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Caribbean Review
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STANDARD VIEW MARC VIEW
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00095576/00004
 Material Information
Title: Caribbean Review
Physical Description: Serial
Language: English
Creator: Latin American and Caribbean Center, Florida International University
Publisher: Latin American and Caribbean Center, Florida International University
Place of Publication: Miami, FL
Publication Date: 1973
Copyright Date: 1980
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Genre: serial   ( sobekcm )
 Record Information
Source Institution: FIU: Special Collections
Holding Location: FIU: Special Collections
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: oclc - 1553369
System ID: UF00095576:00004

Table of Contents
    Front Cover
        Front Cover 1
        Front Cover 2
    Table of Contents
        Page 1
    Front Matter
        Page 2
        Page 3
        Page 4
    Main
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
        Page 12
        Page 13
        Page 14
        Page 15
        Page 16
        Page 17
        Page 18
        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
        Page 22
        Page 23
        Page 24
        Page 25
        Page 26
        Page 27
        Page 28
        Page 29
        Page 30
        Page 31
        Page 32
        Page 33
        Page 34
        Page 35
        Page 36
        Page 37
        Page 38
        Page 39
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        Page 53
        Page 54
        Page 55
        Page 56
    Back Cover
        Back Cover 1
        Back Cover 2
Full Text






CAPIBBCAN PevIEW


Seventy-Five Cents


IN THIS ISSUE...
Literature For the Puerto Rican Diaspora; Ladies of the House and Home in Colonial
Brazil: Coolie Labor in Trinidad: Cuba's Other Revolution: Creole Jamaica...


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Vol. V No. 2


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APRIL/MAY/JUNE





THE BRITISH

IN THE CARIBBEAN
by Cyril Hamshere


"Who the first English-
man was to arrive in the Carib-
bean or visit South America
is not certain. It is possible that
there were English or Irishmen
among the motley crews of
Columbus, but if there were,
their names are unknown."
So begins one of the most
exciting accounts of the


history of British experience
in the Caribbean from the
sixteenth to twentieth century.
Cyril Hamshere's fast-moving,
illustrated narrative depicts
the great Tudor seamen
Hawkins, Drake, and their
successors during the age of
colonization.
At better bookstores for $12.95


Harvard University Press
Cambridge, Massachusetts 02138










In this issue...



Literature for the Puerto Rican Diaspora, by Adalberto Lopez. An analysis of the history of
the Puerto Rican emigration and the literature that helps us understand it. Adalberto Lopez
teaches history at the State University of New York at Binghamton. Page five.

Literature and Revolution in Chile, by Fernando Alegria. An analysis of the significance of
Chile's recent political events for the writers of that country. Fernando Alegria, Chile's
cultural attache in the U.S., teaches at Stanford University. Page thirteen.

Sugar and East Indian Indentureship in Trinidad, by Ken Boodhoo. The East Indian
migration to the West Indies is seen in function of the economic benefits derived by the
plantation owners who capitalized on the imported Asian labor. Ken Boodhoo teaches
political science at Florida International University. Page seventeen.

Coolie Labor in Trinidad, by Charles Kingsley. Caribbean Review reprints an excerpt from
Kingsley's 1862 work, At Last: A Christmas in the West Indies. Kingsley's readable account
is colored by the insensitivity of metropolitan scholarship concerning the colonies. He finds
the indentureship system to be quite admirable, witnessed by such evidence that "only 27 per
cent" of the emigrants perished on their voyage to the islands. Page twenty-one.

Ladies and Whores in Colonial Brazil, by Ann Peseatello. An analysis of the sex role of the
female in Brazil during colonial times. Ann Pescatello teaches history at Florida
International University. Her article is excerpted from a larger paper, "Donas e Prostitutas,"
originally presented before the American Historical Association. Page twenty-six.

Green Hell, by Paul Vidich. Paul Vidich reviews a book on the present-day genocide of
Brazil's Indian peoples. The author, who is currently working on a documentary film about
the Brazilian frontier, wonders "if Brazil, like America, will pass from barbarism to
decadence without ever having passed through civilization." Page thirty-one.

Cuba's Other Revolution, by Roberto Leyva. An analysis of the events that led to the
overthrow of Cuba's brutal Mechado dictatorship in 1933. Page thirty-three.

Rape of the Virgins, by James W. Green. A review of Edward O'Neill's journalistic account
of the problems that plague the U.S. Virgin Islands. James W. Green is Assistant Professor
at the Modernization Process program of the University of Wisconsin. Page thirty-seven.

Creole Jamaica, by Ena Campbell. A review of Edward Braithwaite's historical analysis of
creole society in Jamaica, an analysis which aims at explaining the present. Ena Campbell
teaches at the State University of New York at Oneonta. Page forty-two.

Jamaica's Manley, by Gordon K. Lewis. A review of a testimonial to Jamaica's Norman
Manley, who, according to the author, "helped engineer the masses into the national life."
Gordon Lewis teaches at the University of Puerto Rico. His most recent book is "The Virgin
Islands: A Caribbean Lilliput," published by Northwestern Press. Page forty-four.

Recent Books, by Neida Pagan. Caribbean Review continues to introduce its readers to new
books about the Caribbean, Latin America, and their emigrant groups. Page forty-seven.

The Caribbean Guide. Caribbean Review helps travellers to and within the Caribbean
become acquainted with where to stay, what to see, and what to eat. Page fifty-two.

The cover photo is of a poster by Peruvian artist Jesus Ruig Durand, photo by Jorge Santana.


C.R. April/MaylJune 1973 Page 1








LsjCCAI?BBEAN "EVIEW
April/May/June
Seventy-five Cents
Vol. V No. 2
Editors:
Barry B. Levine
Joseph D. Olander

Associate Editors:
For the English Speaking Caribbean:
Basil A. Ince
For the French Speaking Caribbean:
Gerard R. Latortue
For the Spanish Speaking Caribbean:
Jose M. Aybar
Executive Administrator:
Lucille Trybalski
Assistant Editor:
Susan Sheinman
Business Manager:
Joe Guzman
Art Director:
Victor Luis Diaz
Bibliographer:
Neida Pagan
Translators:
From the Dutch and Paplamentu:
Ligia Espinal de Hoetink
From the French and Creole:
Marlene Zephirin
From the Spanish:
Adela G. Lopez


Caribbean Review, a quarterly journal dedicated to the
Caribbean, Latin America, and their emigrant groups,
is published by Caribbean Review, Inc., a non-profit
corporation organized under the laws of the Com-
monwealth of Puerto Rico. Mailing address: Caribbean
Review; G.P.O. Box C.R.; San Juan, Puerto Rico 00936.
Unsolicited manuscripts (articles, essays, reprints,
excerpts, translations, book reviews, poetry, etc.) are
welcome but should be accompanied by a self-
addressed stamped envelope. Copyright 0 1973 by
Caribbean Review, Inc. All rights reserved.
Subscription rates: 1 year: $3.00; 2 years: $5.50; 3
years: $7.50; Lifetime: $25.00. Air Mail: add $1.00 per
year; $20.00, lifetime. Payment in Canadian currency
or with checks drawn from banksoutsidethe U.S. add 10
percent. Invoicing charge: $1.00. Subscription agencies
please take 15 percent.
Back Issues: Vol. I, No. 1 & Vol. III, No. 1: $3.00 each.
All other back numbers: $2.00 each. New lifetime
subscribers can receive all back issues for an extra
$15.00. In addition, microfilm and microfiche copies of
Caribbean Review are available from University
Microfilms, A Xerox Company, 300 North Zeeb Road,
Ann Arbor, Michigan 48106.
Advertising: Inquiries and orders for advertising space
may be sent directly to the magazine or to Cidia, Inc.,
Box 1769, Old San Juan, Puerto Rico 00903, the agency
through which they will be contracted and processed.


LETTERS


TO THE



EDITOR




GOURE'S RESPONSE:
AYBAR EXPECTED TOO MUCH


Sirs:

A brief review on two books dealing with Soviet
perceptions of, and policies in, Latin America cannot
substitute for an in-depth treatment of this topic. To
evaluate the "contradictions," if any, in Soviet
ideological pronouncements and practice in Latin
America, to compare Soviet and U.S. policies, to
describe Soviet views on violent and nonviolent
revolutionary tactics and the "position of given Latin
American Communist Parties" on this question, and to
analyze the "unique Latin American reality" on a
country-by-country basis, as Mr. Aybar expects, could
only be accomplished in a major article, if not a book,
but certainly not in the space of my review. This is not
to say that some of the issues mentioned by Aybar are
not interesting or even important. However, at the
present time, these studies still remain to be done, as
evidenced by the fact that only a few, and largely
obsolete, studies on Soviet views and politics in Latin
America have been published so far in the West.
Beyond this, however, Aybar's arguments seem
confused, and therefore, more difficult to follow.
Whether Soviet ideological views and policies are
"banal" or not, whether they are truly revolutionary or
essentially imperialist, is quite beside the point. It
would be naive as well as imprudent to dismiss the
views and policies of a superpower on such grounds. If
the Soviet Union were to attain its objectives in Latin
America, this would be more than what Aybar calls an
"ideological victory." Such a victory cannot be
separated from Soviet foreign *policy, as the case of
Cuba attests, regardless of whether he believes it to be
"in many respects similar to that of the U.S.," and it
would have major effects not only in the region, but in
other areas as well. Aybar should also know that in any


Page 2 C.R. Vol. 5 No. 2






attempt to analyze Soviet policy more weight has to be
given to the views of members of the ruling group in the
Kremlin than to books written by Soviet scholars,
interesting as these may be.
As to Aybar's other comments, they too, appear to be
off the mark. He misunderstands the meaning of CPSU
Secretary B. Ponomarev's claim that the revolutionary
process in Latin America is developing faster than
elsewhere in the noncommunist world. Ponomarev was
not speaking of the seizure of power by the Communist
parties, but of the intensification of the "anti-imperial-
ist struggle" in the region, and of the "progressive"
policies of various countries, notably, Chile, Peru and
Panama.
Concerning Aybar's complaint that I had failed to
update the books under review, or to "wed" Soviet
ideological pronouncements and action, my review,
however brief, discussed the more current Soviet views
and indicated that in parallel with them, Moscow has
intensified its activities in the region. The fact that the
Soviet leadership is fully aware of the diversity of the
countries in Latin America is certainly implicit in my
discussion.
Finally, the issue of whether Moscow will or will not
attain its objectives in the region is a different subject
altogether; my review merely dealt with Soviet
perceptions and policies. Soviet capabilities and
opportunities to gain major influence in Latin America
are, so far, limited, and as I indicated, the Soviets
recognize that they face major difficulties and that they
may suffer reverses. However, Soviet expectations that
they can exacerbate and take advantage of the present
wave of radical nationalism in Latin America to achieve
their objectives which, as Aybar agrees, aim at reducing
U.S. presence and influence in the region, may be
"banal," but not altogether unrealistic.

Leon Goure, Director of Soviet Studies
CenterforAdvanced International Studies,
University ofMiami







A NEW POETRY MAGAZINE


Sirs:
We are starting a new poetry magazine here, NOW,
and need to contact Caribbean poets and others who
might be interested in contributing to the magazine.
We hope to make it as international as possible,
including American and European poets in addition to
Caribbean writers. All concerned may contact us at the
address below.

Stewart Brown, NOW
St. Anns Bay P.O.
St. Ann, Jamaica, W.I.


.1



f


Wouldn't you


~k ~


rather be here than almost anywhere?


We would like to keep this beach
as It Is well, maybe a couple of dozen
people sunbathing, snorkeling, fishing, or
just splashing about wouldn't take
away from the beauty of the white beach and
the crystal clear water. We also have
another thirty odd beaches just like this one.
We have freeport shops for rare bargains.
Dutch, French, and oriental food will make
you forget your waistline. Then we have
really great hotels, large and small,
all designed to make your vacation in
Sint Maarten a gracious and memorable one.






Sint Maarten Tourist Board
Philipsburg
St. Maarten, N. A.


C.R. April/May/June 1973 Page 3




























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Photo Rafael Rivera .Rosa.
It is doubtful that historians will ever know who was the
first Puerto Rican to migrate from the island to the
United States; it is certain that not many were doing so
before the United States grabbed Puerto Rico from
Spain. In the second half of the nineteenth century a
few fortunate or privileged Puerto Rican students
studied in North American universities, and some less
fortunate Puerto Rican revolutionaries spent time in
New York City the "guts of the monster", as Jose
Marti once put it conspiring against Spain and
usually working hand in hand with Cuban
revolutionary associations in that city. Still less
fortunate were the several hundred Puerto Ricans who
migrated to New York in search of work or who traveled
to California by way of Panama, ordinarily after
spending some time in the cane fields of Hawaii. In any
case, in the nineteenth century the Puerto Rican
migration to the United States was insignificant; by
1910, a dozen years after the U.S. occupation of the
island, the total number of Puerto Ricans living on the
mainland did not exceed 1,500.
In the first four decades after Puerto Rico became a
colonial possession of the United States, the island
underwent a dramatic, often painful, transformation.
Roads and bridges were built, and new schools opened;
Puerto Rico's first university was established, and
improvements were made in health and sanitation
facilities. In 1917, Washington gave Puerto Ricans U.S.
citizenship and thousands of young Puerto Ricans
found themselves in the U.S. armed forces. Between


Literature


for the


Puerto Rican


Diaspora







by Adalberto Lopez


1899 and 1940 the population of the island grew from
953,000 to 1,869,255. Commercial relations between the
United States and Puerto Rico grew rapidly and the
island became an important overseas market of the
United States. Simultaneously, there was a growing
concentration of agricultural property in the hands of a
few families and U.S. corporations and the creation of a
cash-crop, monoculture, plantation-type of economy
whose lifeblood was sugar and which led to the creation
of a large rural proletariat.
The full consequences of these developments on
Puerto Rican society and their effects on migration to
the United States remain to be studied. One can
observe, however, that during the 1920's and 30's there
was a growing migration of Puerto Ricans from the
rural areas toward the cities and from the island to the
United States. With citizenship, Puerto Ricans were
free to travel between the island and the U.S. without
delays and restrictions. In those years, to many Puerto
Ricans, the U.S., especially New York, offered a vision
of something not available to them on the island: jobs
and better wages. By 1920 the Puerto Rican population
on the U.S. mainland had risen to 12,000, with Puerto
Ricans living and working in 44 of the 48 states. Ten
years later there were some 53,000 Puerto Ricans on the
mainland; by 1940, the figure was close to 70,000.
It was in the years immediately following the end of
the second World War, however, that the Puerto Rican
migration to the United States reached massive
proportions. In the post-war period the population of


C.R. April/May/June 1973 Page 5






Puerto Rico continued to grow rapidly and, in spite of
the efforts of the Puerto Rican government to
industrialize the island and create more employment,
there continued to exist a chronic lack of jobs. On the
other hand, there was a shortage of labor and wages
were rising on the U.S. mainland. This, the availability
of cheap air transportation, and the policy of the Puerto
Rican government fostering widespread migration to
rid "surplus" population from the island, explains, in
large part, the exodus of Puerto Ricans in the postwar
decades. Between 1940 and 1950, an average of 18,700
Puerto Ricans migrated to the United States annually;
between 1951 and 1960, the average rose to 41,200 per
year. In 1953 alone, when the migration reached its
peak, about 59,000 Puerto Ricans left the island to
settle on the United States mainland. In 1960, the total
number of Puerto Ricans living in the states was around
900,000. In 1970 the figure was between 1-V2 and 2
million, depending on whether or not third generation
Puerto Ricans in the United States are included.
Wherever Puerto Ricans settled, they found
themselves sharing with the Blacks and, in California,
with the Chicanos the poverty and degradation of
ghetto life. Their women were overworked and
underpaid in bleak garment factories, the men usually
got the crummiest jobs available, and they were all
usually the proverbial "last to be hired and first to be
fired." In the 1950's the situation improved some, but
not much. Ghetto life continued to be for the Puerto
Ricans a bad dream, if not a nightmare of cold winters
in unheated and roach-infested apartments, or
decaying and overcrowded buildings, of broken
families, of small children bitten by rats, of
unsympathetic and insulting welfare case workers, and
of young men and women driven by their surroundings
to crime and drug addiction. In these circumstances,
and usually in years when the job market on the
mainland became tight, thousands of Puerto Ricans
returned to the island. But the majority of the Puerto
Ricans in the United States remained in the ghettos of
the cities of the United States returning periodically,
perhaps, to the island for brief visits. Here and there a
Puerto Rican would make it up the ladder into a white
collar job or a profession. These individuals usually
disappeared into the suburbs or into "respectable" and
"safe" neighborhoods, sometimes anglicizing their
names or passing themselves off as "Spaniards" so as to
avoid being labelled "Spics."
In spite of the discrimination and humiliations to
which they were subjected, the Puerto Ricans who
concentrated in industrial cities like Chicago and New
York remained politically and socially passive in the
decades of the 1940's and 1950's. True, within the
Puerto Rican ghettos, community organizations
appeared to try to cope with some of the economic and
social problems of Puerto Ricans, but these
organizations rarely drew national attention or funds
and ordinarily limited themselves to asking for crumbs
from urban government. Throughout the 1950's, more
and more Puerto Ricans joined labor unions, but within
these unions they were still discriminated against and
rarely enjoyed any power or influence. The Puerto
Page 6 C.R. Vol. 5 No. 2


Rican communities lacked political organization and,
therefore, power. Occasionally, an enterprising and
clever Puerto Rican with political ambitions would
learn the intricacies of urban politics, creep into the
urban political power structure, and by periodically
delivering Puerto Rican votes for non-Puerto Rican
politicians, like Fiorello LaGuardia and Vito
Marcantonio, would often end up with minor positions
in the administrations and staffs of those whom they
had helped to elect. But these individuals were few, and
rare was the Puerto Rican who was himself elected to
office. In 1937 a Puerto Rican was elected to the New
York State Assembly. That feat was not to be repeated
till 1953. Compared with the modest achievements of
Black and Chicano politicos, those of the Puerto Ricans
were insignificant. There was not among them even a
counterpart of the Black NAACP or the Chicano
LULAC (League of United Latin American Citizens)
save the somewhat ineffectual Council of Puerto Rican
and Spanish American Organizations of Greater New
York founded in 1952 by Puerto Rican politicos and
community leaders to "get out the vote."
Then came the chaotic to some, the glorious -
decade of the 1960's. The Black civil rights movement
became more aggressive. Riots exploded in the Black
ghettos of several cities. In 1966 Stokely Carmichael
made popular the phrase "Black Power." Soon other
young Black militants like H. Rap Brown were
breaking with the pacifist and legalistic approach of
their elders in the civil rights movement and calling for
Black self-assertion, Black pride, and Black indepen-
dence. It was around this same period that the Black
Panther Party came into being.
The Chicanos in California and the Southwest took a
page from the book of the spreading Black Power
movement and they, too, became more militant in their
struggle to put an end to the exploitation and
degradation to which they had been subjected and were
being subjected in those areas. Militant Chicano
organizations came into being and Chicano marches
and demonstrations became common. In California,
Cesar Chavez organized Chicano agricultural workers
and in 1965 launched the by-now historic strike against
the grape growers of the southern part of that state. In
New Mexico, the glory-shouting Assembly of God
evangelist, Reies Lopez Tijerina first challenged the
validity of the State's claims to certain public lands and
then made his much-publicized courthouse raid in
Tierra Amarilla which instantly turned him into a hero
of the left in the United States. And while Chavez and
Tijerina were drawing national attention, Chicano
street gangs in East Los Angeles were outfitting
themselves as Brown Berets, and Chicano students in
universities throughout California and the Southwest
were forming aggressive associations which demanded
more emphasis on the history and culture of their
people.
With Blacks and Chicanos attracting federal
attention, federal funds, and liberal sympathy and
admiration, the American Indians, one of the most
ignored and brutalized minorities in the United States,
launched their own militant movement with rhetoric






and approach similar to that of the Blacks and
Chicanos. The Puerto Ricans, too, were stirred by the
developments of the 1960's and likewise came to the
attention of the nation. Riots exploded in Puerto Rican
ghettos in the east. New York politicos of Puerto Rican
background who in the past had operated under the
shadows of Democratic politicians suddenly redis-
covered themselves as Puerto Ricans and set out to
mobilize the Puerto Rican communities just as Black
and Chicano politicos were mobilizing theirs. In 1965
Herman Badillo became the first Puerto Rican to be
elected a New York City borough president and, in
1971, became the first Puerto Rican ever to hold voting
membership in the U.S. House of Representatives. In
1965, also, there were in New York a Puerto Rican
councilman, a justice of the civil court, a State Senator,
and three State Assemblymen.
Just as Puerto Rican politicos were becoming more
active in their communities, so were many young Puerto
Ricans many of them second and third generation -
becoming more militant on behalf of those
communities. Black militants had founded the Black
Panther Party and Chicano militants had founded the
Brown Berets; in the late 1960's young Puerto Rican
militants founded the Young Lords Party, an off-shoot
of a Chicago Puerto Rican street gang turned political.
Based in New York City and led by young Puerto
Ricans like Pablo "Yoruba" Guzman, Juan "Fi" Ortiz,
and Felipe Luciano, the Young Lords set out to try to
do in the Puerto Rican ghettos what the Black Panthers
and the Brown Berets were trying to do in Black and
Chicano ghettos: to put an end to the exploitation and
humiliations to which Puerto Ricans had been
subjected in the past and to create in them a sense of
pride in what they were.
As the Black and Chicano movements captured the
imagination of the Black and Chicano youth in the
country, the latter brought pressures upon high schools
and universities to create new courses on Black and
Chicano history and culture and to establish Afro-


American and Chicano studies programs. By the
beginning of the 1970's such programs already existed
in dozens of universities and colleges where large
numbers of Black and Chicano students were
concentrated. Puerto Rican students soon were making
demands similar to those of Black and Chicanos and
today there are Puerto Rican studies programs in
several universities in New York and courses on Puerto
Rican culture even in some of the elementary schools of
New York city.
The creation of new courses on Black and Chicano
history and culture and the establishment of Afro-
American and Chicano studies programs suddenly
created an ever-widening market for publications to
meet the needs of those courses and programs as well as
the needs of students and academicians in general. In
the second half of the 1960's scores of books on Black
and Chicano history and culture poured forth from
dozens of commercial and university presses. In their
rush to meet the needs of a growing market for such
materials, many writers Black, white, and Chicano
- produced works whose scholarship and usefulness
can be, and have been questioned. Nonetheless, much
of the material which has been published on Blacks and
Chicanos since the mid-1960's has been both useful and
of high quality.
Compared to Afro-American and Chicano studies
programs, Puerto Rican studies programs are relatively
new. And so is the growing interest of Puerto Rican
students in this country and the American reading
public on Puerto Rican history and culture and the
experiences of Puerto Ricans on the U.S. mainland.
One of the critical problems facing the Puerto Rican
youth in the United States today is the problem of
identity. These students are anxious to assert their
identity and pride as Puerto Ricans, to find the roots of
their parents' culture, and to learn about the history of
the island. Not surprisingly, they have developed an
insatiable appetite for Puerto Rican history and more of
them now study for a period in Puerto Rican


C.R. April/May/June 1973 Page 7











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*


universities or in other institutions such as the Instituto
de Cultura Puertorriquena in San Juan. Once on the
island, however, many of these students become
bewildered and increasingly embittered by the
contempt with which they are treated by many Puerto
Rican students and academicians on the island. They
are often treated this way because they frequently have
difficulty speaking and writing Spanish, because their
life style is different from those whom they encounter
on the island, and because their knowledge of the
island's history and culture is often superficial. One
way to help overcome these problems is that more
should be written and published in English on the
history and culture of Puerto Rico.
If we ignore the vulgar apologies of Luis Munoz
Marin (governor of Puerto Rico from 1948 to 1964), and
the "Puerto Rican miracle" he is claimed to have
presided over, found in the works of Ralph Hancock,
Puerto Rico: A Success Story and Earl Parker Hanson,
Puerto Rico: Land of Wonders, the first work of merit
published in English on Puerto Rico in the post-war
period is Gordon K. Lewis, Puerto Rico: Freedom and
Power in the Caribbean. The book deals primarily with
Puerto Rican politics and society in the twentieth
century. Written from a highly sophisticated and
balanced socialist point of view, it stresses the relentless
"Americanization" of all facets of Puerto Rican society
in the twentieth century, the economic dependency of
Puerto Rico on the United States, the nature of the
federal relationship between the island and the United
States, and the nature of Puerto Rican politics and
contemporary society. It is a good book, a thoughtful
book, but its prose is cumbersome and its arguments
confusing to those who know little or nothing about
Puerto Rico. Although the book has been of great value
to area experts, to most students on the U.S. mainland
it is confusing, dull, and, therefore, of limited value.
Quite different from Lewis' book is the recently-
published work by Juan Angel Silen, We, the Puerto
Rican People. A Story of Oppression and Resistance.
Silen is a young Puerto Rican Marxist who has been
involved since the 1950's in the struggle for Puerto
Rican independence. His book, whose main thesis is
that Puerto Ricans have and are being exploited by the
United States and that they have and are still resisting
the U.S. presence on the island, is short,
well-organized, and readable. It has become quite
popular among Puerto Rican students in the U.S. who,
like Silen, favor independence. The book, however, is of
little value. Silen is too much of an infantile Marxist
and, in his eagerness to fit the history of Puerto Rico
into a Marxist framework and convince the reader of
the validity of his general thesis, he distorts often
beyond recognition the history of the island.
Much more useful to Puerto Ricans on the mainland
and to Americans interested in Puerto Rico are the
books of Kal Wagenheim, Puerto Rico: A Profile,
Maria Teresa Babin, The Puerto Ricans' Spirit: Their
History, Life, and Culture, and Manuel Maldonado-
Denis, Puerto Rico: A Socio-Historic Interpretation.
The work by Wagenheim, an americano who lived for


Page 8 C.R. Vol. 5 No. 2





many years in Puerto Rico and was among the founders
of the Caribbean Review, is a general introduction to
Puerto Rican history and culture designed primarily for
those in the United States who know little or nothing
about Puerto Rico. It includes, for example, short
sections on Puerto Rican foods, holidays, literary
figures, and politics. Certainly more sophisticated than
this work is the book by Teresa Babin, a Puerto Rican
woman who has devoted her scholarly career to the
study of Puerto Rican literature, folklore, and culture
as a whole. Her book is compact, readable cultural
history of Puerto Rico showing the Spanish, Indian,
and African influences which shaped Puerto Rican
culture. Like Wagenheim's, her book is a general
introduction to Puerto Rican culture designed more for
the American general reading-public than for area
experts.
The work of Maldonado-Denis is one of the best
which has been published on Puerto Rico in English.
Originally published in Spanish in Mexico in 1969, the
English edition has been made more useful by the
additions of an epilogue which brings the story of
Puerto Rico up to 1970, and an excellent interpretative
essay on the Puerto Rican migration to the U.S.
mainland. Well-written and organized, the book
exposes, as Gordon K. Lewis has pointed out, the
unreality of the twin myths about Puerto Rico: that it is
either a society of colonial servility and docility or a
democratic "Showcase of democracy." Like Silen,
Maldonado-Denis is a Marxist historian and professor
at the University of Puerto Rico who has been involved
in the struggle for Puerto Rican independence. But he
is older than Silen, a more thoughtful and
better-trained historian, and his Marxism is tempered
by other theoretical influences as well as by the obvious
realization that Marx was not infallible. The work is an
interpretative essay based primarily on secondary
sources and the author's personal observations and,
although it contains a few errors of fact and omission, it
is one of the most readable and balanced accounts of
Puerto Rican history and the Puerto Rican dilemma
available in English.
Just as useful is the book by Henry Wells, The
Modernization of Puerto Rico: A Political Study of
Changing Values and Institutions which, unfortunately
is not yet available in paperback and is, therefore,
expensive. Written by a political scientist rather than a
historian, the work is less interpretative than
Maldonado-Denis' but has far more factual infor-
mation and therefore complements nicely the latter's
work. Its major fault is that it ignores too much the
nationalist movement in Puerto Rico and over-
emphasizes the role of Luis Munoz Marin in the
"modernization" of the island.

Good as they both are, the books by Maldonado-
Denis and Wells share a common shortcoming:
although their sections on the nineteenth century are
excellent, both works concentrate primarily on the
history and politics of Puerto Rico since 1898 and
therefore unwittingly strengthen the assumption of
many students that the history of the island before 1898


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"The Rodrlguez' New Year's Party" from "Aqul en la Lucha" by Lorenzo Homar Cuadernos de La Escalera (Box 22576, U.P.R., Rio Pledras,
P.R.), 1970, $6.50.


is uninteresting and of little consequence. At present
there is a critical need for a good account of Puerto
Rican society and politics before U.S. troops invaded
the island in 1898.
Similarly, there is a need for a general chronological
history in English of Puerto Rico from pre-Columbian
times to the present. Almost all of the works mentioned
above are essentially of an interpretative nature rather
than chronological and factual accounts of Puerto
Rico's history. These works tend to assume that the
reader already possesses an understanding of the major
trends and events in Puerto Rican history. What is
needed in English is a general history of the type of
Loida Figueroa's three volume Breve Historia de Puerto
Rico. In fact, a one-volume abridgement in English of
this work would be of great value to those in the U.S.
interested in the history of Puerto Rico.
Another type of work which would be useful and
which has not yet appeared in English is a documentary
history of Puerto Rico. Both Maldonado-Denis and
Wagenheim have promised a work of this type, but
neither has yet been published. Also useful would be a
collection of interpretative essays on Puerto Rico. In
addition to books of a general nature, there is still a
need for specialized monographs on Puerto Rican
history and society. A few have already been published
in English. There is, for example, Edward J. Barbusse,
The United States in Puerto Rico, 1898-1900, a dull,
cumbersome but scholarly account of the events leading
to the U.S. occupation of 1898, the first two years of
American rule in Puerto Rico, and the background and
provisions of the Foraker Act of 1900, Puerto Rico's
Page 10 C.R. Vol. 5 No. 2


first "constitution" under American rule. Thomas G.
Mathews, Puerto Rican Politics and the New Deal, is a
good account of the social and economic crisis of the
thirties, the various attempts made by government
agencies to cope with that crisis, and Puerto Rican
politics in the thirties and forties. Robert W. Anderson,
Party Politics in Puerto Rico, is a useful account of
Puerto Rican politics in the twentieth century,
especially in the period after 1940. The work by Charles
T. Goodsell, Administration of a Revolution, is a dull
but useful examination of administrative reforms in
Puerto Rico between 1941 and 1946 with brief
biographical sketches of some of the Puerto Ricans, like
Jaime Benitez, who played an important role in those
reforms. Finally, there is the book by Arthur Liebman,
The Politics of Puerto Rican University Students, a
modest sociological monograph based on question-
naires submitted to nearly 600 University of Puerto
Rican students in 1964. A major conclusion of this work
is that Puerto Rican students are not oriented toward
leftwing or nationalistic movements, thus running
counter to the usual image of the Latin American
student.
But these specialized monographs, all of which are
unavailable in paperback and, therefore, beyond the
purchasing power of many Puerto Rican students, are
still far from meeting the needs of scholars and students
in the English-speaking world. There is a need, for
example, for an economic history of Puerto Rico since
1898. William H. Stead, Fomento: The Economic
Development of Puerto Rico, deals primarily with the
post-World War II period and is quite out of date.





There is also a need for a detailed analysis of the decade
of the thirties, one of the most significant periods in the
history of Puerto Rico. Similarly, there is still a need for
a good history of the Nationalist Party (founded in
1922) and for a good political biography of Pedro
Albizu Campos, Puerto Rico's most important
nationalist leader, who died in 1965. The only work on
Don Pedro available in English is Federico Ribes
Tovar, The Revolutionary, a simple-minded, disjointed,
and superficial account of Don Pedro whose only saving
grace is the excellent photographs of the Nationalist
leader, the Ponce Massacre of 1937, and the abortive
nationalist revolution of 1950.
With a growing need for English-language publi-
cations on Puerto Rico, scholars should seriously
consider translating important works by Puerto Ricans
which are now available only in Spanish. More works by
important Puerto Rican literary figures like the
playwright Rene Marques and the novelist Pedro Juan
Soto should be translated. Also useful would be
translations of works such as Antonio Pedreira's
Insularismo and Tomas Blanco's Prontuario historic
de Puerto Rico, short essays published in the thirties.
Maldonado-Denis has described them, with much
justification, as the two best books of this century on
Puerto Rico. Also, some excellent works on Puerto Rico
which are out of print and difficult to get should be
re-printed, works such as that of Justine and Baily
Diffie, Porto Rico: A Broken Pledge, a superb account
of economic and social changes in Puerto Rico in the
first three decades after the American occupation of
1898.
But if Puerto Rican students in the U.S. are
interested in the history of Puerto Rico just as Blacks
are interested in African history and Chicanos in
Mexican history they are primarily interested in the
history of the Puerto Rican migration to the United
States and in the history of the Puerto Rican
communities in this country as well as in the problems
which have faced and still face those communities. In
this area the available literature is quite small and of
little value. Oscar Handlin, The Newcomers: Negroes
and Puerto Ricans in a Changing Metropolis, has some
useful information on the history of Puerto Ricans in
New York City, but its main emphasis is on Blacks.
Clarence Senior, Strangers then Neighbors: From
Pilgrims to Puerto Ricans, is a sociological study of the
problems Puerto Ricans and other immigrants have
faced in the United States. This work, however, is too
short and too superficial to be of much value. More
useful is C. Wright Mills, Clarence Senior, and Rose
Kohn Goldsen, The Puerto Rican Journey: New York's
Newest Migrants. This work has some good insights
into the causes of the Puerto Rican migration to the
United States in the 1940's and the social and economic
problems which overwhelmed Puerto Ricans in this
country during that decade.
In the 1950's several works were published on Puerto
Rican communities in New York City. One of the best
of those studies was Elena Padilla, Up From Puerto
Rico, the result of a study made by a team of
anthropologists of Puerto Ricans living in New York.


Dan Wakefield, Island in the City: The World of
Spanish Harlem, is a reporter's readable account of life
in Spanish Harlem (el Barrio), the largest Spanish-
speaking community in the United States and one of
the country's worst slums. Similar to Wakefield's
account is Christopher Rand, The Puerto Ricans, also
the work of a reporter. All of these works are useful for
they give the reader an idea of the nightmare that life
was in the Puerto Rican ghettos of New York City in the
decade of the 1950's. Their major shortcoming is that
they were written by people who did not live in those
ghettos and who, therefore, could only have but an
inkling of what ghetto life was all about. It is one thing
to describe the lack of heat in ghetto apartments, it is
another to spend an entire winter in those apartments;
it is one thing to describe the large number of roaches
in ghetto buildings, it is another to wake up in the
middle of the night with roaches on your face; it is one
thing to describe the high rate of drug addiction, it is
another to be the father or mother of a teenage junkie.
Of the few works which have been published on
Puerto Ricans in the United States recently, perhaps
one of the most useful has been Piri Thomas, Down
These Mean Streets, a vivid account of a Puerto Rican's
childhood experiences in Spanish Harlem. Piri Thomas
has followed up this work with the recently-published
Savior, Savior, Hold my Hand, a good literary account
indicting white racism in Anglo suburbia and showing
that in spite of the uproar of the Sixties, life in Spanish
Harlem is as nightmarish as ever, if not worse. Also
useful to those interested in Puerto Rican ghetto life
today and the new militancy among young Puerto
Ricans is Palante, a collection of beautiful photographs
by Michael Abramson on the Young Lords and their
activities, introduced by a series of moving and
down-to-earth essays by some of the Young Lords
themselves. Finally, a reference should be made to
Joseph P. Fitzpatrick, Puerto Rican Americans, the
most up-to-date general account of the Puerto Rican
migration to the United States and of the problems
faced by Puerto Rican communities in this country.
But if works such as those of Piri Thomas and Joseph
Fitzpatrick are useful, they still far from meet the need
for accounts historical and sociological of the
Puerto Rican experience in the United States. Although
there are plenty of figures on the numbers of Puerto
Ricans which have migrated to the United States, there
is a need for a scholarly and interpretative history of
that migration both before and after World War II as
well as a comprehensive study of Puerto Rican
communities in the United States. Similarly, there is a
need for a general history of Puerto Ricans in the
United States and for anthologies of literary works
produced by Puerto Ricans living in this country. Until
works of this sort become available, and until the other
needs which I have mentioned in this essay are met, the
American public will continue to be ignorant about one
of the nation's largest and most oppressed minorities,
and Puerto Rican students in this country will continue
to grapple in the dark for an understanding of what the
land of their parents is all about and what the Puerto
Rican experience in the United States was like. *


C.R. April/May/June 1973 Page 11







CENTRO CARIBENO
DE STUDIOS POSTGRADUADOS
CARIBBEAN CENTER FOR ADVANCED STUDIES
CENTRE D'ETUDES AVANCEES DES CARAIBES


THE POSITION OF THE CENTRO

The purpose of the Centro is to train future
leaders of their professions within
the context of a multicultural and
interdisciplinary community.
The Centro directly serves two groups of
students:

1. Graduate students seeking professional
training in theology and religion and
in clinical psychology, including
specialization in drug addiction.

2. Men and women already at work who
wish to up-date their skills, and, with the
perspective of other fields of knowledge,
to reflect upon and to deepen their
understanding of their vocation.


The Centro combines an insistence on
professional competency with the
awareness that professional disciplines
are means towards understanding men and
ways of affirming a common humanity.
Although the Centro has concentrated on
the disciplines within the purview of its
participating faculties, it seeks to introduce
perspectives from other social sciences and
from the humanities which may build
a genuinely multi-disciplinary educational
institution.
Both the student body and the faculty of the
Centro are drawn from a wide variety
of cultural backgrounds. Their interactions
frequently highlight the importance of different
cultural approaches and foster a flexibility
and an awareness of the world difficult
to achieve in monocultural settings.


PROGRAMS


I DOCTOR IN PROFESSIONAL PSYCHOLOGY (Ph. D.)
MASTER OF SCIENCE IN PSYCHOLOGY WITH
CONCENTRATION IN:
II CLINICAL PSYCHOLOGY (M.S.)
III DRUG ADDICTION (M.S.)


IV MASTER OF ARTS IN COUNSELING
PSYCHOLOGY (M.A.)
V DIVINITATUS MAGISTER (M. DIV.)
VI MASTER OF ARTS IN RELIGION (M.A.)
VII MASTER IN SACRED THEOLOGY (S.T.M.)


INSTITUCIONES AFILIADAS

- INSTITUTE PSICOLOGICO DE PUERTO RICO SEMINARIO EPISCOPAL DEL CARIBE
PADRES DOMINICOS DE PUERTO RICO










REGISTRAR'S OFFICE
CENTRO CARIBENO DE STUDIOS POSTGRADUADOS
APARTADO 757
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Literature


& Revolution


in Chile





by Fernando Alegria


"Personaje con ideas explosives," painting by Sergio Gonzalez
Tornery (Chile, 1971).

The political and social reforms effected in my country
stare me in the face today and, as a writer, I feel I must
question them and live with them. Chilean writers and
artists cannot avoid the reality that we ourselves helped
to change and which now comes back to change us. No
one can say that Chilean writers are privileged beings
who can let a revolution slide past them and observe it
like Demetrio Macias, in Los de abajo, who looked at
the symbolic pebble of the Mexican avalanche. We are
individuals who, whether we like it or not, function in
the most committed stratum of Chilean modern society:
that which lies between the middle class and the
working class.
One should not forget that Chilean writers I could
say Latin American writers do not live as professionals
in the world of letters, unless we refer to letters of
credit. At best, they are amatuerish professionals.
There are, of course, a few exceptional writers who will
be able to live for a while off their books. But the
majority will survive on other jobs. Chilean writers, in
order to exist and subsist, had to work in the following
trades: Eduardo Barrios was a weightlifter and Tarzan
in an Argentinian circus, and like Eugene O'Neill, was
a Singer sewing-machine salesman; Manuel Rojas was
a house painter, a cue-man at a theater and cashier at a
racetrack in Chile; Francisco Coloane was a cattle
driver and sheep herder in Tierra del Fuego; Sepulveda
Leighton was a baker; Acevedo Hernandez, a
farm-hand; Domingo Melfi, a dentist; Daniel Belmar, a
pharmacist; Luis Merino Reyes, a taxi driver; Luis
Ri"ano, a cop; Pablo de Rokha, a paintings merchant;
Alberto Reid, a fireman.


All of these very dignified Chilean people must have
asked themselves more than once the following
question: Is there going to be anyone who will read me?
The writer without a publisher, the one who mortgages
his house, wife, children and his soul to publish a book,
has no reason to ask himself that question: he is simply
not read by anyone. The truth is that Latin American
authors write in countries where illiteracy predomi-
nates. So like the historians of the Spanish conquest,
they write mainly to be read in Europe. Today they also
write to be read in the United States, hoping that
somebody will write a doctoral thesis on them.
Yet, in Chile, a large number of people read. It has
been said that we are a people who read. But, what do
we read? Newspapers, movie, sport and political
magazines, picture-books and comic strips. Perhaps
20% of this group read European and North American
translations and, out of snobbishness, some of the top
names among current Latin American novelists. Five
per cent of that 20% might read a Chilean author on
occasion.
The Government of Chile decided to create a State
Publishing House to popularize literature in general,
promote Chilean authors, and distribute school texts
free of charge. This should not be interpreted as a trap
to imprison the writer: instead, it is a means to rescue
him, to project his art and help it to transcend the state
of alienation in which it now barely survives.
For the writer who needs a day with 25 hours to do
his work, for the artist who sells a painting once in a
blue moon, and the sculptor who builds iron gates for
millionaires' mansions, for the veteran actor who sells


C.R. April/May/June 1973 Page 13





deodorants on Television, the economic, political and
social reforms of a revolutionary government obviously
not only change his daily routine, but change his entire
way of life. If I express what I feel when the
Government of Chile nationalizes copper and coal,
banks and credits, redistributes the land and gives milk
to children, I realize that such Government actions
have started to change a reality that was long familiar
to me. This is not a matter of interaction of
propaganda, nor a personal move based on slogans. I
am referring to changes that result from exercising a
freedom that is direct and essential: I mean the
freedom not to lie or mystify, nor to surrender under the
threat of coercion.
Now then, this attitude demands from all of us
complete honesty as we move into this adventure so
peculiar to all the Latin American art of today: the
search for personal identity in our place of origin, which
is the theme of Canto General, Los pasos perdidos, Los
rios profundos, Rayuela, Hijo de hombre, and the
recognition of the disturbing roots that hide a deep
resentment and fierce rebelliousness under their rusty
foliage. This, we tell ourselves, is a place that we have to
clear as an opening in the jungle. We must examine it
from afar, with perspective but with passion. We must
establish a point of reference and build roads that will
lead us through the Third World, towards a common
destiny. The relations of the artist with the State, the
social conditions that will allow a more just distribution


of the cultural patrimony, the rescue of the individual
from a type of education born in an age of coercion and
sustained in enslaving societies, all of this becomes not
a matter for idle speculation but for action.
Once, several years back, I was speaking at the
University of Concepcion and in reference to Chile's
fate, I said: "in my opinion, none of the questions
formulated here can be fully answered at this time,
because in our country, the one-eyed man is still king."
The questions referred to our mission as artists in a
society undergoing revolutionary changes. The man I
had in mind, obviously, was a multiple individual,
because I was referring to a social group, who was
aware of only one aspect of their reality: the one that
gave them their wealth.
My country is no longer a kingdom of blind people
where the one-eyed man is king. We have opened our
eyes. We looked at the past coldly and implacably and
did not like what we saw. Nobody in Chile did. We
realized that a change was necessary. As we opened our
eyes, we recognized the sad condition of an
underdeveloped and semi-colonial nation, but we also
recognized that we did not choose this condition, it had
been imposed upon us.
Once the eyes were opened, we discovered that we
had been growing up in a society where the wealth was
shared by monstrous monopolies; where the natural
condition of millions of human beings is called
alienation. We had been divided into rich and poor,


Caribbean Review has been
to virtually every nation and
colony in the West Indies
and Latin America.

We've delved into myriad
disciplines, from politics and
fiction, on through econom-
ics, cinema and race rela-
tions.

We've introduced our read-
ers to over 2500 books.


Our regular readers may dis-
agree as to their favorite art-
icle. Some will recall the
Albizu & Matlin analyses of
the theatrics of Puerto Rican
politics. Others will prefer
the in-depth interview with
Peruvian novelist Mario Var-
gas Llosa, or the perceptive
critique of Model Cities by
Howard Stanton.

Still others may opt for the
poetry of Jorge Luis Borges,
or the fiction of Agustin YA-
fiez, Ren6 Marques or Pedro
Juan Soto.

Moritz Thomsen's account of
"Living Poor" in Ecuador, or
Carlos Castaneda's study of
mind-expanding dru g use
among the Yaqui Indians, or
the proclamation of Colom-
bian priest -revolutionary Ca-
milo Torres, or the discussion


by Lloyd Best of Black Pow-
er in Trinidad may also rank
as favorites among many
readers.

Or Gordon Lewis' piece on
the anatomy of Caribbean
vanity, or Anthony Maingot's
on the new Caribbean his-
tory, or any one of the his-
torical pieces that we've dug
up . .

Few readers, we find, agree
on anything. But they all
seem to agree that Caribbean
Review has been a reward-
ing, stimulating experience.
Won't you join them, and us,
by sending in your subscrip-
tion?

If you're young, just a wee
bit prosperous, and, above
all, healthy, we especially re-
commend the lifetime subs-
cription.


Page 14 C.R. Vol. 5 No. 2





bought and sold, enlightened and alienated, patrons of
the world's elite and slum-dwellers.
Let me explain this: the cultural worker as well as the
worker of the land and the industry, is confronted by
two factors that deny him any alternatives to
re-structure the society in which he operates. The first
factor is in reality a social concept cleverly manipulated
as a political weapon. They tell us: the underdeveloped
world must not fall into the hands of communist
subversion. Therefore, ideological frontiers must be
established to drown any attempt to liberate ourselves
from military and industrial imperialism dominated by
multinational monopolies. Prime examples of the
ideological frontier concept are: the blockade against
Cuba, the Dominican Republic invasion, the
socio-economic domination of Central America and the
efforts to surround countries that have succeeded in
establishing popular governments with military
detachments specialized in promoting local fascist
uprisings.
The second factor appears to be more subtle: it is
really an instrument to defend the status quo by means
of a monstrous distortion of the educational processes
and by playing into the hands of cultural imperialism
and colonialism. In normal circumstances, it acts as an
instrument of intellectual deformation; in critical
periods, it becomes a weapon of strangulation. It is a
fact that education in underdeveloped countries has
traditionally represented an effort to coerce the
individual and encase him into a rigid institutional
cage. In school, people are given a conception of social
pragmatism that will allow them to function within the
establishment only if they are willing to give up their
basic freedoms. Eventually this type of coercion will
push people into breaking the social structure and
rebelling against a kind of civilization that never really
intended to make them free human beings. In our
countries the child is subjected to an educational
system that originates in the liberal societies of old
Europe and the United States: in this system, the child
eitherfloats or he drowns. He is trained to earn a place
in a society which is far on its way to disintegration; he
is taught moral principles that in mature age he will
consistently contradict and negate. Young people are
forced to study a liberal profession in order to live
within a society that is not professional, even less,
liberal, but dictatorial and chaotic.
One must conclude then, that the mind of the
individual in our countries has been subjected to a
national colonialism as well as a cultural imperialism
from outside, since he has been trained to adapt himself
to a social order based on exploitation and on the
negation of any and all opportunities to freely pursue
his development. To conform, this is the key word to
understand the concepts of such harmful education.
The human being is programmed like a primitive
computer which must produce quick results, that is, an
effortless profit for his manipulators. It is indeed
extremely difficult to envision what kind of society and
creative movements would originate if the people of the
Third World were to be allowed to base their social


functions on traditions which are genuinely their own
and to create ideological patterns and means of
expression related to a value system that is not the
consequence of impositions, but of a genuine personal
quest. Our cultural emancipation will come, I am sure,
as a result of a social revolution. There exists no other
alternative. It is much too late to revise and reform the
old liberal education machine. We either condition the
mind of the individual to think and act freely, with
ample capacity to doubt, to criticize and to rebel, or we
make him conform like a politically programmed robot.
If we want our countries to be restructured by free
people, we must destroy the system that taught us to
serve and to adjust instead of teaching us how to create
and grow. Our schools and universities are sick bodies
that will function creatively again, not because of
temporary remedies, but as the result of transplanting
vital organs that will not be rejected by a revolutionary
social structure.
For the artist, political participation does not always
imply militancy. However, we in Chile are determined
to collaborate in the social transformation of our
country and in the organization of a system that will
recover for our people the resources taken away from us
by foreign monopolies. We want the alienated people of
Chile to fully enjoy our cultural patrimony. But first we
must ask ourselves, writers and artists, how we can
help, what kind of practical role should we play? Our
answers must be clear and direct.
I feel, for example, that we must collaborate with the
State Publishing House as long as it devotes itself to
disseminate the authentic values of universal literature
and to promote the best of our national writers, as long
as it maintains and defends the freedom of the writer.
We must put an end, once and for all, to the disjointed
mechanism of the traditional educational machinery.
We shall initiate a process of education designed to
awaken in our people a clear sense of participation in
the development of a just and free society, in dynamic
harmony with other peoples who also defend peace and
the dignity of man. We will definitely support an
artistic movement which is genuinely popular, because
we feel that it is the people themselves who should write
the novels, the dramas, the poems, the songs expressing
the new social condition, rather than the intellectuals
who came out of an elite which we are burying today.
I believe that those writers and artists of my
generation who have identified with revolutionary
changes arc already producing an art that ih
revolutionary in form and essence. It is possible 1.i.
our literary contribution will take the form of a
personal testimony. It seems to be a historical fact that
revolutionary literature either precedes or follows the
great social revolutions. It is only natural then that one
will not yet find a literary interpretation of the dramatic
changes that the Unidad Popular is implementing in
Chile. It is entirely possible that the epic of a revolution
will eventually absorb a narrative that today is but a
mass of allusive and propagandistic anecdotes, and
turn it into the genuine voice of a people who sings and
tells the saga of its emancipation. *


C.R. April/May/June 1973 Page 15

























Oil by Raymond Jacques


Le Colibri

Galerie D'Art






If you'd like to find out more about us
(about our artists, our stock, our prices,
etc.) then just drop us a line....
Write:

Herv6 Mehu, Directeur
Le Colibri Galerie D'Art
27 Rue Pan Americaine
Petion Ville, HAITI


Look what a
about us:


recent reviewer said


For many years painting in Haiti
remained submerged as a dormant talent.
Recently Haitian painting has experienced
a renaissance. The revival is largely the
result of tourism and the promotion of Le
centre e d'Art.
Herve Mehu, who used to be the
Assistant Director of Le Centre d'Art but
who now runs his own art gallery on the
Rue Pan Americaine in Petionville,
cautions that the real Haitian contribution


to the painting medium is in primitive art.
The concept of primitive art doesn't mean
"fossil art that one finds in caves but
present-day production." So why then do
they call it primitive?
As he puts it:
"... at the level of pictural or sculptural
technique, our artists do not bother
themselves with conventional rules to
render and express a created universe.
Totally ignorant of formal and rigid
academism, they seize upon reality
through the primitive vision that they have
of it. They paint scenes of life which ap-
pear grotesque to us at first sight because
they do not correspond to the balanced
image that we have of the world. Three
dimensional space is turned upside down.
No more depth, breadth, or height. Only
forms of extreme mobility count to the
point of sometimes giving the illusion of
swarming animated, manifold life.
"The vivid, irridescent colors add a
touch of the bizarre to these forms which
throw them into relief. This predominance
of raw color has often intrigued the critics
of art who have finally recognized that
they are the expression of an enveloping
luminosity fixing everything in the
majesty, if not the magic, of the tropical
sun. This contributes to establishing the
close correspondence between art and
daily life, and better arouses our emotions
and makes us appreciate the 'multiple
splendors of life'."
Haitian poverty has sent her people into
the streets to look for their daily needs.
One sees them walking to and fro, carrying
things here and there, selling things in the
streets. They somehow don't seem
resigned to the meager fruits their
economy wants to assign them. The Afro-
Haitian popular folk culture reflects this
vitality, this active attempt not to accept
defeat.
Frankly, the paintings that I liked best
not only demonstrate this folk vitality in
form but also in content. We bought two
paintings from Herve. They are both of
street scenes. The larger one by
Raymound Jacques shows a village street
over-flowing with men and women
engaged in the labors of market buying
and selling. The other one by Gilbert
Ddsird is of a street scene beneath a house-
filled mountain and boat-filled lake. Here
people are just walking back and forth
with no commerce involved.
In both cases the perspective is lousy but
the color just great. In the first one the
figures are fuller and more detailed while
the other has figures that are but stylized
lines and filled-in forms. Both are
miraculously endowed with life.

Susan Sheinman.
writing in Caribbean Traveler





.L.A 7, y r
*' ; 7- '
A 44 W^


Ch'inse Man and Woman.


Sugar & East Indian Indentureship in Trinidad
by Ken Boodhoo


Writing on the question of East Indian indentureship
just over one hundred years ago, Charles Kingsley
described it as "this admirable system of satisfying the
great need of the West Indies." One must clarify to
what extend there was a "need" in the West Indies;
who were satisfied by the fulfillment of this need; and
what the consequences were of the need having been
satisfied. Whereas the question of sugar preoccupied
the minds and actions of the British throughout their
Caribbean colonies, the focus of the East Indian
indentureship system was towards Trinidad and
Guyana.
Partly because Trinidad was underpopulated,
agricultural development, particularly sugar, was
generally neglected until the Cedula of 1783 facilitated
the influx of large numbers of settlers of French origin.
Desiring quick returns on their investment, these
settlers immediately turned to the development of a
sugar industry which was originally started in 1542
primarily as a subsistence crop. Thus when the British
captured Trinidad in 1797, their primary preoccu-
pation was the takeover and further development of the
sugar industry. So much emphasis was placed on this
industry that the history of Trinidad during the
nineteenth century was largely the history of sugar. The


political, economic and social life of the colony was
geared to meet the needs of sugar a condition which
generally continued well into the twentieth century until
the petroleum industry assumed primary position.
Trinidad, it should be noted, had developed an
export trade in cocoa in 1680. In the early 18th century
cocoa was the chief industry and soon after the British
captured Trinidad, Governor Picton actually recom-
mended to the British Secretary of State that the cocoa
industry continue since it was most adaptable to local
conditions. This advice was disregarded. British capital
poured into the country to develop sugar.
One of the foremost reasons for disregarding this
advice was the question of British tastes, and
consequently, British markets. There was little demand
for cocoa in Britain because it was not yet palatable to
British tastes. Then too, the Van Houten process for the
extraction of cocoa butter from the beans was not
developed until 1828, and indeed, was not practiced in
Britain until 1866. In 1840, a mere 1,562 tons of cocoa
were imported into Britain and while almost half of this
was consigned to the Navy, much of the remainder was
re-exported to other cocoa-consuming countries.
Another factor influencing the general disregard for
cocoa was that in Trinidad it was "foreign" owned -
C.R. April/May/June 1973 Page 17





primarily by Spanish and French peasants. And since
the early history of British occupation was one of
conflict with the Spanish and French settlers, this
conflict spread to ownership of the cocoa estates.
With sugar gradually assuming the primary position,
the chief preoccupation of the British planters was the
attraction of labor. Trinidad never had a large number
of slaves so that in order to develop the plantations the
slaves' "free" days had to be reduced from 134 to 69 per
annum and Trinidad soon earned the reputation of
having both the greatest production of sugar per capital
and the highest mortality rate in the British West
Indies. With the passage of the Slave Trade Act in 1806
planters were required to seek a new source of labor, for
the inter-colonial slave trade was not sufficient to meet
their needs.
Attention turned to China as a possible source of
labor and in 1806 some 192 Chinese workers were
admitted into the colony. This scheme quickly failed,
for not only did many of these workers petition to
return home, but the Government, found the financial
burden of maintaining the Chinese immigrants too
much and agreed to their repatriation.
The planters began looking for more labor and
between 1815-1816 a number of former slaves from the
southern United States were settled as "free colored" in
Trinidad, a reward for the help they had given the
British forces during the War of 1812. Portuguese
immigrants, too, were induced into the country, but
soon they were begging to be sent home claiming that
they were tricked into leaving their native land and were
being decimated by the cruelties of the slavery system.
The Emancipation Act of 1833 dealt the final blow to
slavery. Yet the compulsory apprenticeship period
which followed attempted to transform the slaves into
loyal and paid workers. This attempt failed.
Since their primary concern was sugar, the planters,
at emancipation had to utilize whatever means possible
to keep the freed laborers on or near the estates. Thus
this group brought all its weight to bear on the local
Council, and in cooperation with their sugar lobbies
operating in the metropolitan Parliament, were able to
influence legislation suitable to their needs. In quick
succession land ordinances and increased taxation on
land, among other legislation, were passed which
inhibited the independent establishment of the freed
workers, and conversely, made these workers
dependent upon the estates for their income. An
examination of the colonizer's land policy is revealing
of the attitude to the laboring masses.
Even before emancipation, a "proper" land policy
preoccupied the minds of the British. In 1832 Lord
Howick, Under Secretary of State for the Colonies,
wrote that with emancipation it was necessary to devise
some plan which would induce the (former) slaves to
undergo the regular and continuous labor which was
indispensable in carrying on the production of sugar.
He thought that "it would be great for the real
happiness of the Negroes themselves, if the facility of
acquiring land could be so far restrained . ." He
continued, ". .accordingly, it is to the imposition of a
considerable tax upon land that I chiefly look for the
means of enabling the planter to continue his business
when emancipation shall have taken place."


The stage was thus set for implementing this policy in
the post-emancipation period. The general attitude and
philosophy being, that if the freed worker was
prohibited, by one means or another, from obtaining
land, then he would be forced to offer his labor to the
sugar estate and accept the wages offered. Within a few
years, the Secretary of State in a despatch to the West
Indian colonies suggested that Crown lands, at
emancipation, be sold at a minimum upset price of one
pound per acre, but apparently left the minimum
acreage for sale to be fixed by the local Councils. The
Trinidad Council of Government promptly fixed this
acreage at 320 acres. This was deliberately done to
prevent the individual worker from purchasing land,
simply because it was beyond his means. When a
suggestion was made in 1841 that the minimum acreage
be reduced to forty acres the local Council established a
planter-dominated committee to examine the sugges-
tion. This Committee and the Council not only
disagreed with the suggestion stating that they
"thought that such a small parcel of land would too
easily come within the reach of persons who were
required as laborers," but as importantly, while they
held that the minimum size should be 320 acres they
suggested that 640 acres should be considered
minimum for a sugar estate! It was left to Governor
Gordon, some twenty-five years later, to liberalize land
policy.
In conjunction with a discriminatory land policy were
other forms of inducements offered on the estates to
encourage the now freed workers to maintain their
former occupations. Free housing, small plots of land
and some food and drink supplies were given to those
who chose to remain on the estates, in effect, therefore,
perpetuating a practice established during the days of
slavery. Other planters rented or gave small patches of
land on the periphery of their estates to workers to keep
them at hand. Yet despite the inducements Sewell has
commented that the freed workers left the estates to
"better their circumstances and lead a more
independent life," since "tenancy on the estates after
emancipation was virtual slavery."
The biggest inducement to attract the freed laborer
was, of course, the wages offered. At emancipation,
wages in Trinidad were fixed at about 30 cents per task.
A task was of flexible size and on the average required
about five or six hours to complete. By 1840 wages had
increased to 50 cents and in certain areas 80 cents per
task. With the allowance for housing, food, and drink,
a worker could clear over $1.20 per day for two tasks.
With the increase in wages, workers were content to
pursue their jobs for three or four days a week, thus
accumulating sufficient income to meet their needs.
Therefore, instead of having a regular and docile labor
force with a low turnover as they had grown accustomed
to, the planters were faced with a relatively mobile
group who were unwilling to be bound by contracts,
and who in general, worked only when necessary.
Alarmed at the shortage of a dependable labor
supply the planters sought assistance from the
metropolitan government, many of whose members
were themselves absentee owners of local sugar estates.
They pointed out that the sugar crop of 1840 was 13,288
tons, the lowest of the decade, compared to a


Page 18 C.R. Vol. 5 No. 2






production of 14,312 tons in 1838, the year of
emancipation. Regardless of the planters' cries, they
were yet making a huge profit. The Orange Grove
estates, for instance showed a net profit of 3,433 from
proceeds of 10,463 in 1840.
The metropolitan Parliament gave in to the planters
and on July 25, 1842 passed resolutions which have had
significant implications for the eventual development of
a number of Caribbean societies, particularly Trinidad.
The resolutions stated that while emancipation "has
been productive, as regards the character and condition
of the Negro population," it has also contributed to "a
very great diminution in the staple products of the West
Indies." The resolutions considered that the principal
cause of diminished production was due to "the great
difficulty which has been experienced by the planters in
obtaining steady and continuous labor . caused
partly by the fact that some of the former slaves have
betaken themselves to other occupations more
profitable than field labour." A major recommendation
of the British Parliament was that a "most desirable
mode of endeavouring to compensate for this
diminished supply of labour, is to promote the
immigration of a fresh labouring population, to such an
extent as to create competition for employment."
Thus were the conditions outlined. Even if it required
the introduction of an entirely new group of people into
the society, this would be done, since the needs of the
sugar industry were most important. And so natives of
India were introduced to Trinidad, purely to further the
development of a plantation-type sugar industry which
was controlled, directed and owned by British capital.
Subsequent to the entry of the East Indian
immigrants a storm of protest arose in Trinidad. The
system was rightly viewed as an attempt to flood the
labor market, which would result in reduced wages.
Since the scheme was to be financed partly out of public
revenue, protesters charged that taxes would have to be
increased. Therefore, not only would they suffer from
the burden of increased taxes, but also, the protesters
believed that they could possibly also lose their jobs to
the East Indians, or at best, would have to work for
reduced wages.
After the actual entry of the East Indians into
Trinidad, one group in particular, the cocoa peasants,
was required to shoulder a disproportionate share of
the cost of the scheme. This was done by the local
Council, even though the regulations outlined for the
conditions of immigrants' work effectively excluded
their employment on the cocoa estates, e.g. that a
hospital be maintained on the estate. For instance,
while 40 per cent of the indentured laborers were
employed on sugar plantations and approximately 5 per
cent on the cocoa and coconut estates, yet, states Eric
Williams, between 1881 and 1885, the Legislative
Council reduced the export duty which was levied to
finance in part the cost of the immigration system from
80 to 60 per cent on sugar, whilst on cocoa it was raised
from 20 to 37 per cent.
The regulations concerning the entry of the
immigrants, their living and working conditions and
salaries were outlined in an ordinance passed by the
local Council after collaboration with the planter-
organized Immigration and Agricultural Society. It is


instructive to review some of these regulations to
determine to what extent these indentured immigrants
were "free" individuals.
The more important regulations are contained in
Part VIII of the ordinance including such areas as labor
and wages. The employer was required to provide every
indentured laborer with sufficient work for a full day's
labor except Sundays, Good Friday, Christmas and
New Year's Day. The work day was fixed at nine hours,
which included half an hour for eating and resting. The
wage was originally fixed at $2.40 (B.W.I.) per month
for male laborers and $1.45 for females. This amount
was later amended to not less than 25 cents a day for an
able-bodied adult immigrant. The immigrant was made
liable to fines or imprisonment for a number of offenses
related to his daily work. Such offenses included refusal
or neglect of work, drunkenness in or about the
plantation buildings, the use of abusive or insulting
words or gestures to his employer.
Questions pertaining to leave and desertion were
considered in Part IX of the ordinance. Every
indentured immigrant was bound to reside on the
plantation to which he was indentured. Any immigrant
found on a public highway or on any land or in any
house not the property of his owner, or in any ship or
boat within the waters of the island could be stopped
and arrested by the Protector of Immigrants or any
person authorized by him, unless the immigrant was in
possession of a suitable certificate of leave. In effect,
therefore, no immigrant could leave his owner's
property without the appropriate "pass" ticket. Such
were the conditions outlined by the colonizers and
which were termed "free" labor. Needless to say, the
practical conditions under which the East Indians
endured their period of indentureship, did not
necessarily follow the theory of the system.
During the initial period the immigrants suffered
greatly. Harsh treatment on certain plantations and
sickness, influenced by unfamiliar conditions, cul-
minated in the death of a large number of this group.
The creation of the positions of Inspectors of
Immigrants, and the actual "field" work by these
officials somewhat alleviated the conditions under
which the immigrants served their indentureship. One
condition of indentureship was the right of the East
Indian immigrant to return to India, free of cost to
himself, at the termination of his contract. However,
once the planter had the worker on his estate, he made
the prospects for leaving rather difficult. Soon after the
introduction of the indentureship system, the planters,
through the Council, began placing restrictions upon
the absolute right of the East Indian to a free return
passage. Ordinance 24 of 1854 provided that
immigrants introduced into the colony after that date
were entitled to a return passage only after ten years of
residence in the colony and only on payment of a sum
of 7.5s ($35.00 B.W.I.). Succeeding years saw further
similar restrictions. Two major reasons motivated this
attitude of the planters. Firstly, this source of cheap
controlled labor was necessary for high profits to be
gained from the sugar industry. Secondly, the planters
were required to meet part of the cost of the laborer's
return passage.


C.R. April/May/June 1973 Page 19






Together with these restricting ordinances were some
generous inducements to remain in Trinidad. These
inducements generally took the form of small patches
of land which were either sold at nominal cost, given or
rented to the immigrant at the expiration of the
contract. This land was usually situated on the
periphery of the estate and not only did it induce the
East Indian to remain in Trinidad, but it also kept him
relatively close to the estate, so that his labor would be
readily available, especially during the "crop" or
harvest period. It was this granting of land by the
planter, accompanied by the progressive land policy of
Governor Gordon that ultimately resulted in the growth
of the cane farming sector of the sugar industry.
The mere acquisition of land did not necessarily
mean that the "freed" laborers, now peasants, had also
acquired the "right" to grow sugar cane. For during the
period 1860 to 1880 even though these individuals
possessed some land they were effectively prevented
from using it for the cultivation of cane because of the
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late 1880's that a few small farmers in the Southern
areas were able to start cane farming to any appreciable
degree. This remarkable turn of events was influenced
by the general depression in the plantation sugar
industry.
As a consequence of competition from Cuban sugar,
and European beet sugar, Trinidad, and indeed the
other islands of the West Indies, faced a general
depression in the sugar industry during the late
nineteenth century. Ironically, the planters who
formerly prevented farmers from cultivating sugar cane
now encouraged them to do so. The reason was quite
simple. While the farmer's cultivation of sugar cane
was done at no cost to the planter, it was the planter-
controlled factory that purchased these canes. The
price to purchase the cane ensured a profit to the
planter, at little cost to himself, but bore no
resemblance to the actual costs incurred by the peasant
farmer. The conflict over cane prices resulted in
considerable friction between the farmer and the
(planter) government. A second factor influenced the
planters' encouragement of farmers' cultivation of
canes. The advent of the sugar depression caused a
number of estates to close down while others
amalgamated. Those that continued processing were
unable to provide sufficient canes to allow for efficient
running of the factories. If only to meet the needs of the
expanded mills, the planters encouraged the cane
farmers.
A Royal Commission, established in 1896 to
investigate the sugar industry situation in the West
Indies, recommended the encouragement of the cane-
farmer sector as a possible means for the reduction of
the overall costs in the industry. The Commission
recognized that the cane-farming system "would be
attended by many advantages," since the immigrants
prefer growing canes on their own plots to working on
the estates, and "they are willing to sell their canes at a
price below the cost at which the estates can produce
them." Whereas the Commission emphasized the
"willingness" of the farmer to dispose of his cane, it is
undoubtedly more appropriate to stress the "necessity"
of such action since sugar cane is of little use without
processing facilities.
It is quite ironic that this metropolitan government,
called upon soon after emancipation to assist in the
financing of the indentureship system to perpetuate the
plantation sugar industry, and was again instrumental
in the 1850's and the 1860's in restricting land
ownership to the planters, was now being asked to
encourage the small land owner to produce cane for the
estates. The cane farming sector very quickly had a
stimulating effect upon the industry. For while in 1895,
17,502 tons of farmers' cane was accepted by the
factories, 62,629 tons were taken one year later.
Whereas the entry of natives from India into the
Caribbean, specifically Trinidad, was determined by
the need of cheap labor, when this need was no longer
due to a general depression in the sugar industry, the
indentureship system was terminated. That the
immigrants contributed substantially to the prosperity
of the industry is undoubted, whether the industry
promoted the East Indians' welfare remains question-
able. *


Page 20 C.R. Vol. 5 No. 2








Coolie Labor in Trinidad
by Charles Kingsley


Englishman Charles Kingsley visited the West Indies in
1862 "to judge for myself of the reported wonders of the
Earthly Paradise." The result of his journey is At Last:
A Christmas in the West Indies.The following selection
is an extract from that book representing his views of
the East Indian indentureship system as he observed it
in Trinidad.
Kingsley's very re Adable account is colored by the
insensitivity of metropolitan scholarship concerning the
colonies, particularly evident during that period, and
not altogether absent from such scholarship today. His
views of the system also appear to mirror those of the
planter class. Thus Kingsley perceives the "great need"
which this "admirable system" of "free laborers" will
provide. Again, he believes that the immigrants were
"well treated" on the voyage since the death rate
amounted to "only 27 per cent."
-Ken Boodhoo


A \Coolie Family.

Early in January I started with my host and his little
suite on an expedition to the islands of the Bocas. .
The first islands which we made The Five Islands,
as they are called are curious enough. Isolated
remnants of limestone, the biggest perhaps one
hundred yards long by one hundred feet high,
channeled and honeycombed into strange shapes by
rain and waves, they are covered that at least on
which we landed almost exclusively by Matapalos,
which seem to have strangled the original trees and


established themselves in every cranny of the rocks,
sending out arms, legs, fingers, ropes, pillars, and what
not, of live holdfasts over every rock and over each
other, till little but the ubiquitous Seguine
(Philodendron) and Pinguins (Bromelia) find room or
sustenance among them. The island on which we
landed is used, from time to time, as a depot for Coolie
immigrants when first landed. There they remain to
rest after the voyage till they can be apportioned by the
government officers to the estates which need them. Of
this admirable system of satisfying the great need of the
West Indies, free laborers, I may be allowed to say a
little here.
"Immigrants" are brought over from Hindostan at
the expense of the colony. The Indian government
jealously watches the emigration, and, through agents
of its own, rigidly tests the bona fide "voluntary"
character of the engagement. That they are well treated
on the voyage is sufficiently proved, for on 2264 souls
imported last year, the death-rate during the voyage
was only 27 per cent, although cholera attacked the
crew of one of the ships before it left the Hooghly.
During the last three years ships with over 300
emigrants have arrived several times in Trinidad
without a single death. On their arrival in Trinidad,
those who are sick are sent at once to the hospital; those
unfit for immediate labor are sent to the depot. The
healthy are "indentured" in plain English,
apprenticed for five years, and distributed among
the estates which have applied for them. Husbands and
wives are not allowed to be separated, nor are children
under fifteen parted from their parents or natural
protectors. They are expected by the law to work for 280
days in the year, nine hours a day, and receive the same
wages as the free laborers; but for this system task-work
is by consent universally substituted; and (as in the case
of an English apprentice) the law, by various provisions,
at once punishes them for willful idleness, and protects
them from tyranny or fraud on the part of their
employers. Till the last two years the new-comers
received their wages entirely in money; but it was found
better to give them for the first year (and now for the
two first years) part payment in daily rations: a pound
of rice, 4 oz. of dholl, a kind of pea, an oz. of cocoanut
oil, or ghee, and 2 oz. of sugar to each adult, and half
the same to each child between five and ten years old.
This plan has been found necessary in order to
protect the Coolies both from themselves and from each
other. They themselves prefer receiving the whole of
their wages in cash. With that fondness for mere hard
money which marks a half-educated Oriental, they will,
as a rule, hoard their wages, and stint themselves of
food, injuring their powers of work, and even
endangering their own lives, as is proved by the broad
fact that the death-rate among them has much
decreased, especially during the first year of residence,


C.R. April/May/June 1973 Page 21






since the plan of giving them rations has been at work.
The new-comers need, too, protection from their own
countrymen. Old Coolies who have served their time
and saved money find it convenient to turn rice-sellers
or money-lenders. They have powerful connections on
many estates; they first advance money or luxuries to a
new-comer, and, when he is once entrapped, they sell
him the necessaries of life at famine prices. Thus the
practical effect of rations has been to lessen the number
of those little roadside shops which were a curse to
Trinidad, and are still a curse to the English workman.
Moreover for all men are not perfect, even in
Trinidad the Coolie required protection, in certain
cases, against a covetous and short-sighted employer,
who might fancy it to be his interest to let the man idle
during his first year, while weak, and so save up an
arrear of "lost days" to be added at the end of the five
years, when he was a strong, skilled laborer. An
employer will have, of course, far less temptation to do
this, while, as now, he is bound to feed the Coolie for
the first two years. Meanwhile, be it remembered, the
very fact that such a policy was tempting goes to prove
that the average Coolie grew, during his five years'
apprenticeship, a stronger, and not a weaker man.
There is thorough provision as far as the law can
provide for the Coolies in case of sickness. No estate
is allowed to employ indentured Coolies which has not a
duly "certified" hospital capable of holding one-tenth
at least of the Coolies on the estate, with an allowance


of 800 cubic feet to each person; and these hospitals are
under the care of district medical visitors, appointed by
the governor, and under the inspection (as are the
labor-books indeed, every document and arrange-
ment connected with the Coolies) of the Agent-general
of Immigrants or his deputies. One of these officers, the
inspector, is always on the move, and daily visits,
without warning, one or more estates, reporting every
week to the agent-general. The governor may at any
time, without assigning any cause, cancel the indenture
of any immigrant, or remove any part or the whole of
the indentured immigrant laborers from any estate, and
this has been done ere now.
I know but too well that, whether in Europe or in the
Indies, no mere laws, however wisely devised, will fully
protect the employed from the employer, or, again, the
employer from the employed. What is needed is a moral
bond between them a bond above, or rather beneath
that of mere wages, however fairly paid, for work,
however fairly done. The patriarchal system had such a
bond; so had the feudal; but they are both dead and
gone, having done, I presume, all that it was in them to
do, and done it like all human institutions, not over
well. And, meanwhile, that nobler bond, after which
Socialists so-called have sought, and after which I trust
they will go on seeking still a bond which shall
combine all that was best in patriarchism and
feudalism with that freedom of the employed which
those forms of society failed to give has not been
found as yet, and, for a generation or two to come,
"cash-payment seems likely to be the only nexus
between man and man." Because that is the meanest
and weakest of all bonds, it must be watched jealously
and severely by any government worthy of the name; for
to leave it to be taken care of by the mere brute
tendencies of supply and demand, and the so-called
necessities of the labor market, is simply to leave the
poor man who can not wait to be blockaded and starved
out by the rich who can. Therefore all colonial
governments are but doing their plain duty in keeping a
clear eye and a strong hand on this whole immigration
movement, and in fencing it round, as in Trinidad, with
such regulations as shall make it most difficult for a
Coolie to be seriously or permanently wronged without
direct infraction of the law and connivance of
government officers, which last supposition is, in the
case of Trinidad, absurd, as long as Dr. Mitchell, whom
I am proud to call my friend, holds a post for which he
is equally fitted by his talents and his virtues.
I am well aware that some benevolent persons, to
whom humanity owes much, regard Coolie immigration
to the West Indies with some jealousy, fearing, and not
unnaturally, that it may degenerate into a sort of
slave-trade. I think that if they will study the last
immigration ordinance enacted by the Governor of
Trinidad, June 24, 1870, and the report of the
Agent-general of Immigrants for the year ending Sept.
30, 1869, their fears will be set at rest as far as this
colony is concerned. Of other colonies I say nothing
simply because I know nothing, save that, if there are
defects and abuses elsewhere, the remedy is simple -


Page 22 C.R. Vol. 5 No. 2


crcotiv c









GRAPHIC ART DESIGNERS

FOR THE CARIBBEAN

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namely, to adopt the system of Trinidad, and work it as
it is worked there.
After he has served his five years' apprenticeship the
Coolie has two courses before him. Either he can
reindenture himself to an employer for not more than
twelve months, which as a rule he does, or he can seek
employment where he likes. At the end of a continuous
residence of ten years in all, and at any period after
that, he is entitled to a free passage back to Hindostan,
or he may exchange his right to a free passage for a
government grant of ten acres of land. He has
meanwhile, if he has been thrifty, grown rich. His wife
walks about, at least on high-days, bedizened with
jewels; nay, you may see her, even on work-days, hoeing
in the cane-piece with heavy silver bangles hanging
down over-her little brown feet; and what wealth she
does not carry on her arms, ankles, neck, and nostril,
her husband has in the savings' bank. The ship Arima,
as an instance, took back 320 Coolies last year, of whom
seven died on the voyage. These people carried with
them $65,585; and one man, Heerah, handed over
$6000 for transmission through the Treasury, and was
known to have about him $4000 more. This man,
originally allotted to an estate, had, after serving out his
industrial contract, resided in the neighboring village of
Savannah Grande as a shopkeeper and money-lender
for the last ten years. Most of this money, doubtless,
had been squeezed out of other Coolies by means not
unknown to Europeans as well as to Hindoos; but it
must have been there to be squeezed out. And the new
"feeding ordinance" will, it is to be hoped, pare the
claws of Hindoo and Chinese usurers.
The newly-offered grant of government land has as
yet been accepted only in a few cases. "It was not to be
expected," says the report, "that the Indian, whose
habits have been fixed in special grooves for tens of
centuries, should hurriedly embrace an offer which
must strike at all his prejudices of country, and creed,
and kin." Still, about sixty had settled in 1869 near the
estates in Savonetta, where I saw them, and at
Point-a-Pierre; other settlements have been made since,
of which more hereafter. And, as a significant fact,
many Coolies who have returned to India are now
coming back a second time to Trinidad, bringing their
kinsfolk and fellow-villagers with them, to a land where
violence is unknown and famine impossible. Moreover,
numerous Coolies from the French Islands are now
immigrating and buying land. These are chiefly
Madrassees, who are, it is said, stronger and healthier
than the Calcutta Coolies. In any case, there seems
good hope that a race of Hindoo peasant-proprietors
will spring up in the colony whose voluntary labor will
be available at croptime, and who will teach the negro
thrift and industry not only by their example, but by
competing against him in the till lately understocked
labor-market.
Very interesting was the first glimpse of Hindoos,
and still more of Hindoos in the West Indies the
surplus of one of the oldest civilizations of the Old
World come hither to replenish the new; novel was the
sight of the dusky limbs swarming up and down among


the rocks beneath the Matapalo shade; the group in the
water as we landed, bathing and dressing themselves at
the same time after the modest and graceful Hindoo
fashion; the visit to the wooden barracks, where a row
of men was ranged on one side of the room, with their
women and children on the other, having their name,
caste, native village, and so forth, taken down before
they were sent off to the estates to which they were
indentured. Three things were noteworthy: first, the
healthy, cheerful look of all, speaking well for the care
and good feeding which they had had on board ship;
next, the great variety in their faces and complexions.
Almost all of them were low-caste people. Indeed, few
high-caste Hindoos, except some Sepoys who found it
prudent to emigrate after the rebellion, have
condescended, or dared to cross the "dark water;" and
only a very few of those who come West are
Mussulmans. But among the multitude of inferior
castes who do come there is a greater variety of feature
and shape of skull than in an average multitude, as far
as I have seen of any European nation. Caste, the
physiognomist soon sees, began in a natural fact. It
meant difference, not of rank, but of tribe and
language; and India is not, as we are apt to fancy, a
nation it is a world. One must therefore regard this
emigration of the Coolies, like any thing else which
tends to break down caste, as a probable step forward
in their civilization; for it must tend to undermine in
them, and still more in their children, the petty


C.R. April/May/June 1973 Page 23





superstitions of old tribal distinctions, and must force
them to take their stand on wider and sounder ground,
and see that "a man's a man for a' that."
The third thing noteworthy in the crowd which
cooked, chatted, lounged, sauntered idly to and fro
under the Matapalos, the pillared air-roots of which
must have put them in mind of their own banyans at
home, was their good manners. One saw in a moment
that one was among gentlemen and ladies. The dress of
many of the men was naught but a scarf wrapped round
the loins; that of most of the women naught but the
longer scarf which the Hindoo woman contrives to
arrange in a most graceful as well as a perfectly modest
covering, even for her feet and head. These garments,
and perhaps a brass pot, were probably all the wordly
goods of most of them just then. But every attitude,
gesture, tone, was full of grace; of ease, courtesy, self-
restraint, dignity of that "sweetness and light," at
least in externals, which Mr. Matthew Arnold
desiderates. I am well aware that these people are not
perfect; that, like most heathen folk and some
Christian, their morals are by no means spotless, their
passions by no means trampled out. But they have
acquired let Hindoo scholars tell how and where a
civilization which shows in them all day long; which
draws the European to them and them to the European,
whenever the latter is worthy of the name of a civilized
man, instinctively, and by the mere interchange of
glances; a civilization which must make it easy for the
Englishman, if he will but do his duty, not only to make
use of these people, but to purify and ennoble them.
Another thing was noteworthy about the Coolies at
the very first glance, and all we saw afterward proved
that that first glance was correct I mean their
fondness for children. If you took notice of a child, not
only the mother smiled thanks and delight, but the men
around likewise, as if a compliment had been paid to
their whole company. We saw afterward almost daily
proofs of the Coolie men's fondness for their children;
of their fondness also an excellent sign that the
morale is not destroyed at the root for dumb
animals. A Coolie cow or donkey is petted, led about
tenderly, tempted with tid-bits. Pet animals, where they
can be got, are the Coolie's delight, as they are the
delight of the wild Indian. I wish I could say the same of
the negro. His treatment of his children and of his
beasts of burden is, but too often, as exactly opposed to
that of the Coolie as are his manners. No wonder that
the two races do not, and it is to be feared never will,
amalgamate; that the Coolie, shocked by the
unfortunate awkwardness of gesture, and vulgarity of
manners of the average negro, and still more of the
negress, looks on them as savages; while the negro, in
his turn, hates the Coolie as a hard-working interloper,
and despises him as a heathen; or that heavy fights
between the two races arise now and then, in which the
Coolie, in spite of his slender limbs, has generally the
advantage over the burly negro, by dint of his greater
courage, and the terrible quickness with which he
wields his beloved weapon, the long hardwood
quarter-staff. *


Page 24 C.R. Vol. 5 No. 2


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." .. I. ..







Ladies and Whores



in Colonial Brazil



by Ann Pescatello





\"The socio-sexual role of the colonial
urban female in a pre-modern
society was the most crucial deter-
minant of the position of the female
in that society. By nature it was one
of her capabilities; by necessity it was
one of her contributions to society;
but by design it was not necessarily a
product of planned parenthood.
Babies were born constantly and by
that function alone women were
important to underpopulated colo-
nial Brazil.
It was the policy of Portugal's
rulers to exclude females from early
expeditions made by soldiers, adven-
turers, degregados, and the like.
Consequently, very few white women
were available in Brazil in the
sixteenth century, a situation which
encouraged miscegenation and was
probably most responsible for the
rather exaggerated exclamations of
the libidinous prowess of Portuguese
males with non-white women. These
sexual encounters apparently were
accepted practice by Portuguese and
Amerindians. But clerical observers
were so scandalized at such rampant
interracial sexuality in Brazil that in
1594, the Jesuit Nobrega wrote to
Portugal stressing the need to ship
white women to Brazil and suggested
that prostitutes comprise the cargo
of those brideships. Thereafter a
"national" policy of marriages was
encouraged although not enforced,
and important institutions such as
the Misericordia played a strong role
in encouraging the betrothal of
Portuguese girls who, either for
From the dustjacket design of "Family Ties" by Clarice Lispector (U. of Texas Press, 1973, financial or other reasons, might not
$5.75). have married.


Page 26 C.R. Vol. 5 No. 2






Despite the continued lack of
white females in seventeenth-century
Brazil there is little evidence of a
definite policy to establish programs
for the systematic expansion of
population. There was no plan to
allot lands, monies, or other
incentives for men with large
families, or to allow economic or
other prerogatives to families to
encourage females to migrate. In-
deed, once the population had begun
to reach respectable proportions in
Salvador and Rio there seemed to
have been a deliberate policy to
contradict the unenforced desires of
the Portuguese Crown to effectively
settle its vast colony. Instead, Portu-
guese oligarchic families living in
Brazil chose alternatives which
guaranteed prestige for family name
and family honor through adherence
to certain socio-religious codes.
Among these classes reproduction
seems to have played a role
secondary to considerations of
prestige. These alternatives were
especially followed throughout the
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries
when the daughters of leading
Brazilian families were sent back on
filled ships returning to Portugal's
convents. It was certain that family
blood and honor would be maintain-
ed far better than had the girls
remained in America and risked
socially undesirable marriage. Many
families felt an obligation to deliver
to the Church at least one of their
daughters.
Women of Brazil's aristocracy who
remained in Brazil were expected to
become wives and mothers. In
preparation for that role, girls were
restricted in their activities, were
kept under constant surveillance
and, as soon as possible after
puberty, were married. Guardian-
ship of white Brazilian female
virginity, either through convent
seclusion or pre-marital surveillance,
seems to have become a fetish by the
late seventeenth early eighteenth
century. The depletion of marriage-
able females from the upper classes
(and of large sums of money for
dowries for convents) brought a royal
decree in March 1732 by Joao V.
forbidding the transport of Brazilian
girls to Portuguese convents.


Since Portugal and Brazil were
impoverished countries, financial or
property incentives were not offered
to encourage marriage. Instead, both
societies condoned de jure common-
law marriages, even among the
upper classes. Once Brazil's popu-
lation had become racially and
socially mixed, this type of marriage
became unacceptable among the
upper classes. By the eighteenth
century, the function of upper class
females in legitimate marriages was
to bear children as often as possible.
Since most of these secluded ladies
were ignorant of birth control or
abortive techniques, births were
plentiful. If occasionally an aristo-
cratic Brazilian girl became preg-
nant out-of-wedlock, the Portuguese
institution of the "foundling wheel"
served to hide the misdeed.
Among other women in urban
areas of Bahia (Salvador) and Rio we
have less evidence of the female's
sexual role, of her position as wife
and mother, and of her control over
her function as breeder. We might
assume that among these classes of
women more control over their own
destiny was possible because social
considerations were not of primary
importance and, consequently, their
activities were not strictly monitored.
While it is possible that in some
cases religious motivations and social
considerations guided female act-
ions, it is more likely that poorer
classes of people were basically
concerned with their survival on
earth rather than in matchmaking
for the future, hence enjoyment and
pleasure based on sex might have
been more widespread.
Among lower classes de jure
relationships remained the rule; the
populace was too poor to afford
legalized rites of passage, let alone
the support of a household. What
little information we have regarding
the condition of lower class urban
females comes from information on
the "Foundling Wheel." Children,
the inevitable consequence of sexual
associations, had to be cared for,
regardless of the legitimacy of their
origins. Hence women turned to the
Misericordia to house, clothe, feed,
and baptize their illegitimate off-
spring.


Despite the seemingly large num-
bers of illegitimacies and despite the
customary sanctions of unsanctified
unions which might have added to
the population, colonial Brazil did
not exhibit growth through natural
increase. Indeed, archival accounts
and travellers' reports are fairly
consistent in noting that barrenness
among white women and infant
mortality were commonplace in
colonial Brazil for all classes. Rather,
population expansion seemed to
occur more as a result of immigra-
tion from Portugal and of slave
trading from Africa.
With the Amerindian populations
decimated and the white women
either barren or producing few living
offspring, we could assume that
Brazil's population would grow as a
result of the heavy influx of Africans.
However, planters wanted more men
than women because males were
cheaper as regards the amount of
work they could do relative to women
who would be economically imprac-
tical during periods of pregnancy
and early child raising. Conse-
quently, the ratio of male to female
African imports ran 2 to 1 and, as
Philip Curtin has noted, "Since birth
rate depends directly on the number
of women of child-bearing age, this
meant an automatic reduction of 30
per cent in the potential birth rate
for each group of migrants from
Africa."
Control over her function as
breeder was more likely a necessity
for the African female since blacks
and mulattas were more likely
victims of social anomie than their
white counterparts. In a society
which stressed social ties and kinship
relations best achieved through
marriage, blacks and mulattas were
less likely to marry and more likely to
be abandoned should they marry
than their white counterparts. This
was due to the scarcity of white
women in a society which stressed
ties through "Portuguese" inheri-
tance and hence made white women
more desirable as marriage partners
in a Brazil which, by the eighteenth
century, had become quite socially
conscious of race. The African
woman's control over her function as
breeder allowed her to cope with the


C.R. April/May/June 1973 Page 27






injustices of colonial urban society
since she could maintain her
mobility by controlling the size of her
family.

By the last quarter of the
eighteenth century Brazil boasted a
population of only 1,555,200 of
which 288,848 lived in Salvador
(Bahia) and 215,678 in Rio de
Janeiro. Given the fact that all whites
other than Portuguese were dis-
couraged from migrating to Brazil,
and that by the end of the eighteenth
century nearly two-and-one-half
million Africans had been shipped to
Brazil (about one and three -
quarters million in the eighteenth
century alone), we do not have a
picture of excessive reproductivity.
We know almost nothing about the
utilization of contraceptive and
abortive techniques among the entire
population, although we can assume
that they were applied. Some white
women of the lower classes probably
were aware of and utilized methods
for preventing pregnancies just as
some upper class families seem to
have employed "herbal" and other
remedies to prevent the birth of an
"undesirable" child to their daugh-
ters, thus indicating some measure of
control over woman's function as
breeder. We know little about
attitudes concerning religious and
national impetus for Brazilians to
reproduce. We do know that wills,
birth certificates, and other docu-
ments on life's vital processes
reinforce our belief in the probability
of high pregnancy rates coupled with
high infant mortality. Whether high
pregnancy and birth rates were due
to faulty condoms, desire to have
children, or an extraordinarily
sexually active population, the
children of these unions died young.
Zero population growth may not
have been desired, but it was very
nearly achieved.
In Iberian law codes women were
denoted as imbecilitas sexus, cate-
gorized with children, the infirm,
and the incompetent as far as their
legal station and legal prerogatives
were concerned. In colonial Brazil
discriminatory attitudes toward fe-
males created by such laws were
prevalent, both in de facto and de
jure forms. Women could and often


did own and inherit property, either a state of semi-slavery or domestic
as widows or as single heiresses, and servitude. As women of African
in this situation could exercise legal blood, these Brazilian slaves or
control over their properties and freedwomen were subject to the
families to the limits that their numerous restrictions of legal rights;
personalities and/or family positions among them they were deprived of
would allow, education, rights to bear arms
Legal measures to protect women (except, paradoxically, as members
were restrictive both in themselves of special militia units), to move
and relative to laws for men. For about the country freely and around
example, in wills the usual pattern the towns and cities except during
was that testators were of upper class certain hours, and restricted by
families and main beneficiaries were regulations on their dress, and other
usually nieces (for several reasons personal matters.
unrelated to concerns for treating Yet, blackiand mulatto women are
women as equals). For one thing, often cited in wills of their masters,
male testators were careful to either given their freedom or
prevent male claimants to their provided with some measure of
properties who might be socially security until death. This was usually
unacceptable. The matrilineal at- the case if she had served a white
titude was perpetuated by fears of master well and had been the mother
illegitimate and racially tainted of his children. Other lower class
offspring; with a woman you could women, many of whom were
be certain of the purity of the fruit of mulattas who enjoyed favors of
the womb. Furthermore, the proper- Brazilian gentry, were legislated
ties bequeathed to a niece would pass against frequently but often in vain.
into her husband's hands, since for Laws were passed attempting to
the niece to inherit these properties, restrict the monies, clothing, and
she would have to marry a freedom of movement of these
respectable man. Should the niece be "women of easy virtue." These
single she would have a substantial measures were issued as much for
dowry to ensure acquisition of a racial reasons as for repression of
"proper" husband. Regardless of the sexually-liberated "ladies." Class,
mode of legal transfer, according to race, and religion, were underlying
Portuguese law women were seldom factors in almost any legislation
the permanent beneficiaries of restrictive of or beneficial to women;
endowments. in fact, it would seem that a female
As mentioned above, prominent enjoyed wider legal prerogatives
Brazilian families often endowed when it was decided that she needed
convents when their daughter en- protection against undesirable male
tered them. Occasionally, a male motives and actions.
relative of a family might enter Political powers, either de jure or
religious life, a training which was de facto, are another of the ways in
long and expensive, the burden of which we might determine the
which was often borne by the family. position of women in Portuguese
Whenever the goals of a male colonial society. Officially Brazil was
entering religious life and a female governed only by male functionaries
entering a convent were in conflict, sent from Portugal while local
customary law dictated that all administration was left more to the
dowries were suspended and all male colonist whose primary avenue
monies diverted to the male's of political expression was the
education. camera (town council). By mid-
Women of the lower classes eighteenth century some substantial
suffered all of the legal deprivations and influential urban centers exis-
of their class. While women of the ted, although Brazilian colonization
lower classes lacked legal preroga- has been essentially distinguished by
tives, they perhaps did so to no its individualistic and rural character
greater or lesser an extent than their and by the fact that, from the
aristocratic counterparts. Many of beginning, Portugal's colonists
the poorer class females were petitioned for land grants which lay
descendants of Africans and were in beyond the limits of jurisdiction of


Page 28 C.R. Vol. 5 No. 2











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urban centers. A sui generis
absolutism accrued to the patriarchs
of the countryside but in terms of
administrative and imperial author-
ity Brazil was governed from the
urban centers of Salvador and Rio de
Janeiro. Within this more formal
structure of national or local
administration there is little evidence
that any female in colonial Salvador
or Rio exerted any official political
power. There were no female
viceroys, governors-general, justices,
lawyers, or other members of the
bureaucracy and local cameras
elected their officials from a list of
homes bons (literally the people, or
men in good standing).
The interpersonal network system,
however, might have allowed for
some unofficial input by women.
Even though bureaucrats were
legally forbidden to marry Brazil-
ians, some of them did, most of the
wives being daughters of planters or
government officials and thus pos-
sessors of some potential powers by
virtue of influential family ties.
Records seem to indicate that for the
colonial period, while upper class
women possessed no dejure political
power, through marriage to high-
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they could use their family connec-
tions to exert de facto political
influence, if not informal control in
some instances. Given the character
of kinship relations we could also
assume that if a woman did not
apply pressure on her group to
express her own opinions, at times
she certainly must have served as the
channel for translating family con-
cerns into political action through
her husband. This interpersonal
network pattern of influence would
pertain almost without exception to
the upper classes since studies on the
Brazilian family are in agreement
that poorer and less socially accep-
table groups were less able to
maintain extended family structure.
It would seem that the economic
arena was a place where women
could assert influence and control. It
has been affirmed that women of the
upper classes enjoyed a measure of
financial power and property privi-
leges and that many widows became
senhoras de engenho (sugar mill
owners). Even when widows remar-
ried it appears that some continued
to administer their properties and to
exert control over financial opera-
tions. Furthermore, even girls se-
cluded in convents apparently were
active in financial affairs. On the
other hand, although upper class
urban girls might inherit property
and wealth, or be possessors of great
dowries, their economic holdings
were often manipulative devices
utilized by their families for cemen-
ting economic and political alliances.
Among the lesser advantaged
groups, economic functions of fe-
males were less subject to pre-
rogatives of family status and more a
matter of daily sustenance. Much of
the lower class was darker in color
but dominant in skilled and
unskilled labor tasks. Slave or semi-
servile women were most often
domestic servants and often exerted
control over household routine and
child-raising. But black and mulatto
women usually either negras ao
ganha, negras ao aluguel, or freed-
women, often dominated retail
trades, local enterprises, and were
wetnurses, seamstresses, washer-
women, cooks, houseservants, dress-
makers, midwives, street vendors,
and prostitutes. Negras ao ganha


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MIDDLE

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A Correspondent's
View of Mexico,
Guatemala,
and El Salvador



Paul P. Kennedy was The New
York Times' chief correspondent
in Mexico and Central America
between 1954 and 1965, when the
area, his "middle beat" was a
bubbling political cauldron. His
story provides insight into the
historical background and social
milieu of the region as well as
memorable descriptions of
events and personalities.

1971 235 pp. Photos
Cloth $8.50








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C.R. April/May/lJune 1973 Page 29















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were slaves who hired out on their
own especially in the cities, while
negras ao aluguel were hired out by
their masters or mistresses, also
mostly in the cities, and with whom
they usually split their day's
earnings. Apparently prostitution
was a lucrative or, at any rate, a
common occupation for the deprived
colored female populations of Rio de
Janeiro and Salvador.
It should be remembered that
much of the population in Salvador
and Rio barely enjoyed a subsistence
standard of living. Whites disdained
manual labor which they considered
fit only for slaves and thus in some
cases chose poverty and pride over
livelihood and food. Female blacks
and mulattos, on the other hand,
opted to do the plentiful work but
were rewarded with low wages. As a
result of their social, racial, and
economic situation, the degree of
economic influence exercised by
lower class females was usually not at
all commensurate with the vital
functions they performed for Brazil's
economy.
Marriage for the upper classes was
almost strictly a matter of family
convenience, a mechanism to streng-
then ties between families of the
same social class and economic
standing. To reinforce this pattern
marriages often occurred between
kin groups. In theory, the patriarch
was omnipotent within the extended
family structure and it has been
suggested that in colonial Brazilian
society his power was even more
pervasive than that of his Portuguese
counterpart. His women were expec-
ted to be subservient to him, to carry
out required social and cultural
functions and to direct the house-
hold, an activity over which women
apparently exerted much authority.
Households were large and required
daily attention in the production of
food, cleaning, clothing-making, and
the like. These activities consumed
the energies of numerous servants
and family members from morning
to night and were directed exclu-
sively by the matron of the house.
So firmly was family honor tied to
the woman that any infringements
on a female's virtue were dealt with
by harsh means. Particularly in the
countryside, vigilante groups com-


Page 30 C.R. Vol. 5 No. 2


prised of a family's males undertook
vengeance for their female's dis-
honor or suspected dishonor. A
female's honor emanated chiefly
from the reality or potentiality of her
role as the mother of Brazilian sons.
This form of respect for women
also extended to blacks and mulat-
tos. Notarial records are prolific in
evidence of Brazilian men's respect
for their slaves because they were the
mothers of their children. Because of
this, many slaves were granted their
freedom and others were provided
with dowries for their marriage.
It could be argued that if in
external society females seemed to
exercise little if any economic or
political influence, within the inter-
nal confines of family they were able
to reverse that trend. Glorification of
woman as mother has endured
throughout Brazilian history, lying
comfortably alongside the equally
persistent notion of female inferior-
ity. Travelers have commented on
the seclusion of upper class women,
noting that a virtuous one left her
house only to be baptized, married,
and buried. Priests in the mid-
eighteenth century complained that
local girls could not attend school in
convents because their parents
opposed it and that this behavior was
being imitated by non-white and
lower class families. Yet, others
evinced shock at the licentious
behavior of convent daughters of
Brazil's aristocracy, their servants
acting as go-betweens and their
rooms serving as centers of illicit
orgies.
We have little information con-
cerning the status of lower class and
non-white females within their
family structure. For the most part
we assume that their family structure
was much more amorphous and
flexible than that of the upper
classes. Prestige and family honor
were of little concern; rather, as
persons who could contribute to the
family's sustenance they were wel-
comed to the household. Within this
informal atmosphere females were
freed from the restraints placed on
their upper class counterparts and
assumed a relatively authoritative
position within the family which was
carried over into the external society.
0







Green Hell



X by Paul Vidich


GREEN HELL: MASSACRE OF
THE BRAZILIAN INDIANS.
Lucien Bodard. 291 pp.
Outerbridge and Dienstfrey,
1972. $8.95

For centuries intrepid pioneers have
tried to settle Brazil's forbidden
interior. Mining ventures during the
early 19th century were the first
attempts to exploit the Amazon
basin but determined and systematic
pioneering awaited Goodyear's dis-
covery of vulcanization. From 1876
to 1912 Brazil prospered from the
export of raw rubber latex but the
rubber bubble burst when Henry


Wickham, a member of Her
Majesty's Secret Service, found and
filched a few thousand seeds of the
Hevea Brasiliensis, Brazil's coveted
rubber tree. Malayan rubber planta-
tions, planted with Wickham's seeds,
destroyed Brazil's latex monopoly
and ended the first profitable
business venture in the Amazon. The
second drive to tame the Amazon
basin came during the presidency of
Vargas and is continuing today with
the construction of the Trans -
Amazonian Highway. At stake
during the second drive to the
interior are vase deposits of iron ore,
bauxite, manganese, tin, and petro-
leum. The cost of settling the frontier
then and now is the violence
perpetrated against Brazil's Indians,
originally numbering five million
and now reduced to five-hundred


atrocities committed by the British
government in the Congo, issued a
report on Brazil whose verdict,
revealing the sadistic murder of
40,000 Indian serfs employed as
rubber gatherers, fell on the world
like the blow of an axe. Lucien
Bodard, the author of Green Hell,
issues a similar verdict today;
corrupt government officials, mis-
sionaries, and Indian agents, bank-
ers and foreign business interests,
prospectors, prostitutes and gun-
slingers conspire out of greed to
remove the Indian wherever he
stands in the way of progress. Mr.
Bodard's achievement is to have
written with literary, historical and
psychological perspicacity, an ac-
count of an injustice terrible enough
to be called genocide.
A lurid example of the massacres
taking place is provided by the
'mysterious' case of the Cintas
Largas Indians. The Cintas Largas
had been corpse-eating cannibalistic
warriors, the terror of the jungle, but
military campaigns against them left
only a handful alive. Those few
survivors, reduced to so little,
enjoyed some sort of happiness in
their last village on the banks of the
swampy river Aripuana, remote and
isolated in the heart of the jungle.
Then it was learned that Lei a rare
and precious wood used in cabinet
making and worth a fortune grew
in abundance in the Cintas Largas
jungle. To exploit the Lei, a Cuiaban
businessman figured that first the
jungle would have to be made safe;
the Cintas Largas would have to be
removed.
It began with strafing and aerial
bombardment of the Cintas Largas'
village followed by a well armed
company of professional assassins
hired to finish off those that escaped
the aerial attack. The assassins had
been offered so much per Indian
head. In the ruins of the village, the
killers discovered a young mother
and her little girl still alive. The
woman was seized, spread eagled
and raped. When the orgy was over,
the Indian woman was chopped into
pieces with knives. The killers


thousand. continued their exhausting hunt
In 1912 Sir Roger Casement, across the jungle until at last one
previously noted for his unusually day, one victim. A lone wandering
candid enquiry into the alleged woman, who without the usual


C.R. April/May/June 1973 Page 31
















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pleasures, was set upon and mas-
sacred by men possessed by the fever
of murder.
The massacre of the Cintas Largas
was leaked to the press when
survivors of the tribe took refuge in a
missionary. The Cuiaban business-
man was never publically accused
nor was legal action ever taken;
apparently the businessman was
idemnified by his wealth and his
power. Even worse, however, the lack


J I I I I


of public interest in the slaughter of
the Cintas Largas is reminiscent of
the conspiracy of silence that
surrounded the genocide of Jews in
Nazi Germany.
Green Hell asks itself what the
mystery is that inevitably makes the
Indians victims. Bodard suggests
that the Indians, by a sort of
aristocratic and frightful privilege,
have a talent for unleashing the
sadism of the whites. Bodard,
however, is less interested in an
anthropological examination of the
victimized Indians than he is in the
sociology of the victimizing society.
Applying his journalistic acumen,
Bodard confronts the reader with a
rush of anecdotal detail that is
insufficiently analytical to be schol-
arly but too bizarre to be untrue. The
result is the richest kind of
reportage; the kind which places
political events in cultural perspec-
tive, something rarely done by
journalists or scholars alike.
One learns of tribes of head
hunters and cannibals decimated by
the common cold. Of children
deliberately killed with poisoned
candy. Of a cadillac assembled in the
jungle on a 30 foot strip of concrete
and then driven up and down the
strip until it rusted away. Of
prostitutes in evening gowns holding
court in a jungle 500 miles from the
nearest town. Of hideous old women
attracting customers by making
strange movements with their


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MAIN





A Poar WATERFRONT


Page 32 C.R. Vol. 5 No. 2


iguana-like tongues. Of duels with
knives, revolvers or the axe. Of puffy
society matrons with faces of
embossed leather whose code of
proprieties "is to detest the army, to
love art and to go to Paris regularlK."
Of peasants carried to the grave in
coffins lent by the government and
then returned to be used by other
peasants too poor to buy life's last
dignity. Of a missionary who beat
Indians so the Indians would
cooperate in teaching the missionary
their language so the missionary
could translate the Bible into their
tongue so he could save their souls.
Bodard describes a Brazil that is
raw and brutish, that lives by the law
of destructive, acquisitive indivi-
dualism, that will stop at nothing in
its pursuit of the settling of the
frontier. It is the Indian's fatal
misfortune to stand between the
frontier and the frontiersmen and
the situation is ultimately depressing
because as Bodard put it, "No
Indian will escape the travail of
change." Green Hell is a tome on
socialized violence and at a time
when the study of violence is
attracting the most respected schol-
ars, Green Hell offers a lurid case
study, the implications of which are
not bound by the particularity of the
example. After reading Green Hell
one wonders if Brazil, like America,
will pass from barbarism to deca-
dence without ever having passed
through Civilization. *

























,, ....







Adapted from a 1929 post card by S. Rauchman. "Carniceria 'La Regeneracion'," an extreme left critique of
the Mechado dictatorship.


Cuba's


Other


Revolution

by Roberto Leyva


CUBA 1933:
PROLUGUE TO REVOLUTION.
Louis E. Aguilar.
Cornell University Press, 1972.
$9.50
Twentieth century Cuban history has
been unusually turbulent, even by
Latin American standards. It has
twice experienced the traditional
caudillistic revolutions common in
nineteenth-century Latin America,
in 1906 and 1917. They involved
defeated Liberals raising the banner
of revolt after elections re-elected the
incumbents. Rather quickly, how-


ever, Cuba joined the twentieth
century in its revolutionary style: two
major social revolutionary attempts
have also taken place, the familiar
one of 1959 and the less well known
one of 1933.
The setting in which these
convulsions have taken place is
somewhat unique. After having its
war of independence against Spain
expanded by United States entrance,
it was treated as an occupied country
rather than as an ally. Whatever
independence it obtained from the
United States was due mostly to the


Filipino rebellion of 1901, which
tipped the scales in favor of U.S.
troop withdrawal from Cuba. But the
price that was paid for having tried
to found an independent republic at
the North American doorstep was
enormous: its sovereignty was com-
promised by the Platt Amendment,
later extended as the Permanent
Treaty of 1903, and which gave the
United States the right of inter-
vention whenever the Cuban govern-
ment failed to protect life, liberty,
and especially property, a right the
United States showed little reluc-
C.R. April/May/June 1973 Page 33






tance to use to the limit; its trade
relations deliberately fashioned by
American pressure and upper class
Cubans' greed to further dependence
on United States wishes, limiting
economic development in order to be
able to sell Cuban sugar at a
preferential tariff in the United
States market; its sense of nation-
hood thus compromised at birth,
thereby postponing the fight for
genuine national independence for
the indefinite future, with all the
psychic costs this entailed.
The American economic presence
resulted for the first twenty-odd
years of the century in very rapid
economic growth, though the econ-
omy was not developed: reliance on
one crop became so extreme that to
this day Cuba has not been able to
overcome it. One by-product of the
unequal wealth it produced was the
demographic expansion of the
middle class, which attempted to
play an independent role in politics
during the 1920's. This resulted in
great conflict between them and the
corrupt and inflexible political class
which behaved as though they owned
the government. Not surprisingly,
the middle class became alienated
and eventually staged, together with
the working class, the revolution of
1933.
The great expansion of the sugar
economy also resulted in the growth
of the working class. Not only did the
sugar mills need a skilled proletariat,
but also the railroads, other public
utilities and some light industry
increased their size greatly. Espec-
ially after 1920 the labor movement
showed signs of organizational
growth becoming, under anarcho-
syndicalist leadership, a new center
of power. But instead of accommo-
dating this growing social force the
Machado government, in 1925-26,
proceeded to destroy its organi-
zations, by expelling the labor
leaders who were Spanish and
murdering those who were unlucky
enough to be Cuban, and had
nowhere else to go but to an early
grave. Though suppressed for eight
years the labor movement reappear-
ed in still greater strength being a
major contributor to the overthrow
of Machado in 1933.
Machado was overthrown in
August 1933 principally because of
the withdrawal of American support.
Although different revolutionary


organizations had been very actively
trying to do so for three years, using
all kinds of strategies, from rebellion
to coup to assassination and
terrorism, they did not succeed by
themselves in accomplishing that
goal. But Cuban public opinion, in
the form of a general strike, finally
convinced the U.S. of the govern-
ment's unpopularity, and faced with
the prospect of a revolution, the
American Ambassador, Sumner
Welles, tried to force Machado's
resignation. The Cuban army, also
influenced by the strike, and fearing
for its place in the system, speeded
up Machado's overthrow and carried
out Cuba's first successful coup.
The following five months Cuba
experienced the classical pattern of
the Brintonian revolution, for mod-
erates succeeded the hated tyranny,
and they in turn, were replaced by
the radicals. By mid-January 1934
the revolutionary cycle completed
itself and Thermidor occurred.
These months of revolution were a
watershed in Cuban history. All of
the accumulated grievances were
aired in one form or another, many
receiving at least symbolic recog-
nition. These events left their mark
for the following twenty-five years
when another and much deeper,
social revolution took place, a
revolution which traces many of its
roots to the 1933 upheaval.
Unfortunately Cubans have large-
ly ignored the 1933 events. The
answer appears to lie in the close ties
between the intellectual community
and the political groups active then
and since, for the whole period has
been so controversial that few would
write about it without being accused
of taking sides, and therefore having
primary sources, such as documents
and interviews, denied. Now that the
Cubans are split into two solid and
enduring groups the divisions of the
past should have lost much of their
sharpness. Therefore, we can expect
more serious works, both in Cuba
and abroad, since the cleavages
resulting from 1933 are not that
easily telescoped into post-1959
divisions, for in exile are most of the
surviving moderate, radical and
Thermidorian activists of 1933. This
should thus free scholars to look at
these events from a fresh perspective.
Luis Aguilar's book Cuba 1933
appears to be the first work
published since 1959 about the 1933


events. Since we know so little about
these events, the book has been
awaited expectantly. The title sug-
gests that a thorough account of the
1933 revolution is presented, with
much new information and fresh
insights. If this is what the reader
expects he is likely to be disappoin-
ted.
About one half of the book is
devoted to the setting of the
revolution. Aguilar here provides a
none-too-detailed account of twen-
tieth century social, economic, and
political changes. He puts special
emphasis upon those events which
help explain the revolution. But
rather than treating them from a
fresh perspective he uses the contro-
versial generational theme. Many
Cubans, if not most, from middle-
of-the-road to the far left interpret
the last hundred years of Cuban
history as the result of conflicts
arising from the appearance of a new
generation of activists who challenge,
in the twentieth century, the corrupt
and treasonable rule of their
generational predecessors. Such is
the propelling force of Cuban
history.
Aguilar writes his history from the
perspective of the generation of '30.
This leads him to view the older
generation, that of '95, with a harsh
perspective: ". .the worst political
elements emerged as the driving
forces of the nation," made up of "..
opportunists, newcomers, and spec-
ulators .. ." Had he compared Cuba
to other Latin American nations
shortly after their independence he
would have noticed that Cuba did
not fare so badly after all. And
writing in 1972 he should have
remembered that the generation of
'30, when in power in the 1940's and
1950's, behaved much more corrup-
tly than their predecessors.

Similarly, the reform forces of the
1920's are viewed as predominantly
young. Barely any credit is given to
the older generation as setting the
agenda of reform for younger
elements to carry forward. For
example, he mentions the fact that
by 1924 the word "regeneration" of
Cuban life was a very popular one.
Had he bothered to investigate how it
became so he would have discovered
that a very powerful reform move-
ment, the Movimiento de Veteranos
y Patriotas, of 1923-1924, had taken


Page 34 C.R. Vol. 5 No. 2






place. It profoundly reflected and
further changed public opinion, and
it almost toppled the government. It
was led by figures of '95. Aguilar
does not even mention it, except by
naming, without further identifi-
cation, its leader, General Carlos
Garcia Velez.
Aguilar also has trouble charac-
terizing the nature of the political
activities and goals of the younger
generation. For part of the book he
suggests that it was "radical,"
advocating ". .a total renovation of
the political and social structure of
the nation" reflecting "rebellious
nationalism," and responding to
"revolutionary minds." But later he
qualifies this by saying that he had
not yet accepted "the necessity of a
revolution" and that by 1929 "a
revolutionary movement" had not
yet emerged. In effect he exaggerated
the generation's earlier commitment.
It is probable that it was not that far
apart from the older generation as
this sympathizer of the younger
generation would like to make it
appear. This becomes evident when
he is forced to admit that the youth
was "willing to follow for a while the
leadership of some members of the
older generation whom they con-
sidered patriotic . ." and were
subject to strong intellectual influ-
ence of members of the older
generation. If we remember that the
most popular organization in terms
of size and of commitment, of the
"younger elements," the ABC secret
society was allied with the "old
politicians" during the revolution
(although there were generational
jealousies), we realize that the
generational model is really a myth.
It would have been much more
fruitful to use some other overall
paradigm to understand the conflicts
and alliances of this period of rapid
changes. Of course the responsible
writer has to mention the entrance of
a new generation, and the popularity
of the generational "ideology" but
instead of accepting it without
questions, a more fruitful line of
analysis would have included the
reasons it appeared and the role it
played, without making it the key to
what happened.
His generational bias is also shown
in the account of the diverse
opposition groups against the Ma-
chado dictatorship after 1930. He
makes the activities of the Student


Directorate the center of the events
of that fateful year. But clearly it
played a secondary role at best,
helping to polarize the situation,
although they were not the only ones
to have done so. Nowhere does
Aguilar mention the planned coups
of 1930 which were organized and
led by the "old politicians." Similar-
ly, his account of the consequences of
the failure of the 1931 revolutionary
attempt, known as Rio Verde, is
unfair. He calls it the "last attempt
of the old guard" and says that the
new generation's time to act has
arrived. Then he explains that they
continued to be active, something he
is forced to admit when he gives the
composition of the March 1933
Opposition Junta.
In discussing the fall of the
dictatorship, a most complicated
affair and full of myths, Aguilar only
helps perpetuate them. He suggests
that the high army officers were in
touch with the Ambassador either
directly or indirectly through the
military attache, and this led to the
coup. As a source he cites only a
popular history, and well he might,
for all of the participants have always
denied that Welles acted in such a
fashion. The author also chooses to
believe "the more common opinion"
and states that Welles picked
Machado's successor Cespedes. He
does not cite any source for his
choice, but instead pointed out that
the most important member of
Cuban opposition of the time,
Torriente, gave a different version.
Had he bothered to research the
point, he would have discovered that
Welles had actually favored Ma-
chado's Secretary of War Herrera,
and that Cespedes' name had been
proposed by the opposition. He


became president because the army
vetoed Herrera and Cespedes was the
only other person considered presi-
denciable. Such detail escapes
Aguilar, however, making for bad
history.
And thus we arrive at the
revolutionary period. Aguilar chose
to write "from above" exclusively.
Doing so is always distortive, and
especially so when the subject matter
is a revolution. He makes it appear
that the great measures approved by
the radicals originated in their
radicalism, for they "instinctively
understood that almost universal
desire of the Cuban people." Rather,
the measures were the product of the
radicals' responsiveness to great
pressures from below. The student
program issued less than two weeks
before they helped overthrow the
moderates did not include any of the
measures so prominently associated
with the radical government. Clearly,
something happened to have the
radicals' ideas changed. But nowhere
does Aguilar. discuss the working
class' programmatic role.
Since Aguilar identifies with the
radical government, he distorts its
accomplishments and makes its
enemies appear especially foolish. He
writes that "from labor to commerce,
from peasants to teachers, all sectors
of Cuban society felt the impact of
the new legislation," resulting in ". .
the speedy transformation of the
political and social structure." But
during the four months the radicals
were in power very few laws were
enforced. Aguilar inadvertently re-
veals that by citing a manifesto
which demanded that the revolu-
tionary laws be enforced. Not many
changes, therefore, could result from
unenforced decrees. Rather, the


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C.R. April/May/June 1973 Page 35






significance of the radical govern-
ment lies in the adoption of many
measures which much later were
slowly, and partly, enforced, and in
setting up a standard against which
to measure the worth of future
governments. Similarly, Welles, the
bete noire of the radicals, is
subjected to unusually harsh and
basically unfair attacks. Aguilar is
surprised that the Ambassador
behaved in a fashion designed to
preserve American dominance over
Cuba. Could anything else have been
expected? Welles is attacked for
expecting in "minor" clashes the
beginning of the end of the radical
government. It is always easy to
judge a posteriori others' contem-
porary expectations in the middle of
highly unsettled conditions. Besides,
Welles haj i -en caught by surprise
once already when the radicals
assumed power and perhaps he
overlearnedd" the lesson. But this
should evoke understanding of a
skilled diplomat's most difficult
task. Almost anyone else would have
performed much worse. General
Menocal, an "old politician," is also
subjected to uninformed criticism.
At one point Aguilar writes that
Menocal's days of revolutionary
activity were finished, and patron-
izingly calls him "wise enough never
to try," while criticizing Welles for
"misinforming" Washington that
Menocal was organizing a revolu-
tion. Aguilar should know that the
general, being most unwise, did in
fact so try, and was ready to launch a
revolution when the radicals were
overthrown.
Welles was not the only one who
was caught by surprise when the
radicals came to power. They were
surprised themselves. They had tried
to plot a coup with young army
officers, but nothing came of it.
Suddenly on September 4 they
learned that there was trouble in
Camp Columbia, Cuba's most
important garrison. Along with
representatives of all the other
revolutionary factions, they went
there. They found there that a
protest movement among enlisted
men had become a mutiny, and later
that night it became a coup. Why the
sergeants, and their leader, Batista,
made an alliance with the university
students is not explained by Aguilar.
The key man in bringing the two
groups together was a newspaper


editor of considerable revolutionary
prestige, Sergio Carbo. Alone among
all the civilians he had listened to the
enlisted men's grievances, and was
rewarded with complete trust that
crucial night. He advised Batista to
cast his lot with the students, and
thus these were rewarded with
political power, even though they
had deliberately under-rated the
significance of this military protest
just a few days before. All this has
been known for over twenty years,
thanks to an excellent account by
Ricardo Adan y Silva, La Gran
Mentira (Havana, 1948), a volume
Aguilar largely ignores. Unfortun-
ately, this is not the only instance
where he would have benefitted from
published material. He never cites
Bryce Wood's The Making of the
Good Neighbor Policy (New York,
1961), which has two excellent
chapters on the important diplo-
matic dimension of these months.
The author also distorts the
amount of support the radical
government enjoyed and why it really
lasted as long as it did. It is
extremely difficult to know for sure
how much support it had since the
contemporary evidence is very weak.
Aguilar unfortunately is not this
careful, for he claims that it enjoyed
popular support and that it was
democratic. As far as the wealthy
and middle class Cubans are
concerned, the radical takeover was
not good news, since their political
factions representing their economic
interests were displaced. With time
such opposition intensified greatly,
as the radicals enacted measure after
measure which threatened to under-
mine their privileges. The working
and lower classes present a more
complex problem. Many of them
were being organized by either of two
factions of Communist into labor
unions. Can we infer that they
therefore agreed with the Commu-
nists in opposing the radicals? It
does not appear so, for the union
members repeatedly refused to
engage in political strikes. But
during the first two months of the
radical government there were no
demonstrations in support of the
government either. A turning point
in its relations with that class was
reached on November 8 (not 18, as
Aguilar mistakingly states) when the
famous 50% law was decreed,
requiring employers to have at least


50% of their employees and payroll
Cuban. Since the Spanish element of
the population was rather numerous
(perhaps 15%) the measure adversely
affected many working class mem-
bers, but opened opportunities for
many others. The Cubans who
benefitted from the measure demon-
strated their support after that date,
while the Spanish demonstrated
against the government. So if the
government made many friends we
should say that many, and probably
fewer enemies were also made. And
yet, there was no attempt at
organizing a political party to exploit
whatever support the government
did enjoy. Perhaps this was a sign of
really how little or lukewarm,
support there was. It should be
obvious that a really popular govern-
ment, at least as popular as Aguilar
makes it appear, if led by competent
leaders would organize their support.
If, therefore, extensive support
was not what accounts for the radical
government's survival, what does?
The key lies in the army. Just as long
as it decided to cast its lot with the
radicals their government survived,
and when it changed its mind, their
government fell. Aguilar does discuss
many factors throughout the book
which helps us understand army
support for the radicals, though he
never focuses on the issue as such,
for he obviously believes that the
government's popularity also helped
it survive.
When the radicals were over-
thrown the moderate leaders came
back to power. Their policies were so
reactionary by comparison that in
retrospect, it appears, the radicals
acquired great popularity and a
mythology of radical triumphs began
to be formed. This backfired badly
when the party formed by the former
radical leaders, the Partido Revo-
lucionario Cubano, did not fulfill the
greatly inflated popular expectations
when it was in power between 1944
and 1952. Aguilar discusses this and
a few other points in a last chapter.
Its purpose seems to be to tie
together the 1933 and 1959 revolu-
tions. But 1959 is not "his"
revolution: he does not understand
it, and at some points he confesses
bafflement. His mind is still so set on
the 1933 events that 1959 is another
world. It is a fitting conclusion to a
book marked by generational bias
and incomplete research. *


Page 36 C.R. Vol. 5 No. 2









'd~ k'i~-


Rednuok Bay
(;Greal Bay


Swa Mario Bay "T'




.innv *D.
''.Churlol t \niulif

L.inldhersh Bay Ir-imn,.', H,\ rh,,in.i. H.,rtur
H'hliLvin.r ,n .l.i.


The Narruws


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reil P. .,J Hi;


Rape of the Virgins


by James W. Green


RAPE OF THE AMERICAN
VIRGINS. Edward A. O'Neill.
216pp. Praeger Publishers, 1972
$6.95


Hamlet's famous remark that
"something is rotten in the state of
Denmark" was not intended to apply
to the old Danish West Indies. But it
nevertheless summarizes much that
has happened in those Caribbean
islands both before and since they
became the property of the United
States in 1917. Described as "our
Caribbean gems: the U.S. Virgin
Islands" in Department of the
Interior publicity pamphlets, the
poverty and violence of the islands
remain serious problems. Now,


however, the problems are more
talked about and discussed since the
once isolated and remote Virgin
Islands are attracting the attention
of social scientists, militant activists,
and journalists.
Edward O'Neill is one of the latter,
a free-lance writer who was attached
to the political campaign of the
second-place candidate for governor
of the islands in 1970. A former
Foreign Service officer and a sensible
observer, his book is an interesting
though brief consideration of the
most recent developments in what he
accurately describes as the "rape" of
the Virgin Islands.
O'Neill sees three basic problems,
the convergence of which has
produced the current turmoil in


island life. First, there is the heavy
legacy of slavery, perpetuated into
this century by Danish attempts to
attach the post-emancipation labor-
ing population to the estates and to
the land. When the United States
relieved Denmark of a severe
financial as well as social embarass-
ment in 1917, the infant mortality
rate in the Virgin Islands was fully
thirty-three percent. "Exotic" di-
seases such as malaria, cholera,
elephantitas, and leprosy were
common. All but the most rudimen-
tary educational and public health
arrangements were lacking. Most of
the adult male population was
unemployed or underemployed. The
land, much of it gone to bush, was
held in large tracts by a few old

C.R. April/May/June 1973 Page 37


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families and foreign corporations.
Not surprisingly, the first U.S.
President to visit these islands,
Herbert Hoover, called them "an
effective poorhouse." The lack of
tact shown by Hoover in this locally
infamous public comment still
rankles Virgin Islanders; but none
have challenged the truthfulness of
it.
The second problem described by
O'Neill arose during what he calls
"the development decades." Begin-
ning in the early 1950s, the Virgin
Islands began attracting a few
wealthy mainland tourists and a
handful of permanent resident
whites. Known as continentalss,"
they mixed relatively easily with the
local population and enjoyed what
may undoubtedly be the last period
of inter-racial harmony in the islands
during this century. But they were
only the forerunners of what was to
become an ugly social situation. As
foreign travel came increasingly
within range of the budgets of
middle class Americans, the Virgin
Islands became more involved with
tourism. In these tiny islands,
tourism was to become more than a
local economic phenomenon; it
became a way of life.
Predictably, the once free public
beaches became the exclusive pre-
serve of the guests of large hotels.
The main streets of Charlotte Amalie
and Christiansted became clogged by
boisterous, bargain-hunting tourists.
The prices for land grew far beyond
what even moderately wealthy North
Americans could afford. Quiet
corners of the islands, occupied by a
single country bar or store, were
bulldozed and paved for large
shopping centers. Amidst the tin and
board one-room shacks of island
residents, transplanted executives
from large American corporations
build $75,000 and $100,000 houses
complete with swimming pools, high
steel fences, and trained security
dogs. One item, however, seems to
epitomize the crass spirit of com-
mercialism which enveloped island
life and traditions. Plagiarizing from
Virgin Islands folklore, the recently
built MacDonald's Hamburgers
stand in St. Thomas offers to
titillated tourists and bemused island
residents with what it calls a "jumbie


burger," after the jumbie spirits
believed to cavort about after dark,
harassing unsuspecting mortals.
Yet unrestrained tourism is only
part of the "development decades"
phenomena, perhaps the least
threatening part. Far more intract-
able is the recent locating of an oil
refinery and aluminum processing
plant on the southern shore of St.
Croix. The impact of these two
plants (a third was just approved by
the Virgin Islands Senate by a vote of
eight to six) has been nothing short
of revolutionary, in the fullest sense
of that much belabored term. The
environmental impact of dredging,
smoke and fumes, leakage from
tankers, and modification of offshore
currents is only beginning to appear.
But the sociological consequences
have been far too obvious.
Industrialization was held out as
the salvation of the impoverished
labor force in the Virgin Islands.
Instead, it has attracted thousands of
British West Indians from the Lesser
Antilles who have taken most of the
jobs. Heavy industrialization was
finally to break the syndrome of
sugar dependency, plantation domi-
nation, and foreign control of the
economic life of the island. In fact, it
has reasserted absentee ownership
and power on a scale the old Danes
could not have imagined. It has done
nothing for the mass of poor
Crucians and Thomians other than
erect huge aluminum and steel
towers and smoke stacks on their
rural skyline. The tax benefits
offered these industries have been so
absurdly generous that it is ques-
tionable whether the idea of
corporate responsibility has any
currency in the Virgin Islands at all.
The inevitable result has been
serious lack of housing for British
West Indians and Virgin Islanders
alike; a strain on the already inade-
quate public health, safety and
welfare services; and the chaos of the
get-rich-quick atmosphere which the
sudden influx of North American
capital and Antillean labor has
created.
The third problem area identified
by O'Neill is in the arena of island
politics. For most of the period of
American ownership of the island,
the Department of the Interior has


Page 38 C.R. Vol. 5 No. 2






been responsible for supervising
island affairs. Beginning in 1961,
with the appointment of a new island
governor, Interior Department policy
took a course best described by that
paternalistic phrase, "benign ne-
glect." The new governor, a white
native and rum baron, launched the
drive for the tourist and industrial
dollar with Federal blessings and
very little Federal control. The
Virgin Islands were to become a
showplace in the Caribbean of the
combined benefits of American
technology and laissez-faire free
enterprise. The governor, backed by
his party's control of the Virgin
Islands Senate, was able to deal on
his own terms with mainland
corporate interests. O'Neill docu-
ments the political free-wheeling,
cronyism, and conflicts of interest
which nearly ten years of such
political activity created. During this
time the U.S. Senate and House
committees responsible for over-
seeing the government operations of
U.S. territories were either too busy
with other matters to care or, as
O'Neill darkly hints, may have been
involved in some of the fast shuffling
themselves.
The confluence of these three
major problem areas has created the
hectic tenor of island social life
today. The destruction of the
physical environment, the crowding
of people into neglected buildings
and villages, and the resulting
tensions between racial and ethnic
groups are the product of selective
capital investment and massive off-
island labor recruitment, unres-
trained by any agency acting as
representative of the long-range
public interest. Indeed, no concept of
"public interest" seems to operate in
island political life at all.
What solutions, if any, are
possible at this juncture? O'Neill has
made some suggestions. He asks for
fiscal reorganization of the entire
Virgin Islands government in order
to eliminate conflicts of interest. The
desired role of tourism, if any, ought
to be defined and steps taken to
implement it. (That may mean fewer
but a better class of tourists.) The
College of the Virgin Islands ought
to train Virgin Islanders for skills
badly needed at home mechani-


cal, administrative, and professional.
The latter two categories are
especially important since service
industries can be expected to become
an increasingly important feature of
the economic sector. To the degree
that the islands industrialize, they
should seek non-polluting, labor
intensive industries. O'Neill notes
that St. Croix now has a number of
watch assembly plants. There is no
reason why the economy could not be
expanded into areas such as
electronics and optics, following the
Japanese example. O'Neill's sugges-
tions are piecemeal and directed to
specific problems. Perhaps such
pragmatism is the best that can be
hoped for and is a realistic response.
Yet such obvious proposals as
O'Neill's have not been the only
response to the crisis. The issue of
Black Power has been raised in the
Virgin Islands, as it has throughout
the West Indies. What Black Power
means to Crucians and Thomians is
very uncertain. No individual or
indigeneous group has come forward
with sharp, crisp analysis of the
issues in a way comparable to the
New World Group researchers in
Jamaica. Instead, Black Power has
been articulated in the Virgin
Islands by angry young men lashing
out against problems they can see
but cannot change by themselves.
Many island Black Power enthu-
siasts have been to the American
mainland, as members of the army,
as college students, and as ghetto
residents. They have read Black
nationalist spokesmen and have been
impressed. Having returned to their
island homes, they have been
enraged and defiant. Then they have
reacted, sometimes violently, before
thinking through goals and strate-
gies.
The present state of the Black
Power movement in the Virgin
Islands, and throughout much of the
West Indies, is a very indeterminant
thing. It appears to have uncertain
support. Yet Black Power as an
ideology, rather than as rhetoric,
could be expected to have profound
appeal to large numbers of West
Indians. Current Black Power rhe-
toric in the Caribbean is a kaleido-
scope of elements as diverse as
African negritude, Garveyism, Pan-


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C.R. April/May/June 1973 Page 39









THE CUBAN

EXPERIENCE


Acutely aware of the problems in
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is replacing traditional capitalistic
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get the answers, Reckord moved
freely and spoke to the people
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teachers, doctors, and factory
workers as well as government
officials. His remarkable report on
these interviews, spiced with the
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Page 40 C.R. Vol. 5 No. 2


their party Maoism, Castroism, and
Malcolm X. But what is pertinent is
that these features have been filtered
through the North American exper-
ience. The Black Power of homeward
bound West Indians is a North
American model which may not be
entirely applicable to the Caribbean.
Many island residents view it as yet
another North American export -
and reject it for just that reason. It
can be argued that if the colonial
powers can export their ideology of
capitalistic self-help and narrowly
acquisitive economic values, could
not the North American giant also
impose a state-side variety of Black
ideology? This is not to suggest
conspiracies at work, but simply to
note the possibilities of transmitting
cultural values of any kind through
the normal agencies of contact:
newspapers, television, travel, etc.
Black Power as a strategy developed
by New York or Chicago activists is
carried back to the islands where it is
rearticulated. But is it, or should it,
be modified to suit the island
situation? Difficult questions must
be clearly posed: can island senti-
ment be effectively focused using
Black identity as a guiding princi-
ple? Will "Blackness" as a call to
action appeal to the bulk of Black
West Indians? Is "Blackness" the
most inclusive or most commanding
frame of reference in the thinking of
the mass of West Indians?
The condition of the Black masses
in the Caribbean is clearly distinct
from that of Blacks in the U.S.
Blacks are the numerical majority,
not a self-conscious and defensive
enclave in the midst of a hostile
camp. Status and privilege are
allocated according to a complex
system of ranking, based on both
color variations and personal
achievement. This is very different
from the simple black-white caste
dichotomy of the U.S. mainland. In
addition, West Indians generally
achieved freedom from slavery a
generation earlier than their North
American counterparts. They take
obvious pride in their island cultures.
While they may feel politically
disadvantaged in relation to the
foreign metropole, they do not
usually experience personal dis-
crimination as sharply as do U.S.


Blacks. West Indians rarely feel
themselves to be a despised minority
as do American Blacks, and this
produces a profoundly different
psychology evident to any sensitive
observer.
How then is a North American
Black Power strategy applicable to a
West Indian island? A powerfully
reasoned and articulated statement
of island-oriented Black Power has
yet to be brought forward. Pale
imitations of the North American
model and pointless flirtations with
guns and violence have temporarily
(we hope) substituted for serious
analysis, planning, and action.
Inflammatory rhetoric has too often
been its own reward. To the extent
that Black Power rhetoric becomes
equated with Black Power ideology
and strategy, the time of real changes
in island politics and society may be
delayed. Then we would see an
unfortunate confirmation of V.S.
Naipaul's pessimistic conclusion that
Black Power in the West Indies is a
"sentimental trap."
It may be that organizers for
radical action in the Caribbean will
have to shift from race to a concept
of class in order to clarify the Black
Power issue in West Indian island
societies. The Virgin Islands are an
example of why this tactical shift
may be necessary. In his recent book,
The Virgin Islands, Gordon K. Lewis
has described the historical roots of
some of the island's most powerful
families. They derived, in part, from
the comparatively privileged "free
colored" class, a Danish creation
both legally and genetically. The
interest of that class was in their
favored place in island society,
particularly their accumulation of
wealth and their common economic
interests with the Danish colonizers.
They have been responsible, in part,
for the romantic eulogizing of things
Danish which persists in the islands
to this day. Can these people, in
positions of considerable political+
and sometimes economic power, be
expected to respond to a call for
Black militancy against the colonial
imperialists and racist dogs to the
north? Hardly! The uneasy answer of
people of this class throughout the
West Indies has been: "But we have
Black Power now and have had it for


1(






a long time." From their point of
view, perhaps not shared by the West
Indian poor, they are right.
But the issue does not end there; it
only begins. One must ask: how does
this "Black" middle and upper class
function as a pressure group within
their own society? Is there any way
the Black masses can be organized to
function as their own pressure
group? Can A Black Power advocate
articulate the needs of the poor in
order to create an organized
following capable of exerting pres-
sure violent or otherwise for
change? If the problems of social
change are regarded as a question of
group privilege and group interest,
then it becomes necessary to define



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those groups, note their cleavages
and natural alliances, and devise
strategies for breaking the prevailing
structure of self-interest. Viewed this
way, racism is seen as an epipheno-
menon which is often associated with
patterns of self-interest and privilege
but is not the cause of those patterns.
Harold Cruse, in his important
The Crisis of the Negro Intellectual,
expresses the problem this way:
"The individual in America has few
rights that are not backed up by the
political, economic and social power
of one group or another. Hence, the
individual Negro has, proportion-
ately, very few rights indeed because
his ethnic group (whether or not he
actually identifies with it) has very
little political, economic or social
power (beyond moral grounds) to
wield." The issue becomes one of
group power, of organized and
effective interest groups. Such
groups are the perpetrators of self-
serving dogmas and values, not
because they represent a conspiracy
of evil, or of whites over Blacks, but
because that is simply the way they
protect and justify their self-interest.
The problem in the West Indies is
clearly much too complicated to yield
to cries for an abstract Black unity or
to sporadic forays out of the Crucian
rain forest by self-styled guerrillas.
The objection to these latter tactics is
not that violence is self-defeating, for
clearly there are times when it is not.
Rather, as a response to deeply
entrenched social ills, such tactics
effect no long term, institutionalized
results. They remain what they are
- individual expressions of rage and
desperation easily smothered by the
power of controlling groups. In such
a climate, the hard-thinking and
tedious community mobilization
which is required becomes increa-
singly unlikely.
An additional problem confronts
those Blacks who would organize
West Indians for radical collective
action. This is the powerful distrust
by "ordinary" West Indians of any
form of leadership. Those elements
of leadership on which West Indians
have traditionally conferred legi-
timacy charisma; imitation of
white standards; short-run patron-
age all are uncertain grounds on
which to build a long-term social


movement. Yet existing folk heros
and men of potential leadership are
to some degree representatives of
these kinds of values. One thinks of
the calypsonian, bureaucrat, and the
old Trinidadian "saga boy" respec-
tively. It is difficult to see how any of
these individuals could parlay what-
ever leadership potential he may
possess into a fully inter-class, all-
Black base of popular support.
An example may be seen in the
self-help organizations which have
recently appeared in the Virgin
Islands. The most important of these
are among the British West Indian
"aliens." These groups have been
frustrated by a number of problems,
the most important of which have
been governmental opposition to
their programs and inability to build
membership from among the highly
transitory "alien" population. Yet
within these movements the factional
hostility and strife is sometimes
fierce as small groups of insiders
struggle for leadership and control.
Whatever may be the sources of this
conflict, it confirms in the minds of
prospective members their prejudice
that Blacks cannot control their own
affairs and that when given power
they use it against one another. The
preference is then for outside
direction and control, a feature of
the dependency psychology so in-
grained in small-island thinking in
the Caribbean.
Most probably, the islands will
continue to "develop" as they have.
The folk culture of the place, as a
distinctive and interesting variant of
New World Afro-American culture,
will not be given a central place in
that "development." Rather, it will
be quietly forgotten as Virgin
Islanders become increasingly con-
tent with the few material benefits of
their precarious prosperity. To the
extent that the reforms suggested by
O'Neill are achieved, the appeal of
Black Power rhetoric will be
restricted. But the dependency
relationship of the islands, like that
of others in the Caribbean, will
remain too firmly entrenched to
allow real alternatives to any but a
culturally Americanized future.
What is most unfortunate is that few
Virgin Islanders will be asked if this
is what they want. *


C.R. April/May/June 1973 Page 41





































From "The History of Jamaica" by Edward Long (1774), reprinted by Frank Cass (G.B.) and International Scholarly Book Services (U.S.A.).





Creole Jamaica


THE DEVELOPMENT OF
CREOLE SOCIETY IN
JAMAICA: 1770-1820.
Edward Braithwaite, 374 pp.
Claredon Press: Oxford U. Press,
1971

The title of this analysis of West
Indian society adequate though it
is for the contents of the work is
somewhat misleading. Perhaps one
should say it is too modest a claim.
Braithwaite admits that the histor-
ical framework is merely the
background for an analysis of the
interplay of social forces that shape a
society. As such, the re-examination
of the past, the reader soon notes, is
but a strategy for explaining the
present, examples of which con-
Page 42 C.R. Vol. 5 No. 2


stantly interpenetrate the narrative.
The author's clear focus is evident
from the outset. He skillfully avoids
the pitfalls that have trapped many
of those who attempt to study
multi-ethnic, colonial or post-colon-
ial societies. He does this by pre-
supposing that interacting groups
within the same territorial confines
who participate in the same public
institutions constitute a society
regardless of sub-group differences
and boundaries. Here, then, is the
rationale for his points of departure
- the establishment as middlemen
for the colonial power, a local group
protective of its own interests
vis-a-vis the colonial power, and the
large mass of a slave population.
In a remarkably coherent induc-


by Ena Campbell
tive analysis, Braithwaite proceeds to
demonstrate the necessity to accom-
modate to the natural and social
environment both inside and outside
the colony. A peculiar topography,
recurrent natural disasters, tropical
diseases, the plantation as system
and micro-world, and British mer-
cantilist policy all had their influence
in promoting and maintaining
monoculture and its attendant
economic vulnerability, in maintain-
ing unfavorable racial and sex ratios
in the population, in isolating
dominant group members from one
another, in facilitating run-away and
rebellious slaves, and in encouraging
cultural and biological hybridi-
zation.
There are, however, other impor-





tant forces that affected the island.
As a part of Britain's New World
colonial culture complex, the island
was affected by the relationship of
the mother country and her largest
colony, the American states with
which she had economic and social
ties. A full grasp of the situation,
Braithwaite proves, demands yet a
broader context, for Jamaica was an
island in an international Caribbean
sea and under constant threat from
other colonial powers as well as open
to threatening ideological influences
from nearby islands.
There is nothing contrived about
this framework, for the Establish-
ment, which had the facility of
transporting recalcitrant Maroons to
colonial Canada, felt the aftermath
of American independence. That
meant greater dependence on the
mother country, greater isolation
from the European cultural stream,
and the necessity to accommodate
loyalists from America both
White and Black the latter group
included preachers who would
introduce new ideologies among the
slave population and provide leader-
ship. The society also had to strive to
maintain its integrity after such
frightening events as the Haitian
rebellion and emancipation in Gua-
deloupe.
Divided as they were by class
barriers, threats to the status quo
forced Whites to close ranks and to
be even more protective of their
interests than their feudal mentality
had recommended at the beginning
- hence the rigidity of a structural
dichotomy in principle and, as far as
possible, in practice. Yet, Braith..
waite clearly shows, this structural
dichotomy was a contradiction of
cultural commonalities developed
within the plantation micro-world
and the permitted socio-cultural
differentiation among Blacks as a
result of the concomitant need for
artisans and domestics and of the
shortage of petits blancs.
Self-interest had encouraged the
Establishment to push for a measure
of local autonomy and to emphasize
cultural discontinuities. Ironically
enough, it was this same self-interest
that prompted certain adaptive
measures in the attempt to coopt
potentially disruptive elements.


Concessions were made to Blacks,
Mulattos, and Maroons alike. Thus,
despite the "apartheid" policy, there
was a meeting ground. The slave
population became more and more
acculturated, imprinting itself on
Whites linguistically and psycho-
culturally. A new cultural synthesis
emerged. It stood alongside but was
steadily gaining ground on European
and African cultural traditions in the
counterpoint of colonialism and
slavery. Today, in a society in which
the most marked colonial legacy is
structural, this folk tradition still
struggles for national recognition as
the native culture.
Thus Braithwaite supports his
thesis that "present conditions are as
much a result of the creolization
process as the slavery which provided
a framework for it." He admits that
his conclusions, which boldly con-
tradict those of pluralist theory, may
be due to the use of a different
model. While it is true that his
theoretical bent presupposes a strain
for consistency in all societies the
necessity for a society to adapt, act,
and interact the analysis is
persuasive by virtue of its clarity and
the sheer weight of supportive
evidence. At no point does the
skeletal structure of an a prior
model intrude upon the reader's
appreciation of the author's logic;
besides, inner unity is maintained by
sharply focused questions that
prepare the reader for new avenues
of exploration.
The study may be said to have one
flaw. Braithwaite has certainly not
allowed himself to be constructed by
the fifty-year span he has chosen.
However, he fails to make use of a
most convenient measuring rod . .
the Chinese population, whose
commitment to an ethnic culture is
strong, and who, as marginals or
isolates, may have influenced, or
been influenced by, Jamaican (Black)
folk culture in the adaptation and
creolization that resulted from
interaction and accommodation to a
new locale. To be sure, the period
indicated does not demand their
inclusion, yet it is the author himself
who, with his mention of the
irrelevancy of introducing the East
Indian "problem" into the Jamaican
scene, points to this possibility. *


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introduction
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As a study of the impact of one
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Mariategui and the Myth is the first
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C.R. April/May/June 1973 4 Page 43


































MANLEY AND THE NEW
JAMAICA. SELECTED
SPEECHES AND WRITINGS
1938-1968. Rex Nettleford.
393 pp. Africana Publishing
Corporation [New York], 1971
$19.50


Mr. Nettleford has performed a
labor of love in this volume,
composed of speeches and writings
of Manley over his lifetime and a
lengthy introductory essay by the
editor. It is a fitting testimonial to
Manley as Jamaican statesman as
seen, variously, through his state-
ments on nationalism, constitutional
development, the two-party system,
socialism, federation, and the rest. It
does not add up, of course, to a fully
fashioned political philosophy nor a
sustained, comprehensive analysis of
Jamaican social and political struc-
ture, if only because the matter here
presented is mostly composed of ad
hoc political utterances made by
Manley during his political career.
He was, in any case, less the
philosopher than what Burke called
the politician, the philosopher in
action, a bias reinforced by the
temptation of the legal mind to
construct a brief for the defense


rather than a coherent positive
philosophy.
It is a much needed book. But it is
ultimately a disappointing book. I do
not mean by that the fact that
Nettleford strives to defend Manley
against his critics. For he has little
difficulty in showing how erroneous
some of that criticism is. Thus it is
patently unfair to argue, as did
Orlando Patterson in his New Left
Review article of some years ago,
that what took place in Jamaica
during the Manley period was not a
real Jamaican nationalist movement
but only an imperial transfer of
power. The charge fails to set Manley
within the objective limitations of
historical time and place. It was
revolutionary enough in 1938 to fight
for self-government against the
Crown Colony system, to seek to
organize a mass-based popular
movement against colonialism.
Manley was only symptomatic, here,
of a general climate of opinion which
accepted the British constitutionalist
system; even Garvey, after all, in his
London speech of 1928, uncritically
accepted the myth of British
benignity, that Queen Victoria had
freed the slaves. Nor should it be
forgotten what sort of sacrifice
Manley (like Grantley Adams in


Barbados) embraced for his stand:
Nettleford properly reminds us,
through quoting Arthur Lewis, that
Manley went into politics a rich
lawyer and when he left office
twenty-five years later was obliged to
sell the old family home in order to
provide for himself and his family. It
is sociologically inaccurate and
historically misleading to see the
Manley of 1940 through the spec-
tacles of 1970.
Why, then, is the book disap-
pointing? For two reasons. First, it is
a one-dimensional portrait. We see
little of Manley the man behind the
orthodox portrait of Manley the
national statesman. The enriching
psychological analysis which shows
the complex of motives behind the
overt behavior-pattern, in the man-
ner, say, of Leon Edel's tremendous
volumes on Henry James, is missing.
The vanity, the arrogance, the
essentially elitist bias, are briefly
noted, but not systematically related
to the story; and it is not enough to
stress, as does Nettleford, Manley's
emphasis upon the consultative
process in party life. Manley would
listen to others; but it was always
with that assurance of intellectual
certitude, that he was fundamentally
right, which made any far-reaching


Page 44 C.R. Vol. 5 No. 2





revision of his convictions impos-
sible.
In the second place, the book has
the defensive tone of the semi-official
biography. There are too many
contradictions left out. Manley's
speech of 1947 to the Caribbean
Labour Congress is reprinted, with
its declarative statement that "I am a
realist. And I am satisfied that
British socialism is not for export."
Yet many of the other speeches
reprinted forcibly suggest that
Manley never really emancipated
himself from the narrow assump-
tions of British Fabian Socialism. In
both the British Guiana crisis of
1952 and the split between left and
right wings in the PNP crisis of 1954
Manley accepted the British Labour
Party's obsession with witch-hun-
ting, so much so that in the former
affair it was Bustamante and not
Manley who alone of West Indian
politicians spoke out courageously
against British gunboat diplomacy.
The British two-party system, the
Fabian idea of glacial, gradualist
constitutional progress in the colo-
nies, Fabian middle-class elitism -
all were repeated in the structure and
ideology of the PNP. It is small
wonder that, resultantly, the PNP
came to be regarded as the brown
man's party, the successor of the old
'Coloured Party,' and that it also
came to suffer from the middle class
fear of ideas, despite the fact that, as
Nettleford points out, Manley him-
self did not suffer so intensely from
the Jamaican middle-class phobias.
There is, finally, of course, the
West Indies Federation matter. It is
odd that Nettleford fails to reprint
Manley's Montego Bay Conference
address. For in that speech Manley
rose to really statesmanlike heights,
with his fine assertion that "The
vested interest of ambition in power
is the most dangerous of all the
vested interests. It is the history of
every federation that there have
always been found men who were
unwilling to give up any local root of
power for the creation of a larger
centre of power itself . ." Is the
speech not included because, by
comparison, it would have shown the
later speech of 1958 "my duty is to
stay in Jamaica" which is
included, as the betrayal of that


federal idealism that it surely is?
Here, indeed, Manley was truly
Fabian. For British Fabianism has
throughout sacrificed the inter-
nationalist ethic of socialism to a
narrow British chauvinism, inclu-
ding of late the sacrifice of the
Commonwealth ideal to an ugly
national white genteel racialism
within English society itself. If, then,
Mr. Manley is to be criticized as the
small-minded Jamaican nationalist
no British socialist is eligible to cast
the first stone, for there have been
few Labour leaders in the last seventy
years who have been prepared to
endanger their political career by
embracing an unpopular cause, as
Peel did with Free Trade and
Gladstone with Ireland.
The trouble is that when he comes
to deal with these issues Nettleford
satisfies himself with evasive com-
ment. He half-heartedly concedes
that there were critics. But he can
never bring himself to agree with
them. This is not because he is
excessively partisan or purblind or
too jealous of Manley's position in
the pantheon of Jamaican national
heroes. It is, I think, because he
himself shares so much the Manley-
ite vision. It is a vision more
nationalist than socialist. It postu-
lates the growth of a national inte-
grative, all-inclusive Jamaican main-
stream culture that will supersede
internal class divisions and intra-
racial Animosities: the theme, in
brief, of Nettleford's earlier book,
Mirror, Mirror. Yet there is little
evidence, in the post-Manley Ja-
maica of today, that this is a realistic
prognosis. For what the 1938-1968
Manley-Bustamante great political
cousinhood did as its supreme
achievement similar to that of the
Puerto Rican Populares during the
same period was to engineer the
political assimilation of the masses
into the national lite. What still
remains to be done is the social and
economic assimilation of the masses
into a more genuinely egalitarian
system. Whether this can be
accomplished by yet another develo-
ping chapter in the politics of
'leadership' along the Manley lines
- a thesis implicit in the closing
pages of Nettleford's introductory
essay remains yet to be seen. .


C.


-






CARIBBEAN
MONOGRAPH
SERIES NO. 7

religious

cults of the

caribbean

trinidad,

jamaica

and haiti
US$5.00
by george e.

simpson






Revised and augmented
version of The Shango Cult
in Trinidad


PUBLICATIONS
Institute of Caribbean Studies
Box BM
University of Puerto Rico
Rio Piedras, Puerto Rico


C.R. April/May/June 1973 Page 45






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THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF A RUNAWAY
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Geography and Travel
ECONOMIES AND SOCIETIES OF LATIN
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PERU IN PICTURES. David Alfred Boehn.
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THE DESTRUCTION OF BRAZILIAN
SLAVERY, 1850-1888. Robert Conrad. 368 pp.
U. of California Press, 1972.


THE ABOLITION OF SLAVERY IN THE GOLDEN AGE OF BRAZIL, 1695-1750.
BRAZIL. Robert Brent Toplin. 299 pp. C.R. Boxer. 443 pp. U. of California Press,
Atheneum, 1972. $10.00. 1972.


AM I NOT A MAN AND A BROTHER? Stiv
Jakobsson. 661 pp. Almquist & Viksells
(Sweden), 1972. The abolition of the slave
trade and slavery in West Africa and the
West Indies 1786-1830.
ASPECTS OF DOMINICAN HISTORY. 172
pp. Government Printing Division
(Dominica) 1972. Issued by the government
to commemorate the fifth anniversary of
Associated Statehood with Britain.
THE BRITISH IN THE CARIBBEAN. Cyril
Hampshere. 240 pp. Harvard U. Press, 1972.
$12.95. An exciting narration of the British
experience in the Caribbean from the 16th to
the 20th century. Includes 48 pages of
Illustrations.
THE CHINESE IN BRITISH GUIANA. Sir
Cecil Clementi. 416 pp. Frank Cass (London)
1972. $25.00. A reprint of the 1915 book an
account of the politics and operation of
various Chinese immigration schemes, as
well as a social history of the Chinese in
Guyana.


OCCUPIED HAITI. Emily Greene Balch.
Introduction by Mercedes M. Randall. 186 pp.
Gerland (N.Y.), 1972. $11.00. A reprint of the
1927 book.
Reference

PUERTO RICANS ON THE UNITED
STATES MAINLAND. Francesco Cordasco.
146 pp. Rowman and Littlefield, 1972. $12.50.
A bibliography of report, texts, critical
studies and related materials about Puerto
Ricans.
THE STUDY OF LATIN AMERICAN
POLITICS IN UNIVERSITY PROGRAMS IN
THE UNITED STATES. Rosendo A. Cruz. U.
of Arizona press, 1972. $1.50. A brief in-
formative summary of how, when, and by
whom Latin American politics is studied in
American Universities.


11 THE ARTS
Art, Architecture, & Music
THE ART OF ANCIENT PERU. Ferdinand
Anton. 368 pp. Putnam, 1972. $25.00.
UNA EPOCA DE HISTORIC EN
CARICATURAS. Filardi. Editorial
Universitaria, Rio Piedras, 1971. A collection
of cartoons bringing out Puerto Rican per-
sonalities, issues and news of great impact
during 1948-1963.
LA REBELLION DE LOS SANTOS. Marta
Traba. Ediciones Puerto Rico, Rio Piedras,
1972. An illustrated book of Puerto Rican
Saints and a detailed explanation about
them.


Language and Literature
AN ANTHOLOGY OF TWENTIETH CEN-
TURY BRAZILIAN POETRY. Elizabeth and
Brasil Bishop. 181 pp. Wesleyan U. Press,
1972. Cloth $11.00, paper $3.05.
ANTOLOGIA POETICA. Francisco Matos
Paoli. 197 pp. Editorial Universitaria, Rio
Piedras 1972, $3.00. Collection of poetry by
the famed Puerto Rican poet.
BOMBA CAMARA. Umberto Valverde.
Editorial# Diogenes, 1972. Stories by a
Colombian writer.
BREARLIGHT. Andrew Salkey. (ed). 265 pp.
Harmish Hamilton (London), 1972. 1.75. An
anthology of Caribbean Poetry.
CUENTOS COMPLETOS. Francisco Roias
Gonzalez. Fondo de Cultura Economica, 1972.

FAMILY TIES. Clarice Lispector. 156 pp. U.
of Texas Press, 1972. $5.95. Brazilian short
stories about suffering and failure.
LA HUELLA DEL PULGAR. Noel Navarro.
67 pp. Casa de las Americas 1972. Won the
1972 Casa de las Americas prize for the best
story. Stories about revolutionary Cuba.
MEXICAN-AMERICAN AUTHORS.
Americo Paredes and Raymond Paredes,
Comp. 152 pp. Houghton, 1972. $2.00.
LA MIRADA. Guillermo Sucre. Editorial
Tiempo Nuevo (Caracas, Venezuela), 1970.
Republication of the 1933 book of poems.
GREEN TREE ANDA DRY TREE. Carter
Wilson. 300 pp. MacMillan Co., 1972. $7.95. A
novel.





PLANNING FOR
HEALTHY
POPULATIONS

Health and the
Developing World


By JOHN BRYANT, M.D.


Based on the work of a survey team
sponsored by the Rockefeller Foun-
dation. this forthright book is ad-
dressed to the task of providing
adequate health care for entire
plxpulations. Dr. Bryant examines
health programs and the obstacles they
must overcome, mainly in Africa, Latin
America. and Asia. His recom-
mendations for realistic solutions to
world health problems are essential
reading for anyone concerned with
public health and with the future of
emerging countries.

.-'< Itage-s, illtstrations. tables. $10.00


Cornell University Press

ITHACA and LONDON


Page 48 C.R. Vol. 5 No. 2


frtl rita

El EvrW1, fInc.


mfa#No P. IL aa01
UAM JUnAN. P. U. o@001







A NEW HISTORY OF SPANISH AMERICAN
FICTION. Kessel Schwartz. 2 vols. 436 pp. &
445 pp. U. of Miami Press, 1972. $10.00 each.
THE OVERCROWDED BARRACOON AND
OTHER ARTICLES. V.S. Naipaul. 286 pp.
Andre Deutsch, 1972. 2.50. Consists of four
pieces written between 1958 and 1965 in which
Naipaul describes and analyses his position
as a West Indian.
REEL FROM "THE LIFE MOVIE", An-
thony McNeill, 47 pp. Savacou Publications
(Jamaica), 1972. Poetry.
SIESTA, A NOVEL. Michael Mainwaring.
145 pp. Allison & Busly, 1972.
TEMBLAR KATATAY. Jose Maria
Arguedas. Institute Nacional de Cultura,
1972. Poems both in Spanish and in Quechua.
12 SPANISH AMERICAN POETS: AN
ANTHOLOGY. H.R. Heys, (ed.) Beacon
Press Books, 1972.


111. THE SOCIAL SCIENCES
Anthropology and Sociology
BLACKAND WHITE RACE RELATIONS IN
BRAZIL. 'Abraham Monk. 56 pp. SUNYAB,
1972.
LA CLASEMEDIA EN MEXICO. Edited and
introduced by Marcelo Pogolotti. Editorial
Diogenes (Mexico), 1972.
CLIMA IDEOLOGICO DE UN GRUPO DE
JURADOS. Luis Nieves Falcon. 108 pp.
Ediciones Libreria Internacional, P.R. 1972.
CULTURAL POLICY :N CUBA. Lisandro
Otero. 55 pp. Unesco, 1972.
THE FEITOSAS AND THE SERTAO DOS
INHAMUS. Billy Jaynes Chandler. 178 pp. U.
of Florida Press, 1972. $7.50. The history of a
family and a community in the Sertao of N.E.
Brazil, 1700-1930.
THE INDIAN BACKGROUND OF
COLONIAL YUCATAN. Ralph Loveland
Roys. 244 p. U. of Oklahoma Press, 1972.
$8.95.
INFORMED DEL STUDIO EX-
PLORATORIO SOBRE LA INMIGRACION
HAITIANA EN LA REPUBLICAN
DOMINICANA. Arzobispado de Santo
Domingo y Centro Latinoamericano de
Poblacion y Familia. 88 pp. Santo Domingo,
1972.
JOURNEY TO IXTLAN: THE LESSONS
OF DON JUAN. Carlos Castaneda. Simon &
Schuster. 1973. $6.95. Third book of the
famous series.
MIS EXPERIENCIAS EN LA PENITEN-
CIERIA ESTATAL. Manuel Menendez
Saavedra. 93 pp. Ediciones Puerto Rico, Rio
Piedras, 1972. A detailed study of the terrible
conditions of the Puerto Rican prisons.
THE PUERTO RICAN EXPERIENCE.
Edited by Francesco Cordasco and Eugene
Bucchioni. 370 pp. Littlefield, Adams & Co.,
1973. Cloth: $10.00, paper: $4.95. Billed as a
sociological sourcebook.
RACIAL TENSIONS AND NATIONAL
IDENTITY. Ernest Q. Campbell 262 pp.
Vanderbilt U. Press, 1972. $10.00. Case
studies describing race relations and
problems in the Caribbean, England, the
United States, Rodesia, South Africa, and
Malaysia.
SOCIAL CHANGE AND PERSONALITY IN
A PUERTO RICAN AGRARIAN REFORM
COMMUNITY. Eduardo Seda. 187 pp. North-
western U. Press, 1973. $8.50. A community
study in Puerto Rico that studies the effects
of Americanization.
SOCIAL FUNCTIONS OF LANGUAGE IN A
MEXICAN-AMERICAN COMMUNITY.
George Carpenter Barker. 56 pp. U. of
Arizona Press, 1972. paper $4.00.
STUDY OF THE INITIAL INVOLVEMENT
IN THE SOCIAL SERVICES BY THE
PUERTO RICAN MIGRANTS IN
PHILADELPHIA. Carmen Olivero Garcia.
316 pp. Vantage Press, 1971. $5.95 Originally
presented as the author's thesis in 1968.
TOPONIMIA DE LA GUAJIRA
VENEZOLANA. Adolfo Salazar Quijada.
Universidad Catolica "Andres Bello," 1971.


Economics
CAPITAL EXTRANJERO: SUB-
DESARROLLO COLOMBIANO. Alvaro
Camacho Guizado. Purnta de Lengua
(Bogota, Colombia), 1972.


COINS AND CURRENCY OF PANAMA.
Julius Grigore. 202 pp. Krause Publications,
1972.
THE ECOLOGY OF MALNUTRITION IN
MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA.
Jacques Meyer May and Donna L. McLellan.
395 pp. Hafner Pub., 1972. $15.00.
INCOME DISTRIBUTION IN LATIN
AMERICA. United Nations Economic
Commission for Latin America. 148 pp. 1971.
$2.50.
LA INTEGRACION ECONOMIC DEL
CARIBE. Milton Medina. 358 pp. Centro
Dominicano de Promocion de Exportaciones.
(Santo Domingo), 1972. A brief geographical
and political description of the Caribbean and
its institutions with the purpose of ac-
celerating economic integration.
INVERSION Y TECNOLOGIA EX-
TRANJERA EN AMERICA LATINA. Miguel
S. Wionczek. Cuadernos de Joaquin Moritz,
1971.
LATIN AMERICA: LAND AND MEN. Solon
Barraclough and Juan Carlos Collarte. 272
pp. D.C. Heath, 1973. $15.00. Investigates the
vast differences in income and land
ownership between a few wealthy owners and
a large number of poor workers in seven
Latin American countries.
LUMPEN-BOURGEOISIE AND LUMPEN-
DEVELOPMENT: DEPENDENCY, CLASS
AND POLITICS IN LATIN AMERICA.
Andre Gunder Frank. 151 pp. Monthly
Review Press, 1972. $6.00. A translation from
the original 1970 Spanish manuscript about
the "wretched class of capitalists in the
satellite countries of imperialism, which acts
as no more than an instrument of foreign
industry and commerce."

'-nijgign'f~pipi~nni


GBOOKSTOWR





409 San Francisco

Plaza de Col6n

Old San Juan














Hours:
'Til 10 pm. Mon. to Sat.
12 Noon 'til 10 Sunday



C.R. April/May/June 1973 Page 49


"A rewarding study."

Foreign Affairs.

"... a bench mark study."

Journal of
Developing Areas.



CRUCIFIXION
BY POWER



Essays on Guatemalan
National Social Structure,
1944-1966
By Richard Newbold Adams

xiv, 553 pages $10.00



UNIVERSITY OF

TEXAS PRESS
Box 7819
Austin, Texas 78712





- ~t'~ m


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Photo B.B.L.


VIOLENCIA Y DESPOJO DEL CAM-
;PESINO: EL LATIFUNDISMO EN
AMERICA LATINA. Ernest Feder. Trans.
by Roberto Reyes Mazzoni. Siglo XXI, 1972.
About Latin America's agrarian problems.
Philosophy & Theology

PUERTO RICO: IGLESIA Y SOCIEDAD
1969-1971. Antulio Parrilla Bonilla. CIDOC
,(Mexico), 1971.

RELIGION, ALTERED STATES OF
CONSCIOUSNESS AND SOCIAL CHANGES.
Erika Bourguignon. (ed.) 324 pp. Ohio U.
Press, 1972. $12.50. This study ranges from
Sub-Saharan Africa to modern Sao Paulo,
from Micronesia to the Caribbean.

SPIRITS OF THE DEEP: DRUMS,
MEDIUM AND TRANCE IN A BRAZILIAN
CITY. Seth Leacock and Ruth Leacock. 416
pp. The Natural History Press, 1972.

EL TIEMPO Y YO. Antonio Martinez
Alvarez. 317 pp. Editorial Universitaria, Rio
Piedras, 1972. $1.50. Articles and essays.

TOMORROW'S CHILD: IMAGINATION,
CREATIVITY, AND THE REBIRTH OF
CULTURE. Rubem Alves. 210 pp. Harper
and Rwow, 1972. $6.95. A comprehensive
vision of Western culture by the U. of Sao
Paulo professor.

Politics


ATENCINGO: THE POLITICS OF
AGRARIAN STRUGGLE IN A MEXICAN
EJIDO. David Ronfeldt. Stanford U. Press,
1973. $10.00. A detailed political study, ex-
tending from the 1920's to 1969, of one of the
largest and most productive of Mexico's
ejidos. Focuses on the struggles among the
peasants, economic interests, and officials
for control of the ejido's valuable lands and
production.

BOLIVIA: LAND, LOCATION AND
POLITICS SINCE 1825. Valeria J. Fifer. 301
pp. Cambridge U. Press, 1972.

BOLIVIA'S MNR: A STUDY OF A
NATIONAL POPULAR MOVEMENT IN
LATIN AMERICA. James M. Malloy. 55 pp.
SUNYAB, 1972.

BRAZIL: POLITICS IN A PATRIMONIAL
SOCIETY. Riordan Roett. 197 pp. Allyn 1972.
$3.50.

THE CHRISTIAN DEMOCRATIC
MOVEMENT IN NICARAGUA. Thomas W.
Walker. U. of Arizona Press, 1972. paper
$1.50. Where did the Christian-Democratic
Movement of 1957 go?

CONSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN
GUYANA DURING THE SECOND WORLD
WAR. Harold Lutchman. 30 pp. U.of Guyana,
1972.


ARGENTINE POLITICAL PARTIES AND LA CULTURAL POLITICAL EN PUERTO
THE 1966 REVOLUTION. Peter Snow. 60 pp. RICO. Eduardo Seda Bonilla. 219 pp. Centro
SUNYAB, 1972. de Investigaciones Sociales, U.P.R., 1972.


LA CULTURAL POLITICAL PUER-
TORRIQUENA. Milton Pabon. 309 pp.
Editorial Xagley, Rio Piedras, 1972.
Describes the Puerto Rican political reality.

DEMOCRACY, MILITARISM, &
NATIONALISM IN ARGENTINA: 1930-1966.
Marvin Goldwert. 253 pp. U. of Texas Press,
1972. $8.00.

LA DOMINACION HAITIANA 1822-1844.
Frank Moya Pons. 221 pp. Universidad
Catolica Madre y Maestra (Republica
Dominicana), 1972. $1.75.

THE DOMINICAN REPUBLIC:
REBELLION AND REPRESSION. Carlos
Maria Gutierrez. 174 pp. Monthly Review
Press, 1973. $6.95. About "the almost direct
rule of Washington over the Dominican
Republic."

FIDEL IN CHILE. Fidel Castro. 234 pp.
International Publishers, 1972. $7.50 cloth,
$2.65 paper. Fidel's speeches during his 1971
visit to Chile.

THE FOREIGN POWERS OF LATIN
AMERICA. Herbert Goldhamer. Princeton
U. Press, 1972. $10.00.

LA FORMACION DEL PODER POLITICO
EN MEXICO. Arnaldo Cordova. Ediciones
Era, 1972.

IBANEZ AND ALESSANDRI: T-IE
AUTHORITARIAN RIGHT AND
DEMOCRATIC LEFT IN TWENTIETH
CENTURY CHILE. George Strawbridge. 52
pp. SUNYAB, 1972.


Page 50 C.R. Vol. 5 No. 2


*1





INTEGRACAO LATINO-AMERICANA. Jose
Carlos Brandi Aleixo. 127 pp. Coordenada-
Editora, 1970. Discusses the social, political,
economic and historical elements that
stimulate the movement towards Latin
American Integration.
LA INTERVENTION MILITARY YANKI EN
COLOMBIA. Rosa Gomez Lleras and Juan
Valdes. Ediciones Frente Social (Bogota,
Colombia), 1972.
LATIN AMERICAN POLITICS. Charles F.
Denton and Preston Lee Lawrence 242 pp.
Chandler Pub. 1972. $4.50.
THE MEXICAN ELECTION OF 1940. Albert
L. Michaels. 52 pp. SUNYAB, 1972.
MEXICAN REVOLUTION. Charles Curtis
Cumberland. 449 pp. U. of Texas Press, 1972.
$10.00.

PERON AND THE ARGENTINE
DEMOCRATIC PARTIES, 1943-1946. Joseph
Barager, 24 pp. SUNYAB, 1972.
POLITICS AND PRIVILEDGE IN A
MEXICAN CITY. Richard R. Fagen and
William S. Touhy. 209 pp. Stanford U. Press,
1972. $8.50.
THE POLITICS OF FOREIGN AID IN THE
BRAZILIAN NORTHEAST. Riordan Roett.
202 pp. Vanderbilt U. Press, 1972. $8.95.
PROTEST AND RESISTANCE IN ANGOLA
AND BRAZIL. Edited by Chilocote. 317 pp. U.
of California Press, 1972. $12.00. Comparative
studies.
PUERTO RICO: A SOCIO-ECONOMIC
INTERPRETATION. Manuel Maid nado
Denis. 350 pp. Vintage, 1973. $2.45. Traces the
Island's 500 years of imperialism. Mald, nado
charges that Commonwealth leaders have
consistently betrayed their people and have
frustrated a genuine, indigenous movement
for complete political independence.


PUERTO RICO: COMMONWEALTH,
STATE, OR NATION? Byron Williams. 249
pp. Parent's Magazine Press (N.Y.) 1972.
$4.95.
READINGS IN THE LATIN AMERICAN
POLICY OF THE UNITED STATES.
Thomas L. Karnes (ed.) U. of Arizona Press,
1972. paper $4.95. Documentary accounts of
U.S. L.A. relations from the 1780's to the
1970's.
THOUGHTS ON COMPARATIVE EF-
FECTIVENESS: LEADERSHIP AND THE
DEMOCRATIC LEFT IN COLOMBIA AND
VENEZUELA. Philip B. Taylor. 58 pp.
SUNYAB, 1972.

THE UNITED STATES AND
REVOLUTIONARY NATIONALISM IN
MEXICO, 1916-1932. Robert Freeman Smith.
288 pp. U. of Chicago Press, 1972. $12.00.
VOLUNTARY ASSOCIATIONS AND
POLITICAL PARTIES IN A RACIALLY
FRAGMENTED STATE: THE CASE OF
GUYANA. Ralph R. Premdas. 42 pp. U. of
Guyana, 1972. An examination of the
relationship between political parties and
voluntary associations within the ethnically
fragmented emerging nation.
WE MUST MAKE HASTE-SLOWLY: THE
PROCESS OF REVOLUTION IN CHILE.
David J. Morris. 250 pp. Vintage, 1973. $1.95.
An on the scene investigation of Allende's
Chile, the progress of its revolution and the
implications for the rest of the world.


polem sde


desnuaU&J


soci


en PUERTOPX


editado por:
Rafael L. Ramirez
Barry B. Levine
Carlos Buitrago Ortiz

dQUIMNES SON LOS POBRES EN PUER-
TO RICO?
Celia F. de Cintr6n y Barry B. Levine
EL DESARROLLO DE LAS CLASSES SOCIA-
LES Y LOS CONFLICTS POLITICOS
EN PUERTO RICO
A. G. Quintero Rivera
LA PERCEPTION DE LA DESIGUALDAD
EN UNA COMUNIDAD CAMPESINA EN
PUERTO RICO
Carlos Buitrago Ortiz
MARGINALIDAD, DEPENDENCIA Y PAR-
TICIPACION POLITICAL EN EL ARRA-
BAL
Rafael L. Ramirez
LAS TRES P-LITES EN PUERTO RICO
Roberto Sanchez Vilella
HACIA UN ANALYSIS DE LA CLASE ME-
DIA EN PUERTO RICO
Mariano Mufioz Hernmndez












Saldafa 3 Rio Piedras, RR.



765-0622

C.R. April/May/June 1973 Page 51


D

















ANTIGUA


BASIC INFORMATION: Antigua has
108 square miles. The island is
shaped as a rough circle. She is
a member of the British Com-
monwealth under an Associated
State status.** Antigua has a pc-
pulation of around 60,000 and
her capital is ST. JOHN'S The
currency is the West Indian
Dollar (popularly called the bee
wee dollar). Visitors to Antigua
should have a certificate of vac-
cination and proof of citizenship.
WHERE TO STAY? Antigua has
a full range of tourist rated
hotels. Among the best, we espe-
cially recommend:


BLUE WATERS BEACH HO-
TEL is located at Soldier Bay,
only three miles from the airport
and four from downtown St.
John's. All rooms face the hotel's
own white sand beach. Dancing
to island's best combo on Sun.,
Fri. And Wed. Nights. Native and
Continental cuisine. Full water
sports facilities. Tennis and Gol-
r fing. Under the stars dancing and
dining at outside patio.


WHAT TO DO AND SEE?
English Harbor, in the South
coast of Antigua, is one of the
most important historical sites in
the Caribbean. Within this area
lies Nelson's Dockyard which
was restored some years ago to
its original splendor. Most hotels
offer native style entertainment
several nights every week. There
are a good number of indepen-
dent night spots near to and in
St. John's.
ARUBA


BASIC INFORMATION: Aruba, locat-
ed within viewing distance of
Venezuela's coast and 500 miles
Page 52 C.R. Vol. 5 No. 2


southeast of Puerto
approximately 115 squ
The island has a pop
approximately 60,000 ai
pital is Oranjestad. As
of the Nertherland
(which are equal part
the Kingdom of the Ne
In addition, most island
fluent English, Dutch
ish.
WHERE TO STAY.
several luxury and mod
ce hotels in Aruba. V
mend the Divi-Divi.


DIVI DIVI BEACH H
few steps from your p
warm clear waters of
bean. Clusters of Beac
sitas are designed t
luxury and privacy.
enjoy your spacious
its private patio and v
sea, decorated with
ed furnishings of sixt


Rico, has even during a relatively short
are miles. visit. Walking around the island
ulation of capital one can't but admire its
nd its ca- Dutch-like cleaniness. The city's
a member port, called Horses Bay, features a
Antilles very photogenic open air market
tners with where cookware, produce fruit
therlands). and fish from all the surrounding
ders speak islands and seas are sold. The
and Span- Bali, a famous restaurant/bar
built on a converted houseboat
here are which features Indonesian dishes,
lerate pri- is right in town and should be
le recom- visited. In addition to its interest-
ing architecture and riotous co-
lors, the city has flower-filled
Wilhemina Park, a great place to
spend many relaxing evening
hours. Touring the rest of the
island will show the visitor
Many examples of Aruba's famed
trade mark, the wind blown Divi-
Divi trees, its very curious rock
[OTEL: A formations and the many inte-
atio to the resting uses to which the island
the Carib- cactus plant has been adapted.
front Ca- The island has a nature-built
o provide Rock Bridge which is best seen
Relax and from ruins said to be from a Pi-
room with rate Castle but which actually are
iew of the the leftovers of a gold-ore stamp-
hand-craft- ing mill built- in 1872. On the
eenth cen- other side of the island, on the


tury Spanish colonial design. All
Casitas air-conditioned. Private
baths with tub and shower and
two double beds in each room.
FLOATING RESTAURANT
"BALI". This famous floating,
airconditioned Indonesian restau-
rant is located at the "Bali" Pier
at Oranjestad, Aruba's capital. It
is open 7 days a week, from 10
am. till 12 pm. and features
among many other exotic dishes
the well known RIJSTTAFEL
(ricetable) which consists of about
22 different dishes such as
shrimps, krupuk, veal, sate, chic-
ken, vegetables, etc., etc. They are
all prepared in ever varying tastes
with unlimitable combinations of
herbs and spices. Dinner at this
restaurant will be a culinary ex-
perience never to be forgotten and
therefore strongly recommended.
It's owner/host Karl Schmand
will always be there to help you
along and see to it that the service
will be the way you expect it.
It's view at the Paarden Baai
(The Horses Bay), Oranjestad's
Harbour is out of this world.
WHAT TO DO AND SEE? Aru-
ba is small enough so that the
typical visitors has time to see


KAN
ARI-1NH1-UAA0S AAN+INH N


;;u


%k






South coast, there are caves full
of carvings and drawings report-
edly made by the island's native
inhabitants centuries ago. For vi-
sitors with a technological bent
the island's water distillation
plant, one of largest such plants
in the world, offers daily guided
tours. Aruba, of course, offers
the full spectrum of water sports
and activities: swimming, deep-
sea fishing, sailing, water skiing,
etc. There are several tennis
courts, one golf course and skeet
facilities in the island. Aruba has
no luxury taxes and no duties on
a large number of items, there
is a growing number of very top
native operations, so good buys
are plentiful. Most of the larger
hotels have San Juan-like night-
clubs and restaurants. Most have
fine food. Also in this category is
the Olde Molen an old windmill
brought to Aruba from Holland
and then converted into a res-
taurant nightclub.

Curacao

BAsic INFORMATION: Curacao is a
long, thin island with an area of
approximately 180 sq. miles and
a population of around 135,000.
Its capital is Willemstad which
has a magnificent Old World at-
mosphere. The largest of the six
Dutch islands in the Caribbean,
Curacao is the seat of the Nether-
land Antilles Government. The
official currency is the Guilder
which exchanges for approxim-
ately $0.50 U. S.
WHERE TO STAY? Curacao
has three large, resort hotels. All
of these have gambling rooms.
Several of the city's charming old
mansions have been converted
into inexpensive guest houses


which cater, mainly, to Latin
American tourists. Among all,
we recommend the Curacao In-
ter-Continental.











CURACAO INTER-CONTINEN.
TAL. Located right in the center
of a charming town, making it
perfect for both businessmen and
vacationers. 125 air-conditioned
rooms, swimming pool, night
club, casino. Also lovely tropical
gardens. Be sure to visit the
swinging Kikini Bar. Fine faci-
lities for conventions.

WHAT TO DO AND SEE?
Walking around Willemstad for
window shopping (Curacao is si-
milar to St. Thomas in the varie-
ty of goods and rock-bottom
prices it offers bargain hunting
Caribbean visitors) and sightsee-
ing are a must do activity for all
visitors to the island. The city's
famed Pontoon Bridge, which
opens and closes several times
a day to allow ships thru, of-
fers great photographic possibili-
ties. Like most islands in the
Caribbean Curacao offers the full
spectrum of ocean and beach re-
lated activities. It also has a golf
course, tennis courts and horse-
back riding. When the pontoon
bridge in Willemstad is open,
there is a free feiry ride across
the canal. Visitors taking this
free ride will have a unique op-
portunity for meeting the friend-


ly people of this island and thus
flavor another of its charms. Fi-
nally every visitor should try
some of the many candies, sweets
and tidbits sold by street vendors
all around town.


Guadeloupe


BASIC INFORMATION: Guadeloupe
has 532 square miles and a popu-
lation of around 300,000. She is a
state of France. Her capital is
BASSE-TERRF.. The accepted cur-
rency is the New Franc which ex-
changes at 0.20 U.S. Visitors
should have a certificate of vac-
cination and proof of citizenship.
French is almost exclusively
spoken here.
WHERE TO STAY? Guadeloupe
has five major hotels. Among
these we especially recommend:


HOTEL LES ALIZES. Private
sandy beach, swimming pool,
sumptuous gardens 30 minutes
from airport, 128 air conditioned
rooms French and Creole cui-
sine French wines 9 hole
golf on hotel grounds 5 minute
C.R. April/May/June 1973 Page 53


BEACH HOTEL
ARUBA. N.A.




1,000 foot sugar white beach. Fully air conditioned.
40 Spanish style Casitas with their own beach front
patio. 42 rooms overlooking the beach with patio or
Spanish balcony. International Cuisine Pelican Bar
& patio Fresh Water Swimming Pool. BRUIF
BEACH ORANJESTAD ARUBA, N.A. DIVIHO
TEL 3300


^^^^^N
^^BBEA IB







walk to nearest town daily conditioned rooms, 20 cabanas
shopping tour to Pointe-a-Pitre .Aith private bath & telephone.
French atmosphere Something Truly superb French and Native
different and an occasion to cuisine. White sand beach and
freshen up on your French. swimming pool. Private marina.
All water sports. Every hour a


WHAT TO DO AND SEE?
Guadeloupe, which is shaped like
a butterfly, has two distinct en-
vironments. One of the wings
(Grande Terre) is generally flat
and rolling and full of lovely,
white-sand beaches. The other
wing (Basse Terre) is more hilly
and rugged and features black,
volcanic-ash beaches. Visitors to
the island should take time out
to try different restaurants (even
the smallest ones offer gourmet
dishes) and inspect the architec-
ture of the Caravelle in which
the floating effect so many archi-
tects seek was masterly achieved.
Also in the "must be seen list"
is the VALLEY OF THE ANCIENT
CARIBS where some fine examples
of Carib Indian sculpture can be
seen; the EAST INDIAN VILLAGE at
Matouba where, according to leg-
end, live sacrifices are carried
out and the beach at LE MOULE,
once the scene of battles between
European powers and the Carib
Indians. Visitors interested in
shopping should definitely go to
Point-a-Pitre's commercial area,
an incredibly busy, Near East-
looking section where Persian
rugs and tropical fruits are some-
times sold in the same small
store.


MARTINIQUE

BASIC INFORMATION: Martinique
has 450 square miles. She is a
state of France. Her capital is
FORT-DE-FRANCE. The island has
a population of around 300,000.
The accepted currency is the New
Franc which is worth $0.20 U.S.
French is spoken almost exclusiv-
ely. Visitors should have a certi-
ficate of vaccination and proof
of citizenship.
WHERE TO STAY? Martinique
has several Tourism Office re-
commended hotels. Among these
we especially recommend:


ul curious cruise boat tender
makes a round trip to the city.


WHAT TO DO AND SEE?
There are two things most visi-
tors to this island do during
their stay in the island: visit
the ruins museum at ST. PIERRE,
formerly Martinique's capital
which in 1902 was burned to a
crisp by Mount Pellee's explosion,
and visit the BIRTH-PLACE OF
NApOLEON'S JOSEPHINE at Trois
Ilets. Between these two points
is Fort de France, the present
capital, which has unique archi-
tecture, an endless variety of
shops and the best restaurants in
the Antilles. Visitors planning
longer-visits no less than a week
is recommended should drive
the whole perimeter of the island.
Black sand beaches, tropical rain-
forest-like greenery, sky high vis-
tas and dazzling, plantation ho-
mes in the grand style will reward
them. The Atlantic side of the
island offers some of the most
beautiful, seascapes in the Carib-
bean. And much more, all with a
distinct, very French ambience.


PUERTO

Rico

BASIC INFORMATION: Puerto Rico
has 3,435 square miles. It be-
longs to the U.S. under an As-
sociated Free State status. U.S.
Currency is the legal tender.
Spanish is the main language but
English is spoken almost every-
where. The capital of Puerto Rico
is SAN JUAN. The island has a
population of over 2,500,000. Vi-
sitors from OUTSIDE the U. S.
should have a certificate of vac-
cination and a visaed passport.


WHERE TO STAY? San Juan has
numerous first, class hotels.
Most of the larger ones have
Commonwealth Government su.
pervised gambling casinos.


Under the Palm Trees in Sunny
Puerto Rico A Modem Efficien-
cy hotel located on the beach.
All rooms with ocean view. Air
Conditioned Kitchenette Area
- Daily Maid Service Bar &
Cocktail Lounge. Major Credit
Cards Honored
LA FUENTE RESTAURANT,
The finest in Isla Verde, where
the island's gourmets enjoy de-
licious Spanish and Continental
cuisine. La Fuente's Clams Casino
and Lobster Thermidor are par-
ticularly recommended.
WHAT TO DO AND SEE? Most
of the hotels in San Juan offer
all types of water related activi-
ties to which all house guests are
invited. The Caribe Hilton, La
Concha and the Puerto Rico She-
raton deserve close inspection by
architectural buffs. FORT SAN JE-
RONIMO, off the Caribe Hilton,
has been restored and converted
into a museum and should be
seen. Live sea urchins (they
don't sting if properly handled)
can usually be found on the rocks
pointing towards Fort San Jer6-
nimo in back of the hotel that
carries its name...
On the other side of town-on the
road to Bayam6n-are the ruins
of the foundations of PONCE DE



Dutch National
Car Rental
"We Do It Better"
From $10.00 a day .. No Extra
Mileage
Volkswagen $10.00
per 24 hours.
Toyota, Airco, Automatic

no mileage
No pick up or
delivery charge
Road map included
$50.00 deductible insurance
coverage
Full collision protection
available at $2.00 per day
All major credit cards
accepted.

Call 81090,81063-
Dr. Albert Plesman airport
Willemstad, Curacao N.A.
trhlav addrasr: Dunth Car


THE HOTEL BAKOUA (Tel.
55-95) is located at Trois Illets
at one of the ends of Fort de
France's magnificent harbor. It
has 77 de luxe, ocean-front, air-
Page 54 C.R. Vol. 5 No. 2


CoCo Mar Hotel 3 Amapola St.
Isla Verde, Puerto Rico






LEON'S first house in Puerto Rico.
Rediscovered in 1934, they date
back to 1508... West of the main
hotel area is OLD SAN JUAN which
all visitors should take at least
one day to explore. While in Old
San Juan three musts are FORT
SAN FELIPE DEL MORRO, FORT SAN
CRISTOBAL-centuries old bastions
which guarded the city during
its Spanish Colonial days-and
LA FORTALEZA OR PALACIO DE
SANTA CATALINA which now serves
as the seat of Puerto Rico's gov-
ernor. Every day there are several
guided tours thru 'each of the
three sites. Approximately ten
per-cent of Old San Juan's 700
plus structures have been restored
to their original splendor. For-
tunately some of them have been
converted into stores and/or art
shops (especially along Cristo
and Fortaleza Streets) wnich allow
leisurely browsing. Also in the
"must be seen" list are Puerto
Rico's CAPITOL BUILDING (on the
way to the Old City) and the
INSTITUTE OF PUERTO RICAN CUL-
TURE'S art collection ... Well-
heeled visitors should make a
point of visiting one or all of
the fine jewelry shops clustered
around the corner of Fortaleza
and Cruz Streets. One of them,
appositely, is located in the
former office of Merril Lynch,
Pierce, Fenner & Smith. Every
ten minutes or so during the
day a FERRY leaves Old San Juan
for Cataiio-the terminal is locat-
ed behind the Post Office. The
ride, which only costs 10 cents
each way, gives passengers a
change to get some good photos
of the bay, get a close look at the
pelicans and see, in Catafio, an-
other face of Puerto Rico. .










Beachcomber Villas: on the beach
at Burgeux Bay, St. Maarten are
the perfect setting for an un-
forgettable Caribbean vacation.
* Each villa is fully furnished
including linen, kitchen
utensils, etc.
Two and three bedroom villas.
Rents from $150 to $250
per week.
For more information write:
Beachcomber Villas
P.O. Box 149, Philipsburg
St. Maarten, N.A.


St.Maarten

BASIC INFORMATION: St. Maarten/
St. Martin has 37 square miles
which are roughly divided in half
between the French and the
Dutch sides of the island. The
capitals are PHILIpSBURG (Dutch)
and MARIGOT (French) The is-
land's population is of around
4,500 again roughly divided in
half. Two currencies are accept.
ed, the New Franc, worth $0.20
U.S. and the Guilder which is
worth about $0.50 U.S. Visitors
to the island must have a certi-
ficate of vaccination and proof of
citizenship. The Dutch side of
the island is a member of the
Netherland Antilles, an equal
partner with Holland in the
Dutch nation, and the French side
is a dependency of Guadaloupe, a
French state.
WHERE TO STAY? St. Marten/
St. Martin has four relatively
large hotels and several smaller,
very good hotels and guest houses.


PASANGGRAHAN (2388) is lo-
cated in a quiet lush tropical
garden on the beach of Philips-
burg, the FREE-PORT capital
of Dutch St. Maarten. Each of
it's 21 attractive double rooms
with private baths have over-
head fans and optional air-con-
ditioning. The kitchen is fa-
mous for a great variety of well-
prepared international dishes.


Total informality sets it's West
Indian atmosphere. Established
in 1958 it is still St. Maarten's
biggest little bargain and repeat
visitors are the best salesmen for
the hotel. Write or cable PA-
SANGGRAHAN, St. Maarten.
Represented in North American
cities and Puerto Rico by The
Jane Condon Corporation.

WHAT TO DO AND SEE? This
lovely half French, half Dutch
island offers the full spectrum
of water/beach activities, marvel-
lous picture-book little village,
like Grand Case in the French
side, free port shopping and a
unique tranquility which truly
makes a vacation a rest. Front
Street in Philipsburg (the Dutch
side) and the dock area in Marigot
have a complete, assortment of
free port stores. Spritzer & Fuhr-
mann, the famous jewelers from
Curacao, have three stores in the
island; two in Philipsburg and
one at the airport. Several other
famous Curacao stores like El
Globo, Casa Amarilla and Vole-
dam also have stores in town.
Guests at any hotel or guest house
can and should take advantage
of their *isit to experiment with
the cuisine of all other. There is
a nightclub with nightly dancing
and, during the season, entertain-
ment at Little Bay.


MOULIN ROUGE
AIRCONDITIONED
aT. R-T Re .ta.urant


S ST. MARTIN, F.W.I.


C.R. April/May/June 1973 Page 55


-R --- lffi^ --^ 7

Kff^JSS#







FLOATING RESTAURANT

S13AL "
INDONESIAN DISHES
COCKTAIL BAR
Cho... by: Th Coribbeon
Tourist Association as
lh* C-rib6.n lor 1958-59
TELS. 2131
ORANJESTAD, ARUBA 3006


ST. THOMAS

WHERE TO STAY? St. Thomas
has a large number of hotels
and guest houses of all sizes
and prices. Among these we
especially recommend:


THOMAS is a hilly island with
numerous neighbors. This makes
for endless, heart wrenching views.
The best viewing, in the' sense
that one can sit down in com.
fort and sip a well-brewed drink
in the watching process, is from
the bar at the top ot the Tram-
way, or the pool at the Shibui
hotel or the restaurant at
Mountaintop. In addition to the
views (the cup overfloweths) the
visitors should take time to visit


DRAKE'S SEAT from which, ac-
-cording to legend, Sir Francis
Drake used to inspect his fleet;
FORT CHRISTIAN on the edge of
Charlotte Amalie which dates
back to 1666; GOVERNMENT HOUSE
which serves as the official res-
idence of the Governor of the
island and exhibits its fine art
collection to the public daily and
the VIRGIN ISLANDS MUSEUM lo.
cated in Beretta Center in the
middle of Charlotte Amalie.


MORNING STAR BEACH RE-
SORT (774-2650) is located on
one of the most beautiful white-
sand beaches in the Caribbean,
just five minutes from Charlotte
Amalie, the Antillean free-port
capital. Each of its 24 ocean-
facing rooms has a private terrace
and all the modern comforts. Ex-
otic drinks and American and
Continental dishes served just a
step from the surf in the hotel's
beach front bar and dining room.
Most water sports. Sky-diving ex-
hibition every Sunday afternoon.
Children welcome.


ARUBA
New Cars
Unlimited Mileage
You Can Trust
Hertz in Aruba like
Anywhere in the
World.
Kolibristraat 1-
Phone 2714
Aruba Caribbean
Hotel Phone 2250
Princess Beatrix
Airport


ST. MARTIN

New Cars
Unlimited Mileage


* Only Rental Cars in
Island With Unlimited
Third Party Insurance.


Offices at Julianna Air-
port and Marigot, St.
Martin.


BOLONGO BAY BEACH CLUB
(775-0165) is located right on
the beach, only a few minutes
away from St. Thomas' airport
and town. This intimate resort
is made up of spacious, air-con-
ditioned, completely equipped
housekeeping fresh water pool
units. The resort has a beautiful
pool with a bar right over it.
The management will make the
necessary arrangements for fish-
ing, sailing or any other activity
the guests desire. For reservations
from the U.S. write the hotel at
P. 0. Box 3381 St. Thomas 00801.
WHAT TO SEE AND DO? ST.
Page 56 C.R. Vol. 5 No. 2


UNIVERSLGENME
GOLDEN SHADOW

exclusively at
CARDOW

first on main street and at
the Caribbean Beach Hotel
St. Thomas, U. S. Virgin Islands.


CARIBBEAIN IRENT A- CAR


PH- 772-0685
P. 0. BOX 1487
ST. CROIX. VIRGIN ISLANDS 00840
Free Pick Up And Delivery
New Cars Checked Daily





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