economy and work,
which more or less follow the recog-
jnizable pattern of the Protestant
ethic; ant finally he analyzes plan-
ned technological and economic
change: and organized efforts to
improve education, agriculture, hos-
pital se vices, etc. One of the im-
portant changes produced by this
type of proselytizing Protestantism
in Latin America is the attitude
towards political participation. As
we said, these groups distrust. "the
world," and this attitude is stronger-
iii the sects of the lower class, where
it is carried to the extreme of pro-
hibiting its members from voting,
and from belonging to party leader-
ship groups. Meanwhile, the "his-
torical churches" which have a large
membership from the lower classes,
permit members to vote, to partici-
pate in "non-political civic" activi-
ties, but reject active political part-
cipationf. The sects- prohibit almost
all of this, unless there are at stake
religious liberty or the laws which
protect them as an institution to
carry out their "work."
The fact that political participa-
tion is lower in urban areas of
rapid change, where there are more.
Protestants, again singles out this
type of religion as a retarding factor
in Latin America's revolutionary
process. It is also very important to
point out that the "denominations"
which climb from sect status to that
of church play an important role in
maintaining the status quo. They
stimulate the participation of mem-
bers in "non-political associations"
(sucli as 83% of the Methodists)
but (d not encourage activity "in
the directories of political parties"
(only 9"' ot the Methodists). Vet,
they do not understand that to bless
the inauguration of a bank or lac-
tory, or attend public ceremonies in
tavor of the established regime andt
of the socio-economic order which
minority parties may oppose, is a
"political" act, although theN may
call it "civic." This is another aspect
of the transition ot the sect to
church, which Willems leaves incon-
clusive: the study ol this phenom-
enon in Latin America merits a high
priority.
The other important change noted
Sby Willems is the social mobility of
the members. The Protestant Ethic,
and the idea of "becoming a decent
person," requires adjusting to the
patterns and aspirations of thie mid-
die class (the emphasis on childl
education, frugality, a new attitude
towards work, etc.). This has had
an important impact upon the Puer-
to Rican Protestant churches in two
ways: the historical churches have
lost contact with the lower class
(Niebuhr's theory was that the tran-


sition from "sect" to "church" or
"'denomination" occurs in the second
generation, when the sect loses touch
with the lower class); and secondly,
there is an exodus of professionals
and young people from the church.
Willems claims that the loss of con-
tact with the lower class neither
occurs in the historical churches nor
in the Pentecostal sects, despite
social mobility. This affirmation is
evidenced here in the sects, but with
respect to the historical churches
one must proceed with great caution.
The author himself found that the
more radically the sects differed
from the traditional patterns of the
historical churches, the more they
attracted the marginal sectors of the
society (which explains their voraci-
ous growth); also, the temples may
be located in lower class areas (such
as in some sectors of San Juan), but
due to social mobility, the members
no longer live nearby. The fact that
59.4% of the members of the Presby-
terian churches in his study were
trom tlie lower class does not indicate
that they still maintain their original
contacts, when the church was a "class
organization" and its leadership be-
longed to that class. A more appro-
priate methodology is required be-
cause it could be that, as we have
found in Puerto Rico, when social
mobility occurs among a significant
group ol the icurch (including the
leaders) contact is lost with the lower
class, ,and the cultural forms of reli-
giouts expression adjust to those of the
minority leadership which is in transi-
tion. Thus, one must take Willeim'.
allirmatioii with great reserve.
On the other hand, we cannot af-
lirm that the historical churches
established in Latin America among
low or riual classes move front
"sects" to churchess" inerel y*due to
the social mobility of their members.
One of the most important observa-
tions we have made in Puerto Rico
is that while the "sects" continuee to
grow quickly in lower class ;ones, the
historical churches remain frozen,
;and function in suburbs and middle
class communities with aln ethic and
theology that is lower class (wlich
works for then among those miem-
bers who have risen to the middle
class). But this ethic and this the-
ology does not work among that mid-
tile class now. Thus, they are frozen
because they are isolated: from the
lower class for economic and cultu-
ral reasons, and from the middle
class for reasons ol ethics ant the-
ology (not going to parties, "the
world is bad," etc.). This is so be-
cause despite the fact that statistics on
occupation, work, and salary might
indicate that they are middle class,
the reality is that the ghetto of the
church, which monopolizes their
activities, maintains many of their
lower class attitudes and values
which do not enter into conflicts with
their new status. This is probably
what made Willems affirm that the
historical churches do not lose con-
tact with the lower class when so-
cial mobility occurs.
Willems does observe the exodus
oI young professionals from those
churches which retain a "sect" the-
ology and ethic. This is the most
serious problem in Puerto Rico's
Protestant church, where leadership
is mainly in the hands of older
ministers, with less theological edu-
cation, who were formed in the
churches of rural Puerto Rico before
19-10. This explains the "generation
gap" in the Puerto Rican Protestant
church and explains the recent
exodus of over 25 young university-
educated ministers (after completing







Spring, 1970 IBBEA13


their seven years of studies) and the
exodus of thousands of university
students and professionals from the
island's Protestant churches.
In the light of this, it is possible
that in Puerto Rico we are on the
point of confirming that in Latin
American-or Third World-societies.
the process of development from
"sect" to "church" is inverted in
situations of rapid social change
and occurs in reverse: that is, that


THE VIEW FROM THE BA-
RRIO. Lisa Redfield Peattie. U. of
Michigan, 1968. $6.95.
El Barrio is a poor section of any
modern Venezuelan city where mi-
grants from rural areas build their
shanties and live on the margin of
the society. These barrios sprout like
mushrooms everywhere, and expand
faster than the government can erect
housing projects.
Barrio La Laja, where Mrs. Peat-
tie lived for more than two years,
is situated on the edge of the new
Ciudad Guyana, a fast developing
industrial and mining region, at the
juncture of the Caroni and Orinoco
Rivers.
In 1961, when Ciudad Guyana
was officially inaugurated, its popu-
lation was 40,000. Today it is a city
of about 200,000. Despite its wealth,
Venezuela is still an underdeveloped
nation, but with the technology of
a developed country. It is rich, but
unevenly so, from its oil and miner-
al deposits. The traffic jams of Ca-
racas, broad highways, glittering sky-
scrapers and modern university cities
are misleading. The transformation
from a feudal to a modern industrial
country is incomplete, and social or-
ganization, as well as educational
and political institutions, lag far
behind. The 4op of the society has
the means to buy a tremendous range
of goods: appliances, cars, TV sets,
etc. The masses aspire to the same
goods, too, but there is a large gap
between "want" and "get," as Peattie
points out, and the result may be
explosive.
Peattie thus views Venezuela's econ-
omy as not being dual, but "bipolar."
A balrio consists of a varying num-
ber of household units. Since a group
of people tied together by kinship
commonly lives together in one
shack, we prefer to talk about
"household groups" rather than fam-
ilies. It often happensthat a married
girl with her mate remains in her
inother'e: house. Due to great mobil-
ity and short periods of settlement
within the same bairio, household
groups are the only existing perma-
nent ties. Comnpadrazgn, or ritual
kinship, is also important. The pri-
mary kinship relation is mother and
children. The woman is usually the
owner of the shack, and the man on-
ly moves with her, often temporarily.
Common law or semi-permanent
unions are perfectly acceptable in the
barrio culture, and there is no stigma
attached to illegitimacy. Often the
mate recognizes his children, not by
providing for them physically, but
by giving them his surname.
As jobs for women are limited, it
i. to her advantage to seek a mate
for economic support, as well as
sexual gratification. But this rela-
tion is precarious. When he loses his


the "denominations" or "churches"
established in rural and low class
subcultures revert in their conduct
to "sect-like" ethical and theological
patterns as soon as the new gener-
ations are involved in social mobi-
lity. If this is true-and we are in-
vestigating it-it would condition
Niebuhr's theory when it is applied
to tile Third World. It is lamentable
that Willems sheds no light on this
area.


by Angelina Pollack-Eltz-
job she is worse oil than before, hav-
ing to provide for his food, shelter
and pocket money, in addition to
that of her children. The man often
fails to assume the supporting role
and leaves the woman, and when the
household is dissolved, the children
usually stay with their mother.
There is no social sanction against a
father who neglects his duties tow-
ards his children. Yet a mother would
be severely sanctioned were she to
do the sane.
Thus, mother-children ties are
strong, and children always provide
for their mothers once they are old
enough to do so, while they often
neglect their fathers.
In the low classes, there is rarely
a formal wedding. People live togeth-


er. There is little room for ro-
mantic love and courtship, and
unions are quickly formed. Marriage
is a matter of two individuals, not
the alliance of two families. Several
reasons speak against formal mar-
riage: since separation is frequent,
people do not want the trouble of
divorce later on: church marriages
are inseparable (and usually ex-
pensive as one has to invite many
people), many people lack birth
certificates or other documents neces-
sary to get a marriage license.
Marriage ties are weak as there
is no exchange of property connected
with a wedding. There is no econ-
omic cooperation or a division of
labor by sex as found in many peas-
ant cultures, throughout the world.
Sexual gratification may be found
within and outside marriage as this
society has no use. for virginity. On
the contrary, practically every woman
has experienced motherhood at least
once during her lifetime. She does
not mind whether her children are
legitimate or not; in either case they
are considered to be an asset, (es-
pecially as old age insurance). I
have talked time and again with
women from the barrios, who looked
down upon me with pity for hav-
ing only two children. Usually girls
get pregnant early, 12 to 15 years
is considered quite normal, thus by
the time they are 40 one or more
sons or daughters can already help
them financially and they are no


longer obliged to work. On the
other hand, a young girl, who has
a child or two, can leave her babies
with her mother, while working as
a domestic somewhere in the city,
thus contributing to the upbringing
of both her children and her sib-
lings. It is rare to find a women of
-5 or over living with a man since
site has been abandoned, or has
abandoned her mate.
It is wrong to try to interpret tihe
situation in the barrios exclusively
from a historical point of view: as
being conditioned by slave customs
or African heritage. Thus it is also
very difficult to persuade the people
by education and conviction to
alter these patterns as long as their
economic situation remains the same.
Peattie thinks that it is rather a
structural phenomenon, caused by
social and economic conditions found
in the Venezuelan lower classes.
There is neither need to manage
property nor to cooperate in farm
work. There is a complete separa.
tion between the world of men and
women; and due to climatic con-
ditions a house may only be impor-
tant to provide shelter to the woman
and her children.

Men and women can live on their
own. There is no corporate kinship
group as found in tribal societies,
therefore there is no pressure on the
part of the kin to keep up a relation-
ship that is not happy. People are
nominally Catholic, but morality and
religion are separated. Thus, mar-
riage unions are formed and dis-
solved quickly.


I did some research in peasant
communities, where the bulk of the
population were Negroes, the de-
scendants of field-slaves. I found
more illegitimacy, promiscuity and
weak marriage ties there 'than in
the city slums, although one would
expect much more economic coop-
eration to operate even the smallest
farm. On the other hand, marriage
ties tend to be much more stable
in the Andes communities where
there are no Negroes and the edu-
cational and economic level of the
people is the same in the lowlands.
However, slavery has never existed
in that area. Thus, I believe,
historical explanations of the family
structure and kinship ties should not
be discarded altogether, although
there is no doubt that- economic
conditions may be more important.
Unemployment alone, however, is
not the key to this problem.

Among the lower class of Venezuela
there are a large number of indi-
viduals wlo are legally married,
even by the church, or whose com-
mon-law union has lasted a lifetime.
Stable family bonds usually coincide
with a better job, stable employ-
ment, more male dominance and
higher status for the man by the com-
munity, with better living conditions,
a higher educational level. These
stable families are also characteriz-
ed by more ambition for the chil-
dien and more middle-class values.


The View


from the Barrio


Usually the house and other prop-
erty is owned by the man.
These are the families from which
children move upward, nuclei of a
new middle class, which is gradually
developing in Venezuela. In the
middle class the nuclear family is
the rule ,as the more prosperous and
successful individuals have to sever
all ties with kinsmen, in order to
help their own children to get along
in life. Upward mobility begins as
soon as resources are kept within the
nuclear family. There is more econ-
omic and social cooperation be-
tween man and wife and thus mar-
riage as an institution becomes more
important.
In the lower class the functions of
the family are procreation, child-
tearing, and sexual gratification. As
mothers usually rear their children
alone, only sexual gratification is of
importance. Yet, people tend to be
very individualistic in their sexual
lile. Sometimes matrilineages exist,
extending over three and more gen-
erations. It often happens that a
tendency of matrifocality and matri-
lineage perpetuates itself in the next
generation. Women of such a group
are reluctant to take even a tempora-
ry mate into their close-knit group,
being accustomed to provide very
well for themselves and their chil-
dren by cooperating closely' among
each other.
This lower class pattern of culture,
termed "the culture of poverty" by
Oscar Lewis, tends to perpetuate it-
self in the next generation, as chil-
dren of unstable and poor families
often' miss school, get a bad educa-
tion, are of poor health and lack
skills. to do any better than their
parents did.
Although the family itself is not
crucial to the existence of the peo-
ple in the barrios, the kinship group
*is of utmost importance. This seems
paradoxical, but can be soon under-
stood.
Theie is a complicated network
of highly personalized kinship and
romnnpadrazgo relationships, that is
bilaterally extended and which is
selective to the economic and social
advantages of the individual. This is
the basis of economic security in a
very insecure world, where there is
no social welfare organization or any
other type of outside assistance. This
system redistributes capital from more
prosperous to poorer relatives, but
makes it impossible for the more suc-
cessful individual to accumulate
lunds to better his personal situation.
The first obligation is towards one's
own mother, but there are also
strong obligations towards one's sib-
lings and more distant relatives.
These obligations are taken very se-
riously and people who do not have
any relatives are pitied by their
friends. Thus, to have many children
is an economic asset. It also explains
how it is possible for household units
to live without any regular income
for a long period of time. This kin-
ship system is undoubtedly the
strength of the Venezuelan family
structile, but at the same time its
weakness. It is one reason why birth
control will never be popular among'
the lower classes.
Although kinship and compadrazgo
are the most important ties in the
social network of the barrio, there
are also neighborhood groups, some
voluntary organizations, political
parties, and religious sects, that fos-
ter important interpersonal relation'
ships. Nevertheless social control is
weak and most of these ties are high-
ly personalized. As a matter of fact,
persoroalismno marks Latin American
structures everywhere. Thus it is dif-


"Rapto das Sabinas,' by Hansen-Bahia, Brazil, (silk screen, 8L5 x 56cm)








CAMFBBEAN rEW


Spring, 1970


lithci to ongani/e ;I barrio to solve
its problems.
Wh;t about the solution ot the eco-
nomic iand social problems of Vene-
,/ielai? Pe;itie believes it is necessa-
ry to reduce strtccturail unemploy.
Iment by promoting and developing
economic activities with a higher
ratio of jobs to capital and which of-
fer prospects ot training the unskill-
ed. The oiler general approach
Would be a variety of tactics, which
the autlhor- does not specify, for
keeping open the connections across
the gap of top and bottom, the chan-
nels of coinuninication alnd mobil-
ity. These suggestions are certainly
valuable, but too abstract to be real-
i/ed.
I certainly agree that indrustrializ-
ation is very important, but ;as the
p)opllationl increases by more than
:.(i"o everN year' and halt the popu-
lation is today under 18 years of
age, it is impossible to keep pace
with (this i)op)lation iin(ease by
opening up victories. The urban poor
are certainly not1 willing to return to
tile rtampesiino existence of their
forefathers. ilhere is a lack of tech-
nical and managerial capacity at tile
intermediatee level and the inipotta-
tion of specialists from abroad is
costly. The creation of new industrial
jobs may wrin the economy at no


Recent



Books


benefit to the masses.
.AnotLer thing is tile agrarian re-
formn to keep the peasantss in rural
aiea:.. .\ lot h'as been lone. but lantl
tliu ihition has not gone together
with ithe edulcation-ol athe peasants.
An important measure against
over-population ;and po erty should
certainly be a well publicized canm-
paignn tn l\or of birth control des-
pile tliuircl opp)ositiol. Nlass educa-
tion is also a \eiy important tool, biu
tlere shoiildt be more ellphasis on
the development of t iade schools in-
stead l o ltniveriities. I ;amt not sure
it socialists would be the solution to
all the problems, although I admit
that certain programs could be push-
edl thioltgh with movie elfficiencv to
the benefit ol the people.
V'ee/tiela las thie economic re-
sotrc' es ;Ad tile relatively open so-
cia;l stiti Iure loi liapil national de-
velopment. Let us hope that it will
go 1h)liic'rdl (iukl\ enough beloic
thle iii.sses lose patience.
Peatiie's book has brought up) ma-
n problemm.. Her treatment of the
lamil st i'rutlne, purlelvy lom the
economic( point of view is too one-
sided. However, the book offers good
descriptions of life in a batnio. whose
real problems are tunlamiliar not on-
ly to iost foreigeils, bit als to ma-
lny Vene/uelans.lJ


Fiction
IBROIHFR ASS. ldniaidlo Baimos. fr.
I-.iliiiiialo (.alma (.iasnc. 1.a. America.. 196..
4. Ihe tlasic (f iminndel Chilean IIcer.
alitle. now aailahlle I.I english.

(.()N I RAML. I lI ICge Onerli. Sei\
aiical. llaicelona. 1986i. \ new noel hv
lie wtiici tAho, in 19.O5t. tion (:inlti's C(:aa
dIc lan Amumt.c. pmi/c swthl i lii. cllerion
S slinl M (nite. (I iaInlii riirn iiaOn.

ISABI1I. \IF.NDO LL.OVF.R EN MA
(ONIDO. Cahiiel (.aicia Maiiquie. Ediioiial
rirsiio. Iuiieno Nilces, I9S.A. A new .tor,
of Macondtn I\ the atilhor of "One Hundried
Vealn of Sililnte,-" pini a ciiical e.-a.N oan
litc na irloi liy Eincilo \'olkening.

I \ .\1. A.NM\RG.A DE LA IIF.RR
Maora Yvaln Monmern. EdiLioCnc, I'ieilia \
itea., Linia. 111'6. \ ni)mel of liiadship andi
I'ImIl.I lilf inll lie Iniaci nimai ', of 1'rin.

I O' I 111(,5O I) M cAN I I*.1.MO Josc
I'eilioM Diat. I'd. C"il,, 199. 'l e li itui novel hyv a liitgnagiaan
ne l hose waoiks iln rhlimet aie likened tn
Kilke's 1), Laiin Acnmeicala ciilics.
I.UCIA JEREZ. Joni' Matii. Edilniial
C.iedo-. Madrid. 1969i. A icpaiin of lie
1885 io nel 1)) Macim, ticsc published as
.4" nltidl fiIt e (i ini de tie Ip)nlic donimCi of
Aalelaidb Ral.
SANCIrLARV. Budd Sclillhcig. 415 pp.
\\'oild, 1970. %6i.95. A new novel ,iy Ihe
noted author anid film writer, this o ne
dealing with Maixist revoliioni in a fic.
cional Latin iAmerican republic that te-
'enibles Cccba.
STARBREED. Martha deMay Clow.
Ballantine. 1970. 7"I cents. Science-fiction in
the year 20)1; the selling Ecuador's Andean
legion.
THE BLESSING WAV. Tonv Hiller.
man.. Haipe & Row, 1970. .4.95. A suspense
novel almbot the Navajos ill Amecira's
Southwest.
THE CARRFTA. B. Ti-aen. Hill *
W\ang. 1970. ,5.95. The filst of the late
author's 'jungle nmels" on the Mexican
lesolulion.
THE LOSS OF EL DORADO. V. 5.
Naipul. Knopf. 1970. 7.50. A fact-based
novel by the Trmidadian author of "Mi-
guel Streel" and "A House Ifo Mr. Biswas."
This book covers his island's history floin
1595 through 1834, including Ihe British
anl Spanish colonial pciiold of slavery and
piiacy.
rRAGAME "TIERRA. I.iandro Ch;iver
Alfaio. Editorial Diogenes, Mexico Cily.
A new novel byv lle Nicaraguan author,
whose short stoioy collection Los .monos de
San Tlehin won an inelemational prize in
1963.
TRAS LA VENTANA LUN ARBOL..
Esthec Seligson. E.diorial Bogavanie, Mexi-
co City. 1969. 1 he filst sory olleclion by
a voting (I. 1941) Mexican wciler.
WAR OF TIME. Alejo Caipentier. Tr.
Frances Partridge. Knopf, 197. .S4.95r. Short
stories hv tile noted Cnluan no clitt.
Poetry
AJF.DRE7 NAV.EGAC:IONES. Homer
Aridiji.. Siglo XXI. Mexico City. 1969. New
i)oeil by Ihe winner of file 19ei4 Xasier
\ illainniuia I'ire.
ANTOLOGIA I'OFTICA Rulbn Dario,
wilh nores and intro. Ib, Dolores A. Swann.
263 pp, Las Ainmricas, 1969. 3.50.
LOS POETAS DF. FLORIDA. Guillecimo
Ara (Ed.). Centro Iditoi de Amrrica
Latina. Bicmcin. Airc.. 1968. A selection of
wolks hv Aigenline potci inaluiding Lannua,
Mlnichal. Brges.. and Heieions.
Theatre
ROOI.S \NI) RHVYHMtS: fAMAICA'S
NA I IONAI. I)AN( E IHF.AFRF.. Rev Nec.
Ileloidn I'holos liv Marini I a'acona. Hill
& \Vanig. 1970. -,i.tal.
Art
C.\'I A1I.(0( OMI 'l.l O 1F LA OBRA
(.RAFI(A l)5. ORO/C(:O. I.uigi Milarroliinc.
wii FI English ir. liv Kal \V:agenhenn. Insti-
Tlite a I'ienrto Ritanc (.nlinie anl IT I'aer-
.cc Rimo. 19711. :3. A licily illhictiaced aind
docrninenclacl ralalogue (Ii he gn1iplhic wollk.
of Mexic:atn anlis t osi: (Ilecmenc Ooe co,
exhibhiled in eanly 19711 t lithe Fi.i, Bicn.
nial of I11in i Aiiecican (.ial]hics in .S.an
Juan.
THE ART' Or I .RRA(.OI I'A IO I.
TERRY IN PRYI (.OLTUMBIAN, CENTRAI..
AND SOUTH ANMFERICA. Alexandclr Von
SWAuthenau. Crown. 1970. %(,i.95

Biography
A REBEL. IN CUBA. Neill Macaulay.
Quadrangle, 1970. $.5.95. The ltine '.toiy of


PUBLICATIONS OF THE
INSTITUTE OF CARIBBEAN STUDIES

CARIBBEAN MONOGRAPH SERIES
I. F. M. Andic. Dislibution of Family Incomes in Puerin Rico, Monograph Series,
No 1. 1964-1. Pice: '3.00.
2. G. E. Sinpson. The Sh/ango Cull in TTanidad, Monograph Series, No. 2, 1965,
Price: ,3.00 (Out of Puint).
3. Albert L. Gastniann. The Politics of Si iniam and the Netheilands Antilles,
Monograph Series, No. 3, 1968. Price: $4.00
4. Judith Ann Weller, The Ea.sl Indian lIdenture in Tiinidad, Monograph Series,
No. 4, 1968. Price: 54.00
5. F. M. Andic and S. Andic. Go(ernmient Finance and Planned Development:
Fiscal Suiveys of Sitinua and Ithe Nellherlands .Antilles, Monograph Series,
No. 5, 1968. Price: S5.00.
6. Leonard E. Barret, The Raslafarians: A Study an Messianic Cullisn in Jamaica.
Monograph Series. No. 6, 1969. I'iice: S4.00.
7. G. E. Simpson, Religious Culls of the Caiibbean: Jamaica, Trinidad and Haiti.
(New and Revised Edtion of The Shango Cull in Tiinidad), Monograph Series,
No. 7. (To be Published in 1970)
8. H. Hoetink, El 'Pueblo Dnmanicano, 1850-1900: Apunle pain sui Sociologin
Hisltrica, Monogiaph .Series. No. 8. (To he published in 1970).

SPECIAL STUDIES SERIES
1. J. L. Dillaid, Aho-Amierican Vehicle and othei Names, Mimeographed. Special
Study, No. I. 1961. Free of Charge.
2. F. M. Andic and S. Andic, A Fiscal .un'ey of tlhe Fiench Caribbean, Special
Study. No. 2, 1965 Price: 13.00 (Out of Print).
3. T. C. Mathews et al. Politics and economic in the Caribbean: A Conteinporary
Analysis of the Dutch, Fiench and British Chaiiibeann, Special Study, No. 3,
1966, Price: "4.00. (Out o( Plint).
4. Irma G. Tirado,La I:lastricidad.lngiewn de In Contrilbucidn 4obIe Ingresos en
Puerto Rico y Jamacica, 1955-1963. Special Study, No. 4, 1967 Price: $4.00
3. AndrC (.Coten ) Andrie Cocren, Cainhi Social en Santo Domingu, Special
Study, No. 5, 1968. Price: 54.00.
6. Aaron Segal, The Politics of Inegration in the Carihbean, Special Study No. 6
1968. Price: 14.00
7. Aaron Segal, Politics and Polalition .in the Caribbean, Special Study, No. 7
1969, Price: S4.00.
8. T. C. Mathews et al., Politir.s andl Eronnonir in the Caribbean: A Contempora-
ry Analysis of lthiDutch, Fienchl and I itih Caribbean. Special Study No. 8.
(To lie Published in 1970).
CARIBBEAN SCHOLARS CONFERENCE SERIES
1. F. M. Andic and 'T. G. Mathews. Ediiois., The Ca abbean in Transition: Papers
on Social Political, ,and Economic Development. Proceedings of the Second
Conference of Caiilibean Scholars. Mona, Jamaica, April 15-19, 1964. Price:
,4.l00. (s3.00 lo Siubscribers to Caribbean Stidies.)
2. Sybil Lewis anti Thomas G. Mathews, Editors, Ca ibbean Inlegtalioni: Papers
on Srtail, Politiril iand Economic litcgiatino. Proceedings of the Third Con-
feience of Caillheain Scholais, (.corgetown, Guyana, April 4-9, 1966. Price.
q4.00.
3. .Slanfoul N. (.eiler. Edioi, IThe Family in lthe Caiibbean, Proceedings of the
Fii-t (.Cnfeience on ihe Fainili ill the Caribbean. St. Thomas, Virgin Islands.
Malch 21-23, 196i 14li'l Price: "14.00.
CARIBBEAN BIBLIOGRAPHIC SERIES
I. Eniil M. Baa, cumpilcd by, Tlhese on Carlibeain Topics, ;7-81961). Biblio-
graphic Selie., No. I. iTo ble lPublished in 1970).
CARIBBEAN DOCUMENTS
I. Ron I'ceiswerk, edited bi; Docuiments o1n International Relations in the Cem-
ibliean. (To lie IPublished in 1970).

CARIBBEAN SERIES:
histilute of Caribbean Studies and Yale University Press
I. Sidney W. Mini ,. Worker in the Cane: A Puerto Rican Life History, Caribbean
Series. No. 2 1968. Paperback Reprint. Price: $2.00.
2. Ela \. Coveia. Slmve .\nciety in the British Leeward Islands at the End of the
Eighlrellth Century, Caribbean Series, No. 8, 1969. Paperback Reprint. Price:
S4.00.
Request for Publications should be addressed to:

The Institute of Caribbean Studies
University of Puerto Rico, Rio Piedras, Puerto Rico, 00931.


Vignette from 'Journal of a Residence
in Chile,' by Maria Dundas Graham,
Praeger, 1969.
Ameika and the rcz, of the Third World."
THE AGRICULTURAL DEVELOP-
MENT OF VENEZUELA. Louis .E Heaton.
350 pp. Praeger. 1970. $15. Relates agri-
culture to other sectors of the economy
and presents alternatives for increasing its
growth tale.
THE COLONIAL HERITAGE OF LA-
TIN AMERICA. Stanley J. Stein and
Barbara H. Stein. Oxford U. Press, 1969.
Cloth 55, paper '1.50. Essays on economic
dependence in perspective.

rTHE DEVFIOPMFNI* OF THE CO-
.OMI.IAN I ABOR MOVEMENT. Miguel
Ulrinuia. 297 pp. Yale. 1969. '110. Analyzes
Ihe gowrl.h oi oganiedl lalbo since 1Sr'0.
lhe niaudilor is adh-i in I (olcnilaia'.s mnn-
clvi acnhorin.
I HE I'OO.l(FIS OF BRA/ILIAN 1E-
VEL.LOI'MF.NT: 19311-1914. John I). Wirlth.
278 )pi. %Sian oid U. P'hiess. 1970. $7.95.
D)elailed rlcae siualies of three ke) economic
Ms. es ll e foiicign Irade i)lic. of the
19!30'.; tihe decision to build thd Volla Re-
dlnnild sicelworks; and Ihe hinrh of Petrn-
hri:.. Bliail's slate oil monopoly.
1HI': POLITICS OF REGIONAL IN-
IE-(.RAI ION: IHE CENI'R A. AMER-
1(.AN ( AS'. Jamui 1). CCochane. I'. New
Oilcan,. 19119. 4. The political aspects of
uhe foiiiiniiiin fd the (ntiiiral .American
C .nnnon Market.
I'H. l'llF.BI.A PIROJF(-T: 1967-69. The
stuov ol ;iCllelnius In rapidly incicase corn
pi(hlatiotI n in Ihe Mexican state of Puehla.
(Asailalic oi n the C(cnlip Inteinacional de


an i Aiciicai Koicean \'Wr ver who joined
( as'Ir,'. ichellioni anld i nc ed ill CCiubI
thiouigh 19O11.
(HI.: '1.LECI'I.D WORKS OF E.R
NESTO GU'.VARA. Fdited Ilv Rolando E.
onarcea k& Nelson PI. \alles. 4ssi pp. MI'l
l'ic-s, 1919. "112.30. \W iiiings. speeches, in-
ieiiew, aild elciel of (.lit (,u evaia, in.-
Inocdtcedl I a Iniel accoinl of his c career
ia lwo C.nillai wriers.
IF.ATH OF A REVOLUTIONARY
(.HI. .IfEV-'AR'SR LAST MISSION. Ri-
thadu Hani-'.. Notion. 1071). "4,.95. A bio-
giaph\ 'hichl icncldic c Ihe details of
(.iesaa'., hcraeal by Bolivia's proN Moscow
( olllmimnisi kinadecs.
LOS JOVFNES Vilma Fuenres. Siglo
XXI. ,Mcico (.i'ls, 169. A Mexican sli-
ltnir deliitie,' andl analvie. tIhe violence
iIecca iitndemi, atid police nul) 261. 19fi8 in
Mexico ( ml
11\1.1.1 NM HKIKLING PRESCOTT: A
1I(C.RAI'HY. (. Hancy Gardiner. 3Sil pp.
1. I cans, IOih. S7..0. A biography of the
di'.iaiigml i cled rlOIh cellnii. .A-\imceicJn hli.-
linian vlho,'. (onqiIiesi of Mexico." and
C( onqctic'.l of Pen1i liave ieen pionnounrcil

Economics
BRA/II.'S NEW AGRARIAN REFORM:
.N I VAl IIAlION OF ITS PROPERTY
( LAsIFI(.VITION AND I-\X SYSIhEMS.
AnIllin k I idlwig k- Ha-i \V'. T'a'nvlo. 180
pp 'liaeger, 1960. S .l.
(.HI I;ITFVARA: F.S(.RI'lOS ECONO-
MN(.OS. Iadliionles Iasaldo pcsente, C6n-
clccmminic wriliingi which appealed illn the
niagainea .\rNi\eia thIndumlin andc Cuba
soNiifillit.
I(.ONOMIf. (:OOP'ERA1 ION IN LA-
.IN AMERICA. AFRICA, AND ASIA.
Miguel S. W'ioncrek tEd.). MI r 1'resr. 196i9.
S.15.
1:1. ElSI1DIO ECONOM](O DE AMNE-
RICA LATIN A, 1068. lUniied Natinn.,
1469. 1:3.5l.
FS'I DIOI .)SOBRF F.I. SIBDF.SARRO.
1.1.0 COMI.MIIANO. Maina \irublla. Edi-
Iloial I.a otc.i i negial, Medellin. Colonimbia,
I 960.
LA'IIN AMF.RICA: IINI)ERDVF.FLOP-
MENT OR RE.VOI.1 ION. Andre (.nmler
1-iank. Mi1O 1ipp. Monthly Review. 1970.
SR..50. I'.says 1oi why "the colonial situc-
i ne of world capita!lisin .. prio.lucc' aand
maintiainls indeidleeloplment in Lalin







Spring, 1970


CAMBBEAN KW


Mejorainieinto de Mail y Tligo. Apaiiado
Pos,'il 6i.i II, Me icno Ii. 1).'.l

Flora & Fauna

A TREASURY OF INDIAN HERBS:
IHEIR LORF. AND THEIR USE FOR
FOOD AND MEDICINE. Viginia Scully.
(.lown. 1970. 6.91.

History

A JOURNEY IN BRAZII.. Louisi anmi
Elizabeth Agassiz. .40 pp. Pracgel, 1969.
S22.50. Facsimile of the 1868 edition, bh. a
natural historian.
A TRIP TO CUBA. Julia Wail Howe
251 pp. Praeger, 1969. %13.50. Facsimile of
the I(8(C6 edition, lIy the widely knoun
amiltor, poci and social critic.
CULIBA 1902-1958. Las Am~iicas,. 1969.
Cloth ,14. |papcr %10. A graphic hiitorv of
C:tiibi wilt huindieds of plinios.
HISTORIC DE CUBA DESDE COLON
HASTA CASTRO. Carlon M;ii qnel Sterling.
Las Ainemicas, 1969. Cloth 14. paper <10.
A new iciised, updated edition.
HISTORY OF PUER O RIC.O. Cacia-
no Mtasa and Jos6 Luis Vivas. Las Anit!ri-
cas, 196l9. 55. The fiis general history of
the island available ill English.
JOURNAL OF A RESIDENCE IN
(HILE. Maria Dundas Giaham. Piaeger,
1969.. S2.50. Facsimile of tihe 1824 .edition,
deNcihiing Chile in 1822 and a voyage
fl(nmi Cliile in Brazil in 1823.
JOURNAL OF A VOYAGE TO BRA.
ZIL. Malia Ilinda ralham. 335 pp. Piae-
gel, 1919. $1850. Facsimile of the 1821
edition. dealing willt residence in Brazil
fioni 1821-23.
MAGELLAN'S VOYAGE: A NARRA.
TIVE ACCOUNT OF THE FIRST CIR-
(.I;MNAVI.GATION. Antonio Pigafetta.
475 pp. (2 vols.). Yale, 1969. S100. Volumme
I i, tiiranlacil and annotated with an in.
tloductioni by R.A. Sketion. Vol. II is nil
illu.stiated facsimile.
NO'IES ON CENTRAL AMERICA:
PAR'I I(.ILARI.Y THE STATES OF HON-
IDURAS AND SAN SALVADOR. E.G.
Squier. PI'aeger, 1969. $20. A Facsimile of
the 18'55 edition, by former I. S. charge
d'afflires to Central Amrerica.
NOTES ON MEXICO MADE IN 1822.
loci Rolelts I'oinselt. 359 pp. Praeger,
517.5'i0.A facsimile of the 1824 edition,
includes "an historLcal sketch of the fevo.
Imion."
PERIl. Sir Rohelt Maiert. 288 pp.
Praeger, 19I9. i7.50. A detailed contempo.
raiy survey by a former British diplomat
to Pern and other Latin American repub-
lics.
REPORTS ON THE UNITED PROV-
INCES OF SOIITH AMERICA. C.A. Rod-
Iey and John Graham. Pracger, 1969.
.17.10. A fascimile of Ihe 1819 edition, by
two tcoimnnissiomnerl senit inI Buenlos, Aires hi
thIe 1.S. goveinninem in make a Congress.
ional report.
SI'I)F.KR. IN THE HOUSE AND
WORKER IN I HE FIELD. Eniesto Ga.
larza. 11. Nole I)c nhe, 1970. $7.50. Chronicles
Ihe defeat of ihe farmworker's union in
Califoinia which struck the DiGiorgio
lIiiii Coim pmalion from October 1947 to
May 1950.
IHE AMEIRICAN WEST INDIES:
PIUF.RIO RI(.O AND THE VIRGIN
ISLANDS. Sahia Holbiook. 273 pp. Mere-
dith Pl'e.ms9.19i59. S..95. A survey for younger
',midenls.m
TWILIGHT OF ANCIENT PERLI: THE
GLORY AND DECLINE OF THE INCA
EMPIRE. I.. and 'T. Engl. 216 pp. McGraw-
Hill. 1969. S12. Richly illustrated in color
and black & white.


Language 8 Literature
EL INTELF.CTUAL Y LA SOCIEDAD.
RoqIe Dalton. Rene Depestre. Edmundo
Desnoes, Roberto Fern;.idez Relamar, Anm-
hlosio Fornel & Cailos Maria Guiimiel.
Siglo XXI, Mexico Citv, 1969.
EL OFICIO DE ESCRIBIR. Guillermo
Dlaz-Plaza. Alianza Editoial. Madiid, 1969.
A4 broad studt of what it is like to b he a
writer in the world of Hispanic letters, in-
chliingi "culatial colonization," as well -is
problems of copyright in underdeveloped
co itl ries.

HISTORIC CONTEMPORANEA DE AME-
RI(.A LATINA. Tulio Halperin Donghi.
548 pp. Alianza Editorial, Madrid, 1969
(Di,,nibulted by Chillon BooLs, paper, $2.40).
A survey of Latin America by an Italian
scholar.

LITERATURE Y REALIDAD. Jaime
Duque. Editorial La oveja negra, Medellln.
Colombia, 1969. A s.4ind on Clomnbian liiei-
alure, followed by essays on Borges. and
"Lenin. literature, and ast."

REIER IORIO BIBLIOGRAFICO DEL
MINDO I)E RUBEN DARIO. Arnold Ar
miand del Greco. 667 pp. Las Americas. 1969.
Cloth .20,1 paper *16. An exhaustive critical
biography on Daron. with 3179 entlies.

THE FOUR VOYAGES OF CHRIST'O-
PHER COLUMBUS. Edited & translated by


J. M. Cohen. 319 pp. Pengin iiBooks, 1969.
I'apei, SI.75. .A compilation of Columbus'
log-hook, leitlei and dispatches, logeit-
el ith nlhe 'conrenmpolarn lisloiical
accotltlls.

IHF 1.1TER.TURE OF SPANISH
AMIERI.A. Angel Flores (Ed.). Vol. III.
I'aI 2: EL 1'OSTMODERNISMO. Coin-
pletes lie liie-olumllle series I.aLs America.,
19119. 4&8.

TFRES AI'ROXIMACIONES A LA LITE-
RATI;RA Dr. NlESTRO TIEMNPO. Einesto
S.ibamo. Fdio lial liniseisilaiia, Saniiago tde


(.ile, 1968. The noted l.atin American
write, in thiee essays on Alain Rolbbe-;ri-
Ilet. Jorge L.is Borges, and Jean-Paull
Saitie.

Politics

I)EBRAY Y LA REVOLUTION LATI.
NO-AMERICANA. Leo Hiublerinau and Paul
Sweezy, et als. Ti. luvencio Wing and I)inah
Rotliguez. 1201 pp. Editorial Nluetlio
Tiemipo, Mexico, 1969. A translation of the
Monthly Review Press summer 1968 issue
edicted to discussing I)ebray's theses about
revolution in Latin America. It includes an
answer by Debray but does not include
thie additional articles that were added to
the MR hook repuhlication of the issue
in 1968.
PARTIES & POLITICAL CHANGE IN
BOLIVIA: 1880-1952. Herbeil S. Klein.
450 pp. Cambridge U. Press, 1970. $14.50.
The origins and development of Bolivia's
political system as it evolved into a stable
two-party regime in the 19th and early 20th
centuries.
PATTERNS OF POLITICS & POLITI-
CAL SYSTEMS IN LATIN AMERICA.
Harry Kantor. 742 pp. Rand McNally. 1969.

PERU 1965: NOIES ON A GUF.RRI
LLA EXIERIENCF. Hector Bckjar. 'l.
William Rose. 142 pp. Monthly Review.
1970 .$6. A translation of the book which
won Cuba's Ca.a de las Anmilicas Ill!n9
plize. The author, a guerrilla comnmancll,
has been inl plison in P'eu since 1966.

POLITICAL LEADERS OF LA FIN
AMERICA. Richard Bourne. 306 pp. Peli-
can, 1969. Paper. $1.65 Studies ('h(; Gle-
vala, Alfredo Stroessner, Fdualdo Fici
Montalha, Juscelino Kubitschek. Cailos.
I.accrda and Eva 'Pe6n.

I'ABLEAU DES PAR'ILS POLI'TIQUES
EN AMFRIQUL EDI SIDl). Several authois.
l.ileraire Amniland Colin. Cahiers dte la
fomlaion national des sciences politic(uei,
I'alis. 1969. Flench political s ienlltiss SlmiCe.
political parties in South Amelica.

I UPAMAROSI LA UINICA VANGIIAR-
DI)A. Carlo, Nl in. Eliciones P'ovincias
I;nidas, Montevideo. 191i9. C.hroniclcs; the
ieselpimnlen of the I ipainaros,. lirugiua)'
alimedl mehel Ilmovemllellt

UNIVERSITY STUDENTS AND REV'O
LUTION IN CUBA: 1920-1968. laime
Siuhlicki. 177 pp U Miami Press, 1969.
*6.9',. The ailthou's findings. reinforced by
interviews with 50i loinmcr Cuhan student
leaders.

Reference
AMERICA EN CIFRAS 1967: HOGAR,
HABITACION, MEJORAMIENTO, ETC.
Instituto Interamericano de Estadfslica. 17-1
pp. Pan American Union. 1969.

AUTHOR INDEX TO HANDBOOK (01
LATIN AMERICAN STUDIES- # 1.28
(1936(i6l6. Francisco Jns C Cardona and
Mania ElenaCardona 421 pp. I1. of
Flilida, 1968. 1968. ;25.

INTERNATIONAL MARKET GUIDE:


LATIN AMERICA 1969. Dun & Bradstreet.
2.23i6 pp.

ANMIARIO DE ESTADOS UNIDOS
LAI'INOAMERICANOS. 223 pp. U. Nacio-
nal Amci6noma de Mexico, 1969.

THE U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
FACT BOOK OF COUNTRIES OF THE
W'ORLI. 800 pp. Clown, 1970. Cloth %7.95,
paper 'Z5.95.

Social Sciences

COLOR CITIZ.LNSHII': A REPORT
ON BRITISH RACE RELATIONS. E.J.B.
Roic. et als. 815 p.p. Oxford U. Pl'es., 1969.

DAMA(.EI) BAGGAGE: THE WHITE.
SLAVE TRADE AND NARCOTICS TRAF-
FICKIN(. IN THE AMERICAS. Sean
O'Callaghan. Rot. 1970 54-.7'.

EFFECTS OF HIGH ALTITUDE ON
HUMAN BIRTH. Jean McCling. 150 pp.
Haivaid U Il'crs. 1970.. 7.50. Studies two
P'eni ian populations; one in the Andes.
the otliem at sea lesel.

EL SINDICALISMO CAMPESINO EN
BOLIVIA Joige Dandier H. Instiluto in-
ligenmsra inileaniecricann, Mexico City, 1969.
An extenmsie study of rural BolisIan laiboi
moins eni-em.

1.VOLI(.ION HISTORIC DE LA ES-
I RATIFI ACTION SO( IAI. EN LA AR-
(.I-.N IN.A. Seigio lagfi. liniersidad Cel.-
ital dle \'enciiela. Caiarca. 1969.

LA RA/A: IHE MEXICAN AMERI-
CANS. tan Sicinei 418 pp. Harper & Row.
19.i9. '8.95. IDeNcriles tihe brownn powel
mimiement mhliat ha', spread hiom i'exas tio
(alifornia. Incleuides nmemorablc sinclies ol
(:sai C:h.'e/. who allied the giape pitkei.:
IDavid .Sincliez. plimne minilstlr of mIhe
Biown Berets: and I'l Tigre the "Robin
Hoodl of he Norhl."

LA SELECTION DE PERSONAL EN EL
SERVICIO PUBLIC IDE. l 1ERTO RICO.
Irnma (.alca de Seimano. 328 pp. U. 'nuerto
Rico, 1969. Cloth l-i.50. paper $3..50. Covers
personnel- adminisialmion in Puerto Rico's
goclrnmlent fIomm 1898 to the presceil.

L'E(LISE REBELLE, D'AMERIQUE
I.AI'INE. Alain .heerbrant. Ed. dl Seuil,
Paris. 1969. A study of radical Catholic
miovemnents in l.atin America.


Mundurucu Indian, from 'A Joumey in
Brazil,' by Louis & Elizabeth Agassiz,
Praeger, 1969.


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I


MODERNIZATION AMONG PEAS-
ANTS: THE IMPACT OF COMMIINICA-
rION. Everett M. Rogers in association
with Lynne Svenning. 429 pp. Holt Rine-
hart Winston. Describes the process by
which traditional peasants take on more
complex, rapidly changing life-styles. Based
on personal interviews in five Colombian-
villages, plus comparative data.

RESEARCH & RESOU-RCES ON HAITI.
Richard Schaedel (Ed.) 623 pp. Research
Institute for the Study of Man (162 E. 78th
St. New York). 1969. 17 essays on social
research in Haiti.

THE EDUCATIONAL ENCLAVE: CO-
ERCIVE BARGAINING IN COLLEGES
AND UNIVERSITIES. Norpan Mailin.
226 pp. Funk and Wagnalls. $8.95, Matlin's
lunulual perspective on society is here
applied to the world of higher education.
The amlihor, a frequent contributor to
(.anlibben Review, co-directs the Instituto
I.sicol6gico de Puerto Rico, an institution
of higher learning in Puerto Rico.

THE SOBER GENERATION: A TYPO-
1.0GY OF COMPETENT ADOLESCENT
COPING IN MODERN PUERTO RICO.
R. Femiiinide. Marina. I von Eckardt, and
F. Maldonado Sicera. 798 pp. U. of Puerto
Rico Pieis. Cloth 58., paper $G.50. A pre-
publication mciiew of this hook appeared
in Vol. 1. No. I of Cnoilbblan RnIterr.

1HHE IINREVOI.UTIONARY SOCIETY:
IHI-. POWIR OF LATIN AMERICAN
( ONSERVAl ISM IN A CHANGING
WORL.). John Madcer. Knopf. 1969. $6.95.
I'HF. VARIFTIFS OF DELINQUENT
XI.P'l.RIEN(I.. Bernaid Rosenberg and
Haily Sileiclein. 165 pp. Blaisdell Pub-
lihling Company, 1969. Tests tlhe theories of
Robe, l Mernon and Oscar Lewis in three
slum: a I'Pcrto Rican area in New York, a
lBlack area in Washington, and a Hillbilly
area inl (hicago. The authors eject Merton
and I.rwis uindell andinlg of the lower
i lass.

TR.ADI'ION k REVOLT IN LATIN
AMN.RI(.A AND OTHER ESSAYS. Robin
Arthur Humlphieys. 264 pp. Welienfeld &
Nicolsoii, London, 1969.
WE WISH T'O BE LOOKED UPON.
Vera Ritthi and Marisa Zavalloni. 275 pp.
.Tcacheis College. Columbia University,
1969. A anthropologist amnd social psycho-
logist study the aspirations of youth in
Trinidad.





16 CAlBBEAN ViEW


MEXICO VISTO EN EL SIGLO XX
ENTREVISTAS DE HISTORIC ORAL

by
James W. Wilkie
Edna Monz6n de Wilkie

This volume presents selected oral histories of life and times
in the Mexican Revolution since 1910. The Wilkies, who tape
recorded their conversation in Spanish with Mexican leaders
during 1964 and 1965, offer seven interviews to show the
variety and complexity of political thought from the following
points of view:

Ram6n Beteta, politico y hacendista
Marte R. G6mez, agrarista
Manuel G6mez Morin, fundador del Partido Accidn Nacional
Vicente Lombardo Toledano, te6rico y militant marxista
Miguel Palomar y Vizcarra, cat6lico militant
Emilio Portes Gil, ex president de Mexico
Jesds Silva Herzog, economist e historiador

The book is indispensable for economists and sociologists
interested in Mexico as well as historians, political scientists,
students of literature, and psychologists. It will not be possible
to understand contemporary Mexico without reading this
work.

Includes introduction on concepts and methodology, bibliogra-
phy, and two indexes. Hardbound, 770 pages, $9.00 (U.S.
currency).

First edition published May 22, 1969, by the Instituto le.vi-
cano de hIvestigaciones Econ6micas and distributed by:


CUADERNOS AMERICANOS
Av. Coyoachn 1035
Apartado Postal 965
M6xico 12, D.F.
MEXICO


Letters

Reply to Norman Matlin.
In his review of my book Puerto
Rico: una interpretncidn hisldrico-
social Norman NMatlin has expressed
his views about how he visualizes the
political spectrum in Puerto Rico.
Unfortunately, in his attempt to do
so he lost touch with what is re-
quired of every book reviewer: that
he should erview a book, not take
it as a point of departure for an ex-
pression of his own ideas. Though
Matlin repeatedly) objects to some as-
pects of my hook he nonetheless
hardly refutes the basic theses ex-
pounded in-the volume. As a result
the reader will scarcely understand
what the book is all about, since very
little is actually said about it.
There are, however, some points
raised by latlin's review which 1
must clarity. In accordance with his
criteria I do not succeed in being
objective because "I have not both-
ered to try", and he also criticizes
my theoretical framework for being
excessively "simplified." Nevertheless,
the reviewer does not illustrate in his
analysis any errors of a historical or-
sociological nature that would tend
to show my lack of objectivity. If
everything I -say in the book is so
plagued by subjectivity, then it would
be relatively easy to point out the
-historical errors or omissions. Yet
Mlatlit does nothing of the sort.
Matlin then attempts to provide
*his own theoretical framework as an
antidote to mn "simplified" scheme.
This carries hint into the arena of
Ins interpretation of Puerto Rican
history and society. In his view there
is no season to equate the struggle
for national libe nation with the
struggle for social justice, and he
takes pains to argue in favor of the
essentially conservative character of
some independentriins. At first sight
the cliaracterization sounds convinc-
ing. But it siC(ulnbbs upon exnmi-i
nation. The tact is that in Puerto
Rico itdependernislas, be they con-
servati\e or not, ale considered as
radicals by the community at large.
Int this sense all independentista
groups aie on the left side of the
political spectrum for a very simple
reason: they are the only ones who
challenge the existence of the "status
quo." Being violent oi non-violent
divides some groups f1ro1 otieis, but
the increasingly militant stance of
the Puerto Rico Independence Party
is gradually erasing even that dis-
tinction, as Matlin should know by
now.
Clearly, my book implies a com-

I BVEMO/i BiERMO


Spring, 1970

mitment on my part to the cause of
Puerto Rican independence and
national liberation. I understand
latlin's incapacity for understanding
quite how it feels to be colonized.
After all lie is one of those colonizers
who mean well and who attempt to
provide us with a more complimen-
tary view of what it means to be an
American liberal in the midst of this
American "showcase."
It is in this spirit that Matlin
condescendingly remarks that the
book "well repays its reading." Nev-
ertheless he has at least spared us
from the usual stuff, so prominent
in American liberal circles, of telling
us what we should do and what we
should not do. In this sense I would
say that his review -at least from
my viewpoint- repays its reading.
-Alan, el Maldonado Denis




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STUDIES..


C ARIBBENA N


VoL 10 APRIL 1970 No. 1

I. Articles
KENNETH J. GRIEB, American Involvement in the Rise ofJorge Ubico
PAUL G. SINGH, Problems of Institutional Transplantation: the
Case of the Commonwealth Caribbean Local Government System.

ROBERT G. WEISBORD, British West Indian Reaction to the
Italian-Ethiopian War: An Episode in Pan-Africanism.
II. Research Commentary
G.R. COULTHARD, Nigritude, Reality and Mystification.
III. Research Survey
WILFRED L. DAVID, Public Savings and Investment in the
Caribbean; A study of Selected Caribbean Countries
IV. Research Note
EVA E.A. ABRAHAM VAN DER MARK, Differences in -the
Upbringing of Boys and Girls in Curagao, Correlated with Differences
in the Degree of Neurotic Instability.
V. Documents
THOMAS G. MATHEWS, Memorial Autobiogrifico de Bernardo O'Brian
VI. Book Reviews
NORMAN A. BAILEY, Latin America in World Politics, reviewed by
K.J. Grieb
ETTLENNE BOIS, Les Amerindins de la Haute Guyana Francaise,
reviewed by J. Huraud
ALBERT L. GASTMANN, The Politics of Surinam and the
Netherlands Antilles, reviewed by'F.E.M. Mitrasing (Suriman)
reviewed by R.F. Pieternella (Netherlands Antilles)
GERMAN DE GRANDA, Transculturacibn e Interferencia
Linguistica en el Puerto Rico Contemporaneo (1898-1968),
reviewed, by Nilita Vient6s Gast6n
VIRGINIA GUTIERREZ DE PINEDA, Familiar y Cultura en
Colombia, Vol II: Tipologias, Funciones y Dintmica de la Familia,
reviewed by J.J. Parsons
HENRY WELLS, The Modernization of Puerto Rico, reviewed by
T.G. Mathews

Single issues of the journal may be purchased for $L25 each. The annual
subscription is $4.00. Checks or drafts should be issued in the name of the
Treasurer of the University of Puerto Rico, c/o The Institute of Caribbean
Studies. Requests for back issues of the journal should be addressed to the
Johnson Reprint Corporation, 111 Fifth Avenue, New York City, New York.


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from "Twilight of Ancient Peru," by
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