Table of Contents
 History of Peck House

Group Title: Historic St. Augustine: Block File Duplicate Material
Title: The Peck House (Lot 1 Block 10)
Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00095554/00020
 Material Information
Title: The Peck House (Lot 1 Block 10)
Series Title: Historic St. Augustine: Block File Duplicate Material
Physical Description: Report
Language: English
Creator: Harman, Joyce Elizabeth
Publication Date: 1970
Physical Location:
Box: 8
Divider: Block File Duplicate Material
Folder: Block File Duplicate Material
Subject: Saint Augustine (Fla.)
48 King Street (Saint Augustine, Fla.)
Government House (Saint Augustine, Fla.)
Spatial Coverage: North America -- United States of America -- Florida -- Saint Johns -- Saint Augustine -- 48 King Street
Coordinates: 29.892465 x -81.313142
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00095554
Volume ID: VID00020
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.

Table of Contents
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    History of Peck House
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Full Text





Joyce Elizabeth Harman
February 16, 1970

(LOT 1




Appendix A. Chronology of Peck House
(Lot 1, Block 10)

Appendix B. Documents Relating to Property as
Part of the Estate of John Gordon

Appendix C. Last Will and Testament df John
Gordon and Codicil

Appendix D. Deeds 1791-1837

Appendix E. Wills 1841-1937

Appendix F. Brief Biographical Data on Pecks
and Burts




The Peck House (St. Augustine /Fla. /1923, Dist. No. 5, Block
10, Lot 1), or the so-called Old Spanish Treasury, on the southeast corner
of Saint George and Treasury streets may or may not have actually been the
Royal Treasury at one time in its early history. Probably it was not. A
number of documents refer to it as the "Old Treasury"(Quesada 1790, Sq.
10, No. 89) or the "same Lot and House formerly used as a Spanish Treasury"
(Heilbron 1833, 1837; Griswold 1833, 1837), however, this is possibly due to
the fact that a Royal Treasurer occupied the house for a part of the First
Spanish Period and perhaps transacted a portion of his official duties there.
But the property was apparently privately owned by this particular Royal

Customarily the Crown provided Royal Houses for its major officials.
These were the Governor's House, the Accountancy, and the Treasury. But
the three old wooden houses the Crown had acquired at Saint Augustine were
badly in need of repair at the end of the seventeenth century (1689-1690).
Governor Diego de Quiroga y Losada thus recommended that the three houses
be rebuilt of stone. The Crown agreed providing the fort was finished first.
Before the repair or reconstruction of all the houses was completed, however,
the English burned the town (1702) (Quiroga 1689; Manucy 1962: 20-21; Arnade
1961: 151-52).

The 1702 fire destroyed the new and not-yet-completed wooden Trea-
surer's House (Manucy 1962: 23) and the Royal House where the Governor had
lived and where the Treasurer and Accountant had had their offices at the
time. After the fire the Accountancy and Treasury moved to the Castillo and
stayed at the location for a number of years (Montiano 1746). A new Treasury
apparently was not built until the Second Spanish Period (1783-1821). At
that time (1787) the engineer Mariano de la Rocque remodeled two old houses
for a combined aduana, tesoreria y contadurfa (custom house, treasury, and
counting house) (Manucy 1962: 45, 83-84).

Juan Esteban de Pena was the Royal Treasurer at Saint Augustine from
January 1, 1742, up until the time the Spanish left. Florida at the end of the
First Spanish Period (1763) (Archfvo Nacional de Cuba 1707). Early in his
tenure, de Pena and the Royal Accountant, Manuel Mozo, complained to the
Crown about the conditions in Saint Augustine. In a memorial of April, 1746,
they claimed that the settlement was one of the most miserable in all the
Indies--entirely exhausted of commerce, debt-ridden, and surrounded by
enemies (the English). The two Royal Officials were especially unhappy about
the hardships they suffered due to their lack of a Royal House. A Royal House
was common for officials of their class they reminded the Crown, but they

had no place provided to work or live and had to rent at an excessive cost
and live out of the way. Therefore, they wanted an increase in their
salaries (Montiano 1746).

Governor Manuel de Montiano supported the request of his Treasurer
and Accountant. He reminded the Crown that the English at the beginning of
the century (1702) had burned the Royal House where the Governor lived and
where the Treasurer and Accountant had their offices, after which, of
course, the Accountancy and Treasury had moved to the Castillo. Montiano,
however, felt the Castillo was a good place for security reasons (Montiano

The Crown's reply to the memorial has not yet been located. De Pena
made a salary of 1470 pesos a year in 1751-under a cedula (royal order in
Council of 29 January, 1736 (Spanish Crown, 1751), and a salary of 1500
pesos a year in 1760 (St. Augustine Historical Society 1760: 6079). In any
event the Royal Treasurer acquired during his years in Florida a wife, Maria
Antonia Adriasola in December, 1743 (St. Augustine 'Fla.77/Parish), and,
before the end of the First Spanish Period houses, including the Peck House,
plus lands at La Esperanza (Archfvo General de Indias 1764). Exactly when
he took up residence in the house is uncertain, but he did. More likely than
not he then transacted some of his official business at his residence at the
corner of Saint George Street and Treasury Street (also called Treasurer's
Lane at one time) (Harris 1965: 5-6). The treasury funds, however, were
probably still at the Castillo for safekeeping.

In Saint Augustine hardships were not uncommon, but the colony
enjoyed a few pleasures too. The Royal Treasurer found time to take part in
some of them. When Saint Augustine held celebrations in honor of the en-
thronement of Charles III in 1760, de Penia took most of the initiative in the
non-religious celebrations which included dances, musicals, plays and other
entertainments. The governor subsequently informed the Crown of de Peia's
contribution to the celebration (Palacio 1760).

De Pe-a left Florida at the end of the First Spanish Period (1763)
--Spain having ceded Florida to Great Britain at the close of the French and
Indian War to get Cuba back. For the Royal Treasurer and the rest of the
departing Spaniards, the disposal of property in the colony was of primary
concern. Under Article XX of the Treaty of Paris (1763) they had an eighteen
month period within which to sell their properties or else they would lose
them completely. However, all sales had to be to British subjects (Gold 1963:
18-20). There were not many British buyers around at this time, but a few
acquired large holdings.

DePena was able to sell some of his property for cash before he
left Saint Augustine-James Henderson bought his lands at La Esperanza for
four hundred pesos (Archivo General de Indias 1764: 1). The Peck House,
however, he conveyed in trust to John Gordon, with the understanding that
Gordon would sell it when possible and remit the sum obtained from the sale
to de Pena. The arrangement was part of a confidential transaction involving
a number of houses and lots in Saint Augustine. It came to light at the begin-
ning of the Second Spanish Period when there was a dispute over the ownership
of the property. But, at the time of the transfer to Gordon, the property was
a stone structure covered with azoteas (flat roofs) and forty-three varas north-
south and fifty-two varas east-west (Fernandez 1786; Puente 1764, Block O,
No. 193).

The Peck House was only one of many properties owned or held in
trust by John Gordon. Gordon, an English Catholic (Siebert 1929: 277 N. 173),
was a longtime resident of South Carolina and active in trade and commerce.
After the signing of the peace treaty at Paris in February, 1763, he saw a
"favourable opportunity" for buying lands in Florida. He wrote to Jesse Fish--
his correspondent in Saint Augustine-about making a treaty with the Spanish
for the purchase of large tracts of land. Fish replied that a large sum--either
in specie or in goods--would be necessary to carry out such a deal and that he
would be "glad to hold a share in the concern. Gordon with the help of inter-
ested friends and "correspondents" raised a large sum of specie and goods and
went to Saint Augustine. He arrived there in August, 1763, and found that Fish
had already arranged for several purchases. With the sum raised by Gordon,
the two completed the purchase of several very large tracts of land, amounting
to several hundred thousand acres, in September and October, 1763 (Gordon
1772: 3-6, 8, 16).

Governor Melchor Feliu was anxious to secure any purchases made by
British subjects in his province. He was especially concerned with checking
the validity of the Spanish titles before properties were sold. Therefore, the
certificates signed by the Governor and the Royal Treasurer, Juan Esteban de
Peiia, stated that the Spanish owners of the lands had proper titles and that
under Article XX of the Treaty of Paris Gordon and Fish had become the "true
and lawful owners and possessors"of said lands (Gordon 1772: 6-7, 16-17).

But Governor Feliu and the last group of families left Saint Augustine
in January, 1764, leaving behind a large amount of unsold property including
lands, houses and effects. At popular urging eight Spaniards stayed behind to
act for the owners (Mowat 1964: 8-9). On May 7, 1764, however, a Spanish
agent, Juan Josef Elixio de la Puente, arrived in Saint Augustine from Havana
with orders to dispose of the remaining properties. Unable to do so within the
treaty's time limit, Puente did what other Spaniards faced with the same problem
had done before him-he sold in confidence. The arrangement with Jesse Fish

and John Gordon involved several town lots and some Church property. The
two Englishmen got title to the properties with the understanding they protect
the Church property and sell the lots as the opportunity arose and then return
the price to the Spanish owners (Puente 1772; Mowat 1964: 8-9).

Unfortunately for Gordon, his own government did not want to recog-
nize claims to "so great a Part of the Province" (Grant 1764), despite their
apparent validity under Article XX of the Treaty of Paris (Thomson, Green-
wood, and Higginson no date; Gold 1963: 20-22). Consequently, he spent the
rest of his life trying to get the claims, particularly to the vast tracts of land,
recognized by the British government, but to no avail. In fact, the British
totally disregarded the claims of Gordon and his associates when granting
lands in East Florida (Mowat 1964: 53-54; Gold 1963: 21).

Gordon journeyed to England in 1772 to press his Florida claims
(Forbes 1786 b), representing not only himself, but apparently Jesse Fish too
(Gordon 1772: 18). He attempted to get compensation from theCrown for lands
it had granted in spite of his purchase and claim--offering to relinquish his
claim and to convey it to the Crown under certain terms or considerations
(Gordon 1774, 1777). However, his health declined and he failed to achieve any
settlement. He died at Burdeaux (sic), France in 1778 (Forbes 1786b).

His will--dated July 28, 1774--left all and singular his lands in East
Florida and all his "Estate Right Title Interest Part Share and Claim therein
and thereunto and every Part and Parcel thereof" to two London merchants,
William Greenwood and William Higginson. The two merchants were entrusted
to pursue the claim by seeking compensation from the Crown, or, if necessary,
by taking whatever steps they felt proper in the pursuit of the claim and in the
recovery thereof. Gordon stipulated that his sum or share go first to pay debts
owed to Greenwood and Higginson, and second to pay debts owed to others, with
the surplus to go to his personal estate. Greenwood and Higginson were to be
the executors of this last testament (Gordon 1774, 1777).

A codicil to the will--dated 4 December 1777--confirmed his will of
July 28, 1774, but added several provisions relating to his family. He gave
to his two daughters by his first marriage, Elizabeth Smith and Sarah Gordon,
a tract of land in Prince William Parish, South Carolina, and to a sister-in-law
Margaret Smith he gave one hundred pounds sterling. The rest of his "lands,
mefsuages Tenements and hereditaments" and "goods, chattels and personal
estate" in the provinces of South Carolina, Georgia, and East Florida-except
the Claims to the Lands in East Florida" "devised in Trust" in his will to
William Greenwood and William Higginson- Gordon left to John Smith of Georgia,
Thomas Forbes and William Panton of East Florida, Merchants, and John

Torrans of Charleston, South Carolina, Merchant. They were to sell the
property as soon as advantageous and apply the proceeds first to paying the
debts and legacy mentioned above with the remainder to be equally divided
between his children, Mary Adam Caroline and Jane Drummond Gordon, his
two daughters by his second wife, Catharine Share. The executors of his last
will and testament were John Smith, Thomas Forbes, William Panton, and
John Torrans in America and Grey Elliott, William Greenwood, and William
Higginson in Great Britain (Gordon 1774, 1777).

John Gordon owned the Peck House from 1763 until 1778, but no
evidence has turned up to indicate that he ever lived there himself. In spite
of his dispute with the British authorities both in East Florida and Great
Britain over his extensive claims in the province, Gordon was able to rent
this particular piece of property to the Lieutenant-and for a time--Acting
Governor of East Florida, Dr. John Moultrie, Jr. The physician rented
the house from 1772-1778 forf30 per year.(Forbes 1786a). During part of
this period--from July, 1771 until March, 1774-he was the Acting Governor
of East Florida. The Lieutenant and/or Acting Governor was also one of the
largest landholders in the province and a man of considerable wealth (Mowat
1964: 15-16).

Dr. John Moultrie, Jr., was the eldest son of a Scottish physician who
had immigrated to Charleston, South Carolina in 1728 and attained an eminent
place in the medical profession there. The father passed on his own knowledge
and skills to his son, whom he subsequently sent to Edinburgh to complete his
medical education. There young Moultrie studied at Edinburgh University
where he presented an inaugural dissertation on yellow fever De Febre Maligna
Biliosa Americae and earned the degree of doctor of medicine in 1749, the
first American-born diplomat, at his university. His dissertation-based on
a personal knowledge of the disease, since he suffered a bout with it in Char-
leston's 1745 epidemic--earned him wide acclaim. The first description of
the disease by an American, apparently it presented no new knowledge; but
it offered a clear, "lucid clinical account of personal experience with a dis-
ease of unfortunately frequent outbreak" in Charleston. His work enjoyed a
remarkable record for a graduation dissertation, being republished in Latin
in 1768, and translated into Geiman and French in 1805. In 1855 Moultrie
was still noted as an authoritative observer on yellow fever (Waring 1967:

After completing his studies in Edinburgh, Moultrie went back to
Charleston to practice medicine. There he was active in local civic affairs
as a justice of the peace and as a representative in the General Assembly.

Politics and planting captured his interest during this period, since there is
no record of any outstanding activity in his profession (Waring 1967: 772).

Moultrie made a visit to East Florida soon after the British took
over in 1763. There he helped his friend, the new governor, James Grant set
up a government for the province (Siebert 1929: 330). Grant, whom he had
met during the Cherokee campaign (Mowat 1964: 15), encouraged Moultrie to
make East Florida his home. He did so in 1767, moving his family and Negroes
to the new British province. Eventually he dismantled his South Carolina
plantations and moved his remaining slaves to his East Florida lands too
(Siebert 1929: 330-31).

During Florida's brief British occupation (1763-1783), Moultrie was
one of the "pillars of its government" (Mowat 1964: 15). Under Grant he be-
came a member of the Governor's Council in 1764 and later its President
(Waring 1967: 773). When Governor Grant resigned in 1770 for reasons of
health, he urged Moultrie's appointment as his successor (Siebert 1929: 330-
31). Moultrie then headed East Florida's government from July, 1771, to
March, 1774--first as President of the Council and then as Lieutenant Governor.
His brother, James Moultrie, was Chief Justice (Mowat 1964: 14-16).

An ardent Loyalist (Mowat 1964: 86), Moultrie resisted demands by
leading members of the council for an annual legislature, however, he finally
agreed to triennial elections and sessions of such a body. Other matters
claiming his attention during his brief tenure as chief executive of the province--
especially from 1772-1774-included the building of the state house at Saint
Augustine, Saint Peter's Church and roads. In March, 1774, the new governor,
Colonel Patrick Tonyn arrived at Saint Augustine, but Moultrie kept his office
and "won the favor of his new superior" (Siebert 1929: 330-31).

Lieutenant Governor Moultrie spent a total of seventeen years in East
Florida. During his residence there he acquired some twelve to fourteen
thousand acres of land, making him one of the largest and wealthiest planters
in East Florida. His holdings included a lot of almost two acres in Saint Augus-
tine itself near Fort Saint Mark (No. 2, Saint Mark's Quarter), a tract of one
thousand acres on the Matanzas River seven miles from the city, a tract of
two thousand acres on the Timoka River at the Mosquito, two hundred acres
on Mosquito Beach, plus additional grants of land from Governor Tonyn amount-
ing to over eight thousand acres (Siebert 1929: 331-32; Mowat 1964: 15, 69).

The physician turned politician was a progressive planter. He grew
indigo, rice, and sugar; experimented with the making of wine and "salop";
played with the idea of making rum (Mowat 1964: 69); and produced tar and

turpentine (Siebert 1929: 331). At his country seat Bella Vista on the
Matanzas River not far from Saint Augustine, Moultrie built a large, two-
story, stone mansion along with a number of out buildings and a park, fish
ponds, bowling green, pleasure gardens and fruit and vegetable gardens.
Here he employed about one hundred Negroes. At his second plantation
Rosetta Place on the Timouka LTimoka] River he had a ten-room house, a
rice barn, rice-cleaning machinery, and two dams. Here he employed about
seventy slaves. In addition, he had other valuable tracts including one on
Woodcutter's Creek where he had about twenty-five thousand trees boxed for
turpentine (Siebert 1929: 331; Mowat 1964: 69).

Moultrie, who was said to have "great urbanity of manners and strength
of mind, saw the ruination of his fortune. Loyal to Great Britain during the
American Revolution--although he had brothers and friends who supported the
American cause and stayed on in Charleston--he returned to England after the
British Crown ceded Florida back to Spain at the end of the war (1783) (Mowat
1964: 15, 149; Waring 1967: 773). There Moultrie described his life in East
Florida as one of "plenty, ease and some elegance" when he presented his
claims to the Commissioners of Loyalists Claims inLondon in March, 1787.
But he said that he himself and most of his children were by then dependent
upon an annuity of 500 for life belonging to his wife. He asked forf 9,432,
but got onlyf4,479 lls (Siebert 1929: 237, 332). Moultrie died in 1798 in
London (Mowat 1964: 149).

After the death of John Gordon in 1778, the Peck House went to
William Clarke to satisfy debts owed to him by Gordon. Clarke had presented
his claim to the British authorities who allowed the transfer of the property
to him in payment and thereby accepted Gordon's title to it. The British
recognition of Gordon's title to this property was not unusual-in spite of his
troubles with the British authorities concerning his extensive land claims-
for the British were not so unwilling to recognize a claim for a single house
and lot as they were to recognize a claim for a large part of the province (Yonge,
1786). In fact, after his arrival in East Florida, Governor James Grant
allowed the occupants of many houses to keep possession, although he did not
admit that anything was private property and told them only that their titles
had yet to be finally determined. But regarding Gordon's claims to "so great
a Part of the Province, Grant paid "no regard to Purchases made from the
Spaniards (Grant 1764). Consequently, the Peck House changed ownership at
this point without any apparent difficulty.

Little information has turned up to date about Clarke-- except that he
apparently spent some time at Pensacola in West Florida (Forbes 1786 a).
Records show too that aWilliam Clark was married, a planter, and apparently
a Loyalist who later left Florida at the end of the British Period to resettle at
Exuma in the Bahama Islands (Siebert 1929: 361; St. Augustine Historical
Society). Probably they were the same man. In any event, Clarke shortly
sold the property-the same year, 1778--to Henry Yonge.

Yonge was an English-trained lawyer who had practiced for a number
of years in Savannah, Georgia. A Loyalist, he came to East Florida as a
refugee during the American Revolution. Here he soon became prominent.
In January, 1779, --having been appointed Attorney General by Governor
Patrick Tonyn-- he joined the Council of East Florida and ipso facto served
as a member of the Upper House of Assembly which held its first session
from March 27 to November 12, 1781. Apparently a planter too, Yonge
settled at Exuma in the Bahama Islands with his ninety-eight slaves, after
the British left Florida(Mowat 1964: 125-26; Siebert 1929: 51, N. 46, 361).

Like Clarke, however, Yonge did not keep the Peck House very long.
He too shortly sold it--again the same year, 1778--this time to William
Panton and Thomas Forbes, merchants in Saint Augustine, for the sum of
two hundred and five pounds sterling (Yonge 1786). Panton and Forbes were
both executors of John Gordon's estate and Forbes was also Gordon's
nephew (Forbes 1786 b; Gordon 1774, 1777). They held the property through-
out the remaining years of the British Period.

Meanwhile, the trading firm of Panton, Leslie and Company built
what was to become the "trading colossus of the late eighteenth century
southern frontier. William Panton, Thomas Forbes, and their partner,
John Leslie were all Scotch merchants who had immigrated to South Carolina
in the decade prior to the American Revolution. There each secured land
grants and made his way--individually-- into the Carolina-Georgia-North
Florida Indian trade. Panton, who was to head their firm, resided for a
time at Charleston where he was a partner in the Savannah firm of Moore
and Panton; he also acquired an interest in the Georgia-Florida trading
operations of James Spalding (Mowat 1964: 26; Brown 1959: 328). After
the outbreak of the American Revolution, however, Panton, Forbes and
Leslie, all Loyalists, moved to Saint Augustine, East Florida, which was
then known as the "Tory paradise" (Mowat 1964: 26; Greenslade 1935: 109).

Here William Panton and Thomas Forbes organized Panton, Forbes
and Company --after 1783 Panton, Leslie and Company, and after 1801
John Forbes and Company. John Leslie joined the firm and the three
Loyalists aided their cause by distributing military supplies and buying gifts
for Great Britain's Creek and Cherokee allies (Mowat 1964: 26; Brown 1959:
329, 336). By the end of the war, they were doing more business than any
other group in the Southern Indian trade (Kinnaird 1931: 156).

When Great Britain evacuated East Florida on July 12, 1784, the
"Tory paradise" became Spanish once again (Brown 1959: 330; Greens-
lade 1935: 109). Spain had supported the winning side in the late war and

got Florida back in the postwar settlement that gave the thirteen British
colonies their independence (Treaty of Paris, 1783) (Tanner 1963: v.).
Many English residents left the Spanish colony--but not so Panton, Leslie
and Company. The three Scots stayed on under the Spanish regime; in
fact, under the Spaniards the firm reached the peak of its prosperity.

The Spanish Crown felt it had to tolerate the Scots, since the only
alternative was a "complete overhauling of the whole system of Indian trade. "
The firm thus secured special privileges from the Crown (Whitaker 1931:
xxxiii). By 1789 it had a monopoly of the Indian trade in the area. The firm
moved its headquarters to Pensacola where there was a "developing four to
one dollar volume" of trade over Saint Augustine, and enjoyed rapid growth
and high profits for the next several years (Brown 1959: 331, 333).

Panton, Leslie and Company was the "stabilizing base" of Spanish
Indian policy in the Floridas. Panton from his Pensacola headquarters kept
tabs on partners and associates in London, Nassau, Havana, Saint Augustine,
New Orleans and Mobile. He had agents at outposts on the Saint Johns River,
at Saint Marks, at Prospect Bluff on the Apalachicola River and at Chickasaw
Bluff on the Mississippi. To transport its goods, the firm had fifteen ocean-
going vessels and a number of smaller ones, while fifteen clerks at the Pen-
sacola headquarters processed the stock kept on hand for Indians and traders
(Brown 1959: 330, 334-35).

There were naturally complaints by Spanish traders in Florida about
the Scots, but the firm made it a point to maintain good relations with the
Spanish officials (Brown 1959: 332). In fact, there were charges by Fran-
cisco Xavier Sanchez and other residents of Saint Augustine (Petition to the
Crown, November 27, 1794) that John Leslie, the company's representative
in Saint Augustine, had adorned the house of a certain Spanish governor with
"English furniture in the latest mode" (Whitaker 1931: 185, 195, 199).
However, the firm did trade illicitly with the civilian population (Brown 1959:
332)--at one time supplanting Francisco Xavier Sanchez in supplying beef to the
Saint Augustine garrison (Tanner 1963: 11415).

The firm enjoyed a precarious but profitable tenure in the Floridas
(Whitaker 1931: xxxiv) until the death of William Panton on February 26,
1801 (Greenslade 1935: 125). His death brought to an end the effectiveness
of the house as an instrument of Spanish Indian policy in the Floridas.
Changing times and conditions gradually encroached on its monopoly (Brown
1959: 335-6).

Despite the fact that Panton, Leslie and Company not only stayed
in the Floridas, but kept and expanded their trade empire under the new
Spanish regime; Panton and Forbes lost the Peck House soon after the
Spaniards returned to Florida. Before the fate of the property was finally
settled, however, the whole chain of titles going back to de Peiia at the end
of the First Spanish Period came under the scrutiny of the Spanish authori-
ties. It was, at this point that the matter of the confidential sale of the
property by Juan Esteban de Pe'na to John Gordon came to light.

Antonio Fernandez appeared in Saint Augustine in 1785 to claim the
Peck House. Fernandez was a lieutentant Colonel of the Dragoons transferred
to Florida from Cuba. Before he left Havana, de Pena's widow, Do'ra Maria
Antonia Adriasola de Peia, gave him a power of attorney to recover the
property of her deceased husband-- an arrangement not at all unusual for
former residents of Saint Augustine who felt they still had legitimate claims
for property there. Therefore, Fernandez petitioned the governor, Vizente
Manuel de Ze'spedes, for the recovery of two houses--one being the so-called
Old Spanish Treasury (the Peck House). He described the "Treasury" as
being located on the first corner to the right of the street which goes from
the Plaza to the gate of La Leche, built of piedra (stone) and covered with
azoteas (flat roofs). He claimed to have proof that Jesse Fish and Lunano
de Herrera knew of the confidential sale by de Pena to Gordon. Fernandez
asked the governor to have John Leslie deliver the house to him (Fernandez

John Leslie, of course, was a local merchant (Tanner 1963: 49),
a partner in Panton, Leslie and Company and the firm's representative in
Saint Augustine. The property was in his care and he had a power of attorney
from his partner Thomas Forbes (Fernandez 1786), nephew of John Gordon,
who was the firm's representative in Nassau (Greenslade 1935: 2). Leslie
said he had no instrument or authorization from Forbes to give up the pro-
perty to the legitimate owner, if claimed, and could not do so without super-
ior C.overnmenlo orders. The Scotch merchant claimed the lot and houses
on thd corner of Saint George Street and Treasury Street were by
right the property of William Panton and Thomas Forbes. Leslie wanted
Ze'spedes to decide the case and said he would accept the governor's decision
whatever it was (Fernandez 1786). Meanwhile, the lot and houses had for
a short time been occupied by the retiring British governor, Patrick Tonyn.
Tonyn, an army man, was governor of East Florida from 1774 to 1784 having
secured the governorship with the help of influential patrons. The owner of
a plantation on the Saint Johns River, he stayed on at Saint Augustine during
the transition period from English to Spanish rule (Fernandez 1786; Mowat
1967: 69, 83).

Ze'spedes asked for statements from Fish and Herrera, Fish
said the house of flat roofs belonged to de Pena, who sold it to Gordon.
Herrera said all he knew was that the house of flat roofs was de Pena's, but
Gordon had told him he (Gordon) had bought it from de Penna. In the mean-
time, Leslie submitted proofs of ownership so that Carlos Howard, the
Secretary of Government in East Florida, might decide the matter.

Howard decided that Panton and Forbes were the actual and legiti-
mate owners. He recognized a British document of 1778 transferring to
Henry Yonge a lot and building known then as Number 8 of Hallifax Block.
Accompanying the document was a plan certified by the Agrimensor Real
Britanico (British Royal Surveyor) showing the measurements and layout of
the lot--described as located on the east side of Saint George or Puerta de
Tierra, on the north with Callejon de la Tesoreria (Alley of the Treasury),
east with lots of Archibald Lundie and George Williams, on the south with
the lot of Anglican minister, John Forbes, and on the west with the said
street of Saint George. Howard also swore that he had seen another document
of a sale and perpetual cession of the lot and buildings by Henry Yonge to
William Panton and Thomas Forbes in the same year (1778).

Therefore, Zespedes declared in August, 1785, that there was suf-
ficient proof the lot and its edifices belonged to William Panton and Thomas
Forbes--the actual proprietors. He said he could not take away the legitimate
possession of the property until he heard the final resolution from the King of
the proposition made by Panton, Leslie and Company seeking permission to
stay in the Province and continue their trade with theIndians and nearby
nations (Fernandez 1786).

However, Thomas Forbes said in a sworn statement given at Nassau
in January, 1786, that he knew the house and lot commonly called the
Spanish Treasury (the Peck House) had been conveyed in trust to his uncle
by the Spanish owner. In the year 1780 he had been appointed by Governor
Tonyn to go to Havana to act as a commissioner in arranging the exchange of
war prisoners. While there Juan Elixio de la Puente, an old acquaintance
and friend of his late uncle told him of the sale in trust of the property by
de Peia to Gordon. Puente, in fact, produced evidence in Gordon's own
handwriting. Forbes said this information filled him with astonishment since
he had never been informed of any confidential sales--and especially since
the property had been seized and sold as the sole and absolute property of
John Gordon.

Forbes said he then explained to his Spanish hosts that in spite of
the fact that he was one of his late uncle's executors, the Treasury House
(Peck House) and lot had been seized and sold by creditors and that the same
might happen to every other piece of the property apparently belonging to

the estate. Forbes said in such a case he had no power to save anything.
But he advised the individuals concerned or their agents to give power to
Jesse Fish whom they all knew to be a "man of honor. In turn, Forbes
promised he would give up any property in his possession under the "pre-
dicament of these confidential sales. Forbes claimed he would be happy
to make good any losses by Spanish subjects resulting from confidential
transactions to his uncle--provided they had proof. However, Forbes said
he had no effects in his possession from the estate. In fact, he stated the
estate was five hundred pounds sterling in debt to him and his co-partner,
William Panton (Forbes 1786 b).

But Panton and Forbes lost the property eventually. A royal
cedula had directed that all landowners who did not stay in the province
would forfeit their property to the Crown. Although Panton, Leslie and
Company remained in the Floridas, apparently Panton was at Pensacola,
West Florida, and Forbes was in Nassau. So neither was actually in East
Florida. Also at this time the status of their firm in the Floridas was un-
certain. Therefore Zespedes decreed on April 18, 1786, that the house and
lot had devolved to the King because it was not sold by Panton and Forbes--
whose title he recognized --- within the time limit set by the recent peace
treaty for English owners departing from the province (Fernandez 1786).

While Zespedes accepted the British chain of titles from Gordon
through to Panton and Forbes, he also recognized the confidential sale from
de Penia to Gordon. Yet the only recourse of de Peia's heirs apparently
was to try to collect from a tribunal the value of the property at the time of
its sale to Clark from Gordon's estate (1778) (Fernandez 1786). Fernandez
did get hold of the property at one point, since it was listed in his custody in
the spring of 1788. But the property-described in 1788 as being of masonry
with flat roofs with the walls being in fair condition and the roofs being in
bad condition (Rocque 1788: Block 18, no. 141)-remained Crown property
(Fernandez 1786).

The Peck House stayed in the hands of the Crown until the Spring
of 1791. But it, along with many other buildings in Saint Augustine, deterio-
rated following the British evacuation. Ze'spedes wrote to the Spanish
authorities early in his administration (April and May 1785) and described
the "extreme decline" and "general desolation" in the province. Many of
the buildings in Saint Augustine were in a deplorable state. Structures
were unroofed, almost in ruin, or already fallen to the ground. Almost half
of the houses in the town were uninhabitable. Repair or rebuilding was
urgently needed to halt the decline of the province. Unfortunately, there was
a lack of funds--many residents were dependent on the King's pay and had
not recently received any part of their salary in money. However, nothing
was apparently accomplished before the arrival of a new governor in 1790.

The new governor, Juan Nepomuceno de Quesada, made an
inspection of Saint Augustine soon after his arrival and found deterioration
and ruin threatening the town. In an effort to halt the worsening situation,
he ordered all properties listed--with Crown properties to be appraised and
sold at a public sale. Purchasers had to pay 5% down and 5% a year, and
they also had to promise to repair the purchased houses. Ten years later,
however, the King forgave his debtors from paying the capital and interest
on the purchased houses and lots and ordered that they be given proper
titles to their properties(White 1804).

The public sale of the properties took place at Saint Augustine on
April 8, 1791. At this sale Carlos Howard bought the Peck House (Spanish
Crown 1791). At this time a rubble-work masonry house with lot, it had
recently been occupied by Joaquin Sanchez and several others. It was called
the "Old Treasury" (Quesada 1790: Square 10, no. 89).

The new owner, Carlos Howard, was the Secretary of Government
in East Florida under Governor Zespedes. Howard and his assistant were the
only staff members personally picked by the former governor. Howard was
a talented Irishman in his middle years, cultured, fluent in French and
English, and skilled socially. He had served the King of Spain since 1761
in Portugal, Algiers, Brazil and Santo Domingo. A captain in the Hibernia
Regiment, he had assisted the secretary to the captain-general of Cuba
toward the close of the American Revolution with the translation of secret

This political experience along with his military background, his
language ability and general skill, made him a valued member of the occupa-
tion force in East Florida. Zespedes credited Howard with placating British
elements opposing the return of Spanish rule in the province and relied on
him in many matters. Therefore, Zespedes resisted attempts to transfer
Howard from Saint Augustine. Howard did leave, however, returning to
Saint Augustine in September, 1790. Thereafter, on several occasions,
he commanded border patrols along the Spanish American frontier (Tanner:
1963: 26, 47-48, 198, 224).

Howard did not keep the Peck House for very long. He sold the
property the same year (1791) to Domingo Rodriguez de Le6n (Howardl791).
The new owner was originally from the Villa Orotava on the Isla de Tenerife
(Canary Islands) and had two natural children by two different women (Saint
Augustine Historical Society). He was the government notary in Saint
Augustine and an "outrageous libertine, who was responsible for the sepera-
tion of more than one married couple in Saint Augustine. Ze spedes found

his behavior offensive and asked for a replacement, but the slowness of the
colonial machinery kept him on duty until the end of Ze'spedes' regime (Tanner
1963: 168).

Le6n did not keep the Peck House for very long either. He sold it
the same year (1791) to Francisco Xavier Sanchez (Rodrfguez de Le6n 1791),
a Florida-born Spaniard. Sanchez was born in Florida during the First
Spanish Period, the son of Joseph Sanchez of Ronda (Spain) and Juana Perez
of Saint Augustine (St. Augustine Historical Society). His family had run a
cattle ranch in the Diego Plains some eighteen miles north of Saint Augus-
tine, for two centuries.

During the British Period Sinchez had remained in the province--the
only Spaniard with large property holdings to do so--selling his fresh beef to
the British garrison. After the return of the Spaniards in 1784, Sanchez stayed
on, selling beef to the Spanish garrison, although he was supplanted at one
point in supplying the Saint Augustine garrison by Panton, Leslie, and Company
(Tanner 1963: 40, 44, 114-15).

By 1786 Sgnchez owned one thousand acres on the Plains of Diego,
five thousand acres on the Saint Johns, a number of houses in Saint Augustine,
plus slaves, horses, and cattle. In 1787 the middle-aged Sanchez--father of
seven or eight baptised children by his Negro Catholic consort, Beatrice de
Piedra (Parda), married seventeen-year-old Marfa del Carmen Hill, the daugh-
ter of Carolina planter Theophilus Hill. He established a new household and
raised a new family at his ranch north of town, while also developing a new
plantation on the Saint Johns River.

The Peck House served for a time as the Royal Accountant's office
(Works Projects Administration 1940: 297), however, the coquina house and
lot stayed in the Sanchez family until 1821. Sanchez himself owned the property
up until his death in 1807, after which his estate went to his heirs--widow,
legitimate children and also his natural children--with the Peck House going
to his wife Marfa del Carmen Hill Sanchez (Sanchez 1807; Tanner, 1963: 125;
St. Augustine Historical Society). She owned it until her death in 1813, at
which time the house was in a dilapidated condition and used for slaves (San-
chez 1813).

Maria del Carmen Hill Sanchez left the property to her son Josd'
Simeon Sanchez and to her daughter and son-in-law, Maria and Felipe Dewees
(Sanchez 1813). The son, known as Colonel Joseph, became the sheriff of
Saint Johns County in 1827, a member of the Constitutional Convention in 1838-
1839, mayor of Saint Augustine in 1846, and the father of a large family (St.
Augustine Historical Society). The three heirs sold the property in March,
1821, for 1600 pesos. At this time it was a house consisting of some stone
walls covered with shingles and "very deteriorated" (Dewees 1821).

The buyer was Jose Mariano Hernandez. Hernandez was a native of
Saint Augustine, a planter, and prominent in the affairs of the province.
Bornat Saint Augustine on May 26, 1788, he was the son of Martin Hernandez
of Mahon, Minorca and Dorotea Gomila of Ciudadela, Minorca. Educated
in Savannah, Georgia, and Havana, Cuba, he first became prominent during
the Second Spanish Period. Under the Spaniards he practiced law, acted
as an interpreter, and was a member of the City Council created under the
Constitution of 1814 granted by the Spanish Cortes. After Spain ceded
Florida to the United States in 1821, President James Monroe appointed him
to the Legislative Council. He was president of the Council when it met
for the first time in the new capitol at Tallahassee in 1824. As the first
territorial delegate from Florida to Congress (September 30, 1822-March 3,
1823), he advocated the construction of roads and canals.

During the Seminole Indian War, he was a Brigadier General of the
Brigade of the Florida Volunteers and made the controversial capture of
Osceola under a flag of truce in 1837 under orders from General Thomas S.
Jesup. Then in 1845 he was an unsuccessful candidate for the United States
Senate on the Whig ticket. Three years after his defeat for the Senate, how-
ever, he was elected Mayor of Saint Augustine--a city he had served previously
as alderman, custom-house warden, and justice of the peace(Hanna 1956).

Hernandez was a prominent landowner too. In addition to his property
in Saint Augustine, he had several large cotton and sugar plantations. He
built his Saint Joseph plantation on a grant of land acquired from the Spanish
government in 1816, and bought Mala Compra and Bella Vista (former
Lieutenant Governor John Moultrie's old estate) in 1818. Hernandez at
one time was president of the Agricultural Society of Saint Augustine and the
leader of a movement to diversify Florida agriculture (Siebert 1957: 313-14;
Hanna 1956: 1; St. Augustine Historical Society).

The planter tried his hand at sugar-making. This was not under-
taken in Florida until early in the nineteenth century--the Second Spanish
Period and especially the American Period. Unfortunately, many of the
sugar planters met with financial hardships resulting in the mortgaging of
crops, lands, and equipment and sometimes the loss of their estates to
satisfy creditors. Hernandez was no exception. He met with financial dif-
ficulties which he attempted to settle. But eventually he had to mortgage
his plantations at Mala Compra, Bella Vista, and Saint Joseph, including
the sugar houses at the latter plantation in 1835. The Union Bank of Florida
later took over the properties (Siebert 1957: 312-14).

Married to the widow of Samuel Williams, the former Anne Marie
Hill, they were the parents of five children. One of their daughters sup-
posedly married into the Washington family. Hernandez spent the latter
part of his life in Cuba, where he died on June 8, 1857 at the age of seventy.
He was buried at Matanzas, Cuba (Hanna 1956: 1; St. Augustine Historical

Somehow Hernandez lost the Peck House. Shortly after he bought
the property in 1821, Florida became part of the United States. For some
reason, he failed to register his title to the property within the time limit
set by the new government (November 1, 1827). Since he did not file any
title or evidence to validate his claim to the property, the authorities found
the claim invalid (U. S. Congress 1860: 113). However, available records
listed the title to the property as being derived from a bill of sale dated 3
February 1821, from Philip DeWees, his wife Mary del Carmen Sanchez
and Joseph Simeon Sanchez to Joseph M. Hernandez, which was on file in
the archives kept by William Reynolds (Work Projects Administration 1942:

It is not clear what happened to the property from 1827 to 1833. In
1828 a lot belonging to Hernandez was used as the west boundary in a trans-
fer of property from John M. Sanchez to John T. Hedrick (Sanchez 1828),
however, no information has been found on the Peck House itself for this
period. It is possible that the financial difficulties Hernandez suffered in
connection with his sugar plantations may have involved the property, but
there is no evidence.

By 1833 James Heilbron of South Carolina had somehow acquired the
property. For he sold it that year to Daniel S. Griswold of East Florida
(Heilbron 1833: Griswold 1833), a former Major in the Second Brigade of the
Florida Militia (St. Augustine Historical Society) and a creditor of Hernandez
(Siebert 1957: 314). Heilbron held an eleven hundred dollar mortgage on the
property to be due on March 5, 1838. The mortgage described the dwelling
house and lot as "the same lot and house formerly used as a Spanish Treasury"
(Heilbron 1833; Griswold 1833).

But Griswold and his wife, Mary, sold the property in May, 1837, to
Seth S. Peck for three hundred and fifty dollars and the unpaid portion of
the mortgage held by Heilbron (Griswold 1837). Peck paid Heilbron the nine
hundred and eighteen dollars due on the mortgage in June, 1837, thereby
acquiring full title to the property (Heilbron 1837). He had paid a total of
twelve hundred and sixty-eight dollars for a lot with a "dilapidated" building
described again as the same "formerly used as a Spanish Treasury" (Heilbron
1837; Griswold 1837). However, it was a good location.

The property stayed in the Peck family until 1932, although Peck
himself died only a few years after purchasing it. Peck was a physician
and apothecary. Born August 23, 1790, in Old Lyme, Connecticut, he lived
in Whitesborough (Whitesboro, Whitestown), New York, for many years
before moving with his wife, Sarah Lay Peck, and their five children (Mary
Lay, Rebecca, John Elisha, Lucy Rockwell, and Sarah) to Saint Augustine,
Florida (St. Augustine News 1841a).

After coming to Saint Augustine sometime in the early 1830's, Dr.
Peck opened an office in 1833 in the south room of the City Hotel where he
saw patients and sold drugs and medicine of the "best quality for families
use. At this time the physician-apothecary ran a notice in the local press,
which read in part

.... DOCTOR S. S. PECK having concluded to make this
City his future residence, offers his services in the practice
of Medicine and Surgery to the Citizens and visitors of Saint

The same notice carried an endorsement of Dr. Peck by a retiring
physician, Dr. A. Anderson. He informed the citizens of Saint Augustine
that Dr. S. S. Peck of New York was a gentleman who had "liberal attain-
ments, long experience and extensive practice" and who was "entitled to the
patronage of the public (EastFlorida Herald 1833). "

After purchasing the property in 1837, Peck redid it. Apparently
the wood used for the floors and doors had to be shipped to Saint Augustine
on a New England sailing vessel sometime during the period of the Seminole
War (1835-1842) (Miami Herald 1958). The Pecks furnished the house itself
with the furniture they had brought with them from New York (St. Augustine
Record 1968 b).

Peck moved both his family and his practice to the house, after the
work on it was completed. He set up his office and apothecary shop in two
downstairs rooms (Miami Herald 1958), and lived and worked at his residence-
office until his death on July 21, 1841 at the age of fifty-one (St. Augustine
News 1841 a). Thereafter his surviving partner in the firm of Peck and White,
Dr. E. K. White, continued for a time to practice medicine and surgery in
"all its branches" at the office at the Peck residence (St. Augustine News,
1841 b).

Peck left a considerable estate to his family (Peck 1841). He had been
a Director of both the Saint Augustine and Picolata Railroad Company (Saint
Augustine News 1838) and the Florida Peninsula Railroad and Steam Boat Com-
pany (St. Augustine News 1839), and had himself invested in a number of

concerns (Peck 1841). A Presbyterian (Woman's Exchange a), Peck was
described as a man of "strict integrity" and a "steadfast friend and advo-
cate" of the principles of religion and morality (St. Augustine News 1841 a).

Peck left the property at the corner of Saint George and Treasury to
his wife, Sarah Lay Peck (Peck 1841). She owned it up until her death there
on August 16, 1879, of yellow fever (Hugenot Cemetery ). At her death the
home went to her two daughters, Mary Lay (July 17, 1816 June 26, 1912)
and Rebecca (July 17, 1818 March 9, 1910) Peck (Peck 1871). After the
death of Rebecca Peck in 1910, her sister, Mary Peck became full owner
(Peck 1909).

The two Peck sisters apparently shared the home for a number of
years with their brother, John Elisha Peck (December 12, 1820-June 18,
1887) (St. Augustine Historical Society). John Peck had studied at the Medical
Department of the University of New York (St. Augustine News 1843 a) and
was a physician in Saint Augustine (St. Augustine Historical Society). At one
time he served as Envoy Entraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to the
Court of Spain (1856-1857) (Woman's Exchange b).

After the death of Mary Lay Peck in 1912, the property went to her
niece, Anna G. Burt (Peck 1871; Peck 1912; Peck 1897). She was, of course,
a granddaughter of Seth S. and Sarah Lay Peck -- the daughter of George Burt
(September 8, 1817 October 25, 1893) and Lucy Rockwell Peck Burt (July 7,
1827 March 22, 1857) (St. Augustine Historical Society). Her father, George
Burt, was a wholesale and retail merchant and bookseller in Saint Augustine
and had a store on Charlotte Street north of the Peck house. Burt also held
several public offices. He was mayor of Saint Augustine, 1867-1868, alder-
man, 1870, and at one time on the Board of County Commissioners. In addi-
tion, he was Vice President of both the Free Public Library and the Historical
Association of Saint Augustine; the first corresponding secretary and treasurer
of the Florida Historical Society and Senior Warden of the Trinity Episcopal
Church (Trinity Episcopal Church; Marchman 1940: 50, n. 2; St. Augustine
News 1843 b; St. Augustine Examiner, 1867 a, 1867 b; St. Augustine Histori-
cal Society).

Anna G. Burt was born May 22, 1850 in Saint Augustine at the Peck
House. Educated in New York and Pennsylvania during the 1860's, she
spent some time during the Civil War in her father's home state of Vermont.
She died May 28, 1931 (Evergreen Cemetery; Woman's Exchange c), at the
Peck home in the same room in which she was born (St. Augustine Record 1962).

Miss Burt willed the Peck House to the city of Saint Augustine on the
condition it be kept up as an example of the "old ante-bellum homes of the
South. She left with the house valuable furniture, paintings, and bric-a-
brac--including a Ribera painting valued at over five thousand dollars. She

also provided for an annual sum of one thousand dollars toward the upkeep
of the property (Burt 1930; Mott 1932: 6; St. Augustine Record 1931, 1968).

The city of Saint Augustine at first rejected the gift (January 27, 1932)
(St. Augustine Record 1961), but reconsidered and accepted it when the
Woman's Exchange of Saint Augustine agreed to accept the responsibility for
it. The Woman's Exchange -- which Miss Burt helped establish in 1893 to
help stay-at-home women earn extra money--took charge of the building for
the city of Saint Augustine in 1932. Since then the group has maintained the
house as an ante-bellum home. They earn additional money for its upkeep by
operating a gift shop, and catering to luncheons, teas and similar functions
--at the Peck House (Miami Herald 1958; St. Augustine Record 1968 a).

The Saint Augustine Restoration Corporation undertook the repair and
restoration of the Peck House in 1968 with the Saint Augustine Historical Res-
toration and Preservation Commission supplying archaeological and historical
information and with the cooperation of the Woman's Exchange. It was the
first project to be undertaken by the Corporation with Flagler Foundation Funds.
The historic house is to remain a re-creation of an ante-bellum home (St.
Augustine Record 1968 a, 1968 b).


Appendix A

Appendix B

Appendix C

Appendix D

Appendix E

Appendix F

(Lot 1, Block 10)



DEEDS 1791 1837

WILLS 1841- 1937



Archivo General de Indias

1764 List of Properties Sold by Puente to Fish and Others,
1764. Papeles de Cuba, Legajo 372. Seville (Spain).
Transcript and translation at Saint Augustine Histori-
cal Society.

Archfvo Nacional de Cuba

1707 List of Royal Officials of the Treasury and Storehouse,
Saint Augustine. Intendencia, Libro 10 de Alanzes y
Diligencias desde 1707 hasta 1787, Transcript by
Devon C. Corbitt and translation by Edward W. Lawson
at Saint Augustine Historical Society.

Arnade, Charles W.

1961 The Architecture of Spanish Saint Augustine. The
Americas, Vol. 18, No. 2, pp. 151-52.
Washington, D. C.

Brown, J. A.

1959 Panton, Leslie and Company, Indian Traders of
Pensacola and Saint Augustine. Florida Historical
Quarterly, Vol. 37, Nos. 3 and 4, pp. 328-36.

Burt, Anna G.

1930 Last Will and Testament of Anna G. Burt, Saint
Augustine, July 22, 1930. Courthouse Records,
Saint Johns County, Florida, Will Book "C"
p. 565. Saint Augustine.

Dewees, Felipe and Marfa

1821 Deed, Felipe and Maria Dewees to Jose Mariano
Hernandez, Saint Augustine, March 1, 1821.
East Florida Papers, Library of Congress, Escri-
turas, 173-74, bundle 385, doc. 3. Washington, D.C.
Microfilm copy at P. K. Yonge Library of Florida
History, University of Florida, Gainesville.

East Florida Herald (Saint Augustine)

1833 December 26.

Elixio de la Puente, Juan Joseph

1772 Letter to Marques de la Torre, Havana, March 4.
Stetson Collection, P. K. Yonge Library of Florida
History, University of Florida, AGI 86-7-11/24.
Gainesville. Copy at Saint Augustine Historical

Evergreen Cemetery

Records. Saint Augustine. Typed copy by
Genealogical Society Salt Lake City, Utah, at
Saint Augustine Historical Society.

Fernandez, Antonio

1786 Judicial Proceedings Promoted by the Lieutenant
Colonel of the Dragoons, Don Antonio Fernandez,
Attorney Rower of Attorne] for the Heirs of the
Late Don Juan Esteban de Peia, Pertaining to
Houses in this City, Saint Augustine 1786. East
Florida Papers, Library of Congress, Records of
Civil Proceedings, 1785-1821, Reel 151, bundle 329,
doc. 34. Washington, D. C. Microfilm copy at
P. K. Yonge Library of Florida History, University
of Florida, Gainesville.

Forbes, Thomas

1786a Statement of Thomas Forbes, New Providence,
Bahama Islands, January 21. East Florida Papers,
Library of Congress, Records of Civil Proceedings,
1785-1821, Reel 151, bundle 329, doc. 34.
Washington, D. C. Microfilm copy at P. K. Yonge
Library of Florida History, University of Florida,

1786b Another Statement of Thomas Forbes, New Providence,
Bahama Islands, January 21. East Florida Papers,
Library of Congress, Records of Civil Proceedings,
1785 1821, Reel 151, bundle 329, doc. 34.
Washington, D. C. Microfilm copy at P. K. Yonge
Library of Florida History, University of Florida,

Gold, Robert L.

1963 Politics and Property During the Transfer of
Florida from Spanish to English Rule. Florida
Historical Quarterly, Vol. 42, No. 1, pp. 16-34.

/Gordon, John

1772 The Case of Mr. John Gordon, with respect to the
Title to certain Lands in East Florida. Privately
printed, London.

1774 Last Will and Testament of John Gordon, July 28,
1774, and Codicil, December 4, 1777. Probate
Court, Charleston County, South Carolina, Original
Will Book "A" 1783-86, p. 607. Charleston. Copy
at Saint Augustine Historical Society.

Grant, James

1764 Letter to the Board of Trade, Saint Augustine,
November 22. Colonial Office, Public Record
Office MSS, Great Britain, A 48/7 Papers,
East Florida, 5-540, p. 229 (?). London.
Copy at Saint Augustine Historical Society.

Greenslade, Marie Taylor

1935 William Panton. Florida Historical Quarterly,
Vol. 14, No. 2, pp. 107-29. Tallahassee.

Griswold, Daniel S. and Wife

1833 Deed, Daniel S. Griswold and Mary to James
Heilbron, March 5, 1833. Courthouse Records,
Saint Johns County, Florida, Deed Book "M"
p. 170. Saint Augustine.

1837 Deed, Daniel S. Griswold and Wife to Seth S.
Peck, M. D., Saint Augustine, May 28, 1837.
Courthouse Records, Saint Johns County, Florida,
Deed Book "M" pp. 441-42.
Saint Augustine.

Hanna, A. J.

1956 Jose~ Mariano Hernandez. Unpublished
biographical sketch, Rollins College, Winter
Park. Copy at Saint Augustine Historical

Harris, J. Carver (Editor)

1965 The Streets of Saint Augustine. El Escribano,
Vol. 2, No. 3, pp. 5-6. Saint Augustine.

Heilbron, James and Wife

1833 Deed, James Heilbron and Wife to Daniel S.
Griswold, February 5, 1833. Courthouse
Records, Saint Johns County, Florida, Deed
Book "N" p. 2. Saint Augustine.

1837 Deed, James Heilbron and Wife to Seth S. Peck,
M. D., Saint Augustine, June 9, 1837. Court-
house Records, Saint Johns County, Florida,
Deed Book "N" pp. 156-57. Saint Augustine.

Howard, Carlos

1791 Cession of Property from Carlos Howard to
Domingo Rodrfguez de Leon, Saint Augustine,

East Florida Papers, Library of Congress,
Index to Governor Quesada's Official Letters
to the Captain-General, 1790-1796, Reel 166,
bundle 357, doc. 24, p. 5. Washington, D. C.
Microfilm copy at P. K. Yonge Library of
Florida History, University of Florida, Gaines-

Hugenot Cemetery

Records. Saint Augustine. Typed copy by
Genealogical Society, Salt Lake City, Utah,
at Saint Augustine Historical Society.

Kinnaird, Lawrence

1931 The Significance of William Augustus Bowles'
Seizure of Panton's Apalachee Store in 1792.
Florida Historical Quarterly, Vol. 9, No. 3,
pp. 156-92. Gainesville.

Manucy, Albert

1962 The Houses of Saint Augustine, 1565-1821.
Saint Augustine Historical Society, Saint

Marchman, Watt

1940 The Florida Historical Society, 1856-1861,
1879, 1902-40. Florida Historical Quarterly,
Vol. 19, No. 1, pp. 3-65. Tallahassee.

Miami Herald (Florida)

1958 June 8

Montiano, Manuel de

1746 Letter to the Crown, Saint Augustine, April 30.
Stetson Collection, P. K. Yonge Library of
Florida History, University of Florida, AGI
87 3-12/77. Gainesville.
Copy at Saint Augustine Historical Society.

Mott, Elmore S.

1932 Anna G. Burt Homestead Catalogue, Saint
Augustine, June 25, 1932. City Clerk's Office,
Saint Augustine, Florida, p. 6.

Mowat, Charles Loch

1964 East Florida as a British Province. University
of Florida Press, Gainesville. First published
by University of California Press, Berkeley and
Los Angeles (1943).

Palacio y Valenzuela, Lucas Fernando de

1760 Letter to the Crown, Saint Augustine August 5.
Stetson Collection, P. K. Yonge Library of
Florida History, University of Florida, AGI
86-7-22/2/3/5. Gainesville.
Copy at Saint Augustine Historical Society.

Peck, Mary L.

1897 Last Will and Testament of Mary L. Peck, Saint
Augustine, July 31, 1897. Courthouse Records,
Saint Johns County, Florida, Will Book "B"
p. 201. Saint Augustine.

Peck, Rebecca

1909 Last Will and Testament of Rebecca Peck,
Saint Augustine, July 31, 1909. Courthouse
Records, Saint Johns County, Florida, Will
Book "B" p. 92. Saint Augustine.

Peck, Sarah Lay

1871 Last Will and Testament of Sarah Lay Peck,
Old Lyme, Connecticut, October 10, 1871.
Courthouse Records, Saint Johns County,
Florida, Order Book "B" p. 473. Saint

1912 File of Sarah Lay Peck, Saint Augustine, July
30, 1912. Courthouse (Probate) Records,
Saint Johns County, Florida. Saint Augustine.

Peck, Seth S.

1841 Last Will and Testament of Seth S. Peck, Saint
Augustine, May 12, 1841. Courthouse Records,
Saint Johns County, Florida, Will Book No. 1,
p. 45. Saint Augustine.

Quesada, Juan Nepomuceno de

1790 Inventories, Assessments, and Sale at Public
Auction of the Houses and Lots of the King, 1790.
Field Note Division, Department of Agriculture,
"Memorials, Concessions, etc.," bundle 364.
Tallahassee. Copy at Saint Augustine Historical

Quiroga, Diego de

1689 Letter to the Crown, Saint Augustine, August 16.
Stetson Collection, P. K. Yonge Library of Florida
History, University of Florida, AGI 54-5-15/72.
Gainesville. Copy at Saint Augustine Historical

Rocque, Mariano de la

1788 Description of the Private Plan of the City of
Saint Augustine of East Florida Year of 1788,
Saint Augustine, Florida, April 25, 1788.
Field Note Division, Department of Agriculture,
"Memorials, Concessions, etc.," bundle 364.
Tallahassee. Copy at Saint Augustine Historical

Rodriguez de Le6n, Domingo

1791 Deed, Domingo Rodrfguez de Le6n to Francisco
Xavier Sanchez, Saint Augustine, November 2.
East Florida Papers, Library of Congress,
Escrituras, 1784-1821, Reel 170, bundle 368,
p. 329. Washington, D. C. Microfilm copy
at P. K. Yonge Library of Florida History,
University of Florida, Gainesville.

Saint Augustine

1923 Official Map of the City of Saint Augustine, Florida,
June 12, 1923. Saint Augustine.

Saint Augustine Examiner (Florida)

1867a December 6

1867b December 7

Saint Augustine Historical Society

Biographical File

1760 April 9, AI-86-7-21/41.
Transcript at Saint Augustine Historical Society.

Saint Augustine News (Florida)

1838 December 22

1839 January 12

1841a July 23

1841b July 30

1843a February 4

1843b November 4

Saint Augustine (Florida) Parish

Cathedral Parish Records.
Transcript at Saint Augustine Historical

Saint Augustine Record (Florida)

1931 June 21

1961 March 12

1962 February 11

1968a June 27

1968b September 14-15

Sanchez, Francisco Xavier

1807 Estate of Francisco Xavier Sanchez, Saint
East Florida Papers, Library of Congress,
Records of Testamentary Proceedings, 1756-
1821, Reel 140, bundle 309, doc. 1. Washing-
ton, D. C. Microfilm copy at P. K. Yonge
Library of Florida History, University of
Florida, Gainesville.

Sanchez, John M. and Wife

1828 Deed, John M. Sanchez and Wife to John J.
Hedrick, November 7, 1828. Courthouse
Records, Saint Johns County, Florida, Deed
Book "H" p. 60. Saint Augustine.

Sanchez, Marfa del Carmen Hill

1813 Estate of Marfa del Carmen Hill Sanchez,
Saint Augustine, December 15, 1813. East
Florida Papers, Library of Congress, Records
of Testamentary Proceedings, 1756-1821, Reel
143, bundle 314, doc. 2. Washington, D. C.
Microfilm copy at P. K. Yonge Library of
Florida History, University of Florida, Gaines-

Siebert, Wilbur Henry

1929 Loyalists in East Florida 1774-1785. Vol. 2.
Records of Their Claims for Losses of Property
in the Province. Florida State Historical Society,

1957 The Early Sugar Industry in Florida. Florida
Historical Quarterly, Vol. 35, No. 4, pp. 312-19.
Tallahassee (?).

Spanish Crown

1751 Officials in Saint Augustine in 1751 and Salaries,
According to Ce'dula of 29 of January, 1736.
Transcript and translation by Emily L. Wilson
at Saint Augustine Historical Society.

1791 Sale of Property by Spanish Government to Carlos
Howard, Saint Augustine, April 8, 1791. East
Florida Papers, Library of Congress, Assessor's
Inventory, 1792-1806, Reel 146, bundle 320, doc. 52.
Washington, D. C. Microfilm copy at P. K. Yonge
Library of Florida History, University of Florida,

Tanner, Helen Hornbeck

1963 Ze/spedes in East Florida 1784-1790. University of
Miami Press, Coral Gables.

Thomson, William, William Greenwood, and William Higginson

No date Memorial of William Thomson, William Green-
wood and William Higginson Merchants of London
in behalf of John Gordon of South Carolina.
Colonial Office, Public Record Office MSS,
Great Britain, East Florida, 5-540, p. 221.
London. Copy at Saint Augustine Historical

Trinity Episcopal Church

Records. Saint Augustine. Copy at Saint Augustine
Historical Society.

U. S. Congress

1860 American State Papers. Public Lands.
Vol. 6. Gales and Seaton, Washington, D. C.

Waring, Joseph I.

1967 John Moultrie--thesis Yellow Fever. Journal of
Florida Medical Association, Vol. 54, No. 8,
pp. 772-77. Jacksonville.

Whitaker, Arthur Preston (Editor and Translator)

1931 Documents Relating to the Commercial Policy
of Spain in the Floridas. Florida State Historical
Society, Deland.

White, Enrique

1804 Confirmation of Title from Governor Enrique
White to Francisco Xavier SAnchez, Saint Augustine,
May 23, 1804. East Florida Papers, Library of
Congress, Escrituras, 1803-04, bundle 374, pp.
420-24. Washington, D. C. Transcript and
translation at Saint Augustine Historical Society by
Mrs. Luis Arana. See additional explanatory docu-
ments too in the Spanish Treasurer's House folder.

Woman's Exchange

a Records, Dr. Peck's scrapbook, p. 173. Saint
Augustine. See Saint Augustine Historical Society
Biographical File.

b Records. Saint Augustine. See Saint Augustine
Historical Society Biographical File.

c Records. Burt Genealogy and Burt Correspondence.
See Saint Augustine Historical Society Biographical

Works Projects Administration, Division of
Community Service Programs, Historical
Records Survey

1940 Spanish Land Grants in Florida. Vol. 2
Confirmed Claims: A-B-C. State Library Board,

1942 Spanish Land Grants in Florida. Vol. 1
Unconfirmed Claims: A-Z. 2nd ed. State Library
Board, Tallahassee

Yonge, Henry

1786 Statement of Henry Yonge, New Providence,
Bahama Islands, January 21, East Florida Papers,
Library of Congress, Records of Civil Proceedings,
1785-1821, Reel 151, bundle 329, doc. 34. Washing-
ton, D. C. Microfilm copy at P. K. Yonge Library
of Florida History, University of Florida, Gainesville.

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