Front Cover
 Table of Contents
 Front Matter
 Back Cover


Caribbean Review
Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00095576/00002
 Material Information
Title: Caribbean Review
Physical Description: Serial
Language: English
Creator: Latin American and Caribbean Center, Florida International University
Publisher: Latin American and Caribbean Center, Florida International University
Place of Publication: Miami, FL
Publication Date: 1972
Copyright Date: 1980
Genre: serial   ( sobekcm )
 Record Information
Source Institution: FIU: Special Collections
Holding Location: FIU: Special Collections
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: oclc - 1553369
System ID: UF00095576:00002

Table of Contents
    Front Cover
        Front Cover 1
        Front Cover 2
    Table of Contents
        Page 1
    Front Matter
        Page 2
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
        Page 12
        Page 13
        Page 14
        Page 15
        Page 16
        Page 17
        Page 18
        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
        Page 22
        Page 23
        Page 24
        Page 25
        Page 26
        Page 27
        Page 28
        Page 29
        Page 30
        Page 31
        Page 32
        Page 33
        Page 34
        Page 35
        Page 36
        Page 37
        Page 38
        Page 39
        Page 40
        Page 41
        Page 42
        Page 43
        Page 44
        Page 45
        Page 46
        Page 47
        Page 48
        Page 49
        Page 50
        Page 51
        Page 52
        Page 53
        Page 54
        Page 55
        Page 56
    Back Cover
        Back Cover 1
        Back Cover 2
Full Text



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In places lihe this were

theonly thing that April.. May.. June
could Vol. IV No. 1 & 2

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Barry B. Levine
Associate Editors
For the English Speaking Caribbean:
Basil A. Ince
For the French Speaking Caribbean:
Gerard R. Latortue
Executive Administrator:
Lucille Trybalski
Assistant Editor:
Susan Sheinman
Business Manyger
Joe Guzman
Art Director:
Victor Luis Diaz
Neida Pagan
From the Dutch and Papiamentu:
Ligia Espinal de Hoetink
From the French and Creole:
Marlene Zephirin
From the Spanish:
Adela G. Lopez
Caribbean Review, a quarterly journal
dedicated to the Caribbean, Latin America, and
their emigrant groups, is published by Carib-
bean Review, Inc., a non-profit corporation
organized under the laws of the Commonwealth
of Puerto Rico. Mailing address: 180 Hostos, B-
902; Hato Rey, Puerto Rico 00918. Unsolicited
manuscripts (articles, essays, reprints, ex-
cerpts, translations, book reviews, poetry, etc.)
are welcome but should be accompanied by a
self-addressed stamped envelope. Inquiries and
orders for advertising space may be sent to the
magazine or to Cidia, Inc., Box 1769, Old San
Juan, Puerto Rico 00903, the agency through
which they will be contracted and processed.

In this issue...

public school student we come to realize that our ideas about school don't quite correspond to
what the students themselves think about it. The interview is one of several made by David
Hernandez, chairman of U.P.R.'s Department of Sociology, in an attempt to understand how
teachers and students manage to get along with each other. Page 3.
Will Allende Make It?, by T. V. Sathyamurthy. Indian born scholar T. V. Sathyamurthy
analyzes the events that are changing Chile's political and economic alignments. T. V.
Sathyamurthy has taught and written about politics on four continents and recently spent a
year as Professor of International Affairs at the U. of Chile. Page 7.
Inequality in Latin America, by Louis Wolf Goodman. A Yale sociologist discusses the
problems of inequality not only between the upper, middle, and lower classes, but within the
working class itself. It is adapted from Workers and Managers in Latin America, by Louis
Wolf Goodman and Stanley M. Davis (D.C. Heath & Co., 1972). Page 15.
Occasional Discourse on the Negro Question, by Thomas Carlyle. C.R. reproduces the 1st part
of the famous 19th century debate between Carlyle and John Stuart Mill concerning the rights
of the former West Indian slaves. Carlyle's elitist vilification of the Negro as well as his critique
of laissez-faire economics and utilitarian philosophy first appeared anonymously in the
English Victorian quarterly, Fraser's Magazine (December, 1849). The response by Mill will
be reprinted in the next issue of C.R. Page 18.
London Knows, Do You?, by J. Raban Bilder. West Indian poet, John Figueroa's collection of
Caribbean poetry comes under review by U.P.R. English professor, J. Raban Bilder who
comments on its contributions to English language poetry in general, while lamenting its
unavailability in the very area where it was created. Page 24.
Mexico Budgeted, By Hitor Orcl. In this review of a work on Mexico's federal budget
Mexican advertising executive Hector Orci'questions the second-cousin syndrome that often
sprouts up when non-Mexicans analyze that country. Page 28.
Nocturne of the Statue, by Xavier Villaurrutla. A poem by the late Mexican poet who was
variously connected with the magazines, Ullses, Contemporaneos, and El Hijo Prodigo. Page
Cuba: Creole Stalinism?, By Robert W. Anderson. A devastating critique of the Cuban
Revolution by Polish writer K. S. Karol (Guerillas in Power) is reviewed by the former dean of
U.P.R.'s Faculty of Social Science who argues that it is up to the Cubans themselves to
interpret their own reality. Robert W. Anderson has written Party Politics in Puerto Rico. Page
Military Cuba? by Jose Arsenlo Torres. Another critique of the Cuban Revolution, this time by
French social scientist Rene Dumont (Cuba: Est-il socialiste?), is reviewed by a former senator
in the Puerto Rican legislature who decries the militarization of life in Cuba. Jose' Arsenio
Torres presently teaches social science at U.P.R. Page 36.
Cuba and the Caribbean, by Aaron Segal. Four books are reviewed; (two were written by
Caribbean exiles, one by a Frenchman, one by a Canadian) in order to try to understand the
relation between Cuba and the rest of the Caribbean. Aaron Segal, the author of The Politics
of Caribbean Economic Integration and Politics and Population in the Caribbean, teaches at
Cornell University. Page 40.
The Caribbean Guide. C.R. begins a regular feature helping visitors to and within the
Caribbean become acquainted with the "where to stay, what to see, and what to eat" when
touring the Caribbean. Page 43.
Recent Books, by Neida Pagan. c.r. continues to introduce its readers to new books about the
Caribbean, Latin America, and their emigrant groups. Page 48.
Letters to the Editor. Wagenheim on Lewis' Wagenheim; Mathews and Latortue on Maingot's
Bosch. Page 54.

The cover photo is by Jorge Santana.

C. R. e AprillMaylJune 1972 Page 1


Once again we're moving ahead. Carribean
Review has changed format, added a color cover,
doubled space, multiplied circulation, and
expanded our staff. It's taken some time to get
reorganized -- thus the pause between issues -- but
it's been worth the efforts.
Two new associate editors have joined us.
Trinidadian political scientist, Basil A. Ince (who
heads the Department of Afro-American Studies at
S.U.N.Y. Binghamton) is the associate editor for
the English-speaking Caribbean. Haitian lawyer
and economist, Gerald R. Latortue (who heads the
Caribbean Institute and Study Center for Latin
America at I.A.U. San German) is the associate
editor for the French-speaking Caribbean. They
will help C.R. readers keep abreast of affairs in
those areas.
Two new translators have also joined us.
Multi-lingual Ligia Espinal de Hoetink and
Marlene Zephirin will translate articles submitted
to C.R. in either Dutch and Papiamentu or French

and Creole respectively. We could, incidentally,
handle works submitted to us in Italian or German
Joe Guzman, former Business Manager of
Caribbean Traveller, has taken charge of our
business affairs. Lucille Trybalski is the new
executive administrator, and Susan Sheinman, the
new assistant editor. Further expansion and
additional changes will be announced as they work
themselves out.
It is probably a good moment now to thank our
life-time subscribers for having had so much faith
in us. For it is they that have afforded us the
support necessary to build our base. Beginning
with this issue the following people and institutions
have helped sponsor Caribbean Review by sending
us lifetime subscriptions: Carlos Hortas, John L.
Johnson, V.I. Bureau of Libraries and Museums,
James M. Blout, the Center for Urban
Ethnography, Jerry Emel, and Standard Oil Co. -
Reference Systems Division. Want to join?

Caribbean Review has been
to virtually every nation and
colony in the West Indies
and Latin America.

We've delved into myriad
disciplines, from politics and
fiction, on through econom-
ics, cinema and race rela-

We've introduced our read-
ers to over 1500 books.

Our regular readers may dis-
agree as to their favorite art-
icle. Some will recall the
Albizu &c Matlin analyses of
the theatrics of Puerto Rican
politics. Others will prefer
the in-depth interview with
Peruvian novelist Mario Var-
gas Llosa, or the perceptive
critique of Model Cities by
Howard Stanton.

Still others may opt for the
poetry of Jorge Luis Borges,
or the fiction of Agustin YA-
fiez, Ren6 Marqu6s or Pedro
Juan Soto.

Moritz Thomsen's account of
"Living Poor" in Ecuador, or
Carlos Castaneda's study of
mind-expanding dru g use
among the Yaqui Indians, or
the proclamation of Colom-
bian priest -revolutionary Ca-
milo Torres, or the discussion

by Lloyd Best of Black Pow-
er in Trinidad may also rank
as favorites among many

Or Gordon Lewis' piece on
the anatomy of Caribbean
vanity, or Anthony Maingot's
on the new Caribbean his-
tory, or any one of the his-
torical pieces that we've dug
up . .

Few readers, we find, agree
on anything. But they all
seem to agree that Caribbean
Review has been a reward-
ing, stimulating experience.
Won't you join them, and us,
by sending in your subscrip-

If you're young, just a wee
bit prosperous, and, above
all, healthy, we especially re-
commend the lifetime subs-

Page 2 C. R. Vol. IV Nos. 1 & 2

I o his side of it...
by David D. Hernbndez

The- following is an interview with a stu-
dent at one of Puerto Rico's public schools.
The reader should keep in mind that what
we may call the educational process is for
many students a special problem in the
art of survival. This interview is one of a
series done by David HernAndez and is
part of a larger study about how the teach-
er-student relationship actively develops.
Photo by Jorge Rodriguez Beruff.

I don't want to pass. What I wanted was not to pass so that they would take me out of school and I could get a
job. I would go to school at night and then if I got tired of working, I could go in day school again. I was trying
to pass, but wasn't getting along too well. I didn't have much desire to pass, because if I passed, then I'd have to
stay in school and not get a job. I really don't do very much in school anyway. I would pass, but passing wouldn't
do anything for me. But passing school this way, I'm not going to be doing anything. I'm wasting my time. My
thing is fooling around. For me, classes don't interest me much. I could take five years to learn a trade, but even
if you were stupid you could learn it. I don't know if the others in the class would want to learn a trade. Probably
they would. Some just come to school to fool around and waste their time. Yeah, in school you fool around more
than in the'street. Because that's where you meet a girl and its not like in the street. In the street you're alone, hang-
ing out with nothing to do and you are with no one who could at least keep you company. That's why I go over
to the school. Sometimes a girl comes over and I start fooling around, having some fun.
The kids in low groups don't learn because they put them in low groups and they get treated like drop-outs
(colga's). They learn to fool around and bother people.Teachers don't treat them the way they treat the A group.
The kids in A group get books, 16ts of things. They make them study. The English teacher told me that she did
a lot of work with the 8A. She said that she talked to them, not like us. She gives us stuff to copy off the black-
board and she just sits. When 8A comes into the room, she'd start talking to them.
My class likes the principal. He's alright because he sometimes gives you a chance. Sometimes when I bother
too much, they send for me from the principal's office and they send letters about me. One time he sent for me
because I hit a girl. She thought I was in love with her, but not me. She looked like she was a nice little girl but
I knew she was nothing. I started fooling around with her. She started talking bad to me, she got out of her seat and
told me to go to hell. When she said I could go fuck myself, I got up and told her where to go. That's when she
hit me, then I lost my head I wasn't going to but since I have a little complex. . pop!, I let her have. it. The
principal called me and almost threw me out of school because you're not supposed to hit a girl even if she does
something to you. But, I think that if a girl hits a boy, he should be able to hit her also. The principal almost
always kicks out the boys, but hardly ever the girls. He gets along better with women than with me. He spoke to
me about the bible. Some of the kids call him McKenzie, like the TV police agent. That's just to bother him. Some-
times they call him "baldy", lots of names, so they can show off in front of the other kids.'Once in a while he pays
attention to them. The kids think he's going to pay attention to.those nicknames. I think that you can say that to
the principal and it probably doesn't bother him. What he does is try to scare you but he doesn't do anything to you.
They're scared they will be kicked out of school! Not because he's going to do anything to them physically, but that
they'll be kicked out.
Some teachers are big liers. The English teacher one day said some lies, I don't remember now about what.
The science teacher, the day I hit the girl, started to say a whole bunch of things. He was talking about me, the
kids told me that he was saying that I thought I was a tough guy, that I liked to show-off by hitting girls, that
I was a show-off. I'm not a tough guy but that doesn't mean I'm a fool (pendejo). You can't let the girls make a
fool of you. Kids make fools of some of the teachers. Almost always they make a fool of the Spanish teacher, the
English teacher, and the shop teacher. If a teacher makes a fool. of a kid then the kids in the class will see it right
away. The class will start talking, they will start bothering the kid and the kid will have to stop being friendly with
C. R. April/MaylJune 1972 Page 3

that teacher. The English teacher makes fools of some, anyway they act like her flunkies. She says: "pick up that
little piece of garbage from the floor," and she turns her legs a certain way as if she were great stuff. And we, so
that we can see her sitting that way, pick up the papers to be able to watch her like that. They are pretty clever and
they think that at least if she makes fools of them, they are getting a good look at her body.
You get bored with teachers that don't even teach the class. They start writing on the blackboard and you
start writing. They don't do anything! Instead of writing, the teacher should talk, do something and give a little
test every day. That's the best way. First you teach a class and then you give a quiz so you know what the kid learn-
ed. The teacher should also put on a mean face to the kids. Put on a mean personality so the kids won't move
around, and try to be like Miss L6pez, that is, fool around but when the kids get out of line send them to the
principal always with a little letter. If the kids don't go to him, she goes to the principal and they get called down
and suspended until their mother comes to the school. L6pez puts on a strong personality. If Pito tells her don't bo-
ther or blood is going to flow, for her that's nothing. She kicks him out of the class, suspends him from school, calls
up his father and talks with him. If the old man doesn't think she's right, she'll send him to the superintendent's
office. If his father still thinks Pito is right, they will probably kick Pito out of school.
They don't treat everyone the same way. They should give equal treatment but they don't. It's improtant but
not so important, but they should treat everyone the same. Some teachers must like some of the kids. The English
teacher likes some of them. She gets along with some. It's not that she likes them, but they get along okay. It's not
that important that she likes them but if the teacher likes a student, then the student is going to show-off (guille),
he's going to be saying that the teacher likes him and all that kind of stuff. Then the student is going to start to
fool around and bother the teacher.
When a teacher calls me a stupid clown (titere) that's when I stop being his friend. I look at him mean
and I know I'm not going to get along with him. I don't say anything to him just because he's a teacher. If he says
something to me, I won't say anything. Right now I say that I'm quiet, but if the teacher calls me stupid, I don't
know if then I would act and tell him off. What I say now is that I wouldn't answer back.
I don't know if the teachers work very much. Some probably work a lot. Most don't. Some others take class
time to make up tests for us to do as assignments. I don't know if teachers are smart. Almost all should be smart. The
shop teacher isn't smart. He's a teacher now. I don't think that he's always been a teacher. They almost always think
they are strict. They should be strict, but not tough - making out like they are so big and bad (guapo) and all
I would like to be in a school where teachers have a strong personality. That way they get you to work harder
and they try to get you to pass your courses. L6pez has a strong character. Rivera isn't as strong as L6pez. The kids
are scared of Miss L6pez because they think she's the second principal. They say that because when the principal
is absent, she's always there watching the office. When she's taking care of the office, she lets us out of class and
sends us somewhere else, to some other class. When she leaves us alone, the kids start to make noise and all that.
When she gets back, they get real quiet and she asks them for their assignments. If they don't have them, they stay
there. Sometimes the kids get away from her, but if she asks one of them for the notebook and he doesn't have it,
he has to stay there doing the assignment. If she lends him the textbook, he can do the assignment at home, if he
doesn't do it, he gets a bad grade.
She's a good teacher. What's bad is that she explains, but as if you were in high school or something..
That's what's bad about her, that she explains, but only a little. Anyway sometimes you can understand, there are
some people that understand. I don't think the kids like her but they behave in her class. It's not that they are so

Page 4 C. R. e Vol. IV Nos. 1 & 2

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afraid, but a little afraid or something like that. I want to say that it's not fear, but a little fear. There you have
respect. It's not that she just wants you to think she's an important person. What she does is make kids try to study
a lot so that you will try to learn a lot. But she explains so little to them as if they were in high school. When she
leaves us alone there are some kids that stand in the doorway to see if she's coming. She doesn't catch them making
lots of noise. They sit down right away and make believe they weren't doing anything. But she knows what's hap-
pening. She knows. She says she's a teacher who's hip listto. When she comes into the room she doesn't really
believe we were sitting there quietly. I think you can hear the noise all the way over to the principal's office. The
teachers sometimes talk to her and tell her what the kids are doing over here.
The math teacher's a good guy. He gets some of the kids jobs. He told Rafael, Mariano, Pito and Marcial about
a construction job in the house next door to his place. He gets along good with the kids. Marcial gets along real
well with him. Mr. Mano sometimes thinks he's real tough when he starts picking on somebody, he starts show-
ing off like he knows karate. He didn't get along with Rafael's sister because Adela never paid him any mind.
He's the kind of guy that likes to get a good look at the girls just like de Le6n. He likes to makes out too. Since
Adela didn't care, didn't even talk to him much, he didn't get along with her. Then one day she got up from her
seat and because she stood up from her seat, he came over and got all mad and gave her a karate chop or pushed her.
I don't know what happened. He told Mariano he'd hit him the same and forced Mariano to shup up. One time
I stood on a chair and started to make a lot of noise. I just did it to fool around, have some fun (vacilar), nothing
else. He wasn't there, he was in the office. When he came in, he caught me getting off the chair. He looked at me
mean like, but he didn't tell me to shut up or act real bad and tough. He didn't act that way with me or with the
other kids. The only one's I've seen him do that to is wi th Mariano and Adela.
What the Crazy Teacher says is that in 8D all you have is a bunch of crazies and lots of other shit about us.
He says there are junkies in the class that take Alka-Seltzer in Coca-Cola and that's a drug. To me, I hear him
and it's just a goof. To me, he's not saying anything but my mother takes it seriously: I didn't take what he said
seriously, but like a joke, like he was half nuts anyway. He turns his back to the kids, they throw things at him and
then they start in saying that it's me that did it. I was at the front of the room with a piece of wood, making a shop
project. Some of the kids would throw down a chair real loud and then tell him that it wasn't that kid over there,
but Crazy Man over here. I tell him it wasn't me, but he says I lie and he kicks me out of the class. Later, I get
back into the room anyway. The kids keep throwing stuff around, he sees me and kicks me out again. The kids
thought he was crazy or half crazy. He wasn't crazy when he first came to the school because I saw him. But soon
everyone saw he acted crazy, like he was half nuts, like he didn't know anything about the work we were supposed
to do, didn't know how to make the projects, he didn't know anything. We were making leather key holders and
he didn't know how to make them. Orlando taught him how to do it. Then he taught it to the kids in the other
classes. Everywhere he went, he'd take his briefcase. He thought somebody was going to steal it from him. Nobody
could get near his desk. You couldn't sit in this chair because he'd start talking about germs. He'd start in by
wiping off his chair with a bunch of papers. He thought we'd bring contagious germs to his chair. He'd look at
you with a serious face and you felt like laughing, you'd laugh and he'd really get angry. One day the kids started
bothering him because he started in with some kid who turned out to be pretty tough and all he did was start lau-
ghing in front of the guy. Everybody started in on him, "look at him laughing, doesn't he laugh pretty". After that the
kids really started messing around with him. When they'd see him go to the bathroom or go looking for material
for projects, they'd take a piece of wood or a chair and throw it against the wall.
Everybody messes around with him. There's a kid who's cross-eyed, he's called Juan, who was the only one

who didn't fool around with Falc6n. He always was behaving real good. Falc6n didn't get along with him and
since he saw Juan so quiet, he thought that Juan was trying to fool him (disimular). The other kids would throw
things at Falc6n. Falc6n saw that Juan was quiet and he didn't say anything. But one day he saw him real quiet and
he got angry. He said, "this is the one that's been throwing things at me, this little quiet one." He called him and acted
tough with him. Then the kid raised his voice, got tough and now you have the only one left, who wasn't messing
around, starting also to fuck around. From there on in, everybody was fucking around. Even he started to mess-up.
That teacher shouldn't teach anymore because he's too old and anyway, he doesn't know any-
thing. He can't teach either. He brought some drawings to class. They probably aren't his anyway. He
said to us: "look, this is what I'm going to teach you. There was never any draftsman better than
me." I don't think the drawings were his because he didn't know how to do any' of that stuff. He
wanted everybody to think he was an important guy. But me, I don't think he was very important.
The principal wanted to get him out. I think so. Falc6n really thought he was smart. Well, consid-
ering that he's old and like that, he's pretty intelligent, but for other times. He probably hasn't left
the school, because he wants to make money. That's the thing, it's not because he wants to help us out.
If he leaves here, the principal will probably send a little note to the superintendent's office saying
this teacher is pretty crazy and not to put him in another school.
The only good one was the science teacher because he also fooled around. He'd fool around
after class. He talked real good, just like he was one of us and lots of fun. He was serious in
class, not so serious, but any kid who got up or started messing around a lot, he'd kick him out of class.
He'd also get angry. He wouldn't get angry like some other teachers, he'd talk to you real quiet out-
side of the room. If the kid kept acting up, he'd call the principal or something. He's like Miss L6pez,
real quiet and smooth, he kicks out a kid in an easy way so that kids just leave, that's all.
We are the worst! We fuck around most. The thing is kids from 8D fool around more because
teachers start talking about us, saying that we're so slow and that's what makes us bother them even
more. You get a real complex. You feel real bad. That's what makes you screw up in everything. You fuck
up ever more, you bother people. 8A knows more than we do, that's what we think... because they are tau-
ght better than we are and anyway I'm not going to be so nice and quiet, just to get promoted. "He can be
promoted even if he doesn't konw anything," that's what the teachers say. I've seen guys who got promo-
ted. Right now Orlando was promoted and didn't know anything. On account of conduct, he was promo-
ted. They say that Carlos passed. He was pretty quiet but he cut a lot of classes. You didn't see him. In
my class, sometimes there are teacher's flunkies and sometimes not. There are some kids that don't get
along with the others and rat on them (chotear) Rail is a sort of teacher's pimp at times, because he doesn't
get along with the class. Then there is Linda and a kid that's called Marcano. Rail likes to fool around,
but he doesn't know how to have fun. Since he's-like that, no one likes him. When he fools around, right
away he starts to throw chairs or something. Throwing chairs . nobody likes that. Sometimes they
like that only in shop class.
We use to make out with the girls. One of them is my girlfriend (novia). I don't treat her like
a girlfriend, I treat her like a little whore. She likes that. I noticed it when she told me: "I want you
to trust me because I trust you." But, I know all about that. All those girls say that: "trust me."
She doesn't want me to find out about her so she can have other guys. Other guys will make out with
her and lay her on the floor and tell her "that's really nothing." One day I'll be with her and I'll tell
a friend "I want you to meet my girlfriend" and he'll tell me "who's your girlfriend? Oh, that one;
she's a little whore, don't introduce me. I've already made out with her."
Pito and that group. Those are the guys who think they are big leaders. They think they have
more fun, mess around more than you do. I get along pretty well, but sometimes I lose their friend-
ship for a while because sometimes they begin to take advantage and start asking you for money and
coming over to your house and asking you for a cigarette. I tell them they can't because that be-
longs to my old man or something. Then, like they get angry or something, I don't know. They feel
bad. Afterwards they won't do that again. I'm everybody's friend but, the only one who isn't my friend
is Mariana, the chick that I slapped. In class, they aren't really good friends, they're all the same to
me. I don't call them my friends because they start talking about you. Sometimes they start messing
around with you. I use to bother, fool around with and have some fun with the Crazy Teacher. Then
he started to tell me that I was crazy, that I was a junkie (tecalo). That's when the class started call-
ing me Crazy Man and all that stuff. I'm not friends with them. They kept it u1, really keeping it
up so that if I would be talking with Marta, they would start saving "look at the crazie talking with
a girl. . Hey dumb chick!" Since I didn't want to right with the kids I'd first start talking to them
and then they would be all right. The only one who wouldn't listen, who I think was crazier than the.
teacher was Rafael. I'd speak to him real serious and then I shoved him to see if he would fifrht but he
still kept up that shit. The others cooled down, they'd see me with a girl and they wouldn't try to
say anything. I don't like that kind of fooling around, not in front of a chick, in front of somebody.
I don't call that being your friend because a friend is a euv who's real p'ood to you and vou are straight
with him and who doesn't mess around when there's a chick present. Sure, he fools around, but not
when there are girls here. 9
Page 6 C. R. Vol. IV Nos. 1 & 2




it. V. Sathyamrthy

by T. V. Sathyamurthy

Chilean emigrants of the 19th century. From Hutchings' Illustrated California
Magazine (1857). Reprinted In Heizer & Almquist, The Other Californians (U. of
Calif. Press, 1971).

When the Unidad Popular under president Salvador Allende
began far-reaching changes in the economic structure of the
country and inaugurated a radical policy of agrarian reform,
several weeks of persistent rumors of economic crisis and
military coup followed. Since the April 1970 municipal elec-
tions in which the UP secured nearly 50% of the votes cast,
Chile has entered a period of comparative political equilibrium
during which the stability of the present government is
unlikely to be threatened.
The fundamental fact about the Chilean political system
during the last thirty-five years has been the near parity of
influence between the right, the centre and the left the
right and the centre always joining forces to seize the of-
fensive in containing the left. The Presidential election of
1970 provided the first opportunity of executive political
power for the left. It also represented the culmination of the
political ambition of Allende who has been active on the
Chilean scene for over three decades.
In Chile the executive power is subject to very real
constraints. Thus, in the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies,
the Christian Democrats wield enormous political influence
(which they have used recently by impeaching Sefior Toha,

Minister of the Interior), and unless the forthcoming congres-
sional elections scheduled for March 1973 reverse the tide,
the PDC will continue to deter the government from enact-
ing its most radical reforms, notwithstanding the plebiscitary
provisions implied in the constitutional amendment passed
last January, 1971. Furthermore, while the potential fission
within the PDC is unlikely to materialize when it is not in
power, the cohesion of the UP is not immune to erosion given
the logic of sharing power between parties which range a
wide ideological spectrum. The United Popular candidate was
defeated by a narrow margin by the candidate of the PDC
at the recent bye-election to the Camara de Diputados from
the important and populous constituency of Valparaiso. Al-
though this should serve as a political warning to the UP for
the bigger and nationwide elections due to take place in 1973,
non-political factors such as the unusually severe winter and
the earthquake which immediately preceded the election
might have contributed to the freakish nature of the outcome.
the freakish nature of the outcome.
Although the origins of the PDC go back beyond
Alessandri's tenure (it emerged from the Falangist movement
of the thirties and the forties Frei, Tomic and several high-

T.V. Sathyamurthy born in south India, educated in Madras and Varanasi, has taught political science at the Universities of Singa-
pore, Makerere, Strathclyde, Dar-es Salaam, Indiana, Northwestern. He is now Senior Lecturer in Politics at the University of York
in England. Recently he spent a year (1970-71) as Professor of International Affairs at the University of Chile, Santiago.
C. R. AprillMaylJune 1972 Page 7

ranking leaders of the PDC were part of that movement),
it emerged as a cohesive and ideologically centrist alternative
to the traditional left parties only during his regime (1958-64).
Its leadership was shared between two potential rivals and
co-founders the more moderate and conservative Eduardo
Frei whose appeal gradually spread to the conservative sections
of the populace, and Radomorio Tomic who became in-
creasingly more radical and populist. Tomic stood down in
favour of Frei who won the Presidential elections of 1964 in
a straight fight against Allende on the understanding that he
would be chosen as the PDC candidate at the 1970 elections.
During the last five years, the relationship between Frei and
Tomic has been distant and the two men have come to re-
present two distinct viewpoints which roughly correspond to
those of the old conservatives and the young radicals within
the PDC. It was the choice of Tomic as the PDC candidate
for the Presidency which triggered Alessandri to stand for
election as an independent with the support of the Partido
Nacional. To the conservatives of the country both Tomic
and Allende seemed to stand for the same aims and principles.
The sedulous manner in which Tomic avoided identifying
himself with the Frei administration before and during the
campaign confirmed their fears.
Between the election and the installation of the President,
and especially since November 3, 1970, Tomic kept apart
from the leadership of his party in its strong and repeated
criticism of the Allende government. In contrast to Frei and
his ministers, Tomic publicly acknowledged Allende's electoral
success and worked towards the ratification of his presidency
in Congress and its acceptance within the party. The Finance
Minister under Frei, Sefior Zaldivar, by his apocalyptic
statements during September 1970, actually contributed to
general panic which resulted in the flight of several million
dollars from Chile between the election and the Congressional
confirmation of Allende on the 24th October. Since last
November, Tomic's silence has been at least as eloquent as
the loud denunciations of Allende's government by the PDC
leaders within the Congress. (Especially over the policy of
agrarian reform and the copper conspiracy case involving
Chileans and non-Chileans Argentinians and North
In fact the government was faced with determined
obstruction by PDC Congressmen in its efforts to bring the
offenders to trial. When the government sought judicial action
against the conspirators on a charge of attempting to ma-
nipulate copper prices in the world market to Chile's detri-
ment, the appellate judge, Sefior Meersohn, simply acquitted
the accused after a summary hearing. Subsequently the matter
was brought to the notice of the House where the PDC dom-
inated the special committee appointed to go into the
matter. Matters reached such a pass that at one point the
President himself publicly declared that he knew an individual
in the Argentine embassy who was involved in the copper
scandal. A few days before the municipal elections of April
4, Frei launched a bitter public attack on the economic policy
of the government in which he also denounced it for not
being able to maintain law and order in the country. Each
message of the President to the nation has been subject to
detailed and acrimonious criticism by the party leadership
of the PDC. In recent months the tenuous politics of accom-
modation between Allende and the PDC seems to have
been abandoned in favor of open confrontation and further
polarization of Right and Left. The march of the middle
class housewives doffing empty saucepans on their heads
signifies a break from the practice followed during the first
year of Allende's government.
The continued association of Tomic with the PDC under
Page 8 C. R. Vol. IV Nos. 1 & 2

such circumstances can, however, be easily explained. He is a
strong and devoted Christian as well as a very ambitious and
far-seeing politician. The time for leaving the party with a
significant following in order to pursue radical aims is now
well past; the MAPU split away from the PDC in 1969 for
such reasons and is now solidly entrenched within the UP.
Second, Frei is a formidable leader whose political ambition
has yet been satisfied; any attempt on the part of Tomic to
divide the party would only result in strengthening Frei's
position within the PDC and within the country as a whole.
Third, a general drift in the direction of greater radicalism
within the country will, sooner or later, be reflected within
the PDC; in such an eventuality Tomic would be the natural
focus of leadership for the "newly emerging" forces within
the party. In fact, only last October eight PDC members of
the Chilean legislature left the party to form a new movement,
the Izquierda Christiana (different from the MAPU) which
has already attracted to its front ranks such MAPU stalwarts
as Chonchol and Jerez. Last, temperamentally and for senti-
mental reasons, Tomic's usefulness as a rallying point is
greater within the party than outside it.
Especially in the field of economic policy, the present
government values the active support and cooperation of the
Tomicistas. The Minister of Economy, Sefior Buskovic, appeal-
ed to the radical and constructive forces within the PDC to
lend a hand to the government in solving the economic crisis.
But Tomic is aware that the political returns of such
cooperation are not likely to be commensurate with the sacrifice
involved. The potential fissures within the PDC are therefore
unlikely to widen. In fact, the PDC seens to have closed ranks
during recent months. It is likely, as demonstrated in the recent
municipal elections, that a sizeable section of the conservative
elements within the PDC will continue to shift their allegiance
to the Partido Nacional or even to the Partido Democracia
Radical: contrariwise, it is unlikely that the centrist and the
radicalising sections of the PDC will move out of the PDC
or even temporarily shift their electoral allegiance to any of
the left parties. (Party identification plays an unusually strong
part in Chilean political life. The committed party adherent
is the rule; the floating voter is very much the exception.
Within the UP itself, a strong current of antipathy runs be-
tween, for example, the Socialist Party and the Communist
Party followers; and between the PDC and the parties of the
left the antagonism is even more virile. Only between the
right wing of the PDC and the Partido Nacional has there
been an inter-flow during the last few years. Adherents of the
Partido Nacional admire Frei.)
The UP, unlike the PDC, derives its strength from di-
versity within a mutually agreed framework of political action.
Of its components, the Socialist Party has the most numerous
adherents and is least well-organised; the Communist Party
is extremely well-organised, with a steady following based
mainly on the urban proletariat and a section of the in-
telligentsia; the Radial Party, known for its anti-clericalism
in the past, has a small but significant following of disillusion-
ed bourgeois liberals whose taste for political power has
remained undimed during a whole decade of obscurity; and
the MAPU, a well-organised militant radical offshoot of the
PDC has only recently transformed itself from a movement
into a political party. It is freely admitted even among officials
with no political axe to grind that this government is held
together to no small extent by the discipline, organization, and
sense of realism of the Communist Party. The Communist
Party has a fairly long history of development and during
the thirties and for a period after the war it was subjected
to a considerable amount of persecution. Of late, however, its

aim seems to have been to secure a fairly substantial foot-
hold within the establishment rather than to persevere in a
revolutionary strategy. The Radical Party supported the Dem-
ocratic Front candidate, Jorge Alessandri, in the 1958 elec-
tions but its members were compelled to dissociate themselves
from the regime. The Radicalistas are keen anti-Marxists.
Under the Constitution, 10,000 signatures are required before
a political party can be started. The significance of MAPU
lies in the fact that when it broke off from the PDC it
successfully resisted the temptation to become part of the
Socialist Party. MAPU claims to be non-Marxist, Christian and
revolutionary and its leaders always hark back to the original
but unfulfilled promises of the PDC when it was first created.
MAPU has not yet sorted out its orientation toward political
violence, but a strong streak of revolutionary violence runs
through its pronunciamientos, especially on the subject of
agrarian reform. In times of crisis, however, as during the
weeks proceeding the two bye-elections to the legislature on
January 19th, from PDC and Nacionalista strongholds, the
left parties united with a determination unusual in the ranks
of coalition politics. In spite of the UPs unity they lost
both elections. Allende used the situation as an excuse to
reorganize his cabinet in order to reincorporate former Inte-
rior Minister Jos6 Toha. (Toha had been impeached by the
opposition majority parties in the lower Chamber of Deputies
for allowing armed groups in Chile. He was reinstated by
Allende and now is the Minister of Defense.)

In a country such as Chile where the bourgeoisie is very
strong and wellentrenched in the economy, professions, gov-
ernment bureaucracy and judiciary, a political movement
which claims primarily to represent the interests of the depriv-
ed sections of the populace -the workers and the peasants-
is afflicted by built-in disadvantages. (The landed aristocracy
and the industrial capitalists constitute a tightly knit group
with compatible if not totally identical interests. The almost
complete inter-penetration which prevails between these two
groups accounts for a good. deal of the resistance to the UP
government's economic policy.) These are not easily removed
by the acquisition of political power. In a recent statement,
Allende emphasised this aspect of his regime by declaring
that, in a certain sense, he did not consider himself "the
President of all the Chileans." Not unexpectedly, this attracted
a torrent of jeers and hostile criticism from the right wing
press. Rather, the problems of sharing power within the
constraints imposed, on the one hand, by a political system
in which pluralism within a constitutional framework is a
way of life, and on the other, by the polyglot nature of the
political movement at head of the government, contribute to an
apparent weakening of grip during the process of decision-
making about "who gets what," eventually followed by a re-
grouping and consolidation of forces.
The process of selecting a UP candidate for a parliamen-
tary constituency or the President or for the recent election to
the Rectorship of the Universidad de Chile best illustrates the
problems involved in holding together a disparate coalition.
Each party takes advantage of such an occasion both to assert
or increase its actual strength within the coalition. The
weaker members often veto candidates not to their liking.
As in deliberations involving policy decisions and strategies
which take place in elaborate and unwieldy committees reflect-
ing all the croopressures of leftist opinion on any given
topic, the prolonged lobbying prior to the selection of can-
didates often results in stalemated discussions between parties,
and sometimes, even within the same party. This is particularly
true of the Socialist Party which holds together, under the
same political umbrella, a very wide variety of political ten-

dencies and a motly group of strongly personalistic leaders.
Since the 1970 election an attempt has been made to introduce
coherence and eschew personal infighting. The present Se-
cretary-General of the party, Sefior Carlos Altamirano, is a
very strong leader; so is Allende himself, who is gnown to
have pursued his own line when the party line did not suit
The Socialist Party has always been a broadly Marxist
organization which offered hospitality to a wide variety of
political views ranging from social democracy via dissident
communism to extreme left orientations (e.g., Trotskyism,
Maoism). It even allowed potentially anarchist elements to
join but these subsequently found even the Socialist Party too
structured for their liking and opted out of it. The party
organization itself was, for a long time, dominated by machine
politicians of the conventional brand e.g., Aniseto Rodrf-
guez, the former Secretary-General of the party, and Clodo-
miro Almeyda, the Foregn Minister. By the mid-sixties, the
younger and more ideologically motivated elements within
the party challenged the traditional leadership under the
stewardship of Carlos Altamirano, a scion of an old established
aristocratic Chilean family, and widely regarded to be a
potential UP candidate for the presidency at the 1976
elections who, in 1971, was elected Secretary-General of the
party with the support of Allende. Allende himself has tend-
ed to adopt a very fluid position. During the fifties and early
sixties he was in the right wing of the party which, with the
Communist Party and the Radical Party, had taken part in the
Frente de la Patria. His defeat in the 1964 elections led him
to the conclusion that he had under-estimated the radicalism
of the electorate. Between 1964 and 1968 he adopted an
increasingly militant position which was more or less
consistent with the party line of 1968 to the effect that, far
from ruling out guerrilla movements, left parties should
actively consider their dynamic relevance for revolutionary
socio-political change.
The choice of the UP Presidential candidate for the 1970
elections took place after a tortuous process of intra-party
bargaining and a near-crisis within the Socialist Party, which
was expected to produce the nominee. Quite apart from the
controversy over which party or group should or should not
belong to the coalition, the Socialist Party itself was deeply
divided over the nomination. Allende was an important figure
in the UP as a whole. But his retreat from the official position
adopted by his party in 1968 to a position more radical than
his 1964 campaign, though much less revolutionary than
the "alliance of classes" the younger elements in the Socialist
Party and the MAPU would have liked, was not enough to

C. R. AprillMaylJune 1972 Page 9

win him the support of the traditional wing of the party.
In the final nomination contest within the Socialist Party,
Allende won over Rodriguez by 12 votes to 13 abstentions
(all supporting Rodriguez). It was not until long after the
other two nominations had been decided upon that the UP
announced its selection of Allende.
Another example is the 'choice of the left nominee for
election to the Rectorship of the University of Chile in June
1971. The in-fighting between the Radicals and the Com-
munists within the UP, the bargaining between the Acci6n
Reforma Universitaria (centre-left in orientation) and the
UP, and the protracted struggle within the Socialist Party,
resulted in a deadlock which necessitated the postponement
of the election by a fortnight. A month before the date of
the election the left announced a ticket consisting of Eduardo
Novoa, a former Christian Democrat turned Marxist, for
Rector and Ricardo Lagos, a traditional Socialist, (with the
active support of the Communist Party) for Secretary-General.
Novoa and Lagos were defeated by the much better organized
and carefully run campaign of the incumber Christian Dem-
ocrat Rector Edgardo Boenninger and Alberto Beltran
(secretary-general). The narrow margin of loss sustained by
the left would have been much greater but for the personal
respect enjoyed by Novoa. There is little doubt in the minds
of observers that one of the chief reasons for the defeat was
the left's incapacity to unite in the selection of its candidates.
In both examples, a combination of obstacles to ideological
cohesion and the strong influence personalities exercise on
politics in Chile tended to decelerate the revolutionary process.
The result hcs been unfortunate, for if the university had
elected a rector who was politically left, academic work would
not have stopped. As it is the new rector and his group are
locked in combat with the UP and have already attracted
state interference on several occasions.
To the right and to the left of the traditionally organized
parties are an incipient counter-revolutionary group and a
fairly strong disciplined and cohesive revolutionary movement
respectively. The former was clearly implicated in the
assassination of General Schneider and is known to be
organizing and training volunteers to carry out similar missions
with greater care and -thoroughness. Of late, the walls of
Santiago are plastered with the "Patria y Libertad" symbol
reminiscent of the Swastika.
The revolutionary left, however, is much more significant
than the counter-revolutionary right. It is generally known as
the MIR (Movimiento Izquierdista Revolucionario). Its
origins, shrouded in mystery, do not go back beyond 1965.
The MIR arose partly out of disenchantment with the revolu-
tionary intellectuals and youth of Chile, with the conventional
"reformista" left parties, and partly out of the fillip given to
revolutionary movements throughout Latin America by Che
Guevara. By 1967, the MIR had emerged as a small but by no
means inconsiderable force in Chilean politics. It organized
bank raids in Santiago, planned and executed the Sin Casa
movement in selected slum areas, and directed the take-over
of a few large funds in the south. (The Frei regime did not
achieve even a fraction of the target it had set itself in the
field of housing. In certain areas, large sections of poblaciones
were homeless. The MIR helped settle some of these families
in makeshift house erected on vacant plots. In also actively
supported the occupation of vacant houses by homeless people.
In certain areas in which the poblaciones are backed by the
MIR the police simply do not enter.) Until shortly before the
1970 elections, the Miristas refused to support the constitution-
al left. An attempt to form a guerrilla base in the deep
south was unsuccessful. Until the last minute, the MIR persist-
ed in the view that elections would. not lead to a change in the
power structure. At the last moment, however, they decided
to support Allende. They infiltrated the counter-revolutionary
forces and organized themselves into a voluntary intelligence
Page 10 C. R. Vol. IV Nos. 1 & 2

unit. Among the personal bodyguard of Allende several be-
long to the MIR and a fair proportion of the assassination
plots have been discovered with their help. Since the assassin-
ation of Perez Jhukovic, the general hysteria among the right
wing forces has been accompanied by a criticism of the Pres-
ident for employing the Miristas and their allies -three
hundred in number- as his bodyguards. The accusation stems
from the fact that these men are not members of any of the
regular establishments of the Chilean security services the
military, the police, or the carabinero. The subtle implication
of such a threat is that the President may not be acting "con-
stitutionally" by not employing the regular security forces to
protect him. The President has made several appeals to his
bodyguard to join one of the several establishments of the
government but so far the MIR has declined his invitation in
an effort to preserve its political independence. In their deci-
sion to cooperate with the government "for the time being"
they have been abandoned by some of their comrades who
continue to oppose the left with the same intensity with which
they opposed the Frei government. Of late, however, even the
regular MIR appears to be growing restive and impatient
with the "style" if not the substance of government policy,
while retaining its general sympathy with the President and
being able to maintain what it refers to as "inter-organ"
contact with the CP.
In May 1971 the MIR issued its first assessment of the
Allende government policy which was sharply critical of the
developments within the Chilean economy. This was intended
to be as much an assertion of MIR's independence of the gov-
ernment as an ideological critique of "the Chilean Way of
Socialism." Allende himself, though essentially on good terms
with MIR (with whose leaders he still has frequent meetings),
has during recent months felt compelled to issue veiled threats
against it, in his La Vida Chilena, the message of May 21st
1971, by referring to "certain lawless elements" known to be
behind illegal occupation of funds, and especially in the
murder of a carabinero followed by assaults against two more.
The June 1971 assassination of the former Interior
Minister P6rez Jhukovic has brought to notoriety the highly
anarchistic, violent and clandestine political group known as
Vanguardia Obreros Proletarianos (VOPistas). Chile -both
right and left- has been stunned by the violence suddenly
unleashed by members of the VOP. The fact that such elements
are entirely unacceptable to the government, that a number of
the VOPistas had been expelled from the MIR for their
anarchist tendencies and lack of discipline and that the VOP
has for quite some time come out as an arch enemy of the gov-
ernment has been all but completely obscured in the fury of
denunciations leveled by the Christian Democrat and right
wing forces. The events of June seemed to weaken- the gov-
ernment though it came out of the crisis with enhanc-
ed popularity and renewed determination not to allow such
extremists to compromise the task of revolution to which
it is pledged.
Of the public institutions, the press and the university
occupy a position of special significance in Chilean politics.
One of the bogeys repeatedly raised by the orthodox Christian
Democrats and the right wing elements since the elections
relates to the freedom of the press. They argue that a Marxist
government, no matter how democratic and pluralistic, posses-
ses an implicit threat to freedom of the prees. In fact the
guarantees which the PDC insisted upon prior to pledging
its support in Congress to Allende's election included a free
press and a completely autonomus University of Chile. As a
matter of fact, the pluralistic character of the UP and the lack
of a specific definition of the "Chilean Road to Socialism"
would, in any case, rule out policies intended to restrict
freedom of the press. A large number of new daily and week-
ly newspapers as well as dailies, weeklies and other journals
financed by the PDC and the Right can now be seen on the

newstands throughout Chile. Reports emanating from the
Sociedad Interamericana de Prensa in Rio.de Janeiro accusing
the government of Chile or restricting freedom of the press
have a hollow ring not only because Brazil is hardly a haven
of freedom of information but also because the specific
charges are of a spurious nature. Guarantees of the freedom
of the press notwithstanding, the President showed
great courage and f rmness in ordering the UPI to close
down its Santiago office when it circulated mendacious
reports about the purpose of his State visit to Colombia.
It was only after the head of the UPI offered an uncondi-
tional apology that the order of expulsion was withdrawn.
The government has not nationalized El Mercurio the
chief daily of Santiago despite its previously announced in-
tention to do so. Mr. Edwardes, its owner and an extremely
wealthy Chilean banker who fled the country soon after the
elections to become Vice-President of Pepsi-Cola in the U.S.A.,
has been carrying on a very fierce propaganda canipaign
abroad against the Chilean Government's policy towards the
press. Within El Mercurio, however, a strong grass roots
movement of leftist journalists (representing about a third
of the profession) has emerged. The government has in fact
carried out its campaign undertaking to nationalize the Zig
Zag Publishing Co. (now, Editorial Nacional Quimantu)
which publishes a number of journals (reflecting a variety
of interests) such as Ahora, Firme, etc.
The University of Chile and the Universidad Cat6lica
are highly politicized; the former is a microsm of the na-
tional polity. Its academics are divided between the left,
the right, and the center. Since last November there has been
a great exodus of leftist teachers from the university to gov-
ernment and a reverse movement of Christian Democrat of-
ficials from government to the university. The left is strong
among the students and the non-academic staff who, under
the new statute, have a voice in university government. But
the .main feature of the university still remains the almost
equal pull between the left and the non-left a factor which
leads to a constant search for political as opposed to academic
solutions to all problems affecting the university. The Uni-
versidad Cat6lica which has a higher academic reputation in
Chile is dominated by the PDC though the student body is
increasingly attracted by Christian socialism and especially by
the ideology of the MAPU.
Agrarian Reform, maintenance of law and order, and
industrial reform (involving nationalization of major under-
takings) have been the main fields in which government has
so far concentrated attention. In all these areas, it has effect-
ively acted within the legislation already in existence (includ-
ing the decrees, never repealed, of the "Socialist Republic" of
1932 which lasted only a fortnight) as the strength of the
left in the Congress is not sufficient to carry through new
and more radical legislation. Under these laws, the gov-
ernment is well on its way to reaching its target for 1971 of
expropriating 1155 funds and nationalizing key industries
(textile, copper, etc.). For various reasons, the more politic-
ally conscious peasants and certain leaders of the left (es-
pecially MIR, MAPU) have been dissatisfied with the
quantum and quality of change promised by the current
strategy. This has led to a number of seizures of land outside
the law. Law and order have been threatened in certain areas,
especially in the south. In a few places, armed latifundistas and
armed tomandos have come into open conflict with each other.
Industrial reform has also led to certain problems of
readjustment. The nationalization of the copper mining in-
dustry has been completed with the active cooperation of the
PDC in the legislature. This in fact marks the beginning of
a new era in the economic history of Chile, a transition from
economic dependence on the U.S.A. to economic inter-
dependence with the rest of the world. Production, however
C. R. AprillMay/June 1972 Page 11

Allende portrayed in a silk screen from a series entitled, Chile Socilaista by Alberto Perez and Patricia Israel. Reproduced from Casa de Ias Americas, No. 69, 1971.

has been adversely affected both in agriculture and in na-
tlonali7ed industry even though both sectors seem to have
undergone rapid qualitative change. Chile already imports
food to the value of $150 million.per annum and depends
upon its export of copper. In' his May Day message, the
President issued a sombre warning to the effect that socialist
construction in Chile would remain in jeopardy as long as
productivity continued to slump instead of showing an
increase. For their part, the left wing critics of the gov-
ernment blame the country's ills on the government's failure
to present its economic policies in terms of structural changes
necessitated by a shift-of power from the bourgeoisie to the
Page 12 C. R. Vol. IV Nos. 1 & 2

peasants and workers and on the government's undue
emphasis on containing inflation. The government argues that
the power of the bourgeoisie is too great to permit a head-on
struggle in an atmosphere of pluralist politics to which present
policy is strongly committed. To some extent these criticisms
have been heeded in the manner in which nationalization has
been carried out. The government has taken a well-reasoned
but firm line against the U.S. companies in the matter of how
the compensation to which they may be entitled should be
calculated, especially in the light of technical reports by
French and Soviet experts which point to deliberate sabotage
on the part of the departing companies.

Social change in Chile since last November is perceptible
more in individual institutions than in the operation of the
government and its bureaucracy as a whole. The President
himself, known as El Companero Presidente, repeatedly calls
upon the people to assert their political voice in the establish-
ments in which they work. The result has been a widespread
questioning of the dirigisme and hierarchism which charac-
terize the relationship betweeii subordinates and super-
ordinates. Numerous tomas or occupations have been organiz-
ed in schools, institutions of higher learning been forcibly
excluded from the premises as a prelude to working out new
relationships. In general the ordinary person is more aware of
his importance and is encouraged self-consciously to assert it.
The media of communication, especially television, emphasize
political values in their programs. Thus political and so-
cial change seems to receive high priority even at the risk
of temporary economic counterproduction.
The relationship between the President and the armed
forces should not go unmentioned. The initial unease on the
part of the High Command of the Army and the Navy has
been quieted both by the general swing in favour of the gov-
ernment and the President's own personal attitude toward
the military. He spends a good deal of his time with the
armed forces, especially talking to the young recruits and
junior officers about the meaning of UP and the significance
of its policies for Chile. His role as a "teacher" or "mwalimu"
of the armed forces has already brought rich political rewards
in the form of assured stability of his government. Those who
accuse the President of having switched imperceptibly from
revolutionary to popular rhetoric would do well to ponder the
difficulty of teaching socialism to army recruits, especially
officers, in any Latin American country. His relationship
with the Army generals must be particularly friendly in the
light of their willingness to buy, in the near future Soviet
equipment to the tune of almost 50 million.
It was in the realm of international affairs that the UP
feared the worst, and yet it is here that it has done extremely
well. The initial hostility of the U.S.A. has been tempered not
only by her other problems elsewhere in the world but also
by the general deterioration of political stability within the
rest of Latin America. (Especially Bolivia and Argentina
where a significant body of people are sympathetic to Allende
despite the government's hostility to him; Uruguay where
Pacheco Areco's government is living on borrowed time de-
spite the 1971 elections which even in respectable circles
are known as the "dirtiest little election of recent times;" and
Brazil which has attracted world-wide notoriety for its inhu-
man treatment of political prisoners.) The relation with the
U.S. is bound to fluctuate during the next two or three years
as a result of the Chilean policy of-compensation of the copper
companies and also Chile's close relations with Castro and the
U.S.S.R. The countries of Europe -East and West- have al-
ready shown a great deal of interest in concrete terms in Chi-
le's development problems. Non-European socialist countries
especially Cuba and China, have also offered cooperation and
trade. And, for the first time in the history of Chile, the gov-
ernment is embaking upon a policy of closer relations with
the developing countries of Africa and Asia in particular,
the copper producing countries of Zambia and the Congo
(Kinshasa). It is significant that despite the opposition of
the U.S.A. and several Latin American countries, Santiago
was finally chosen as the avenue of the forthcoming Third
UN Trade and Development Decade conference in 1972. It
was also the avenue of the UN Development Programme con-
ference of 1971. A major victory was scored by Chile with the
visit by El Compafero Presidente Allende to Buenos Aires
for a meeting with President General Lanusse of Argentina.
This visit assumes great significance when it is realized that
the measure of popularity enjoyed by the present Chilean
regime in Argentina has not been adequately reflected in the


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posture assumed towards it by the Argentinian government.
Even more significant has been the resounding success of the
President's state visits to Peru, Colombia and Ecuador the
Andean Pact partners of Chile a success which impell-
ed even El Mercurio to shower encomiums on Allende. The
recent three week visit of Castro to Chile is perhaps the
single most important event in current Latin American his-
tory. Castro's studious avoidance of controversial issues and
instinctive caution and tact in appreciating Chilean realities
(e.g., Castro's long bull session with the top Chilean Army
officers) will no doubt help Allende despite the hysterical
manner in which the opposition parties exploited his visit to
Any assessment of Chile would be grossly incomplete if
it does not attempt to put the "imponderables" and the "un-
quantifiable" elements of change in perspective. In sheer
economic terms, the quantitative lag bedevils the qualitative
changes being attempted. Social and political change occurring
at the lower echelons of the various establishments indicate a
very strong tendency towards some form of democratization
and a trend away from "etatist" monopoly of power and in-
fluence by a few people at the top. Symbolic changes of the
old order cut deeper than would appear on the surface.
Though President Allende's style of government is the single
most important and easily visible factor in the transportation
of the Chilean society, the strong political roots (in the form
of party and ideological affiliation) of a sizeable proportion
of the population should not be overlooked. For the first time
in Chile's history the working class and the peasantry are
directly represented as a major component of government;
this in itself is a development of great importance whether or
not it actually does lead to the "Chilean way of socialism". *


Swell . .

Page 14 C. R. Vol. IV Nos. 1 & 2

the division

of income in

latin america
by Louis Wolf Goodman

Income is not only unequally distributed among upper,
middle, and working classes in Latin America but also within
the working class. This income inequality among wage ear-
ners at the lower end of the economic scale produces fierce
competition for scarce earnings and jobs. The search and
competition among workers for these scarce resources keeps
the poorest workers at bare subsistence and prevents any
semblance of working class solidarity.
Personal income is more evenly distributed across the
populations of the United States and United Kingdom than
it is in any Latin American country for which data exists. In
the United States the wealthiest 10% of the population re-
ceives 30% of national income, the next 40% of the popu-
lation receives 47%, and the lower 50% of the population
earns only 23%. Corresponding figures for Colombia show
the wealthiest 10% with 43%, the next 40% with 37%, and
the poorer 50% with 20% of national income.
On one level this contrast might be ascribed to over-all
differences in national development. In countries with a low
per capital income relatively little is left for most of the pop-
ulation once the small upper and middle income groups
have taken their share. Hence 79% of Brazil's population falls
below the national income average, while the comparable
figure for the United States is only 64%. In 1960 Brazil's
per capital income was $208 compared with the United States

Unequal income distribution is caused by advantaged
groups using their social power to gain greater income shares.
Not only do upper and middle class groups use their power
to earn more than do workers, but more advantaged workers
exert whatever leverage is possible to continue to earn more
than less advantaged workers. Among the circumstances which
give some workers more leverage than others are:
1) working in a more productive economic sector; 2)
performing an economic function which entails greater control
over the means of production; 3) possessing a special skill;
4) belonging to a union; and 5) being a member of a social
security system. Access to these worker sources of leverage
are carefully guarded and tightly 'stratified in today's Latin
The more productive sectors of national economics have
corresponding earnings. For 1970 the estimated Latin American
per. capital product per worker in agriculture was $616,'in
manufacturing it was $2,952, and in services it was $1,583.
Within the mixed service sector, trade and finance average
$2,422, government -$2,114, and the large miscellaneous services
category only $901. These levels of productivity parallel the
income levels of the various economic sectors. In Brazil the
per capital agricultural product is one-third of that of man-
ufacturing. Thus 70% of the lower income families are
engaged in primary sector economic activities and two-thirds
C. R. e Aprill/MaylJune 1972 e Page 15

of the middle income group (fifth to ninth percentiles) are
employed in secondary activities. The services group is ap-
propriately divided with families performing miscellaneous
services falling in the lower half, many commerce and govern-
ment employees in the middle sectors, and professionals in
the highest 10%. In Mexico the per capital income for largely
agricultural rural families is only 43% of average urban in-
come. However, even within the same economic activity, rural
workers earn less than their urban counterparts.
Within these broad regional and sectional groupings, the
most important factor influencing income distribution is the
economic function fulfilled by the worker. In Mexico the 50%
lower income group is largely composed of agricultural
workers, artisans, self-employed but "marginal" agricultural,
construction and service workers, and small farmers. The
middle 30% includes workers employed in more productive
industries, self-employed workers and small owners who
have a margin of security, and a number of white collar em-
ployees. The highest 20% include mainly owner-entrepre-
neurs, a healthy proportion of white collar employers and self-
employed, and a small number of workers. In many Latin Ame-
rican countries distinctions are made between wage carners
(paid on an hourly basis), salaried employees (paid on a
monthly basis), and self-employed individuals. The above
data shows how this is reflected in Mexico's income distribu-
tion. Wage earners are most predominate in the lower half;
salaried employees are clustered in middle income groups; the
self-employed are split with marginal individuals (who
are essentially underemployed) falling in the lower half and
professionals and owner-entrepreneurs in the highest catego-
Differences between skilled and unskilled workers are
reflected in the wages paid to different skill levels in the
same occupations in Buenos Aires, Argentina. Skilled elec-
tricians earned an average of 626 an hour in 1965 while un-
skilled electricians earned 450 an hour; skilled lathe operators
average 550, while the unskilled earned 46(; skilled bakers
averaged 38 while unskilled bakers earned 350. Over-all,
the average hourly pay for all occupations was 52# for skilled
workers and 420 for unskilled. The differential is far more
acute when a comparison is made of the real purchasing power
between the highest paid group of skilled workers and the
lowest paid group of unskilled workers in Buenos Aires: in
terms of real purchasing power this means 15 minutes of
work are required by the unskilled to buy a pound of bread,
1-3/4 hours to buy one dozen eggs and 44 hours to buy a pair
of shoes. The skilled worker spends 8 minutes of work-time
to buy a pound of bread, 55 minutes for one dozen eggs and
24 hours for a pair of shoes. Average figures for the United
States in 1964 were 3 minutes for a pound of bread, 14 mi-
nutes for one dozen eggs, and 6 hours for a pair of shoes.
Another characteristic of higher income workers is that of
union membership. It has been estimated that 9 million Latin
American workers or 15% of the total work force were
enrolled in unions in 1964. The union based ability to bargain
collectively and to strike has enabled these workers to have
higher earnings than their non-union counterparts. However,
it is difficult to separate out the effects of union membership
from those characteristics mentioned above. Usually
studies report that higher income workers include greater
proportions of non-agricultural, urban, skilled, and unionized
workers than do low income groups. In such studies it is
impossible to know if all or only some of these factors
contribute to the wage differential. Nevertheless, when
controlled analyses have examined comparable situations, each
of these factors has made a separate contribution to having
income distributed unevenly among working groups.
Page 16 C. R. Vol. IV Nos. 1 & 2

Fringe benefits constitute another dimension of the
unequal division of income. Latin American workers are insur-
ed against a wide variety of risks including old age, disability,
death, sickness, work-connected accidents, maternity and un-
employment. However, only 25% of the 1967 labor force was
able to contribute to a social security system which insured
them against any of these risks. Furthermore, among those
insured, the amount and type of coverage varied considerably.
The small proportion of the Latin American work force cover-
ed by social security, and the great inequalities among those
covered are additional factors in the unequal distribution of
income in Latin America.
The inequality of income distribution in Latin America
is evident. However, the development of national incomes
policies which simultaneously spur economic growth and
diminish inter-personal inequality has met with very limited
success. The uneven distribution of income is not only dis-
astrous because of the privations experienced by poor families,
but also because the power to consume is not sufficiently dif-
fused within Latin American societies to support substantial
industrial growth. For factories to prosper, consumers with
reasonable incomes are needed to buy their products. On the
other hand, in nations with a low per capital domestic product,
some concentration of income is needed to generate the sav-
ings required for capital formation.
Latin American nations have tried to balance consump-
tion and savings through a variety of economic policies. En
trepreneurs have been encouraged to concentrate income and
generate savings through greater access to credit, low interest
rates, preferential exchange rates, and direct government
subsidies. Consumption has been regulated by governmental
controls over wages and prices. Typically an attempt is made
to equalize wage and price increases so that real income does
not fall among wage earners. This often takes the form of a
year-end wage increase equal to the aggregate price increases
of the previous 12 months. In situations of economic growth,
consumption may be spurred by greater wage increases. In
situations of economic stagnation, wage increases may not
equal price increases, although minimum wages are sometimes
fully increased to protect the poorest workers (such attention
to the poor is not fully effective since minimum wage leg-
islation is extremely difficult to enforce).
Many Latin American nations have adopted income and
corporate tax policies in an attempt to redistribute income.
These have been largely ineffective due to the ease of
evasion of income taxes and the nature of corporate tax laws
which allow payment to be passed on to the final consumer.
More effective tools in the redistribution of income have been
the expansion of social services by Latin American govern-
ments. Widened social security systems, increased educational
and public health services and public housing programs have
somewhat improved the situation of the Latin American
worker. However, as mentioned above, inequities exist even
among these arrangements.
The net effect of these policies has not been uniform
among Latin American countries. However, since 1940 there
seems to have been intermittent improvement in income
distribution. The share of high income families has declined,
but the income share of the lowest 20% of families also ap-
pears to be shrinking both in absolute and relative terms.
The principal beneficiaries of these changes have been the
middle 60% or 70% of families. Such changes may indicate
that increasing numbers of workers can share in economic
development, not only at the expense of the already privileged
upper class, but also at the expense of the most improverish-
ed group of workers. *

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occasional discourse

on the negro

by Thomas Carlyle

L .-.
tigjl ~ ~

From an oil painting by C.
Griffith, Sint Maarten, photo by
B.B.L. The painting hangs In the
Pasanggrahan in Philipsburg,
Sinl Maarlen.

Page 18 C. R. Vol. IV Nos. 1 & 2



My Philanthropic Friends,--It is
my painful duty to address some
words to you, this evening, on the
ERights of Negroes. Taking, as we
hope we do, an extensive survey of so-
cial affairs, which we find all in a state
of the frightfullest embroilment, and
as it were, of inextricable final bank-
ruptcy, just at present; and being
desirous to adjust ourselves in that
huge upbreak, and unutterable welter
of tumbling ruins, and to see well that
our grand proposed Association of
Associations, the UNIVERSAL ABOLI-
meant to be the consummate golden
flower and summary of modern Phi-
lanthropisms all in one, do not issue
as a universal Slugg rd-and-Scoun-
drel Protection Societvy,'-we have
judged that, before constituting our-
selves, it would be very proper to
commune earnestly with one an-
other, and discourse together on the
leading elements of our great Pro-
blem, which surely is one of the
greatest. With this view the Coun-
cil has decided, both that the Negro
Question, as lying at the bottom,
was to be the first handled, and if
possible the first settled; and then
also, what was of much more ques-
tionable wisdom, that-that, in short,
I was to be Speaker on the occasion.
An honourable duty; yet, as I said,
a painful one !--Well, you shall hear
what I have to say on the matter;
and you will not in the least like it.
West-Indian affairs, as we all
know, and some of us know to our
cost, are in a rather troublous con-
dition this good while. In regard
to West Indian affairs, however,
Lord John Russell is able to com-
fort us with one fact, indisputable
where so many are dubious, That
the Negroes are all very happy and
doing well. A fact very comfort-
able indeed. West Indian Whites,
it is admitted, are far enough from

happy; West Indian Colonies not
unlike sinking wholly into ruin: at
home too. the British Whites are
rather badly off; several millions of
them hanging on the verge of con-
tinnal famine : and in single towns,
many thousands of them very sore
put to it, at this time, not to live
'well,' or as a man should, in any
sense temporal or spiritual, but to
live .at all:-these, again, are un-
comfortable facts; and they are ex-
tremely extensive and important
ones. But, thank Heaven, our in-
teresting Black population,-equal-
ling almost in number of heads one
of the Ridings of Yorkshire, and in
worth (in quantity of intellect, fa-
culty, docility, energy, and available
human valour and value) perhaps
one of the streets of Seven Dials,-
are all doing remarkably well.
' Sweet blighted lilies,'-as the Ame-
rican epitaph on the Nigger child
has it,-sweet blighted lilies, they
are holding up their heads again!
How pleasant, in the universal bank-
ruptcy abroad, and dim dreary stag-
nancy at home, as if for England too
there remained nothing but to sup-
press Chartist riots, banish united
Irishmen, vote the supplies, and wait
with arms crossed till black Anarchy
and Social Death devoured us also, as
it has done the others; how pleasant
to have always this fact to fall back
upon: Our beautiful Black darlings
are at last happy; with little labour
except to the teeth, which surely, in
those excellent horse-jaws of theirs,
will not fail!
Exeter Hall, my philanthropic
friends, has had its way in this mat-
ter. The Twenty Millions, a mere
trifle despatched with a single dash
of the pen, are paid; and far over
the sea, we have a few black per-
sons rendered extremely free' in-
deed. Sitting yonder with their
beautiful muzzles up to the ears in
pumpkins, imbibing sweet pulps and

TIIE following Occasional Discourse, delivered by we know not whom,
and of date seemingly above a year back, may perhaps be welcome to
here and there a speculative reader. It conies to us,-no speaker named, no
time or place assigned, no commentary of any sort given,-in the hand-
writing of the so-called 'Doctor,' properly 'Absconded Reporter,' Dr.
Phelim M'Quirk, whose singular powers of reporting, and also whose
debts, extravagances, and sorrowful insidious finance-operations, now winded
up by a sudden disappearance, to the grief of many poor tradespeople,
'are making too much noise in the police-olfices at present! Of M1-Quirk's
composition we by no means suppose it to be; but from M'Quirk, as the
last traceable source, it comes to us;-offered, in fact, by his respectable
unfortunate landlady, desirous to make up part of her losses in this way.
To absconded reporters who bilk their lodgings, we have of course no
account to give: but if the Speaker be of any eminence or substantiality,
and feel himself aggrieved by the transaction, let him understand that
such, and such only, is our connexion with him or his affairs. As the
Colonial and Negro" Question is still alive, and likely to grow livelier for
some time, we have accepted the Article, at a cheap market-rate; and
give it publicity, without in the least committing ourselves to the strange
doctrines and notions shadowed forth in it. Doctrines and potions which,
we rather suspect, are pretty much in a minority of one,' in the present
era of the world! Here, sure enough, are peculiar views of the Rights of
Negroes; involving, it is probable, peculiar ditto of innumerable other
rights, duties, expectations, wrongs and disappointments, much argued of,
by logic and by grape-shot, in these emancipated epochs of the human mind!
-Silence now, however; and let the Speaker himself enter.

C. R. AprillMaylJune 1972 Page 19

juices; the grinder and incisor eeth
ready for every new work, and the
pumpkins cheap as grass in those
rich climates: while the sugar-crops
rot round them uncut, because la-
bour cannot be hired, so cheap are
the pumpkins;-and at home we are
but required to rasp from the break-
fast loaves of our own English la-
bourers some slight differential
sugar-duties,' and lend a poor half-
million or a few poor millions now
and then, to keep that beautiful state
of matters going on. A state of mat-
ters lovely to contemplate, in these
emancipated epochs of the human
mind; which has earned us not only
the praises of Exeter Hall, and loud
long-eared hallelujahs of laudatory
psalmody from the Friends of Free-
dom everywhere, but lasting favour
(it is hoped) from the Heavenly
Powers themselves;-which may at
least justly appeal to the Heavenly
Powers, and ask them, If ever in
terrestrial procedure they saw the
match of it ? Certainly in the past
history of the human species it has
no parallel; nor, one hopes, will it
have in the future.
Sunk in deep froth-oceans of
'Benevolence,' Fraternity,' Eman-
cipation-principle,' 'Christian Phi-
lanthropy,' and other most amiable-
looking, but most baseless, and in
the end baleful and all-bewildering
jargon,-sad product of a sceptical
Eighteenth Century, and of poor
human hearts left destitute of any
earnest guidance, and disbelieving
that there ever was any, Christian
or Heathen, and reduced to believe
in rosepink Sentimentalism alone,
and to cultivate the same under its
Christian, Antichristian, Broad-brim-
med, Brutus-headedand other forms,
-has not the human species gone
strange roads, during that period?
and poor Exeter Hall, cultivating
the Broadbrimmed form of Christian
Sentimentalism, and long talking and
bleating and braying in that strain,
has it not worked out results ? Our
West Indian Legislatings, with their
spoutings, anti-spoutings and inter-
minable jangle and babble; our
Twenty millions down on the nail
for Blacks of our own; Thirty gra-
dual millions more, and many brave
British lives to boot, in watching
Blacks of other people's; and now at
last our ruined sugar-estates, differen-
tial sugar-duties, immigration loan,'
and beautiful Blacks sitting there up
to the ears in pumpkins, and doleful

The above article appeared anonymously in
Frazer's Magazine in 1849. It was written by
Thomas Carlyle, an elitist theorist who was a
severe critic of laissez-faire economics and
utilitarian philosophy. His savage attack on
the Negro was answered in the subsequent
issue of Fraser's by John Stuart Mill, and
will be reprinted in the next issue of
Caribbean Review. The materials were
loaested for C.R. by librarian J. Robert

_x0momp- _1W


- -


Whites sitting here without potatoes
to eat: never till now, I think, did
the sun look down on such a jumble
of human nonsenses;-of which,
with the two hot nights of the Miss-
ing-Despatch Debate, God grant
that the measure might now at last
be full! But no, it is not yet full;
we have a long way to travel back,
and terrible flounderings to make,
and in fact an immense road of non-
sense to dislodge from our poor
heads, and manifold cobwebs to rend
from our poor eyes, before we get
into the road again, and can begin
to act as serious men that have work
to do in this Universe, and no longer
as windy sentimentalists that merely
have speeches to deliver and de-
spatches to write. Oh Heaven, in
'West-Indian matters, and in all
manner of matters, it is so with us :
the more is the sorrow !-
The YWest Indies, it appears, are
short of labour; as indeed is very
conceivable in those circumstances :
where a Black man I working
about half an hour a-d;, (such is
the calculation) can supply himself,
by aid of sun and soil, with as much
pumpkin as will suffice, he is likely
to be a little stiff to raise into hard
work! Supply and demand, which,
science says, should be brought to
bear on him, have an uphill task of
it with such a man. Strong sun
supplies itself gratis, rich soil in
those unpeopled or half-peopled re-
gions almost gratis; these are his
'supply;' and half an hour a-day,
directed upon these, will produce
pumpkin which is his 'demand.'
The fortunate Black man, very
swiftly does he settle his account
with supply and demand: not
so swiftly the less fortunate White
man of these tropical localities.
He himself cannot work; and his
black neighbour, rich in pumpkin,
is in no haste to help him. Sunk to
the ears in pumpkin, imbibing sac-
charine juices, and much at his ease
in the Creation, he can listen to the
less fortunate white man's demand,'
and take his own time in supplying
it. Higher wages, massa; higher,
for your cane-crop cannot wait; still
higher,-till no conceivable opulence
of cane-crop will cover such wages!
In Demerara, as I read in the blue
book of last year, the cane-crop, far
and wide, stands rotting; the for-
tunate black gentlemen, strong in
their pumpkins, having all struck
till the demand' rise a little. Sweet
blighted lilies, now getting up their
heads again!
Science, however, has a remedy
still. Since the demand is so press-
ing, and the supply so inadequate
(equal in fact to nothing in some
places, as appears), increase the
supply; bring more Blacks into the
labour-market, then will the rate
fall, says science. Not the least
surprising part of our West Indian
policy is this recipe of' immigration ;
of keeping down the labour-market
in those islands by importing new

Africans to labour and live there.
If the Africans that are already there
could be made to lay down their
pumpkins and labour for their living,
there are already Africans enough.
If the new Africans, after labouring
a little, take to pumpkins like the
others, what remedy is there? To
bring in new and ever new Africans,.
say you, till pumpkins themselves
grow dear; till the country is
crowded with Africans; and black
men there, like white men here, are.
forced by hunger to labour for their
living? That will be a consumma-
tion. To have 'emancipated' the
West Indies into a Black Ireland;
'free' indeed, but an Ireland, and
black! The world may yet see pro-
digies; and reality be stranger than,
a nightmare dream.
Our own white or sallow Ireland,
sluttishly starving from age to age
on its act-of-parliament 'freedom,'
was hitherto the flower of mis-
management among the nations:
but what will this be to a Negro
Ireland, with pumpkins themselves
fallen scarce like potatoes! Ima-
gination cannot fathom such an ob-
ject; the belly of Chaos never held
the like. The human mind, in its
wide wanderings, has not dreamt yet
of such a freedom' as that will be.
Towards that, if Exeter Hall and
science of supply and demand are to;
continue our guides in the matter,
we are daily travelling, and even
struggling, with loans of half-a-
million and such-like, to accelerate
Truly, my philanthropic friends,
Exeter Hall Philanthropy is won-
derful ; and the Social Science-not a
'gay science,' but a rueful-which
finds the secret of this universe ins
'supply-and-demand,' and reduces
the duty of human governors to that
of letting men alone, is also wonder-
ful. Not a gay science,' I should
say, like some we have heard of; no,
a dreary, desolate, and indeed quite
abject and distressing one; what we
might call, by way of eminence, the
dismal science. These two, Exeter
Hall Philanthropy and the Dismal
Science, led by any sacred cause oC
Black Emancipation, or the like, to
fall in love and make a wedding of
it,-will give birth to progenies and
prodigies; dark extensive moon-
calves, unnameable abortions, wide-
coiled monstrosities, such as the
world has not seen hitherto !
In fact, it will behove us of this
English nation to overhaul our West
Indian procedure from top to 'bot-
tom; and ascertain a little better
what it is that Fact .Ad Nature
demand of us, and what mlyv Exeter
Hall wedded to the Dismal Science
demands. To the former set of de-
mands we will endeavour, at our
peril, and worse peril than our
purse's, at our soul's peril,-to give
all obedience. To the latter we will
very frequently demur; and try if
we cannot stop short where they
contradict the former,--and espe-

Page 20 e C. R. Vol. IV Nos. 1 & 2



cially before arriving at the black
throat of ruin, whither they appear
to be leading us. Alas, in many
other provinces besides the West
Indian, that unhappy wedlock of
Philanthropic Liberalism and the
Dismal Science has engendered such
all-enveloping delusions, ofthe moon-
calf sort; and wrought huge woe for
us, and for the poor civilized world,
in these days! And sore will be the
battle with said mooncalves; and
terrible the struggle to return out of
our delusions, floating rapidly on
which, not the West Indies alone,
but Europe generally is nearing the
Niagara Falls. [Here various per-
sons, in an agitated manner, with an
air of indignation, left the room;
especially one very tall gentleman in
white trousers, whose boots creaked
much. The President, in a resolved
voice, with a look of official rigour,
whatever his own private feelings
might be, enjoined Silence, Silence I'
The meeting again sat motionless.]
My philanthropic friends, can you
discern no fixed headlands in this
wide-weltering deluge of benevolent
twaddle and revolutionarygrape-shot
that has burst forth on us; no sure
bearings at all ? Fact and Nature, it
seems to me, say a few words to us,
if happily we have still an ear for
Fact and Nature. Let us listen a
little, and try.
And first, with regard to the
West Indies, it may be laid down as
a principle, which no eloquence in
Exeter Hall, or Westminster Hall,
or elsewhere, can invalidate or hide,
except for a short time only, That no
Black man who will not work accord-
ing to what ability the gods have
given him for working, has the
smallest right to eat pumpkin, or to
any fraction of land that will grow
pumpkin, however plentiful such
land may be; but has an indisputa.
ble and perpetual right to be com-
pelled, by the real proprietors of said
land, to do competent work for his
living. This is the everlasting duty
of all men, black or white, who are
born into this world. To do com-
petent work, to labour honestly ac-
cording to the ability given them;
for that and for no other purpose
was each one of us sent into this
world; and woe is to every man
who, by friend or by foe, is prevented
from fulfilling this the end of his
being. That is the 'unhappy' lot;
lot equally unhappy cannot other-
wise be provided for man. What-
soever prohibits or prevents a man
from this his sacred appointment to
labour while he lives on earth,-that,
I say, is the man's deadliest enemy;
and all men are called upon to do
what is in their power or opportunity
towards delivering him from it. If
it be his own indolence that prevents
and prohibits him, then his own in-
dolence is the enemy he must be
delivered from: and the first right'
he has, poor indolent blockhead,
black or white, is, That every sm-
prohibited man, whatsoever wiser,
more industrious person may be

passing that way, shall endeavour to
'emancipate' him from his indolence,
and by some wise means, as I said,
compel him to do the work he is fit
for. This is the eternal law of
nature for a man, my beneficent
Exeter Hall friends; this, that he
shall be permitted, encouraged, and
if need be compelled to do what work
the Maker of him has intended by
the making of him for this world!
Not that he should eat pumpkin
with never such felicity in the West
India Islands is, or can be, the bless-
edness of our black friend; but that
he should do useful work there, ac-
cording as the gifts have been be-
stowed on him for that. And his
own happiness, and that of others
round him, will alone be possible by
his and their getting into such a re-
lation that this can be permitted him,
and in case of need that this can be.
compelled him. I beg you to under-
stand this: for you seem to have a
little forgotten it, and there lie a
thousand inferences in it, not quite
useless for Exeter Hall, at present.
The idle black man in the West
Indies had not long since the right,
and will again under better form, if
it please Heaven, have the right
(actually the first right of man'
for an indolent person) to be com-
>,elled to work as he was fit, and to
do the Maker's will who had con-
structed him with such and such pre-
figurements of capability. And I
incessantly pray Heaven, all men,
the whitest alike and the blackest,
the richest and the poorest, in other
regions of the world, had attained
precisely the same right, the divine
right of being compelled (if per-
mitted' will not answer) to do what
work they are appointed for, and riot
to go idle another minute, in a life
so short! Alas, we had then a
perfect world; and the Millennium,
and true Organization of Labour,'
and reign of complete blessedness, for
all workers and men, had then ar-
rived,-which in these our own poor
districts of the Planet, as we all
lament to know, it is very far from
having yet done.

Let me suggest another considera-
tion withal. West India Islands,
still full of waste fertility, produce
abundant pumpkins; pumpkins, how-
ever, you will please to observe, are
not the sole requisite for human
wellbeing. No: for a pig they are
the one thing needful; but for a
man they are only the first of several
things needful. And now, as to the
right of chief management in culti-
vating those WVest India lands; as
to the 'right of property' so-called,
and of doing what you like with
your own ? The question is abstruse
enough. Who it may be that has a
right to raise pumpkins and other
produce on those Islands, perhaps
none can, except temporarily, decide.
The Islands are good withal for
pepper, for sugar, for sago, arrow-
root, for coffee, perhaps for cinnamon

and precious spices; things far nobler
than pumpkins; and leading towards
commerce, arts, polities, and social
developments, which alone are the
noble product, where men (and not
pigs with pumpkins) are the parties
concerned! Well, all this fruit too,
fruit spicy and commercial, fruit spi-
ritual and celestial, so far beyond the
merely pumpkinish and grossly ter-
rene, lies in the West India lands:
and the ultimate 'proprietorship' of
them,-why, I suppose, it will vest in
him who can the best educe from
them whatever of noble produce they
were created fit for yielding. He, I
compute, is the real Vicegerent of
the Maker' there; in him, better and
better chosen, and not in another, is
the 'property' vested by decree of
Heaven's chancery itself I
Up to this time it is the Saxon
British mainly; they hitherto have
cultivated with some manfulness: and
when a manfuller class of cultivators,
stronger, worthier to have such land,
abler to bring fruit from it, shall
make their appearance,-they, doubt
it not, by fortune of war and other
confused negotiation and vicissitude,
will be declared by Nature and Fact
to be the worthier, and will become
proprietors,-perhaps also only for
a time. That is the law, I take
it; ultimate, supreme, for all lands
in all countries under this sky.
The one perfect eternal proprietor
is the Maker who created them: the
temporary better or worse proprietor
is he whom the Maker has sent on
that mission; he who the best hitherto
can educe from said lands the be-
neficent gifts the Maker endowed
them with : or, which is but another
definition of the same person, he who
leads hitherto the manfullest life on
that bit of soil, doing, better than
another yet found can do, the Eternal
Purpose and Supreme Will there.
And now observe, my friends, it
was not Black Quashee or those he
represents that made those West
India Islands what they are, or can
by any hypothesis be considered to
have the right of growing pumpkins
there. For countless ages, since they
first mounted oozy, on the back of
earthquakes, from their dark bed in
the Ocean deeps, and reeking saluted .
the tropical Sun, and ever onwards
till the European white man first
saw them some three short centuries
ago, those Islands had produced mere
jungle, savagery, poison-reptiles and
swamp-malaria: till the white Eu-
ropean first saw them, they were as
if not yet created,-their noble ele-
ments of cinnamon, sugar, coffee,
pepper black and grey, lying all
asleep, waiting the white Enchanter
who should say to them, Awake I
Till the end of human history and
the sounding of the Trump of Doom,
they might have lain so, had Quashee
and the like of him been the only
artists in the game. Swamps, fever-
jungles, man-eating Caribs, rattle-
snakes, and reeking waste and putre-

faction, this had been the produce of
them under the incompetent Caribal
(what we call Cannibal) possessors
till that time; and Quashee knows,
himself, whether ever he could have
introduced an improvement. Him,
had he by a miraculous chance been
wafted thither, the Caribals would
have eaten, rolling him as a fat morsel
under their tongue; for him, till the
sounding of the Trump of Doom, the
rattle-snakes and savageries would
have held on their way. It was not
he, then; it was another than he!
Never by art of his could one pump-
kin have grown there to solace any
human throat; nothing but savagery
and reeking putrefaction could have
grown there. These plentiful pump-
kins, I say therefore, are not his:
no, they are another's; they are his
only under conditions; conditions
which Exeter Hall, for the present,
has forgotten; but which Nature and
the Eternal Powers have by no man-
ner of means forgotten, but do at all
moments keep in mind; and, at the
right moment, will, with the due
impressiveness, perhaps in a rather
terrible manner, bring again to our
mind also I
If Quashee will not honestly aid
in bringing out those sugars, cinna-
mons, and nobler products of the
West Indian Islands, for the benefit
of all mankind, then I say neither
will the Powers permit Quashee to
continue growing pumpkins there for
his own lazy benefit; but will sheer
him out, by and by, like a lazy gourd
overshadowing rich ground ; him and
all that partake with him,-perhaps
in a very terrible manner. For,
under favour of Exeter Hall, the
'terrible manner' is not yet quite
extinct with the Destinies in this
Universe; nor will it quite cease, I
apprehend, for soft sawder or phi-
lanthropic stump-oratory now or
henceforth. No; the gods wish be-
sides pumpkins, that spices and valu-
able products be grown in their
West Indies ; thus much they have
declared in so making the West
Indies: -- infinitely more they wish,
that manful industrious men occupy
their West Indies, not indolent two-
legged cattle, however 'happy' over
their abundant pumpkins! Both
these things, we may be assured, the
immortal gods have decided upon,
passed their eternal act of parliament
for: and both of them, though all
terrestrial Parliaments and entities
oppose it to the death, shall be done.
Quashee, if he will not help in bring-
ing out the spices, will get himself
made a slave again (which state will
be a little less ugly than his present
one), and with beneficent whip, since
other methods avail not, will be com-
pelled to work. Or, alas, let him
look across to Haiti, and trace a far
sterner prophecy! Let him, by his
ugliness, idleness, rebellion, banish
all White men from the West Indies,
and make it all one Haiti,-with
little or no sugar growing, black Peter
exterminating black Paul, and where

C. R. e April/MaylJune 1972 Page 21


a garden of the Hcsperides might be,
nothing but a tropical dog-kennel
and pestiferous jungle, does he
think that will for ever continue
pleasant to gods and men? I see
men, the rose-pink cant all peeled
away from them, land one day on
those black coasts; men sent by the
Laws of this Universe, and the in-
exorable Course of Things; men
hungry for gold, remorseless, fierce
as old Buccaneers were;-and a doom
for Quashee which I had rather not
contemplate! The gods are long-
suffering; but the law from the be-
ginning was, He that will not work
shall perish from the earth, and the
patience of the gods has limits!
Before the West Indies could grow
a pumpkin for any Negro, how much
European heroism had to spend itself
in obscure battle; to sink, in mortal
agony, before the jungles, the pu-
trescences and waste savageries could.
become arable, and the Devils be in
some measure chained there! The
West Indies grow pine-apples, and4
sweet fruits, and spices; we hope they
will one day grow beautiful Heroic
human Lives too, which is surely the
ultimate object they were made for:
beautiful souls and brave; sages,
poets, what not; making the Earth
nobler round them, as their kindred
from of old have been doing; true
'splinters of the old Harz Rock;'
heroic white men, worthy to be called
old Saxons, browned with a ma-
hogany tint in those new climates
and conditions. But under the soil
of Jamaica, before it could even pro-
duce spices or any pumpkin, the
bones of many thousand British men
had to be laid. Brave Colonel For-
tescue, brave Colonel Sedgwick, brave
Colonel Bravne,-the dust of many
thousand strong old English hearts
lies there ; worn down swiftly in
frightful travail, chaining the Devils,
which were manifold. Heroic Blake
contributed a bit of his life to that
Jamaica. A bit of the great Pro-
tector's own life lies there; beneath
those pumpkins lies a bit of the life
that was Oliver Cromwell's. How
the great Protector would have re-
joiced to think, that all this was to
issue in growing pumpkins to keep
Quashee in a comfortably idle con-
dition! No; that is not the ultimate
issue; not that.
The West Indian Whites, so soon
as this bewilderment of philanthropic
and other jargon abates from them,
and their poor eyes get to discern a
little what the Facts are and what
the Laws are, will strike into another
course, I apprehend! I apprehend
they will, as a preliminary, resolutely
refuse to permit the Black man any
privilege whatever of pumpkins till
he agree for work in return. Not a
square inch of soil in those fruitful
Isles, purchased by British blood,
shall any Black man hold to grow
pumpkins for him, except on terms
that are fair towards Britain. Fair;
see that they be not unfair, not to-

wards ourselves, and still more, not
towards him. For injustice is for
ever accursed: and precisely our un-
fairness towards the enslaved black
man has,-by inevitable revulsion
and fated turn of the wheel,-brought
about these present confusions. Fair
towards Britain it will be, that
Qugshee give work for privilege to
grow pumpkins. Not a pumpkin,
Quashee, not a square yard of soil,
till you agree to do the State so
many days of service. Annually that
soil will grow you pumpkins; but
annually also without fail shall you,
for the owner thereof, do your ap-
pointed days of labour. The State
has plenty of waste soil; but the State
will religiously give you none of it
on other terms. The State wants
sugar from these Islands, and means
to have it; wants virtuous industry
in these Islands, and must have it.
The State demands of you such
service as will bring these results,
this latter result which includes all.
Not a Black Ireland, by immigration,
and boundless black supply for the
demand: not that, -may the gods
forbid!-but a regulated West Indies,
with black working population in
adequate numbers; all 'happy,' if
they find it possible ; and not entirely
unbeautiful to gods and men, which
latter result they must find possible!
All 'happy' enough ; that is to say,
all working according to the faculty
they have got, making a little more
divine this earth which the gods have
given them. Is there any other
' happiness,'-if it be not that of pigs
fattening daily to the slaughter ? So
will the State speak by and by.
Any poor idle Black man, any idle
White man, rich or poor, is a mere
eve-sorrow to the State; a perpetual
blister on the skin of the State. The
State is taking measures, some of
them rather extensive in Europe at
this very time, and already as in
Paris, Berlin. and elsewhere, rather
tremendous measures, to get its rich
white men set to work ; for alas, they
also have long sat Negro-like up to
the ears in pumpkin, regardless of
' work.' and of a world all going to
waste lor their idleness! Extensive
measures, I say; and already (as, in
all European lands, this scandalous
Year of street-barricades and fugitive
sham-kings exhibits) tremendous ea-
sures; for the thing is instant to be
The thing must be done every-
where ; mni.-:t is the word. Only it is
so terribly difficult to do; and will take
generations yet, this of getting our rich
European white men 'set to work!'
But yours in the West Indies, my
obscure Black friends, your work,
and the getting of you set to it, is a
simple affair; and by diligence, the
West Indian legislatures, and Royal
governors, setting their faces fairly
to the problem, will get it done.
You arc not 'slaves' now; nor do I
wish, if it can be avoided, to see you
slaves again : but decidedly you will

Page 22 C. R. Vol. IV Nos. 1 & 2

have to be servants to those. that are
born wiser than you, that are born
lords of you,-servants to the whites,
if they are (as what mortal can doubt
they are?) born wiser than you.
That, you may depend on it, my ob-
scure Black friends, is and was always
the Law of the World, for you and
for all men : To be servants, the more
foolish of us to the more wise; and
only sorrow, futility and disappoint-
ment will betide both, till both in
somnc approximate degree get to con-
form to the same. Heaven's laws
are not repealable by Earth, how-
ever Earth may try,-and it has been
trying hard, in some directions, of
late! I say, no well-being, and in
the end no being at all, will be pos-
-sible for you or us, if the law of
Heaven is not complied with. And
if 'slave' mean essentially servant
hired for life,'-for life, or by a con-
tract of long continuance and not
easily dissoluble,-I ask, Whether, in
in all human things, the 'contract of
long continuance' is not precisely the
.contract to be desired, were the right
terms once found for it ? Servant
hired for life, were the right terms
once found, which I do not pretend
they are, seems to me much pre-
ferable to servant hired for the month,
or by contract dissoluble in a day.
An ill-situated servant, that;-ser-
vant grown to be nomadic ; 1 between
whom and his master a good relation
cannot easily spring up !
To state articulately, and put into
practical Lawbooks, what on all sides
isfair from the West India White to
the West India Black; what rela-
tions the Eternal Maker has esta-
blished between these two creatures
of His; what He has written down,
with intricate but ineffaceable record,
legible to candid human insight, in
the respective qualities, strengths,
necessities and capabilities of each of
the two : this will be a long problem;
only to be solved by continuous hu-
man endeavour, and earnesteffort gra-
dually perfecting itself as experience
successively yields new light to it.
This will be to find the right terms'
of a contract that will endure, and
be sanctioned by Heaven, and obtain
prosperity on Earth, between the
two. A long problem, terribly neg-
lected hitherto;-whence these VWest-
Indian sorrows, and Exeter-Hall
monstrosities, just now! But a pro-
blem which must be entered upon,
and by degrees be completed. A
problem which, I think, the English
People, if they mean to retain human
Colonies, and not Black Irelands in
addition to the white, cannot begin
too soon! What are the true rela-
tions between Negro and White,
their mutual duties under the sight
of the Maker of them both ; what
human laws will assist both to com-
ply more and more with these ? The
solution, only to be gained by earnest
endeavour and sincere experience,
such as have never vet been bestowed
on it, is not yet here; the solution is




perhaps still distant: but some ap-
proximation to it, various real ap-
proximations, could be made, and
must be made;-this of declaring
that Negro and White are unrelated,
loose from one another, on a footing
of perfect equality, and subject to no
law but that of Supply and Demand
according to the Dismal Science; this,
which contradicts the palpablest facts,
-is clearly no solution, but a cutting
ef the knot asunder; and every hour
we persist in this is leading us towards
dissolution instead of solution!
What then is practically to be
done ? Much, very much, myfriends,
to which it hardly falls to me to
allude at present: but all this of
perfect equality, of cutting quite loose
from one another; all this, with im-
migration loan,' happiness of black
peasantry,' and the other melancholy
stuff that has followed from it, will
first of all require to be undone, and
have the ground cleared of it, byway
of preliminary to 'doing!'-
Already orie hears of Black Ad-
scripti glebe ; which seems a pro-
mising arrangement, one of the first
to suggest itself in such a complicacy.
It appears the Dutch Blacks, in Java,
are already a kind of Adscripts, after
the manner of the old European serfs;
bound, by royal authority, to give so
many days of work a-year. Is not
this something like a real approxi-
mation ; the first step towards all
manner of such? Wherever, in Bri-
tish territory, there exists a Black
man, and needful work to the just
extent is not to be got out of him,
such a law, in defect of better, should
be brought to bear upon said Black
man! How many laws of like pur-
port, conceivable some of them, might
be brought to bear upon the Black
man and the White, with all despatch,
by way of solution instead. of dis-
solution to their complicated case just
now On the whole it ought to be
rendered possible, ought it not, for
White men to live beside Black men,
and in some just manner to command
Black men, and produce Wcst-Indian
fruitfulness by means of them? West-
Indian fruitfulness will need to be
produced. If the English cannot
find the method for that, they may
rest assured there will another come
(Brother Jonathan or still another)
who can. He it is whom the gods
will bid continue in the West Indies;
bidding us ignominiously, Depart ye
quack-ridden, incompetent!-
One other remark, as to the pre-
sent Trade in Slaves, and to our sup-
pression of the same. If buying of
black war-captives in Africa, and
bringing them over to the Sugar-
Islands for sale again be, as I think
it is, a contradiction of the Laws of
this Universe, let us heartily pray
Heaven to end the practice; let us
ourselves help Heaven to end it,
wherever the opportunity is given.
If it be the most flagrant and alarm-
ing contradiction to the said Laws
which is now witnessed on this Earth;

so flagrant and alarming that a just
man cannot exist, and follow his
affairs, in the same Planet with it;
why, then indeed- But is it, quite
certainly, such ? Alas, look at that
group of unsold, unbought, unmar-
ketable Irish free' citizens, dying
there in the ditch, whither my Lord
of Rackrent and the constitutional
sheriffs have evicted them; or at
those divine missionaries,' of the
same free country, now traversing,
with rags on back and child on each
arm, the principal thoroughfares of
London, to tell men what' freedom '
really is ;-and admit that there may
be doubts' on that point! But if it
is, I say, the most alarming contra-
diction to the said Laws which is now
witnessed on this earth ; so flagrant a
contradiction that a just man cannot
exist, and follow his affairs, in the
same Planet with it, then, sure
enough, let us, in God's name, fling
aside all our affairs, and hasten out
to put an end to it, as the first thing
the Heavens want us to do. By all
manner of means; this thing done,
the Heavens will prosper all other
things with us! Not a doubt of
it,- provided your premiss be not
But now furthermore give me
leave to ask, Whether the way of"
doing it is this somewhat surprising
one, of trying to blockade the Con-
tinent of Africa itself, and to watch
slave-ships along that extremely ex-
tensive and unwholesome coast ? The
entcrprize is very gigantic; and proves
hitherto as futile as any enterprise
has lately done. Certain wise men
once, before this, set about confining
the cuckoo by a big circular wall .
but they could not manage it!-
Watch tlhe Co:ast of Africa, good part
of the Coast of the terraqueous Globe ?
And the living centres of this slave
mischief, the live-coals that produce
all this world-wide smoke, it appears,
lie simply in two points, Cuba and
Brazil, which are perfectly accessible
and manageable.
If the Laws of Heaven do authorize
you to keep the whole world in a
pother about this question; if you
really can appeal to the Almighty
God upon it, and set common in-
terests, and terrestrial considerations,
and common sense, at defiance in be-
half of it,-why, in Heaven's name,
not go to Cuba and Brazil with a
sufficiency of 74-gun ships; and sig-
nify to those nefarious countries:
That their procedure on the Negro.
Question is too bad ; that, of all the
solecisms now submitted to on Earth,
it is the most alarming and trans-
cendent, and, in fact, is such that a,
just man cannot follow his affairs,
any longer in the same Planet with it;
that they clearly will not, the ne-
farious populations will not, for love
or fear, watching or entreaty, respect
the rights of the Negro enough;-
wherefore you here, with your Se-
venty-fours, are come to be King
over them, and will on the spot hence-

"El Resplandor," Puerto Rican poster
announcing a movie by the Division of
Community Education. Silk screen by
Eduardo Vera Cortes. Photo by Frank

-~ ~m

C. R. April/MayIJune 1972 Page 23

forth see for yourselves that they do.
it! Why not, if Heaven do send.
you? The thing can be done; easily,
if yqu are sure of that proviso. It.
can Pe done: it is the way to sup.
press the Slave-trade;' and so far as
yet appears, the one way.
Most thinking people!-If hen-
stealing prevail to a plainly unen-
durable extent, will you station po,.-
lice-officers at every henroost; and
keep them watching and cruizing
incessantly to and fro over the
Parish, in the unwholesome dark,
at enormous expense, with almost no.
effect: or will you not try rather to.
discover where the fox's den is, and
kill the fox ? Most thinking people,
you know the fox and his den ; there
e is,-kill him, and discharge your
cruizers and police-watchers!
Oh, my friends, I feel there is an
immense fund of Human Stupidity
circulating among us, and much
clogging our affairs for some time
past! A certain man has called us,
'of all peoples the wisest in actionn; '
but he added, the stupidest in
speech:'-and it is a sore thing,
in these constitutional times, times
mainly of universal Parliamentary
and other Eloquence, that the' speak-
ers' have all first to emit, in such
tumultuous volumes, their human
stupor, as the indispensable preli-
minary, and everywhere we must
first see that and its results out, be-
fore beginning any business! (Ex-
plicit MS.)

Carnival on Federick Street, Port of Spain, Trinidad, 1888. Drawing by Melton Prior. Originally in the Illustrated London News, Reprinted in Errol Hill, The
Trinidad Carnival: Mandate For A National Theatre (U. of Texas Press, 1972. $10.00).

london knows,do you?

by J. Raban Bilder

ROA. John Figueroa (ed.) Vol. 1:
pp. Evans Brothers, Ltd, London,
1970. Paper 1.05 each; Combined
cloth bound edition 2.50.

It is one of those ironies that we must
become used to. John Figueroa's fine
anthology of poetry and verse in the
Caribbean was easily available in
England last summer. I saw copies
for sale at Parkers and Blackwells in
Oxford, and at Harrods and Foyles in
London. But try to get a copy in Puer-
to Rico right now.
A further irony is that John Fi-
gueroa had not seen until very re-
cently the tasteful two-volumes-in-one
hard cover published by Evans Bro-
thers, and that I could not even show
him the copy I bought last summer
because of the dock strike in Puerto
Page 24 C. R. Vol. IV Nos. 1 & 2

Rico, where the book lay languishing.
Mr. Figueroa mentions that he had to
make two special trips to London to
examine carefully and get permission
of the BBC to go through about fif-
teen years of their scripts, especially for
their programme called Caribbean
Voices. So there is no repository for
these scripts in Jamaica or in Puerto
Rico! So the poems were never pub-
lished by the people who should
care most about them! So the literate
Londoner knows more about Carib-
bean poetry than we do!
There are recordings of some of
the poems, read usually by the poets,
and recorded by Argo Record Com-
pany in London. The most effective
one I know of is the two volume per-
formance of Edward Brathwaite's
Rites of Passage read by the poet. (On
Argo monophonic DA 101 and 102:
apparently the best way to obtain the
albums is to write the record compa-
ny at 115 Fulham Road, London, S.
W. 3.).
Mr. Figueroa stresses that Volume

I "is primarily intended for use in the
upper reaches of all-age schools, and
in the first four forms of secondary
schools." This is why one will not
find some favourite poems in the first
volume; but it is pleasant to know that
there are some quite good poems here.
The bad ones are probably bad becau-
se of excessive rhyming and metre in-
appropriate to the English language,'
whether in England, or America,
or the Caribbean. But they may well
serve the function of an introduction
to poetry for the young, because they
have so insistent a beat as to be al-
most singsong at times. A more so-
phisticated reader would call them
bad parodies of what was second-rate
verse to begin with. To illustrate.
Over the hill in the mist of
the morning, I see them
a-coming, an army a-wheel...
(Barnabas J. Ram6n Fortu-
ne, "The riders," p. 1.)
is a tired attempt to reproduced Long-
fellow's dactyls, and is every bit as
boring in tetrameters as it was in

Longfellow's hexameters. But children
might be as happy with it as they are
apparently happy with the more effec-
tive "Ride a cock horse/To Banbury
Cross/To see a fine lady/Upon a white
horse. ." Although this is, of course,
anapestic in concept, it is equally in-
appropriate to English stress-but it
does have a captivating rhythm for
kids. The more sophisticated will find
locutions like "a-coming" and "a-
wheel" to be blatant padding of the
verse to fit the metre.
Mr. Figueroa adds a very useful
appendix to the first volume: "Sug-
gestions for Further Reading." In this
appendix he suggests poems by (main-
ly) English and American poets
who have written related poems about
the field of interest. For the heading,
People, he mentions poets like Ran-
som, Pound, Poe, Vaugham, Belloc,
and Vachel Lindsay. He also mentions
Hardy and Hopkins. Some suggestions
are more specific, as when he recom-
mends that one read William Ar-
thur's "Negro Lass" along side with
Lindsay's "Congo" Such a reading
would make William Arthur's poem
suffer, but it would also make its de-
rivation clear. To the widely read
adult, such a suggestion would be
unnecessary, but to school children
with a good teacher, the respective
efforts to reproduce musical syncopa-
tion and jazz rhythms ought to be
very interesting.
Some poems go downhill of their
own accord, descending, perceptibly,
from good beginnings into bathos in-
to schmaltz. Claude McKay's "My mo-
ther" (a dangerous subject to talk
about, even a naive one) elicits this
reaction, and the last three verses
sound like an obituary columm in the
New York Times the thing started
well, but iAy, mi madre!
As might be expected in the first
volume, much of the verse is didactic,
moralistic, heavily laden with rhythm,
easy, and -may I say it?- amateurish.
Public schools in England and pri-
vate schools in America have been
approaching poetry in this way for de-
cades, so why shouldn't the Caribbean
follow suit? Keep out the sex, and put
in a "message" which is easily discern-
ible to the teacher, and you have
a syllabus. I do not want to be cap-
tious, but it seems to me that the
footnotes leave out what they should
have included, especially for "foreign"
audiences or for children inexperien-

ced in the use of metaphor. For exam-
ple, in H. D. Carberry's "A mountain
carved of bronze," there is a line that
says "Red of the flaming poincianna
tree..." Footnote I glosses "Poincian-
na" as "A flowering tree more com-
monly known in many parts of the
Caribbean as the flamboyant, a word
which well describes its striking col-
ourfulness." This kind of gloss re-
minds me of Mr Gradgrind in Dick-
ens' Hard Times, who accepted a si-
milar denotative definition of horse
from his star pupil. "Gramniverous
quadruped of the genus equus caba-
llus, &c." But what does a flamboyan
mean to a Caribbean islander, what
are the particular foci around which
the word extends its connotations?
Before one gets to the "good parts"
(and there are many) of Volume I,
one could carp. In Roger Mai's "Chil-
dren coming from school," the word
"Evangeling" in the second verse does
not sound to me like a Caribbean
word, and does not have the effects of
a similar word in the Texas folk song
called "When I was a Young Girl,"
-my body's "salvated." I think the
point of view in Basil McFarlane's
"The modern man" is facile and ama-
teurish. There is no connection of
imagery in Gloria Escoffery's "The
Shoemaker," and there is very mixed
imagery in Jan Carew's "Chaotic
epic." If the mixed imagery is to en-
force the title of "chaotic," I don't
think it succeeds. In Alfred Pragnell's
"In memorial," there is a stanza
I try but cannot write my
Nor my gratitude tell
In the swift turned phrase
the Close rhymed syllable
you would have loved.
Why would a nun like a close rhy-
med syllable? Is she so committed to
teaching elementary grades, or is it
because she herself is unable to break
out of the rigid pattern? What is a
close rhymed syllable? And the final
two lines of Mr Pragnell's verse:
Your voice dreams stories of
For the lonely boy.
do not form any concept and/or re-
solution for the rest of the poem. In
a poem called "February," by E. M.
Roach we read the following nonsen-
The clean-limbed glorisidia
Is in her heliotrope;
The humming bird and bee

Reved in her glory.
What can that mean? And in terms
of sense or rhythm, what can it mean
for a student of the type Mr Figueroa
is anthologising for? Farther on, Dan-
iel Williams calls a poem "We who
do not know the snow" and has "the
uncertain seine" molesting the "sad
sand," at the same time as the dawn
catches the "glad embrace of her (the
seine's) hand/ Hugs archipelago of
ships and the ripple-dimple with
brine the planks." Shades of Gerard
Manley Hopkins. But only very pale
Harold M. Telemaque's "Adina" is
not bad, except for the unfortunate
last line of both verse. Jan Carew's
"Chaotic epic" is pretty good in terms
of mixed imagery in spite of what I
said about it above. Knolly S. La For-
tune's "Theresa, return to me" is rather
good, but has a limp ending. Neville
Dawes "Fugue" is really quite good,
and the reader should compare it to
Mr Figueroa's remarks in the intro-
duction to Volume II (p. 19). Frank
Collymore's "Blue agave" and H. D.
Carberry's "Nature" are well worth
reading. There are parts of A. J. Sey-
mour's "Over Guiana, clouds," (one
of the few poems abbreviated in this
collection) that are worth reading. I
think that, as a whole, the section
called "Art" is least worth reading be-
cause in their attempt to imitate poets
like Archibald MacLeish in saying
that a poem must not mean, but be,
the poets here represented sound ei-
ther too didactic, or are too syntacti-
cally and semantically weak, to matter
much. George Campbell's "History
makers" is pretty good. The first vol-
ume ends, appropriately, with an
effective poem by Derek Walcott cal-
led "A city's death by fire," the pen-
ultimate in the volume. Frank Col-
lymore's poem "At Easter" heralds
Volume II:
Always the circle
Returning to rejoice parched
hearts, each
Resurrection a remembrance,
a valediction.
The poets in volume I are very con-
ventional, and try little to expand the
language or to make it richer by the
addition of specifically Caribbean
words or structure; there are few "dia-
lect" poems, but those are pretty good
(see Evans Jone's "The song of the
':anana man"); and, most important,
C. R. e AprillMayllJune 1972 Page 25

there are enough good poems to off-
set the bad so that the anthology
should be appealing to adults and
children a like, and offers hitherto un-
available texts for some really worth-
while poems-not just for the student
of the Caribbean, but for the reader
of poetry, however scarce he may be
in the English-speaking world.

Volume 2 iS almost twice as long
Volume I. No longer directed to a
young audience, it begins with a very
thoughtful "Critical Introduction" by
the editor. It is important to notice his
general approach to poetry: "It has
always seemed to me wiser not to
make general statements about so-call-
ed subject matter of poems, or about
trends much safer to consider the
way i which the poems are construc-
ted -to look at their language, their
structure ,their concerns; and perhaps
at the attitude, shown through the
poems, of the authors to their work
as poets." Mr. Figueroa makes what
seems to me a very useful distinction
between two kinds of poets: those
whose verse "does in fact come very
easily" and those whose verse "might
at first appear to fall easily off the
tongue but which does so because of
design and composition." He men-
tions E. M. Roach of Tobago as be-
longing to the latter (and only worth-
while) category, a man who in talk-
ing of the West Indian peasant ex-
perience "clearly works his verse even
as his mother worked the dough." The
only inevitable conclusion to be
drawn about a good poem is that "it
demanded a great deal of hard work..."
After a small excursus on "protest"
poetry which hides a little the differ-
ence between the first category (fa-
cile) and the second (apparently easy
but artistically worked) that Mr Fi-
gueroa is really talking about, the edi-
tor mentions an example of verse that
is more concerned "with the showing
forth of self-evident excellence, than
with protest." He mentions H. A.
Vaughan's "Revelation" (Vol. I, p.
63) as an example of this. I believe
that the editor was here not really
thinking of a protest poem at all, but
rather of the poet whose verse "does
in fact come very easily" and who is,
therefore, the opposite of E. M.
Roach. The "excellence" of Vaughan's
poem is not self-evident to me; in
fact, my marginal note to myself when
I read the poem was a short "From
Page 26 C. R. Vol. IV Nos. I & 2

the Hymnal- with love and squalor."
Try putting the lines to hymnal mu-
sic -say, "A Mighty Fortress Is Our
God" -and see how easily the lines
fit in to our early sixteeners.
The myriad ethnic and cultural cur-
rents that have poured into the West
Indies make it difficult to define just
what a West Indies poet is. Is the
editor-poet, John Figueroa, a West
Indian poet? His educational back-
ground taught him to know about
Horace and the Oedipus myth; but
he would consider himself dishonet
to write about pocomania, "which is
Jamaican, but which I have never ex-
perienced..." Are the poets who write
about Spring, "when they had not
ever experienced, in any sense,
Spring," West Indian poets? The edi-
tor suggests that perhaps the "West
Indianismus" springing up as an an-
tidote to this vicarious, second-hand
approach to poetry was a good thing,
but is quick to warn that "being West
Indian in the modern world cannot
take on, with any show of reason or
effectiveness, the threadbare vest-
ments of nineteenth century European
nationalism." Such a warning gains
significance when read against the
statement by Eugene V. Mohr (The
CEA Critic, 33:2 [Jan. 71, P.. 15])
who, speaking in another context
about Caribbean novelists, general-
izes, "Serious modern writing from the
Caribbean is largely autochthonous in
subject matter and, where it borrows,
adheres formally to the traditions of
British rather than American litera-
ture." The editor himself puts the mat-
ter succinctly, and in a different way
when, in a footnote, he asks, "Is the
'Voices of Spring' played on a Trini-
dadian steel band West Indian or
not?" (p. 10).

It would take far too much space
to point out all the good things about
this fine Introduction -the problems
of language and structure, language
and innovation, language and scan-
sion (with special emphasis on Jamai-
can pronunciation, stress, and calpso
beat). Only two things more may be
mentioned. First, the sad thing I men-
tioned at the beginning, corroborated
by Mr Figueroa: "But our poets suffer
by not having their work made avai-
lable to the public at home. This an-
thology seeks to ease the problem of
ignorance, at home, of their works."
Second, Mr Figueroa asks whether Ca-

ribbean poets can command the atten-
tion of the reading public not only
in the Caribbean, but in the English-
speaking world. He is too wise to give
us an easy answer to that. All that
he claims is that he has set forth the
necessary texts to let us decide for
But then, the very fact the Mr Fi-
gueroa would bother to assemble such
a collection more than implies that
he thinks it worth the trouble. And
he is quite right. The collection is
impressive indeed. Of course there
is Derek Walcott, and his "Tales of
the Islands" is a sonnet sequence re-
markable for its clinging to tradition
and for its innovation. Not all the son-
nets have that Shakespearean couplet
at the end, but most seem to depend
upon the glib solution to the problem
raised. Only it is glibness informed
by irony, almost at times the couplet
of Pope:

Horse of the Morning, Carving by West Indian
Sculptor, Edna Manley. Photographed in The
Jamaica Annual 1972, Selections from The West
Indian Review.

For Mama's sake, for hair oil,
and for whist;
Peering from balconies for
his tragic twist.
To give a complete report of Wal-
cott's sequence would require a sepa-
rate article; but I cannot help think-
ing of the words of Roy Fuller in a,
book called Epitaphs and Occasions
(London: John Lehmann, 1949),
when he is describing certain lines of
poetry in "Poets"-
Running on nylon legs or
broken castors-
Is some huge ambiguity, as
The last line of a poem such
as this
Where dead gold leaves
against the garish asters.
The striking imagery of Fuller's des-
cription may help to heighten some
of the effects which I think are pro-
duced in Walcott's sonnet sequence.
When Mr. Figueroa talks, in his
"Critical Introduction," of the influ-
ence of calpso on West Indian Poetry,
I am reminded of at least two poems
in the second volume. One is A. L.
Hendricks "Jaffo, the calypsonian".
I don't think the poem is calypso any
more than I think Eliot's experiments
in jazz are really jazz; all the same, I
think Hendriks is eminently success-
ful in deriving both from calypso and
from Eliot:
laffo was a great calypsonian,
a fire ate up his soul to sing
and play calypso iron-music
Another type of calypso derivation (or
adaptation), more like calypso and
less like Eliot, comes from E. M.
Roach's "Caribbean Calipso," which
is, in its way, just as effective as its
more experimental Hendricks coun-
Roads were rougher in their
island kingdom
When Shakespeare cut and
chiselled at his verse
And Marlowe, martyred in a
brawling tavern,
Was made inmortal on the
kiss of death.
His bright blood streaming
in the firmament. .
This is really first-rate stuff. The tra-
dition of calypso in improvising on
the materials at hand can bring alive
some of the "greats" of English liter-
ature. It is like listening to Sparrow,
even when he sings at the Trinidad
Hilton, looking around the audience,
suddenly seeing a face that stands out,

and thinking, Oh yes, there's Marlowe...
and then breaking into the rhy-
thm of "martyred in a brawling ta-
vern." This sort of thing ought to be
done more often, for it seems to me
the finest amalgamation of tradition-
al European culture and West Indian
atmosphere that will, in the end, make
those "threadbare vestments of nine-
teenth century European nationalism"
no more applicable than the Emperor's
new clothes.
At this point it would be easy (and
lengthy) to point out some of my
favourite poems; but everybody will
have his own favourites, and if a stu-
dent exists who wants to be led to
the poetic trough, he may read favour-
ites as listed by Mervyn Morris in
his review of Vol. II in Caribbean
Quarterly (Vol. 17, No 1 [March
1971], pp. 48-49). I cannot see why
Mr. Morris criticizes Mr. Figueroa
when he says that the editor "overesti-
mates the critical usefulness of his
categories." I have already quoted Mr
Figueora when he says on page 4 of
his introduction to the second vol-
ume (quotation in my review, p. 7)
that it seemed wiser not to make gen-
eral statements about so-called "sub-
ject matter." The editor would no
doubt make the same qualifications
about such categories as Consolida-
tions, Innovations, &c Mr. Morris's
quibble at this point does not really
seem to signify, as Henry James would
But Mr. Morris does not end his
review with a quibble, and neither
shall I. Caribbean Voices is "a gener-
ous and useful anthology." It is gen-
erous in many ways: it gives more
West Indian poetry than other antho-
logy (e. g., Edna Manley's Focus, Jam-
aica 1956), and Mr. Figueroa is
most generous in allowing his fel-
low-poets much more space than he
allots himself (although many of Mr.
Figueroa's best poems can be found
in the his own slim volumes of poe-
try, (such as Love Leaps Here 1962);
it is useful in the ways Mr Figueroa
has indicated (i. e., for upper forms
in school).
It is, to add a point, delightful to
any reader of modern poetry to be
able to add to those traditions he al-
ready knows -the English, the Amer-
ican, the Black, the Beat, the Pro-
test and what have you -another very
solid tradition- the English poetry
of the Caribbean. 0





cults of the




and haiti
by george e.


Revised and augmented
version of The Shango Cult
in Trinidad

Institute of Caribbean Studies
Box BM
University of Puerto Rico
Rio Piedras, Puerto Rico
C. R. AprillMaylJane 1972 Page 27


Mexico Budgeted

by Hector Orci

James W. Wilkie. University of Cali-
fornia Press, 1970 (2nd revised edi-
tion) $2.95.
A common problem found among
non-Mexican analysts of Mexico is an
apalling tendency to feel like "one of
the boys." This leads quite unfortu-
nately to an inordinate amount of petty
and useless gossip which serves only
to cloud whatever academic purpose
might have originally motivated their
work. Mr. Wilkie is no exception; he
talks about the revolutionary family
as if he were a second cousin only-
as if he were the one who went to the
university and learned to read and
According to the author "the
president of Mexico is the all-powerful
master of political life. Yet, if he
wishes to maintain the party's position
he and his advisers must remain recep-
tive to change." Having read the pre-
ceding statement, one is surprised
many times throughout the book by
examples of the immense Fmitations
that are placed on the Mexican presi-
dent if he expects to remain at the
forefront of the political and govern-
mental structure. Inconsistencies such
Page 28 C. R. Vol. IV Nos. 1 & 2

as this one occur with such regularity
that one is tempted to suspect that
the entire project was handled with
a less than adequate understanding
of Mexico and without the proper
regard for what may be considered
the minimal quality of academic and
intellectual discipline.
It is a strange feeling to be taking
to task a respected member of the
educational community-one whose
work is published by a major univ-
ersity's press, and who presumably has
had broad, though not necessarily deep,
exposure to his chosen field of ex-
pertise. However, occasionally an ex-
ercise of this kind may be of some
value, at least in letting prospective
writers of books know that somebody
out here is reading and will say things
like: "Mr. Wilkie, if on page 101 you
claim that "the final reduction of the
military's role to a less than ten percent
voice in federal policy did not come
until 1962," why then do you suppose
that on page 104 the following lines
appear: "Percentage outlay fell below
10 percent under Aleman, and it went
as low as 7.2 percent in 1952. The
generals won an increase in 1953 to
9.3 percent . from 1954 to 1958
their percentage share of actual ex-
penditure ranged from 7.3 to 8.1"? It

really is not too much to expect of a
writer that he know his subject and
that he read the thing through before
it gets published. To do otherwise is
unfair to those who may take him
Following is a brief summary and
commentary on what appear to be the
major points the author attempted to

1. The spending of the federal
budget reflects the-style of the president
and his political philosophy. The main
thrust of this concern is that different
presidents have spent the federal bud-
get in different ways than other pre-
sidents and that a study of these differ-
ences will allow one to reach an
important conclusion about the men
who have been at the head of the
Mexican government and how they
have affected the destiny of the coun-
try and the evolution of the Mexican
revolution as an institutionalized per-
manent event. In the first place, the
permanency of the revolution as ei-
ther an event or a process, or even a
point of view is open to question; the
whole thing even sounds a bit silly,
especially outside the confines of the
official party's headquarters. The fact
that the author accepts the jargon


Adapted from a Diego Rivera drawing on the cover of Land and Society In Colonial Mexico by
Francois Chevalier, Translated by Alvin Eustis, Edited, with a Forward by Lesley.Byrd Simpson
(U. of California Press, 1970. Paper $3.25).

about the eternal revolution is a re-
flection of the second-cousin syn-
drome mentioned earlier. Another
consideration, and a more serious one
at that, is the assumption that the man
who handles the presidency is in fact
free to decide how the country goes
during his six-year term in office. If
he is the absolute boss he is obviously
absolutely responsible.
One feels that Mr. Wilkie takes a
highly personalistic view of history.
Such a view at best distorts analysis,
even though it makes it much easier
to blame or credit someone for what-
ever goes wrong or whatever good
things get done. For Mr. Wilkie's
information, the country he has cho-
sen to study is a pluralistic one,
whose day to day functioning does not
depend exclusively on the actions or
weaknesses of one man. For his further
information, the president of Mexico
is faced with the task ot reconciling
many divergent points of view. The
successful handling of the task can be
considered as resulting in policy de-
cisions which reflect the pressures as
they affect him, rather than the result
of a dogmatic concern for ideology.
2. Decreases in the level of poverty
do not necessarily occur at their

strongest rate during periods of budge
tary emphasis on social reform. This
is an important conclusion and should
be sufficient to demonstrate that an
ideological interest in social develop-
ment may result in spending on other
areas of reform, i.e. economic, in order
to attain the desired goal. In other
words, how a federal budget is spent
may not necessarily reflect the ideo-
logical proclivities of those who ad-
minister the budget including the
president and other influential person-
It is very difficult and perhaps even
useless to attempt to determine what
motivates a politician with budgetary
discretion to act the way he does. In
the first place, he may not know him-
self. In the second place, he may not
be acting under his own volition and
finally, trying to measure ideological
positions of either individuals or
periods of time may be an unnecessary
expenditure of energy.
3. Mr. Wilkie proves beyond a
shadow of a doubt that the actual fed-
eral spending is always different
from the originally proposed budget.
The importance of this point must
not be minimized because it shows
conclusively that budgetary disburse-

ment reflects prevailing political
needs which tend to change even
within one calender year.
The author has attempted to take
massive amounts of regional data -in
order to put together a measure of
changes, in the level of poverty. He
calls this a "Poverty Index." Seven
factors which are characteristic of
poverty are taken into consideration:
illiteracy, ability to speak Spanish,
size of village, barefoot population,
sandal-wearing population, tortilla-
eating, and availability of sewage dis-
posal. The percentage of people who
fall under the above characteristics is
averaged to compose the full poverty
index. The result, when given for ten-
year periods from 1910 through 1960,
should allow one to see how poverty
levels have decreased state by state
and regionally.
This analytical device is a perfect
example of methodology interfering
with understanding. The Poverty In-
dex for total Mexico in 1960 was 72
with 1940 as the base. It would seem
emminently more useful to limit the
supposed sophistication of data so that
one could tell what is involved in
terms of people who are illiterate,
barefoot, and constantly eating torti-
llas, plus other indicators of poverty. *
C. R. AprillMaylJuno 1972 Page 29






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Page 30 C. R. Vol. IV Nos. 1 & 2

Nocturne of the Statue

to Agustin Lazo

by Xavier Villaurrutia

To dream, to dream the night, the street, the stair
and the cry of the statue turning back at the corner.
To run toward the statue and to meet the cry only,
to want to touch the cry and only find the echo,
to want to seize the echo and to meet the wall only,
and to run toward the wall and touch a mirror.
To find the statue murdered in the mirror,
to draw it forth from the blood of its shadow,
to dress it, closing the eyes,
to caresA it like a sister not foreseen,
and to ply the ends of its fingers,
and to count in its ear a hundred
times a hundred hundred times
until one hears it say: "I am dead tired."

Translated by Donald Justice

Nocturno de la estatua

a Agustin Lazo

by Xavier Villaurrutia

Sofiar, sofiar la noche, la calle, la escalera
y el grito de la estatua desdoblando la esquina.
Correr hacia la estatua y encontrar s6lo el grito,
querer tocar el grito y s6lo hallar el eco,
querer asir el eco y encontrar s6lo el muro
y correr hacia el muro y tocar un espejo.
Hallar en el espejo la estatua asesinada,
sacarla de la sangre de su sombra,
vestirla en un cerrar de ojos,
acariciarla como a una hermana imprevista
y jugar con las fichas de sus dedos
y contar a su oreja cien veces cien cien veces
hasta oirla decir: "estoy muerta de suefio'".

From the book NEW POETRY OF MEXICO by Octavio Paz. Copyright,
(c), 1966 by Siglo XXI Editores, S.A. Eng. trans. Copyright, @, 1970 by
E. P. Dutton & Co., Inc., publishers, and reprinted with their permission.





by Robert W. Anderson

LUTION. K. S. Karol Trans. by Ar-
nold Pomerana. 624 pp., Hill & Wang
1970. $12.50.

The Cuban Revolution has "come of
age." It is no longer simply a roman-
tic symbol of heroic struggle against
a colonial puppet and the ogre of
North American imperialism. That
battle was won-no small achievement
and a beacon light to optimistic rev-
olutionaries throughout Latin Ameri-
ca and the rest of the Third World.
Now, as Karol's title has it, the guerril-
las are in power, and the task of rev-
olutionary reconstruction must be
evaluated. To be meaningful evalua-
tion can perhaps best be done in terms
of the ideological perspective of the
revolution itself. Neither the special
pleading of American "liberals," pro-
fessional anti-Communists, or frus-
trated exiles, nor the more sympathet-
ic journalistic accounts of the impact
of the Revolution and Castro's leader-
ship are of much help in the complex
and more theoretical task of evalua-
tion and ultimate perspective.
Fortunately, the English-reading
public now has available to it some
responsible critical treatments of the
Cuban revolutionary experiment in
socialism. Ren6 Dumont's Cuba: So-
cialism and Development (Grove Press,

1970); Edward Borstein's The Econo-
mic Transformation of Cuba (Monthly
Review Press, 1968); and Sweezy and
Huberman's Socialism in Cuba (Mon-
thly Review, 1969) are, for example,
useful sources, sympathetic to the aims
and purposes of the Revolution but
critical of many aspects of its develop-
ment. But Karol's book is by far the
most penetrating, detailed, sophisticat-
ed, and, in the end, most devastating
critique of the regime that has ap-
peared in recent years. It is written
with subtelty, apparent sympathy and
affection for the revolutionary leaders
of Cuba, and within the normative
context of socialist ideology. The au-
thor is a Polish-born Marxist with wide
experience in the Soviet Union and
Eastern Europe and who has written,
among other things, a sympathetic
account of China as "the other face of
It is a book that increases in intensity
as it moves along to the final chapter,
ominously entitled "The Reckoning."
It recapitulates, with a wealth of de-
tail, the origins and early development
of Fidel's insurgent activities and the
formation of his guerrilla strategy.
This is done with a good deal of
insight, and Karol is particularly
convincing when he discusses the deep
discrepencies in attitudes and ap-
proach between the young revolution-
aries of the '40's and '50's and the

orthodox Soviet-leaning Cuban Com-
munists. The old-line Communists
shared with virtually all Cuban liberal
reformists the assuption that, given
the island's proximity to the United
States and its overwhelming economic
and psychological ties with that me-
tropolis, the best that could be hoped
for would be an enhanced autonomy
within the American orbit and under
American "tutelage." Fidel and his
followers had always been more radi-
cal (reckless) than their eleventh-
hour Communist allies. Karol gives a
good analysis of Fidel's adeptness in
manipulating the situation in order to
keep several radical steps ahead of
these allies and of how the Cuban Re-
volution became socialist as an inevita-
ble result of its leader's intention to
cut loose from the United States at
whatever cost. All this is well treated,
though it is material which has been
discussed widely and earlier by others.
It is when he turns to the problem
of constructing a Socialist society in
Cuba that Karol breaks some new
ground. To no one's surprise the prom-
ises of a new socialist society have
turned out to be infinitely more dif-
ficult to fulfill than the promise of
national liberation. Much of the
criticism of the Cuban experiment
coming from within the socialist per-
spective (as district from capitalist or
anti-communist critiques) has center-
C. R. April/May/June 1972 Page 31

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Page 32 C. R. Vol. IV Nos. 1 & 2

ed on such problems as inadequate
planning, over-optimistic economic
projections, a romantic disregard for
the realities of the economics of scar-
city, and an excessive centralization
coupled with relaxed -even anarchic-
bureaucratic standards and practice.
Borstein and Dumont, especially the
latter, have been rather severe in their
criticism of Castroism on these scores.
But Karol's criticisms go much deep
er. For him, the mistakes of the Cu-
ban revolution are not simply im-
provised errors based on unconscious
motives or inexperience; nor are they
dictated inevitably by external forces
beyond the control of the Cuban leader-
ship. They are the result, rather, of
conscious policy decisions which lead
Karol to conclude that this once prom-
ising experiment is being led not
down the golden path of socialist
egalitarianism but down the thorny
road of a kind of creole Stalinism,
based on a dangerously uninstitution-
alized personal centralism. What is
worse, the reader who accepts Karol's
analysis can hardly escape the view
that this pessimistic "course of the
Cuban revolution" is by now virtually
For Karol, the pessimism regarding
the ability of the Cubans to develop
a truly just and egalitarian socialist
society originates from two broad
sources. One is organizational or struc-
tural and the other has to do with the
basic goals of the society as enunciat-
ed by the revolutionary leadership. The
organizational weakness stems from
an unwillingness to establish political
institutions which might form a con-
tinuous and permanent link of regular
communication between the masses
and the personal leadership of Fidel.
The "dialectic" between the charis-
matic personality of Fidel and the un-
differentiated masses is not adequate
for doing any more than communicat-
ing to the masses what Fidel thinks
best for them. Cuba has failed, says
Karol, to come to grips with the prob-
lem of political power in a society in
which centralized planning and reforms
of economic management are taking
place. The problem is, basically, that
of worker participation in the making
of decisions. Karol thinks, for example,
that the "real" revolutionary would not
try suppress trade unions, but aim at
their "socialization" and at giving them
a successively greater political con-

He implies that the regime in Cuba
has made the mistake of accepting two
basic Stalinist myths, namely, that (1)
after the Revolution the only true in-
terest of the workers consists in ful-
filling the acceleration of production
in accordance with the overall plan
and (2) the revolutionary leaders are
the only ones who know how to in-
terpret the thoughts and needs of the
working class. (Karol attributes this
fallacy specifically to Che Guevara, but
it is clear that he believes it is ingrain-
ed in the entire Cuban leadership.)
The acceptance of these myths results
in a stagnant political system and leads
either to a simply technocratic reform,
with no real possibility of qualitative
improvement in political life, or to a
stifling imposition of a kind of rev-
olutionary "status quo."
In Cuba it has led to a policy of
militarization of social life and to the
imposition of "decrees against anti-
social behavior," which, in the absence
of any real attempt to develop pertinent
standards of socialist conduct from
below, are at best useless and at worst
oppressive. Fidel has insisted on main-
taining "provisional" political insti-
tutions rather than establishing what
he allegedly fears would be an overly-
institutionalized bureaucracy. There has
been no attempt at forging genuine
organic relationships between the le-
gitimate government and the Cuban
people. All is based on a more or less
spontaneous "dialogue'" between Fidel
and the rank and file. If this continues
-and Karol assumes that it will- it
will caste an "insurmountable handicap
to the genuine development of Cuban
society." Thus there is an "institutional
void" which is at the very heart of
the problem, and Fidel is seen to be as
much its victim as its master. Rank
and file organizations, says Karol, have
in effect ceased to exist; there is no
genuine discussion or "real" under-
standing between the top and the

Karol sees the true aims of a rev-
olutionary socialist regime in the
building of rank and file organizations
which are gradually to be viable and
relevant participants in the erection of
a meaningful socialist society. He sees
little or none of this in Cuba and
believes that the Cubans are repeating
the mistakes of the Soviets and are
running severe Stalinist risks by assum-
ing that all that is needed is to build

the material foundations for economic
progress and to create by exhortation
and educational indoctrination a "so-
cialist mentality" and that the rest,
whatever that may be, will follow by
The basic policy orientation which
Karol thinks is at the source of the
trouble is one which reflects the
contradictory interpretations of so-
cialist goals and promises within the
house of international socialism. It is
the decision-typified by the Soviet
Union in contrast to China- that the
promotion of quick economic growth
is the only viable course for a so-
cialist regime. He states flatly that "no
revolution has culminated in socialism
which has been content to rely ex-
clusively on the promotion of quick
economic growth . (T)hose coun-
tries which have tried to force the
economy by authoritarian methods
have had to admit defeat in the long
run." The obstacle to socialist utopia
turns out to be the acceptance of a
demon associated with capitalist re-
gimes as well: "It is a curious fact
that, despite the moral and material
crises that is currently gripping East
and West alike, many otherwise objec-
tive observers have ended up with the
conviction that every regime, no mat-
ter what its political color, must con-
cern itself first and foremost with the
business of economic growth (the
targets, of course, being fixed by the
power elite)."

Karol holds up the Chinese Com-
munist concept of socialist construction
that, in contrast, should have been
followed by the Cubans. It is the
concept of continuing revolution, the
presence in post-revolutionary society
of contradictory elements which cannot
be erradicated immediately but need
be molded spontaneously and flexibly
with the aim of truly developing a
"new man." But Cuba, according to
Karol, is relying, tragically, on central-
ization, uninstitutionalized personal
power, and superficial indoctrination
in the name of education, rather than
on genuine structural experiments
which could lead, hopefully if gradually,
to a "real" socialist society. And as
long as personal power as a political
technique is wedded to a policy of
rapid capital accumulation and eco-
nomic growth, the dangers of opressive
Stalinism are inevitable and the prom-

ises of socialism are, once again,

Coming from a supposedly sympa-
thetic and internationally respected
Marxist, this is truly a devastating
analysis, and there is no wonder the
reaction to the book of Fidel and his
companions has been reported to be
one of bitterness and disillusion with
his European "admirers." Unfortunate-
ly, the reaction possibly provoked by
these ideological in-house criticisms-
if true, for example, in the highly
publicized case of Heberto Padilla-
will be seen by many as confirmation
of some of these criticisms.

Socialist Cuba has come of age and
now can do nothing less than play a
role in the community of international
ideological discourse. Latin Americans
are accustomed by now to observers
from the "advanced industrial" world
telling them how short they fall of
some superior code of political conduct.
It is perhaps fitting that the same
process seems to have begun in the
socialist world as well. We see, more
prominently in this book than in the
others, that there is apparently a "third
world" within Socialism itself. There
are European ethno-centric assump-
tions among Socialist intellectuals
and journalists, as there are among
bourgeois observers, European and
North American. One sees, for exam-
ple, fascinating parallels between
Karol's wondering about Cuba's (and
Fidel's) "maturity" because of the
naturalness and spontaneity of Fidel's
personalistic rule and the worrisome
doubts of some American political
scientists about the Puerto Ricans'
ability to handle a liberal two-party
All professors from old Europe are
"always annoying," as Rend Dumont
remarks in the preface to his book,
thus betraying a degree of hurniility in
marked contrast to Karol's sombre and'
humorless tome. Cubans would do well
to avoid overreaction and to realize,
after all, that Karol's work is hardly
one of definitive scholarship. It is,
rather, a high-level journalistic ac-
count based on extensive travels in
Cuba, interviews and impressions, and
on a particular set of presuppositions
about the "ideal socialist society." Karol
was really in no position to prove his
assumptions about the superficiality
of the Cuban masses' political socializa-

Carlos Albizu-Miranda,
Ph.D.-Executive Director

Norman Matlin, Ph.D.
-Director of Research

Anne Matlin, M.A.
-Marketing Manager

de Puerto Rioo

The Market Research Division of
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C. R. April/MaylJune 1972 e Page 33

If ,


~ /

"San Juanero" Photo Rafael Rivera Rosa 1968.

tion or of the long-run ineffectiveness
of Fidel's style of leadership for a
genuine transformation of political
consciousness. He simply asserts them,
thinking, not scientifically but analog-
ically in European terms of the
dangers of Stalinism and the like.
The indigenous quality of Cuban life
as a possible factor in modifying the
practical manifestations of Marxist
ideology escape him. He admits to
having known 'close to nothing about
Cuba prior to Fidel's revolution and
later on. indicates a rather glaring ig-
Page 34 C. R. Vol. IV Nos. 1 & 2

norance of the Mexican political system
when, in alluding to the 1968 student
revolt in that country, he implies that
the Mexican President- is unable to
drum up electoral support! Latin
America and the Caribbean are judged,
once more, by external standards rather
than in terms of their own reality and
aspirations. Apparently capitalists are
not the only ones who share that
It is up to the Cuban and Latin
American social scientists, assisted by
outsiders if need be, to re-state the

problems of socialist development in
more empirical and less ideological
terms. Maoism and Sovietism are not
the only frameworks for the relevant
evaluation of Socialist progress, and
Cuban and Caribbean scholars have
the responsibility of providing relevant
criteria of their own. They also have
the responsibility of seeing to it that
Karol's negative prognosis is wrong,
not by stifling possible sources of in-
tellectual dissent but by encouraging
an atmosphere in which it can
flourish. *

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C. R. April/May/June 1972 Page 35




Dumont. Editions du Seuil, Paris.
mont. 261 pp. Editorial Tiempo Nue-
vo, Caracas, 1970.
"The Militarization of Fidelismo"
Rend Dumont. DISSENT Volume
XVII, Number 5, 1970.
Those of us who have not been privi-
leged by a field experience of the
Cuban Revolution, have to rely on
those fortunate enough to have had
direct access to that dramatic reality
of our time and political neighbor-
hood. And yet, it is not any guide at
random that we need, but reliable,
authoritative guides, able to discern
the ideological, moral and empirical
strands of that historical event, and at
the same time capable of professional
judgement, and not merely of moral-
istic apologies or condemnations,
equally uncritical.
The professionalism of Ren6 Du-
mont's report is easily distinguishable
from the easy moralisms of a Bertrand
Russell or of a Jean Paul Sartre or
should I have said anti-americanisms?
- and equally at variance with the
ideological deductions of a Paul Sweezy
or a Leo Huberman. It is, on the con-
trary, a first hand, scientific account
(in the non-ideological sense of scien-
tific), of the realities, the faots, the
tendencies, the achievements and the
failures and dangers of the Cuban ex-
periment with socialism.
Page 36 C. R. Vol. IV Nos. 1 & 2



by Jose Arsenio Torres

Puerto Rican Woodcarving
Exhibited in the Museo
o de Santos, S.J.

Rend Dumont's credentials and
qualifications for the job are im-
pressive and unchallengeable, both in
a personal sense and in professional
terms. A friend and admirer of Fidel
even after the crucial criticisms he
piles against the clear tendencies of
the Revolution -; a friend and ad-
mirer of the Revolution as such, in
its first stages and even today, in spite
of the indictments he extracts from
himself against his faith in socialism
as the ideal social system for man; a
believer though not a "true belie-
ver" in the humanism that validates
or should validate any socialism worth
anything, Ren6 Dumont is no instant
expert on Cuba, and cannot therefore
be easily dismissed as an intellectual
"revolutionaire a Paris," as Castro has
recently called his late critics residing
in Paris or the rest of Western
The present work is the product of
on the spot observations, conversations,
field tours, reports commissioned by
Castro himself, or by Carlos Rafael
Rodriguez, and the ensuing reflections
which are desirable and inevitable to
a mind trained in the diverse devel-
opments of the Tiers Monde. I think
no unbiassed critic can fail to perceive
the anguish with which Dumont ex-
presses his misgivings about the per-
sistent tendencies of Cuban socialism,
nor the honesty and sincerity, both
moral and intellectual, with which he
both praises and debunks the Cuban

experience, and Fidel himself, since
The whole analysis of the book
hinges on Dumont's reflections on
figures and arguments, tactics and
strategies in the several stages of the
Revolution. Let me illustrate. Since
Castro's experience in the Sierra Maes-
tra necessarily put the Cuban peasant
in the forefront of his interests and
values, and since the definition of the
only probable success of his radical
reconstruction of Cuba rested on
agricultural transformation, the figures
pertinent to the situation of the peas-
ant are crucial. Here they are as stated
by Dumont: By 1959, 1.5 percent of
farm owners, that is, 2,236 farms, co-
vering 3,600,000 hectares, constituted
more than 46 percent of the whole na-
tional soil. At the other end, 111,000
farms of less than 27 hectares each co-
vered 2,300,000 hectares. Morever, 70
percent of the farms covered only 12
percent of the whole country, plus the
fact that 62,000 farms did not even
amount to 10 hectares.
From that point of departure, one
would have hoped, as Dumont did,
that the peasant, above and beyond
his presence and participation in the
military experience of. the Sierra,
would have constituted a central
concern not only for the help he
needed, but for the participation pro-
mised in the rebuilding of Cuba, and
later in the construction of socialism
and of "the new man." But no: the
peasant has been expropriated, his
experience spurned, his cooperation
underestimated, and his initiatives
forbidden, not to mention the fact that
the "material incentives" indispensa-
ble to his active collaboration have
been declared anathema. Why? Ac-
cording to Dumont, the objective con-
ditions of Cuba, the facts, the feasibil-
ities, perhaps one should also say the
tactics of development and revolution,
have all been sacrificed to grand strat-
egies, to portentous plans, which once
declared and promulgated in words,
have consistently failed to materialize.
Fidel Castro is a case in the classic
fashion of thought to which organic,
comprehensive, unitary modes of con-
ception swallow everything, while the
humble facts, the realities, the resist-
ances of administration, bureaucracy
and even nature or accident do nut
count. The defects of experience only,
blur his grandiose and transparent


schemes. This is an ancient fashion of
thought, inaugurated by Plato, follow-
ed closely by Hegel, and cultivated assi-
dously by contemporary ideologists
of a totalitarian bent. This cast of
thought is the polar counterpart of
the simplistic approach to social prob-
lems of the mere physicalists, technol-
ogists or experts in minutiae. These
pretend to solve problems of devel-
opment merely through inertial ac-
cumulation of the same: a little more
investment, a little more production,
a little increase of the per capital
indexes, a little more employment and
what not. This is the old laissez-faire
social philosophy, to which more of
the same is better. This is an additive
method of thought, with no transcen-
dence whatsoever. Here the cult of the
facts and "the realities" make men
blind to values, aspirations, rebirths
of spirit and of will. In the via media
of both philosophic attitudes, Dumont
utilizes the problematic approach -
not the universe as such, nor the
ultimate objective individual facts
without context, but the problem it-
self, with depth and latitude, is the
starting point and the validating
ground for all rational social action.

It seems to me that beyond the as-
persion of a personal kind to be found
in Dumont's rather particular relation-
ships with Castro, of the myriad facts
and details, empirical and qualitative,
to be found in Dumont's book, the
basic issue between Dumont and
Castro, or between Castro's socialism
and Dumont's, is rather philosophic.
It has to do with approaches to devel-
opment and to the basic and persistent
motives of men in society. Even limit-
ing the analysis to purely economic
or developmental issues, Dumont
scores heavily against errors which he
amply demonstrates in the book: the
expropriation of the peasant and the
non-utilization of his experience in
,farming; the rejection of the coop-
erative, agricultural, community enter-
prises; the condemnation of the
material incentives for production;
the increasing and unproductive, or
counterproductive, mobilizations en
masse for sugar cane cutting or for
the last pet project of Fidel's imagi-
native mind: and, finally, the milita-
rization of agriculture and of the
whole Cuban life.
Concerning all these issues, one
could aptly summarize the critic's in-



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C. R. AprillMaylJune 1972 Page 37

dictment in one short formula: Fidel's
socialist revolution is stagnant, in
economic terms, derailed in political
terms (with respect to its "socialist"
nature), and bureaucratized and mili-
tarized, in administrative terms. In all
these various senses of ascertainable
failure, the diagnostic theme which
through Dumont's compilation of fig-
ures and arguments is the same: Fidel's
revolution is all strategy grand
strategy and no tactics, and the
strategy has proved wrong. The strate-
gy has consisted of forever grander
schemes: of education, of health, of
production in all fields, of sugar cane
tours de force, of meat, dairy and
subsistence agriculture production
goals, in which the repeated histrionic
celebrations substitute the creation of
the conditions that would make these
goals in some practical sense realistic.
And when every new scheme or goal
fails, then the decisive scheme and
effort is announced, thus placing the
revolution in the unnecessary predica-
ment of instantaneous success or ulti-
mate failure, inviting the demoraliza-
tion which inevitably follows the self-
induced failure consequent on unreali-
stic, grandiose goals not based on
objective conditions, because specifi-
cally not based on the human circum-
stances and motives of concrete human
beings, hispanic and Cuban human
beings at that!
There runs through Dumont's
analysis an undying sympathy and ad-
miration for Fidel Castro. Perhaps the
order of those sentiments would place
Che Guevara at the top, with Fidel
second and perhaps Carlos Rafael
Rodriguez a close third, and obvi-

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Page 38 C. R. Vol. IV Nos. 1 & 2

ously Rail Castro last. That order in
itself, if I read Dumont correctly, has
to do with the evolution of the Cuban
revolutionary experience itself from
romantic rebellion to a militarized ad-
ministration, agriculture, education,
everything. For that evolution explains
and corresponds to the sequence of
preference and credit Dumont conveys
in his estimate of the revolutionary
leadership. Ultimately the transition
that these personages represent in the
Revolution goes from the inspired
leadership of the Sierra Maestra, ro-
mantic liberation and eventually so-
cialism, a philosophic and humanistic
socialism, to the harsh realities of
militarism, or of a political and eco-
nomic socialism that somehow know-
ingly has fallen in the same traps and
errors of Russian and Chinese social-
ism, even as they have crushed the
budding liberalizing movements of
Chekoslovakia and Poland.
Why? The answer lays in what one
could call the genius, the spirit, or the
temper of the Cuban Revolution and
its leadership: they do not start from
the limitations of resources, soil, man-
power, skill, organizational or logistic
realities in order to progress ex-
perimentally, through pilot devices,
towards ultimate, difficult but attain-
able goals. No. Castro has operated on
exactly the contrary strategy: you start
from perfection, from grandiose mod-
els, from figments of the imagina-
tion, a sincere and noble imagination
at that, but divorced from the intrac-
tabilities of actual conditions. Dumont
seems to read Fidel as acting like one
who in the opposition between idea
and actual conditions, would blame the


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actual, empirical conditions for the
failures, instead of the abstractions and
imaginations that do not square with

Ren6 Dumont is a socialist. But
being an intellectual in the only serious
sense of that term, a man who deals
seriously with ideas and their con-
sequences, he is not willing to sacrifice
his professionalism to his politics, or
anybody else's. As a socialist he pro-
fesses the ideas of humanism, of phi-
losophic humanism, which in social
and political terms has to mean some
sort of socialism. The moral element,
in terms of justice and diversity of
talents and creations in individuals
and societies, seems paramount to him,
central to his socialist faith. No regime,
no friend, no revolution, no cult of
personality, no ideological war, is going
to force him to sacrifice his profession
of truth on the altar of a vague align-
ment to socialism, simply because he
is no professional anti-something (anti-
American, or anti-Russian, or anti-
fascist or what not), just craving to be
He comes out of his analysis of the
three stages or periods of the Cuban
Revolution, the romantic rebellion, the
central and bureaucratized planning,
and the years of the hard realities
-1968-70-, as an admirer of Che
and Fidel, for their sincerity and
nobility of spirit, and as an admirer
also of the inspiration of the Cuban
Revolution, of its need and its gestae.
But he also comes out as a critic, con-
structive critic if you will, but a devas-
tating one. A philosophic socialist
disenchanted with all the political so-



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Oil by Raymond Jacques

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If you'd like to find out more about us
(about our artists, our stock, our prices,
etc.) then just drop us a line....

Herve Mehu, Directeur
Le Colibri Galerie D'Art
27 Rue Pan Americaine
Petion Ville, HAITI

Look what a
about us:

recent reviewer said

For many years painting in Haiti
remained submerged as a dormant talent.
Recently Haitian painting has experienced
a renaissance. The revival is largely the
result of tourism and the promotion of Le
entire e d'Art.
Herve Mehu, who used to be the
Assistant Director of Le Centre d'Art but
who now runs his own art gallery on the
Rue Pan Americaine in Petionville,
cautions that the real Haitian contribution

to the painting medium is in primite art
The concept ol primitive art doesn't mean
' lossil art that one tInds in cav.es but
present *daj product ion bo ,.h.N then do
th -:, call t11 prim itie '
As he puts it
at the le el ol pictural or sculptural
technique, our artists du ntiot bi- her
thems-eles \' ith conventional rule- to
render and express 3a created universe
Ttall ignorant ofI formal and rigid
academism, the% seize upon reality ,
through the primitit e vision that the.N have
of it The. paint scenes of hlie which ap-
pear grotesque to us at first sight because
the. do not correspond to the balanced
image that we have ol the world d Three
dimensional space is turned upside down
No more depth, breadth, or height OnJy
forms of extreme mobil.,.N count to the
point of sometimes giving the illusion of
swarming animated, manifold life.
"The vivid, irridescent colors add a
touch of the bizarre to these forms which
throw them into relief. This predominance
of raw color has often intrigued the critics
of art who have finally recognized that
they are the expression of an enveloping
luminosity fixing everything in the
majesty, if not the magic, of the tropical
sun. This contributes to establishing the
close correspondence between art and
daily life, and better arouses our emotions
and makes us appreciate the 'multiple
splendors of life'."
Haitian poverty has sent her people into
the streets to look for their daily needs.
One sees them walking to and fro, carrying
things here and there, selling things in the
streets. They somehow don't seem
resigned to the meager fruits their
economy wants to assign them. The Afro-
Haitian popular folk culture reflects this
vitality, this active attempt not to accept
Frankly, the paintings that I liked best
not only demonstrate this folk vitality in
form but also in content. We bought two
paintings from Herve. They are both of
street scenes. The larger one by
Raymound Jacques shows a village street
over-flowing with men and women
engaged in the labors of market buying
and selling. The other one by Gilbert
Ddsird is of a street scene beneath a house-
filled mountain and boat-filled lake. Here
people are just walking back and forth
with no commerce involved.
In both cases the perspective is lousy but
the color just great. In the first one the
figures are fuller and more detailed while
the other has figures that are but stylized
lines and filled-in forms. Both are
miraculously endowed with life.

Susan Sheinman.
writing in Caribbean Traveler

C. R. AprillMayJaune 1972 e Page 39

cialisms under scrutiny, that is Rend
Dumont in this little book. For him
the paramount values of freedom,
personal and intellectual freedom, the
freedom of the spirit, have fallen
victim to all political and economic
socialisms or projects for socialisms
within his experience, as it has hap-
pened in Cuba. One-man rule, insolent
bureaucracy, personalism, militarized
life in all its manifold consequences, a
"new class" of elite or affluent, Alpha
Romeo mandarins, that is the balance
in Cuba, Russia, China, and the Eastern
European countries. Not that they have

not realized great achievements for the
masses, but even then the price is too
high and the promises more glittering
than the fulfillment.

That is why, probably, the most
charitable judgement of Dumont's
book, from the point of view of a phi-
losophic socialist, is that it is a sad
book. Perhaps the pathos of its message
is nowhere better conveyed than in his
reporting a tete a tete with Fidel in
which the Cuban leader confides to
him the ultimate precariousness of his

revolutionary program: "La revolution,
tu sais, east difficile". Dumont does
not relate his reply, if any, but it must
have run something like this: "Rev-
olutions are difficult, I have seen and
described and studied several of them,
and my advice is not to start from
perfection as if achieved, but to start
with the realities, with the normal
motives and failings of men, and
proceed in revolutionary fashion to
transform them with all deliberate
haste, but with prudence, with method,
with modesty, avoiding above all the
sin of pride. 0

key. 316 pp. Pelican, 1971. $1.65.
pestre. 84 pp. Soci&t6 Nationale de
Edition et de Diffusion, Alger, 1969.
TION CUBAINE. Manuela Semidei.
208 pp. Armand-Colin, Paris, 1968.
COUNTRIES. Clyde Sanger. 276 pp.
Ryerson Press, Toronto, 1969. $3.95.
Cuba is firmly and permanently plunk-
ed in the waters of the Caribbean. It is
striking how often this obvious fact is
ignored in discussions of its experience
for "Latin America." With Havana
at its head only 90 miles from the
United States mainland, Cuba's feet sit
in Caribbean waters, only 30 miles from
the island of Hispaniola and the coast
of Haiti, and 50 miles from Jamaica.
Every time that revolutionary Cuba
wiggles its toes shock waves run
through Caribbean waters.
Cuba is Caribbean by virtue of its
history, social structure, culture, race
relations, and history of economic and
technological dependence on a West-
ern Power. These four books nibble at
different aspects of Cuba's relationship
with the rest of the Caribbean. Either
separately or taken together they are
less than satisfying but they begin to
help intellectually to put some of the
Cuban-Caribbean pieces together.

Two of the books are by exiled
Caribbean writers using Cuba as a
mirror to hold up to their own socie-
ties. Ren6 Depestre is a Marxist Ha-
itian poet who played an active part in
the abortive Haitian reform movement
of 1946 and was active in subsequent
literary developments. He lives in
Havana where he actively militates
for the liberation of his homeland.
Andrew Salkey is a Jamaica novelist
long-resident in London who made his
first pilgrimage to Ciiba in 1968 to
attend a Third World Cultural Con-
Rene Depestre's poetic paean for
Che Guevara is published by the Al-
gerian government state publishing
house. Written shortly after Che's
assassination in October 1967 in Bo-
livia it is an attempt to use Haitian
chant and funereal forms and images
to implore the spirit of Che to visit
Haiti and inspire revolution there. As
a poem it is strident and clumsy, more
of an expression of Depestre's real
grief than a literary work. Significant-
ly it is written in the stilted granidilo-
quent French characteristic of older
Haitian intellectuals rather than the
creole which might help make it com-
prehensible to the masses. It invokes
Haitian spirits and Gods to unite
with a resurrected Che, as curious a
syncretic pantheon as one could wish.
Andrew Salkey tries to come to
terms with Cuba in the light of his


by Aaron Segal

self-imposed exile in London from
Jamaica. Most of the time he fails
in a wooden and long-winded fashion.
His glimpses at Cuban society are
filtered through his interpreters, his
West Indian hang ups, and his intel-
lectual pretentiousness. Only when he
recounts the life of an elderly man
who had runaway from slavery in the
1860's does the narrative take life.
Elsewhere there are pompous laments
of Latin American intellectuals being
unaware of the existence of the English
-speaking Caribbean, of the qualms of
C.L.R. James, the Trinidadian writer,
of accepting the lavish Cuban hospi-
tality, and of rhetorical debates on
intellectuals and revolution. Salkey
meets some of his Cuban cousins whose
parents left Jamaica in the 1920's but
he tells us little of their lives or values.
He hints at Cuba still having racial
problems but, lacking any knowledge
of Spanish, he is unable to explore
the subject. He chafes at Cuban re-
straints on intellectual freedom but
muses that at least Cuban intellectuals
can identify with their society and its
goals. Instead of using his diary and
notes as raw material for a thought-
ful book he has given us a padded and
not very digestible effort.
Manuela Semidei is a French polit-
ical scientist who has carefully an-
alyzed Cuban-US relations, especially
during the critical 1958-1964 period.
Here is a cogent and lucid analysis
although it also lacks first-hand access
to Cubans. It underlines how fear of
the spread of the Cuban contagion
throughout what has been considered
America's "Caribbean lake" was a fac-
tor among Washington policy-makers.
It perhaps over-estimates the influence
of American public opinion, or guesses
about that opinion, as a factor in
Page 40 e C. R. Vol. IV Nos. 1 & 2

policy-making. Washington insiders
were torn between desires to get rid
of Fidel at a minimum price and
keeping him isolated, especially from
the rest of the Caribbean. What dic-
tated their thinking and actions had
little to do with anything that can be
called public opinion. Instead they
were guessing at the likely reaction
of Russians, European allies, and
Fidel himself. This book, by looking
at everything from Gallup Polls to
congressional debates, will provide a
useful reference for some future defin-
itive history of Cuban-US relations
during this period.
Clyde Sanger is a Canadian journal-
ist with extensive experience in Afri-
ca. He writes well and sympathetical-
ly about the problems of the Third
World and of the limited attempts by
Canada to help. His chapters on Ca-
nadian involvement in the Caribbean,
.especially Jamaica, reveal the extraor-
dinary mixture of motives, from crass
commercialism to naive do-goodism,
that prevail. How ironic that a country
whose intellectuals see it as a semi-
colony of the United States, should
play a paternalistic role in relation
to the Commonwealth Caribbean.
What is missing from the book is an
analysis of Canadian-Cuban relations.
Although Ottawa has kept commercial,
diplomatic and trade ties open with
Havana, its desire not to irk Washing-
ton has led it to minimize its Cuban
contacts. The Canadian left, unable to
define for itself or its country, an in-
telligent and constructive relation to
the West Indian islands, dropped the
ball completely on the possible Cuban
endrun. Instead of insisting that Can-
ada should offer similar technical
assistance and tied loans and credits
to Cuba as to Jamaica, it preferred to
focus on the need to keep down the
numbers of Americans, mostly liberals
and radicals, teaching at Canadian
universities. Readers will find in this
book a well-documented and insight-
ful account of Canadian global aid but
little critical insight on the politics
and political forces that account for
the vagaries of Canadian foreign policy.
While each of these books helps to
place Cuba in the Caribbean eacn lacks
perspective. Cuba differs from the rest
of the Caribbean and an understanding
of its differences, pre and post 1959,
are vital to grasping its present and
future relations.

Cuba is the largest Caribbean island,
the closest to the United States, and
its population of 7 million represents
25 per cent of the total population of
the area. Its natural resource base and
especially its temperate climate and
diversified minerals make it potential-
ly less dependent on sugar and tour-
ism than any other island. It should
be the richest island and the one least
subject to a monculture. Elsewhere
the Caribbean is full of gorgeous over
-populated rocks with little or no un-
cultivated arable land, no known new
commercial mineral deposits, and
little to offer except stunning beaches
and island charm. Compare Cuba's
population density of 70 per square
mile to that of 1200 in Barbados or
800 in Puerto Rico. While the rest
of the Caribbean must export young
unskilled labor to avoid political
turmoil and economic stagnation, Cuba
should be able to adequately feed,
shelter, and clothe its growing popula-
Secondly, Cuba has come closer than
any other Caribbean society to bridging
the awesome gap between black and
white. Even before 1959 race relations
in Cuba did not display the bitterness
and pent-up hostility characteristic of
the West Indies. Partly because of the
skills, organization, and middle-class
qualities of Cuba's Jamaican and Hai-
tian immigrants, partly because of a
colonial history of free blacks and
mulattos who acquired positions of
prominence, Cuban blacks prior to
1959 were often separate from but not
necessarily and invariably inferior to
Cuban whites. Castro has made a
considerable effort to further integra-
tion, aided by a massive exodus in the
early years of largely white Cuban
technicians and businessmen. Afro-
Cuban music, dance, and rites have be-
come part and parcel of Cuban so-
ciety and not merely fodder for tourists
as is often the case elsewhere.
Racial problems remain. The major
difference is that in Cuba the lock-
step link between races, income, educa-
tion, social class, and economic power
which prevails throughout much of the
Caribbean has been decisively broken.
Most Cubans may be poor, but white
Cubans are as poor as black, stand in
the same lines to receive rationed food-
stuffs, go to the same schools, swim at
the same beaches, speak the same
language and dialect, and presumably
increasingly share the same beds. The

institution of compulsory military
service for boys and girls, and the de-
liberate mixing of young persons in
boarding schools and other institutions,
may make Cuba genetically the first
truly brown society in the Caribbean.
Cuba has also demonstrated that
economic and political dependence on
a Western power, is not a necessary
fact of Caribbean life. Yet many ob-
servers, both from elsewhere in the
Caribbean and outside, wonder if the
price has not been too high. Are the
Soviets any more magnanimous, in-
telligent, or flexible or less imperialist,
benevolent or clumsy than the
Americans, Canadians, French, Dutch,
and British who have called many of
the shots in the Caribbean for four
centuries? Does the Soviet yoke weigh
less heavily than that of the United
States? Is there no hope for true.in-
dependence anywhere in the Carib-
bean, even it it means tiny over-
populated islands desperately playing-
off one major power against another?
Ironically the least dependent Car-
ibbean island is Hati, also its poorest
and subject to the most despicable re-
gime in the area. Only in Haiti is
foreign aid minimal, foreign trade nor

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Foreign Affairs.
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Journal of
Developing Areas.


Essays on Guatemalan
National Social structure,
By Richard Newbold Adams
xiv, 553 pages $10.00

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Austin, Texas 78712

C. R. April/Mayliune 1972 Page 41



Acutely aware of the problems in
his native Jamaica, playwright and
journalist Barry Reckord went to
Cuba with some very basic ques-
tions: Is Cuban socialism working?
Are the people really better off than
before Castro? What's happening
in the areas of health, housing, and
education? Is there any freedom
and popular participation or is
Castro an iron-fisted Stalin? What
is replacing traditional capitalistic
incentives-and does it work? To
get the answers, Reckord moved
freely and spoke to the people
themselves-to street cleaners,
farmers, mechanics, students,
teachers, doctors, and factory
workers as well as government
officials. His remarkable report on
these interviews, spiced with the
language of the people, cuts
through all the myth and propa-
ganda (from both sides) to give us
the first on-the-spot, grass-roots
picture of the total Cuban expe-
rience. $6.95

In Cuba
Barry Reckord



At all bookstores

111 Fourth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10003

Page 42 C. R. Vol. IV Nos. 1 & 2

determined by special preferential
arrangements tying the government to
its foreign clients, and foreign cultural
penetration scarcely visible. The Hai-
tian government has made itself rel-
atively invulnerable to foreign in-
fluences and pressures by systematically
cutting-back the size of the monetary
economy (probably smaller in 1971
than it was in 1792), pitting the black
impoverished masses with their Afro-
Haitian culture and values against their
historic exploiters, the brown mulatto
elites and middle-class, and controlling
all relations with the external world
to the personal benefit of the holders
of power. Elsewhere in the Caribbean
where economic advance has occurred,
as in Puerto Rico, Curacao or Trini-
dad, it has been purchased at the ex-
pense of massive foreign private invest-
ment without significant local partici-
pation, massive importation of foreign
values and skills, and precarious po-
litical and economic dependence.
The other disappointment of the
Cuban experience is its failure to es-
cape the claims of King Sugar, the
curse of the Caribbean. Caribbean
cane-sugar is usually grown on planta-
tions by badly paid, shabbily treated
migrant labor who sweat-out crops
whose world prices are subject to
gross fluctuations and which buy fewer
consumer and capital goods. Sugar
provides neither secure, well-paid, nor
dignified employment. At best in
crowded islands where labor is cheap,
it keeps men and women gainfully
employed for several months a year.
Yet Caribbean labor, as badly paid as
it is, is still more expensive than
African, Brazilian, or Peruvian labor
and Caribbean sugar, unless it is
mechanized, is destined to disappear.
Cuba has neither succeeded in mechan-
izing its sugar cultivation, raising the
material standard of living of its cane-
cutters, nor finding alternate crops or
industries. It differs from the rest of
the Caribbean in that its office-work-
ers, intellectuals and politicians, are
required to know the sting of the horse-
fly, the pain of slashing at stalks of
cane in 90-degree heat and 95 per cent
humidity, and the ache of harsh phys-
ical labor. In the Dominican Republic
and Barbados, nearly as dependent on
sugar as Cuba, locals, whether black
or white, refuse to cut cane, and tem-
porary migrant labor has to be brought
in from the neighboring poorer

countries of Haiti and St. Lucia respec-
tively. Cuba, in tying its future to sug-
ar, has failed to give the Caribbean
the lead it searches, although its
egalitarianism has removed from this
crop its racial stench.
What are the alternatives to sugar?
Puerto Rico has tried labor-intensive
industrialization based on guaranteed
access to the United States market, in-
centives to lure private investors, and
export of unskilled Puerto Ricans. It
has done so through a form of political
association with the United States
which is a cause of constant political
tension, and which is neither available
to, nor desired by, anyone else in the
Caribbean. The Dominican Republic,
Jamaica, Trinidad, and Barbados have
tried a mix of sugar, tourism from
North America, local minerals (baux-
ite in Jamaica, nickel in the Domini-
can Republic, petroleum in Trinidad),
and tax concessions to attract industry
for export. Each island has desperately
and, since Britain closed its doors in
1962, unsuccessfully sought to export
unskilled labor while failing to slow
down the hemorrage-like brain-drain
of its intellectuals and technicians.
Income distribution on racial and
class lines has gotten worse or no bet-
ter and economic development has not
been combined with either jobs or im-
proved social services. Cuba's alterna-
tive of dependence, egalitarianism, and
poverty looks attractive only as other
models fail to work.
Meanwhile the United States con-
tinues to blunder about, intervening
to thwart the noncommunist left as
in Santo Domingo in 1965, failing to
intervene against the corrupt right as
in Haiti in 1971 after the death of
Duvalier pere and the succession by
the equally vile Duvalier fils. It has
failed to offer to the Caribbean any
prospect of economic development,
political independence, and social
justice through a new relation with
the colossus to the North. It conti-
nues to insist that the Cuban ex-
perience is a disaster and to encourage
other Caribbean government to keep
Havana at an untouchable distance.
Unless and until a more effective ap-
proach is made to the basic problems
of the area, more and more Caribbean
people are going to explore the Cu-
ban alternative, not so much from
hope but as the product of depair.*

.A ,'

108 square miles. The island is
shaped as a rough circle. She is
a member of the British Com-
monwealth under an Associated
State sta'..,;. Antigua has a pc-
pulation of around 60,000 and
her capital is ST. JOHN'S The
currency is the West Indian
Dollar (popularly called the bee
wee dollar). Visitors to Antigua
should have a certificate of vac-
cination and proof of citizenship.
WHERE TO STAY? Antigua has
a full range of tourist rated
hotels. Among the best, we espe-
cially recommend:

:- ..

TEL is located at Soldier Bay,
only three miles from the airport
and four from downtown. St.
John's. All rooms face the hotel's
own white sand beach. Dancing
to island's best combo on Sun.,
Fri. And Wed. Nights. Native and
Continental cuisine. Full water
sports facilities. Tennis and Gol-
fing. Under the stars dancing and
dining at outside patio.
English Harbor, in the South
coast of Antigua, is one of the
most important historical sites in
the Caribbean. Within this area
lies Nelson's Dockyard which
was restored some years ago to
its original splendor. Most hotels
offer native style entertainment
several nights every week. There
are a good number of indepen-
dent night spots near to and in
St. John's.

southeast of Puerto I
approximately 115 squad
The island has a popI
approximately 60,000 an
pital is Oranjestad. As a
of the Nertherland
(which are equal part
the Kingdom of the Net
In addition, most island
fluent English, Dutch a
several luxury and modi
ce hotels in Aruba. W
mend the Divi-Divi.

few. steps from your pa
warm clear waters of
bean. Clusters of Beac
sitas are designed t
luxury and privacy. I
enjoy your spacious r
its private patio and v
sea, decorated with
ed furnishings of sixt

Rico, has even during a relatively short
are miles. visit. Walking around the island
elation of capital one can't but admire its
d its ca- Dutch-like cleaniness. The city's
member port, called Horses Bay, features a
Antilles very photogenic open air market
ners with where cookware, produce fruit
herlands). and fish from all the surrounding
ers speak islands and seas are sold. The
nd Span- Bali, a famous restaurant/bar
built on a converted houseboat
'here are which features Indonesian dishes,
rate pri- is right in town and should be
e recom- visited. In addition to its interest-
ing architecture and riotous co-
lors, the city has flower-filled
Wilhemina Park, a great place to
spend many relaxing evening
hours. Touring the rest of the
island will show the visitor
many examples of Aruba's famed
trade mark, the wind blown Divi-
Divi trees, its very curious rock
OTEL: A formations and the many inte-
atio to the resting uses to which the island
the Carib- cactus plant has been adapted.
front Ca- The island has a nature-built
o provide Rock Bridge which is best seen
Relax and from ruins said to be from a Pi-
*oom with rate Castle but which actually are
iew of the the leftovers of a gold-ore stamp-
hand-craft- ing mill built in 1872. On the
eenth cen- other side of the island, on the

tury Spanish colonial design. All
Casitas air-conditioned. Private
baths with tub and shower and
two double beds in each room.
"BALI". This famous floating,
airconditioned Indonesian restau-
rant is located at the "Bali" Pier
at Oranjestad, Aruba's capital. It
is open 7 days a week, from 10
am. till 12 pm. and features
among many other exotic dishes
the well known RIJSTTAFEL
(ricetable) which consists of about
22 different dishes such as
shrimps, krupuk, veal, sate, chic-
ken, vegetables, etc., etc. They are
all prepared in ever varying tastes
with unlimitable combinations of
herbs and spices. Dinner at this
restaurant will be a culinary ex-
perience never to be forgotten and
therefore strongly recommended.
It's owner/host Karl Schmand
will always be there to help you
along and see to it that the service
will be the way you expect it.
It's view at the Paarden Baai
(The Horses Bay), Oranjestad's
Harbour is out of this world.

ri _1
Bf K A

ed within viewing distance of
Venezuela's coast and 500 miles

ba is small enough so that the
typical visitors has time to see
most of the island's attractions,
C. R.

AprillMaylJune 1972 Page 43


South coast, there are caves full
of carvings and drawings report-
edly made by the island's native
inhabitants centuries ago. For vi-
sitors with a technological bent
the island's water distillation
plant, one of largest such plants
in the world, offers daily guided
tours. Aruba, of course, offers
the full spectrum of water sports
and activities: swimming, deep-
sea fishing, sailing, water skiing,
etc. There are several tennis
courts,, one golf course and skeet
facilities in the island. Aruba has
no luxury taxes and no duties on
a large number of items, there
is a growing number of very top
native operations, so good buys
are plentiful. Most of the larger
hotels have San Juan-like night-
clubs and restaurants. Most have
fine food. Also in this category is
the Olde Molen an old windmill
brought to Aruba from Holland
and then converted into a res-
taurant nightclub.
Caribbean environment.

long, thin island with an area of
approximately 180 sq. miles and
a population of around 135,000.
Its capital is Willemstad which
has a magnificent Old World at-
mosphere. The largest of the six
Dutch islands in the Caribbean,
Curacao is the seat of the Nether-
land Antilles Government. The
official currency is the Guilder
which exchanges for approxim-
ately $0.50 U. S.

has three large, resort hotels. All
of these have gambling rooms.
Several of the city's charming old
mansions have been converted
into inexpensive guest houses
which cater, mainly, to Latin
American tourists. Among all,
we recommend the Curacao In-

TAL. Located right in the center
of a charming town, making it
perfect for both businessmen and
vacationers. 125 air-conditioned
rooms, swimming pool, night
club, casino. Also lovely tropical
gardens. Be sure to visit the
swinging Kikini Bar. Fine faci-
lities for conventions.
* C. R. Vol. IV Nos. 1 & 2

Walking around Willemstad for
window shopping (Curacao is si-
milar to St. Thomas in the varie-
ty of goods and rock-bottom
prices it offers bargain hunting
Caribbean visitors) and sightsee-
ing are a must do activity for all
visitors to the island. The city's
famed Pontoon Bridge, which
opens and closes several times
a day to allow ships thru, of-
fers great photographic possibili-
ties. Just outside Willemstad is
one of the largest oil refineries
in the world. Oil has and con-
tinues to be the main economic
support of the island. Outside
the city there are several things
that should be seen. Boca Tabla
is a small low hung cave looking
into the ocean which can be reach-
ed thru a tortous path. There
are many old plantation homes,
some in very good condition,
which are open to the public
and which let the visitor look
back to a past of "tropical lush-
ness. Like most islands in the
Caribbean Curacao offers the full
spectrum of ocean and beach re-
lated activities. It also has a golf
course, tennis courts and horse-
back riding. When the pontoon
bridge in Willemstad is open,
there is a free ferry ride across
the canal. Visitors taking this
free ride will have a unique op-
portunity for meeting the friend-
ly people of this island and thus
flavor another of its charms. Fi-
nally every visitor should try
some of the many candies, sweets
and tidbits sold by street vendors
all around town.


has 532 square miles and a popu-
lation of around 300,000. She is a

state of France. Her capital is
BASSE-TERRE. The accepted cur-
rency is the New Franc which ex-
changes at 0.20 U.S. Visitors
should have a certificate of vac-
cination and proof of citizenship.
French is almost exclusively
spoken here.

WHERE TO STAY? Guadeloupe
has five major hotels. Among
these we especially recommend:

sandy beach, swimming pool,
sumptuous gardens 30 minutes
from airport, 128 air conditioned
rooms French and Creole cui-


1,000 foot sugar white beach. Fully air conditioned.
40 Spanish style Casitas with their own beach front
patio. 42 rooms overlooking the beach with patio or
Spanish balcony. International Cuisine Pelican Bar
& patio Frbsh Water Swimming Pool. BRUIF
TEL. 3300

sine French wines 9 hole THE HOTEL BAKOUA (Tel.
golf on hotel grounds 5 minute 55-95) is located at Trois Illets
walk to nearest town daily at one of the ends of Fort de
shopping tour to Pointe-a-Pitre France's magnificent harbor. It
has 77 de luxe, ocean-front, air-
conditioned rooms, 20 cabanas
with private bath & telephone.
Truly superb French and Native
cuisine. White sand beach and
swimming pool. Private marina.

WHERE TO STAY? San Juan has
numerous first class hotels.
Most of the larger ones have
Commonwealth Government su-
pervised gambling casinos.

French atmosphere Something
different and an occasion to
freshen up on your French.
Guadeloupe, which is shaped like
a butterfly, has two distinct en-
vironments. One of the wings
(Grande Terre) is generally flat
and rolling and full of lovely,
white-sand beaches. The other
wing (Basse Terre) is more hilly
and rugged and features black,
volcanic-ash beaches. Visitors to
the island should take time out
to try different restaurants (even
the smallest ones offer gourmet
dishes) and inspect the architec-
ture of the Caravelle in which
the floating effect so many archi-
tects seek was masterly achieved.
Also in the "must be seen list"
CARIBS where some fine examples
of Carib Indian sculpture can be
Matouba where, according to leg-
end, live sacrifices are carried
out and, if you like that sort
of thing, the beach at LE MOULE,
once the scene of battles between
European powers and the Carib
Indians. Visitors interested in
shopping should definitely go to
Point-a-Pitre's commercial area,
an incredibly busy, Near East-
looking section where Persian
rugs and tropical fruits are some-
times sold in the same small
store. The dormant SOUFRIERE
_ volcano occasionally belches a
cloud of harmless but odorous
sulphur. Guided trips up and
into its mouth can be arranged.


has 450 square miles. She is a
state of France. Her capital is
FORT-DE-FRANCE. The island has
a population of around 300,000.
The accepted currency is the New
Franc which is worth $0.20 U.S.
French is spoken almost exclusiv-
ely. Visitors should have a certi-
ficate of vaccination and proof
of citizenship.
WHERE TO STAY? Martinique
has several Tourism Office re-
commended hotels. Among these
we especially recommend:

All water sports. Every hour a
luxurious cruise boat tender
makes a round trip to the city.

There are two things most visi-
tors to this island do during
their stay in the island: visit
the ruins museum at ST. PIERRE,
formerly Martinique's capital
which in 1902 was burned to a
crisp by Mount Pellee's explosion,
and visit the BIRTH-PLACE OF
Ilets. Between these two points
is Fort de France, the present
capital, which has unique archi-
tecture, an endless variety of
shops and the best restaurants in
the Antilles. Visitors planning
longer visits no less than a week
is recommended should drive
the whole perimeter of the island.
Black sand beaches, tropical rain-
forest-like greenery, sky high vis-
tas and dazzling, plantation ho-
mes in the grand style will reward
them. The Atlantic side of the
island offers some of the most
beautiful, seascapes in the Carib-
bean. And much more, all with a
distinct, very french ambience.
In addition to the great restau-
rants at the Bakoua, Europe, Lido
and Cap Est, we strongly recom-
mended the Foyal, the Louisiane
and the Vieux Moulin all locat-
ed in or near Fort-de-France.

has 3,435 square miles. It be-
longs to the U.S. under an As-
sociated Free State status. U.S.
Currency is the legal tender.
Spanish is the main language but
English is spoken almost every.
where. The capital of Puerto Rico
is SAN JUAN. The island has a
population of over 2,500,000. Vi-
sitors from OUTSIDE the U. S.
should have a certificate of vac-
cination and a visaed passport.

CoCo Mar Hotel 3 Amapola St.
Isla Verde, Puerto Rico
Under the Palm Trees in Sunny
Puerto Rico A Modem Efficien-
cy hotel located on the beach.
All rooms with ocean view. Air
Conditioned Kitchenette Area
- Daily Maid Service Bar &
Cocktail Lounge.
Major Credit Cards Honored
The finest in Isla Verde, where
the island's gourmets enjoy de-
licious Spanish and Continental
cuisine. La Fuente's Clams Casino
and Lobster Thermidor are par-
ticularly recommended.
of the hotels in San Juan' offer
all types of water related activi-
ties to which all house guests are

Dutch National
Car Rental
"We Do It Better"
From $8.00 a day .. No Extras
Rental Rates
Volskwagen . $12.00 per 24
hours Ford Cortina (automatic)
$12.00 per 24 hours
no mileage
No Deposit
No pick up or
delivery charge
Road map included
$50.00 deductible insurance
Full collision protection
available at $1.00 per day
American Express, Carte Blan-
che. Diners Club credit cards
accepted Call
Call 47054
Dr. Albert Plesman airport
Willemstad, Curacao NA.
Cable address: Dutch Car

C. R. April/MaylJune 1972 o Page 45

- invited. The Caribe Hilton, La
Concha and the Puerto Rico She-
raton deserve close inspection by
architectural buffs. FORT SAN JE-
RONIMO, off the Caribe Hilton,
has been restored and converted
into a museum and should be
seen. Live sea urchins (they
don't sting if properly handled)
can usually be found on the rocks
pointing towards Fort San Jer6-
nimo in back of the hotel that
carries its name...
On the other side of town-on the
road to Bayam6n-are the ruins
of the foundations of PONCE DE
LEON'S first house in Puerto Rico.
Rediscovered in 1934, they date
back to 1508... West of the main
hotel area is OLD SAN JUAN which
all visitors should take at least
one day to explore. While in Old
San Juan three musts are FORT
CRISTOBAL-centuries old bastions
which guarded the city during
its Spanish Colonial days and
SANTA CATALINA which now serves
as the seat of Puerto Rico's gov-
ernor. Every day there are several
guided tours thru each of the
three sites. Approximately ten
per-cent of Old San Juan's 700
plus structures have been restored
to their original splendor. For-
tunately some of them have been
converted into stores and/or art
shops (especially along Cristo
and Fortaleza Streets) wnich allow
leisurely browsing. Also in the
"must be seen" list are Puerto
way to the Old City) and the
TURE'S art collection ... Well-
heeled visitors should make a
point of visiting one or all of
the fine jewelry shops clustered
around the corner of Fortaleza
and Cruz Streets. One of them,
appositely, is located in the
former office of Merril Lynch,
Pierce, Fenner & Smith. Every
ten minutes or so during the
day a FERRY leaves Old San Juan
for Catailo-the terminal is locat-
ed behind the Post Office. The
ride, which only costs 10 cents
each way, gives passengers a
change to get some good photos
of the bay, get a close look at the
pelicans and see, in Catafio, an.
other face of Puerto Rico. .

B'ar &-. Rercauvont
1y.encA 'QufdIne


Vol. IV Nos. 1 & 2

St. Martin has 37 square miles
which are roughly divided in half
between the French and the
Dutch sides of the island. The
capitals are PHILIPSBURG (Dutch)
and MARIGOT (French) The is-
land's population is of around
4,500 again roughly divided in
half. Two currencies are accept.
ed, the New Franc, worth $0.20
U.S. and the Guilder which is
worth about $0.50 U.S. Visitors
to the island must have a certi-
ficate of vaccination and proof of
citizenship. The Dutch side of
the island is a* member of the
Netherland Antilles, an equal
partner with Holland in the
Dutch nation, and the French side
is a dependency of Guadaloupe, a
French state.
WHERE TO STAY? St. Marten/
St. Martin has four relatively
large hotels and several smaller,
very good hotels and guest houses.

"mm~if, ~'-"

PASANGGRAHAN (2388) is lo-
cated in a quiet lush tropical
garden on the beach of Philips-
burg, the FREE-PORT capital
of Dutch St. Maarten. Each of
it's 21 attractive double rooms
with private baths have over-
head fans and optional air-con-
ditioning. The kitchen is fa-
mous for a great variety of well-
prepared international dishes.
Total informality sets it's West

Indian atmosphere. Established
in 1958 it is still St. Maarten's
biggest little bargain and repeat
visitors are the best salesmen for
the hotel. Write or cable PA-
SANGGRAHAN, St. Maarten.
Represented in North American
cities and Puerto Rico by The
Jane Condon Corporation.
lovely half French, half Dutch
island offers the full spectrum
of water/beach activities, marvel-
lous picture-book little village,
like Grand Case in the French
side, free port shopping and a
unique tranquility which truly
makes a vacation a rest. Front
Street in Philipsburg (the Dutch
side) and the dock area in Marigot
have a complete, assortment of
free port stores. Spritzer & Fuhr-
mann, the famous jewelers from
Curacao, have three stores in the

Beachcomber Villas: on the beach
at Burgeux Bay, St. Maarten are
the perfect setting for an un-
forgettable Caribbean vacation.

* Each villa Is fully furnished
including linen, kitchen
utensils, etc.
* Two and three bedroom villas.
* Rents from $150 to $250
per week.
* For more Information write:
Beachcomber Villas
P.O. Box 149, Phllipsburg
St. Maarten, N.A.

# #

island; two in Philipsburg and
one at the airport. Several other
famous Curacao stores like El
Globo, Casa Amarilla and Vole-
dam also have stores in town.
Guests at any hotel or guest house
can and should take advantage
of their visit to experiment with
the cuisine of all other. There is
a nightclub with nightly dancing
and, during the season, entertain-
ment at Little Bay.

has a large number of hotels
and guest houses of all sizes
and prices. Among these we
especially recommend:

the beach, only a few minutes
away from St. Thomas' airport
and town. This intimate resort
is made up of spacious, air.con-
ditioned, completely equipped
housekeeping fresh water pool
units. The resort has a beautiful
pool with a bar right over it.
The management will make the
necessary arrangements for fish-
ing, sailing or any other activity
the guests desire. For reservations
from the U.S. write the hotel at
P. 0. Box 3381 St. Thomas 00801.
THOMAS is a hilly island with

numerous neighbors. This makes
for endless, heart wrenching views.
The best viewing, in the sense
that one can sit down in com-
fort and sip a well-brewed drink
in the watching process, is from
the bar at the top of the Tram.
way, or the pool at the Shibui
hotel or the restaurant at
Mountaintop. In addition to the
views (the cup overfloweths) the
visitors should take time to visit
LANDS (a new, very ambitious
institution) near the airport;
DRAKE'S SEAT from which, ac-
cording to legend, Sir Francis
Drake used to inspect his fleet;
FORT CHRISTIAN on the edge of
Charlotte Amalie which dates
back to 1666; GOVERNMENT HOUSE
which serves as the official res-
idence of the Governor of the
island and exhibits its fine art
collection to the public daily and
cated in Beretta Center in the
middle of Charlotte Amalie.

SORT (774-2650) is located on
one of the most beautiful white-
sand beaches in the Caribbean,
just five minutes from Charlotte
Amalie, the Antillean free-port
capital. Each of its 24 ocean-
facing rooms has a private terrace
and all the modern comforts. Ex-
otic drinks and American and
Continental dishes served just a
step from the surf in the hotel's
beach front bar and dining room.
Most water sports. Sky-diving ex-
hibition every Sunday afternoon.
Children welcome.


| Chos.n by: The Caribbean
Tourist Association as
the BEST restaurant in
the Caribbean for 1958-59
TELS. 2131

I.A.U. Box 451
San German, Puerto Rico
consulting services
to firms established
in the Caribbean.
Telephone: 892-1043


New Cars
Unlimited Mileage
You Can Trust
Hertz in Aruba like
Anywhere in the

Kolibristraat 1-
Phone 2714
Aruba Caribbean
Hotel Phone 2250
Princess Beatrix


New Cars
Unlimited Mileage

Only Rental Cars in
Island With Unlimited
Third Party Insurance.

Offices at Julianna Air-
port and Marigot, St.


exclusively at

first on main street and at
the Caribbean Beach Hotel
St. Thomas, U. S. Virgin Islands.
C. R. e April/May/June 1972 Page 47

(775-0165) is located right on

ABROAD. Tana de Gamez. Citadel Press,
1971. $10.00 A pictorial biography of
Cuba's great ballerina.
SAINT OF HAITI. Ann Griffiths. 192 pp.
Julian Messner, 1970.
Norman Manley. Rex Nettleford (ed.),
Africana Publishing Corp., 1971. $16.50.
Twice Prime Minister of Jamaica, Nor-
man Manley was a key figure in his
country's movement to independence.
His speeches, writings and autobiogra-
DO. Roberto Agramonte. 815 pp. Edito-
rial Universitaria, U.P.R., 1971. A Monu-
mental study by the Cuban expatriate
Inti Peredo. 180 pp. Los Amigos del
Libro, Bolivia, 1970.
TRADA. Peter G. Earle. 254 pp. U. of
Texas press, 1971. $7.50. Traces the work
of the argentine writer from his first
poems to his essays and short stories.
ert L. Brunhouse. 350 pp. U. of Oklaho-
ma Press, 1971. $8.95. Biography of the
Maya scholar.

Page 48 C. R. Vol. IV Nos. 1 & 2

General Works
Robert D. Crassweller. 470 pp. Praeger,
1972. $13.50 A comprehensive study of
the Caribbean area especially in rela-
tion to U. S. policy.
INDICE CULTURAL. Nilita Vient6s Gas-
t6n. Vol. 3 (1959-1960) 182 pp.; Vol. 4,
(1961-1962) 242 pp. Editorial Universita-
ria, U.P.R. 1971. Critical essays.
LILLIPUT. Gordon K. Lewis. 400 pp.
Northwestern, 1971. $12.00. Professor
Lewis examines the American Virgin Is-
lands. After analyzing the historical de-
velopment of the islands under first
Danish and then the American rule, he
concentrates on the post 1945 period.
Geography and Travel
Ira L. Wiggins and Duncan M. Porter.
1034 pp. Stanford U. Press 1971. $37.50.
Contributions by 28 specialists. Treats
every vascular plant known to occur in
the archipelago. Over 1,000 detailed
line drawings, 96 color photographs.
Keen. 1120 pp. Stanford Press, 1971.
$29.50. Illustrated with over 4,000 half-
tones and 85 color photographs.


813 Ponce de
Le6in Ave.

AAf joPr: Ja6e.t

R(o Piedras, Puerto Rico

ga de la Torre. 237 pp. Aguilar, Mexico,
1971. About Mexican volcanos.

History and Archaeology

1854. John V. Lombardi. 217 pp. Green-
wood Pub. Corp., 1971. A study of slav-
ery in a country never dominated by
that institution.
CIETY IN JAMAICA 1770-1820. Edward
Brathwaite. 374 pp. Clarendon Press:
Oxford U. Press, 1971. A study of a
colonial plantation during fifty years of
slavery. Dr. Brathwaite argues that the
people from Britain and Africa who set-
tled in Jamaica formed a distinctive
Creole society.
Sherburne F. Cook and Woodrow Bo-
rah. 450 pp. U. of Calif. Press, 1971.
pp. Universitaria, Chile, 1970.
SIGLO 19. Lidio Cruz Monclova. 3 vols.,
6 books, Editorial Universitaria, U.P.R.,
1971. $25.00. A republication of the fam-
ous detailed account of Puerto Rican
history including the long out-of-print
vol. 2.
ZUELA. D. K. & G. A. Rudolph. 142 pp.
Scarecrow Press, 1971. $5.00.
DAY. Ram6n Eduardo Ruiz. 453 pp. Holt,
Rinehart and Winston, 1970. A collec-
tion of short excerpts from already pub-
lished books and articles.
Samuel J. and Edith F. Hurwitz. 273 pp.
Praeger, 1971. $9.50. An interpretative
account of the factors that have helped
to shape contempory Jamaica, from its
origins in the 16th century to modern

TORICA. Harmannus Hoetink. 351 pp.
Universidad Cat61ica Madre y Maestra,
Dominican Republic, 1971. Describes
social, political and economic changes
in the Dominican Republic in the sec-
ond half of the nineteenth century.
turo Morales Carri6n. 160 pp. Ed. Uni-
versitaria, 1971. A republication of the
1952 work.
AMERICA TO 1898. Bruce B. Solnick.
240 pp. State University of New York,
1970. $2.95. An integrated study of the
history of the West Indies and Central
America from pre-colombian times to
the end of the nineteenth century.

OLUTION OF 1910-1942. Anita Brenner.
310 pp. U. of Texas Press, 1971. $10. A
new edition with 184 historical photo-
X-RAY OF THE PAMPA. Esequiel Mar-
tinez Estrada. Trans. by Alain Fwistoi-
cki; Introduction by Thomas F. McGann.
415 pp. U. of Texas Press, 1971, $10.00.
History of the people of Argentina
(first published in 1933).


NO: 1969. Francisco Jos6 Romero Ro-
jas. 245 pp. Institute Caro y Cuervo,
Colombia, 1971.
Werner Guttentog T. 200 pp. Los Ami-
gos del Libro, Bolivia, 1971.
Lourdes Casals (ed.), 141 pp. Nueva At-
16ntida, New York, 1971. $3.25. An ex-
tensive collection of documents and bi-
bliograhy related to Heberto Padilla.

TORY, 1627-1834. Jerome S. Handler. 240
pp. Southern Illinois University Press,
1971. An extensively annotated biblio-
graphy relevant to Barbados, the Carib-
bean, and American Colonial History.
1969. 52 pp. Institute of Jamaica, U.W.I.,
Jamaica, 1970.
AT AUSTIN, 1893-1969. Institute of Lat-
in American Studies. 187 pp. U. of
Texas Press, 1971.
EUROPE. Martin H. Sable. 702 pp.
Scarecrow Press, 1971. $15.00. A care-
fully compiled bilingual bibliography.
Sable. 1077 pp. Scarecrow Press, 1971.

RIES. Karl S. Watson (ed). 26 pp. Cen-
ter for Latin American Studies, Gains-
ville. 1971.
UNITED STATES. Secretaria General de
la Organizaci6n de Estados Americanos.
100 pp. 1971. $.75. A directory of asso-
ciations interested in inter-american

LATIN AMERICA. Ronald Hilton. 748
pp. Institute of International Studies,
Stanford, 1970. Deals primarily with
scientific information facilities in Lat-
in America and the scientific institu-
tions which these facilities serve.

From "An Historical Account of the Black Empire of Hayti" by Marcus Rainsford. Reprint: Frank Cass

GRAPHY. Stanley D. Brunn. 693 pp. Lat-
in American Studies Center, Michigan
State U., 1971. $8.00.


Art, Architecture, & Music

PUERTORRIQUENO. Marta Traba. 134
pp. Libreria Irnternaci6nal, Rio Piedras,
1971. $2.00.

ZONE. Meri Franco Lao. 4 vols., 351 pp.
Jaca Book, Italy, 1970.

Language and Literature

LUIS BORGES. Lowell Dunham and
Ivar Ivask, eds. 100 pp. U. of Oklahoma
Press, 1971. Cloth $5.95; paper $2.95.
Analyses of the mayor aspects of Bor-
ges' work.

Castro Leal (ed.), 239 pp. Aguilar, M6xi-
co, 1970. A selection of poems of the
Mexican poet.

CUBA. Humberto L6pez Morales. 189
pp. L.A. Pub. Co., N.Y., 1971. A collec-
tion of articles written between 1961
and 1969 about the use of the Spanish
language in Cuba.

Reinaldo Arenas. Trans. by Gordon
Brotherston. 287 pp. Harper & Row,
1971. $6.50.
C. R. AprillMaylJune 1972 Page 49

Growth of Latin American Cities (Ohio U. Press, 191 $15.00). '


famous novelist,. collection of the poetry of 83 Latin novel.
American poets.
A. Rosario Quiles. 122 pp. Ediciones COMBATE. Manuel Rojas. Casa de las
Bondo, Rio Piedras, 1970. Poetry. EL PAJARO LOCO. Ivan Silen. 132 pp. Americas, Cuba, 1971. Won the 1971
SCasa de las Americas prize for the no-

LLCHA E IDEARIO DE UN PUERTO- Lbreria Internacional, Rio Piedras, vel.
RRIQUE O. Rafael Cancel Miranda. 92 191 Poty
pp. Imprenta Hostos, P. R., 1971. A corn- UN MUNDO PARA TODOS DIVIDIDO.
pilation of letters and poems written POESIAS: Orummond de Andrade. 323 Roberto Sosa. 51 pp. Casa de las Ame-
in a North American Prison. pp. Casa de las Americas, Cuba, 1970. ricas, Cuba, 1971. Won the 1971 Casa de
THE MEXICAN NOVEL COMES OF AGE. las Americas poetry prize.
Walter M. Langford. 224 pp. U. of Notre RAGUELO TIENE UN MENSAJE. Jaime
Dame Press, 1971. 224 pp. $7.95. Out-. Carrero. 242 pp. Libreria Internacional, A VELLON LAS ESPERANZAS OF ME-
Jines the course and characteristics of Rio Piedras, 1970. A novel by a Puerto LANIA. J. J. Rivas Maldonado. 117 pp.
the Mexican novel in the present cen- Rican artist and poet; winner of the Las Americas, N.Y., 1971. Short stories
tury. 1967 P. R. Ateneo award for the novel, about Puerto Ricans in New York.
Page 5' C. R. Vol..IV Nos. 1 & 2
-r- --

Page ~5" C. R. Vol. IV No$. 1 & 2

Anthropology and Sociology

CA. F. H. Cardoso et als. 385 pp. Edi-
torial Universitaria, M6xico. 1970.
TIONS. Frederich Katz. Trans. by K.M.
Lois Simpson. 424 pp. Praeger, 1972.
$15.00. A comparison of the Inca and
Aztec civilizations.
IBBEAN, 1860. James Theodore Holly
and J. Dennis Harris. 184 pp U. of
Michigan Press, 1970. $6.95 Insight into
the temper of separatist movements in
Richard Frucht (ed). 403 pp. Random
House, 1971. An anthology giving com-
parisons of certain aspects of social
life among the black population of the
New World.
dith Maria Buechler. 114 pp. Holt, Rine-
hart and Winston, 1971.
DAD. V. P. Andr6nova. 231 pp. Editio-
nes Na6ka, Moscow, 1970. An analysis
of the Catholic Church in Colombia.
VA YORK. Carlos Varo. 127 pp. Libreria
International, Rfo Piedras, 1971. A con-
demnation of the abortive attempt by
New York's New School to offer courses
in "Spanglish."
Nieves Falc6n. 260 pp. Editorial Edil,
Rfo Piedras, 1971.
DOR 1940-1968. Jair L. F. Santos & Paul
Singer. 137 pp. Centro de Estudios de
Dindmica Populacional da Universidade
de Sao Paulo, Brazil, 1970.
Angelina Saavedra de Roca. 88 pp. Cen-
tro de Investigaciones Sociales, U.P.R.,
1971. Sociological observations of a
P. R. espiritista group.

Henrietta Yurchenco. 224 .pp. Praeger,
1971. $6.50. A portrait of people strug-
gling to define themselves in a chang-
ing world.
HAVANA JOURNAL. Andrew Salkey. 316
pp. Penguin Books, 1971. $1.65 paper.
The Jamaican novelist tries to explain
what the Cuban revolution means to
ordinary and extra-ordinary people.

ATSCHAPPIJ. R. A. Romer. 97 pp. Van
Dorp, Curacao, 1971. A brief analysis
of the social structure and culture of
sythe, Ed. 209 pp. Black Rose Book,
Montreal, 1971. Hard $6.45; paper $3.45.
About the Sir George Williams Univer-
sity affair and its Caribbean Aftermath.

1960. Marc Nerlove and T. Paul Schultz.
105 pp. Rand Corp., 1970.

G. Quintero Rivera (ed.). 167 pp. Cen-
tro de Estudios de la Realidad Puerto-
rriquefia, Puerto Rico, 1971. Anthology
of the important documents related to
the class struggle in Puerto Rico.

THROPOLOGY. Frances Henry (ed.). 109
pp. Centre for Developing Area Studies,
Montreal, 1969. $2.00 (in the developed
countries), $1.25 (in the developing
ones). Papers on Trinidad, Guyana and
St. Lucia.
Thomas P. Carter. 235 pp. College En-
trance Examination Board of New York,
1970. $4.00. About the failure of the
anglo-school system to educate Mexi-
can American students.
DEL VAUPES. Alfonso Torres Laborde.
U. de los Andes, Venezuela, 1971.
CA. Eduardo E. Arriaga. 232 pp. U. of
Calif. Press, 1970.
da Massare de Kostianovsky. 125 pp.
Comuneros, ParagUay, 1970. $2.00.
ONE LOVE. Audbil King et als. Introduc-
tion by Andrew Salkey. 83 pp. The
Bogle L' Overture Publications, London,
1971. $2.50. A collection of essays deal-
ing with the black woman.
H. Epstein. 257 pp. Scarecrow Press,
1970. Sections on Language, National-
ity and Education; School Language:
Private Right or Public Mandate?;
Schooling for Culture or Subculture.

C. R. AprilMayJune 1972 Page 51


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CONTEMPORANEO. Carlos Delgado. 185
pp. Campod6nico Ediciones, Lima, 1971.
110 Peruvian Soles. By .a Peruvian so-
ciologist who is an advisor to Pres.
MAINLAND. Joseph P. Fitzpatrick. 192
pp. Prentice Hll, 1971. A study of the
experiences of Puerto Ricans in New
BERACION. Monsefior Antilio Parrilla.
358 pp. Librerfa Internacional, Rio Pie-
dras, 1971. On the renovation of the
chFurch, on the colonial state of Puerto
Rico, and on social and economic re-
TEM. Ernest Fedder. 304 pp. Anker
Books, 1971. $2.50. The author discusses
the subsistence living conditions of the
poor, land among the wealthy, the over-
crowded labor market, the outdated
technology, and frequent violence of
Latin America's agricultural sector.

Holder Camara. Harper and *Row, 1971.
$5.95 The Brazilian Archbishop of Re-
cife and Olinda voices the need for the
forces of faith and technology to unite
to overcome the crisis of the third
NOAMERICANO. Pablo GonzAlez Casa-
nova. 245 pp. UNAM, Mexico, 1970.
pp. Los Amigos del Libro, Bolivia, 1970.


222 pp. Penguin Books, 1971. $1.45 pa-
per. The author was commissioned to
make this study by the Overseas Devel-
opment Institute. The World Bank, up-
set over its contents, tried to discour-
age the publication of this critical ex-
amination of the program of the World
Bank, A.I.D. and I.M.F.
LATINA. Sergio de la Pefia. 205 pp. Si-
glo XXI, Mexico, 1971. The theory and
philosophy of economic development.

bert 0. Hirschman. 374 pp. Yale U.
Press, 1971. Cloth $12.50; paper $3.45.
A collection of papers on the strategy
of economic development, the policies
of the rich countries in their dealings
with the poor countries, and the per-
ceptions of the developing countries
Craig. 333 pp. U. of Texas Press, 1971.
$7.50. About the Mexican farm labor
program, where Mexican laborers are
contracted -for work on U. S. farms.
pp. Universitaria, Chile, 1970.
Pagi 5' C. R. Vol. IV Nos. 1 & 2

de Estudios Monetarios Latinoamerica-
nos, M6xico, 72 pp., 1971.

vador Rafael Romo. 171 pp. Escupla Na-
cional de Economia, M6xico, 1971.

Joseph Grunwald et als. 200 pp. Brook-
ings Institutions, 1971. $6.95.
TOBAGO. A. N. R. Robinson. 200 pp.
M.I.T. Press, 1971. $8.95. A critical re-
view of the economic changes in Trini-
dad by the former Minister of External
Affairs and the Minister of Finance.
TINA ENTRE 1945 Y 1961. Manuel Espi-
noza Garcia. 194 pp. Casa de las Ame-
ricas, Cuba, 1971. Analysis of the eco-
nomic relations between the United
States and Latin America. 1971 Casa
de las Americas prize winning essay.
Fernandez Holmann. 194 pp. Centro de
Estudios Monetarios Latinoamericanos,
Mexico, 1971.
MENT. Roger D. Hansen. 267 pp. John
Hopkins Press, 1971. $11.00.
van and Owen Jefferson (eds.). 287 pp.
New World, Jamaica, 1971. $5.00. Re-
prints of articles on Caribbean political
economy with suggested further read-
and Owen Jefferson (eds.) 287 pp. New
World, Jamaica, 1971. $5.00. Reprints
of articles on Caribbean political, eco-
nomy with suggested further reading.
AMERICA. Alberto Martinez Piedra. 271
pp. Catholic University Press, 1970.
Fuat Andic et als. 176 pp. George Allen
& Unwin Ltd., 1971. $2.50. The theory is
illustrated by Caribbean Countries.
IN CUBA. Robert M. Bernardo. (Intro-
ducted by Irving Louis Horowitz) 159
pp. U. of Alabama Press, 1971. $7.50.
TILLES. Arvin Murch. 184 pp. General
Learning Press, 1971. $5.95. An integrated
analysis of current political, economic,
and cultural conditions of the French
Antilles that provides fresh insights on
the nature of nationalism itself.

bert D. Crassweller. 370 pp. Praeger,
1971. $10.00. Studies the changes of the
Caribbean states and their potential for
206 pp. U. of Texas Press, 1971. $7.00.
About the internal distribution of influ-
ence in the Chilean legislative body.
Written before Allende took power.
Rojas. 100 pp. Nativa, Colombia, 1971.
Bell. 192 pp. U. of Texas Press, 1971.
$7.00. About the 1948 revolution in Costa
LIS. Robert F. Lamberg. 173 pp. Fors-
chungsinstitut der Friedrich-Ebert-Stif-
tung, Verlag FUr Literatur and Zeitges-
chehen, 1971. Guerilla operations in
Guatemala, Colombia, Peru, and Bolivia
ille Braden. 496 pp. Alington House.
1971. $12.50. Braden's memoirs as a U.S.
envoy to various Latin American gov-

HONDURAS, 1933-1970. Carlos A. Con-
treras. 89 pp. HISA, Honduras, 1970.
los Marighela. Trans. by John Butt and
Rosemary Sheed, 191 pp. Penguin Books,
1971. $1.45. A collection of writings by
the well-known urban guerilla who was
killed by the Brazilian police in 1969.
These papers are taken to be a hand-
book of urban guerilla warfare.
176 pp. Editorial Universitaria, Santiago
de Chile, Chile, 1970.
CANA. Torcuato S. Di Tella. 207 pp.
Arca, Uruguay, 1970.
AMERICA. Fredrick B. Pike. 512 pp. U.
of Notre Dame Press, 1971. $15.00 About
the conscious effort of Spaniards and
Spanish Americans to establish close
A. Silva Michelena. 312 pp. The MIT
Press, 1971. $15.00.
TO RICO. Institute de Cooperativismo.
314 pp. Editorial Universitaria, 1971.
paper $4.00. Preliminary note by H6ctor
Zayas Chard6n. Preface by Luis Miran-
da Correa. Compiles legislation relating
to the Co-op movement in Puerto Rico.
CIETY. Burt H. English. 185 pp. U. of
Florida Press, 1971. $7.50.

MATANZAS. Thomas T. Anderson. 175
pp. U. of Nebraska Press, 1971. $7.95.
About the 1932 communist revolt in El
313 pp. Princeton U. Press, 1971. $10.00.
About the nature of military institutions
in Brazil, its relations with the civilian
gov't before the 1964 coup and its use
of power since then.
and K. A. Hanna. 448 pp. U. of North
Carolina Press, 1971. $11.25.
Anibal Quijano. Trans. by Helen R. Lane.
Monthly Review, 1971. paper $6.50. An
analysis of the old economy of Peru
and an attempt to understand the new
demands made since April 1970.
XICANA. 555 pp. Dist. Porrna, M6xico,
GENTINOS: 1900-1971. Dario Canton. 161
pp. Siglo XXI, Argentina, 1971.
Martin C. Needler. 143 pp. U. of New
Mexico Press, 1971. $2.45. A brief essay
on the character of the Mexican politi-
cal system today.
OF LATIN AMERICA. Gant Hilliker. 201
pp. The John Hopkins Press, 1971. $10.00.
SOCIALISTA. Ismael Frias. 277 pp. Edi-
torial Horizonte, Peru, 1970.
pio Fernandez de Encinas. 161 pp. Edi-
torial Universitaria, U. P. R.,- 1971. A
study of agriculture in Cayey, P. R.
POLITICS. G. A. Mellander. 215 pp. The
Interstate, 1971. $7.95. History of con-
temporary Panama with special attent-
ion to the Canal.
(DISCURSOS 1968-1970). Juan Velasco
Alvarado. Ediciones Persa, Peru, 1971.
Speeches of Peru's leader.
Philosophy and Theology
C. Peter Wagner. William B. Erdmans
Pub. Co., 1970. A polemical, polite
attack on those left-wing Protestant
theologians in Latin America who have
been preaching social revolution and
the need to "transform the structures
of society."
CONCILABLE? Ralph Lee Woodward,
(ed.). 130 pp. D. C. Heath and Co., 1971.
Readings on the role and impact of po-
sitivist thought in Latin America du-
ring the last half of the nineteenth cen-





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C. R. April/May/June 1972 Page 53


"How could you dare print that?" Photo by Rafael Rivera Rosa, 1969.

Page 54 C. R. Vol. IV Nos. 1 & 2




To the editor:
With respect to Gordon Lewis' review of my book, Puerto Rico:
A Profile (Praeger, 1971), I should like to make certain points:
I think that Dr. Lewis, basic quarrel with the book -and with me-
is that an author should be "committed" and should condemn
wrongs. I have tried to describe Puerto Rico as it is, and Dr. Lewis
believes that I should describe Puerto Rico as it ought to be. He
says that while I am a sympathetic, perceptive observer, as an
American Liberal I am too "indecisive" and cannot bring myself
"to see that the only solution is independence, and, after inde-
pendence, socialism."
I am "indecisive" about a host of things-ranging from God
to the proper width for a necktie-so I see no reason why my al-
leged dilemma with Puerto Rican politics makes me an American
Liberal. "Fallible human being," I think, is a more precise label.
And since I am fallible, I think it would be a disservice to foist
my own mercurial opinions-my moral convictions-upon a host
of complete strangers (my readers) who may never learn that,
six months later, I have changed my mind.



book covers record
jackets illustrations


For me to comply with Dr. Lewis' plaints about the things
left unsaid is to ask me to write a different book: a book of
preachment and propaganda. This is a far cry from my original
intention, described on page xiv, to write: "a mini-encyclopedia
of Puerto Rico which attempts to transmit some flavor of island
life and discusses the problems and projects that Puerto Rico
Some of history's great heroes-Marti, Albizu Campos, Chur-
chill-have been propagandists. But I am not a propagandist. For
the last 15 years I have been trying to become a competent jour-
nalist. This is a difficult task, which is by no means a cop-out
from responsibility. It means being the "eyes" of others who want
to know, and were not there to see for themselves. (This includes
social scientists, such as Dr. Lewis, who would be quite helpless
in their meticulous search for primary sources, were it not for the
yellowed news clippings of my predecessors, who tried to write
what they saw and heard, sans analysis or moralizing. Without us,
Dr. Lewis' ringing condemnations of colonialism and capitalism
would lack considerable substance.)
On a more personal level, I doubt that I have achieved a
high enough plateau of wisdom to tell people what they ought to
think. There are enough people now in the business of telling
Puerto Ricans what to think. It is my "conclusive opinion" that
they should think for themselves, and if I can help by organizing
a few bits of data, all the better.
I don't believe, for example, that I would be willing to tell
a young Puerto Rican student that the "only" solution is inde-
pendence and socialism. Because he may demand it tomorrow. And
that may impel him to go up into the hills, with a machine gun.
And I am not ready to lead or follow him into the hills. (1 won-
der how many propagandists are.) Furthermore, I happen to feel
quite "morally indignant" about outsiders-no matter how sublime
their motives-who barge into other people's homes and begin to
re-arrange their furniture.
This is why I embrace the "conclusive opinion" that Amer-
ican soldiers on the beaches of Guinica, Russian soldiers on the
streets of Prague, Christian missionaries, Peace Corps Volunteers,
and-yes-even Ch6 Guevaras in the Bolivian Andes, all ultimate-
ly fail-or do harm. Only when something surges forth from the
very soul of a people is it "right." When Puerto Rico gets its
collective soul in motion-and I have faith that someday it shall-
I will rejoice. The sad, lilting strains of La borinquei5a have brought
chills to my spine, too, and wetness to my eyes; but I shall never
forget that in Puerto Rico I am just a friendly spectator-not a
member of the orchestra. *
Kal Wagenheim
New York City, New York


To the editor:
I greeted the last issue of Caribbean Review with some pleasure
and anticipation because of the review by Yale Professor Anthony
Maingot of the Bosch and Williams books. The review combina-
tion was a natural and I had just completed the same assignment
for Caribbean Studies. Dr. Maingot's review covered some of the
same points and criticism I had discovered. However, concerning
the admittedly weak study by the non-historian Juan Bosch, Pro-
fessor Maingot has unfortunately overstepped the mark of solid
scholarship in an effort to discredit "the deterministic focus" which
may or may not be attributed to Bosch. To substantiate this charge
Maingot uses two examples: one from Haitian history and the
other from the Venezuelan Wars of Independence. My concern is
limited to the Venezuelan case.
Maingot has leveled the very serious charge that Bosch is
guilty of creating a "few new myths" in history in order to lend
credence to his Marxist vision of Caribbean society. In the sur-
prisingly unsophisticated eves of Maingot, Bosch has created a
new hero of the masses in the person of Jos6 Tomis Boves who
championed the mulatto and mestizo llaneros against the creole
aristocracy personified by Bolivar. Maingot falls back on the con-
ventional account of the Venezuelan wars, too long uncritically ac-
cepted, by Venezuelan historians primarily bent on keeping un-
tarnished the immaculate image of their hero Sim6n Bolivar. But
Maingot does not even rely on these new world historians of the
romanticist school but instead calls forth as his authority the high-
ly entertaining but very unreliable Spanish historian Salvador Ma-
dariaga, who quite some time ago established his fame as an em-
bellisher of history through the English translations of his some-
times highly imaginative historical accounts.
Bosch, who certainly did not have to invent the heroic fig-
ure of Boves, is apparently better informed and more widely read
in the up-to-date and scholarly studies of history of Venezuela

A1 nn4



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C. R. April/May June 1972 Page 55



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We would like to keep this beach
as it is well, maybe a couple of dozen
people sunbathing, snorkeling, fishing, or
just splashing about wouldn't take
away from the beauty of the white beach and


the crystal clear water. We also have
another thirty odd beaches just like this one.
We have freeport shops for rare bargains.
Dutch, French, and oriental food will make
you forget your waistline. Then we have
really great hotels, large and small,
all designed to make your vacation in
Saint Maarten a gracious and memorable one.

Sint Maarten Tourist Board


St. Maarten, N. A.

Pags 595 e C. R. Vol. IV Nos. 1 & 2


than the young assistant professor of history of Yale University.
In 1965, with a second and more widely difused edition in 1968,
Professor German Carrera Damas published in Caracas, Venezue-
la, an impressive and well-documented study entitled Boves: As-
pectos socio-econdmicos. This solid historical work based on hither-
to untapped documentation categorically refutes the conventional
picture of Boves created by Venezuelan historians and popularized
by Madariaga. According to the archival material reproduced in
great part by Carrera Damas, Boves was not the unprincipled butch-
er or violator of convention and property which most have ac-
cepted up to now.
Professor Carrera Damas is too careful a historian to leave
the impression that he has created a new hero of the masses in
the Asturian Boves but he has left no doubt that the old image
does not square with the, contemporary documentation. Just where
this leaves the criticism of Bosch's deterministic view of history
is in doubt since the Venezuelan example offered can hardly be
utilized on the basis of recent studies.
In conclusion, I would speculate that if amateur historian
Bosch is to be damned for his determinism then Professor Maingot,
who appears to have been shorn of his authority, is equally guilty
of a deterministic viewpoint of history even more suspect because
it is so conventional. *
Thomas Mathews
Institute of Caribbean Studies
University of Puerto Rico
Rio Piedras, P. R.


To the editor
I have read with great interest in your last edition of Caribbean
Review, Anthony P. Maineot's review (The Npw Caribbean His-
tory) of Juan Bosch and Eric William's books jointly titled: "From
Columbus to Castro." Professor Maingot's point of view on the
need to "reconcile ethnic-racial perspectives with a class view
of society" is well taken. This particular opinion seems to be quite
fashionable nowadays chiefly among mulattoes, upper middle class
groups, and self-styled revolutionaries in the Caribbean.
I basically agree with the fact that, in the final analysis, one's
behaviour is determined by his position of class. However, 1' can-
not overlook the racial factors mostly when, in a given country
there is a great overlapping between race and class, as it is the
case of Haiti where a large majority of the upper classes are white,
or mulattoes, and almost the totality of the lower classes are blacks.
I disagree fundamentally with Professor Maingot's compari-
son between Henri Christophe and Alexandre P&tion. While ac-
cusing Bosch of creating a "few new myths," Professor Maingot,
who is a noted- historian, lets himself fall into a few "old myths"
about Haitian history. Following the "establishment" popularized
lyric point of view of Alexandre P6tion, Professor Maingot pres-
ented P6tion as "a revolutionary figure in a way Christophe never
was" and the author of "one of the most radical land reforms in
recorded history to that time."
Alexandre P6tion was certainly a "good" president of Haiti
in comparison with many of the "bad" ones my unfortunate coun-
try has had. But to admit that, is far from claiming that he was
a "revolutionary figure." Regarding P6tion's land reform, Profes-
sor' Maingot does not even try to identify who were the benefi-
ciaries of such "largesses": the mulattoe officers or the black
masses? This particular question needs to be answered before call-
ing P6tion's land reform "the most radical one in recorded his-
I am suggesting that Profesor Maingot make a new try in the
interpretation of the history of Haiti by consulting not only old
published documents but also young modern black Haitian his-
torians and social scientists. The net results might be the discov-
ery that Dessalines, Christophe, Soulouque. and Salomon were not
as cruel, tyranic, and stupid as they have often been presented.
The time has certainly come for a new evaluation and interpre-
tation of Haitian history. But is it to be hoped that Caribbean
scholars from other countries will also cooperate in this impor-
tant task. Professor Murdo J. MacLeod, from the Department of
History, University of Pittsburgh, has led the way with his well-
documented study published in Caribbean Studies (October, 1970),
under the suggestive title: "The Soulouque Regime in Haiti, 1847-
1859: A Revaluation."
In conclusion, let me express again the great interest with
which I have read Profesor Maingot's article. It is an excellent
study except for, as far as I know, his comparison between Henri
Christophe and Alexandre P6tion. *
Gerard R. Latortue
Caribbean Institute & Study Center for Lalti America
Inter America,' University
San Germf.id, P. R.





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