Caribbean Review

CAI?BB AN
I W OCTOBER/NOVEMBER/DECEMBER
SEVENTY-FIVE CENTS Vol. IV No.4

Cockfighting in the 19th Century Caribbean
Does Fidel Eat More Than Your Father?
Panama's Beleflo Argentina's Borges
The Grab Bag: China, Russia & The
U.S. in Latin Amenrica

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In this issue...

Does Fidel Eat More Than Your Father?
by Barry Reckord. Page 4
Cockfighting In The 19th Century Caribbean
by Mace de Challes. Page 12
The Cockfight-- A Short Story
by Dena Hirsch. Page 15
Borges: Into The Mainstream Via The Back Door
by J. Raban Bilder. Page 18
A Novelists's Erotic Racial Revenge (Panama's Beleno)
by Mirna M. Perez-Venero. Page 24
Mirror, Mirror, by Carl Stone. Page 28
Day--Long Day--A Poem, by Tino Villanueva. Page 32
Cuban Morality, by Irving Louis Horowitz. Page 33
The Grab Bag:
China & Latin America, by Joe Olander. Page 35
Russia & Latin America, by Leon Goure.Page 39
The U.S. & Latin America, by Thomas Mathews.
Page 42
Recent Books, by Neida Pagan. Page 46
The Caribbean Guide. Page 52

Cover: Watercolor by Mexican Artist, Ignacio Barrios

C.R.*Oct/Nov/Dec 1972*Page 1

CAR?BBECAN rEVIEW
October/November/December
Seventy-five cents
Vol. IV No. 4

Editor:
Barry B. Levine
Associate Editors:
For the English Speaking Caribbean:
Basil A. Ince
For the French Speaking Caribbean:
Gerard R. Latortue
Executive Administrator:
Lucille Trybalski
Assistant Editor:
Susan Sheinman

Business Manager:
Joe Guzman
Art Director:
Victor Luis Diaz

Bibliographer:
Neida Pagan

Translators:
From the Dutch and Papiamentu:
Ligia Espinal de Hoetink
From the French and Creole:
Marlene Zephirin
From the Spanish:
Adela G. Lopez
Caribbean Review, a quarterly journal dedicated to the
Caribbean, Latin America, and their emigrant groups,
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"Artesano de la Perla," Photo by Rafael Rivera Rosa, 1969.

Page 2*C.R.*Vol. IV No. 4

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TOM JONES Tom
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BLOOD, SWEAT & TEARS 3
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GRAND FUNK RAILROAD Closer To Home
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CITY COUNTRY

C.R.9Octl Nov/Dec 1972*Page 3

JESUS CHRIST Superstar

NEIL DIAMOND Tap Root Manuscript

BARBARA STREISAND -Stoney End

Conversations
in Cuba

A "Third World" view
of Cuba by a
young Jamaican writer

Does Fidel

Eat More

Than

Your Father ?

by Barry Reckord

"I went to Cuba to find out how the performance there matched
the rhetoric," writes Barry Reckord. Educated at Kingston
College, Jamaica, and Emmanuel College of Cambridge Uni-
versity. he settled for a time in London, where he had more
plays produced than any other black playwright, including
Flesh to a Tiger. You in Your Small Corner. Skyvers, and Don't
Gas the Blacks. He is now living back home in lamaica, or, as
he puts it in his book. ninety miles from revolutionary Cuba.

I left the factory tailed by five ten or twelve-year-old
black children, throwing questions at me. They asked
what I liked about Cuba. I asked what they thought
about Cuban equality. They said "Is Cuban equality
famous?"
"Where?"
"Isn't Cuba famous all over the world?"
"Some people think that everybody is hungry without
exception." They laugh. I point to a long queue and
they all come back at me playfully, hitting me with their
books -- "What would happen if the food was all shared
where you come from? The queues would be that long"
-- they play around, making an endless queue. I say,
"You tell me about Cuban equality."
"Everybody eats the same and wears the same clothes
and studies the same books, goes to doctor, free
baseball, free toys. What more?" They ran across the
road to an ice-cream parlour and shouted at me, "gets
the same ice-cream."
I catch the children's zaniness and make up rhymes
as I walk:
Some are bright and some are dim,
And food's expensive;
So some must sink and some must swim
To preserve incentive . .
I go back towards the ice-cream parlour and shout to
the children: "Why does Fidel eat more than your
father?"
"Because he has a bigger appetite. Of course,
naturally. He is a big fat man."
"Because," says another, "you need lots of meat to

go on television and talk for so long. Talk, talk, talk .
." He makes his hands into a mouth and mimes filling
it with food. Another says, "Because he is Prime
Minister." The smallest one says that Fidel doesn't eat
more than her father.
Socialism and Sociolism
In Cuba the word socio means buddy and there is a
well-known joke that sociolism reigns, not socialism. I
asked a member of the Central Committee of the
Communist Party where the manager of the factory I'd
visited got his house. He said probably the same place
he got his fence. It wasn't important, since the vast
majority of houses were being built for workers on the
state farms who had nowhere decent to live.
"For us equality is good economics as much as
idealism. The minute we develop an elite in Cuba,
voluntary labour is dead; and this country runs on
voluntary labour: our greatest effort, the ten million
tons, is based on voluntary labour and the sharing of
dirty work. Clearly no man is going to cut cane if the
Major is at the beach with his wife and a basketful of
fried chicken."
"But what about cutting cane side by side with some
major who arrives in a car and goes home to fried
chicken?"

C.R.*OctlNov/Dec 1972*Page 5

"The people don't worry about that much because
they know on the whole the leaders have more
responsibilities, and are working like hell for general
abundance. And better yet, are achieving it. There is a
broad equality which justifies voluntary labour; and
voluntary labour is the central tool of this revolution. It
was Che's creation, Che's weapon. It was tried, as you
know, in Russia but its hour hadn't come and it gave
way to individual incentives, but Che pushed it through
in Cuba. Che believed that even if most people are
selfish and suffering from 'human nature', some have
idealism which should be harnessed. For example, you
have a factory full of selfish people who won't even
come to work, so instead of threatening them with
unemployment you call on the few idealists in the
factory to do the work, express their idealism in deeds,
work ten, twelve, eighteen hours a day till the plan is
fulfilled. What the loafers drop, the revolutionaries
pick up. Idealism takes over as the force that runs the
factory and this spreads, because logically if I go into a
factory and work long hours so that the idler beside me
can eat exactly the same rations, it makes him uneasy.
Che's voluntary labour is the key to revolution without
terror, and you can't have voluntary labour without
equality."
I go back towards the ice-cream parlor
and shout to the children: "Why does
Fidel eat more than your father?"
"Because he has a bigger appetite. Of
course, naturally. He is a big fat man."
"Because," says another, "you need lots
of meat to go on television and talk for so
long. Talk, talk, talk . ." He makes his
hands into a mouth and mimes filling it
with food. Another says, "Because he is
Prime Minister."
The smallest one says that Fidel doesn't
eat more than her father ....
"Some of the most crucial plans in Cuba are fulfilled
by soldiers earning about eight pesos a month. How
voluntary is that?"
"Well, there again you have the saving ten per cent.
Enough of them are keen, so those guys fight to get into
the Che Guevara trailblazers brigade which contains
the most over-worked sonsabitches in Cuba."
"Does the brigade eat more than the rest of the
population?"
"Yes, they need a big bellyfull for heavy work. But
they could stay in camp and eat modestly and not work
day and night all week. No, these are men rising to a
challenge."
"Is promotion the incentive?"
"The general principle in Cuba is to promote very
slowly, so ask any member of the brigade whether he's
after promotion and his answer would be -- 'No, not
personal promotion, but I like to be well thought of in a
famous brigade. I want to belong to a brigade that is
worthy to bear Che's name. I want to be worthy to
honour Che.' In Cuba we are no longer afraid that
everything is tied up with money, so we can genuinely
Page 6*C.R.*Vol. IV No. 4

admire other men like Che because they are expressing
genuine idealism.
"Any future Latin American revolution," he said,
"must use voluntary labour as a central revolutionary
principle. In the early years how would we have solved
the unemployment problem without voluntary labour?
You know what happened; at the revolution's triumph
there was vast unemployment. Well, we sent some to
school and used the rest building an infrastructure,
paid for with the assets we seized from the Yanks, plus
red gold later on. Also we padded the existing
work-places a bit. So what happened? With full
employment all the bare-foot people wanted easier jobs.
The sugarworkers got out of the sun and into
air-conditioned offices making coffee for bureaucrats.
Nearly every Cuban who could, found himself a
sinecure. Without voluntary about to cut the cane we
would have had to whip all those people back into the
cane-fields. Instead the army of conscience swarmed
over the fields, cutting cane. They ruined some of it but
there was a net gain, because money gradually became
a secondary matter in Cuba. It was no longer a silver
scale with which men carefully weighed out their labour
to the nearest ounce. Wage slavery was abolished,
chico. That bull-shit is over. You know, voluntary
labour nearly killed me. I couldn't face manual work.
Say manual labour to a Cuban and he says yes, yes, all
right, but really his back isn't shaped that way. Now
every Cuban child picks coffee at ten and cuts or weeds
cane at fifteen as part of education. Look, I am not
absolutely certain of this but I think it's true: I've
watched members of the Central Committee, none of
whom are loafers, shake hands with members of the
Che Guevara brigade, but not as equals. I almost think
the brigadists were superior. It certainly happened to
me. Labour is fashionable.
"So then voluntary labour makes full employment
possible, and also full production -- every factory and
farm working to capacity. People can speed up without
fear of putting themselves out of work. Technology
becomes possible, indeed necessary. Education
becomes necessary. Graduates are no longer begging in
the street, like in Mexico. All that is miraculous in this
part of the world. You see what is happening in the
Soviet Union. A glut of college graduates fighting for
professional work. It's no use telling them about the
dignity of labour. What dignity is there in sweeping up
after a football match? The only honest thing is to
make every man combine skills with brute work, and
make him learn this when he's young. That's the
programme now in this country. They're in a real bag in
the Soviet Union. As I understand it their system of
bourgeois education is so good that they are not
producing enough factory labour. They'll have to end
up paying labourers such high wages that children will
be tempted to give up studying. In the States they solve
the problem by having one education for blacks, and
one for whites. But really, those people are cynical. The
military-industrial complex only cares about winning,
beating the arse off communism, and they provide
cynical rationalizations about freedom for those who
need them."

I assured him this wasn't true. All nations believe
passionately in their own myths, and go righteously to
war. The myths are convenient and ensure they stay
aggressively ahead, but still they believe in them. This
of course made mere belief as worthless as mere
cynicism.
"Oh well," he sighed, "let's not discuss them." He
went on, "Now I've told you that equality is a mass
incentive, but what about individual incentive? By and
large one follows the crowd. But still people are
individuals with a basic need for uniqueness. This is
satisfied in bourgeois society by phoney individualism --
making shoes in all colours and shapes. The 'really'
individual girl wears her skirt shorter than anyone and
the 'really' individual boy grows his hair longer. The
'original' artist stops doing what was done yesterday in
his own country, and does what was done yesterday in
other countries. Or else some charming eccentricity
makes him an individual. In capitalism only a relatively
few people can express genuine creativity, genuine
individuality, because most work is uncreative --
handing goods over a counter. And most people are
fairly uneducated, without informed ideas. Here the
way is opening. When the dirty work is shared all
round, then everybody will have the time and the mind
to be creative."

On Sociologists and Others

"This revolution produces people who eat and wear
clothes -- you know, ordinary people. But eating is a
marvel in Latin America, so the Yankees come down
and study us and find bipeds, you know, ordinary
bipeds with mouths, and they go away very excited
about this zoo where the animals walk on two legs, and
they put a knot in their handkerchiefs not to bomb us.
One lady Yankee sociologist came down here, she was

very sympathetic, she said how the only thing
sociologists could predict was change, like the seasons.
and how rebels became respectable, and how Havana
University used to be a centre of protest and now it was
a centre of the establishment -- in other words, Cuban
students should always protest, whether against Castro
or Batista. I find it a little difficult talking to Yankees,
especially sociologists, because they seem to me
subnormal. I mean mentally deficient. They balance
our new elite against our old elite, our economic failures
against our economic success. That leaves a kind of
blank in Cuba that I suppose makes them
comfortable."
There was this black girl, her white boyfriend, a
white girl and her black boyfriend. The black girl went
on: "They think, Communism! Executions! Dead
leaders! Even now, in 1970, they think that. Like they
thought Fidel had killed Che. Imagine that! But the
world is beginning to think -- Capitalism! Napalm!
Horrors! It's funny how they refer to Giron as their
grave mistake, their disaster, ill-advised; never as
barbaric and criminal. They don't think Giron!
Kennedy! Mafia! They see themselves as civilized
people ill-advised. Can you imagine reading in
Newsweek or Life anything sensible?"
"Like what?"
"Not 'ill-advised' but 'criminal' and 'indictable'.
You'd never get them to say that. They'd murder us
first. They keep on seeing Cuban politics in exotic
terms, charisma, Fidel's charisma, the ignorant Cuban
people, a backward people, worshipping Fidel. They
themselves of course, are rational and advanced. You
know soon, not many years from now, they will wake up
to the fact that the zoo on their doorstep is ordinary
scientific twentieth-century Cuba. Like they woke up to
Sputnik. They. ."
*o-o000*00o0o00000*

C.R..Oct/Nov/Dec 1972*Page 7

On Cuba's Leadership

"The new man," said the ageing doctor, "is a man who
works in agriculture, God bless him, then goes and
performs an operation. Of course you might say it won't
be a good operation, insufficient practise, too much
time in the cane, but all the good surgeons I know used
to spend hours on the golf course so why not the
cane-fields or driving a bus? There is your classless
society. Your equality. No labouring class. Now you will
still have brilliant doctors and bad doctors, and that's
choking inequality, but choking I fear ends in heaven
and we are in Cuba. And of course if people study
medicine for love and aptitude, not money and kudos,
there'll be fewer charlatans. There will still be unequal
talents, you know, and envy. I like to be in charge of
something, some programme, but I'm quite satisfied
that by and large, by and large mark you, I approve of
the medical programme in Cuba; by and large. Nobody
quite does anything your way but then neither do you
do things their way, so just let the thing be done, so long
as it's very broadly correct, it doesn't matter by who.
"And you see, when real work is being done you get
less envious of the successful people because they are
actually achieving visible things, not just fashionable
arse-lickers. I am an able man, I think, an ambitious
man; I'm constantly by-passed; I never see Fidel these
days. But when I get up in the morning what I think
about is the revolution. I don't want to leave this
country. Look at Che -- you tell me, perhaps, he went to
carve out his own empire in Latin America, but surely
the sine qua non of mere power is to stay alive. He was
king here in Cuba. People worshipped Fidel but they
loved Che. He carried through the thing that saved this
revolution, moral incentives. But he went because he
thought individuals have only a relative value. The
revolution is all-important. No, man's idealism is
strong. Che said to me 'The only way to work with Fidel
is to set your mind on the problem, not on who solves

the problem. Only the revolution is finally important.'
So he left his beloved wife and children. And he never
ratted on ifdL Extraordinary. The bourgeois press
wasn't allowed the joy of a murder or a defection. Yet
can you imagine what it was like working with Fidel in
1962 when the revolution hit rock bottom? He just kept
falling about on people, feeling that he was plagued
with fools. He was savage in those years. He cursed
people. A very shy, diffident man he is most times, a
humble man ready to praise good work, and almost too
ready to take advice because really he finds folly
unbelievable. How could any expert tell him to go
ahead on a scheme unless that expert knew it was right?
So he'd go ahead, spend millions, and when nothing
happened simply start all over again, sometimes
without even sacking the fool, just cursing himself for
being naive. He's always saying he's not a utopian and
that's absolutely true, but he's gullible, he doesn't know
the bottom of people. But he's learning. In fact now
he's gone to the other extreme and simply plays his own
hunches, do this, do that, people follow him around
with little books and take it all down. But he doesn't
ever trust them. He makes his own notes. You're right
that he was always stubborn, but he didn't always
absolutely trust his own genius and know that nine out
of ten people were fools.
"It takes an arrogant man to know that instinctively,
and Fidel had to learn it. You want concrete examples
of all this? What sort of book are you writing, a
low-down on Fidel? Everybody knows about his rages.
When free burials were announced the unfortunate
announcer cracked a joke that we'd all need them and
he got ten years. At the time there was grave threat of

llustratlon from THE IUSE & DELIANE OF HDEL CASTRO by
Maurice Hatperin (U. of Calif. Press, 1972, $10.95 'Ad

Page 8*C.R.eVol. IV No. 4

counter-revolution and Fidel clamped down. Tyrant?
What would have happened to an announcer who did
that in England during the war? Cuba is at war. Fidel is
no more tyrant than Churchill. D'you know something?
Something just occurred to me. How few really serious
defections we've had. Consider how long the top boys
have all been there. And they aren't fools. Hart isn't a
fool. He may be a born follower and too fond of phrases
like chain of command but not a fool."

I cut in here because of something I had long waited
to talk about.
"Che in one of his essays," I said, "seems to suggest
that some are born to lead and some to follow -- a
strange kind of aristocracy for a socialist. Have I got it
wrong?" (Che's actual words are: "Revolutionary
institutions . permit the natural selection of those
who are destined to march in the vanguard, and who
dispense rewards and punishments to those who fulfill

C.R.*Oct/Nov/Dec 1972*Page 9

their duty or act against the society under
construction.")
"You must know the background," he said. "Our
revolution suffered disastrously from too many people
talking. Too many bright young egos complete with
ideas. A hundred ideas on what to do with the small
farmers, or sugar-workers. Everybody was dizzy and in
despair at the end of those early meetings, except of
course those who got drunk on talk -- the majority,
come to think. It was absolutely necessary to cut out the
words and have orders from people who had had some
sort of success in carrying things through, and others
had to obey because after all the individual, whether
leader or follower, is only of relative importance. Che
believed in natural leaders who emerge and are obeyed
because everybody's concern is not who gives or takes
orders but the success of a democratic revolution. And
of course obedience stops if the revolution is being
perverted. When power is as rational as that normal
men accept it, don't they? It chokes a bit, men were
born to choke, but they accept it.
"Fidel is a good example. In '60-'62 when all this
planification was going on -- Russian experts with slide
.rules -- Fidel didn't understand a damn thing they were
doing. We had a drink and he sat there saying fuckk
planification', but thinking it was all very decisive, so he
took a back seat and more or less handed over the
country to those who he thought had expertise in
organization and planning -- old communist
theologians like Anibal Escalante who nearly strangled
the country in Marxism-Leninism. You know what
occurs to me -- that theologies belong to societies that
pass the time talking -- words, words, words, rhythmic
words, fine-spun ideas, texts, precedents, heresies,
interpretations. They're all priests who don't mean to
lift a finger. This business of leadership -- decisive. Is it
pure luck that we have Fidel? Well in the sense that he
might have come later rather than sooner, but the social
realities -- the need for everybody to eat, for technology
to produce this food, for education to provide
technologists -- keep on pressing and eventually find a
leader to answer them, more or less fully. But it's luck
as well. Suppose Escalante had been leading Cuba! I
suppose we would simply be a Czechslovakia, clogged
up with theology and bankrupt bureaucrats living off
the lean of the land, and workers fed up with slide rules
that calculate incentive down to the last millimetre.
China would be the only hope left for real communism,
but of course mandarins are strong there too. Mao is a
mandarin fighting mandarins with his little red book.
But he works. At least he swims. Yes, the Chinese work.
We have misunderstandings with them, but we're much
nearer to them than to the Russians. We must trade
more with China and less with Europe. We musn't get
dependent on class societies.
"People, of course, say there is a ruling elite in Cuba.
Well, yes, in the sense that rulers are always an elite and
have certain privileges, but only a fool would fail to
consider the degree of privilege. What's important is
sharing the dirty work and the food, and by and large
we do that here. Once everybody studies, then of course
dead-end jobs will have to be shared. Will everybody
Page 10*C.R.*Vol. IV No. 4

study, particularly if they don't have to? God knows,
but anyway sharing the dirty work is the ideal in this
society and in China. It isn't in Europe or Russia.
Because it is impracticable? No, no. Our ideals are
simply sturdier. And the children will study if they're
brought up that way. Their intelligence, perhaps, will
vary, but few people can't take any kind of education, if
we're careful to put round pegs in round holes, d'you
know. Intelligence will vary a little and that's choking,
but choking as you know ends in heaven.
"I still choke a little. Before the revolution I never
stopped thinking of my career, aching, groaning -- ah
there, you say, that's like you. You say that's exactly
like you. Well, it's like everybody. I feel my talents
aren't being used but then I console myself that I can
play rather a lot of chess. I couldn't do that if I was a
minister. I play a lot of chess when I feel like it -- I
aren't tell you how much. My chief service to this
glorious revolution is not to gripe. I do my bit in the
fields. I'm not happy because I'm a worrier, but I
manage. Chess leaves me deeply satisfied. And all
round me in Cuba things are being done that answer
my dreams. You say that sounds like happiness. All
right." *

Anti-Castro cartoon, reprinted from Dlario Las Americas.

CENTRO CARIBENO
DE STUDIOS POSTGRADUADOS
CARIBBEAN CENTER FOR ADVANCED STUDIES
CENTRE D'=TUDES AVANCEES DES CARAIBES

THE POSITION OF THE CENTRO

The purpose of the Centro is to train future
leaders of their professions within
the context of a multicultural and
interdisciplinary community.
The Centro directly serves two groups of
students:

1. Graduate students seeking professional
training in theology and religion and
in clinical psychology, including
specialization in drug addiction.

2. Men and women already at work who
wish to up-date their skills, and, with the
perspective of other fields of knowledge,
to reflect upon and to deepen their
understanding of their vocation.

The Centro combines an insistence on
professional competency with the
awareness that professional disciplines
are means towards understanding men and
ways of affirming a common humanity.
Although the Centro has concentrated on
the disciplines within the purview of its
participating faculties, it seeks to introduce
perspectives from other social sciences and
from the humanities which may build
a genuinely multi-disciplinary educational
institution.
Both the student body and the faculty of the
Centro are drawn from a wide variety
of cultural backgrounds. Their interactions
frequently highlight the importance of different
cultural approaches and foster a flexibility
and an awareness of the world difficult
to achieve in monocultural settings.

PROGRAMS

I DOCTOR IN PROFESSIONAL PSYCHOLOGY (Ph. D.)
MASTER OF SCIENCE IN PSYCHOLOGY WITH
CONCENTRATION IN:
II CLINICAL PSYCHOLOGY (M.S.)
III DRUG ADDICTION (M.S.)

IV MASTER OF ARTS IN COUNSELING
PSYCHOLOGY (M.A.)
V DIVINITATUS MAGISTER (M. DIV.)
VI MASTER OF ARTS IN RELIGION (M.A.)
VII MASTER IN SACRED THEOLOGY (S.T.M.)

INSTITUCIONES AFILIADAS

- INSTITUTE PSICOLOGICO DE PUERTO RICO

- SEMINARIO EPISCOPAL DEL CARIBE

- PADRES DOMINICOS DE PUERTO RICO

REGISTRAR'S OFFICE
CENTRO CARIBEIO DE STUDIOS POSTGRADUADOS
APARTADO 757
CAROLINA, PUERTO RICO 00630
C.R.*Oct/Nov/Dec 1972*Page 11

Engraving that appeared with the original article, reproduced from La Guadeloupe.

Cockfighting

In The

19th

Century

Caribbean

by Mace de Challes

COCKFIGHTS are among the many distractions
enjoyed by the rural populations of all the islands in the
Caribbean Basin which have a strong Latin influence.
On travels around the islands visitors are sure to see at
the roadside stacks of cages, with here and there a
cock's crest protruding, as well as small circular
structures which are, in fact, cock pits.
This is a sign of the Spanish influence which, indeed,
still persists in some localities of the Nord and
Pas-de-Calais districts of the French Flanders which
was once occupied by the Spanish.
It is not surprising to find this ancient tradition in the
French West Indies for they had close contact with the
Spanish West Indies in the past.
The following article entitled, "Cock fighting in the
colonies," appeared in I'lllustration, Journal Universel
No. 979, vol. XXXVIII, dated November 30th, 1861.
This century-old description of cock fighting in
Guadeloupe still holds today.
The photographic reductions of works of art
demonstrate the spread of this Latin custom
throughout the Caribbean Basin, a custom which was
adopted in England during the reign of Henry the
Eighth. They are from the collection of M. Roger
Fortune, who brought the article to the attention of
Caribbean Review.

Page 12*C.R.eVol. IV No. 4

There has just arrived at the zoological gardens in the
Bois de Boulogne someone who, at the present time, is
attracting the attention of the public. This someone is a
cock, this cock is a fighting cock, this fighting cock is
called Zouave; a glorious name given him in
Guadeloupe after his many victories.
Zouave has triumphed over his opponents in eighteen
public contests and fifty private fights using metal
spurs. He is a hero, stout hearted. And because of this
he is treated with very great care . .
Zouave is one of the birds brought from Guadeloupe
by M. Henry d'Escamps. He was given to M. d'Escamps
by the abbe Belmont, parish priest of Abymes, near
Point-a-Pitre, and M. d'Escamps in turn presented the
bird to the gardens in the Bois de Boulogne.
Since this heroic fowl arrived in Paris accompanied
by his hen, he has been visited by the King of Sweden
and his brother, and also Prince Halim, brother of the
Viceroy of Egypt. The latter is a connoisseur who
greatly admired Zouave. His Highness expressed a wish
to see him in action against an opponent. Another cock,
from Reunion Island and presented by Mme Passy, was
brought into the arena. Though three times bigger and
stronger than Zouave, the other cock immediately bit
the dust. As with foreign singers, Zouave's reputation
needed the sanction of Paris, and this confirmation was
accorded forthwith.
Fighting cocks are a curious breed, and the reader
will not, perhaps, be averse to learning some facts about
them.
The English -- great sportsmen and gamblers by
temperament -- as well as the Spanish are the most
dedicated enthusiasts of cockfighting. The Spaniards
put them in the ring with their natural spurs slightly
sharpened. This enthusiasm is not carried so far in the
French colonies. The last remaining spectators of this
sort of fight are to be found mainly in Saint-Martin and
Guadeloupe despite the proscriptions of the Grammont
law which has crossed the Atlantic and is having some
effect.

The most successful fighting cock in Point-a-Pitre is
called Canon-Raye.
As can be seen from Zouave's plumage, fighting
cocks are generally part pheasant, which accounts for
their elegant colouring. When they rise on their spurs
and fly at their opponents their fringes bristle like hairs.
Formerly there were cock pits at Point-a-Pitre and

Basse-Terre, open to the public and advertised by
poster, but these fights are not tolerated today.
M. Ganier de Cassagnac gives some curious details
about cockfighting in his Voyage aux Antilles.
According to this writer, fighting cocks are bigger and
set much higher than ordinary cocks; their heads are
entirely without feathers, as is the fore part of the neck,
like a turkey, with the air of a scoter duck. These cocks
are extremely expensive; those which have not yet
fought cost twenty francs and those which have a
reputation cost from fifty to a hundred. They are
carefully kept in cages so as not to tire them. The tips of
their wings are trimmed to remove encumbering
feathers and the bottoms of their bellies are made bare
to keep them cool. These cocks are fed exclusively on
crushed millet with white of egg, and drink nothing but
Madeira. Every morning at dawn they are given a cold
bath and then their heads, thighs, undersides of wings
and bellies are rubbed with rum three times a day in
order to give vigour to their members.

These unfortunate birds are held strictly to this
inflammatory regimen; their flesh is scarlet and they
are infuriated by the slightest annoyance. When a fight
is to take place, negroes are seen to arrive at the
appointed time carrying cages full of cocks which make
a noise fit. to raise the dead. Nothing is taken more
seriously than the preparations for these fights. The
officials of the cock pit attend to all the details with
imperturbable calm while the spectators take their
places in the rows. The audience is composed of whites
and mulattos in more or less equal proportions, for
cockfighting is a great leveller.
Whoever wishes his cock to fight calls out its name;
for, like Achilles' warhorses Xanthos, Balios and
Pedasos, these cocks all have names. Then someone
asks the weights of the cock, because cocks are hardly
ever matched at unequal weights. There are famous
cocks whose names terrify the audience. When an
opponent is finally found the two champions are
removed from their cages and weighed on a set of
scales. No bulldog or starving wolf is fiercer than a
fighting cock faced with another: both start to crow at

Wood sculptures by F. Telemaque

C.R.eOct/Nov/Dec 1972ePage 13

the pitch of their voices as if they understand perfectly
what is about to happen. They allow themselves to be
handled, weighed and armed without fuss, crowing all
the while.
Once the cocks are weighed they are armed like
Bayard. Their spurs are cut a short distance from the
leg and a sharpened steel spur almost two inches long is

attached to the stump. This steel spur has a socket like
a bayonet. The stub of the natural spur is bound with
cloth and inserted in the socket of the spur, which is
secured to the leg with a stout cord. This is a very
delicate operation and has to be carried out by an
experienced handler. When the cocks are armed the
owners exchange them for inspection; beak, wings and
spurs are examined to ensure there are no hidden arms
or other irregularities. Then the betting is opened. For
each cock there is a man with an open list in which the
names of the bettors and number of gourds bet are
entered. The sums bet on these cocks usually amount to
several hundred francs, and when the lists are closed
the cocks are placed in position, and the fight begins.
This fight is a veritable sword duel in which one of
the contestants is always killed within five minutes. The
two cocks advance towards each other with
outstretched neck and bristling feathers. When they are
almost touching they rise up to full height and turn
around so as to strike with their spurs. They also make
use of their beaks but only to catch hold. While the
cocks are making telling thrusts at each other the
spectators experience unbelievable anguish and their
facial expressions change from second to second until
the fatal thrust is delivered. They could hardly make so
many contortions if they themselves were in the ring.
A good idea of the appearance of fighting cocks can
be obtained by observing the glorious specimen in the
zoological gardens.
Zouave is not very big but is superb and terrifying in
the ring. He is the issue of a Puerto-Rican game hen
and a pheasant from Saint-Eustache. He is worthy of
the hommage and care he has received. He has already
been visited by a king and two princes. We do not know
if his eighteen victories entitle him to meet the Minister
of War, but it is certain that all Paris would like to see
it. *
Mace de CHALLES.
Paris, 1861.

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Coc~ki

Of course they stared at me. I was a stranger. Blue linen
dress, white sandals, dark glasses, just like any
foreigner on Broad Street . except that foreigners
don't come here. But they tried not to stare because
they were real men -- they were broadshouldered and
narrow and strong so that nothing so irrelevant as a
strange woman could distract them from a Sunday
afternoon together. Being together was part of it. Being
away from the women and the foreigners and Broad
Street was part of it, too.
And such a Sunday it was. Before us the ivory washed

by Dena Hirsch
walls of the host's house were lambent with sunlight.
And behind us and around us the breadfruit trees
spread their broad green hands to hide our secret from
the neighbors.
But the neighbors knew. They had to hear, and they
knew. But they chose not to see through the gleaming
green hands of the breadfruits, so they did not know,
and they said nothing. Only the combatants spoke, the
veterans most stridently. Pride of anticipated victory
vomited from each tiny throat. Bred to win, each one;
bred for visciousness, for pride, for stamina. And

C.R.oOct/Nov/Dec 1972oPage 15

Wouldn't you
Wouldn't you

rather be here

than almost anywhere?

We would like to keep this beach
as it is well, maybe a couple of dozen
people sunbathing, snorkeling, fishing, or
just splashing about wouldn't take
away from the beauty of the white beach and
the crystal clear water. We also have
another thirty odd beaches just like this one.
We have freeport shops for raru bargains.
Dutch, French, and oriental food will make
you forget your waistline. Then we have
really great hotels, large and small,
all designed to make your vacation in
Sint Maarten a gracious and memorable one.

Sint Maarten Tourist Board
Philipsburg
St. Maarten, N. A.

V

Page 16*C.R.*Vol. IV No. 4

Writer Dena Hirsch lives in San Juan.

around us in the yard the old retired victors strutted,
fat, feathers full with colors beyond beauty, wives in
attendance, offspring scattering toward distant battles.
A few would survive; most would perish.
Our host greets my friend and shakes my hand
warmly. "Is this your first time, mistress?"
"Yes."
He is short, but bullthick, dark as mahogany, and
wickedly handsome in a neat moustache and Vandyke
beard. Somehow, I had expected an older, taller, paler
man.
"Come," he says, leading me to one of many wire
cages. "He is my favorite. He will win today." He takes
a bottle of rum from the roof of the cage and mixes it
with corn mash for the cock.
The bottle he returns to the back of the house, where
men have arrived with galvanized washtubs full of ice
and fruit juices and soft drinks. And more rum. "Do
you want a drink?"
"Just some orange juice, thanks." He seems pleased.
The other men watch me drink. They smile; they
approve. The foreign woman drinks with us -- good.
But she leaves the rum alone.
They begin to put up the pit. Ten feed sacks sewn in a
circle, with pockets for battens. "Remember these?"
the host asks my friend.
"I made them . how long ago? Almost ten years."
"No, thirteen." They laugh. Six men find rocks and
pound the battens into the tamped earth. The pit has
been constructed.
Now the men come from the house, from the shadows
beneath the trees, each with a cock or two beneath his
arms, feathers clipped close, a rope around one ankle.
No fanfare. Quiet. One cock is dropped into the pit,
then another. They look at each other. They step
backwards. Suddenly they dive for each other's heads,
ruffs spread wide, wings a fluff, spurred feet reaching
for the strike. The smaller cock walked away. The
larger stared at him. They waited. They walked around
the pit, faster and then in a run, the larger cock in the
center of the pit.
"Look at the bicycle," one of the spectators laughed.
"Put him on a bidycle," they all laughed. It didn't
seem so deadly after all. I had another orange juice.
The cocks refused to fight further. "A bad fight."
There were others, "better" fights. Fights in which-
one cock, or both, were blinded, forcing the fight to a
stop. Fights in which the owners picked up the losers,
shook the blood out of their throats, and doctored them
so that they could return to fight another day.
A Sunday afternoon, a brilliant tropical Sunday
afternoon, rendolent with frangipani and bougain-
villaea -- where tall, handsome, intelligent men, where
men bursting with the masculinity of young lives spent
on the sea, where men whose very appearance spoke of
lives of discreet and distinguished service to the
community -- a perfect Sunday afternoon where such
men calmly watched a few little naked chickens peck
each other to death. *

Oil by Raymond Jacques

Le Colibri

Galerie D'Art

If you'd like to find out more about us
(about our artists, our stock, our prices,
etc.) then just drop us a line....
Write:

Herve Mehu, Directeur
Le Colibri Galerie D'Art
27 Rue Pan Americaine
Petion Ville, HAITI

Look what a recent reviewer said
about us:

For many years painting in Haiti
remained submerged as a dormant talent.
Recently Haitian painting has experienced
a renaissance. The revival is largely the
result of tourism and the promotion of Le
entire e d'Art.
Herve Mehu, who used to be the
Assistant Director of Le Centre d'Art but
who now runs his own art gallery on the
Rue Pan Americaine in Petionville,
cautions that the real Haitian contribution

to the painting medium is in primitive art
The concept of primitive art doesn't mean
"fossil art that one finds in caves but
present-day production." So w.h. then do
the.\ call it primitive"
As he puts it
". at the level of pictural or sculptural
technique, our artists do not bother
themselves with conventional rules to
render and express a created universe
Totally ignorant of formal and rigid
academism, they seize upon reality
through the primitive vision that they ha\ e
of it They paint scenes of life which ap.
pear grotesque to us at first sight because
they do not correspond to the balanced
image that we have of the \world Three
dimensional space is turned upside down.
No more depth, breadth, or height Only
forms of extreme mobil',y count to the
point of sometimes giving the illusion of
swarming animated, manifold life.
"The vivid, irridescent colors add a
touch of the bizarre to these forms which
throw them into relief. This predominance
of raw color has often intrigued the critics
of art who have finally recognized that
they are the expression of an enveloping
luminosity fixing everything in the
majesty, if not the magic, of the tropical
sun. This contributes to establishing the
close correspondence between art and
daily life, and better arouses our emotions
and makes us appreciate the 'multiple
splendors of life'."
Haitian poverty has sent her people into
the streets to look for their daily needs.
One sees them walking to and fro, carrying
things here and there, selling things in the
streets. They somehow don't seem
resigned to the meager fruits their
economy wants to assign them. The Afro-
Haitian popular folk culture reflects this
vitality, this active attempt not to accept
defeat.
Frankly, the paintings that I liked best
not only demonstrate this folk vitality in
form but also in content. We bought two
paintings from Herve. They are both of
street scenes. The larger one by
Raymound Jacques shows a village street
over-flowing with men and women
engaged in the labors of market buying
and selling. The other one by Gilbert
Ddsird is of a street scene beneath a house-
filled mountain and boat-filled lake. Here
people are just walking back and forth
with no commerce involved.
In both cases the perspective is lousy but
the color just great. In the first one the
figures are fuller and more detailed while
the other has figures that are but stylized
lines and filled-in forms. Both are
miraculously endowed with life.

Susan Sheinman.
writing in Caribbean Traveler

C.R.*Oct/Nov/Dec 1972*Page 17

Borges:

Into The Mainstream

Via The Back Door

by J. Raban Bilder

Page 18eC.R.eVol. IV No. 4

No'fJorge Luis Borges, or Senor Borges -- just Borges.
He is one of the very few people, like Casals and
Berstein, who during their lifetimes impress critics with
the fact that a simple, last-name identification is more
than enough. So many essays and books have been
written about him that one is hard pressed to explain
why there should be yet another article. If the reader is
interested, he may consult Zunilda Gertel's book,
Borges y Su Retorno a la Poesia (U. of Iowa, 1967),
where chapters simply bursting with source-citing
footnotes betray, not only the scholarly solidity of a
doctoral dissertation, but also the many critics in many
countries who have occupied themselves with the
Borges canon.
Sometimes it is difficult to decide on just what the
Borges canon really is. First, the author has a habit of
suppressing some of his works. In the very interesting
"An Autobiographical Essay," which he wrote in
English and included in The Aleph and Other Stories
1933-1969 (E.P. Dutton, 1970), he says, "Three of the
four essay collections -- whose names are best forgotten
-- I have never allowed to be reprinted. In fact, when in
1953 my present publisher -- Emece -- proposed to
bring out my 'complete writings,' the only reason I
accepted was that it would allow me to keep those
preposterous volumes suppressed." With characteristic
good humour, he continues, "This reminds me of Mark
Twain's suggestion that a fine library could be started
by leaving out the works of Jane Austen, and that even
if that library contained no other books it would still be
a fine library, since her books were left out." Elsewhere
in the same essay he says that he would have bought up
and burned those "preposterous volumes," except that
the price per volume was too stiff.
Second, Borges is in the habit of constantly revising
his works for each succeeding edition. He calls his
second collection of poetry, Luna de enfrente, first
published in 1925, "a kind of riot of sham local color."
He explains what he did about this effusion: "In later
editions, I dropped the worst poems, pruned the
eccentricities, and, successively -- through several
reprintings -- revised and toned down the verses." Thus
in reading the latest versions of Borges' poetry -- Fervor
de Buenos Aires (2d imps., 1970), Luna de enfrente and
Cuaderno San Martin (2d impr., 1970; the latter title,
Borges mentions wryly, "has nothing to do with the
national hero; it was merely the brand name of the
out-of-fashion copybook into which I wrote the
poems"), El Otro, El Mismo (2d impr., 1970), and
Elogio de la Sombra (2d impr., 1969), all published by
Emece -- one has no particular sensation of a poet
developing from the rather baroque, or "ultraist,"
beginnings in 1923 to the elegantly simple and classic
master of 1969.
I must call the reader's attention to one other thing
(or is it two?) before examining the Borges canon:
Borges speaks English fluently. At one point in his
autobiographical essay, he tells about reading Don
Quixote. He read it first in English. Later, when he
came to read the original, he could not escape the
feeling that the Spanish was a bad translation! His

admiration for English literature is boundless (he does
not think very much of Spanish literature), and his
attitude towards the English language very nearly
approaches reverence: he talks about English as "a
language I am unworthy to handle, a language I often
wish had been my birthright." As if this were not
enough, he has had, for about five years now, the close
collaboration of Norman Thomas di Giovanni, about
whom the very least that can be said is that he has done
much to acquire new Borges aficionados in
English-speaking countries: compare, for example, the
earlier translation of "Borges y Yo," by James E. Irby
(most easily found in the paperback, Labyrinths, New
Directions, 1964) with the excellent translation by di
Giovanni in The Aleph and Other Stories. One of my
colleagues has gone so far as to suggest that Borges
writes the rough draft in Spanish and then, with the
advice of di Giovanni, finishes the fair copy in English.
This cannot be so with the poetry, which almost
invariably sounds better in Spanish; but sometimes,
with the short stories, one wonders.
This year yet another edition of Borges' poetry has
been published: a splendid bilingual edition edited by

Argentinian writer, Jorge Luis Borges ---
or, simply, Borges --- has like the other
practicioners of Menippean satire,
entered the mainstream of literature via
the back door by capitalizing on a
minor tradition soon to become a major one.

di Giovanni and published by the Delacorte press. It is
called Jorge Luis Borges: Selected Poems, 1923-1967,
and the dates in the title should suggest a difficulty. Mr.
di Giovanni has gone out of his way to secure
translators who are English or American poets in their
own right; but they have had to translate from texts of
1967, not the more recent Spanish texts I outlined
above. As the editor remarks, the 1967 texts ". .. are
closer in spirit to the originals"; but the poem
"Amanecer" from Fervor de Buenos Aires contains no
fewer than twelve changes made by Borges for the 1969
edition! The translators, like John Hollander, W.S.
Merwin, John Updike, and Richard Wilbur, provide
further testimony, if any were needed, that Borges has
indeed arrived into the mainstream.
No one really doubts that about Borges. My title
alludes to a book of conversations with Latin-American
writers by Luis Harss (born in Chile, educated in
Argentina and the U.S.) and Barbara Dohmann (born
in Berlin, educated in Erlangen, Mainz, and Paris),
entitled, of course, Into the Mainstream (Harper &

J. Raban Bilder teaches English literature at U.P.R. The illustrations of Borges
are from BloAutoBlografla de Jorge Luis Borges by Juan Fresan (Siglo XXI,
Argentina, 1970).

C.R.*Oct/Nov/Dec 1972*Page 19

Row, 1967). The interviewers, too, take a rather sad
view of Spanish and Latin American literature, even
dismissing Perez Galdos as a flash in the dark. They
make the point that the novel was never the kind of
literary genre to appeal to the aristocratic, parochial
taste of the Spaniard, who was a gentleman amateur of
literature and therefore incapable of getting involved to
the extent that a novel requires. They see authors like
Borges, Cortazar, and Garcia Marquez -- and others,
but I do not agree with their other choices -- as having
finally broken their provincial attachment to Argentina
or Colombia or what have you. Such authors, heavily
influenced by the finest in Western Europe modernism,
were capable of rejecting the chauvinism expected of
them (Borges says that the more nationalistic of his
friends always thought of him as an Englishman), and
accepting that the greater whole of their western
heritage would not in any way imperil their sense of
nationality. In fact, this sense of nationality is a crux for
many of Borges' Argentine critics, who see in his
writings a loss of the porteno spirit -- who would, in
effect, want him to keep all the gauchismos in his
writings, even though they themselves, perhaps, could
not by now understand them (Borges says he couldn't).
Borges and Cortazar are cosmopolitans, there's no
doubt about it. That is what "the mainstream" is all
about. If a reader didn't know who wrote Hopscotch,
The Tin Drum, The Magus, The Sot-Weed Factor, or
Three Trapped Tigers, he would, I think, find it very
difficult to "place" the authors in terms of national
origin, despite internal textual evidence. It seems to me
that all of the above novels were written by authors who
may have some cause to think that they have "arrived,"
from a literary point of view, through the back door.
But Borges has not written novels; in fact, he sees the
novel as a formless thing, perhaps too grand for the
resources of a blind man. How did he come in by the
same entrance? And is this entrance purely via his short
stories, which are very popular and much more
subjected to critical inspection than his other essays
into literature, or has he effected the arrival into the
mainstream also through his poetry?
In his autobiographical essay Borges talks about the
"hoaxes and pseudo-essays" leading up to his maturity
as a short-story writer; but it seems to me that Borges
has never, in fact, stopped his rather sly approach to the
short story, and this makes some of his critics, even
today, think of him as "phoney." Other critics consider
Borges' particular trait of obfuscating the delineation
between the real and the illusory, or between the factual
and the fictional, to be one of his outstanding
contributions to the art of the short story. One of
Borges' main points seems to be that life itself mirrors
the process of his short stories: it is a kind of
obfuscatory process in which one can seldom see the
exact difference between the real and unreal, the true

and false, the actual and the illusory. Some writers
(notably Durrell in The Alexandria Quartet) use
mirrors as a symbol of this constantly shifting vision of
what is "true." Borges often uses Borges for the same
symbol. A frequent persona in his stories, and in his
poems, is a man named Borges; in the story "Borges
and Myself" (I shall not call it a "parable," as the New
Directions Labyrinths does), there are two personae
named Borges, and by the end of this very short piece,
neither persona is sure who wrote the story. The real
writer was probably a third Borges, manipulating the
other two. Or did they, perhaps, manipulate him?
In his poems Borges does the same thing. From El
Otro, El Mismo (translated as The Self and the Other)
comes "Poema de los Dones" ("Poem of the Gifts")
where the poet affirms the magnificent irony with which
God has dealt out, at the same time, two gifts:
hundreds of thousands of books at the disposal of the
persona, Borges; and the blindness not to be able to
read them. To be sure, Borges was appointed Director
of the Argentine National Library at a time when he
was almost completely blind. But the poet points out,
with an irony equal to that which he attributes to God,
that it could be a Groussac (another blind director of
the library) or a Borges -- or anyone else in such a
situation. Saying that this is a poem about the poet's
blindness is like saying that Milton's sonnet "On his
blindness" is about that poet's blindness.
Two poems on chess from the same collection
illustrate other variations on the theme of ambiguity.
Borges uses a metaphysical conceit with classic finesse
when he compares the game of chess to the game of
love, and the game of eternity; when the lovers and the
chess-players have withdrawn, the game (which by this
time will have become a rito or rite) will still continue
forever. In the bilingual edition, by the way, Alastair
Reid has done a very shaky service to Borges by
translating the third line of the third verse,
"Ciertamente no habra cesado el rito," as "The ritual
certainly will not be done," a line which could mean
exactly the opposite of what is intended in the Spanish.
The second poem on chess, translated beautifully by the
same poet, conveys another type of ambiguity. The
various chess pieces have their personalities -- the
queen is encarnizada (ruthless), the king tenue
(faint-hearted), the bishop sesgo (sly), and so on -- but it
is the player who manipulates the pieces and, in doing
so, demonstrates the personality. Meanwhile, the player
too is prisoner of, is being manipulated by, the board of
life (this sounds flat in a prose paraphrase, but fine in
the poem), where God moves the pieces. At this point a
suggestion of the Rubaiyat and a reference to Omar
suggest other types of manipulation, and the sonnet
ends with a question:
Que dios detras de Dios la trama empieza
De polvo y tiempo y sueno y agonias?

Page 20*C.R.oVol. IV No. 4

"...most things American, including the West, seem to have been invented."

Jorge Luis Borges

It is the image of the Chinese boxes: the god behind the
god behind the God, ad infinitum.
One of the "hoaxes" to which Borges refers is "El
Acercamiento a Almotasim" ("The Approach to
al-Mu'tasim"), a perfectly straight-faced review, citing
actual English publishers (Victor Gollancz) and writers
(Dorothy L. Sayers), of a book which never existed. The
story first appeared in 1935. Looking back from the
vantage point of the autobiographical essay -- the same
in which he refers to his hoaxes and pseudo-essays --
Borges says: "Perhaps I have been unfair to this story;
it now seems to me to foreshadow and even to set the
pattern for those tales that were somehow awaiting me,

and upon which my reputation as a storyteller was to be
based." The hoax and the pseudo-essay are certainly
valid forms of satirical literature, but one must
concede that they belong to a minor tradition. Or
perhaps Borges is indulging in a bit more of the literate
fibbing even while he is writing what purports to be an
autobiographical essay; certainly in parts of the
autobiography he is being elegantly outrageous ("I
spent seven months in Cambridge .. and traveling all
over New England, where most things American,
including the West, seem to have been invented"). I
think that all these things -- hoaxes and pseudo-essays,
labyrinths, chess-boards, sly wit, fusion and diffusion of

Dustjacket design from Essays on the Economic History of the Argentine Republic by Carlos F. Diaz Alejandro (Yale U. Press, 1970, $18.50). Illustration by Jose
Ramon Diaz Alejandro.

C.R.*Oct/Nov/Dec 1972*Page 21

- .
-

.1

I

4

personae, mirrors, ambiguities with the "biggies," like
eternity and oblivion ("el olvido" is one of his favorite
words in both poetry and prose), science fiction stories
and parables -- can be used simultaneously to describe
Borges' art. It is satura (satire) in its old meaning of a
grab-bag; it is Menippean satire practiced by a fine
story-teller and poet rather than by a novelist. The most
important way in which Borges' writing appears to
differ from that of other practitioners of the craft of
Menippean satire is that Borges is seldom ribald and
almost never boisterous -- but then, neither was George
Meredith.
Borges is interested in ideas rather than in
characters, in aspects rather than in action. To
strengthen my point about the grab-bag I should like to
call attention to a collection called El Hacedor (The
Maker). Borges speaks about how it came to be, and by

now we should be alert enough to wonder whether he,
maybe is, just a very little, pulling our leg: "Going
through drawers at home one idle Sunday, I began
ferreting out uncollected poems and prose pieces, some
of the latter going back to my days on Critica. These
odds and ends, sorted out and ordered and published in
1960, became El Hacedor (The Maker). Remarkably
this book, which I accumulated rather than wrote,
seems to me my most personal work, and to my taste,
maybe my best." It seems to me very strange that a
writer who revises his poems for every new edition
would find a book "accumulated" in this way to be his
best. The book opens with a dedication to Leopoldo
Lugones, an Argentine poet for whom Borges has much
respect. This is followed by the title story, some two and
a half pages in the Emece edition. "Dreamtigers"
comes next, titled in English, written in Spanish; then
"Dialogue upon a dialogue." After a short reflection
upon his toenails, Borges includes a pleasant vignette
called "Los Espejos Velados" ("Hidden Mirrors"),
where he talks about Julia, a girl he met but feared to
love (is it really that personal?). In "Argumentum
Ornithologicum" ("The Argument of the Birds") there
is an amusing Berkeleyan syllogism proving that God
exists; the means of the proof is in an imagined flock of
birds.
There follow stories, reflections, parables, and poems
about varied subjects. "The Poem of the Gifts," is here,
and poems to some of Borges' more distinguished
relatives, a poem entitled "Adrogue," a place south of
Buenos Aires where he spent his boyhood summers.
There are poems on art, and tigers and rain -- some of
them quite pretty -- and in spite of this amazing variety
of subject matter, somehow the book seems to hold
together as a book, not as a bunch of gifted effusions. It
is funny and sad, philosophical and whimsical, and all
in a tone appropriate to sustain its book-length nature,
not the shreds and patches that Borges speaks of. In
this it rather resembles the Satyricon of Petronius
Arbiter.
Whatever autobiographical elements are in El
Hacedor must, I think, be considered marginal;
perhaps it is another example of Borges leading his
readers down the garden path. In the book I mentioned
before, Into the Mainstream, the authors say: "Borges
is a murderous satirist, as he shows in moments of
mockery, when he lampoons literary enemies, following
the rules laid down in his own "Arte de Injurar" ("Art
of Injuring"), which recommends such deadly verbal
weapons as parody, false charity, flattery, and 'patient
contempt'." Had I written these words, I should have
tried to find a substitute for "murderous," but
otherwise the quote seems quite sensible. Is it not
possible that Borges has fun, not only with his literary
enemies, but with his readers? And is it more than
probable that Borges is having huge fun with
lampooning himself?
One should remember that, during the era of
lampooning literary enemies -- that is, the so-called
Boedo-Florida controversy -- Borges and his friends
were just following the example that Paris had set for

Page 22eC.R.eVol. IV No. 4

them. If Paris had cliques that "wallowed in publicity
and bickering," then why shouldn't Buenos Aires
follow suit? Borges tells us that he would have preferred
to be in the Boedo group since at the time he was
writing about the old Northside and the slums (Boedo
represented the proletariat), but that he was informed
that he was already one of the Florida warriors
(representing "downtown"). "The whole thing was just
a put-up job," he says. Some of the writers belonged to
both groups!
The truth is that with Borges' background, he was
simply unable to be so narrowly partisan. He had a
bilingual family, to start with, and an English
grandmother. Many of his formative years were spent in
Europe, where he wrote as easily in English and French
as he did in Spanish, and where he acquired an
acceptable German. At one point he tells of having read
Walt Whitman (in German!) and of having had for
years thereafter the impression that Whitman was not
only the greatest, but the only poet. I sometimes think
that Whitman was also the worst influence on Borges,
perhaps because in this case Borges lacked the artistic
distance necessary to imitate Whitman successfully.
Compare "The Poem of the Gifts," already mentioned,
with "Otro Poema de Los Dones" ("Another Poem of
the Gifts"), from the volume El Mismo, El Otro, which
also appears in the bilingual edition of di Giovanni. In
the second poem Borges shows all the self-conscious
imitation of Whitman, without Whitman's spirit for the
thing, that makes this poem one of Borges' most
outstanding poetic failures. But I was talking about
Borges' background for cosmopolitaneity, not of his
artistic failures, which are few. Even in a poem like
"Almanacer" ("Daybreak"), supposedly celebrating
the coming of dawn over certain obscure streets in
Buenos Aires, Borges turns the poem into an
investigation (could one say, following Ciardi, a "felt
investigation" and not a "thought" one?) of ideas of
Schopenhauer and Berkeley. These poems transcend
the personality, the regionalism, the parochiality, the
impressionism, and the other poetic directions -- which
is not to say that they are better, merely different. The
poem of ideas, like the short story of ideas and the novel
of ideas, has belonged to a minor tradition in the past,
and people who have written in this genre have always
found their entry into the mainstream of literature
rough going. I have suggested elsewhere that this minor
tradition is fast becoming the major one, much to the
disapproval of my colleagues; but they will be pleased
to know that I still consider that those who have made a
name for themselves by writing this kind of work are
entrants into the mainstream via the back door.
There is so much to say about Borges that cannot be
said in a single essay. I should like to conclude my study
with the thought that it is because of Borges that
younger writers, like Julio Cortazar and Guillermo
Cabrera Infante, have been able to see possibilities for
literature in Spanish that, before Borges, did not exist
in Argentina, or Cuba, and do not exist anywhere that
places nationalism and relevance topmost in it% literary
criteria. *

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C.R.*Oct/Nov/Dec 1972*Page 23

A

Novelist's

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Racial Revenge

by Mirna M. Perez-Venero

Panamanian novelist, Joaquin Belefio C., uses scenes of erotic racial revenge in his novels
as a reaction to the type of race prejudice generated by the American Canal Zone influences
in Panamanian daily life

Of the contemporary Panamanian novelists, it is
Joaquin Beleno C. who has had most impact on the
international literary scene. His novel Luna Verde has
been translated into several languages, including a
Russian publication, and his critics, in spite of faults
they might attribute to his works, have generally
conceded that he is the outstanding novelist of Panama
today. The unique contribution of Beleno to literature
is his use of the topics engendered by the presence of
the Canal Zone within the Isthmus of Panama. He sorts
out the visible influences the Canal Zone exerts over the
Panamanian and the plots and developments of his first
three novels, Luna Verde (1951), Gamboa Road Gang
(1960) and Curundu (1963) revolve about these.
One of the influences which supposedly limits and
obsesses Beleno is that of Canal Zone racial prejudice, a
prejudice that Beleno attributes to American mores and
beliefs about race. His novels parallel the more
scientifically gathered data of sociologist, John Biesanz,
in The People of Panama. One of the sociological
findings which Biesanz writes about is that although
racial prejudice did exist in Panama, it was with a much
more liberal view than that which the Americans
brought to the Isthmus and which tainted relationships
between the two countries since the days of the building
of the Canal. The Panamanian prejudice had been
much more concerned with exteriors; present skin color
and type of hair rather than with a person's racial

geneology.4 The Panamanian in general did not favor
legalized segregation whose divided facilities were
termed "Gold Roll' for the North American whites and
"Silver Roll" for colored or white Panamanians and
foreigners, and preferred to let economic and
educational barriers keep the races, or the classes,
apart. Many Panamanians resented the arrogance of
the Americans in implanting a system of segregation so
completely rigid compared to their own more flexible
and relaxed prejudices.
It is perhaps the resentment of the system the
Americans brought to Panama that has prompted
Beleno to create fictional revenges against the
Americans in his novels. His revenges are rarely bloody
or violent, and unlike the visions of revolutionary
cataclysms present in the literature of some Caribbean
countries -- for example Haiti -- Beleno's creations are
a personal revenge of an erotic nature.
In Luna Verde, the first incident regarding revenge
of one racial member upon the member of another race
is an adventure recounted by a Negro who has been a
groom at the Juan Franco Racetrack in Panama. He is
accosted several times, with certain discretion, by a
beautiful and young white woman of the upper class of

Mirna M. Perez-Venero teaches languages at Louisiana State U.

Page 24*C.R.*Vol. IV No. 4

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Panama who has married an American lieutenant. The
Negro scorns and ridicules her to carry out what he
terms "una venganza erotica." Nevertheless, he
experiences a certain remorse for having hurt the
beautiful white creature who represents to him all the
benefits reaped by the whites off the blacks. In this
Negro of magnificent proportions, the young woman
seeks the animal nature that he represents to her, and
which subconsciously reminds her of her own
beautiful and gleaming black horse. This vision of the
Negro that the white woman imagines can be traced to
the original Afro-Cuban movement discussed by G.R.
Coulthard in his book, Raza y color en la literature
antillana. Coulthard's study attempts to show that the
return to primitivism and to African art was a reaction
on the part of Caribbean and even European authors as
a result of disappointment in their own
European-based cultures whose values had resulted in a
disastrous war and much psychological dissatisfaction.
A return to nature away from European-style
civilization manifested itself in many ways, including in
Cuba the admiration for the so-called primitive
elements of African cultures, such as rhythm, bongo
drums, muscular and sexual strength, etc. The prime
example of this in Cuba was, of course, Nicolas
Guillen's earlier poetry as seen in his famous work,
Songoro Cosongo. This Afro-Cuban type of image of
the Negro persists even today in some poetry of
Panama, for example that of Victor M. Franceschi. The
fad was not at all new to world literature in the period
in which Beleno wrote his three Canal Zone novels, but
its effects were still being felt, as seen by his particular
characterizations of this young white woman whose
image of the Negro is still held by many white women
and men.
Again in Luna Verde, the protagonist, Ramon, who
is racially white of French descent, but who is
considered "brown" on his Canal Zone work
applications, finds great satisfaction in sexually
possessing a white American woman, an act which
represents to him the humiliation of her Anglo-saxon
race that in turn has humiliated him in the past.
Ramon meets Rosemary, a young woman of loose
morals, and in the sexual delirium which ensues in a
hotel room. Ramon's passionate train of thought
regarding his revenge are captured by the author:
"te amo gringa gringuita de piel sin caroten. ..y
xantofila; blanca de ausencia de mi sol, intocada de mi
raza. Oh fiesta de la raza la de mi cuerpo y el tuyo!. .
Dejame olerte a granga-gringa, dejame reir en tu boca,
locamente, hasta que mi raza contagie tu raza . No
sabes como tu respiracion se confunde en la mia. Me
gusta oler tu respiracion de pepermint; alli estan tus
sentidos y los mios, la condensacion de tus carnes. La
irradiacion de tu orgullo que no quiere relacionarse
conmigo... Es tu cuerpo que esta uncido a tu lengua, a
tu religion y a tus costumbres. Oh delicado Gold Roll
de mi existencia y de mi esperanza . Oh
gringa-gringuita de treinta anos, yo quiero que el placer
que te consume esta nocheflorezca en nueve lunas! . .

Oh dulce ternura sajona que provocas este
enloquecimiento de poseer lo desconocido, ese odio
almacenado que no puedo expresar, que hacer, gozo,
dulce y material, y te amo odiandote en tu Gold Roll."
Ramon's sister also seeks to avenge the symbol of
white supremacy and racial arrogance which she finds
in her husband, an American, by betraying him
publicly, thus making him the brunt of cruel jokes:
"Uba se vengaba. Al humillarlo presentia que estaba
desangrando su honor." But Uba's case in this fictional
revenge was not the usual one in Panama according to
the studies by Biesanz, for according to him marriages
in Panama between American men and Latin women
tended to be stable and happy, in spite of elements of
prejudice which they might encounter.
In Gamboa Road Gang, the most violent erotic
revenge explodes in the life of a young black woman,
Perla, former mistress of Ata, a young and virile
mulatto whose father was an American soldier from
Pennsylvania and whose Negro mother had come to
Panama from Barbados to work in the Zone. Ata was in
jail, incarcerated as the result of his amorous
relationship with Annabelle, beautiful offspring of
white southerners from the United States; Annabelle
had not had the courage to confess that Ata had not
intended to rape her but rather that she had been
discovered at an inopportune moment by her
neighbors. Annabelle's brother, Bobby, a young college
boy, southern white to the core, had sworn revenge on
all Negroes. Perla, on the road from the Gamboa
Penitentiary where she had been visiting Ata, is
violently attacked and raped by a group of young white
men, a group which includes Bobby. His total lack of
respect for the blacks in general and his personal
hatred of Ata (even though he does not know who Perla
really is) have led him to take part in this repulsive
scene. Beleno relates in a bitter tone the physical and
spiritual pain and despair which Perla undergoes:
"El cuerpo doliente y ardiendo en sus muslos. Las
munecas, los brazoss y los pies, amoratados. Las unas
blancas se dibujaron clavadas en su came barbadiense,
color de te. La boca rota y la cara aranada. Como fue
arrastrada sobre el llano, su traje de dacron quedo
entire zarzas y cadillos. Sus interiores rasgados por
manos rubias que tiraron de ella igual que si
arrancasen pellejos de una res muerta. A su pelo
aplanchado estaban adheridas briznas secas del
camino. Apestaba a gringos borrachos y le dolia el sexo
por dentro. Cayeron ondulando sobre ella como buitres
blancos sobre la morrina. Apretaron sus senos hasta
arrancarle gritos de dolor en su larga pesadilla. Habia
muerto y muerto y muerto bajo los machos de manos
rudas que corcovearon sobre su cuerpo de calipso."
Perla at first seeks help and justice, but decides that it
would be useless and frustrating, for in similar cases, no
proof had been enough to punish or sometimes even
find the criminals.
When Perla finds herself pregnant as a result of the
gang rape, her rancor, her shame and her hate blend

C.R.eOct/Nov/Dec 1972ePage 25

into a complicated desire in which revenge glimmers:
"Perlo no contaba los dias en que se libraria de
aquella barriga. Pienso que una mujer criolla debe
concebir su venganza en parir un hijo de gringo. Ella se
constitute en el Gamboa eterno de un ser vivo que
tendra la angustia de Ata. Todo enrazado es un gringo
prisionero en una carcel negra y un pelito cuscus. En el
amor de estos series extranos y trastornados hay el sutil
placer de la venganza. Un rebajamiento del gringo
altanero al patio y a la vida de negro." 4
Of the erotic revenges in these novels, this redemption
discussed by the author and subconsciously felt by
Perla is the most subtle and difficult to express, even for
Beleno, whose awareness of racial tensions is the result
of intuitive observations and personal experiences.
His concern for all facets of racial hatred has been
unfairly criticized by one of Panama's best known
critics and literary historians, Rodrigo Miro, who
claims that Beleno's attempt to represent the
Panamanians is weak because he limits himself to the
use of themes of Canal Zone influences and because of
his racial complexes. Nevertheless, Miro fails to
recognize that not all the racial discrimination
uncovered publicly by sociologists such as Biesanz are
directed by the Zonians toward Negroes. In many cases
these prejudices are more nationally and socially
oriented than racially. Thus, most, if not all,
Panamanians have been scorned by some or most
Zonians at one time or another, a situation which is

reflected in Luna Verde, where, for example, the
protagonist is not black. Biesanz writes: "The average
American (in the Zone) thinks of all but a few
Panamanians as colored." Subconsciously or
consciously aware of such scorn, many Panamanians
read the novels of Beleno only to uphold his racial
criticisms to varying degrees. As regards the basis for
reality concerning race, articles such as "Negroes in the
Building of the Panama Canal," by Gustave Anguizola
(Phylon, Vol. XXIX, No. 4, pp. 351-359), depict a most
optimistic picture of race relations on the Isthmus
today, but are only partially true and give an
incomplete picture of the real racial problems of the
Canal Zone and even of Panama. John Biesanz's more
objectively gathered material prompt him to write,
contrary to Anguizola's opinion, that in the Canal
Zone, "typically, (American) prejudices appear to be
increased and strengthened." Thus, it is fair to say that
Beleno does succeed in capturing various levels of real
emotional racial views and reactions of his people.
The social realities of Panama which Beleno
successfully interprets are well presented in his novels
in an artistic way and keep in tune with the total
picture, as portrayed by Biesanz, of the sociological
conditions of Panama and the Canal Zone in the fifties
when Beleno wrote or published most of his Canal Zone
novels. Biesanz's studies most assuredly do not exclude
a serious concern about races and the influences of the
American vision of race upon that of the Panamanian
people. The intuitive powers of observation of Beleno
and his emphasis on race should not be construed into
an obsession, but rather should be recognized as the
result of his study of human relations on the Isthmus.
In rebelling against foreign prejudices and the rigidity
of the foreign vision of race, Beleno has therefore
represented the sometimes hidden antagonisms of
many of his people, and he has done so in an artistic
fashion. *

1. "I love you my little Gringa with skin that has no
trace of coroten or xantophile; with whiteness
untouched by my sun, untouched by my race. What a
feast of races our two bodies hold! ... Let me smell your
Gringa-Gringa fragrance; let me laugh insanely into
your mouth, until my race infects your race . You
don't know how your breath fuses with mine. I love to
sense its peppermint odor; therein lie our senses and
the condensation of your flesh -- the irridation of your
pride that resists me . Your body is yoked to your
language, to your religion and to your customs. Oh! my
little Gringa of thirty years, I want the pleasure that
consumes you tonight to blossom in nine months . .
Oh! sweet Saxon tenderness that provokes this insane
desire to possess the unknown; this stored-up hatred
that I can't express or materialize into sweet delight --
and I love you hating you in your Gold Roll."

2. "Uba was avenging herself. She sensed that in
humiliating him she was bleeding (bloodletting) her
own wounded honor."

Page 26eC.R.eVol. IV No. 4

GRAPHIC ART DESIGNERS

FOR THE CARIBBEAN

book covers record

jackets illustrations

611 FDEZ. JUNCOS

SAN JUAN, P.R.

I I I

3. "Her body was racked with pain and her thighs were
burned, blazing. Her wrists, her arms and her feet were
bruised and purple. Their white nails were clearly
outlined on her Bajan skin, the color of tea. Her mouth
was torn and her face scratched. As she had been
dragged across the meadow, her shredded dacron dress
was strung among the/thistles and thorns. Her insides --
torn by blonde hands as though they were ripping the
skin off the shell of a dead cow. Dry twigs and leaves
were adhered to her straightened hair. She reaked with
the smell of drunk Gringos and her organs were hurting
her inside. They had fallen as waves on her body, like
white buzzards on a carcass. They squeezed her breasts
until they tore screams of pain from her long
nightmare. She had died and died and died beneath the
males with crude hands who undulated over her calypso
body."

4. "Perla could hardly wait to be free of her belly. I
think a black woman must conceive a revenge when she
gives birth to the son of a Gringo. Her revenge is the
eternal Gamboa of the being who will have to bear the
anguish that Ata bears. Every half-breed is an
imprisoned Gringo -- imprisoned in a black jail and
kinky hair. In the love of these strange and tortured
beings there glimmers the subtle pleasure of revenge --
the lowering of the haughty Gringo to the ghetto and
the life of the black man."

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5. Stable indefinitely; does not deteriorate
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6. Absorbs about 4 gallons of oil per
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C.R.*Oct/Nov/Dec 1972ePage 27

"Ojo Centro Aul," by Rodolfo Abularach (Guatemala).

M irror, M irror

by Carl Stone

MIRROR, MIRROR: IDENTITY
RACE AND PROTEST IN
JAMAICA. Rex Nettleford. 256 pp.
William Collins and Sangster Ltd.
(Jamaica), 1970

Most contemporary discussions of
race identity and conflict in Jamaica
tend to do violence to the complexity
of the phenomena because of
preoccupation with polemics. Rex
Nettleford's Mirror Mirror departs

from this pattern by combining a
thorough discussion of the many
aspects of the race question in
Jamaica with a coherent statement in
defense of the multi-racial ideology.
The book consists of two sections
of interrelated essays. The first
outlines the ambiguities and
ambivalencies that underlie Jamai-
can attitudes towards race as a
background to a deceptively
sympathetic description of Black

racial protest in the 1960's. The
second embodies the author's
prescription of the cultural synthesis
of European and African influences
as the basis by which to integrate the
society torn by racial and class
conflict. The implicit message in

Carl Stone teaches government at the University of
the West Indies.

Page 28eC.R.oVol. IV No. 4

MIRROR, MIRROR, ON THE WALL, COULD BLACK BE THE FAIREST IDEA OF ALL?

Nettleford's affirmation of multi-
racialism in a creole culture is that it
constitutes a rebuttal to the protest
discussed in the earlier section. The
central underlying theme is the
search for common elements around
which to bridge the growing gap
between, on the one hand, the creole
and multi-racial orthodoxy of the
establishment, and on the other
hand the emerging and challenging
Africanisation of black social
consciousness in Jamaica as fostered
both by the Rasta religious
movement and by the Black Power
intellectual movement.
The first section of the book is of
uneven quality. A detailed and
insightful treatment of the RasTafari
(a religious movement begun in 1930,
combining religion, racial pride and
nationalism) is followed by a rather
superficial discussion of the
intellectual ideas of Black Power
advocates. For Jamaican readers who
are familiar with the 1960 Report on
the Rasta movement and the public
statements of Black Power advocates
there is neither much in the way of
new information, nor fresh insight.
Clearly the author's involvement in
research on the Rasta movement
should have enabled him to do more
than a merely textual analysis which
fails to locate the operative social
forces that shape the direction of the
movement. However, Nettleford
updates the 1960 report with an
interesting discussion of the
Jamaicanisation of the movement or
rather its recent thrust towards
Africanisation. He also provides a
refutation of the Orlando Patterson
thesis on the escapist and
conservative character of the
movement, by indicating the extent
and nature of its impact among
radical "youth man."
In the discussion of the Rasta
movement one would have liked to
see some attempt to place it within
the framework of comparative
religious movements in Brazil, West
Africa and the U.S. Certainly,
lessons on the limits and possibilities
of the political challenge of such

movements are to be learned by
broadening our historical canvas and
focusing on their common patterns.
One interesting and revealing aspect
of the discussion is the author's
account of the hostility with which
the 1960 Rasta report was greeted by
some sectors of "respectable"
opinion in Jamaica. The reaction is
significant since the thrust of the
Report was a liberal-reformist
prescription for giving symbolic
legitimacy to the Brethren while
encouraging their rehabilitation. The
preoccupation with rehabilitation
defines the Rastas as the problem
rather than the society.
The treatment of the Black Powe,
movement does not go beyond mere
textual analysis of the statements of
Black Power advocates either.
Indeed, the author fails to
demonstrate that there is any
justification for referring to these
Black Power radicals as really
representing a movement. No
information is presented on the
ideological diversity or unity of the
individuals identified with the
movement, the organisational
structure within which the activists
function, or the degree and strength
of its mass support in the different
sectors of Jamaican society.

Several questionable points of
criticism are raised against Black
Power advocates. They are accused
of restricting themselves "to the
chronicling of the ills rather than
committing themselves to action that
would correct such ills," of refusing
to work with status quo institutions
on doctrinal grounds, and of being
potentially weak because of the ease
with which their ideas can be
pre-empted by the establishment.
While the author describes the
power structure of the protest
movements, no attempt is made to
analyse the underlying causes of the
tactics of repression, state violence
and intimidation of dissent which
has characterized Jamaica since
Independence. Nor does the author
discuss the vacuum of independent
public opinion in Jamaica, the
widespread fear of political
victimization that suppresses criti-
cism of government, and the
constant and systematic violation of
individual freedoms. I submit that it
is difficult to comprehend the style,
the strategies, and the preoccu-
pations of protest leaders without
reference to the repressive political
culture within which they function.
The author's excessive focus on
the ideas of activists, reflects some

C.R.9Oct/Nov/Dec 1972*Page 29

Lorenzo Romar graphic, 1960, from AQUI EN LA LUCHA.

questionable assumptions about the
nature of social forces and how they
change. Throughout the book one
gets the uncomfortable feeling that
the author places far too much
weight on articulated ideas, and their
acceptance or rejection, as the
central focus of conflict in Jamaica.
Ideas may be a powerful social force,
but we cannot understand the
meaning of their acceptance or
rejection without dwelling thorough-
ly on the structure, context, and
conditions within which they emerge.
The author's mistakenly "idealist"
position leads him to see the
Jamaican establishment as being
anti-intellectual without relating this
to the power structure and pattern of
elite alliances which make local
intellectuals much more of a
perceived threat in Jamaica than
their political behavior justifies.
What appears to be anti-intellec-
tualism on the part of the
establishment is merely a manifes-
tation of the concentrated power that
grows out of the firm alliance
between business and party politics,
and local and foreign economic
interests, and the weakness of an
emasculated and intimidated public
opinion. Those who would have
criticised these "holy alliances" and
their "high priests" can hardly
expect their blasphemous ideas to
have much currency among these
elites. This same establishment,
however, is ready to explore new
ideas that are presented so long as
they accept the constraints imposed
by these alliances. A frightening
aspect of this gradual subversion of
independent thinking in Jamaican
society, is the extent to which all
aspects of our institutional and
public life are becoming increasingly
dominated by demands of loyalty for
particular men and their ideas, at the
expense of independent judgment.
It is a misconception to see this in
terms of the absence or presence of
creativity and intellectualism. It can
only be understood by focusing on
the organisation and exchange of
influence and power. Verbalised
rationalisations of the kind which
form the central focus of Mirror
Mirror do not lend much
understanding of the situation.
Hence, the author is able to quote

statements from politicians and the sensitivity grows out of the need by
conservative newspaper, the Daily black men to compensate for the
Gleaner, suggesting that they have in white bias in our society, then
fact pre-empted the major concerns Africanisation is a short term tactic
of the Black Power activists, to establish black dignity on the way
Rigorous scholarship must be able to towards the liberal dream of non-
distinguish between reality and racialism. Nettleford sees black
facade and unfortunately, Nettleford consciousness only as therapy to
does not. minister to the damaged psyche of
Two very important insights, the black man and he embraces the
however, emerge from this early white liberal view of race as an
section of the book. The first is that irrational frame of reference for
concern with the racial question in group solidarity. My own view is that
Jamaica is largely a response to lower race is no more or less irrational as a
class economic deprivation -- hence collective frame of reference than the
the unity of race and class feeling in accidents of history, language and
the politics of protest. The second is the geographical parameters that
that in spite of the undoubted impact enter into our established definition
of racial protest, many members of of national identity. Moreover, the
the mass public entertain ambivalent dynamic of black racial feeling has
and uneasy feelings about strong gone beyond compensatory racism
racial solidarity, responding to internalised inferiority
It is often difficult to divorce social and is reflecting challenges to the
commentary from an author's imbalance of power in which whites
relationship to the society he dominate the influence and
attempts to analyse. Nettleford's resources of the world. It is wishful
sensitivity for the subtle nuances of thinking to place the end of racialism
the race question in Jamaica stand on the agenda without coming to
out as the most impressive feature of terms with the international
the book. The depth of understand- structures that will sustain it. Logic
ing that comes across must apart, the sharpness of the contrast
undoubtedly be reflecting the between Nettleford's earlier section
author's personal experience as a and his last two chapters leaves the
black intellectual and artist whose reader with some doubt as to how
activities and life history span many much of his ideological defense of
varied and conflicting segments of multi-racialism is a self-conscious
Jamaican society. attempt to subscribe to the
The second section of the book is prevailing orthodoxy, rather than
more disappointing in that the follow through to their logical
author's search for a solution to the conclusion the points raised in the
cleavage in our society leads him to earlier chapter.
abandon much of the insights of his To state, as Nettleford does, that
earlier commentary. Having stated we are neither African nor
that racial cleavage grows out of European, since our creole culture
class deprivation, the author then has assimilated strains of influence
deals mainly with the Afro-European from both sources, is to recognize the
antagonisms which -- even by his obvious and to reiterate a long
own premise -- are the consequences standing observation by sociologists
and not the cause of the basic and anthropologists. To build a
conflict. Most of the author's mystical notion of a unifying creole
discussion therefore centers on culture on this reality is to confuse
race-cultural questions rather than the reader since we have long been
on the basic economic conditions divided in spite of it, if not because of
which give them salience, it.
The eloquent defense of multi- The sharing of a common creole
racialism as an ideal seems quite out culture and the eradication of
of character with the earlier feelings of black inferiority set the
sympathetic treatment of the Rasta stage in the author's view for a
religious movement and the Black genuinely multi-racial society which
Power question. But the author's can be revitalised by education. The
consistency is undeniable: if racial question remains as to how one

Page 30*C.R.eVol. IV No. 4

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eliminates the sharp class tensions
and inter-group hostilities which are
products of the economic system and
the real forces of racial protest. It is
difficult to avoid the feeling that
Nettleford's cultural nationalist
position reflects the priorities of a
black middle class perspective more
concerned with symbolic than
effective material solutions.
The relevance of this call to unity
is far from convincing, given the
condition of large numbers of
unemployed people abandoned by
government, society, and economy.
While the author makes references
to the need to change the economic
structure, we get no vision of the
kind of reordering he sees as
consistent with sustaining the dignity
of poor black people in Jamaica.
Without such a vision, talk of
cultural unity means very little. We

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cannot simply wish away the basic
economic crisis facing the society
and confuse the resolution of these
problems with questions of cultural
unity.
Similarly, educational expansion
makes little sense if it is unrelated to
new conceptions of reorganising the
economy and developing viable
communities where we guarantee
men and women livelihood and
minimal access to social resources.
This is especially the case because of
our high propensity to export trained
people, the unbalanced growth of the
economy that generates a movement
of the more educated away from the
land, and the persistence of an
educational curriculum that bears no
relationship to the needs of
development in our environment.
While many "Africanists" will
disagree with the author's defense of
the multi-racial ideal, Nettleford
provides the most explicit defense of
the! idea I have yet seen. What I
seriously question is the link he
makes between common creole
elements in our culture and positing
this as the true basis for national
unity. One wonders whether the
emphasis on a common creole
dimension of culture does not
overstate the need for cultural
uniformity in nation-building and
national unity. It is possible to
develop a strong national ethos
based less on cultural uniformity and
more on the capacity of the society to
satisfy the material and psychics
needs of the different strata. This
more pluralistic view of Jamaican
nationalism would allow for the
coexistence of strong racial solidarity
within ethnic groups providing that
all groups could fulfill their material
and cultural expectations within the
national framework.
Mirror Mirror deals with an
important and controversial subject.
The value of the book lies as much in
the information and ideas it
develops, as in its recording of an
ideological position which is close to
that shared by very influential
opinion in Jamaica. Its value as a
piece of scholarship lies less in its
intellectual insights and more in this
detailed recording of some of the
political and social currents of
contemporary Jamaica. *

W W

THE

MIDDLE

BEAT

A Correspondent's
View of Mexico,
Guatemala,
and El Salvador

Paul P. Kennedy was The New
York Times' chief correspondent
in Mexico and Central America
between 1954 and 1965, when the
area, his "middle beat" was a
bubbling political cauldron. His
story provides insight into the
historical background and social
milieu of the region as well as
memorable descriptions of
events and personalities.

1971 235 pp. Photos
Cloth $8.50

TEACHERS

COLLEGE

PRESS
1234 Amsterdam Avenue
New York, N.Y. 10027

C.R.*Oct/NovlDec 1972*Page 31

DAY-LONG DAY

"Again the drag of pisca. pis-
ca.. pisca... Daydreams border
on sunfed hallucinations, eyes
and hands automatically discri-
minate whiteness of cotton from
field of vision. Pisca, pisca."
"Un hijo del sol", Genaro
Gonzales.

Third generation timetable.
Sweat clay-long dripping into open space;
sun blocks out the sky, suffocates the only breeze.
From el amo desgraciado, a sentence:

Jl wanna a bale a day, and the boy here
don't haf'ta go to school.))

In time binding motion-
a family of sinews and backs,
row-trapped,
zig-zagging through Summer-long rows
of cotton: Lubbock by way of Wharton.
u.Estd como si escupieran fuegon, a mother moans
in sweat-patched jeans,
stooping
with unbending dreams.
(Estudia para que no seas burro como nosotros)),
our elders warn, their gloves and cuffs
leaf-stained by seasons.

Bronzed and blurry-eyed by
the blast of degrees,
we blend into earth's rotation.
And sweltering toward saturday, the
day-long day is sunstruck by 6:00 P. M.
One last chug-a-lug from a water jug
old as grandad.
Day-long sweat dripping into open space:
Wharton by way of Lubbock.

by Tino Villanueva

Mexican-American poet Tino Villaneuva's poem appears in his collection: Hay
Otra Voz Poems.

Page 32*C.R.*Vol. IV No. 4

The

Ma azine

Collector

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Dustjacket photo from People & Cultures of the Caribbean, edited by Michael M. Horowitz (Natural History Press, 1972, $9.95).

Cuban Morality
Ethics & Economics in Cuba

by Irvinq Louis Horowitz

THE THEORY OF MORAL
INCENTIVES IN CUBA. Robert M.
Bernardo. 159 pp. U. of Alabama
Press, 1971. $7.50
The Marxist theory of False
Consciousness declares that revolu-
tions often fail to materialize as a
result of inaccurate and inept
appraisals of the nature of the social
system. In our age, when so many
revolutions are made and fail in the
name of Marxian Socialism, it might
be well to amend this doctrine of
False Consciousness by pointing out
that those who bring about a
revolution oftentimes make inac-
curate and even inept appraisals of
the very nature of the social
revolution that they have brought
into existence. Those who with sharp
eyes and pure hearts make a
revolution are not infrequently the

very same people who falsify the
terms of that revolution. Ironically,
they often do so under the
assumption -- or rather the
presumption -- that their own sharp
eyes and pure hearts somehow can be
substituted for the vagaries of society
as a whole. In less poetic terms, those
who make the revolution may be the
ones who break the revolution.
What stimulates this observation
is this outstanding study of moral
and economic incentives in the
Cuban social systems since the
Castro revolution. Professor Ber-
nardo focuses upon the role of
ideology and morality in driving
Cuban economic planners toward
fundamentally negative decisions
about the nature of market
relationships, decisions that in turn
have led to a series of problems

which seem to presage yet a higher
series of catastrophe.
Since Professor Bernardo has ably
summarized the substance of his
volume on The Theory of Moral
Incentives in Cuba in his preface, I
should like to address myself to the
main problem discussed in the text:
The place of moral incentives in
stimulating economic growth. Per-
haps the question can be
summarized as follows: Can a society
have moral incentives under
conditions of economic scarcity?
More specifically, can a single crop
economy be designated as socialist in
any but the most desultory sense? In
a broader context, is it not th- case
that the Cuban emphasis on moral
incentives not only violates classical
economic rules concerning the
market determination of prices and

C.R.*Oct/Nov/Dec 1972*Page 33

profits, but even the Marxist notion
of the labor theory of value?
From my own point of view, and
without in any way minimizing the
enormous achievement of Professor
Bernardo, the problem may be one of
causation rather than ideology. That
is to say, the Marxist theory of moral
incentives to labor presupposes the
solution of problems of material
incentives. Only when the ego needs
are fully gratified, only when a
material abundance is available for
all to share in, does the Marxist
doctrine of moral incentives come
into play. In effect, the neo-Marxist
-- what Professor Bernardo calls
Guevaraist -- doctrine moves up the
timetable of economic development;
that is, it accelerates the doctrine of
moral incentives so that the reasons
for effort and labor are connected to
the political survival of the system,
rather than the economic abundance
created by that system.
In some strange way, the Cuban
economy has responded to the role of
political ideology by noting that the
essence of planning is not so much
economic growth as it is political
mobilization. And in this sense, the
theory of moral incentives has had a
binding value on Cuban society far in
excess of any economic profitability
or losses occasioned by the
premature disavowal of market
incentives to labor.
One might say that the Cuban
economy has taken an enormous
gamble by assuming that there
would be enough nonmaterial
incentives to maintain a stable state
within the economy. Whether this is
so or not of course depends not only
on the state of mind of the Cuban
working class, but the levels of
production and consumption of
Cuban society as a whole. Obviously,
if the question of economic
incentives were one of simply
monetary purchasing power, un-
employment rates, absenteeism, and
even labor sabotage would be
considerably higher than in fact they
are. But how long can a society
substitute moral fervor for consumer

Irving Louis Horowitz edits Society and is a frequent
writer about Latin America.

satisfaction? The Christian-Marxist
doctrine of men living not by bread
alone ignores the fact that there is an
intermediate stage between matter
and morals -- what might be called
comfort and well being. Here is
where the vital trade-off between
economy and morality takes place.
Whether or not Cuban society can
sustain fervor for the regime
sufficient to permit the continued
growth of the GNP at the expense of
consumer fulfillment is extremely
difficult and hazardous to predict.
Professor Bernardo's findings
might best be evaluated by taking a
balance-sheet view of the situation.
The moral economy has succeeded in
achieving a high degree of
egalitarianism as a by-product of
Cuban productive organization, and
there can be no doubt that Professor
Bernardo is correct in observing that
this was achieved largely by the use
of the allocation system of moral
stimulation. It is also clear that the
price of this egalitarianism is a high
demand for material goods -- and the
choice is select among those goods.
It is also true that the theory of
moral stimulation alters old
relationships and ends the exag-
gerated separation of supply and
demand for money and goods. Wage
differentials are reduced, price
differentials are reduced, leisure and
labor are flattened out, and in
general, there is a definite
complementarity between moral and
material incentives in such a system.
But again, the problem here is
whether in fact there are such things
as moral incentives, or whether the
doctrine is not simply a disguised
way of defining unpaid labor time, or
labor time paid at reduced wages for
the purposes of increasing the gross
national produce.
One might take an orthodox
rather than a revisionist Marxian
view and claim that common sense
dictates that we should average in
unpaid labor time with paid labor
time to arrive at the actual earning
power of Cuban labor. Or that, in
point of fact, the theory of moral
incentives is a way of maintaining a
socialist economy in a single crop
situation with a minimal amount of
inflationary spiraling and pressures
for trade union reform.

A virtue of the book is that it is
written without an ideological axe to
grind, and without the usual
passions accompanying almost all
books on the subject of socialist
Cuba. A further virtue of the book is
that Professor Bernardo etches out in
great detail, and at times with
considerable eloquence, the way in
which problems of economics
become, in effect, problems of ethics.
Perhaps the question left unanswer-
ed by the author, and the one that
can only be resolved with time, is
whether good leadership might
accelerate the stages of economic
growth in Cuba and might even
permit stage skipping. And beyond
that, whether a charismatic political
structure, such as that which obtains
in Cuba, can actually reverse the
historical process and create a moral
economy based on a new socialist
man, under conditions of relative
economic scarcity.
The anomaly is that Cuban
leaders, whether they be Guevara or
Castro, have in effect spiritualized
problems of economic production
and allocation. They seem to be the
first true idealists to emanate from
the Marxist-Socialist tradition.
Perhaps this philosophical outcome
should not have been unexpected,
since the Cuban revolution always
seemed to be a matter of will and a
problem in decision theory, rather
than a matter of determinism or a
matter of history. In a sense the
post-revolutionary Cuban leadership
has carried forth this volitional or
idealistic theory of the revolution and
has made the success of the socialist
economy also a matter of will, which
of course ultimately involves
questions of moral choice. Thus it is
that the book by Bernardo provides a
fascinating episode not just in the
annals of political economy but, even
more profoundly, in political
sociology: The way in which
problems of political leadership and
social class determine the struggle of
society and, ultimately, the structure
of values which provide the
ideological fuel for that society. By
taking just a small problem,
Professor Bernardo has illuminated
the entire ecstasy and agony of the
Cuban revolution and perhaps of
world socialism in our times. *

Page 34.C.R.eVol. IV No. 4

'r

Chin

& Latin

Americo

by Joe Olander

COMMUNIST CHINA AND
LATIN AMERICA, 1959-1967.
Cecil Johnson. 304 pp.
Columbia University Press,
1970, $9.95

Right after World War II, Joseph
Stalin was asked why he did not
more actively support the Chinese
communists, rather than place his
confidence in the Kuomintarig under
Chiang Kai-shek, to effect a national
revolution in China. He reportedly
answered: "because the Chinese
communists are like radishes: they
are red on the outside but white on
the inside." That comment came in
the context of a growing debate
among Marxist theoreticians about
whether the Chinese were genuine
international communists or simply
nationalists interested in unifying
and then modernizing China. The
theoreticians were most concerned
about the "Sinification" of Marx-
ism-Leninism.
In contemporary scholarship on
Chinese foreign policy there exists a

similar debate. Some scholars
consider China to be a unique
revolutionary communist nation,
bent on supporting wars of national
liberation in the "Third World" in
order to defeat the "imperialist"
nations and thereby to hasten the
goal of world communism. Others
consider China to be just another
nation-state which will engage in
fairly traditional big-power politics.
The former stress ideology as the
major factor in Chinese foreign
policy; the latter, national interests.
Professor Johnson's book is a
welcome, but in some ways, deficient
addition to the literature in this
debate. It is welcome because it is the
first book to deal with the role of
ideology in the conduct of Chinese
foreign policy vis-a-vis Latin
America. It is a good analysis of this
role, though perhaps an unwitting
one since the author disclaims any
intention of contributing to either
side of the debate: "One of the bones
of contention among students of
Chinese foreign policy concerns the

question of the relative weight given
by Chinese decision-makers to
considerations of 'ideology' and
'national interests.' Space does not
allow an analysis of this issue." In
view of this disavowal, it is
interesting to note how the author
allocated his "space." Of a 304-page
book, 152 pages are devoted to an
analysis of Chinese ideology --
especially the "theory" of contra-
dictions and the concept of people's
war -- and how these ideas compare
with Cuban variations in an analysis
of Sino-Cuban relations. 105 pages
are devoted to the ideological
differences and factional struggles in
pro-Chinese communist parties and
movements in Brazil, Peru, Bolivia,
Columbia, Ecuador, Chile, Domini-
can Republic, Argentina, Mexico,
and, to a lesser extent, Venezuela,
Uruguay, and Guatemala. 27 pages,
in the context of an Introduction and
a somewhat redundant Conclusion,
are devoted to a general analysis of
the major issues. Finally, 20 pages
are devoted to a description of the
major commercial, cultural, and
propaganda activities in which the
Chinese have been engaged in Latin
America. Professor Johnson's allo-
cation of space and his major
purpose -- to analyze "the concepts
which have had the greatest impact
on Chinese foreign policy" -- leave no
doubt on which side of the debate his
contribution lies.
Set within a nine-year time frame
of 1959-1967, this contribution
consists of an analysis of the major
revolutionary strategy which the
Chinese indicate applies to Latin
America, and of the structuring of
pro-Chinese communist parties and
movements in that area. The Chinese
are interested in Latin America,
according to Professor Johnson, for
several reasons. First, the Chinese
believe that conditions in Latin
America are substantially the same
as in China before 1949. Second,
Latin America is "semi-colonial" in
that economic systems are largely
dependent upon external forces.
Third, Latin America is "semi-

Joe Olander teaches political science at Florida
International University.
C.R.*Oct/Nov/Dec 1972*Page 35

feudal" because economic develop-
ment of the agricultural sector is far
ahead of the industrial sector.
Fourth, the salience of Marxism
among Latin American intellectuals
provides a receptivity for revolution-
ary concepts. Finally, Latin
American society, the Chinese feel, is
similar to Chinese society before
1949.
Professor Johnson argues that
these reasons are the major
assumptions of the ideological model
which the Chinese use to conduct
foreign policy with respect to Latin
America. In implementing this
model, the Chinese have benefited
from the existence of several
important conditions. First, there is
a deep thread of antiimperialist
sentiment woven throughout Latin
American politics. Second, the Latin
tradition of la violencia is congruent
with the concept of people's war.
Third, university radicalism in Latin
America provides a potential core of
cadres for involvement in the
development of disciplined Marxist
groups as well as in a people's war.
Fourth, the domination of land
ownership by a few families
throughout Latin America provides
the proper issue in the rural areas for
galvanizing the peasantry. Finally,
the political strategy of Latin
American leaders not to be too
aligned with the United States
provides a certain degree of tolerance
for contacts with the Chinese.
But these beneficial conditions do
not imply the absence of strategic
liabilities for the Chinese in Latin
America. There is, perhaps first of
all, the problem of sheer physical
distance between China and Latin
America which does not augur well
for close coordination and support of
efforts to bring about wars of
national liberation throughout that
area. In addition to the physical gulf
there is a cultural cleavage. Professor
Johnson argues that Latin American
culture is basically derived from
European culture and has little in
common with Chinese culture.
Moreover, the relatively poor status
of the Chinese economy does not
allow for substantial aid to Latin
America and leaves the Chinese far
behind the Soviet Union in ability to
apply the "strategy of the carrot" in

this region. Finally, the United
States has long maintained a special
prerogative in dealing with perceived
threats to its national interests in the
Western Hemisphere. It is not likely
that this will change in the near
future.
For these reasons, the Chinese
must rely upon pro-Chinese
communist parties and movements
in Latin America as the primary
vehicle for developing people's wars
against the United States and
against pro-imperialist government
regimes in Latin America. Indeed,
the Chinese maintain that a highly
disciplined Marxist-Leninist party is
essential to forming a people's army
and to mobilizing the masses. The
effectiveness of pro-Chinese com-
munist parties and movements in
Latin America has been impaired,
according to Professor Johnson, for
several reasons. Pro-Chinese groups
tend to be highly dogmatic and thus
alienate potential collaborators.
Disagreements about interpreting
ideology simply generate factional
struggling within pro-Chinese move-
ments. Given this preoccupation for
ideological purification, the import-
ant task of mobilizing the masses has
been neglected by pro-Chinese
groups.
Despite these problems, however,
Professor Johnson's thesis is that the
achievements of the Chinese
communists in Latin America,
during the nine years he has studied,
are impressive. His concluding
analysis suggests that the Chinese
hope to "trap" the United States into
intervening in Latin American
countries where people's wars will be
underway. In this way, the strength
of the United States will be
dissipated by the creation of many
"Vietnams." Although he adduces
several reasons for the improbability
of this occurrence, the successes of
Fidel Castro's July 26th Movement
and the Bolshevik revolution are
cited as evidence for not discounting
the potency of relatively small
extremist groups to achieve their
goals under most difficult circum-
stances. After all he feels that time
and patience are on the side of the
Chinese!
Drawn overwhelmingly from
ideological statements and essays in

T

N

CARIBBEAN
MONOGRAPH
SERIES NO. 7

religious

cults of the

caribbean

trinidad,

jamaica

and haiti
US$5.00
by george e.

simpson

Revised and augmented
version of The Shango Cult
in Trinidad

PUBLICATIONS
Institute of Caribbean Studies
Box BM
University of Puerto Rico
Rio Piedras, Puerto Rico

Page 36*C.R.*Vol. IV No. 4

ALICIA & FRANK FERNANDEZ

BOX 22494. U.P.R.
RIO PIEDRAS, PUERTO RICO 00931

newspapers, periodicals, and the
works of Mao Tse-tung, Professor
Johnson has written an excellent
account of the revolutionary
concepts and principles of Chinese
communist ideology, of the response
to these on the part of pro-Chinese
groups in Latin America, and of
factional struggle within pro-Chinese
communist parties and movements
in Latin America. Despite its title,
the book is not a systematic analysis
of Chinese-Latin American relations
or of Chinese foreign policy with
respect to Latin America. Given the
author's major assumption about

"A rewarding study."
Foreign Affairs.
"... a bench mark study."
Journal of
Developing Areas.

CRUCIFIXION
BY POWER

Essays on Guatemalan
National Social Structure,
1944-1966
By Richard Newbold Adams
xiv, 553 pages $10.00

UNIVERSITY OF
TEXAS PRESS
Box 7819
Austin, Texas 78712

foreign policy, it could not be. The
assumption is that ideology functions
as one of the main constituents of a
nation's foreign policy behavior. In
the Chinese case, this means that the
"theory" of contradictions and the
concept of people's war are the major
constituents of Chinese foreign
policy. This assumption is the major
inadequacy of Professor Johnson's
book.
The ideology of international
communism is the most recent
example of historical systems of
universal authority which have
attempted to transcent cultural and
ethnic diversity and to deal with the
realities of international politics.
Prior examples include Catholicism,
Islam, and the Chinese imperial
system. International communism
has encountered the same obstacle
which frustrated the attempts of the
prior systems to deal with the
international community on the
basis of claims to universal authority.
That obstacle is the nation-state
system, which assumes that authority
is divided into "chunks" of
sovereignty called nation-states and
that each unit is autonomous in the
conduct of its domestic and foreign
affairs. Big powers and mini-states
alike cling to these assumptions. The
conduct of foreign policy in such a
fragmented system is really a matter
of politics in the broadest sense. It is
a matter of utilizing political skills in
bargaining, in persuading, in being
forceful, in making threats, in
deceiving, and in manipulating. It is
also a matter of appealing to
constituencies both at home and
abroad.
Thus to assume that China simply
acts out its ideology in its foreign
policy is to ignore the complexities of
the nation-state system and to
prevent an adequate understanding
of the relationships between that
country and other regions of the
world.
The relationship between domestic
politics and foreign policy in China is
especially important to an under-
standing of China's relations with
Latin America -- or with any other
part of the world for that matter. The
central issue in Chinese domestic
politics is disagreement over the style
and direction of China's social,

economic, and political modern-
ization. Two major factions have
developed around this issue -- those
who are concerned about the "soul"
of China and those who are more
concerned about China's "stomach."
The former are "radicals"; the
latter, professionals, especially in the
military bureaucracy.
The radicals' approach, to the
pressing problems of agricultural
viability, light industrial production,
population control, and the
structuring of political authority
between regions and central leaders,
is iWeology; the professionals'
approach, administration. The
radicals' approach, to human and
organizational conflict, is the
"theory" of contradiction, parti-
cularly the notion of uncompromis-
ing struggle; the professionals'
approach, compromise and bargain-
ing.
The ideology of Marxism-Lenin-
ism and of Mao Tse-tung is used by
both factions to sustain their claims
to authority. As the major source of
legitimacy in China, ideology is used
by factions as a political resource in a
battle to maintain a delicate
coalition of power. Political power is
fragmented in China today in a way
not dissimilar to the era of
warlordism (1916-1928). The Peo-
ple's Liberation Army has been
reorganized along regional lines and
commanded with only loose
directions from the General Staff
and the Ministry of Defense. The
balance of political-military strength
belongs to the professionals in
China, and they are overwhelmingly
preoccupied with intra-elite power
relations and with political survival.
The significant point is that
ideology is used to describe, to
explain, and to evaluate external
occurrences in a way which
reinforces the source of legitimacy at
home. Hence China's behavior in
foreign areas has depended primarily
upon the balance of power internally.
Moves in the international games
have more significance for the
domestic game. For example, Chou
En-lai has been desirous of securing
China's front vis-a-vis the Soviet
Union and Japan; hence he initiated
a rapprochement with the United
States. Lin Piao vehemently opposed

C.R.*Oct/Nov/Dec 1972ePage 37

this move, not because it violated
ideological principles -- although it
certainly did -- but because the move
enhanced Chou's power and prestige
internally.
To neglect the relationship
between internal politics and foreign
policy in China, as Professor Johnson
has done, and to concentrate
exclusively on ideology as an
explanation of foreign policy
behavior is to short-change students
of Sino-Latin American relations. As
China devotes more attention to
internal political stability and to
pressing social and economic
problems, there will be a
maximization of rhetoric -- and a
minimum of commitment -- in the
foreign policy area. This will feed the
analyzes of foreign policy specialists
but will add little to an
understanding of the dynamics of
Chinese foreign policy with respect to
any part of the world. Students will
thus be exposed to interpretations of
coded language in foreign policy
pronouncements, but they will have
little knowledge of what goes into the
encoding and decoding processes.

Caribbean Review has been
to virtually every nation and
colony in the West Indies
and Latin America.

We've delved into myriad
disciplines, from politics and
fiction, on through econom-
ics, cinema and race rela-
tions.

We've introduced our read-
ers to over 1500 books.

This is tragic, if not inexcusable.
Another weakness of Professor
Johnson's analysis is an over-
emphasis on the concept of people's
war as the major attraction on the
part of Latin American revolution-
aries. Right after the Chinese
communists officially took over the
country in 1949, they articulated
support of wars of national liberation
throughout the world but particular-
ly in Asia. These pronouncements
were interpreted as evidence for
China's major foreign policy goal --
to export revolution. It is now clear
that such pronouncements were a
function of China's traditional needs
as a nation-state to protect its fronts.
As an inspiring big power, China
wanted to redistribute the balance of
international power in ways more
conducive to its own security.
Over time, China has not followed
through in supporting wars of
national liberation; indeed, China
has turned its face to some
revolutionary movements and be-
trayed others. Bangladesh is the most
recent example of China's violation
of ideological principle for the sake

Our regular readers may dis-
agree as to their favorite art-
icle. Some will recall the
Albizu & Matlin analyses of
the theatrics of Puerto Rican
politics. Others will prefer
the in-depth interview with
Peruvian novelist Mario Var-
gas Llosa, or the perceptive
critique of Model Cities by
Howard Stanton.

Still others may opt for the
poetry of Jorge Luis Borges,
or the fiction of Agustin YA-
fiez, Ren6 Marques or Pedro
Juan Soto.

Moritz Thomsen's account of
"Living Poor" in Ecuador, or
Carlos Castaneda's study of
mind-expanding dru g use
among the Yaqui Indians, or
the proclamation of Colom-
bian priest -revolutionary Ca-
milo Torres, or the discussion

of playing international politics in
fairly traditional style. In terms of
ideological correctness, Lin Piao's
famous article on "Long Live the
Victory of People's Wars" asserts
that people's wars are not exportable
and must evolve under indigenous
conditions and leadership. Perhaps
Che Guevara would not have died in
Bolivia in 1967 if he had recognized
the validity of this idea.
The Peking Review will still
support people's wars abroad, and
foreign policy analysts will still
adduce its pronouncements as
evidence of Chinese foreign policy
behavior. But the greatest attraction
of China for the less developed
countries of the world will be
overwhelming evidence of a
staggering number of people,
laboring under serious constraints,
to self-develop in a way that is right
for them. This image will appeal to
both revolutionaries and non-
revolutionaries alike, but it will have
to compete with the image already
ascribed to it by foreign policy
analysts who equate China's ideology
with China's foreign policy. *

by Lloyd Best of Black Pow-
er in Trinidad may also rank
as favorites among many
readers.

Or Gordon Lewis' piece on
the anatomy of Caribbean
vanity, or Anthony Maingot's
on the new Caribbean his-.
tory, or any one of the his-
torical pieces that we've dug
up . .

Few readers, we find, agree
on anything. But they all
seem to agree that Caribbean
Review has been a reward-
ing, stimulating experience.
Won't you join them, and us,
by sending in your subscrip-
tion?

If you're young, just a wee
bit prosperous, and, above
all, healthy, we especially re-
commend the lifetime subs-
cription.

Page 38oC.R.oVol. IV No. 4

Carlos Albizu-Miranda,
Ph.D.-Executive Director

Norman Matlin, Ph.D.
-Director of Research

Anne Matlin, M.A.
-Marketing Manager

Intituto
Psloologioo
de Puerto Rioo

The Market Research Division of
the Instituto Psicologico de
Puerto Rico includes a staff of
people with experience in
market, psychological,
motivational, and social research
for the Puerto Rican market.
We work with our clients in ob-
jectively and confidentially
planning more effective and
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We employ such techniques as
group interviewing, projective
and other psychological testing,
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terviewing, as well as the more
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APARTADO 757, CAROLINA,
PUERTO RICO 00630

Russia

& Latin

America

by Leon Gour6

SO VIET IMAGE OF CONTEM-
PORARY LATIN AMERICA, A
DOCUMENTARY HISTORY,
1960-1968, Robert G. Carlton and J.
Gregory Oswald, eds., 365 pp. U. of
Texas Press, 1970.

THE SO VIET UNION AND LATIN
AMERICA, J. Gregory Oswald and
Anthony Strover, eds., 190 pp.
Praeger Publishers, 1970.

Serious Soviet interest in Latin
America is relatively recent.
Although Soviet political analysts
and scholars have paid some
attention to the region for over 50
years, Latin America was too remote
from the Soviet Union and was
believed to be too firmly dominated
by the United States to allow
Moscow to have any significant
interest in the area. While the Cuban
Revolution offered the Soviet Union
the first major opportunity to gain a
foothold in the Western Hemisphere.
another decade had to pass before
Moscow perceived significant oppor-
tunities to expand its influence i'"

Latin America. These opportunities
coincided with the growth of Soviet
power and with a weakening of
United States influence in the region.
Soviet interest in Latin America is
reflected in the assessment of the
region as the "strategic rear" of the
United States and as a very active
and successful "front" of the global
anti-imperialist struggle being pro-
moted and supported by the Soviet
Union. In a recent major article in
the Communist Party of the Soviet
Union journal, Kommunist (No. 15,
1971), Boris Ponomarev, a Secretary
of the CPSU Central Committee and
candidate member of the Politburo,
wrote that Latin America, "the
seemingly quite reliable rear of
American imperialism, is becoming
a hotbed of anti-imperialist
revolution" and that the revolution-
ary process there "is continuing to
develop at a faster pace than in other
parts of the non-socialist world."
Soviet policy being to a great extent
opportunistic, Latin America ap-
pears, therefore, as an area where
significant damage can be inflicted
on the United States, thereby
C.R.*Oct/Nov/Dec 1972ePage 39

THE CUBAN

EXPERIENCE

Acutely aware of the problems in
his native Jamaica, playwright and
journalist Barry Reckord went to
Cuba with some very basic ques-
tions: Is Cuban socialism working?
Are the people really better off than
before Castro? What's happening
in the areas of health, housing, and
education? Is there any freedom
and popular participation or is
Castro an iron-fisted Stalin? What
is replacing traditional capitalistic
incentives-and does it work? To
get the answers, Reckord moved,
freely and spoke to the people
themselves-to street cleaners,
farmers, mechanics, students,
teachers, doctors, and factory
workers as well as government
officials. His remarkable report on
these interviews, spiced with the
language of the people, cuts
through all the myth and propa-
ganda (from both sides) to give us
the first on-the-spot, grass-roots
picture of the total Cuban expe-
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Barry Reckord

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Page 409C.R.eVol. IV No. 4

influencing the East-West balance in
favor of the Soviet Union and where
the scope and intensity of the
"liberation struggle" make Soviet
investments appear worthwhile.
It is significant that despite a great
deal of talk concerning the
revolutionary process in Latin
America, the real target of Soviet
policy is not communist revolution or
development of the region, but the
United States. While it is
acknowledged that possibilities of
the liberation struggle and the
composition of the forces involved in
it vary from country to country, the
common feature is said to be those
countries' "anti-imperialist," i.e.,
anti-US orientation and their
"paramount task" is "to break the
grip of US monopoly capital." The
other element of the "revolutionary"
struggle, namely the elimination of
the oligarchies and of the
latifundists, is said to be part of the
same process because these elements
are the natural "allies" of the
monopolists of the United States.
Given that the United States is the
main target of Soviet policy in Latin
America, Moscow has no difficulty in
publicly endorsing such disparate
regimes as Castro's self-proclaimed
communist rule in Cuba, General
Juan Velasco's military junta in Peru
and Salvador Allende's elected
Popular Unity government in Chile.
The upsurge of Soviet interest in
Latin America coincided with the
rise of nationalist-revolutionary
military regimes in Peru and Bolivia
and especially with the election in
1970 of a Popular Unity regime in
Chile. Significantly, for all the public
support which Moscow gives Cuba,
the Cuban model is not the one being
promoted for Latin America. Rather,
it is said, the two present forms of
"struggle" are either broad popular
coalitions of the Chilean type, which
are now being attempted in other
countries, notably Argentina, Uru-
guay, Colombia and Venezuela, or
nationalistic and military regimes
which seek to eliminate United
States economic exploitation of their
countries. Armed struggle is believed
valid where, as in Chile, the
"revolution" may have to defend
itself, or in other countries, such as
Honduras and Guatemala, where the
existing governments can only be

overthrown by force.
From an ideological and political
point of view, the Soviet Union tends
to find Latin America both puzzling
and offering opportunities for
experimentation. Latin America is
not a typical part of the
less-developed world. In the Soviet
view there is no opportunity there to
choose between a capitalist and a
non-capitalist path of development.
Instead, Soviet scholars debate
whether the region is or is not in the
monopoly capitalist stage. The forces
for change in the region comprise
classes and groups which are said to
be "unexpected," such as the middle
class, the church and the army.
Soviet analysts find it difficult at
times to deal with the "revolution-
ary" language of various groups and
parties, many of which are in fact
more reformist than revolutionary.
Furthermore, a serious problem is
posed by the fact that Latin
American communists tend to be
outflanked on the Left by more
radical and violence-prone groups.
Finally, the Russians have obvious
difficulties, as demonstrated in
Cuba, in understanding and dealing
with the Latin style and temper-
ament.
Although the Cuban Revolution
gave an impetus to Soviet interest in
and studies on Latin America, the
real upsurge took place after 1968
when it became evident that while
guerilla strategy held no prospect of
success, the United States would not
succeed in containing the new wave
of Latin American nationalism. The
two books under review deal with an
earlier period of Soviet policy and
perceptions and while they offer a
useful background to current
developments, they do not fully
reflect the new dynamism in Latin
America and in Soviet policies.
Soviet Image of Contemporary Latin
America, updates the earlier
two-volume study Latin America in
Soviet Writings, 1917-1964, which
was prepared by the Library of

Leon Goure Is Director of Soviet Studies at the
University of Miami.

1(

Congress and published by The
Johns Hopkins University Press in
1966. The Soviet Union and Latin
America is a collection of papers by
various authors presented at a
symposium held in Munich,
Germany, in May 1968, under the
auspices of the Institute for Study of
the USSR. Unfortunately, neither
book deals with the Soviet
assessment of the role of the military
in Latin America nor with the issues
which arise in connection with the
united front strategy.
Until recently it was widely
believed in the West that the Soviet
Union had learned a painful and
expensive lesson in Cuba, and would
avoid any large scale involvement
elsewhere in Latin America. Soviet
economic aid to Cuba by the end of
1970 had passed the two billion
dollar mark. Furthermore, in the
period dealt with in the two books,
Moscow was experiencing major
difficulties in its relations with
Castro. However, much has changed
since then. Castro has been brought
to heel. Soviet economic credits to

Latin America, exclusive of Cuba,
which stood at $187 million in 1968
have reached the $360 million mark
in 1971 and those of the other East
European countries went in the same
period from $246 million to $473
million. China, which in 1968
provided no credits to Latin
American countries, has now
exceeded $100 million in loans to
Peru, Chile and Guyana. The Soviet
Union, despite continuing major aid
to Cuba which in 1971 reached $660
million, is committed not only to
assist Chile but has given indications
of being willing to become involved
in large and costly projects in Peru,
Uruguay and other areas. In 1968
there was no question of Soviet
military presence in the Caribbean
Since then the Soviet navy has been
spending increasing time in that area
and Moscow has sought the
possibility of using Cienfuegos as a
submarine base. While in 1954
Soviet military aid to the Arbenz
regime in Guatemala led to its
overthrow, in 1971 Moscow again
appears to see an opportunity in

offering military aid to Chile.
The events of the past four years i.,
Latin America have opened what
Soviet analysts call a "new era" in
that region and have given rise to
conditions which Moscow is seeking
to exploit. While Latin America
communists appear less optimistic
than Soviet analysts concerning the
prospects of "revolution" in the
region, the latter clearly expect that
the Soviet Union will be able to take
advantage of the wave of nationalism
sweeping Latin America to reduce
United States presence and influence
in the region and thereby strengthen
the Soviet global position vis a vis the
West. While acknowledging the
possibility of reversals, Ponomarev
asserts that "the revolutionary
movement on the continent is far
from having reached its peak and
will continue its ascending move-
ment." Given this assessment, it is
likely that the Soviet Union will
persist in its efforts to play an active
and growing role in Latin America. *

..Y NO HABRAN ANGUSTIAS PARA NAGCEi

ruT -.

Cover photo from NEW CHILE (NACLA, 1972, $2.00).

C.R.*Oct/Nov/Dec 1972*Page 41

.* -'"*.

The`

US.e

& La in

Americc

by Thomas Mathews

REVOLUTION NEXT DOOR.
Gary MacEoin. Holt, Rhinehart &
Winston, 1971 $6.95.

AID AS IMPERIALISM. Teresa
Hayter. Penguin Books J!D, 1971.
$1.45

Gary MacEoin, a journalist by
profession with experience in Latin
America and the Caribbean, has
written a very readable and
informative evaluation of presentday
Latin America geared for the general
public. The author is unassuming,
straight forward, and devastating in
his presentation. This is not another
"inside" story filled with trivia and
interviews with the decision makers.
The book offers no plan to thwart the
revolution next door, but rather
outlines the conditions and failures
within the recent decades which have
made the revolution inevitable. For
the first time we have a reporter for
the establishment press (Time, Life,
Reuters, etc.) telling it as it is, and
not as the public would like to think
it is.

The authorities and works
extensively quoted by the author are
well-known to the expert in Latin
America; for example, the Brazilian
sources include: Helio Jaguaribe,
Celso Furtado, Rubem Alves, Dom
Helder Camara, and Paulo Freire.
For Argentina, Colombia, and Peru,
the authorities cited are of a similar
cast and the story varies only in local
details. The end result is abject
failure of the United States manner
and method of dealing with Latin
America, the utter inability to realize
and admit that failure, and the open
connivance and cooperation with the
worst possible elements of Latin
American society.
The author is not a communist
and he is probably not even a
revolutionary. His vocabulary is not
loaded with words designed to arouse
passion or emotion. The bare facts of
the contemporary scene supply all
the fuel necessary for the resounding
condemnation, such as the growing
use of torture by the police of
Argentina and Brazil. The author
matter of factly documents how the

American police adviser, Dan
Mitione (who was shot by Uruguayan
guerrillas) was behind the increasing
level of expertise in dealing with
subversives.
There are very few who are still
optimistic about the Alliance for
Progress, but to what extend the
Latin Americans and North
Americans were deceived by that
magnanimous swindle has yet to be
documented in all its horror. In an
aptly headed chapter entitled
"Indian Givers," MacEoin cites the
case of Bolivia which in 1969
received in addition to surplus
agricultural products from the U.S.,
2.8 million dollars in grants for
technical assistance and 13 million
dollars in development funds.
However, the Bolivian government
had to pay for studies by U.S. experts
on how to use the money, and
purchase from U.S. firms the
necessary machinery and supplies
(which included costly transportation
in U.S. cargo ships). Thus the
Bolivian government actually recei-
ved only a mere 5 million U.S.
dollars (which were soon to be
devaluated) but was under the
obligation to repay $20 million ($13
million plus interest). As the author
observes, the roads and airports built
with the funds were needed and in
the long run could be beneficial --
but in the short run earned nothing.
The upshot of the matter is that the
Bolivian production of tin and other
mineral exports were further
mortgaged to some 15 million
dollars. Vaya, hermano, who needs
that kind of aid!
Take the case of private capital:
According to Gunnar Myrdal, who is
quoted by MacEoin, between 70 to
90 percent of the raw material of
Latin America is exploited by U.S.
corporations, either directly or
indirectly, and more than half of the
operations in industry, banking, and
commerce are also controlled.
Between 1960 and 1968, profits of
some 200 companies, which between
them represent 90 percent of U.S.
investment in Latin America,

Thomas Mathews is former head of the Institute of
Caribbean Studies at U.P.R.

Page 42*C.R.eVol. IV No. 4

averaged a yearly net return of 1.3
billion or a profit of 12.7 percent on
accumulated investment. In spite of
the threat of take-overs and
nationalization, investment in Latin
America, which rose from 8.1 billion
in 1960 to 12.5 billion in 1968,
promises to increase substantially as
the U.S. take-over continues
unabated.
Take the case of Brazil: Our
military experts are working there
diligently to keep a inhumanely
repressive military dictatorship in
power. "Foreign capital exceeds
local private capital 72% to 28% in
the production of capital goods; 78%
to 22% in that of durable consumer
goods; and 52% to 48% in that of
nondurables. Only in commerce and
services is local private capital still in
control."
It is possible that some naive soul
might in good faith conclude that if
development of the so-called
backward nations can not be
forthcoming through the attentions,
albeit selfishly motivated, of a good
neighbor, then perhaps the solution
is through an international agency
which administers the funds received
from affluent nations and disburses
them in accord with need and
efficiency among the countries of
Latin America. Do not condemn the
skeptic as a cynic until you have read
the dispassionate but devastating
analysis by Teresa Hayter of the
operations of three such internation-
al agencies.
Ms. Hayter was commissioned to
prepare a study of the aspect of
"leverage" in the Latin American
operations of the World Bank, the
International Monetary Fund, and
the Inter-American Development
Bank, by the Overseas Development
Institute. The study was to have been
published, but the result was
considered to be adverse to the
interests of the institutions under
study and publication was denied.
Fortunately the author found a
highly reputable publisher which
should secure for her important work
a wide audience.
Not only the evidence offered but
the careful documentation and
understated tone of the study
presents an irrefutable case against
the three agencies and particularly

the World Bank which did its utmost
to suppress the study and secure the
dismissal of its author from her
research post.
Hayter uses several case studies. In
Colombia, a devaluation of the
currency was demanded by the IMF
over the united opposition of the
president and the parties in power.
In Brazil, a reform-minded president
(Goulart) was thwarted by the World
Bank's refusal to honor commit-
ments to the Brazilian government
for loans, but where the same WB
was quick to guide with a heavy hand
the financial policies of the
subsequent military government. In
Chile, Frei faced the opposition of
the WB and the IMF for his land

reform and nationalization pro-
posals. In Peru, Belaunde was
blocked at every turn by the AID
mission, which in turn influenced the
attitude of the international
organizations regarding the funding
of some of the admittedly radical
schemes of the engineer-president. It
is interesting to note, however, that
Hayter found the Inter-American
Bank (which was under the
leadership of Felipe Herrera at the
time of her study) to be fairly
open-minded and liberal in the
endorsement of non-conventional
and above-all socially oriented
proposals, such as loans to the
Goulart government.
It is precisely here where the value

EL AZUCAR
PRIMERA INDUSTRIAL
SIN PATRONS EN EL

CONTINENT AMERICANO
3 de octubre de 1970: 2 Aniversario de la Revoluci6n Peruana,
entrega de los funds azucareros Pomalca, Pdtapo Pucald,
Casagrande, Cartavio, Ingenio, Andahuasi, San Jacinto,
Chucarapi, Batan Grande, Paramonga y Talambo

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Peruvian poster by Jesus Raig Durand, Photo by Jorce Santana.

C.R.*Oct/Nov/Dec 1972*Page 43

w v v

A A A

********O**I

Inter American University
of Puerto Rico
San German Campus

The Department of
Economics and Business
Administration announces a
Graduate Program leading
to an M.A. in Economics
with special emphasis on the
problems of economic
development in the
Caribbean and Latin
America.

For further information on
admissions and fellowships
to either this new program
or to our regular M.B.A.
program please write to:.

CHAIRMAN,
DEPARTMENT OF
ECONOMICS AND
BUSINESS AD-
MINISTRATION
INTER AMERICAN
UNIVERSITY
SAN GERMAN,
PUERTO RICO 00753.

Page 44*C.R..Vol. IV No. 4

of the study by Teresa Hayter rests.
As she points out, it is fairly easy to
visualize the grouping of two
antagonistic schools of economic
thought which struggle to determine
the flow of investment. The more
critical and reform minded groups,
known as the structuralists, argue
that in order to improve the
economies of developing countries
changes must be carried out in the
"structure" of the economy, i.e., in
redistribution of income, and in land
reform. The more conventional
groups, sometimes known as the
monetarists, is primarily concerned
with stabilizing the economy through
such means as a hard money policy,
anti-inflationary measures and/or
efficiency of production combined
with low cost, etc. The latter group
dominates the World Bank and the
International Monetary Fund, but in
the case of the Inter-American
Development Bank, support has
been forthcoming for more socially
oriented projects including, in Chile
and Peru, loans for fairly radical
land reform projects. Of course, all
of this is carried out within certain
conventional limitations. Cuba is not
supported by IADB activity. If Chile
were to leave the capitalist market, a
similar boycott by IADB would be
expected.
In effect then, what Hayter has
shown is that the international
banking institutions, through the
control of the flow of funds, can
make or break political movements
in the developing countries. It is
somewhat ironic to see the IADB,
which is obviously under U.S.
influence in its operations, exercising
a more liberal policy in Latin
America in contrast with the World
Bank, where supposedly the political
influence of the U.S. is diluted by
United Nations' members. Is this to
say that the U.S. can afford to be
more tolerant of temporary
aberrations in an area which is
clearly under its control, whereas in
Asia and Africa it must exercise
more muscle to prevent a situation
from developing beyond its control?
Although the Carribean is not
dealt with in Teresa Hayter's study,
those of us living in the Caribbean
should reflect upon it. Recent years
have seen the establishment of a

regional development bank following
United Nations and World Bank
suggestions that regional funding
institutions be created similar to
those now existing in Africa and
Asia. It is too early to make a final
judgment of the over-all policy of the
Caribbean Development Bank under
the leadership of the distinguished
economist Sir Aurthur Lewis from
the island of St. Lucia, however, so
far it has not been distinguished for
its originality or social orientation.
The Bank was designed to work in
conjunction with the Caribbean Free
Trade Area (CARIFTA), but not
limited to this more restrictive area
in its operations. Just recently
Colombia and Venezuela have joined
the Bank, which up until now had
been composed primarily of the
English-speaking areas of the
Caribbean. The stated preference for
Bank loans was the smaller members
of the free trade area, namely the
English speaking Lesser Antilles.
The reason behind this preference
was that the larger countries of
Trinidad and Tobago and Jamaica,
as expected, were benefitting
proportionately more from the
relaxing of the trade barriers among
the members of CARIFTA. The
Caribbean Development Bank was
then expected to bring this economic
imbalance back into some form of
equilibrium. Up until very recently
the Bank has only approved one or
two loans to the governments of the
Lesser Antilles, and one of these was
to St. Lucia for the construction of a
tourist complex, hardly a project
which could be characterized as
unconventional or socially-oriented.
There is little indication that the
Board of Directors of the Bank will
allow any slight variation of a
strictly monetarist policy carefully
designed not to disturb the
established colonial structure in the
region.
MacEoin professes to see some
hope for independent development
in the rebellious military regimes
which have taken over Peru and
Bolivia (until the recent reactionary
coup d'etat). He claims also to see
signs that some military men in
Argentina may be inclined to follow
the pattern. I fear that MacEoin's
enthusiasm is perhaps conditioned at

his delight in seeing that the
Pentagon-trained puppets are finally
turning on their masters. However
pleasing this may be, it still does not
offer much of a solution to the
profound socio-economic problems
which plague the Latin countries of
America. In honesty to MacEoin, he
recognizes this but has nothing more
concrete to offer than a fusion of,
and faith in, the ideals of Guevara,

CARIBBEAN

Selected and introduced
by John Figueroa
A fascinating two-volume anthology of
West Indian poetry containing over 300
poems which enable the student and the
general reader to gain a full appreciation
of the remarkable range and variety of
Caribbean verse. The poems show the
wealth of poetic imagination in the West
Indies, reflecting vividly the traditions,
beliefs and style of Caribbean culture.
Short biographical details on the writers
are included, together with a number of
suggestions for further reading.

Volume 1
Dreams and Visions
Provides an admirable introduction to the
richness and variety of West Indian
poetry.

Volume 2
The Blue Horizons
This volume contains a wider selection of
poems with a very useful critical
introduction.
Volume 1 45p (U.K.) paper 120 pages
Volume 2 1.05 (U.K.) paper 228 pages
Now available also as a combined edition
2.50 (U.K.) cased 348 pages
'A valuable and perceptive addition
to the growing body of critical
writing on West Indian Literature'
Jamaica Gleaner
Order from your bookseller
Evans are represented in the Caribbean by:
CBC (Trinidad) Ltd
64a Independence Square
P.O. Box 126 Port-of-Spain
Trinidad
Caribbean Book Centre (Jamaica) Ltd
1 Worthington Avenue
Kingston 5 Jamaica
Montague House
Russell Square London WC1 B 5BX

Kennedy, King, and Camilo Torres.
Hayter is even more pessimistic
and much less idealistic in her
realistic rejection of any workable
solution to the problem posed. In the
last chapter she outlines all of the
solutions which have been proposed
from time to time and concludes that
none of them offer any viable
program.
Although Hayter has rejected
something similar to what I have
been mulling over in my mind for the
past six months as being far too
idealistic to be practical, I will
impose upon the reader and outline
the idea briefly.
After a decade since the first
independent nations began appear-
ing in the Caribbean, it has become
obvious that political independence
without economic independence has
little meaning. In the rush for
political freedom in the fifties and
sixties, the nations of the Caribbean
gave little thought to this reality. It is
somewhat late now to correct the
situation for countries like Puerto
Rico, Surinam, or Anguilla.
However, some thought might be
given to the formulation of a demand
for monetary compensation for the
centuries of colonial exploitation.
The proposal is not ridiculous or
even new since Algeria succeeded in
having the French fund such a grant
upon the declaring of independence
of that former colony.
The amount demanded should of
course be a sizeable quantity which
could be realistically expected to be
paid over one or two generations. For
the Caribbean region some reluct-
ance of the imperialist powers to
comply with such a variation of
international blackmail might be
overcome in an agreement to feed the
money into a regional institution
such as the Caribbean Development
Bank. Thus independently financed
and not beholden to their creditors,
the directors of such a bank might be
willing to use the resources for the
inhabitants of the Caribbean, and
not the consuming public of the
developed countries as is now the
case. Such a scheme might increase
the options open to nations which at
this point have little freedom of
decision because their funding comes
from one source. *

REVOLUTION IN PERU:
MARIATEGUI
AND THE MYTH
by John M. Baines,
introduction
by Juan Mejia Baca
As a study of the impact of one
man's life on those of his
contemporaries and on the history of
his country, this book is both a
political biography of the famous
Peruvian revolutionary, Jose Carlos
Mariategui (1895-1930) and an
analysis and critique of his ideology
and the influence of that idealogy on
others.
Mariategui and the Myth is the first
book-length study in English of a
Latin American radical in whose life
and work there is increasing
interest, partly as a result, no doubt,
of events in Latin America since
World War II, and especially since
Castro's revolution. Though the
extent of the influence of
Mariategui's legacy in these
developments has yet to be fully
assessed, he is undoubtedly one of
the foremost intellectual precursors
of the Latin American radicalism of
the 1960's and 1970's. $7.50

THE THEORY
OF MORAL
INCENTIVES IN CUBA
by Robert M. Bernardo,
introduction
by Irving Louis Horowitz
In 1966 the proponents of "moral
incentives," led by "Che" Guevara,
triumphed over the more liberal
economic planners who wished to
emulate the Yugoslav and pre-1968
Czechoslovak methods of develop-
ment. Essentially, moral incentives
meant that the worker was to be
motivated entirely by his commit-
ment to the society and his fellow
citizens, and remuneration in the
form of money and other "material"
awards was to be phased out of
Cuban society.
"The book ably probes the nature
of the challenge that confronted the
island's architects in their attempt to
create a 'new Cuban man' motivated
by moral incentives." --Ramon
Eduardo Ruiz, The New York Times.
$7.50
THE UNIVERSITY OF
ALABAMA PRESS
Drawer 2877
University, Alabama 35486

C.R.oOct/Nov/Dec 1972*Page 45

New books from Praeger

JAMAICA
A Historical Portrait
Samuel J. and Edith F. Hurwitz
The first book to provide factual coverage of the years between 1962 and 1969,
a time of phenomenal progress, this is one of the most comprehensive accounts
of Jamaican history available. From the age of exploration and exploitation
through the era of slavery and antislavery, from Crown Colony to independent
nation, the book explores the major themes of Jamaica's development. Focusing
on the how and why of slavery, the resultant social orders, the emergence of
a politically oriented labor movement which became the integrating force
for the creation of a unified society and the appearance of political leaders
able to pave the way to independence, "the authors provide a solid history of
Jamaica.... recommended."- Library Journal $9.50

THE CARIBBEAN COMMUNITY
Changing Societies and U.S. Policy
Robert D. Crassweller
Recognizing the rapid human change as well as the diversity of history and
geography in the area, Crassweller argues for development of a Caribbean
community a cooperative association, planning and working together for
common economic, social, and political purposes and shows what the United
States can and cannot do to facilitate these constructive changes. "A learned
humanistic study of the entire Caribbean. . realistic."-Publishers' Weekly
Published for the Council on Foreign Relations $12.50

PUERTO RICO
A Profile
Kal Wagenheim
In this "mini-encyclopedia," the former editor of the Caribbean Review, dis-
cusses Puerto Rico's geography, ecology, history, economy, politics, sociology,
and culture. Wagenheim "offers a lucid, sympathetic, and balanced overview
of the island and its people. The study is warm and human, and without engag-
ing in bitter polemics, captures the tragic ambiguity of this place. . required
reading."- Choice $8.50

Praeger
111 Fourth Avenue, New York 10003

Page 46*C.R.*Vol. IV No. 4

I. GENERAL

Biography

ERNESTO A MEMOIR OF CHE
GUEVARA. Hilda Gadea. Doubleday, 1972.
$6.95. The author, Guevara's first wife, tells
about their life together.

FAMOUS MEXICAN-AMERICANS. Clarke
Newlon. 187 pp. Dobb Mead, 1972. $3.95. Brief
biographies of 20 Mexican Americans who
have made significant contributions in
government, sports, entertainment,
education and other fields.

FELIZA RINCON DE GAUTIER: MAYOR
OF SAN JUAN. Ruth Gruber. 224 pp.,
Thomas V. Crowell & Co., 1972. $4.50. The
story of Felisa's 22 years as Mayor. For
children.

GRACIELA. Joe Molnar. 48 pp. Watts, 1972.
$4.95. A young Mexican American girl
describes her home, family, school,
amusement and daily life in a Texas border
town.

GROWING UP PUERTO RICAN. Paulette
Cooper. Arbor House, 1972. $6.95. The author
collects the experiences of 17 Puerto Rican
kids growing up in New York.

JUAN ANTONIO PEREZ BONALDE, LOS
ANOS DE FORMACION, 1846-1870. Ernest
Johnson. 315 pp. University of the Andes
(Merida, Venezuela), 1971. The story of the
exile of this Venezuelan writer.

THE LIFE OF GEORGE WILLIAM GOR-
DON. Ansell Hart. 144 pp. Institute of
Jamaica, 1972. The life of one of the official
national heroes of Jamaica.

THE PICTURE LIFE OF HERMAN
BADILLO. Paul Allyn. 48 pp. Watts, 1972.
$3.50 Traces the life and political career of
the ist Puerto Rican to become a voting
member of the U. S. Congress.

SEVEN VOICES. Rita Guibert. Alfred A.
Knopf, 1972. Interviews with seven of Latin
America's most important writers.

General Works

BRAZIL IN THE SIXTIES. Riordan Roett,
ed. 434 pp. Vanderbilt University Press, 1972.
$15.00. Twelve essays written by specialists
on Brazilian society.

LATINAMERICA. NEW WORLD, THIRD
WORLD. Stephen Clissold. 394 pp. Praeger,
1972. $13.50 Combines a broad sweep of
historical and political analysis with a well-
ordered store of information about each of
the Latin American republics.

Geography and Travel

COLONIAL TRAVELERS IN LATIN
AMERICA. Irving Albert Leonard, Comp.
235 pp., Knopf, 1972. $2.95.

TRANSPORTATION IN PUERTO RICO: A
SEARCH FOR A NEW REGULATORY
PHILOSOPHY. Efrain Gonzalez Tejera. 306
pp. U.P.R., Faculty of Commercial Ad-
ministration, 1971.

History and Archaeology

AN ACCOUNT OF THE BLACK CHARAIBS
IN THE ISLAND OF ST. VINCENT. Sir
William Young. Frank Cass & Co., 1971. A
reprint.

THE ANCIENT AMERICAN
CIVILIZATION. Friedrich Katz. 386 pp.
Praeger, 1972. $15.00. About the Aztecs and
Incas.

THE BLACK-MAN OF ZINACANTAN. Sarah
C. Blaffer. 194 pp. University of Texas Press,
1972. $7.50. A study of the Mayas.

THE BORZOI READER IN LATIN
AMERICAN HISTORY. Helen Delpar, ed.
Random House, 1972. Vol. I, 224 pp., $3.25;
Vol. II, 304 pp., $3.95. A comprehensive an-
thology which offers an introduction to Latin
American civilization.

THE CHICANOS: A HISTORY OF
MEXICAN AMERICANS. Matt S. Meier and
Feliciano Rivera. Hill and Wang, 1972. Cloth
$6.50; paper $1.95. The story of Mexicans and
Mexican Americans who have lived. within
the present boundaries of the U.S. before the
English settlement to the present.

THE CROWN OF MEXICO: MAXIMILIAN
AND HIS EMPRESS CARLOTA. Joan
Haslip. 531 pp. Holt, Rinehart and Winston,
1972. $10.00

CUBA 1933: PROLOGUE TO REVOLUTION.
Luis E. Aguilar. Cornell U. Press, 1972. $9.50.
Professor Aguilar shows that ideas, attitudes
and programs that seemed to originate with
Fidel Castro's revolution actually began in
1933.

HUMBOLT: POLITICAL ESSAY ON THE
KINGDOM OF NEW SPAIN. Mary Maples
Dunn, ed. 256 pp., Random House, 1972. $2.95.
Work on early 19th century Mexico.

IMMIGRATION INTO THE WEST INDIES
IN THE 19th CENTURY. K.O. Laurence. 85
pp. Caribbean U. Press (Barbados), 1972.

LA MALATRESSE SOLITUDE. Andre Sch-
wartz-Bart. Editions du Seuil, 1972. 20 Frs.
Deals with slavery in Guadeloupe.

MEN, SPADE AND SOCIETY IN LATIN
AMERICAN HISTORY. Sheldon B. and
Peggy K. Liss. 456 pp Praeger, 1972.

LAOCCUPACION NORTEAMERICANA DE
HAITI Y SUS CONSECUENCIAS (1915-1934).
Suzy Castor. 230 pp. Siglo Veintiuno Editores
(Mexico), 1971. Traces the effects of the
Northamerican intervention in Haiti's
economy and political life.

1791: A TALE OF SAN DOMINGO. Edward
Winslow Gillian. 308 pp. Black Heritage
(Freeport, N.Y.), 1972. $13.50. Reprint of the
1890 edition.

A SHORT HISTORY OF THE WEST IN-
DIES. J. H. Parry and P.M. Sherlock. 350 pp.
St. Martin's Press, 1971. Cloth $10.95; paper
$5.95. An introduction to West Indian history.

VIDA INTELLECTUAL DE VENEZUELA.
Domingo Miliani. 159 pp. MEN (Caracas,
Venezula), 1971. The first essay dealing with
the sistematization of a future history of
ideas in Venezuela.

Our Sponsors

In Caribbean Review's own way
we are trying to fight bureaucracy
and paperwork. To this end we
urge you to subscribe for the
longest period possible, hopefully
lifetime, at $25.00. Beginning
with this issue the following
people or institutions have helped
sponsor Caribbean Review by
sending us lifetime subscriptions:
Lenoir Community College, Louis
Wolf Goodman, Alan D.
McNairn, Center for Latin
American Studies U. of Florida,
Princeton U. Library, Ashley F.
Talbot, Donald Warren Jr.,
Franklin D. Parker. The total
number of Caribbean Review
lifetime subscribers to date is 67,
including 15 colleges and
libraries. For an additional
$15.00, lifetime subscribers can
receive a complete set of back
issues, the supply of which is very,
very limited.

C.R.*Oct/Nov/Dec 1972oPage 47

Reference

ANUARIO BIOGRAFICO COLOMBIANO
"RUBEN PEREZ ORTIZ", 1970, FRAN-
CISCO JOSE ROMERO REJAS, COMP. 288
pp. Institute Caro and Cuervo (Bogota,
Colombia), 1972. The twentieth volume of
Colombian bibliography.

BIBIOGRAPHIA JAMAICENCIS. Frank
Cundall. 83 pp. Burt Franklin (N.Y.), 1971.
$12.00. A list of Jamaican books and pam-
phlets, magazine articles, newspapers and
maps, most of which are in the library of the
Institute of Jamaica.

ftf

II. THE ARTS

Language and Literature

ANTOLOGIA DE LA POESIA LATINO-
AMERICANS, 1950-1970. Stefan Bacin, ed.
State University of New York Press, 1972.
Representative works of 125 poets: in
Spanish, Portuguese and French.

BETRAYED BY RITA HAYWORTH.
Manuel Puig. Translated by Suzanne Jill
Levine. Dutton, 1971. $6.95. The Argentinian
novel, selected as one of 45 notable books of
1971.

DOCTOR BRODIE'S REPORT. Jorge Luis
Borges. Translated by Norman Thomas
diGiovanni. Dutton, 1971. $5.95. A collection
of realistic stories.

DON JUAN'S BAR. Antonio Collado. Alfred
A. Knopf, 1972. $7.95.

FIREFLIES. Shiva Naipaul. Alfred Knopf,
1971. $7.95. A long, complex but orderly
chronicle of the disintegration of a rich and
powerful Hindu clan in Trinidad.

GARCIA MARQUEZ: HISTORIC DE UN
DEICIDIO. Mario Vargas Llosa. Monte
Avila-Barval editors, 1971. A biography of
Garcia Marquez and the study of his world.

THE GAUCHO MARTIN FIERRO. Jose
Hernandez. State University of New York
Press, 1971. $10.00 A new translation of the
justly epic poem of Argentina.

HAY OTRA VOZ POEMS (1968-1971). Tino
Villanveva. 48 pp. Coleccion Mensaje (N.Y.),
1972. $2.00. A collection of the poems of
Mexican-American poet Tino Villanveva,
whose work has appeared in Caribbean
Review (Vol. III, No. 1).

A HISTORY OF UNIVERSAL INFAMY.
Jorge Lurs Borges. Translated by Norman
Thomas di Giovanni. Dutton, 1972. $5.95. A
short story and a collection of short essays
that are typically Borges.

HOW JUAN GOT HOME. Peggy Mann. 94 pp.
Coward, 1972. $4.95. A novel showing the
socioeconomic situation of Puerto Ricans in
New York.

JORGE LUIS BORGES: SELECTED
POEMS 1923-1967. Edited by Norman
Thomas Di Giovanni 328 pp. Delacarte
Press Seymour Lawrence, 1972. $12.50.
More than one hundred poems choose by the
author himself.

LEAF STORM AND OTHER STORIES
Gabriel Garcia Marquez. Translated by
Gregory Rabassa. Harper and Row, 1971.
$5.95. A collection of stories.

MAN-MAKING WORDS. SELECTED
POEMS OF NICOLAS GUILLEN. Robert
Marquez and David Arthur McMurray,
editor-traslators. 214 pp. University of
Massachusetts Press, 1972. $10.00 A Spanish
and English edition of Cuban revolutionary
poet, Nicolas Guillen.

PALOMITA BLANCA. Enrique Lafourcade.
Editorial Zig Zag (Chile), 1971. A tragic story
of two Chilean teenagers in love.

POESIA JOVEN DE PANAMA. Editorial
Siglo XXI (Mexico), 1971. A selection of
poems written by Panamanians.

PIDGINIZATION AND CREOLIZATION OF
LANGUAGES. Dell Hymes, ed. 530 pp.
Cambridge U. Press, 1971. $23.50.

THE PUERTO RICAN POETS/LOS
POETAS PUERTORRIQUENOS. Alfredo
Matilla and Ivan Silen (eds). 256 pp. Bantam
Books, 1972. $1.45. The first bilingual an-
thology covering the entire range of Puerto
Rican poetry of this century.

REFLECTIONS ON SPANISH AMERICAN
POETRY. Jorge Correra Androde. State
University of New York Press, 1972.

SELECTED POEMS OF JORGE CARRERA
ANDRADE. Edited and translated by H. R.
Hoys. State University of New York Press,
1972.

TELLING TONGUES: LANGUAGE
POLICY IN MEXICO. Shirley B. Heath. 300
pp. Teachers College Press, 1972. $10.00 A
case study of language policy in a developing
nation, the author concentrates on the issue
of language as it reflected and expected
social and political changes in Mexico.

TI JACQUES: A STORY OF HAITI. Ruth
Eitzen. 48 pp. Thomas Y. Crowell Co., 1972.
$3.95. For children.

TRIPLE CROSS: NOVELLAS. Carlos
Fuentes; Jose Donasd and Severo Sardoy.
Translated from the Spanish by Suzanne Jill
Levine and Hallie D. Taylor. Dutton, 1972.
$7.95. One volume of three superlative works
by these giants of contemporary Latin
American literature.

III. THE SOCIAL SCIENCES

Anthropology and Sociology

ADIOS HOGAR. Salvador Prasel. Editorial
Fuentes (Caracas, Venezuela), 1971. A story
of those that are forced to abandon their
homeland and resist integration in another
community.

L'ARCHIPEL INACHEVE. Jean Benoist.
University of Montreal Press, 1972. 45 Frs.
Culture and society in the French Antilles.

CHICANO MANIFESTO: THE HISTORY
AND ASPIRATIONS OF THE SECOND
LARGEST MINORITY IN AMERICA. Ar-
mando B. Rendoni. 337 pp. MacMillan Co.,
1971. $7.95.

LA EDUCATION COMO PRACTICE DE LA
LIBERTAD. Paulo Freire. Translated by L.
Ronzoni. Editorial Siglo XXI (Mexico), 1971.
This book is rich in revolutionary educational
ideas. Not understood in Brazil, the author
now lives in Chile.

LA F.O.R.A. IDEOLOGIA Y TRAYEC-
TORIA. Diego Abad de Santillan. Editorial
Proyeccion (Argentina), 1971. $13.50. This is
an attempt to understand thesocial problems
that agitated Argentina at the beginning of
the decade.

Page 48eC.R.*Vol. IV No. 4

GARVEY: THE STORY OF A PIONEER
BLACK NATIONALIST. Elton C. Fax. 305
pp. Dodd, Mead, $7.95. About the Jamaican
who during his stay in the U.S. mobilized the
largest mass movement in black American
history.

THE HUMAN CONDITION IN LATIN
AMERICA. Eric R. Wolf and Edward C.
Hansen, eds. Oxford U. Press, 1972. cloth
$12.50; paper $3.95. The continent's history of
political violence and social polarization.

THE MARONI RIVER CARIBS OF
SURINAM. Peter Kloos. 304 pp. Royal
Vangorcum LTD (Assen, The Netherlands),
1971.

MIGRANT IN THE CITY: THE LIFE OF A
PUERTO RICAN ACTION GROUP. Lloyd H.
Rogler: Basic Books 1972. $8.95. About a
minority group who formed a political-action
committee to pressure local government into
helping them maintain themselves.

PANORAMADE STUDIOS
AFROAMERICANOS. Angelina Pollak-Eltz.
63 pp. Institutode Investigaciones H istoricas,
Andres Bello Catholic University (Caracas),
1972. The purpose of these essays is to en-
courage research in Afroamerican studies.

PORTRAIT OF A SOCIETY. Engenio
Fernandez Mendez. 384 pp. Editorial
Universitaria, Rio Piedras, P.R., 1972. $3.00.
A collection of essays about the sociology of
Puerto Rico in English.

THE PROVINCIAL UNIVERSITIES OF
MEXICO: AN ANALYSIS OF GROWTH
AND DEVELOPMENT. Richard G. King et
als. 234 pp. Praeger, 1971. $15.00.

PURGATORY AND UTOPIA: A MAZAHUA
INDIAN VILLAGE OF MEXICO. Alicia
Iwanska. 256 pp. Schenkman Book, 1971.
Paper $8.95; cloth $3.95. Shows the people of
this significant Mexican indian society
caught in conflict trying to preserve their
cultural identity.

THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH IN
LATIN AMERICA. Karl Michael Schmitt,
comp. 225 pp. Knopf, 1972. $4.95 cloth; paper
$2.95.

SOCIETY SCHOOLS AND PROGRESS IN
PERV. Rolland G. Paulston. Permagon
Press Ltd. (Oxford, England), 1972.

THREE WORLDS DEVELOPMENT: THE
THEORY AND PRACTICE OF IN-
TERNATIONAL STRATIFICATION. by
Irving Louis Horowitz. 556 pp. Oxford U.
Press, 1972. $15.00. A thorough revised and
updated second edition takes account of the
economic and political changes in the "Third
World" nations comprising the Afro-Asian
bloc and portions of Latin America.

TRES CULTURES EN AGONIA. Jorge
Carrion et als. 267 pp. Editorial Nuestro
Tiempo, 1971. Four essays about student
conflict in Mexico.

VESTIGIOS AFRICANOS EN LA CULTURAL
DEL PUEBLO VENEZOLANO. Angelina
Pollak-Eltz. 171 pp. Institute In-
vestigaciones Historicas, Andres Bello
Catholic University, (Caracas), 1972. A ten
year research study about black folklore in
Venezuela.

LA VIE QUOTIDIENNE DE LA SOCIETY
CREOLE (SAINT DOMINGUE AU XVIII
EME SIECLE). Francois Girod. Editions
Hachette, 1972. 2750 Frs. Life in a Creole
society.

VOODOO IN HAITI. Alfred Metrave. 426 pp.
Schocken Books, 1972. Cloth $10.00; paper
$3.95. A reprint.

Economics

THE CENTRAL AMERICAN COMMON
MARKET: AN EXAMPLE OF IN-
TEGRATION BETWEEN DEVELOPING
COUNTRIES. Andras Inotai. 113 pp. Center
for Afro-Asian Research of the Hungarian
Academy of Sciences, 1971.

THE CENTRAL AMERICAN COMMON
MARKET: ECONOMIC POLICIES,
ECONOMIC GROWTH AND CHOICE FOR
THE FUTURE. Donald H. McClelland.
Praeger, 1972. $15.00. An analysis of the first
five years of the Central American Common
Market.

CUBA: THE MEASURE OF A
REVOLUTION. Lowry Nelson. 242 pp.
University of Minnesota Press, 1972. $10.00. A
critique of Cuba today by the author of Rural
Cuba, a book whose suggestions for reform
Fidel claimed he would follow.

ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT AND
REFORM IN CHILE: PROGRESS UNDER
FREI, 1964-1970. Thomas L. Edwards 54 pp.
Latin American Studies Center, Michigan
State University, 1972. An analysis of the
political and economic issues in Chile.

ESTADO E PLANEJAMENTO
ECONOMIC NO BRAZIL (1930-70). Octavio
lanni. Editorial Civilizagas Brasilerra, 1972.
The author examined a series of aspects of
the country since Vargas gained power in
1930.

FINANCING DEVELOPMENT IN LATIN
AMERICA. Keith Griffin, ed., 280 pp. St.
Martin's Press 1971. $11.00. These essays
examine and analyze how Latin American
governments have attempted to achieve a
high level of investment to finance economic
growth.

FOREIGN CAPITAL AND ECONOMIC
UNDERDEVELOPMENT IN JAMAICA. by
Norman Girvan. 282 pp. I.S.E.R.-U.W.I.
(Jamaica), 1971. The subject is Jamaica's
post-war economic development and the
theme is the role of foreign capital in per-
petuating the plantation economy bias of
contemporary Caribbean countries.

IMPORT STRUCTURE AND IMPORT
SUBSTITUTION IN THE CENTRAL
AMERICAN COMMON MARKET. Salvatore
Schiavo Campo. 122 pp. Dept. of Economics-
U.P.R., 1972.

INCREASING BEEF PRODUCTION IN
PARAGUAY: SOCIOECONOMIC PER.
SPECTIVES. Clyde Eastman and Glen
Mitchell. New Mexico State University, 1972.
How beef production effects the economy of
Paraguay.

LAS INVERCIONES PRIVADAS Y EX-
TRANGERS EN AMERICA LATINA. In-
stituto de Estudios Ibero Americanas. In-
stitut Fur Iberoonerika-Kunde (Germany),
1972. $25.00. A report of a seminar that took
place in Hamburg dealing with investment in
Latin America.

THE PERFORMANCE OF INDUSTRIAL
DEVELOPMENT CORPORATIONS: THE
CASE OF JAMAICA. Stacey H. Widdicombe.
418 pp. Praeger, 1972. $22.50. Develops a new
set of criteria for evaluating the performance
of government-sponsored industrial cor-
porations.

POTENTIAL EFFECTS OF INCOME
REDISTRIBUTION ON ECONOMIC
GROWTH. William R. Cline. Praeger, 1972.
$12.50. A prediction of changes that could
occur in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Mexico and
Venezuela.

POST-WAR ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT
IN JAMAICA. Owen Jefferson. 212 pp. In-
stitute of Social and Economic Research-
University of the West Indies (Jamaica) 1972.
A comprehensive study of the Jamaican
economy and examination of the path which
the economy has followed during the period
under review.

THE SIGNIFICANCE OF NON-BANK
FINANCIAL INTERMEDIARIES IN THE
CARIBBEAN. by Maurice A. Odle. 212 pp.
I.S.E.R.-U.W.I. (Jamaica), 1972. The book
investigates the scope for effective func-
tioning of these institutions and argues for
reform in the financial policies of Caribbean
economies.

THE STRUCTURE PERFORMANCE AND
PROSPECTS OF CENTRAL BANKING IN
THE CARIBBEAN. Clive Y. Thomas. 77 pp.
I.S.E.R.-U.W.I. (Jamaica), 1972. The author
demonstrates that an understanding of the
functioning of super-structural institutions,
like central banks, can only be achieved in
the context of a thorough and fundamental
analysis of the dynamic and structural
features of the economies and societies they
are designed to serve.

409 San Fancisco

Plaza do Col6n

Old San Juan

Hours:
1il 10 p.m. Mon. to Sat.
12 Noon 'til 10 Sunday

C.R.eOct/Nov/Dec 1972ePage 49

HET POPS, el lAN
esTo. eN el RUFo
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Jacket cover from Notes on a Neorican Seminar, ed. by Jaime Carrero (I.A.U., 1972).

SHADOW WAGES IN THE CHILEAN THE CHURCH AS A POLITICAL FACTOR DICTATORSHIP AND ARMED
ECONOMY. OECD, (Washington, D.C.) 1972. IN LATIN AMERICA: WITH PARTICULAR STRUGGLED IN BRAZIL. Jaoa Quartin. 250
$2.75. An analytic study of the Chilean REFERENCE TO COLOMBIA AND CHILE. pp. Monthly Review Press, 1972. $6.95. This
economy. David Mutchler. 460 pp. Praeger, 1971. book explains the military tactics and
political strategy on which guerrillas actions
Politics were based.
BILL OF NO RIGHTS: ATTICA AND THE CRISIS IN COSTA RICA. John Patrick Bell.
AMERICAN PRISON SYSTEM. Herman Univiversity of Texas Press, 1972. $1.00 ESSENCE OF DECISION. Graham T.
Badillo and Milton Haynes. 190 pp. E. B. Analysis of the 1948 revolution in Costa Rica. Allison. Little, Brown & Co., 1972. An account
Dutton, 1972. $6.95. An examination of the and analysis of the Cuban missile crisis;
Attica massacre, by Puerto Rican U.S. CUBA IN REVOLUTION. Rolando E. "Provides unique insights for the
Congressman Herman Badillo and Milton Bonachea and Nelson P. Valdes, eds. 544 pp. sophisticated reader interested in the subject
Haynes. Doubleday, 1972. $2.95. of governmental decision-making."
Page 50eC.R.eVol. IV No. 4

LATIN AMERICA: TOWARD A NEW
NATIONALISM. Ben S. Stephansky. Foreign
Policy Association, 1972. $1.00 Notes how the
changes that are taking place in Latin
America are encouraging a sense of
nationalism.
DE LA MEDICINE SOCIAL AL
SOCIOLISMO. Enrique Cabrera. Editorial
Nuestro Tiempo (Mexico), 1971. This volume
covers the political, social and humanistic
ideas of Enrique Cabrera, one of Mexico's
great revolutionaries.
MODERN REVOLUTIONS: AN IN-
TRODUCTION TO THE ANALYSIS OF A
POLITICAL PHENOMENON. John Dunn.
346 pp. Cambridge U. Press, 1972. $4.95. Dunn
examines eight mayor revolutions of the
twentieth century, Russia, China, Mexico,
Turkey, Yugoslavia, Vietnam, Algeria and
Cuba.
NEW CHILE. North American Congress on
Latin America. NACLA, 1972. $2.25. A study
of the Allende government and its steps
towards socialism and freedom from U.S.
Imperialism.
THE POLITICS OF CONSTITUTIONAL
DECOLONIZATION: JAMAICA 1944-62.
Trevor Munroe. 239 pp. I.S.E.R.-U.W.I.
(Jamaica), 1972. The overall argument
suggests that Jamaica's apparent stability
has rested on the efficiency of elite control
rather than the extent of mass support for the
political system.
READINGS IN GOVERNMENT AND
POLITICS OF THE WEST INDIES. Trevor
Munroe and Rupert Lewis, eds. 270 pp.
Department of Government, U.W.I.
(Jamaica), 1971.
REVOLUTIONARY STRUGGLE: 1947-1958.
Rolando E. Bonachea and Nelson P. Valdes,
editors. MIT Press, 1972. An anthology of a
substantial portion of Castro's writings
before he took power.
THE RISE AND DECLINE OF FIDEL
CASTRO. Maurice Halperin. University of
California Press, 1972. $10.95. The focus is on
Castro's foreign policy from 1959 to 1966.
EL TERROR ARGENTINO. Rafael Barret.
Editorial Proyeccion (Argentina), 1971.
$4.50. A collection of critical essays on terror
in Argentina.
U. S. FOREIGN POLICY AND PERU.
Daniel A. Sharp, ed., 485 pp. University of
Texas Press, 1972. $10.00. Presents a com-
prehensive account of the development of the
Peruvian revolution.
THE VENEZUELAN ARMED FORCES IN
POLITICS, 1935-1959. Winfield J. Burggraaff.
241 pp. University of Missouri Press, 1972.
$10.00. About the political role of the armed
forces of Venezuela during a quarter century
when the country underwent the full impact
of rapid social change caused by the
development of its vast oil riches.
VIOLENCIA Y ENAJENACION. Eduardo H.
Galeano. 118 pp. Editorial Nuestro Tiempo
(Mexico), 1971. Tells about violence in
Venezuela, Bolivia, Argentina and Uruguay.

soea

enPUERR

editado por:
Rafael L. Ramirez
Barry B. Levine
Carlos Buitrago Ortiz

QUIiNES SON LOS POBRES EN PUER-
TO RICO?
Celia F. de Cintr6n y Barry B. Levine
EL DESARROLLO DE LAS CLASSES SOCIA-
LES Y LOS CONFLICTS POLITICOS
EN PUERTO RICO
A. G. Quintero Rivera
LA PERCEPTION DE LA DESIGUALDAD
EN UNA COMUNIDAD CAMPESINA EN
PUERTO RICO
Carlos Buitrago Ortiz
MARGINALIDAD, DEPENDENCIA Y PAR-
TICIPACION POLITICAL EN EL ARRA-
BAL
Rafael L. Ramirez
LAS TRES ELITES EN PUERTO RICO
Roberto Sinchez Vilella
HACIA UN ANALYSIS DE LA CLASE ME-
DIA EN PUERTO RICO
Mariano Mufioz Hernandez

EDIINES UBRERIA INTERNATIONAL

Saldaia 3 Rio Piedras, PR.

765-0622

C.R.*Oct/Nov/Dec 1972*Page 51

D

ANTIGUA

BASIC INFORMATION: Antigua has
108 square miles. The island is
shaped as a rough circle. She is
a member of the. British Com-
monwealth under an Associated
State status. Antigua has a pe-
pulation of around 60,000 and
her capital is ST. JoHN's The
currency is the IWest Indian
Dollar (popularly called the bee
wee dollar). Visitors to Antigua
should have a certificate of vac-
cination and proof of citizenship.
WHERE TO STAY? Antigua has
a full range of tourist rated
hotels. Among the best, we espe-
cially recommend:

SIBLUE WATERS BEACH HO-
TEL is located at Soldier Bay,
only three miles from the airport
and four from downtown St.
John's. All rooms face the hotel's
own white sand beach. Dancing
to island's best combo on Sun.,
Fri. And Wed. Nights. Native and
Continental cuisine. Full water
sports facilities. Tennis and Gol-
fing. Under the stars dancing and
S (lining at outside patio.
WHAT TO DO AND SEE?
English Harbor, in the South
coast of Antigua, is one of the
most important historical sites in
the Caribbean. Within this area
lies Nelson's Dockyard which
was restored some years ago to
its original splendor. Most hotels
offer native style entertainment
several nights every week. There
are a good number of indepen-
dent night spots near to and in
St. John's.

ARUBA
BASIC INFORMATION: Aruba, locat-
ed within viewing distance of
Venezuela's coast and 500 miles
Page 52*C.R.oVol. IV No. 4

southeast of Puerto
approximately 115 squ:
The island has a pop]
approximately 60,000 an
pital is Oranjestad. As
of the Nertherland
(which are equal part
the Kingdom of the Net
In addition, most island
fluent English, Dutch a
ish.
WHERE TO STAY. I
several luxury and mod
ce hotels in Aruba. W
mend the Divi-Divi.

DIVI DIVI BEACH H
few steps from your pa
warm clear waters of
bean. Clusters of Beac
sitas are designed t
luxury and privacy-.
enjoy your spacious r
its private patio an.d vi
sea, decorated with I
ed furnishings of sixte

Rico, has even during a relatively short
are miles. visit. Walking around the island
elation of capital one can't but admire its
id its ca- Dutch-like cleaniness. The city's
a member port, called Horses Bay, features a
Antilles very photogenic open air market
ners with where cookware, produce fruit
herlands). and fish from all the surrounding
lers speak islands and seas are sold. The
nd Span. Bali, a famous restaurant/bar
built on a converted houseboat
Here are which features Indonesian dishes,
rate pri- is right in town and should be
'e recom- visited. In addition to its interest-
ing architecture and riotous co-

WIilhemina Park, a great place to
spend many relaxing evening
hours. Touring the rest of the
island will show the visitor
many examples of Aruba's famed
x trade mark. the wind blown Divi-
Divi trees, its very curious rock
OTEL: A formations and the many inte-
atio to the resting uses to which the island
the Carib- cactus plant has been adapted.
front Ca- The island has a nature-built
o provide Rock Bridge which is best seen
Relax and from ruins said to be from a Pi-
oom with rate Castle but which actually are
iew of the the leftovers of a gold-ore stamp-
hand-craft- ing mill built in 1872. On the
cnth cen- other side of the island, on the

tury Spanish colonial design. All
Casitas air-conditioned. Private
baths with tub and shower and
two double beds in each room.
FLOATING RESTAURANT
"BALI". This famous floating,
airconditioned Indonesian restau-
rant is located at the "Bali" Pier
at Oranjestad, Aruba's capital. It
is open 7 (lays a week, from 10
am. till 12 pm. and features
among many other exotic dishes
the well known RIJSTTAFEL
(ricetable) which consists of about
22 different dishes such as
shrimps, krupuk, veal, sat6, chic-
ken, vegetables, etc., etc. They are
all prepared in ever varying tastes
with unlimitable combinations of
herbs and spices. Dinner at this
restaurant will be a culinary ex-
perience never to be forgotten and
therefore strongly recommended.
It's owner/host Karl Schmuand
will always be there to help you
along and see to it that the service
will be the way you expect it.
It's view at the I'aarden Baai
(The Horses Bay), Oranjestad's
Harbour is out of this world.
WHAT TO DO AND SEE? Aru-
ba is small enough so that the
typical visitors has time to see

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South coast, there are caves full
of carvings and drawings report-
edly made by the island's native
inhabitants centuries ago. For vi-
sitors with a technological bent
the island's water distillation
plant, one of largest such plants
in the world, offers daily guided
tours. Aruba, of course, offers
the full spectrum of water sports
and activities: swimming, deep-
sea fishing, sailing, water skiing,
etc. There are several tennis
courts, one golf course and skeet
facilities in the island. Aruba has
no luxury taxes and no duties on
a large number of items, there
is a growing number of very top
native operations, so good buys
are plentiful. Most of the larger
hotels have San Juan-like night-
clubs and restaurants. Most have
fine food. Also in this category is
the Olde Molen an old windmill
brought to Aruba from Holland
and then converted into a res-
taurant nightclub.

Curacao

BASIC INFORMATION: Curacao is a
long, thin island with an area of
approximately 180 sq. miles and
a population of around 135,000.
Its capital is Willemstad which
has a magnificent Old World at-
mosphere. The largest of the six
Dutch islands in the Caribbean,
Curacao is the seat of the Nether-
land Antilles Government. The
official currency is the Guilder
which exchanges for approxim-
ately $0.50 U. S.
WHERE TO STAY? Curacao
has three large, resort hotels. All
of these have gambling rooms.
Several of the city's charming old
mansions have been converted
into inexpensive guest houses

which cater, mainly, to Latin
American tourists. Among all,
we recommend the Curacao In-
ter-Continental.

CURACAO INTER-CONTINEN-
TAL. Located right in the center
of a charming town, making it
perfect for both businessmen and
vacationers. 125 air-conditioned
rooms, swimming pool, night
club, casino. Also lovely tropical
gardens. Be sure to visit the
swinging Kikini Bar. Fine faci-
lities for conventions.

WHAT TO DO AND SEE?
Walking around Willemstad for
window shopping (Curacao is si-
milar to St. Thomas in the varie-
ty of goods and rock-bottom
prices it offers bargain hunting
Caribbean visitors) and sightsee-
ing are a must do activity for all
visitors to the island. The city's
famed Pontoon Bridge, which
opens and closes several times
a day to allow ships thru, of-
fers great photographic possibili-
ties. Like most islands in the
Caribbean Curacao offers the full
spectrum of ocean and beach re-
lated activities. It also has a golf
course, tennis courts and horse-
back riding. When the pontoon
bridge in Willemstad is open,
there is a free ferry ride across
the canal. Visitors taking this
free ride will have a unique op-
portunity for meeting the friend-

ly people of this island and thus
flavor another of its charms. Fi-
nally every visitor should try
some of the many candies, sweets
and tidbits sold by street vendors
all around town.

Guadeloupe

BASIC INFORMATION: Guadeloupe
has 532 square miles and a popu-
lation of around 300,000. She is a
state of France. Her capital is
BASSE-TERRE. The accepted cur-
rency is the New Franc which ex-
changes at 0.20 U.S. Visitors
should have a certificate of vac-
cination and proof of citizenship.
French is almost exclusively
spoken here.
WHERE TO STAY? Guadeloupe
has five major hotels. Among
these we especially recommend:

HOTEL LES ALIZES. Private
sandy beach, swimming pool,
sumptuous gardens 30 minutes
from airport, 128 air conditioned
rooms French and Creole cui-
sine French wines 9 hole
golf on hotel grounds 5 minute

C.R.*Oct/Nov/Dec 1972*Page 53

BEACH HOTEL
ARUBA. N.A.

1,000 foot sugar white beach. Fully air conditioned.
40 Spanish style Casitas with their own beach front
patio. 42 rooms overlooking the beach with patio or
Spanish balcony. International Cuisine Pelican Bar
& patio Fresh Water Swimming Pool. BRUIF
BEACH ORANJESTAD ARUBA, N.A. DIVIHO
TEL. 3300

r w-' A,

walk to nearest town daily
shopping tour to Pointe-a-Pitre -
French atmosphere Something
different and an occasion to
freshen up on your French.
WHAT TO DO AND SEE?
Guadeloupe, which is shaped like
a butterfly, has two distinct en-
vironments. One of the wings
(Grande Terre) is generally flat
and rolling and full of lovely,
white-sand beaches. The other
wing (Basse Terre) is more hilly
and rugged and features black,
volcanic-ash beaches. Visitors to
the island should take time out
to try different restaurants (even
the smallest ones offer gourmet
dishes) and inspect the architec-
ture of the Caravelle in which
the floating effect so many archi-
tects seek was masterly achieved.
Also in the "must be seen list"
is the VALLEY OF THE ANCIENT
CARIBS where some fine examples
of Carib Indian sculpture can be
seen; the EAST INDIAN VILLAGE at
Matouba where, according to leg-
end. live sacrifices are carried
out and the beach at LE MOULE,
once the scene of battles between
European powers and the Carib
Indians. Visitors interested in
shopping should definitely go to
Point-a-Pitre's commercial area,
an incredibly busy, Near East-
looking section where Persian
rugs and tropical fruits are some-
times sold in the same small
store.

MARTINIQUE

BASIC INFORMATION: Martinique
has 450 square miles. She is a
state of France. Her capital is
FORT-DE-FRANCE. The island has
a population of around 300,000.
The accepted currency is the New
Franc which is worth $0.20 U.S.
French is spoken almost exclusiv-
ely. Visitors should have a certi-
ficate of vaccination and proof
of citizenship.
WHERE TO STAY? Martinique
has several Tourism Office re-
commended hotels. Among these
we especially recommend:

-THE HOTEL BAKOUA (Tel.
55-95) is located at Trois Illets
at one of the ends of Fort de
France's magnificent harbor. It
has 77 de luxe, ocean-front, air.
Page 54*C.R.oVol. IV No. 4

conditioned rooms, 20 cabanas
.ith private bath & telephone.
Truly superb French and Native
cuisine. White sand beach and
swimming pool. Private marina.
All water sports. Every hour a
luxurious cruise boat tender
makes a round trip to the city.

WHAT TO DO AND SEE?
There are two things most visi-
tors to this island do during
their stay in the island: visit
the ruins museum at ST. PIERRE,
formerly Martinique's capital
which in 1902 was burned to a
crisp by Mount Pellee's explosion,
and visit the BIRTH-PLACE OF
NAPOLEON'S JOSEPHINE at Trois
Ilets. Between these two points
is Fort de France, the present
capital, which has unique archi-
tecture, an endless variety of
shops and the best restaurants in
the Antilles. Visitors planning
longer visits no less than a week
is recommended should drive
the whole perimeter of the island.
Black sand beaches, tropical rain-
forest-like greenery, sky high vis-
tas and dazzling, plantation ho-
mes in the grand style will reward
them. The Atlantic side of the
island offers some of the most
beautiful, seascapes in the Carib-
bean. And much more, all with a
distinct, very French ambience.

PUERTO

Rico

BASIC INFORMATION: Puerto Rico
has 3,435 square miles. It be-
longs to the U.S. under an As-
sociated Free State status. U.S.
Currency is the legal tender.
Spanish is the main language but
English is spoken almost every-
where. The capital of Puerto Rico
is SAN JUAN. The island has a
population of over 2,500,000. Vi-
sitors from OUTSIDE the U. S.
should have a certificate of vac.
cination and a visaed passport.

WHERE TO STAY? San Juan has
numerous first class hotels.
Most of the larger ones have
Commonwealth Government su.
pervised gambling casinos.

M i
--

CoCo Mar Hotel 3 Amapola St.
Isla Verde, Puerto Rico

Under the Palm Trees in Sunny
Puerto Rico A Modern Efficien-
cy hotel located on the beach.
All rooms with ocean view. Air
Conditioned Kitchenette Area
- Daily Maid Service Bar &
Cocktail Lounge. Major Credit
Cards Honored
LA FUENTE RESTAURANT,
The finest in Isla Verde, where
the island's gourmets enjoy de-
licious Spanish and Continental
cuisine. La Fuente's Clams Casino
and Lobster Thermidor are par-
ticularly recommended.
WHAT TO DO AND SEE? Most
of the hotels in San Juan' offer
all types of water related activi-
ties to which all house guests are
invited. The Caribe Hilton, La
Concha and the Puerto Rico She-
raton deserve close inspection by
architectural buffs. FORT SAN JE-
RONIMO, off the Caribe Hilton,
has been restored and converted
into a museum and should be
seen. Live sea urchins (they
don't sting if properly handled)
can usually be found on the rocks
pointing towards Fort San Jer6-
nimo in back of the hotel that
carries its name...
On the other side of town-on the
road to Bayam6n-are the ruins
of the foundations of PONCE DE

Dutch National
Car Rental
"We Do It Better"
From $10.00 a day .. No Extras
Rental Rates
Volkswagen $10.00
per 24 hours.
Ford Falcon (automatic)
$16.00 per 24 hours.
no mileage
No pick up or
delivery charge
Road map included
$50.00 deductible insurance
coverage
Full collision protection
available at $2.00 per day
American Express, Carte Blan-
che, Diners Club credit cards
accepted.
Call 81090, 81063, 25440 -
Dr. Albert Plesman airport
Willemstad, Curacao N.A.
Cable address: Dutch Car

KAN

F assssfsssB

LEON'S first house in Puerto Rico.
Rediscovered in 1934, they date
back to 1508... West of the main
hotel area is OLD SAN JUAN which
all visitors should take at least
one day to explore. While in Old
San Juan three musts are FORT
SAN FELIPE DEL MORRO, FORT SAN
CRISTOBAL-centuries old bastions
which guarded the city during
its Spanish Colonial days and
LA FORTALEZA OR PALACIO DE
SANTA CATALINA which now serves
as the seat of Puerto Rico's gov-
ernor. Every day there are several
guided tours thru each of the
three sites. Approximately ten
per-cent of Old San Juan's 700
plus structures have been restored
to their original splendor. For-
tunately some of them have been
converted into stores and/or art
shops (especially along Cristo
and Fortaleza Streets) wnich allow
leisurely browsing. Also in the
"must be seen" list are Puerto
Rico's CAPITOL BUILDING (on the
way to the Old City) and the
INSTITUTE OF PUERTO RICAN CUL-
TURE'S art collection ...Well-
heeled visitors should make a
point of visiting one or all of
the fine jewelry shops clustered
around the corner of Fortaleza
and Cruz Streets. One of them,
appositely, is located in the
former office of Merril Lynch,
Pierce, Fenner & Smith. Every
ten minutes or so during the
day a FERRY leaves Old San Juan
for Catafio-the terminal is locat-
ed behind the Post Office. The
ride, which only costs 10 cents
each way, gives passengers a
change to get some good photos
of the bay, get a close look at the
pelicans and see, in Cataflo, an.
other face of Puerto Rico. .

Beachcomber Villas: on the beach
at Burgeux Bay, St. Maarten are
the perfect setting for an un-
forgettable Caribbean vacation.

* Each villa is fully furnished
including linen, kitchen
utensils, etc.
* Two and three bedroom villas.
* Rents from $150 to $250
per week.
* For more Information write:
Beachcomber Villas
P.O. Box 149, Philipsburg
St. Maarten, N.A.
WW

St.Maarten

BASIC INFORMATION: St. Maarten/
St. Martin has 37 square miles
which are roughly divided in half
between the French and the
Dutch sides of the island. The
capitals are PHILIPSBURG (Dutch)
and MARIGOT (French) The is-
land's population is of around
4,500 again roughly divided in
half. Two currencies are accept.
ed, the New Franc, worth $0.20
U.S. and the Guilder which is
worth about $0.50 U.S. Visitors
to the island must have a certi-
ficate of vaccination and proof of
citizenship. The Dutch side of
the island is a member of the
Netherland Antilles, an equal
partner with Holland in the
Dutch nation, and the French side
is a dependency of Guadaloupe, a
French state.
WHERE TO STAY? St. Marten/
St. Martin has four relatively
large hotels and several smaller,
very good hotels and guest houses.

PASANGGRAHAN (2388) is lo-
cated in a quiet lush tropical
garden on the beach of Philips-
burg, the FREE-PORT capital
of Dutch St. Maarten. Each of
it's 21 attractive double rooms
with private baths have over-
head fans and optional air-con-
ditioning. The kitchen is fa-
mous for a great variety of well-
prepared international dishes.

Total informality sets it's West
Indian atmosphere. Established
in 1958 it is still St. Maarten's
biggest little bargain and repeat
visitors are the best salesmen for
the hotel. Write or cable PA-
SANGGRAHAN, St. Maarten.
Represented in North American
cities and Puerto Rico by The
Jane Condon Corporation.

WHAT TO DO AND SEE? This
lovely half French, half Dutch
island offers the full spectrum
of water/beach activities, marvel-
lous picture-book little village,
like Grand Case in the French
side, free port shopping and a
unique tranquility which truly
makes a vacation a rest. Front
Street in Philipsburg (the Dutch
side) and the dock area in Marigot
have a complete, assortment of
free port stores. Spritzer & Fuhr-
mann, the famous jewelers from
Curacao, have three stores in the
island; two in Philipsburg and
one at the airport. Several other
famous Curacao stores like El
Globo, Casa Amarilla and Vole-
dam also have stores in town.
Guests at any hotel or guest house
can and should take advantage
of their visit to experiment with
the cuisine of all other. There is
a nightclub with nightly dancing
and, during the season, entertain-
ment at Little Bay.

MOULIN ROUGE
AIRCONDITIONED
Bar &- Resctura-nt
ty e4 f'^ne

C.R.*Oct/Nov/Dec 1972*Page 55

41

FLOATING RESTAURANT
^BALI

INDONESIAN DISHES
COCKTAIL BAR
S Chor .n by: Th. Coribbean
Tourist Association as
the BEST restaurant in
th. Caribbeon for 1958.59
TELS.2131
ORANJESTAD. ARUBA 3006

ST. THOMAS

WHERE TO STAY? St. Thomas
has a large number of hotels
and guest houses of all sizes
and prices. Among these we
especially recommend:

MORNING STAR BEACH RE-
SORT (774-2650) is located on
one of the most beautiful white-
sand beaches in the Caribbean,
just five minutes from Charlotte
Amalie, the Antillean free-port
capital. Each of its 24 ocean-
facing rooms has a private terrace
and all the modern comforts. Ex-
otic drinks and American and
Continental dishes served just a
step from the surf in the hotel's
beach front bar and dining room.
Most water sports. Sky-diving ex-
hibition every Sunday afternoon.
Children welcome.

THOMAS is a hilly island with
numerous neighbors. This makes
for endless, heart wrenching views.
The best viewing, in the sense
that one can sit down in com-
fort and sip a well-brewed drink
in the watching process, is from
the bar at the top ot the Tram-
way, or the pool at the Shibui
hotel or the restaurant at
Mountaintop. In addition to the
views (the cup overfloweths) the
visitors should take time to visit

DRAKE's SEAT from which, ac-
cording to legend, Sir Francis
Drake used to inspect his fleet;
FORT CHRISTIAN on the edge 'of
Charlotte Amalie which dates
back to 1666; GOVERNMENT HOUSE
which serves as the official res.
idence of the Governor of the
island and exhibits its fine art
collection to the public daily and
the VIRGIN ISLANDS MUSEUM 10.
cated in Beretta Center in the
middle of Charlotte Amalie.

CARIIBBEAN RENT A- CAP

PH- 772-0685
P. 0. BOX 1487
ST. CROIX, VIRGIN ISLANDS 00840

Free Pick Up And Delivery

New Cars Checked Daily

ARUBA ST. MARTIN

New Cars
Unlimited Mileage New Cars
You Can Trust Unlimited Mileage
Hertz in Aruba like
Anywhere in the
Anywherlde in the Only Rental Cars in

Island With Unlimited
Kolibristraat 1- Third Party Insurance.
Phone 2714
Aruba Caribbean
Hotel Phone 2250 Offices at Julianna Air-
Princess Beatrix port and Marigot, St.
Airport Martin.

BOLONGO BAY BEACH CLUB
(775-0165) is located right on
the beach, only a few minutes
away from St. Thomas' airport
and town. This intimate resort
is made up of spacious, air-con-
ditioned, completely equipped
housekeeping fresh water pool
units. The resort has a beautiful
pool with a bar right over it.
The management will make the
necessary arrangements for fish.
ing, sailing or any other activity
the guests desire. For reservations
from the U.S. write the hotel at
P. 0. Box 3381 St. Thomas 00801.
WHAT TO SEE AND DO? ST.
Page 56*C.R.*Vol. IV No. 4

A UNERALCGENEVE
GOLDEN SHADOW

Il exclusively at
CARDOW

first on main street and at
the Caribbean Beach Hotel
St. Thomas, U. S. Virgin Islands.

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	Front Cover
	Table of Contents
	Front Matter
	Main
	Back Cover

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