Caribbean Review
Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00095576/00009
 Material Information
Title: Caribbean Review
Physical Description: Serial
Language: English
Creator: Latin American and Caribbean Center, Florida International University
Publisher: Latin American and Caribbean Center, Florida International University
Place of Publication: Miami, FL
Publication Date: 1969
Copyright Date: 1980
Genre: serial   ( sobekcm )
 Record Information
Source Institution: FIU: Special Collections
Holding Location: FIU: Special Collections
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: oclc - 1553369
System ID: UF00095576:00009

Full Text
Non-Profit Org.
U.S. Postage
San Juan.
P.R. 00936
Permit No. 163

Published quarterly at 180 Hostos, B-507, Hato Rey, Puerto Rico, 00918 Fall, 1969 Vol I, No. 3
i ~ -'

New World Indians entertain the recently arrived Spaniards nearly five hundred years ago. From an ancient engraving, reproduced in Americas. July 1969.

L.A college graduation speech
This graduation occurs at a time of
crisis in the institution of the school; a
crisis which may mark the end of the
"age of schooling" in the western world. I
speak of the "age of schooling" in the
sense in which we are accustomed to
speak of the "feudal age" or of the
"christian era". The "age of schooling"
began about two hundred years ago.
Gradually the idea grew that schooling
was a necessary means of becoming a
useful member of society. It is the task of
this generation to bury that myth.
Your own situation is paradoxical.
At the end and as a result of your own
studies, you are enabled to see that the
education your children deserve, and will
demand, requires a revolution in the
school system of which you are a
The rite which we solemnly celebrate
today confirms the prerrogatives which
the Puerto.Rican society, by means of a
costly system of subsidized public
schools, confers upon the sons and
daughters of its most privileged citizens.
You are a part of the most privileged ten
percent of your generation; part of that
miniscule group who have completed
university studies. Public investment in
each of you is fifteen times the
educational investment in the average
member of the poorest ten percent of the
population, who, drops ,out of school,

by Ivan Illich -
before completing the fifth grade.
*The certificate you receive today
testifies to the legitimacy of your
competence. It is not available to the
self-educated, to those who have acquired
competence by means not officially
recognized in Puerto Rico. The programs
of the University of Puerto Rico are all
duly accredited by the "Middle States
Association of Colleges and Secondary
The degree which the University
today confers upon you implies that over
the, last sixteen years or more your elders
have obliged you to submit yourselves,
voluntarily or involuntarily, to the
discipline of this complex scholastic rite.
You have in fact been daily attendants,
five days a week, nine months a year,
within the sacred precinct of the school
and have continued such attendance year
after year, usually without interruption.
Governmental and industrial employers
and the professional associations have
good reasons to believe that you will not
subvert the order to which you have
faithfully submitted in the course of
completing your "rites of initiation".
Much of your youth has been spent
within the custody of the school. It is
expected that you will now go forth to
work, to guarantee to future generations
the privileges which have been conferred
upon you.

Puerto Rico is the only society in the
western hemisphere to devote 30% of its
governmental budget to education. It is
one of six places in the world which
devote between six and seven percent of
national income to education. The
schools of Puerto Rico cost more and
provide more employment than any other
public sector. In no other social activity is
so large a proportion of the total
population of Puerto Rico involved.
A huge television audience is
observing this occasion. Its solemnity
will, on the one hand, confirm their sense
of educational. inferiority and, on the
other, raise their hopes, largely doomed
to dissapointment, of one day themselves

receiving a university degree.
Puerto Rico has been schooled. I
don't say educated but, rather, schooled.
Puerto Ricans can no longer conceive of
life without reference to the school. The
desire for education has actually given
way to the compulsion of schooling.
PuerTo Rico has adopted a new religion.
Its doctrine is that education is a product
of the school, a product which can be
defined in terms of numbers. There are
the numbers which indicate how many
years a student has spent under the
tutelage of teachers, and others which
represent the proportion of his correct
answers in an examination. Upon receipt
of a diploma the educational product
acquires a market value. School

Holy Mother


HOLY MOTHER SCHOOL, by Ivan Illich............................1
THE SNIPER, by Pedro Juan Soto, translated
by Kal Wagenheim..................3
GAME OF CHESS, by Jorge Luis Borges,
translated by Harold Morland.....................5
GALILEO, ONAN & THE POPE, by Jeffrey J.W. Baker......6
Garzaro, translated by Curtis Long.......................
Galeano, translated by Cedric Belfrage........................8
BLACK POWER IN TRINIDAD, by Basil Ince................10
VIOLENCE OF THE HOURS, by C6sar Vallejo,
translated by Clayton Eshleman.................................10
HUMAN POEMS, by Barry Wallenstein..............................1
POOR DR! by Thomas Mathews.......................................12
JAMAICA'S ECONOMY, by Byron White..........................12
RECENT BOOKS............... .............................13

"" -


attendance, in itself, thus guarantees
inclusion in the membership of
disciplined consumers of the technocracy
-just as in past times church attendance
guaranteed membership in the
community of saints. From Governor to
jibaro, Puerto Rico now accepts the
ideology of its teachers as it once
accepted the theology of its priests. The
school is now identified with education as
the church once was with religion.
Today's agencies of accreditation are
reminiscent of the royal patronage
formerly accorded the church. Today's
federal support of education parallels
yesterday's royal donations to the
church. The power of the diploma has
grown so rapidly in Puerto Rico that the
poor blame their misery on precisely the'
lack of that which assures to you, today's
graduates, participation in the society's
privileges and powers.
Research shows that twice as many
high school graduates in Puerto Rico as in
the States want to pursue university
studies; while the probability of
graduating from college for the Puerto
Rican high school graduate is much less
than it would be in the States. This
widening discrepancy between aspirations
and resources can only result in a
deepening frustration among the
inhabitants of the Island.
The later a Puerto Rican child drops
out of school the more keenly does he
feel his failure. Contrary to popular
opinion, increasing emphasis on schooling
has actually increased class conflict in
Puerto Rico, and has also increased the
sense of inferiority which Puerto Ricans
suffer in relation to the United States.
Upon your generation, dear
graduates, falls the obligation of
developing for Puerto Rico an
educational process radically different
from that of the present and independent
of the example of other societies. It is
yours to question whether Puerto Rico
really wants to transform itself
irrevocably into a passive product of the
teaching profession. It is yours to decide
whether you will subject your children to
a school that seeks respectability in North
American accreditation, its justification
in the qualification of the labor force and
its function in permitting the children of
the middle class to keep up with the
Joneses of Westchester County, New
The real sacred cow in Puerto Rico is
the school. Proponents of
Commonwealth, Statehood and
Independence all take it for granted.
Actually, none of these political
alternatives can liberate a Puerto Rico
which continues to put its primary faith
in schooling. Thus, if this generation
wants the true liberty of Puerto Rico, it
will have to invent educational
alternatives which put an end to the "age
of schooling". This will be a difficult
task. Schooling has developed a
formidable folklore. The begowned
academic procession which we have
witnessed today evokes the ancient
procession of clerics, and little angels on
the day of Corpus Christi. The church -
holy, catholic, apostolic is rivalled by

Fall, 1969 Vol. 1, No. 3
Kal Wagenheim,
Barry Bernard Levine

Caribbean Review, a books-oriented
quarterly journal, is published by
Caribbean Review, Inc., a non-profit
corporation. Mailing address:' 180
Hostos, B-507, Hato Rey, Puerto Rico,
00918. Available by subscription only:'.l
year, $3; 2 years, $5.50; 3 years, $7.50;
lifetime, $25. Advertising accepted (see
rates elsewhere in this issue). Unsolicited
manuscripts (book reviews, translations,
essays, etc.) are welcomed, but should be
accompanied by self-addressed stamped

the school compulsory, sacred,
universal. Alma Mater has replaced
mother church. The power of the school
to rescue the denizen of the slum is as the
power of the church to save the moslem
Moor. The remaining difference between
church and school is mainly that the rites
of the school have now become much
more rigorous and onerous than were the
rites of the chuch in the worst days of the
Spanish inquisition.
The school has become the secular
church of modern times. The modern
school had its origins in the impulse
towards universal schooling, which began
two centuries ago as an attempt to
incorporate everyone into the industrial
state. In the industrial metropolis the
school was the integrating institution. In
the colonies the school inculcated the
dominant classes with the values of the
imperial power and confirmed in the
masses, their sense of inferiority to this,
schooled elite. Neither the nation nor the
industry of the precybernetic era can be
imagined without universal baptism into
the school. The drop-out of this era
corresponds to the Moorish sinner of
11th century Spain.
We have, I hope, outlived the era of
the industrial state. We shall not live long,
in any case, if we do not replace the
anachronisms of national sovereignty,
industrial autarchy, and cultural
narcissism which are combined into an
old fashioned stew by the school. Only
within its sacred precincts could such
ancient potage be served.
I hope, young graduates, that your
grandchildren will live on an island where
the majority give as little importance to
attending class as is now given to
attending the mass. We are still far from
this day and I hope that you will take the
responsibility for bringing it to pass
without fear of being denounced as
heretics, subversives or ungrateful
creatures. It may comfort you to know
that those who undertake the same
responsibility in socialist lands will be
similarly denounced.
Many controversies divide our Puerto
Rican society. Natural resources are
threatened by industrialization, the
cultural heritage is adulterated by
commercialization, dignity is subverted
by publicity, imagination by the violence
which characterizes the mass media. Each
of these would provide a theme for
extensive public debate. There are those
who want less industry, less English and
less coca-cola, and those who want more;
but overshadowing these differences is
the agreement on the need for more
schooling. This is not to say that
education is not discussed in Puerto Rico.
Quite the contrary. It would be difficult,
to find a society whose political and
industrial leaders are as concerned with
education. They all want more education,
directed toward the sector which they
represent. These controversies merely
serve, however, to strengthen public
opinion in the scholastic ideology which
reduces education to a combination of
classrooms, curricula, funds,
examinations and grades.
I expect that by the end of this
century, what we now call school will be
a historical relic, developed in the time of
the railroad and the private automobile
and discarded along with them. I feel sure
that it will soon be evident that the
school is as marginal to education as the
witch doctor is to public health.
A divorce of education from
schooling is, in my opinion, already on
the way, speeded by three forces: the
third world, the ghettos and the
universities. Among the nations of the
third world, schooling discriminates
against the majority and disqualifies the
self-educated. Many members of the
"black" ghettos see the schools as a
"whitening" agent. Protesting university
students tell us that school bores them
and stands between them and reality.
These are caricatures, no doubt, but the

mythology of schooling makes it difficult
to perceive the underlying realities.
The criticism today's students are
making of their teachers is as
fundamental as that which their
grandfathers made of the clergy. The
divorce of education from schooling has
its model in the de-mythologizing of the
church. We fight now, in the name of
education, against a teaching profession
which unwillingly constitutes an
economic interest, as'in times past the
reformers fought against a clergy which
was, also unwillingly, a part of the
ancient power elite. Participation in a
"production system" no matter what
kind has always threatened the
dedicated christian of the church as it
now threatens the dedicated educator of
the school.
Many university phenomena of the
day are psychologically analogous to the

Jos6 Marfa Morelos painted from two angles
by Juan O'Gorman, from 'The Liberators:
A Study of Independence Movements in
Spanish America,' by Irene Nicholson.
Praeger, 1969. $8.95.

great movements of religious reform. In
old testament terms, today's student
protest is a rejection of the mother who
has sold herself in the Courts of Kings.
Now called school, alma mater, she was
formerly called Israel or Mother Church.
Student protest has deeper causes than
the pretexts enunciated by its leaders.
These, although 'frequently political, are
stated in terms of various reforms of the
system. They would never have gained
mass support, however, if students had
not lost faith and respect in the
institution which nurtured them. Student
strikes reflect a profound intuition widely
shared among the younger generation; the
intuition that schooling has vulgarized
education; the intuition that the school
has become anti-educational and
anti-social, as in other epochs the church
has become anti-christian. This intuition
can, I believe, be explicitly and briefly
The profound protest of today's
students is analogous to those charismatic
movements without which the church
would never, have leen reformed; the-
prophecies leading to martyrdom, the
theological innovations always
characterized in the beginning as heresies,
the activities' of saints who were
frequently burned in the "autos de fe".
Protest always gives the: impression of
being political; the theologian always
gives the impression of being impious; the
saint of being crazy.
The church has always depended for
its vitality upon the sensitivity of its
bishops to the appeals of the faithful who
see the rigidity of the ritual as an obstacle
to their faith. The churches incapable of
dialogue between their ruling clerics and
their dissidents have become museum
pieces, and this could easily happen with
the school system of today. It.is easier for
the university to interpret dissidence in
terms of ephemeral, causes than to
attribute this dissidence to a profound
alienation of the students from the
school It is also easier for student leaders

to operate in terms of political slogans
than to launch basic attacks upon sacred
cows. The university which accepts the
challenge of its dissident students and
helps them to formulate in a rational and.
coherent manner the anxiety they feel as
traitors to their school, exposes itself to
the danger of being ridiculed for its
supposed credulity. The student leader
who tries to promote in his companions
the consciousness of a profound aversion
to their school (not to education) finds
that he creates a level of anxiety which
few of his followers care to face.
The university has to learn to
distinguish between sterile criticism of
scholastic authority and a call for the
conversion of the school to the
educational purposes for which it was
founded, between destructive fury and
the demand for radically new forms of
education scarcely conceivable by
minds formed in the scholastic tradition
-; between cynicism that seeks new
benefits for the already privileged, and
socratic sarcasm, which questions the
educational efficacy of accepted forms of
instruction in which the institution is
investing- its major resources. It is
necessary, in other words, to distinguish
between the alienated mob and profound
protest based on rejection of the school
as a symbol of the status quo.
In no other place in Latin America
has investment in education, demand for
education, and information about
education, increased so rapidly as in
Puerto Rico.
There is no place, therefore, in which
members of your generation could begin
the search for a new style of public
education so readily as in Puerto Rico. It
is up to you to get us back, recognizing
that the generations which preceded you
were misled in their efforts to achieve
social equality by means of universal
compulsory schooling.
In Puerto Rico three of every ten
students drop out of school before
finishing the sixth grade. This means that
only one of every two children, from
families with less than the median
income, complete elementary school.
Thus, half of all Puerto Rican.parents are
under a sad illusion if they believe that
their children have more than an outside
chance of entering the University.
Public funds for education go
directly to the schools, without students
having any control of them. The political
justification for this practice is that it
gives everyone equal access to the
classroom. The high cost of this type of
education, dictated by educators trained
largely outside Puerto Rico, makes a
public lie of the concept of equal access;.
public schools may benefit all of the
teachers but benefit mainly the few
students who reach the upper levels of
the system. And it is precisely our
insistence on direct financing of the "free
school" that in reality results in this
concentration of scarce resources on
benefits for the children of the few.
I believe that every Puerto Rican has
the right to receive an equal part of the
educational budget. This is something
very different and much more concrete
than the mere promise of a place in the
I believe, for example, that a young
thirteen year old who has had only four
years of schooling has much more right to
the remaining educational resources than
students of the same age who have had
eight years of schooling. And the more
disadvantaged a citizen is, the more he
needs a guarantee of his right.
If in Puerto Rico it were decided to
honor this right, then the free school
would immediately have to be
abandoned; since the annual quota of
each person df school age would
obviously not iuppirt a year of
schooling, at present costs. The
insufficiency would, of course, be even
more dramatic if the total educational
budget for all levels were divided among

Fall, 1969


the population six to twenty-five years of
age, the period between kindergarten and
graduate studies, to which all Puerto
Ricans supposedly have free access.
These facts leave us three
alternatives: leave the system as it is, at
the cost of justice and conscience; use the
available funds exclusively to assure free
schooling to children whose parents earn
less than the median income; or use the
available public resources to offer to all
the education that an equal share of these
resources could assure to each. The better'
off could, of course, supplement this
amount and might continue to offer their
children the doubtful privilege of
participating in the process which you are
completing today. The poor would
certainly use their 'share to acquire an
education more efficiently and at lower
My suggestions may mortify many. It
is from the great positivists and liberals
that we inherited the principal of using
public funds for the administration of
schools directed by professional
educators; just as, previously, tithes had
been given to the church to be
administered by priests. It remains for
you to fight the free public school in the
name of ,true equality of educational
opportunity. I admire the courage of
those of you willing to enter this fight.
Youth wants educational institutions
that provide them with education. They
neither want nor need to be mothered, to
be certified, or to be indoctrinated.
It is difficult, obviously, to get an
education from a school that refuses 'to
educate without requiring that its
students submit simultaneously to
custodial care, sterile competition and
indoctrination. It is difficult, obviously,
to finance a teacher who is at the same
time regarded as guardian, umpire,
counselor, and curriculum manager. It is
uneconomical to combine these functions
in one institution. It is precisely the
fusion of these four functions, frequently
antitherical, which raises the cost of
education acquired in school. This is also
the source of our chronic shortage of
educational resources. It is up to you to
create institutions that offer education to
all at a-cost within the limits of public
Only when Puerto Rico has
psychologically outgrown the school will
it be able to finance education for all, and
only then will truly efficient,
non-scholastic forms of education find
acceptance. Meanwhile, these new forms
of education will have to demonstrate
alternatives to the school that offer
preferable options to students, teachers
and tax-payers.
The institutional forms which
education will take in tomorrow's society
cannot be clearly visualized. Neither
could any of the great reformers
anticipate concretely the institutional
styles which would result from their
reforms. The fear that new institutions
will be imperfect, in their turn, does not
justify our servile acceptance of present
This plea to imagine a Puerto Rico
without schools must, for many of you,
come as a surprise. It is precisely for
surprise that true education prepares us.
The purpose of public education should
be no less fundamental than the purpose
of the church, although the purpose of
the latter is more explicit. The basic
purpose of public education should be to
create a situation in which society obliges
each individual to take stock of himself.
This presupposes a place within the
society in which' each one of us is
awakened by surprise; a place of
encounter in which others surprise me
with their liberty and make me aware of
my own. It is thus that our university law
conceives this academic ambit, as an
institution whose purposes are identified
with the exercise of liberty, whose
autonomy is based on public confidence
in the use of that liberty .. .0

The Sniper

Translated by Kal Wagenheim

The limousine glides slowly along the
highway, a few blocks from the
university. Which I can already see. A
tower. Iron fence. Lawn. Pompous
moorish architecture. Doesn't at all
resemble Havana, although on the way
from the airport I sometimes felt I was
riding along Rancho Boyeros towards my
beloved, detestable, free, cloistered
capital. My capital of twenty years ago,
but not today's. The Havana of Prio, a bit
before Batista's dawning coup, a Havana
as dazzling then as for other reasons -
Fidel's is now.
Rector Velizquez describes the
sights, but I'm. not listening. Doctor
Montalvo no longer speaks, although he
has been competing with his superior for
my attention: a sarcastic commentary
here, a chuckle of praise for Velazquez's
festive comment there.. .- Thickset,
bulky, with an irksome Spanish wit,
Doctor Montalvo my superior from
today on begins to bug me already,
scarcely an hour after my arrival in
Puerto Rico. He enjoy acting like a
know-it-all, like an elderly knight in
armor, like a lisping father-figure to all
Spanish Americans.
Rector Velazquez, on the other
hand, has all those good qualities which
I've been told comprise the quiet,
hospitable, kind Puerto Rican
personality. Tall, big-eared, with large
hands, he is, nevertheless, built quite in
contrast to the average native. His graying
moustache, wrinkled features and evasive
eyes could make him pass for a Mexican,
or a Bolivian, or even an exportable
Chilean; the kind of high dignitary
usually sent to the United Nations to
impress North Americans by pure brute
force. Except that the Rector impresses
me as being more intelligent.
The limousine turns in to an area full
of foliage and decorative lamps on the
lawn, and both Rector Velizquez and
Doctor Montalvo lean forward in their
seats. The two-story house with its tiles
and arcades confuses me a bit when I hear
the clamor of voices coming from its
interior. .Velzquez, who is watching me,
pats my thigh.
"It won't last long," he says. "I've
invited our colleagues from the faculty to
welcome you. The chauffeur will take
your luggage to your rooms and we'll go
there later on." He gets out of the car,
and bows his head, standing by the
chauffeur, who has opened the car door.
'This is my humble residence, senior
Saldivia, which is at your service."


the first chapter of a new novel by Pedro Juan Soto_

I conceal my feelings as I get out of
the car. What the Hell! The flight has
been a continuous rolling and swaying
between airpockets and aspirins to
placate the buzzing in my ears, but
there'll be time for sleep afterwards.
"You'll meet your compatriots,
too," Montalvo says. "They know your
work, all of them. And they admire you
I nod. What else can I do? A
middle-aged woman with a headful of

lus. by Luis Eades from 'The Precipice'by
Sergio Galindor.r. by John & Carolyn
Brushood. LI. Texas, 1969. $6.

tiny curls and a dress made of gauze and
flounce appears at the door and runs
joyfully to kiss Velizquez. Neither his
mistress nor his housekeeper, obviously.
I bow my head, almost clicking my
heels, and kiss her veined hand, which is
older than her face.
'Welcome, don Tomis! she says
excitedly. "Come in! "
She leads me up the stairs, hooking
my arm, so that I won't be able td escape
if the idea should hit me. A din of
applause reaches us before we reach the
reception hall, from the doors leading to
the terrace. Two rows of men and
women, some of them stuck to their
drinking glasses, are waiting.
Senora Velizquez turns to look for
her husband, who appears to have
remained behind with the chauffeur. A

bit confused, she smiles at Doctor
Montalvo. I stand waiting with my hands
clasped in front of me. Montalvo is
touchy about protocol for he doesn't
open his mouth to make the
introductions. Hurried footsteps behind
me, on the black and white tiles, produce
Rector Velazquez. A brief pause as he
buttons his jacket.
"Sefioras, sefiores," he says, "our
university is honored by the presence of
don Tomis Saldivia, brilliant man of
letters from our sister Antillean island,
who this year shall be another of our
writers in residence. The course of
Comparative Hemispheric Literature
which he will teach is another example of
the intellectual riches that we all have
been offering our Puerto Rican students.
Sefior Saldivia, as you well know, is the
author of over a dozen books, which have
earned for him a place as one of the great
writers of our America, and of the entire
New applause to bear that bends my
back. I try to smile, but ites hard. At last,
Velazquez takes me by the elbow and
leads me along the line of hands, voices
and impressed faces. Dean Jose'Manuel
Pardo, also my superior, and Montalvo's,
too. There they compare notes about my
descent from the plane "Wary, as
through the flight had taken him to
Cuba" (Montalvo) and the way I
looked now "Wary. But there is
nothing to fear here. Not at all." (Pardo)
The other names rain upon me futilely;
they splash at my ears without leaving a
trace. Strong textural faces, some of
them, which remain soft during the
ceremony. Originally soft faces, others,
which break into slick magazine smiles.
Halfway-through the long penury of
greetings, a glass is inserted into my left
palm. Wary, I take a sip four persons
later. Rum. Ecstasy invades my head after
that simple sip. Rum! How many years
since I've tasted it? Six of idle academic
wandering in the United States
-impossible to dream of a bottle then,
would have made too large a dent in my
salary three in Argentina wine, mate,
something that tried to pass as rum -
eight in Paris cognac, wine, whiskey -
and two in Santiago de Compostela -
wine, wine, wine!
But now I'm back in the tropics and
I'll never return to the snow and the pale
sunshine. All that's left for me is to write
,a couple of books more none of the
silly scribbling I've been doing since I left
Havana and die in the sun, mourning








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Fall, 1969


that the ground that covers me is not
Coming to the end of the second
row, I take a powerful gulp of rum. It hits
my stomach like all the stones of the
Sierra Maestra, all the flowers of the
Valley of Vifiales, all the marble in
-Havana, all the water of the rivers in
Oriente. I lean against a table and pretend
to look out at the gardens. Damned trip!
SLast night I hardly ate supper.
"Doctor Saldivia, would you be kind
enough to sign your latest book of essays
for me? "
'With pleasure, senior,.."
"Bermudez. From La Fortaleza.
Alfonso Bermidez."
"Pardon me?"
"Aide at La Fortaleza, the
"Ah. Ah, yes. It's just that I've heard
so many names and ..."
I take his ballpoint and scribble
something that even I, if I tried, could
never decipher. It's my scram code, very
practical, learned from a quack doctor in
Bataban6. But the fellow, half bald,
blockily built, with a jawbone whose chin
must have been stepped upon by the
midwife in order to pull him more or less
alive from his mother's belly, insists upon
being courteous.
"I've signed up for your course in
Comp. Hem. Lit."
"Aha." I smile, raise my glass in an
unexplained toast, and turn towards the
jumble of noisy people who are watching
me. "Hope I don't disappoint you, senior
"Oh no. Impossible. This book, for
example, I liked very much. Why did you
call it A Trail of Generals? "
"Well... truth is, I no longer recall.
Doesn't it have something to do with
"Definitely," he says, very serious.
"Military regimes in Latin America."
"Ah. Well... you see, it's been so
long ago that.."
"Yes. I understand. Quite alright.
How do.you like Puerto Rico? "
"I don't know, senior Bermndez.
That's just why I've come. I'm, sure,
though, that..."
"You ought to write a book about
today's Cuba."
"Yes? "
"A definitive, masterly book. That
must be hell over there, I'm sure. Chaotic.
Something with a title like' Blood on the
Walls. What do you think? "
"Very interesting. Have you been in
Cuba since the Revolution? "
"Oh, no. Never."
"Yes, of course."
'We have a great need for a writer of
your stature here, Doctor Saldivia. A
fearless, wise writer who can capture in a
novel, for example, our own peaceful
revolution here in Puerto Rico. You're
familiar with the facts, Doctor. That man
who went out to the hills.. ."
"Excuse me, senior Bermudez, but I
have no academic titles of any kind.
Forget the 'Doctor' business..."
. .who educated the peasant
masses, who learned from them, who
struggled against the old guard of his own
party, who founded the party that would
tumble all the other parties, who hungup
his poet's lute to wield the philosopher's
pen. Is there a novel there, or isn't there a
novel there, Doctor Saldivia? "
I smile wanly, and search the bottom
of my glass.
"I really don't know. I haven't had
time to... I've just arrived, and I'm a bit
tired, and... Want a drink? The rum is
delicious. Come."
But I've already taken giant steps
across the terrace, hoping to lose him in
the crowd. The waiter refills my glass,
Montalvo comes running towards me, and
from afar I see Velazquez watching me,
while some women professors speak to
him. Perhaps they want to warn me not
to down another drink in public. Hell, I

hope a man doesn't have to take the vows
of celibacy around here!
"Don Tomis," Montalvo whispers,
stirring the ice in his glass and smiling at
the walls. "Careful with the fellow who's
just been talking to you. He's a spy from
La Fortaleza. And as for Dean Pardo..."
"A spy? I whisper, without
showing my teeth.
"A spy. I forgot to tell you that
there's a feud between the Governor and
the Rector. They keep accusing the
Rector of meddling in politics. And I just
don't understand it. Envy, and all that.
But Velizquez is a very solid man. Very.
A bit eccentric, perhaps, but all great men
are like that. Anyway..."

Nervous, the Galician. Changes his
glass from one hand to the other, tries to
pull a cigarette from the crumpled pack
that nearly falls from his pocket, splashes
his jacket, stretches his collar to loosen,
his tie.
"Allow me."
I light his cigarette, and after trying
to return the pack to its original shape I
put it back in the upper pocket of his
"Thanks. But we'll have a meeting
with all the professors from the
department soon. We'll run over all the
important gossip. Truth is, you should
have come earlier. Classes will start so
soon, and you see already.. ."
"I'm very sorry, Doctor Montalvo. I
advised Dean Pardo in my cablegram. He
himself agreed. ."
"Yes, yes, it doesn't matter. Doesn't
matter." He makes a gesture of
disillusionment towards the waiter, as
though he were talking about him. "I
would have liked to have you here in
July, had it been possible."
"Impossible, my friend. We spoke
about that already at the airport. I had
arrangements to make...and unmake." I
smile, but the joke falls flat with .this
wrinkle-browed man who contemplates
distant ants through the puffs of smoke

from his cigarette. "Papers to put in
order. So..."
"Excuse me, sefiores." A young man
with tight pants and wing-like flaps on his
jacket offers me his hand. "My name is
H6ctor Ramirez, Doctor Saldivia, aide at
the Rector's office. The Rector wishes
you to know that the press conference
will take place in the library. This way,
"Conference." I.-don't move, .I look
at Montalvo, and drink. a long one. "I
don't know what..."
"Ah, I also forgot," Montalvo says.
"A press conference, yes. Just take a few
minutes, that's all. I'll go with him,
Ramirez. Go on ahead for the

photographers, because the Rector. will
want a souvenir for his gallery of
Ramirez changes course and floats
,among the people, aided by the flaps of
his jacket.
Montalvo guides me by the: elbow
towards the:inner rooms. What fucking
kind of press conference do they expect'
today, knowing how tired: I feel?.
Couldn't they leave it for. some other'
time? This looks already like all thosh
other half-baked schools where :I've
taught: too much fanfare for celebrities,:
no consultation whatsoever with .the.
fellow they ake a fancy to.
The Velazquez library is a warehouse
of books, photos, diplomas, photos, desk
knick-knacks, photos, newspapers and
magazines, photos... and photos. There
are six men and two women with
notebooks, cameras, pencils and
fountainpens in hand, eyes turned:
towards me, words about to burst from
their lips. The women scheme with their.
,legs to attract my attention. The less
attractive of the two succeeds: that's how
curious I feeL Rector Velazquez comes
over as I begin to grow tired of just
standing there, and he pats my shoulder.
'Doctor Saldivia, our guest writer, is




-h r


:Photo byLeroy Lucas from 'The Youngest Revolution: a Personal Report on
Cuba,' by Elizabeth Sutherland. Dial Press, 1969.


Fall 1969

very tired, ladies and gentlemen, so I beg
you to be as brief as possible. Photos
first, please."
I rub the side of my nose while the
photographers get ready. I adjust my
glasses once again, promise myself not to
grimace. But the first popping flash bulb
startles me: the photographer standing to
the side of the main group catches me
unguarded. After that, Velizquez takes
his hand from my shoulder and smiles
into my eyes. A pleasant mien, saliva and
patience to favor Velizquez with the
snapshot he wants. Two, three bursts of
light. The bulbs fall into hands, which dig
into pockets, and come out with more
bulbs. Interesting sleight of hand which
distracts me for a moment, enough for
the photographer off to the side to take
advantage again. Then they hand me a
pack of books Charcoal Tales on top -
and Velazquez arranges his hands to
accept them, and they frame us for
eternity with continuous bulb-poppings
in one of those silly shams of gifts to
dignitaries, first editions, pride and
affability. One of the women muffles a
yawn, which impels me to raise a hand to
my own mouth. But Velazquez grabs my
hand en route, saying this is the last silly
bit. Fortunately, the bulbs fail to pop for
half a minute and then pop all at once.
"Many thanks, sefiores," Velizquez
says. "You may begin."
My friendly co-star walks off slowly,
his head slouched forward, and I worry
over the gallery of intellectuals, which I
am to join. Mafiach is there, pale and
distressed before his death: I would hate
to be placed near him, since in real life I
did not like him personally and liked his
work even less. Mir6 Cardona is there, he
who told lies and envious old men's tales
about me when I criticized his fat-fee law
firm. There is Ortega y Gasset, worthy of
pity in his senility. Casals is there, too, an
ally of his generalissimo's allies. There are
all kinds with Rector Velazquez, great
brains gone to their graves as well as
front-page celebrities.
The more cinammon-colored of the
women smooths her skirt, hides her legs,
lifts her notebook, and sharpens her gaze.
"Doctor Saldivia."
"Your works have put you at odds
with different heads of government in
Cuba, since Machado through a certain
clandestine newspaper, to Prio, with your
journalistic and literary efforts. Were you
forced to leave Cuba in '59? "
"Not at all. I left on my own. The
University of Chicago had made offers to
me on several occasions, and since my
fatigue and frustration had me yearning
for a bit of tranquillity I decided to
accept Chicago's offer. For one semester.
The intellectual in Latin America isn't
well regarded by governments. Some
governments aren't the least bit
squeamish about using force to make him
'acceptable.' Others, more discreet, or
more cunning, delegate their own pack of
official intellectuals to harass, or
humiliate, or even break, the intellectual
who disagrees with the government. Prio,
for instance, detested me for many of the
things I charged him with, but he was
never bold enough to try to bribe me, as
Grau did, nor did he ever send his goons
after me, as Machado did, and also
Batista, when he made his debut as
strongman in the thirties."
Several professors have approached
the library door to get a firsthand version.
They drink, wrinkle their brows, talk
among themselves, and lean sideways to
"I know you've just come to our
shores," says a reporter whose lips are
stained with pencil lead, "but what in
Puerto Rico impresses you most so far? "
"Lovely landscape, sefior. That's all I
can say about what I've seen so far. Some
things remind me a great deal of Cuba."
"Don Tomis, what do you hope to
do during your stay here? "
'Work, work, work. In peace. With



the peace that, for one reason or another,
I haven't enjoyed in years. My roots are
here in the tropics."
The woman, who is really not as ugly
as she first appeared to be, thanks me and
returns to her aluminum chair. She
doesn't cross her legs, now.
"What is your opinion of the Cuban
in exile, Doctor Saldivia? "
"A Cuban in exile is a fragmented
Cuban. I speak of those I've met in the
United States proper, for I don't know
about those here. But then I'm not sure
there is much difference between the one
here and the one on the mainland. Here
the Cuban exile has several advantages
over his compatriot in Miami or New
York he shares the same language with
the Puerto Rican, and lives in more or less
the same climate. But exile has
fragmented him, has him one half
amorphous, and half Cuban roots that
just won't let loose. I mean, one half of
the exile's personality wants to adopt a
new identity, while the other half lives
bound to the past."
"Do you consider yourself an
"No, sefiorita. I share some of those
characteristics, but I left my country
before the second Batista takeover. I've
never been anything less than a Cuban,
unlike these new fragmented
"A nationalist, you mean? "
"A nationalist."
"Doctor Saldivia..."
"I have no doctorate, sir..."
"Sefior Saldivia, what do you think
of the revolutionary regime now in power
in Cuba?"
"It's an authoritarian regime.
Freedom of expression has been
curtailed, private property doesn't exist.
The opinion that counts is in the hands of
the State, and any dissident can be
prevented from disagreeing by a simple
squeezes of a trigger, even -though
whoever squeezes the trigger may later
find out that he, and not the other
fellow, was wrong."
"Authoritarian?" The journalist
behind the, one who asked the question
rises excitedly and waves his notebook.
"Is that all you can say about that
Communist regime? "
I hold my answer. Heads pop into
view.at the door, stern looks are fired at
me. I count to ten so that the man trying
to put words into my mouth may cool
"Sefior, I don't know what you'd
like me to say. But it doesn't matter. I
know a little about the value of words. I
said 'authoritarian,' and that describes
quite well my view of the Cuban regime.
Whatever you want to tack on is
something else."
"You haven't been published for
eight years, don Tomis. Do you have a
book in preparation now? "
"I do. It's called The Cuban:
Offstage Actor. I've written two drafts,
but I'm still not satisfied. As I grow older
- I'm 48 already, a little under the fifties
that I may outlast I become more
demanding about my work. I no longer
yearn to be discussed for just a few
months. I've burned through stages...
and books."
"Is that book about Cuban exiles? "
"A little. And a little about other
"With your permission," says Dean
Pardo. "Doctor Saldivia has to rest. I
think you already have enough
information..." He opens his arm, in a
helpless gesture. "Good afternoon, and
many thanks, gentlemen of the press."
I leave the library, almost pushed out
by Pardo and Montalvo.
"If you could show me to my
"Nationalist," whispers Montalvo.
"You shouldn't have used that word.
Why didn't we talk before seeing the
reporters? "
I stop in the hallway, surrounded by

people, and Montalvo keeps talking to
himself, gesturing, until he realizes that
the fellow walking next to him isn't I. He
looks at me from afar with the face of a
wounded dog.
"Seflor Saldivia, do you think..? "
"Don Tomis, I sincerely believe
they're going to tear you to pieces."
I turn to look at those who surround
me. They argue among themselves, try to
catch my attention... I look again
towards Montalvo and Pardo. My dean is
now speaking with sefiora Velazquez. My
department head disappears in the
direction of the terrace.
"Wow, now I'm really interested in
reading your books! "
The voice with the Santiago accent
comes from a jaundiced-looking fellow
with grayish hair. We have been
introduced at the entrance, but I don't
recall his name. I nod affirmatively and
try to break through the crowd to find
Pardo. A rare type, my dean. He seems to
be almost as touchy as the other Galician.
"Professor, excuse me." I stop again,
not willingly, but because the fellow has
grabbed my jacket. Smiling glowworm
eyes, short, well-fashioned clothes.
"Don't you recognize me? "
Embarrassing pause. "Of course not. It'
was so long ago. University of Havana,
'48. Right' after Prio won the elections.
The Authentic Party rally along Avenida
"Ah, yes."
There's a meeting next week, and
we'd like to welcome you in Cuban, as
you well deserve."
"Yes. Well I'm going to be very busy
the next few days, you see. Also..."
"I was one of the top students in
your Cuban poetry class. There are only
two or three of us here among The
Hundred, but..."
"Never heard of that one."
"The Hundred. A group of Cuban
professors who work here. They would all
like a chance to speak with you in detail.
You won't deny us that favor, will you? "
"I'll let you know, senior, I'll let you
I begin to walk away and the fellow
winks at me.
"We'll talk about it. Sarmiento. You
remember me."
Sarmiento remains behind, in the
hall. And in the past. He's in the midst of
so many cloudy faces from those days,
from those protest activities which only
added callouses to my brain, that he
could just as well have said he was a
former partisan of Grau's.
Bermudez waits for me, two drinks
in his hands.
"Magnificent conference. Never
before have we enjoyed such frankness."
"Thank you."
My glance bounces around the

terrace, going down the d6colletbs of the
younger lady professors, holding on to
the shoulders of those who whisper.
"You'll see, they won't quote you
accurately." I look at him and he smiles,
jiggling his drink a bit before raising the
glass to his lips. "Velizquez will call the
dailies, Doctor. There'll be one paragraph
about you, with impressive photos.
They'll cull the quotes. They won't
mention your nationalism. And yet that's
what I liked most of all. You weren't
afraid to define yourself, even though

Illus. by Kermit Oliver from 'Cumboto,'
by Ram6n Dfaz Sinchez translated by
John Upton. U. Texas, 1969. $6.50.

you knew that Velazquez is a renegade
"Excuse me."
Velazquez lectures to his friends.-I
come closer and his alcoholic breath
almost makes me run.
"Don Tomis. Won-der-ful interview!
I congratulate you. Here are the deans...
Well, this business of introductions is
quite boring. Introduce yourselves. I need
another drink."
A snap of his fingers brings over the
bartender in a hurry. After him comes
sefiora Velazquez. The Rector's cronies
begin to introduce themselves, some
anew, others for the first time, because
their hair is still wet and there is starch in:
their collars.
"Andy, won't you eat something? "
The sefiora embraces the Rector, turning
halfway towards me. "You, too, don
"No thanks, I'm not hungry."
"There must be a caravan of hungry
people in Havana," says the dressed-up
lady, whose hand I've just shaken.,
"Ay, must be hell over there."
Irritated skin on this fellow by the
name of Anguiano? Andrenio? whose
tight jacket, buttoned by sheer force,


In their grave corner, the players
Deploy the slow pieces. And the chessboard
Detains them until dawn in its severe
Compass in which two colors hate each other.

Within it the shapes give off a magic
Strength: Homeric tower, and nimble
Horse, a fighting queen, a backward king,
A bishop on the bias, and aggressive pawns.

When the players have departed, and
When time has consumed them utterly,
The ritual will not have ended.

That war first flamed out in the east
Whose amphitheatre is now the world.
And like the other, this game is infinite.

looks as though it is made of shiny
bullet-proof material
Sefiora Velazquez has quietly taken
her husband's glass away. She smiles at
everything, trying to make people ignore
her matriarchal action. Velizquez looks
at her with obvious anger and snaps his
fingers like castanets again.
"But Andy, you have a drink right
here in my hand," she says. "I'll give it
back to you."
-*Tod late. Velizquez already has a
fresh drink in his right hand, and the
sefiora will have to drown the one she
stole, in her attempt to end his
"Professor," says someone who looks
like a nightclub musician as he joins the
group and bows to Velizquez, "Sefior
Rector, if you'll permit me to take away
our guest for a moment. A few friends
would like to meet him."
"I'd like to unpack and sleep a
while," I say to the Rector. "If they
could show me where..."
"Oh, you can't leave yet. Impossible.
We have a supper too impost... Well, you
have to dine with us, that's all. We'll
finish early."
I assent and let myself be led away
by the fellow who talks unceasingly. But
it's hard to move on the crowded terrace.
I begin to feel claustrophobic. How much
longer must I suffer this damned bother,
far from a bed, far from silence?
"Excuse me, I have to go to the..."
A vague gesture gets through to the
fellow, who stops short and reports he
will wait for me right there. But I don't
head for the bathroom. I slip along the
hallway, like urine from an untrained
domestic animal, stopping here, turning
there, through small groups of people
who want to grab me, until I reach the
kitchen. A young negress who looks like a
vestal virgin in charge of missionaries is
frying some cakes. A smile and a wink
allow me to.grab one of them. Calabash.
Another signal with the eyes to praise the
flavor, and a peep through the door
leading to the backyard. Garden. Couples
stroll by, absorbed in themselves, also
wildly gesturing threesomes and
foursomes. I go out to the garden and
step stealthily, like a two-footed rabit in
the funny papers. How many fantasies I
concocted as a child in the slums of
Havana, or on the beach of Bataban6!
Too late to relive them. My interlocutors'
speculations about present-day life in
Cuba weigh upon my eyelids. It will be.
Everyone knows, in his own way, what
revolutionary life will be like. Except me.
I have no more than an inkling of life in
Cuba around 1960, when friends and
colleagues used to write to me. Some
stopped communications when
Cuban-U.S. relations were severed.
Others, I've later learned, spend sad days
in Miami, Caracas, Mexico...
It will be. [

by Jorge Luis Borges

Slight king, oblique bishop, and a queen
Blood-lusting; upright tower, crafty pawn-
Over the black and the white of their path
They foray and deliver armed battle.

They do not know it is the artful hand
Of the player that rules their fate,
They do not know that an adamant rigor
Subdues their free will and their span.

But the player likewise is a prisoner
(The maxim is Omar's) on another board
Of dead-black nights and of white days.

God moves the player and he, the piece.
What god behind God originates the scheme'
Of dust and time and dream and agony?

Reprinted with permission from DREAMTIGERS by Jorge Luis Borges;
translated by Harold Morland. Copyright (c) 1964 by U. of Texas.




Onan &

the Pope

by Jeffrey J.W. Baker
In the year 1 A.D., the population of
the earth was approximately 250 million.
persons, just a little greater than that of
the United States as it will be in 1972.
By 500 A.D, the population of the
world was 300 million people, an increase
of only 50 million, in five centuries. By
the year 1,000, we still find only 450
million persons in the world an increase
of only 150 million. Of course, 150
million is three times as great an increase
in five centuries as 50 million in the
previous five centuries. But then there
were still vast areas of the rich earth's
surface unexplored and uninhabited;
there did not seem much to worry about.
Nor was there much to be concerned
about during the time of the Council of
Trent in the 16th century, for the world
was still inhabited by less than 160
million persons.
I quite intentionally am pointing out
that the Council of Trent, a reactionary
council establishing much of the basis of
current Roman Catholic theology, was
held in a world populated with far fewer
persons than can be found today within
the boundaries of China and India alone.
By 1900, the earth's population had
become one and 3/4 billion persons.
But now we are truly in the realm of
numbers that our minds cannot conceive
of in terms of concrete realities. And so,
like the force of the atomic bomb, we
simply ignore it or talk about it as if it
was something quite ordinary.
I started out with two 500 year time
jumps and the population increase was
only 50 and 150 million persons
respectively. The time jump from 1500 to
1900 is only. 400 years. Yet, the
population increase is 1 billion, 205
million, an inconceivable figure to our
minds. But now I will jump only 60
years, not 400. And, in 1960, we find
that our earth was populated with 2
billion, 8 hundred million people and
increase in less than a man's lifetime of
over 1 billion persons.
We have more than enough figures
no.w to extrapolate a mere 31 years. In
1960 it was predicted that unless drastic
population control measures were taken
immediately, the population of the world
would rise to 6 billion, 35 million people
by the year 2000, an increase of 3 billion,
650 million. Now, in 1969, with very few
really meaningful steps having been taken
in population control programs, we can
tell that this estimate has been far too
conservative and that the population
increase will actually be far greater.
My telling all this is quite futile, for I
am again forced to give you figures that
none of us can conceive of our brains
were simply not designed to do so. It
helps a bit when I say that of all the
people who ever lived on earth, most-of
them are alive today. Or the present
population growth rate becomes a bit
more meaningful when I say that, had it
been going on at the same rate since the
time of Christ, there would be over 2000
people per square foot spread over the
surface of the earth.
Since my subject deals at least partly
with the Roman Catholic Church,
perhaps it would help still more if I put
the population growth rate in units of
Vatican time.
In June of 1963, Giovanni Battista
Montini became Pope Paul VI. One year
lajer, the pope increased the size of the
Vatican's Birth Control Commission to
60 members. In the meantime, the
world's population increased by 63

million people a number roughly equal
to the population of Nigeria.
In October, 1965, Pope Paul spoke
before the United Nations and, referred
to birth control as "irrational." By this
time, the world's population had
increased by an amount equaling the
population of East and West Germany
In March of 1966, the Pope created a
Commission of 16 bishops to review the
60-man Birth Control Commission report.
By this time, the world's population had
increased by an amount equaling the
population of the Phillipines.
In June of 1966, the 16-Bishop
Commission submitted their report to the
Pope. In the meantime, a number of
persons equal to the population of the
Congo was added to the world.
Now, it seemed as if there would
finally be some action. The reign of Pope.
John XXIII had given the entire world
reason to hope that at last the Roman
Catholic Church was ready to face reality.
But, no, in November of 1966, Pope Paul
said he needed more time to study the
matter. He selected a 20-man Commission
for further study of the problem. In the
meantime, the world's population had
increased by an amount equal to the
population of South Viet Nam.
April, 1967. A historic month.
Members of the Birth Control
Commission, realizing perhaps, that every
day's delay spelled tragedy for millions,
leaked their recommendations to the
press. Rome's hand was forced, for it was
now publicly known that the vast
majority of the Birth Control
Commission all Roman Catholics, and
including 'theologians "and scientific
advisors favored any means of birth
control other than abortion for Catholics.
In the meantime, a number of persons
equal to the entire population of Italy
had been added to the earth.
December,, 1967. The 20-man
Commission reports to the Pope. Inr the
meantime, the world's population has,
grown by an amount equaling the,
population of Turkey. July 29, 1968.
Pope Paul issues his birth control
From the time of Pope Paul's
ascension to the throne to the issuance of
his incredible encyclical, the population
of the world had increased by an amount
equal to six United Kingdoms. And, 20
million persons starved to death...
The overpopulation problem is
bringing man face-to-face with the harsh
realities of the laws of thermodynamics,
bioenergetics and ecology which no
scientist, Catholic or non-Catholic can
deny. It is no accident that the scientific
advisors on Pope Paul's Birth Control
Commission were the ones most vocal in
voting in favor of birth control. In
essence, we are faced with a planet which
has only a certain input of utilizable
potential energy. Some more energy is
pumped into the earth every day by the
sun, of course, but only at a rate which
cannot keep up with the rate at which
our expanding populations must continue
to use it in order to survive. This is not
the first conflict to arise between
scientists and the church.
The case of Galilei Galielo is highly
pertinent here. In 1633, Galileo was
summoned to Rome to face charges of
teaching the Copernican-Kepler view of
the Universe rather than the
Church-approved Ptolomeic universe.
Basically at issue was whether or not the
earth was, the center of the universe and
everything revolved around it, or whether
the earth was in orbit itself around some
other central body notably, the sun. As
everyone knows, under threat of torture
and imprisonment, Galileo was forced to
recant and refute his own scientific
evidence supporting the latter hypothesis.
Two points are important here. While
in the Galileo case the Church made a
very sharp attack upon science, the attack
was not returned. Nor has it ever been...

In general, science ignores Roman
Catholicism, and there are several good
reasons for its doing so. First of all,
Roman Catholicism is easily the most
dogmatic of the Christian religions and of
course dogmatism has no place in science
at all. In March, 1954, Pius XII
announced that "...if anyone, which
God forbid, should dare wilfully to deny
or call into doubt that which we have
defined, let him know that he has fallen
away completely from the divine and
Catholic faith." One can imagine what
would happen to a scientist if he tacked
anything like that onto one of his
research papers. But in the Galileo case, it
really did not matter very much if the
average man in the street believed that
the earth orbits the sun or vice versa -
neither belief greatly effects the welfare
of mankind.
The most important point is the
second one. The church based a great deal
of very central Roman Catholic theology
on an earth-centered universe; at stake as
its entire concept concerning the
relationship of God and man. The
argument went something like this: God
made man in his own image, and
therefore according to the church man
and the earth he inhabits must be at the
center of things. Further, in the Bible it
says that Joshua made the sun stand still
- he could hardly have done so if it was
the earth that moved, and not the sun.
Thus the Church crawled further and
further out on a limb and lashed out
more and more paranoically at Galileo,

just as Pope Paul the VI is now doing
against his dissident priests and bishops
who have had the courage to point out
that Humanae Vitae puts the church out
on a limb that is even shakier than the
one Galileo put the Church out on...
It took the Church 189 years to
admit it was wrong (on September 11,
1822). Even then, it did not admit
Galileo was right. It merely said that it
was no longer a serious sin against God to
think that he might be. Not until 203
years had passed were the works of
Kepler, Copernicus and Galileo removed
from the Index of Forbidden Books.
And, as far as I know, the Church to this
day has never publicly admitted that the
earth really does go around the sun.
Professor Garrett Hardin of the
University of California at Santa Barbara
has predicted that if the Church ever does
retry Galileo (which believe it or hot has
been seriously suggested) it will find him
guilty again.
It does not make any difference if
the Roman Catholic Church chooses to
believe that the sun circles the earth,
instead of vice versa. But it does effect
mankind if many persons take seriously
the idea that to use an artificial
contraceptive is a grave sin against God.
This, then, is why the scientific
community, as well as the rest of the
academic world, has been so shocked by
Humanae Vitae. Mankind simply cannot
afford to wait for two centuries for Rome
to admit its error the present
geometrically increasing population
growth rate and the accompanying death
rate simply will not permit it.
But then you may say, it is becoming
increasingly evident that those Roman
Catholics who have had. the benefit of a
good education pay no attention to the
Pope and use contraceptives anyway. And
my answer is, this is true enough. But it is
the uneducated that will suffer the most
from the fear of eternal punishment in
the flames of Hell in the hereafter they
are the ones who stand at the bottom of
the economic ladder and who can least

afford to have large numbers of children.
So then you say, it has been shown
that the birth rate in many Catholic
countries is often the same or even lower
than birth rates in such non-Catholic
countries of India, where the Pope has no
authority. Possibly true. But is it right to
use miserable situations existing in
non-Catholic countries as an excuse to
block attempts to correct a slightly less
miserable situation in a Catholic
country? Further, do these birth rate
statistics take into account the over
900,000 abortions a year in Catholic
Italy, where contraceptives are
outlawed? Does it account for the
frequent use of infanticide by women in
Catholic Colombia where access is denied
by the Church and Government to
knowledge of any other means to limit
family size? The same press release that
gave out the comparative birth rates in
Catholic and non-Catholic countries also
pointed out that in Catholic Austria,
Belgium and France, it is estimated that
there is at least one abortion for every
live birth...
The great danger of Humanae Vitae
*lies in the support it gives to organized
Conservative Catholic resistance to the
initiation of publicly financed population
control programs. In the past, opposition
by such groups has effectively prevented
or slowed population control programs
through the United Nations, even to
non-Catholic nations, such as India. This,
as you see, does give the Pope some
authority in India. In my own country,

Conservative Catholic opposition helped
defeat Senator Gruening's efforts to pass
a law promoting the dissemination of
birth control information just the
information, mind you, not the
contraceptives themselves to those who
want it. The President's Scientific
Advisary Committee, in its massively
documented three-volume report, "The
World, Food Crisis," stated that "The
solution to the problem that will exist
after about 1985 demands that programs
of population control be initiated now."
The "now" was two years ago, and no
such programs have been initiated.
Humanae Vitae specifically encourages
interference in governmental efforts to
disseminate' birth control information.
This fact renders ridiculous the charge
that those who protest against the
encyclical are interfering in the private
affairs of the Roman Catholic Church.
The Romanr Catholic Church can return
to teaching that the sun goes around the
earth for all I care. I only protest when,
through political activity, it attempts to
limit my freedom, to think and act
Just how firm a theological basis has
the Church's opposition to birth control?
An incredibly weak one. The first Papal
decree indicating dissaproval is dated -
not from the time of Christ but March
21, 1851. Another followed on April 10,
1853. But artificial birth control was not
labeled as a "grave sin" until 1930, when
Pius the XI wrote his encyclical entitled,
"On Christian Marriage." Even in 1930,
many of the clergy were openly critical of
the encyclical and the French, in
particular, had tried to prevent it. Thus
the Church has really been inching its
way out on a limb on this matter for only
about 35 years. Pope Paul could have
easily enabled the Church to retreat
rather gracefully, as well as perform a
tremendous service to humanity. Indeed,
as soon as Paul began to examine the
birth control issue, the Patriarch of
Antioch said to his Cardinal colleagues, "I
beg of you, my brothers; let us avoid a

Fall, 1969

Scene from Mloche potter vessel: chief receives captives borne in litters. From 'The
Ancient Civilzations of Peru,' by J.. Aden Mason, Pelican Book. 196S, "2.25.


new Galileo case: One is enough for the
Church." But as one Catholic observer
pointed out, "Pope Paul chose to ignore
the lessons of history."
If contraception is really such a
serious sin, one would have expected
Christ to have devoted at least a little
attention to it. He didn't. Nor did the
apostles. In truth, as one Roman Catholic
Priest put it, concerning the encyclical on
birth control, "Since there is no scripture
and no history, there can be no
theological ground either." Indeed, I read
recently that two passages in the New
Testament (I Cor., 7:9 and Tim 3:4, 12)
plainly favor birth control by implication.
The original birth control ban gave as
scriptural justification an obscure passage
in the book of Genesis, Chapter 38. (The
book of Genesis, of course, is Old
Testament, not New Testament.) Here is
cited the. "Sin of Onan." In the story,
Onan is ordered by his father to have
sexual intercourse with his brother's
widow. Onan does so, but not wishing to
have his sperm follow that of his brother,
he withdraws before having a climax and,
as the Bible puts it, "spills his seed upon
the ground." God then kills him.
According to the Roman Catholic
Church, the incident showed that God
disliked birth control... Once one reads
the entire story of Onan, not just the part
cited by the Church, it.becomes perfectly
evident that Onan was slain for his refusal
to meet his responsibility to his brother
and the clan, not for the means he used in
not doing so. I cannot help but
facetiously point out that even the
Church now seems to realize it was a
mistake to use Onan in support of
anti-birth control activity since Humanae
Vitae wisely makes absolutely no
reference to it.
Actually, the Church lost much of
the strength of its argument against birth
control when it allowed rhythm as a
means of limiting family size. This meant
the Church had changed its tune it was.
no longer saying that for man to limit his
numbers was a sin, but only use of
"unnatural" means of doing so was a
grave sin. What are these unnatural
means? Even the Church has admitted in
some cases it does not know. There are
certain means, such as the use of
diaphragms, prophylactics, intrauterine
devices, etc. that the Church says are
definitely unnatural. But even the pill is
banned as "unnatural," which implies
that the Church knows more about how
the pill works to effect birth control than
do the scientists who invented it.
Thus the only method of birth
control now considered as "natural" is
rhythm. Ironically, the Roman Catholic
physician John Rock, who did the most
in perfecting the rhythm technique now
approved by the church for use by
Catholic women, recently labeled it as the
most unnatural means of birth control of
all. Biologically speaking, it certainly is.
The only thing that separates man
sexually from the vast majority of lower
animals is that he does not have certain
periods of non-mating. In other words,
man has no breeding schedule. Rhythm
puts man right back onto a breeding
schedule and into the animal world.
Rome gets around this difficulty by
referring to the periods of abstinence as
sacrifices for God. But this merely
reflects the scarcely hidden opinions of
sex as somehow dirty and immoral held
by St. Paul and St. Augustine. "Better to
marry than to burn," is the way St. Paul
is quoted. Even as late as March of 1954,
Pius XII was stating in his encyclical,
Sacra Virginitae, that marriage was not as
high a state of life as holy virginity.
I believe that the essential,
historically verifiable Christian ethic is
truly an excellent one. I also agree with
the Dutch Roman Catholic clergy when
they state that love is the only absolute
and eternal law. In my opinion, Humanae
Vitae is not based upon love, it is based
upon biological ignorance... C


Occupied Country

- translated by Curtis Long by Rafael Garzaro

COUNTRY. Eduardo Galeano. Monthly
Review, 1969. $5.95 (Spanish edition
published in 1967 by Nuestro Tiempo,
-Mexico City).

Guatemala, ten thousand square
kilometers small, once the seat of Mayan
culture, has become a center of strategic
interest for the United States, which
views the defense of the Caribbean in the
same way that Rome was concerned over
its Mare Nostrum, the Mediterranean.
Recent Guatemalan history has made
news of worldwide interest. This is not
necessarily a source of pride for
Guatemala, since the news media often
serve as publicity vehicles designed to
justify contemplated future
For example, in June of 1944,
popular demonstrations -were waged
against the dictatorship of General Jorge
Ubico, who had held power for 14 years,
and against the ingrained conservatism
which dated back to 1871. General Ubico
gave way to a military junta, one of
whose members, General Federico Ponce
Vaides, after winning a skillfully
contrived election, quickly made clear his
dictatorial intentions.
At this point, a group of university
students, including Marco Antonio
Villamar Contreras, Julio Valladares
Castillo, Angel Mart nez Franco, Julio
C6sar M6ndez Montenegro (current
President of Guatemala), Ricardo
Asturias Valenzuela, and others, fourteen
in al conspired with young militarists
to occupy one of the country's key forts,
La Guardia de Honor. On the morning of
October 20, 1944, the coup overthrew
the dictatorship. A revolutionary junta
was formed, composed of militarists
Francisco Arana, Jacobo Arbenz, and
civilian Jorge Toriello Garrido.
SA subsequent election was won by
Doctor Juan Jose Arevalo, who had been
called-back by a group of admirers from
his post as Dean of the University of
Tucumin, Argentina.
The reforms initiated by Dr.
Arevalo's government were well received,
except among conservative factions who
immediately labeled the government as
"Communistic," During six years, nearly
thirty coups d'etat were frustrated, since
the President enjoyed sufficient popular
support to surmount these challenges.
During Dr. Areyalo's presidency,
Guatemala made significant advances.
The climate of freedom was invigorating
to the spirit. Money circulated. Because
of high consumption, business prospered.
Wages were increased. Unions organized.
For the first time in Guatemala's history,
peasant unions were recognized.
When Dr. Arevalo was succeeded by
Colonel Jacobo Arbenz Guzmin (a
participant in the coup against Ponce
Vaides), after a popular election, we
witnessed the ceremony in Olympic
Stadium. In Dr. Arevalo's farewell speech
he alluded clearly to elements which had
resorted to misrepresentation of his
administration to foreign governments in
order that they might intervene in
Guatemala's internal affairs. During his
term in office, there arose a situation,
unusual in Latin America, where a United
States ambassador was declared "persona
non grata" and expelled from the
Arbenz inherited his predecessor's
"Communist" label, and the defamation
campaign, fanned by international news
trusts, worsened.
The Agrarian Reform Law was the

straw that broke the camel's back, since it
affected the United Fruit Company.
Heading the U.S. State Department in
1954 was John Foster Dulles. His,
brother, Alan Dulles, Director of the
Central Intelligence Agency, had been a
board member of United Fruit. It was in
John Foster Dulles' office that the
contracts, signed by United Fruit and the
Guatemalan government in 1930 and
1936, were drafted. As Galeano points
out, all of these coincidental situations
played a decisive part in the fall of the
Arbenz regime in June 1954.
Conservatism returned to power in
the form of Col. Carlos Castillo Armas.
Three national laws instituted by
President Arbenz signalled his downfall.
The Agrarian Reform Law, as we have
already stated, was one. If it affected the
Guatemalan owner of uncultivated lands,
there was no reason to exempt foreign
landholders. It applied to United Fruit's
uncultivated land on the Atlantic coast,

Vio- 91

Children from Santiago Atitlan, Guatemala.
Fom 'Indian Crafts of Guatemala and El
Salvador,' by Lilly de Jongh Osborne. U.
Oklahoma, 1965. $7.50.

and to that of, its subsidiary, Compafiia
Agricola de Guatemala, on the Pacific
Coast. These firms claimed an indemnity
of $15.8 million, payable immediately,
while the assessed value of the
expropriated land was only $610,00. The
law called for. payment in bonds
redeemable by the state in 20 years.
Guatemala followed the same policy as
did Japanin its -agrarian reform, which
had been imposed by the U.S. itself,
through General Douglas MacArthur.
The second law was the realization of
a dream cherished by Guatemala which
dated from the previous century: a
highway to connect the capital with the
Atlantic, and a national port. This would
create very strong competition for Puerto
Barrios, controlled by United Fruit. The
new highway would replace railroads
belonging to International Railways of
Central America, United Fruit's exclusive
transporters. Its antique, outmoded
equipment could not compete with large
modern trailers. Thus, we have two
companies feeling threatened, both of
them with great economic interests in
Guatemala, and one of them belonging
partially to the other.
As for the third law, electricity in
Guatemala has always been about the
most expensive on the continent. The
company which provides electricity to
the capital, and to a part of southern
Guatemala, is the Empresa Elctrica de
Guatemala, a subsidiary of Electric Bond
and Share. Arbenz decided to build a
national hydroelectric plant, to serve
these same areas. Again, this meant
competition, and no doubt replacement
of the foreign company.
All three of these laws fall
comfortably within the democratic liberal
tradition, yet they were dubbed as

Communistic. The threatened companies
mobilized arms and consciences and
eliminated the seeds of revolution
beginning to take root in Guatemala.
From then on, Guatemala was
occupied by two forces. One was the
national army, which acted as thought it
were a foreign army of occupation,
despite the fact that the mercenary forces
of Castillo Armas defeated this same
army, whose officers betrayed President
Arbenz, their commander-in-chief. The
second force consists of various United
States agencies which are active in
Guatemalan life. They operated on
various levels: political, economic, social
and cultural. As Galeano points out,
political prisoners are sometimes
questioned by U.S. interrogators.
Castillo Armas was president for
three years, until he was killed by an
unknown assassin in the presidential
palace. After several provisional
governments, another general, Miguel
Ydigoras Fuentes, was elected president.
Five years later, in March 1963, he was
overthrown by defense minister, and
fellow militarist, CoL Enrique Peralta
A disgusting spectacle followed.
When Ydigoras landed at an airport in
Nicaragua, he said that he had been
overthrown by a Communist-contrived
coup. In Guatemala, Peralta said he had
overthrown his boss, who was in open
harmony with the Communists. Both
claimed the honor of protecting
Christianity from Communism's claws.
During Peralta Azurdia's three-year
term, incredible crimes were committed
in Guatemala. Galeano describes a
horrendous multiple killing: twenty
persons accused of being Communists
were tortured and murdered in cold
blood at Matamoros Military Post.
Afterwards, their bodies were placed in
gunnysacks and thrown from an air force
plane into the waters of the Pacific
The current President, Julio Cesar
M6ndez Montenegro, a professor from the
Law School of Guatemala's Universidad
de San Carlos, has a reputation for liberal
thinking and wise judgement. If his
efforts thus far have been neutralized, we
suspect he is weighted down by the
compromises he had to make in order to
gain the.presidency, particularly those
made with the conservative group which
branded him as a Communist during the
election campaign.
The President, and Guatemala, face
the following problems:

SAnnual income is $160, and 73
percent earn only $83 a year.
About 72 percent of the people are
illiterate, and in some areas it reaches 90
Guatemala's mortality rate is
among the highest in the world.
SAverage life expectancy is 43.6
Scarcely one-fourth of the
population wears shoes.
There are about 25 hospital beds
for each 10,000 inhabitants.
Large areas of incalculable
agricultural wealth remain uncultivated
because of lack of roadways.
Crude oil resources remain
untapped for unknown reasons.
Over half the peasants own no land
at all. *
The cost of consumer goods in
Guatemala is 10 percent higher than in
the U.S., while average income is 17 times
The tensions which these problems
generate are enormous. Perhaps they
explain the continual rumblings heard in
Guatemala, and the constant fear of those
factions who are prospering from the
situation. These factions know that
sooner or later they will be powerless to
stem the onrushing tide of history. In
their present eagerness to prolong the
agony, they resort to repression. O

Fall, 1969




by Eduardo Galeano-
Let all rise up, let everyone be called. Let
there not be among us one group, nor two
groups, who remain behind the others.
-Popol Vuh.

As IF CLAWED by a giant's nails, the mountains show at the
foot of their stone flanks the signs left by the Indians through
centuries and centuries. From the rock comes the lime neces-
sary for-their survival. Farther up, on vast slopes, Indians carve
out with primitive tools their tiny depleted fields. Corn spears
sprout, yielding the grain that must-be milled on a stone as
they did it a thousand years ago. That is their diet on the
high plateau of western Guatemala. Tortillas of corn flour and
ground lime, perhaps also beans.
One is amazed by the size of the fields. Most of them would
hardly suffice to bury the owner's body. The western high pla-
teau, kingdom of the minifundio: here minifundios make up
most of the 270,000 farms which, by official census,-average
little more than one hectare each. This is the area of greatest
Indian population density in Guatemala. More than half of its
people are pure Indians.
SThe life of this poor country's poorest inhabitants is disinte-
grating, and the survival of some communities around certain
villages certainly does not stop this process. What remains
today of the Mayas who dazzled the scholar Silvanus Morley
into calling them the most splendid indigenous people on the
planet? Four and a half centuries of continuous exploitation
by the conquistador and his sons have not failed to leave their
mark. Crushed by the miserable and humiliating life they have
had to live, the present descendants of the Quiches and other
Mayan tribes have almost lost sight of their past cultural splen-
dors. They form a kind of countrN within a country, distinct
and distant from the country of men 'with white skin (of
whom there are indeed few) or the more numerous ones of
mixed blood. (The word ladino as used in Guatemala covers
both the mestizo and the white.)
But this Guatemala within Guatemala is a conquered,
broken country. In remote epochs its antecedents created
great architectural works, testaments in stone to their passage
through history. The present Mayas build only their own sor-
did hovels. The ancient Mayas celebrated life, elevated its most
diverse aspects to divine categories. Today the Holy Week pro-
cessions produce sad exhibitions of collective masochism: they
drag heavy crosses, participate in the flagellation of Jesus step
by step on the interminable ascent to Golgotha; with dolorous
wails they convert his death and burial.into a cult of their own
death and burial. (The Indians' Holy Week ends without a
resurrection.) When victory is talked about in the language of
the Conquistador's culture, the Indians celebrate their own
defeat. To know this, it is enough to see their dances or listen
to that rancorous silence which replaces the songs they no
longer sing.
The white man's churches supply new symbols and media
of expression to the world of superstition and magic which the
Indian inherited. In the Catholic temples, built on the ruins
of the old pagan ones, he prays or mutters to his conquered
gods: He seems to see their faces wreathed in heavy incense
behind the idols erected in their stead. But he is praying
against the bad luck his best friend will bring him. He will
pay the sorcerer to curse the rival family with God's blessing.
When they are not expressing distrust or hatred, these lips
whisper prayers for money or protection-against the snake,
for example (which scarcely exists in the high plateau), per-
haps because it symbolizes the evils of life here below. Only
in the exquisite colors of hand-loomed cloth does the impulse
of the original civilization, whose ultimate expressions were
crushed by the Conquest, seem to survive. In the crude pottery
of today, no trace remains of the skill of the old masters.

IN THE COURSE Of our conversations, the guerrilla comandante
C6sar Montes tells me: "It's no secret to anyone that our
peasant problem will be resolved by the. integration of the
Indians, through the struggle, into national life." This is the
key to, the period ahead. The Indians' attitude will be de-
TfhePopol Vuh is the sacred, book of the Maya-Quiche Indians,..of:Guate-
mala. B lsed on oral traditions, it is known through a i6th-centitry version
written in Spanish by a converted Ouich6.

cisive in the Guatemalan revolution. What will be their re-
sponse to the challenge of the battle that is already being
fought in their name and that of all exploited Guatemalans?
Will, they recognize their own lost voice in the protest that
is being expressed with bullets? Some Indians have been fight-
ing with the guerrillas from the very first. Cesar Montes un-
folds before me an Esso map: "The Edgar Ibarra guerrilla
front was first,opened up in the Sierra de las Minas area. As
you can see here, the Sierra is to the east. Half of it lies in
Zacapa and El Progreso departments with a tip in Izabal. On
the other hand, in Alta Verapaz to the north you have a
completely Indian area speaking Kekchi. We developed our
front in those mountains and speared out toward various
places in the plains. The Sierra de las Minas guerrilla is made
up of Alta and Baja Verapaz Indians-Verapaces, as we call
them-and peasants from other areas. We have carried out
actions in all these areas including Panz6s, the heart of the
Alta Verapaz Indian region. ..
"What kind?"
"Military actions and armed propaganda meetings."
"How did it go in Panz6s, for example?"
"Well, we took it and afterwards held a meeting. A guerri-
lero of our front, who knew Kekchi, spoke."
"Did you make people come to the meeting?"
"It was done like this: After the battle, the people were very
afraid. So we took the municipal building where there was a
loudspeaker. We started calling the people and' explaining
what had happened and why. People started coming near. ...
Many had hidden themselves in the mountains or shut them-
selves up in their homes, but when they heard the words of
revolution in their own language, they got interested and came
"What did you promise them? Land?"
"Promise? We promised them nothing. We promised them
a struggle; we urged them to fight for their rights, for the
things they needed."
"But what demands . .?"
"The guerrillero is essentially an agrarian fighter. Our coun-

From 'Ixil Country: a Plural Society in Highland Guatemala,' by Benjamin N.
Colby and Pierre L. Van den Berghe. U. California, 1969. $6.
try is pre-eminently agrarian. We seek different solutions for
different areas, different problems. The truth is that the mini-
fundio, like the latifundio, has done plenty of damage to Gua-
temala. Our chief demand is land, under a single slogan which
embraces all forms of land tenancy and all possible solutions:
Land to him who works it, in one form or another."

ONE OF THE GUERRILLAS' biggest losses was the death of Emilio
Roman L6pez, "Pascual," a Verapaz native, Protestant, who
was the FAR's second Comandante General. Pascual had
great influence on the Indian population of his area. He kept
in close touch with Indian peasants who went down to pick
coffee and cotton on the southern slopes and in the Pacific
Guatemala's economy rests on the aching shoulders of
countless Indian men, women, and children who each year
make the long trek from the minifundios of the western high
plateau and the long-suffering lands of Alta Verapaz, down
south to the latifundios which hire field hands. Many are sent
down in trucks, like cattle, by those who hire them; others
make the interminable walk. Necessity does not always make
the decisions; sometimes it is liquor. What often happens is
that the hiring agents pay a marimba orchestra and see that
strong alcohol circulates freely. When the Indian recovers
from his spree, he has debts to pay. He will pay them work-
ing in hot strange lands, whence he will return after some
months with perhaps a few centavos in his purse, perhaps with
tuberculosis or malaria. The army is around to "convince"

Fall, 1969


Indians who resist being moved, hauling them forcibly out of
their houses.
Despite the views of some North American anthropologists,
who have all the vices of electronic computers and none of
their virtues, the Indians participate in the country's total
economy. They participate as victims, but they participate.
They buy and sell a good part of the few things they consume
and produce, at the mercy of powerful and greedy dealers who
charge much and pay little. Day-workers on plantations, and
government soldiers in the mountains, they spend their lives
toiling and fighting. Indian society does not exist in a vacuum
outside the general framework. It forms a part of the economic
and social order, its members playing the hard role of the most
exploited among the exploited. The rising Indian bourgeoisie
of Quezaltenango, small and weak, proves by exception the
situation in which the heirs of the Mayas live. The key to
their liberation is the key to the country's liberation: Will
they discover the identity that unites them to the other Gua-
temalans exploited by the oligarchy and by imperialism? Will
they fight shoulder to shoulder with the other peasants and
workers of Guatemala against their criollo and foreign op-
A typical monoculture and export economy, the Guate-
malan economy depends on this annual mass shift of seasonal
workers to harvest the coffee and cotton for starvation wages.
Capitalism, it is said, creates the means of its own destruction.
Down there on the coast the Indians come in contact with
a new, different reality, forced by circumstances to share the
fate of other wage workers-mestizos or, very exceptionally,
whites. Although most of the Indians can't speak Spanish,
reality thus begins to speak to them in a language of deeds,
not words, of the exploitation they suffer in common with
their class brothers.

I ASK CiSAR MONTES to what extent or in what way the FAR
makes contact with the Indians, once they have been removed
from their "natural" mode of existence. "The struggle can
develop in various ways," he says, "and not only through a
guerrilla front as we did it in Zacapa. Those Indians met people
of ours who opened their eyes to a series of struggles that
the peasants in the south of San Marcos. and in Suchitepequez.
Retalhuleu, Escuintla, and Santa Rosa, are able to carry on.
When the Indians get involved in the economic life of those
places, they realize that it's possible to win new gains. They
wait half a year for harvest time, vegetating in their high pla-
teau areas. When they go down to the south coast, disillusion
awaits them. One wage scale is offered and another is paid.
They are offered a certain period of work and it turns out to
be less. The conditions are subhuman. The government cracks
down on any attempt to organize peasants. Everything is so
backward in this country that any labor organization to defend
purely economic rights is 'communist.' Even unions organized
by the Christian Democrats are attacked-and in Guatemala,
Christian Democracy is more reactionary than anywhere in
Latin America. Yet they are 'attacked. Not only that: there
was the-case of a peasant in El Progreso, a.Christian Democrat,
who was a trade unionist and spent more than eighteen months
in jail, accused of being a guerrillero.
"Here trade'unionism is synonymous with communism.
And that's the problem all over the south coast. The peasant
organizations of Suchitep6quez and Retalhuleu-peasant
leagues as they're called-have been relentlessly hounded and
their leaders jailed. As part of the new government's propa-
ganda campaign, they took eight peasants from their homes
in La Maquina, in Suchitepequez Department, murdered
them, and left the bodies lying in the middle of the jail. They
had nothing whatever to do with us. Yet the press afterward
reported that they'd tried to ambush an army patrol and were
a south coast group of guerrilleros."
"As' the counterrevolution advances, the revolution de-
velops," C6sar Montes often says during our talks. In fact the
military "surround and kill" campaign, and the terror let
loose by the army through its "White Guards," have resulted
in the guerrilla band's tactical withdrawal from its old stamp-
ing grounds and extension into new areas. It tries out new
methods and learns more about the characteristics of each
zone, each sector of the population. In the purely Indian
areas it has to do "a patient job, a careful job." Describing
some of the difficulties, Montes speaks of North American
intervention disguised under the Peace Corps and of the vari-
ous religious missions "which for a long time have been de-
forming the Indian's mentality so as to keep him out of the
political struggle, the struggle for genuine economic solutions.

They concentrate on his, talents as an artisan although obvi-
ously the peasant problem in this country, still less the Indian
problem, won't be solved by weaving and pottery."
A personal experience in connection with the Peace Corps'
economic solutions comes to my mind as we talk. Some friends
and I had disembarked at the Indian village of Santiago de
Atitlan after crossing the magnificent lake. The children sur-
rounded us crying "Teikapichi, Teikapichi!" Being new in
Guatemala I thought this must be some phrase in the local
dialect. I was quickly set straight. It turned out to be their
version of "Take a picture!" which they had learned to say
to get a tip from camera-buff tourists.
Neither primitive farming in the unproductive minifundio,
nor tourism, nor folk crafts, can bring the Indian into civiliza-
tion with the rights that modern life concedes to a human

I llus. by Alberto Beltrfn, from 'Recollectipns of Things to Come,'
by Elena Garro, translated by Ruth L.C. Simms. U. Texas,1969. $6.50 T
being. The Indian is integrated into the society of "the
others" to the extent that it uses him. The picking of coffee
and cotton binds him to the other exploited people. However
deep his roots in his own soil, he cannot choose between work-
ing for wages and farming for himself. The choice is made in
advance: the society which rejects him assigns him the role
that makes him acceptable. "There is a close relation between
the land shortage and the low farm wage," as-the perceptive
Guatemalan anthropologist Joaquin Noval notes. Noval has
shown that the scarcity of land, added to the poverty and low
productivity of the soil, forces the minifundio peasant to hire
himself out cheaply to the latifundio farmer who, to bring
this about, fixes rents very high on his vast but minimally ex-
ploited properties.
THE GUATEMALAN revolutionary faces great difficulties. High
walls separate the Indian from the history that awaits him.
Added to the most obvious problem of communication-for
he speaks either no Spanish or very little-are other aliena-
tions, much more important ones, the fruit of ancient hatreds
brewing within him during four and a half centuries of hu-
miliation and treachery. The experience of the Alta Verapaz
guerrilleros is eloquent: the revolutionary word has to be
spoken by and to the Indian in his own language or it will not
be understood.
There are also barriers of distrust confronting any proposal
for change. From the Maya religions there survives a static
conception of the world which easily fits into the Christian
cults. There is a "natural" order of things, as immutable as it
is deserved by both victims and victimizers, and a no less
"natural" structure of hierarchies determining who gives orders
and who obeys them. The Christian churches have exploited
the Indians' resignation, fear, insecurity, and lack of confi-
dence, fixing in their minds the idea of sin and punishment,
of eternal damnation. When Arbenz tried to bring the In-
dians into a national mobilization for agrarian reform, he
found that the enemy's propaganda campaign had borne fruit:
agrarian reform was a dark design of the devil, or a direct
threat to the right of property. The Indians were afraid that
their one-hectare plots would be expropriated!
The other important source of culture affecting the Guate-
malan Indian is the army. Hunted like wild animals as they
leave their fiestas (each army agent must fill his "quota"),
young Indians are forced to leave their lands to do military
service. Only poor peasants do this service in Guatemala;
urban young men easily arrange to avoid it. Some of these
poor peasants who go off to be soldiers will never return. When
they die in battle against the guerrilleros, the news is with-
held from their families; in some cases they are informed that
the soldier "has been sent to Panama with a special scholar-
ship." A friend commented to me: "Here, Panama is another
name for winter" (death).

Reprinted with permission fomni 'Guatemala:' Occupied Country,' by Eduardo
Galeano, translated by Cedric Belfrage. Monthly ReviewPress,969. $.5. 95.

Fall, 1969

TOBAGO Ivar Oxaal. 194 pp.
Schenkman. $2.95.
Trinidad and Tobago was thrust into
independence upon the demise of the
West Indian Federation in 1962. This
young nation-state, formerly British,
comprises two separate islands: Trinidad
(1,864 square miles) and Tobago (116
square miles), 19 miles northeast of
Trinidad. Current population is just under
a million souls. Its ethnic composition
tells a great deal of the history of this
small nation which only recently hosted
the sixth meeting of the Inter American
Economic and Social Council of the OAS.
Some 43 percent of the population
are descendants of African slaves.
Whereas the blacks in the United States
lack political power, in Trinidad it resides
mainly in the hands of blacks. But as is
the case in many other former colonial
countries whose natives have inherited
political power, the Africans do not enjoy
the normally accompanying economic
East Indians, who comprise 37
percent of the population, came from
India as indentured workers due to the
shortage of labor on sugar estates after
the emancipation of the slaves. The East
Indians, predominantly Hindus and
Muslims, to a lesser extent share political
influence and like the Africans do not
wield much economic power.
Trinidad's economic elite constitutes
four percent of the population, coming
after the' sixteen percent of mixed race,
many of whom were descendants of the
free colored. Half of the economic elite
are whites -British, French, Spanish, and
Portuguese- while the other'half are
Chinese, Syrians, and others.
Since the British captured Trinidad
from the Spanish in 1797, up to a few
years before its independence, Trinidad
was a model colony that fully fitted the
British colonial pattern (most noticeable
where black populations were
predominant) of bringing the "natives"
along slowly to accept the responsibilities
of self-government. Of course, after
World War II Britain could not rid herself
of her colonies fast enough to cope with
the increasing burdens of imperial status.
Trinidad was a Crown Colony, which
meant that the British were fully in
charge. There were several gradations of
Crown Colony government. In the rawest
form, the Governor (the King's or
Queen's representative in the colony)
selected a Council to assist him in running
the affairs of the island. The Council's
power was often limited to offering
advice. It was not until 1831, that
Trinidad received its first Legislative
Council which comprised, in addition to
the Governor as President, six official and
six unofficial members. The former were
usually Englishmen in the British colonial
service; the latter were selected from
among the economic elite of the country.
Advancement was made in true colonial
fashion, via a slight diminution in the
number of official members and a
corresponding increase in the number of
unofficial members selected by the
This process continued for
eighty-four years before Trinidad was to
elect its first members to the Legislative
Council. A word of caution here.
Elections in the typical Crown Colony do
not mean that political power shall be
passed on to the masses. Here again, the
same musical chairs situation- was
duplicated. Official and nominated

by Basil Ince -
members (those named by the Governor)
are periodically, decreased, with a
corresponding increase in the number of
elected members. Factors influencing
sustained growth of an elected majority
in the Legislative Council hinge upon two
elements. The first is that of universal
adult suffrage which did not come in
Trinidad until 1946, some twenty one
years after the first elections were held in
the island. The second factor was the
manner in which the constitution had
been worked, for inability to work the
constitution as the metropolitan power
believes it should be worked, is enough to
merit its suspension and the imposition of
one less liberal. The suspension of the
British Guiana's constitution in 1953
bears testimony to this.
After a wait of eighty-four years to
have its first elected members in the
Legislative Council, thirty-seven more
years were to pass before Trinidad
emerged as a full-fledged independent
state. This certainly seems a short period
compared to the lengthy tutelage prior to
the election of local legislators. The main
reason for this apparent speed was
Britain's desire after World War II to shed
its colonies. It was only one year after the
war that universal adult suffrage came to
Trinidad. In point of fact, constitutional
advancement as late as 1955 contained
provisions for retaining nominated and
official members in the Legislative
Council. It was under this colonial
constitution that the current Prime
Minister of the island. Eric Williams, a
noted Caribbean scholar, was first
elected. Since then, Dr. Williams along
with his political party, the People's
National Movement have been at the
helm of Trinidad's destiny.
The country's painfully slow political
growth towards independence suggests,
among other things, a lack of outstanding
political leadership. Granted that the
colonial constitutions were of little
assistance, the few heroes (to borrow a
term from Singham,) to appear before the
PNM era, failed to organize a strong
political party.
Politics in Trinidad before the PNM
was in such a dismal state that the
Standing Federation Committee, seeking

Black Power

in Trinidad

Fall, 1969

a- capital for the defunct federation,
turned down Trinidad as the site on that
score. The PNM manifesto accurately
describes the politics of the old regime as
years of "corruption, misgovernment,
maladministration, extravagance,
ignorance, inefficiency, individualism,
and party acrobatics in public affairs."
In Black Intellectuals Come to
Power, Ivar Oxaal tells the story of the
rise to self-assertion of a subjegated
colonial people. Consequently, the
author, although relying on past history,
he has concentrated on the PNM era,
hence the title of his study. Until some
outstanding new work is published, this'
volume must claim the choice of top spot
for students of modern politics of
Trinidad and Tobago.
His book does not pretend to be a
comprehensive document. The author's
aims are limited: to place earlier studies
on Trinidad and Tobago "in a broader
social and historical context, and to add
some findings and chapters of my own
concerning the development... of this
new nation." He describes it as "a mere
sketch, a synoptic sociological account of
an island community up to the time of its
attainment of political independence in
1962" (p. vii). Thus, the reader is
surprised by the solid, if not detailed,
analysis of selective factors which
contribute to Trinidad's political culture.
The author raises a multiplicity of
debatable issues. Among them are the
influence of religion in Trinidad's
education and politics, the question of
Africans and East Indians living in a
multi-racial society, the demise of the
West Indian Federation, and U. S.
influence in Trinidad.
The main theme is the rise of the
middle class to power, a middle class that
has been deservedly maligned for holding
itself aloof from meaningful political
participation for the longest time.
Certainly, it was the non-participation of
the Trinidad middle class in politics
during this time, in addition to the
political orientation of the few who dared
to enter the political arena, that were
responsible for the lowly status of island
politics. To comprehend the political
behavior of the middle class prior to the
PNM, it is necessary to take a peek at the
social relations of the island community.
Trinidad society's goals were laid
down by the superordinate system of
British imperial power. The top was white
and the bottom was black. White was
good and black was bad. Social mobility
was facilitated by marrying into a
"higher" racial-group. One author has

Violence of the Hours

All are dead.

Died Eofia Antonia, the wheezer, who made cheap bread
in the village.

Died the priest Santiago, who liked to be greeted by the
young men and country girls, acknowledging everybody in-
discriminately: "Buenos dias, Jose! Buenos dias, Maria!"

Died that fair-haired Carlota, leaving a child of three
months, who up and died also, eight days after her.

Died my Aunt Albina, who used to sing about the old
days in the sierra while she sewed in the hallways for Isadora,
the hired maid, that honorable honorable woman.

Died an old one-eye, whose name I don't remember, but

who slept in the morning sun, seated in front of the tinsmith's
Died Rayo, dog big as me, shot by lord-knows-who.
Died Lucas, my brother-in-law in the peace of the waists,
whom I'm reminded of when it rains and there's no one in
my experience.
Died in my revolver my mother, in my fist my sister and
my brother in my bloody viscera, the three of them tied
together by a sad gender of sadness, in the month of August
of successive years.
Died the musician M6ndez, tall and very drunk, who
practiced melancholy toccatas on his clarinet, at whose series
of proofs the hens in my ward used to doze off, long before
the sun went down.

Died my eternity and I am waking it.

Reprinted with permission from POEMAS HUMANOS/HUMAN POEMS,
by C sar Vallejo- translated by Clayton Eshleman. Copyright (c) 1968
by Grove Press, Inc.


described the relations between
non-white groups as follows: "Between
the brown-skinned middle class and the
black there is a continued rivalry, distrust
and ill feeling. .." Creoles and the brown
middle class received legislative
appointments by the Governor before
elections existed. This continued to some
extent (with high property qualifications)
after elections came into being. With the
arrival of universal adult suffrage, the
blacks were enfranchised; the brown
middle class retreated from contesting
elections, or did so under the banners of
conservative parties. The brown middle
class despised the black masses and tried
as much as possible to disassociate itself
from them. Oxaal writes: "Before the
war, from all accounts, the Trinidad
middle classes, taking their cue from the
European snobbery of the colonial elite,
tended to view the local folk culture as
something shameful." This, in part,
indicates why. it was not only until
approximately fourteen years ago that
the middle class led by Eric Williams,
became seriously involved in politics. He
took the non-renewal of his contract with
the Caribbean Commission (with whom
he had been employed), linked it with the
treatment of West Indians meted out by
the Colonial Office, and rallied not only
the middle class around him, but also the
black masses who lacked intellectual
If the word "intellectuals" in the
title of Mr. Oxaal's work is employed in
its strictest sense, then very few of them
have come to power since 1955. The
author refers to some top members of the
PNM as "members of the 'learned
professions' -law and medicine- with
broad cultural interests." I suspect that
many have attempted to bask in the
intellectual aura radiated by the leader of
the party. If editing the PNM's weekly
organ can be regarded as ascendancy to
power, then C. L. R. James is the only
other intellectual with bona-fide
qualifications to fit the bill. James, a
Trotskyist, who has written several books
on West Indian society (in addition to
World Revolution which became a kind
of Bible of Trotskyism), returned to
Trinidad in 1958 after several years
abroad, to attend the inauguration of the
federal parliament. After working
together for a time, James and Williams
became political enemies, a fact which
Oxaal, with the advantage of hindsight,
feels was inevitable since "Williams was
no revolutionary, and James, although he
had curbed his radical instincts, was no
bourgeois reformist."


While the author may at times be a
little too fulsome in his praise of things
Trinidadian ("Newspapers are widely read
and journals are in several instances equal,
if not superior to the average run of
newspapers in Britain- and the United
States") he has spoken frankly on matters
that officials in Trinidad and other
Trinidadians will not relish too kindly.
For example, in his preface he states his
awareness of the fact that the local mqn
may have to think several times before
speaking his mind since the latter may
not be "...free from the sometimes
arbitrary authority of official society."
He defends a fellow sociologist, Morton
Klass, whose conclusions Eric Williams
tried to brush aside by labelling his
findings as glib talk. Klass had concluded
in his work, East Indians in Trinidad,
1961, that the village he studied was "in
basic structure... an 'Indian' community
and not a 'West Indian' community." A
statement such as this, of course, has
tremendous implications with respect to
the social and political integration-of
Trinidad and Tobago. One can easily
understand the Prime Minister's reaction
to Klass's statement, but it is difficult to
locate the intellectual substance in
Williams' reply.
-The political parting of the ways
between James and Williams, and what
Oxaal has referred to as "the
McCarthy-like atmosphere which has
descended on the region in the years since
the break-up of the West Indies
Federation," are worthy of comment.
After Williams came into power, he
forced the United States to re-negotiate a
war-time agreement between Britain and
the United States concerning the
ninety-nine year leasing of a naval base at
Chaguaramas. The base was leased in
1941 by Britain to the U. S. without the
consent of .the people of Trinidad and
Tobago. Williams, leader of the ruling
PNM, so mobilized the people against the
terms of the agreement, that they
marched to demonstrate just outside the
confines of the base. Although the base
area was not returned to Trinidad and
Tobago, as Williams had demanded, terms
favorable to Trinidad were worked out.
While many regarded Williams'
successful effort at political mobilization
as the nadir of the nationalist movement,
some intellectuals considered the
resulting agreement as the withering away
of Williams' nationalist posture. One was
to later entitle an article, "From
Chaguaramas to Slavery," a play on an
earlier article written by Williams
entitled, "From Slavery to
Charaguaramas." The chapter "A Red
Star Over Trinidad" chronicles the
beginning of heavy U. S. investment in
Trinidad by the Texas Company, which
disappointed those who favored
Trinidad's economic development under
the red banner of nationalization rather
than the red star of the Texas Company.
Other moves by Williams, such as the
passive strategy of social and economic
development fashioned after the Puerto
Rican model, his statement that Trinidad
was in the Western camp, and Trinidad's
subsequent entry into the O. A. S., all in
the face of limited economic
development and large scale
unemployment (14% or more), have led
young intellectuals at the Trinidad
Campus of the University of the West
Indies to call for a second revolution to
gain genuine independence.
There are several statements which
are quite argumentative, and the book is
not error-free. This reviewer also feels
that too little space was devoted to
Captain Arthur Cipriani, a Trinidadian of
Corsican origin, who rightly deserves the
title of the first Trinidad nationalist, since
he stood up for the "bare-footed man" in
the hostile Legislative Council in the
thirties. But the book does provide
material for further research and fuel for
intellectual controversy, and therefore
has succeeded in accomplishing the
author's objective. O]

Cdsar-Vallejo the late author of 'Poemas Humanos/Human Poems,' translated
by Clayton Eshleman, Grove, $2.95.



by Barry Wallenstein-
POEMS, by C6sar Vallejo. A bilingual
edition translated by Clayton Eshleman.
326 pp. Grove Press, Evergreen
Paperback, 1969. $2.95.

Los Heraldos Negros (1919), by the
Peruvian poet C6sar Vallejo (1892-1938)
contained little promise.of his future
direction. This first volume with its
variety of its antiquated literary forms
was typical rather than unexpected,
provincial rather than brave. Vallejo's
growth would be away from
provincialism, indeed, away from
nationalism and towards a poetry rich in
surprises. Self-exiled from Peru, the poet
was able to find and to demonstrate his
own voice, a voice more' European than
Latin American, yet always Spanish.
In 1923 Vallejo went to France as a
newspaper correspondent and in 1925 he
made his first trip to Spain. By 1928, the.
year of his first visit to Soviet Russia, his
fame was growing with each political
gesture. He spent time in a Trujillo jail as
an "intellectual instigator." He made
subsequent trips to Russia as a party
member, where. he organized literary
conferences. This ever increasing political
involvement produced such prose works
as Russia en 1931 and El Arte y La
Revoluci6n. The year 1928 marked not
only Vallejo's immersion in Communist
ideology, its literature and its activities,
but his permanent expatriation from
Until the publication of Poemas
Humanos, (Grove Press, 1968), a bilingual
edition translated by the poet Clayton
Eshleman, the poetry of C6sar Vallejo
was little known in the United States.
The Sixties Press, a few years ago,
published a bilingual edition of Twenty
Poems, but that is now out of print. In
1955 the New Directions Annual #15

contained the essay "The Passion of C6sar
Vallejo," attesting to an undercurrent of
awareness that may now, thanks to Mr.
Eshleman's fine translation, and his rich
and incise introduction, finally get to
Poemas Humanos is Vallejo's
collected poetry published a year after
the poet's death in 1939 by his widow.
Approximately fifteen years of poetic
silence preceded the publication of this
volume. More than half of the collection
was written between September and
December of 1937 when the poet was
extremely ill with fever. The remainder of
the poems, though the dating was
inexact, were written during 1923-1937.
During these years, Vallejo was better
known for his political activities than for
his poetry. Much of this time he was
poor, and the private suffering when it
does enter the poetry, enters as metaphor
and symbol which provides generalized
analogies for human suffering. Eshleman
expresses Vallejo's own mounting
question, "...given the fact that man
suffers and that I, as a poet, am always
responsible for his suffering, what can I
do to lessen this suffering as a poet? "
The larger question of poetic action, that
is, what kind of an action is a poem, is
provided by Vallejo's life work,
Vallejo's is a poetry of compassion,
which often touches the extremes of our
experience. "Violence of the Hours"
demonstrates this. 'Died Lucas, my
brother-in-law in the peace of the waists,/
whom I'm reminded of when it rains and
there's no one in my experience." This
poem began, "All are dead," and the
human pity is steeped in the fact of
death. Here the language is direct and
colloquial. His best poetry is like very
careful and rhythmic prose. The entire
development is towards a language free
from traditional devices, and poetic
While there is little direct political
speech in this poetry, an exception being
the single poem "Angelic Greeting," the
dominant sympathy is a proletarian spirit
which creates a political attitude over the
space of the poetry. In "The miners came
out of the mine/ going back to their
future ruins," we see an almost
Lawrencian faith in the primitive spirit,
but unlike Lawrence, Vallejo will not use
the miners in any mystical or

Fall, 1969

proto-religious fashion.
The reader will perceive an
experimentalist quality in much of
Vallejo's poetry of the mid 1920's.
Vallejo attempts not only an imagery of
surrealism, but various typographical
devices which gather to liberate the
imagination, the voice as well, from the
older fashioned and more provincial
modes of his nation's poetry. In
"Common Sense" Vallejo writes ."My
mother turns up my overcoat collar, not
because it is/ beginning to snow, but so it
In the prose poem "I am going to
speak of Hope" he begins, "I don't suffer
the pain as Cesar Vallejo... today I
simply suffer." He has abnegated personal
identification with pain in order to
suggest a more general suffering. The
poem is, through implication, a fine
Marxist poem.
The themes of pain and suffering are
carried out in other fashions, as when he
directly entreats "dead little man/
worthless man, / man with a heel, love
me, keep me company..."
Some of the later poems are more
directly concerned with social questions,
yet there is never the obvious political
statement. A poem begins "There are
people so wretched they don't even/ have
a body" and the poem is relieved, almost
reversed, by this Whitmanesque

Beloved by the Sinchez ears,
beloved the people who sit down,
beloved the unknown man & his
neighbor with sleeves, neck and

The poem grows in its extravagant
humor, "Beloved be the one who has
bedbugs,/ the one who wears a torn shoe
in the rain," and it ends, "Aie for so
much! Aie for so little! Aie for men!
In the late poem "Contrary to Those
Mountain Birds" the fine relationship
between poetry of direct feeling and
poetry of political statement is made

For what I am talking about
,is nothing else than what is
what is occurring in China and in
Spain, and in the world.
(Walt Whitman had a very soft chest
and breathed and no one
knows what he did when he cried in
his dining room.)
The urge to cast his spirit in with
"what is happening today" in his poetry
as in the life of his physical action, going
to Spain, going to Russia, living the life of
a political expatriate in Paris, is
discovered in poems which have the poet
as hero, poetry where he faces his own
private life directly rather than
commenting on issues or cataloguing
deprivations. At the same time, the need
to make those larger commitments is
necessarily, clear in the most personal, the
most lyrical poems. In "Black Stone on a
White Wall" he writes

I will die in Paris with hard dirty rain,
on a day I now remember.
Cisar Vallejo is dead, they beat him,
everyone, without him doing
anything to them;
they hit him hard with a stick and
likewise with a rope;..

Elsewhere he says "today I like life much
less,/ but still I like being alive. .." Many
of the poems are about this sense of
recognition, a heightened sense of one's
mortality. In an effort to relate to such
questions he is able finally to drive past
the personal pain of his own suffering
toward a cosmos. "Let me alone! Life
has struck me today square in my
death! With a sigh the poet moves
towards "human men,/ brothers, there is
much too much to do." Cesar Vallejo is
the orator with a clear voice, resonant
even when strange. O

Fall, 1969

12 cAr BBcAN re cvi



by Thomas Mathews

Wiarda New York: Frederick R. Praeger,
1969. 249 pages, index $7.00.

The people of the Dominican
Republic have been victimized again; this
time by Professor Howard Wiarda..Of
course the gullible members of the
general public for whom this book has
been written are the ones who should
protest, since they have paid to learn
about this turbulent Caribbean nation.
Better should they turn to any third rate
encyclopedia where they can get a
concisely written, precise, and reliable
description of the Dominican Republic.
The author does add the human element
of concern which comes through as
condescending pity from a member of a
trouble-free, superior civilization.
The first third of the book, after a
brief introductory section, gives a very
general summary of the historical events
from colonial times to the present. This
resume ends with a useful chronology of
the post-Trujillo governments, their
executive members and dates of office.
The middle third, which is by far the
weakest and most unreliable, reviews the
socio-economic structure of the republic.
The final section, where political scientist
Wiarda is on sounder footing, describes
the structure of government and the
political processes. Even here the author
seems to have lost the precise and
analytical style which he demonstrated in
a perceptive article for a recent issue of
The Nation (Vol. 206, No. 8).
The historical summary, as would be
expected in a work not based on original
research, perpetuates some of the myths
of the Dominican past. Thus we read that
the invading Haitians "came near to
exterminating all the whites" in 1822.
More recent research reveals the measured
control over his invading army exercised
by General Jean Pierre Boyer who did not
implant a program of replacing
Dominicans with Haitians, as has been
stated in almost every Dominican history
book. Other minor errors include the
statement that it was the Carib indians
who massacred the marooned sailors from
Columbus' first voyage. This is.the first
time I have read -about this attempt to
excuse the Arawaks from any guilt in this
incident. Las Casas was more successful in
suggesting that their action had been
provoked by misunderstanding and
Spanish excesses with the Indian women.
Wiarda also errs in describing the Arawaks
as pastoral people, since nowhere in the
Caribbean were the Indians successful in
utilizing domesticated animals.
Much graver than these minor
historical inaccuracies is the misleading,
simplistic analysis of the social classes and
institutions of the republic and their
rather naive classification into
conservatives and liberals. Wiarda divides
the Dominicans into the good guys (the
peasants, unorganized labor, and
Boschites) and the bad guys
(businessmen, the army, the church, and
Trujillistas). President Balaguer must have
a split personality since the author at
different time classifies him in both
groups. Wiarda is not the only writer tc
fall into this easy pattern. Other
variations on the same theme have the
good businessmen all located in Santiago
and the evil, money graspers in Santo
Domingo. It sort of all depends on who
your friends are.
Wiarda does not buy the widely
accepted Dominican myth that th<

national tradition and culture are the
purest reflection of Spanish tradition and
culture in the New World. This he
recognizes as more of an ideal than a
reality, but he goes on to claim that
"there are few native aspects which serve
to strongly differentiate the Dominican
Republic from other Latin American
countries." The problem seems to be that
Wiarda has forgotten his statistics on the
racial composition of the population. In a
Nation where three-quarters of the
population is of admittedly African
descent, to some degree or other, it
would be relatively unproductive to
search for Iberian traditions. In Cuba,.
where the African influence is markedly
less, the late Fernando Ortiz was able to
fill five volumes in his analysis of African
contributions to just Cuban music alone.
In neighboring Puerto Rico, where the
Negro has been more successfully
assimilated than even in Cuba, there are
monographs of note (the most important
by Ricardo Alegrfa) which explore the
African contributions to the insular
culture. The author ignores completely
this highly fertile source of culture and
tradition within the Dominican Republic.
To explore these roots of the Dominican
personality would have meant a more
democratic definition of culture and a
rejection of the admittedly sterile
mimicry of all things Spanish by the elite.
One begins to wonder where and with
whom Wiarda spent his time in the
Dominican Republic, because aside from
the sincere revulsion for the offending
urban slums the author produces little
insight as to the way of life of the humble
campesino who represents the majority of
the population.
More grievous still, because it reflects
his own bias and inability to comprehend
those social institutions which differ from
his own, is the author's incredible
statement that "the family as an
institution has only a precarious
existence" in the Dominican Republic. As
defined by an Anglo-Saxon, and
understood by one with a strong
puritanical bias, this bold statement
might have a defense. Wiarda deplores the
infidelity of the Dominican male, the.
high rate of illegitimacy, and the
wide-spread prostitution, but these are
conditions which exist in other poverty
stricken nations including those of Latin
America where he claims/ the traditional
family is stronger. Furthermore, none of
those disruptive social conditions which
have existed in varying degrees for
centuries have had any lasting destructive
effect on the institution of the family,
which has not only survived but
strengthened its hold on its members in
contrast to the trend in the modem
society of the author. The extended
family bound together through
compadrazgo relationships, the
importance of which Wiarda recognizes, is
perhaps the strongest single social
institution within that Latin republic.
Again it contains a mixture of Latin and
African influences: machismo results in.
strong maternal ties which bind closely
the children to their mother even though
she may be a prostitute; consensual
unions which long outlast the somewhat
artificial ties formalized by a religious
ritual; or the paternal pride in growing
sons even though they have been sired
with a mistress.
The simplistic approach is evident
s also when the author approaches
I economic problems. Latifundia and a
one-crop agricultural economy are the
: culprits. With latifundia one can hardly
Argue, and Wiarda rightly points out the
Absence of any concerted nation-wide
Effort to train the small farmer in modern
e techniques of farming whether this be in
D the breeding of animals, the application
Sof chemicals to depleted soil, or the
Arresting of land erosion. While sugar is
the principal export product of the
r Dominican Republic, the nation has been
e successful in stimulating a highly varied

'Underdeveloped are those nations that do
not kill their president! Cartoon by
Guillerm6n from El Corno Emplumado
magazine, January 1969, Mexico.

agricultural program. Even in the time of
Trujillo, coffee, tobacco, cacao, many
varieties of legumes, tropical vegetables
like manioc and rice were encouraged.
Much of this does not appear in the
export statistics, where sugar is
predominant. However, the average rural
Dominican probably has a more varied
diet of locally produced products than
does his counterpart in Puerto Rico or
pre-Castro Cuba. None of this shows up
in export figures which seems to be the
basis for Wiarda's criticism of the
one-crop economy. Rarely is it the
poverty level farmer who. benefits from
producing for a foreign market.
The author offers more reliable

(6$uBDeSQQIRolloDo g 0S
Io5 PUQeslO, QUeQ NO



Ransford W. Palmer. 185 pp. Praeger,
1968. $15.

Disraeli divided lies into a trinity of
"lies, damned lies, and statistics."
Adumbrated by such wit and wisdom,
most works of young scholars- are
classifiable as fair, damned good, and
doctoral dissertations.
This work should be a joy to
academicians. with Sherlock Holmes
among their mentors. Most clues point to
it having been a Clark University
dissertation, apparently delivered by a
Caesarean technique. At some schools it
would have been put back to develop
more. Clues? It is an offset Praeger
Special Study selling for twice its value;
its topic was Palmer's research specialty
during the six years, most of the time as a
Teaching Fellow, he was a graduate
student in Worcester; before that he
worked for five years in a Jamaican
economic entity; and finally, to recall
Disraeli, the compilation has a plethora of
the obvious, trivia, and post-1950 annual
statistics. Palmer leans toward poverty
when it comes to precision, averages,
profound knowledge of pertinent
literature, predictions, and striving for

But! (The endemic but when
reviewers change their tone from
damnation to praise, or vice versa.) But
Palmer's statistics and some of his
commonplace prose are useful in

by Byron White J
updating the IBRD's The Economic
Development of Jamaica, even if the time
span is not standardized and omissions
often go unexplained. Nevertheless, to
keep from using but again, The Jamaican
Economy should be in the library of all
workshops of scholars devoted in varying
degrees to Caribbean studies.
However, the gaps really leave one
gaping, Examples: No reference to any,
Institute of Caribbean Studies
publication, to any University of Puerto
Rico journal, to Azicar y poblaci6n en
las Antillas, to Castroism, to racial
problems. Only one distinguished history
on Jamaica, only a couple of in-depth
developmental studies, and only one
investment authority are cited. Palmer's
sources are on the right or in the center.
This keeps his light volume from being
rightly balanced.
According to Palmer, Jamaica "must
become an industrialized small economy
if it is to raise the standard of living of its
people close to that of such small
developed economies as Holland,
Denmark, or New Zealand." Jamaicans
will probably never come close to such
norms. Perhaps it is a future over which
Jamaicans need not excessively grieve.
After all, those Danes, New Zealanders,
and Dutchmen must travel to the Antilles
to see a Royal palm.
Palmer is an assistant professor at
Catholic University in Washington. He
could have been one in dozens of places.
He will not perish, for he has published.
His first book will perish. 0

insight when he approaches the-complex
political machinery. Unfortunately he
tests the interest of the reader with a
detailed almost point by point translation
of the salient features of the nation's
constitution, But the understanding of
politics cannot be built on a vacuum.
Since we have not been provided with an
accurate nor detailed analysis of the
complex social and economic institutions
of the nation we are then confronted
with the chess-like manipulation of power
blocs and personality cliques, which is
passed off as a behind the scene view of
Dominican politics.
Howard Wiarda lived in the
Dominican Republic for a limited length
of time while he was doing research for
his doctoral dissertation for The
University of ilorida; the flyleaf
description of his brief academic career
indicates he has "traveled extensively"
throughout Latin America. Perhaps this is
true, but his experience has not prepared
the author for an understanding of the
socio-economic complexities of this small
and undaunted Caribbean state. The
resilience of the Dominican people, who
have come out of one tragedy after
another with spirit unbroken, has not
passed on to or impressed the author. He
refers on countless occasions to the
"immense", "huge" or "enormous" (this
meaningless word is sadly overworked,
being used no less than three times on
page 55) problems of the Dominican
Republic. Nowhere in the book are we
ever given the factual information which
would allow 'us to appreciate the
dimensions of these problems. Indeed, I
wonder if Howard Wiarda did not betake
of one of Alice's cupcakes which throw
everything out of proportion once he
arrived in the Dominican Republic.
The book closes on a pathetic note
with the author repeating the thought
that almost daily occurred to him while
living and working in the country:
"iPoor people, poor D.R.! To this we
can only add: poor reader, poor H.W.! O



AGAPITO. Alvaro Cardona-Hine.
Scribners, 1969. $3.95. Life in rural Costa Rica.
A small boy narrates the story to Agapito, a
peasant employed on the boy's father's farm.

AMERICA HISPANA. Condensed and edited
by H. Alpern, D. De Guzmin. Chilton Books,
1969. $4.50. Includes "Don Segundo Sombra"
by Ricardo Giiiraldes, "Los de Abajo" by
Mariano Azuela, "Dofia Barbara" by R6mulo
Gallegos, and "La Vorigine" by Josd Eustasio

Onetti. Monte Avila, Venezuela, 1968. $9.

HUSBANDS. Jorge Amado. Tr. Harriet de
Onis. Knopf, 1969. $6.95. The Brazilian
novelist, whose "Gabriela, Clove.and
Cinammon" was a best-seller in 1962, offers a
robust comedy about an adorable, highly
moral, woman with two husbands.

LA ODILEA. Francisco Chofre. Preface by
Mario Bendetti. Inst; del Libro, Havana, 1968.
The author, Spanish-born, resides in Cuba. This'
book, a cubanized parody of The Odyssey, won
mention in the 1966 Casa de las Americas

Manuel Puig. Jorge Alvarez, Buenos Aires,
1968. The first novel by an Argentine writer,
which is now a best-seller in his country.

Filho. Tr. Fred P. Ellison. U. Texas, 1969. $5.
The best-known novel (published in 1952) by
the Brazilian writer whose work has been
likened to that of Emily BrontE and William

Ed. Fernando Ainsu. Alfa, Uruguay, 1968. 100

SANCTUARY V. Budd Schulberg. World
NAL Book, 1969. $6.95. A neutral embassy
within a Caribbean republic where political
refugees are bottled up. By the author of "What
Makes Sammy Run? ", "The Disenchanted"
and "The Harder they Fall."

Cortizar. Ed. Sudamericana, Buenos Aires,
1968. The latest work by the Argentine
novelist, which takes off from Chapter 62 of his
previous book "Rayuela" (Hopscotch).

UNO Y EL UNIVERSE. Ernesto Sibato.
Sudamericana, Argentina, 1968. 60 cents.

Merlin, Argentina, 1968. 90 pp.


ADOLECER. Francisco Urondo. Editorial
Sudamericana, Buenos Aires, 1968. The most
recent book of one of Argentiia's leading

Vallejos. Ed. Don Bosco, Asunci6n, Paraguay,
1968. A selection and critical study of
Paraguayan poetry from the "generation of the
'40's to today."

Celia Zapata. Editorial Troquel, Buenos Aires,

YEARS. Edited by Nathaniel Tarn. Grossman,
1969. Cloth, $4.50; paper, $2.95. A bi-lingual

ESPEJO HUMEANTE. Juan Bainuelos.
Joaquin Mortiz, Mexico, 1968. Latest poems
by the Mexican poet. The book won the
National Poetry Prize in 1968 in the first
Certamen Nacional de Aguascalientes.

Didier Tisdel Jadn. Foreworcd by Jorge Luis
Borges.:U. Alabama, 1969. $5. Commemorating
Whitman's 150th birthday, Spanish and

Spanish-'American poets offer tribute with their
works. Includes Dario, Neruda, Borges, Marti.

PUERTO RICO. Marcelino J. Canino Delgado.
Inst. Puerto Rican Culture; 1968. A study of
popular oral poetry.

Montaner. Illus. Rolando L6pez Dirube.,
Editorial San Juan (Calle Norte 52, Rio Piedras,
P.R.), 1969. Poems and related paintings by
two Cuban exiles residing in Puerto Rico.

PEDIR EL FUEGO. Marco Antonio
Montes de. Oca. Joaquin Moriz, Mexico, 1968.

;Alberto Crespo. U. de los Andes, Mdrida,
Venezuela, 1968. Poems by a 28-year-dld
'Venezuelan, which won special mention in the
1966 Josd Rafael Pocaterra Contest.

POETS. Edited by Jean Garrigue. 450 pp. Ohid
U. Press. $10. The works of 61 poets-
worldwide, including several from Latin
America, translated by 47 contemporary
American poets.

DE LA MUERTE. Clara Cuevas. Editorial Jose
Irizarry Rubio (Mayagiiez, Puerto Rico), 1969.


THE OXCART. Rend Marques. Tr. Charles
Pilditch. Scribners, 1969. An English
translation of "La Carreta," about a poor
Puerto Rican family in San Juan and New


Leopoldo Castedo. Tr. and Ed. by Phyllis
Freeman. Praeger, 1969. $4.95. Surveys 3,000
years of creativity. 234 illus., 43 in full.color.

PAINTING. Antonio Rodriguez. Putnam,
1969. $27.50 before Jan. 1, $30 thereafter. 312
plates, 56 in full color; 22 text figures.

Aiton. Putnam, 1969. $17.50. 38 color plates,
186 b&w plates, 70 line drawings.

PRIMITIVE ART. Robert Goldwater and
others. Metropolitan, .1969. Cloth, $9.95;
paper, $4.95. Shows 650 pieces from the
Museum's collection, with 16 color plates.


CHE GUEVARA. Daniel James. Stein &
Day, 1969. $6.95. A critical biography which
challenges Che's appeal to militant American.

youth, claiming that the revolutionary leader
led others to "futile" deaths.

.Mallin. U..Miami, 1969. $7.95. Key speeches,
writing and photos of Chi, plus an analysis by
the editor who claims that young radicals have
romanticized him. Also contains a detailed
statement by an Argentine, Ciro Roberto
Bustos, of his experiences with Che's guerrillas.

ISLAND POSSESSED. Kaiherine Dunham.
Doubleday, 1969. 56.95. The famed American
dancer continues her autobiography, which
began with "A Touch ofInnocence." Here, she
writes of Haiti, which she first visited in 1936.

Toby SChneebaum. Grove, 1969. An
autobiographical account of experiences with
the cannibal Akarama tribes of Peru. The
author, a hucchhtking globetrotter, who has
been in Borneo, Istanbul, and the Sahara, says:
"I survive by becoming the people. I'm
fascinated by other peoples' sex and mental
habits.... I eat their food, sleep .with them,
wear their clothes, or go naked."

Knopf, 1969. $6.95. A desk-bound American
finds an elemental frontier life in a remote
corner of Mexico.

TURCIOS LIMA. Orlando Fernindez. Ed.
Tricontinental, Havana, 1968. A critical
biography of Luis Augusto Turcios Lima, the
late commander of the FAR guerrilla group in
Guatemala. The author, writing under a
pseudonym, is a Guatemalan revolutionary.


Roberto Gerson Gradvohl, Haroldo J.S. Costa



Fall, 1969

Indians of cacique Urayoin's tribe in Puerto Rico drown the Spaniard Salcedo
to see whether the white man was mortal. He was.

Lima. (Depto. Estudios Econ6micos del
Noroeste, Banco do Nordeste do Brasil, Rua
Senador Poempeu 826, Fortaleza, Ceari,
BrasiL) In Portuguese, a report by two Brazilian
economists on a major planting of onions in
two of Brazil's northeast states. The results
brought new prosperity, and new problems.

Freyre. U. Puerto Rico, 1969. Cloth, $4; paper,
$3. Explores the extent, and desirability, of
external capital for Puerto Rico's development.

LATINA. Ram6n Tamanes. Intal/Bid,
Argentina, 1968.

L. Dozier. Praeger, 1969. $12.50. Examines five
agrarian development projects in Bolivia,
Mexico and Peru.

V6lez-Montes. 119 pp. U. Puerto Rico. Paper,
$2.50. The relation between politics and
economic development. Discusses the concept
of functional efficiency: the ability of the
economic system to induce and sustain
progressive stability.

DEVELOPMENT. Roberto de Oliveira Campos.
U. Texas, 1967. $5. Essays by Brazil's Minister
of Economic Planning.

OF MEXICO. Eduardo L. Venezian, William K.
Gamble. Praeger, 1969. $15. A survey of 1950
to the present. The authors are program
advisors on agricultural economics for the Ford
Foundation in Mexico and Central America.

OF PERU. Arthur J. Coutou, Richard A. King.
Praeger, 1969. $12.50.

Wrigley. Praeger, 1969. $13.50. Discusses
scientific techniques for increasing productivity
while maintaining soil fertility.


Krutch. Photos by Eliot Porter. Sierra
Club/Ballantine Book, 1969. 72 color plates.
$3.95. Photos and words about a land of
towering-mountains, flowery desert flats, blue
water, bird-rich islands, great curving beaches.

Alden. U. Arizona,, 1968. Paper, $7.50.
Illustrarions, maps and checklists with travel

RICO. Rafael Pic6. U. Puerto Rico, 1969. A
detailed survey of the island's geography,
including sections on economics, agriculture
and manufacturing, transportation.

Karen. Funk & Wagnalls, 1969. $5.95. A travel
book which delves into early Peruvian history.


BORDER. Clarence E. Clendenen. Macmillan,
1969. $12.50. Documents General Pershing's
Punitive Expedition into Mexico in 1916,

14 CAIBBEAN EVEW MFall, 1969

American intervention in 1919 in the battle of
Juarez against Pancho Villa, General Crook's
pursuit of Geronimo, the Vera Cruz campaign,
and other incidents.

Keith, S.F. Edwards. U. South Carolina, 1969.
$10. Proceedings of the first scholarly meeting
on Brazilian history held in the United States.

Moorehead. Harper & Row, 1969. $15.
Retraces Charles Darwin's five-year voyage in
the Southern Hemisphere. Often uses Darwin's
words to describethe countries and islands,
animals, plants and minerals the young
naturalist studied. 48 pp. of color plates, 140
b&w diustranons.

1493-1599. Ricardo Alegria. Colecci6n de

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invoice for space.
*Circulation during 1969 is
guaranteed at 5,000 copies per
issue, includes those mailed to paid
subscribers, and controlled
circulation to potential subscribers.

Studios Puertorriquefios, San Juan, P.R. A
profusely illustrated introductory text on 16th
century Puerto Rico.

Howard J. Wiarda. U. Florida, 1968. Paper,
$3.75. Studies Trujillo's dictatorial methods
and seeks to offer some conclusions on the
impact of his rule upon Dominican society.

BAHIA. A.J.R. Russell-Wood. U. California,
1969. $12.50. Examines the lay brotherhoods
throughout the world,-and .focuses upon the
colonial capital of Portuguese America, Bahia,
Brazil. between 1549 and 1763.

U. Texas, 1969. $8.50. Studies the role of
intellectuals such as Madero, Rivera, Sarabia
and others in the Mexican Revolutipo of

I'UEVO TRATO. Thomas G. Matthews. Tr.
Antonio J. Colorado. Puerto Rico Dept. of
,Education., 1969. A translation of "Puerto
Rican Politics and the New Deal." The author is
former head of the Institute of Caribbean
Studies at U. of Puerto Rico. A second edition,
first published in 1967.

Leopoldo Zea. Tr. by Frances K. Hendricks,
Beatrice Berler. U. Oklahoma, 1969. $4.95. A
Mexican philosopher explores the historical
past as it influences modern thought, the
problem of land ownership, and the effect of
the Cold War on Latin America.

Praeger, 1968. $1.95. Analyzes colonial
nativism, 19th century defensive nationalism,
and 20th century offensive nationalism.

McWilliams. Greenwood Press, 1969. Paper,
$2.95. An updated history of the
Mexican-American people and a study of social
tensions in the Southwest. The author, editor
of "The Nation," has written a new intro.,
outlining major developments since 1950.

Lee Woodward, Jr. U. North Carolina, 1969.
$8.50. A history of Chile's Juan Fernandez

Wayne Powell. U. California, 1969. The
northward advance of New Spain, 1550-1600.

Innes. Knopf, 1969. $15. The conquest of
Mexico and Peru. Includes 48 full-color plates,
16 maps, 120 b&w pages.

PERU. Agustin de Zirate. Tr. and intro. by
J.M. Cohen. Penguin Books, 1968. Paper,

AMERICA. Irene Nicholson. Praeger, 1969.

$8.95. Discusses the antecedents, fighting phase
and aftermath of the wars for independence.
Eric N. Baklanoff. LSU, 1969. $6.50. Seven
essays examining the critical processes and
variables which shaped Brazil from its origin as
a Portuguese colony to the present.

Signet, 1969. .95 cents. A paperback reprint.


by Edward D. Terry. U. Alabama, 1969. $6.
Twelve essays, read at the April 1968 meeting
of the Southeastern Conference on Latin
American Studies. Major topics are: Literature
of Social Protest, Art and Life in Mexico and
Brazil, and Philosophy and Government.

Rosemblat. Editorial Alfa, Montevideo, 1968.

AMERICA. Abraham Arias-Larreta. Editorial
Indoamericana (Box 11356, Kansas City,Mo.),
1969. The 9th edition, by a Peruvian writer,
studying Aztec, Incan, Mayan and Quechuan
MARECHAL. Alfredo Andres. Carlos Perez
Editor, Buenos Aires, 1968. Examines the
author of "Adin Buenosayrs" via interviews,
reviews and selections from his work.

OTHER. Jose A. Balseiro. Tr. by Muna Mufioz
Lee. U. Miami, 1969. $7.95. Essays dealing
with inter-American Cultural relationship and
their historic roots.

L.A. Murillo. Harvard, 1969. $6.95.

ILLUSION. Ronald J. Christ. NYU, 1969.
$6.95. Studies Borges' device of allusion, to
help solve many of the puzzles in the Argentine
writer's work.

1969. Ed. by Charles Newman. Northwestern
U., $1.95. A supplement to the previous double
issue, which was wholly devoted to
contemporary Latin American literature. This
issue contains about 100 pages of poems,
fiction and criticism on Latin America.


UNIDOS. Lyman J. Gould. Tr. by Jorge Luis
Morales. U. Puerto Rico. 186 pp. Cloth, $4;
paper, $3. Analyzes Puerto Rico's first organic
law, approved by Congress in 1900, establishing
civil government under the U.S. The author
states that with the approval of this statute, the
U.S. formally adopted colonialism.

Charles J. Erasmus, Hans C. Buechler. Praeger,
1969. $18.50. Includes an analysis of Chi

Guevara's efforts to rally peasant support in

Alberdi Ediciones 1/2 Mundo, Argentina,
1968. 23 pp.

POWER. Adolf A. Berle. Harcourt, 1969.
$10. Not about the Caribbean or Latin
America, but the author has been involved in
this region's affairs for years. An analysis of
power, citing concrete historical situations.

Huberman, Paul M. Sweezy. Monthly Reivew
Press, 1969. $1.95. Nine essays and reviews
about the author of "Revoluon in the
Revolution? "

James O'Conner. Cornell U., 1969. $10. Argues
that Cuban socialism responded to
long-standing needs and traditions, rather than
being the result of Communist conspiracy, or of
wrong-headed U.S. policy.

MEXICAN PEOPLE. Justo Sierra. Tr. by
Charles Ramsdell. U..Texas, 1969. $8.50.
Written on the eve of the Mexican Revolution
by the Secretary of Education in the Porfirio
Diaz government.

Richard Robert Strout. U. North Carolina,
1968. $5. Studies how legislative gubernatorial
candidates were recuited by twelve political
parties in 1962-65.

CONSERVATISM. John Mander. Knopf, 1969.
$6.95. A contributing editor of Encounter calls
Latin America "a lost province of Europe" and
sees 1958-1962 as "the high point of
Communist advance" there.

PUERTO RICO. Reece B. Bothwell. 65 pp. U.
Puerto Rico, 1969. Paper, $1. Examines the
constitutional background of Puerto Rico
between 1887 and 1914.


FLAT MAPS: 1926-1964. VOLUME II:
Palmyra V.M. Monteiro. Inst. of Latin
American Studies, U. Texas, 1969. $10 ($15
for Vols I&II).

Peraza. U. Miami, 1969. $7.50. This 30th
consecutive annual volume contains 911 entries
covering books, booklets and pamphlets
published in 1967.

Social Sciences

Oscar Lewis. Random House, 1969. $5.95. A

Che's body strapped to a stretcher for transportation in helicopter. From 'Che Guevara on Revolution,' edited by Jay Mallin. U. Miami, $7.93.



IVAN ILLICH, the contro-
versial educator who left the
priesthood in 1968, has for the
last eight years directed the
Center for Intercultural Docu-
mentation in Cuernavaca, Mex-
ico. The article in this issue is
a translation of his speech gi-
ven at the graduation ceremony
of the University of Puerto
Rico on June 6, 1969. .
est novel, El Francotirador is
excerpted in English transla-
tion (The Sniper). Soto has
previously published two no-
vels, a collection of short sto-
ries, a play, and is working on
two books of fiction...JORGE
LUIS BORGES is the noted
Argentine writer.. .JEFFREY
BAKER taught biology at UPR
last year; he instigated a peti-
tion signed by over 3,000 soi-
entists criticizing the Roman
Catholic Church for issuing Hu-
manae Vitae...RAFAEL GAR-
ZARO, Guatemalan lawyer, re-
cently published a new book:
Colegio Mayor. CURTIS LONG
is a translator of music and has
prepared English versions of
Armando Manzanero's songs...
merly edited the weekly Mar-
cha. He has written 5 books.
BASIL INCE served for two
years as Trinidad and Tobago
delegate to the UN and is with
is the late Peruvian poet whose
works have recently been trans-
lated by American poet CLAY-
WALLENSTEIN has edited a
book on poetry; his work has
appeared in several magazines...
the Institute of Caribbean Stu-
is a Caribbean specialist who
now teaches at New Mexico
Highlands University.

story of how the poor die: the children of
Sinchez attend their aunt's funeral.
BANDITS. E.J. Hobsbawm. Delacorte,
1969. $3.95. A fast-paced history of bandits
worldwide, including Peru's bandoleros and
Brazil's congaceiros.
Reimer, Anthony Lauria, Jr. & Jos6 Santiago de
Jesus. Office of Planning and Educational
Development, Puerto Rico Dept. of Education,
Cancian. Stanford U,, 1969. Paper, $2.95. The
clothboundedition ($6.50) was published in
Ivan Hubner Gallo. J. Almendros, Argentina,
NOROESTE CHAQUETO. Gustavo Gonzilez.
F. Ramirez, Paraguay,.1968. 80 pp. $1.
Webster McBryde. Seminario de Integraciin
Social Guatemalteca, 1969. $1 (two volumes).
Colby, Pierre L. van den BERGHE. U.
California, 1969. $6. Focuses upon relations
between two ethnic groups, the Ixil Indians,
and the ladinos.

LATINOAMERICANA. Enrique Oteiza. 54 pp.
Di Tella, Argentina, 1969.
Jorge Garcia Gallo. U. Central, Venezuela,
1968. 60 pp.

CENTURY. Eric R. Wolf. Harper, $6.95. An
anthropologist analyzes why peasants become
involved in political upheavals. Includes Mexico
and Cuba, as well as Russia, China, Vietnam,
PREJUDICE U.S.A. Edited by Charles Y.
Glock and Ellen Siegelman. Praeger, 1969.
$4.95 cloth, $1.95 paper. Essays on white
prejudice as it affects the American negro and
urban Puerto Rican.
PERU. Father Pablo Joseph de Arriaga. Tr. &
ed. by L. Clark Keating. U. Kentucky, 1968.
Liebman. U. Miami, 1969. $10. Mexican Jewish
history from 1521 to 1821; a study of the
documents of the Spanish Inquisition.

SFull, 1969

The feast of Sao Goncalo D'Amarante at
Bahia in 1718. From 'The Golden Age of
Brazil: 1695-1750,' by C.R. Boxer. U.
California, 1969.



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Vol. 9 October, 1969 No. 3

I. Articles
RICHARD B. SHERIDAN, The Plantation Revolution and the In-
dustrial Revolution 1625-1776.
JOSEPH A. BOROME, How Crown Colony Government came to

II.Research Notes
FREDERICK J. HOLLISTER, Skin color and life chances of Puerto
res que influyen en los niveles de vida en Puerto Rico...
DOUGLASS G. NORVELL, Food marketing in an urban place in the
Dominican Republic...

III. Reriew' Articles

ANTHONY P. MAINGOT, From ethnocentric to national history
writing in the plural society...

IV. Book Revietws

CARLEEN O'LOUGHLIN, Economic and Polifical Change in the
Leeward and Windward Islands, reviewed by F. Andic...
GERHARD MASUR, Nationalism in Latin America: Diversity and
Unity, reviewed by J. Rodriguez Cruz...
DARWIN CREQUE, The U. S. Virgins and the Eastern Caribbean,
reviewed by T. G. Mathews..
JOSE IGLESIAS, In the Fist of the Revolution, Life in a Cuban Coun-
try Town, reviewed by L. Figueroa...
THOMAS BLOSSOM, Narinfo, Hero of Colombian Independence,
reviewed by J. C. M. Ogelsby
EDMUND S. URBANSKI, Angloamirica e Hispanoamdrica Andli-
sis de dos civilizaciones, reviewed by P. Gonzilez-Rodas
reviewed by B. B. Levine

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16 CABB AN IEW Fall, 1969

Zhe rezas Pal Americal


and Other Inventions
By Juan Jose Arreola
Translated by George D. Schade
Illustrated by Kelly Fearing
and Other Stories
(from La Trama Celeste)
By Adolfo' Bioy Casares
Translated by Ruth L. C. Simms
Prologue by Jorge Luis Borges
Illustrated by Norah Borges de Torre
DREAMTIGERS (El hacedor)
By Jorge Luis Borges
Translated by Mildred Boyer
and Harold Morland
Introduction by Miguel Enguidanos
Dra,;"rg: by Antonio Frasconi
(Otras inquisiciones)
By Jorge Luis Borges
Translated by Ruth L. C. Simms
(As Tres Marias)
By Rachel de Queiroz
Translated by Fred P. Ellison
Illustrated by Alderrr '.1 rt;ns
BARREN LIVES (Vidas secas)
By GracilianoRamos
Translated with an Introduction
by Ralph Edward Dimmick
Illustrated by Charles Umlauf
(Al filo del agua)
By Agustin Yafiez
Translated by Ethel Brinton
Illustrated by Julio Prieto
(Las tierras flacas)
By Agustin Yafiez
Translated by Ethel Brinton
Illustrated by Alberto Beltrhn
Translated by Lysander Kemp
Prologue by Octavio Paz
Drawings by John Guerin
and Other Stories
By Juan Rulfo
Translated by George D. Schade
Illustrated by Kermit Oliver
(Liqoes de abismo)
By Gustavo Cor;qo
Translated by Clotilde Wilson

THE NORTHER (El norte)
By Emilio Carballido
Translated with an Introduction
by Margaret Sayers Peden
Illustrated by Jos6 Treviio


(Memdrias de Lizaro)
By Adonias Filho
Translated by Fred P. Ellison
Drawings by Enrico Bianco $5.00
By Sergio Galindo
Translated by John and Carolyn Brushwood
Drawings by Luis Eades $6.00
By Ram6n Diaz Sanchez
Translated by John Upton
Illustrated by Kermit Oliver $6.50
(Los Recuerdos del porvenir)
By Elena Garro
Translated by Ruth L. C. Simms
Illustrated by Alberto Beltr6n $6.50
By Antonio Olavo Pereira
Translated by Alfred Hower and John Saunders
Illustrated by Newton Cavalcanti $6.50

literary Studies
A Nation's Search for Identity
By John S. Brushwood $6.00
By John Nist $5.00
A Study of Motif and Symbol
in the Short Stories
of Jorge Luis Borges
By Carter Wheelock $6.00













By Jean Chariot
Foreword by Elizabeth Weismann


Philosopher and Prophet
By John H. Haddox
The Life and Times
of Garcilaso de la Vega
By John Grier Varner



By Justo Sierra
Translated by Charles Ramsdell
With notes and a new Introduction
by Edmundo O'Gorman
Prologue by Alfonso Reyes $8.50
From Aztec Herbs to Betatrons
By Gordon Schendel
with the collaboration of Jos6 Alvarez Am6zquita
and Miguel E. Bustamante Illustrated $6.50


An Autobiography
Translated by Robert C. Stephenson
Introduction by John Palmer Leeper
6 color plates, 38 black and white illustrations
By Manuel Toussaint
Translated and edited by
Elizabeth Wilder Weismann
Introduction by Justino Fernandez
9 color plates, 395 black and white illustrations

(new edition)
By John Kenneth Turner
Introduction by Sinclair Snow
Political Military Crises 1955-1964
By John W. F. Dulles





By Donald and Dorothy Cordry
16 color plates, 199 black and white photos

History and Culture
IN NEW SPAIN, 1771-1779
By Bernard E. Bobb
Illustrated $5.00
(Extremos de America)
By Daniel Cosio Villegas
Translated by Am6rico Paredes $5.00
By Samuel Ramos
Translated by Peter G. Earle
Introduction by Thomas B. Irving $5.50
By Martin Luis Guzman
Translated by Virginia Taylor
liiu.tratEd $8.50
and General History of Peru
By Garcilaso de la Vega
Translated by Harold V. Livermore
Foreword by Arnold J. Toynbee
Two volumes, b.:.ed $17.50
Their Character and Aspirations
By Jose Hon6rio Rodrigues
Translated by Ralph Edward Dimmick
Foreword and additional notes
by E. Bradford Burns $6.00