Historical Report on the Peso de Burgo-Pellicer Site
B-7, L-7, St. Augustine, Florida
with Chain of Title Appended
Overton G. Ganong
August 7, 1974
Historical Report on the Peso de Burgo-Pellicer Site
The history of the Peso de Burgo-Pellicer site after 1780 forms a part of
the history of the Minorcan-Greek-Italian community in St. Augustine, for mem-
bers of the three-ethnic groups that comprised the New Smyrna colony made their
homes on that site for more than a century. The site illustrates, therefore, a
distinctive and unique aspect of the city's past.
In 1763, according to Elixio de la Puente's map, the site was divided into
two lots, numbers 83 and 84. The former, the northern lot, measuring 181 varas
north to south and 71 varas east to west and containing a tabby house,' belonged to
Lucas Escovedo; the latter, the southern lot, measuring 13- varas north to south
and 71 varas east to west, stood vacant and belonged to Prudencia Ansures.
Both properties were among those consigned to Jesse Fish for resale. Sometime
between 1763 and 1780, Escovedo's house disappeared, probably one of the many
tabby dwellings destroyed by the English during the first years of their occupation.
Jesse Fish made no reference to a house in his account book when he recorded the
sale of the properties to Francisco Pellicer and Jose (Pepino) Peso de Burgo in
Pellicer, a native of Minorca, and Peso de Burgo, a Corsican by birth,
were both members of the ill-fated New Smyrna colony. Both were active in the
events that led to the collapse of that venture and the colonists' migration to St.
Augustine. Pellicer, a master carpenter by trade, was the head carpenter in charge
of the construction of Andrew Turnbulls mansion at New Smyrna, and the scanty
of the construction of Andrew Turnbull's mansion at New Smyrna, and the scanty
evidence available indicates that he enjoyed the respect and confidence of his fellow
colonists. According to the traditional story of the Minorcan exodus, transmitted
orally through several generations, Pellicer, upon learning that it might be possible
for the colonists to free themselves from Turnbull's control, called a secret meet-
ing of the more assertive people of the colony, who chose him and two other men
to take their case to Governor Tonyn. In late March, 1777, the three set out on
the pretext of going turtle hunting but actually made their way to St. Augustine.
Upon their return with Tonyn's promise of assistance, Pellicer was elected to lead
the colonists to St. Augustine. When they arrived. in April, ninety settlers came
forward to make legal depositions charging Turnbull and his overseerer with vio-
lations of contract, mistreatment, and cruelty. The attorney general, believing
the number too great, asked the colonists to appoint a few men to speak for the
group. Among those selected was Pepino Peso de Burgo.
The New Smyrna settlers had escaped Turnbull's control, but they found scant
relief from hardship. St. Augustine was already crowded with refugees from the
northern colonies. Food and shelter were in short supply. Governor Tonyn granted
the colonists land north of the city for temporary dwellings and sustenance but no
further aid was forthcoming. During the late summer and fall of the year, disease
and hunger exacted their toll of the destitute settlers huddled in their crude, impro-
At this point a veil drops over the historical picture. The secondary works
dealing with the New Smyrna colonists ignore the period following their establishment
in St. Augustine, and whatever documentary evidence exists has not been culled
from the records. Available references do not become abundant again until the trans-
fer of Florida to the Spanish in 1783-84. By that time a remarkable transformation
had occurred in the living conditions of the Minorcans. The impoverished, wretched
migrants of 1777 reappear as prospering farmers, storekeepers, craftsmen, fisher-
men, and traders. They own lots, houses, ships, slaves. By dint of industry,
tenacity, and frugality combined with intense community spirit qualities that
impressed contemporary observers they had within five years revolutionized their
Pellicer and Peso de Burgo shared in the growing prosperity of the Minorcan
community. Unfortunately there is little direct evidence of their activities in the
years between 1778 and 1784. Pellicer, many years later, recalled that he had
settled in a house "in the country" upon his arrival in St. Augustine. It was prob-
ably north of town. There he lived with his wife, Margarita Feman'as, and their
children, Antonio and Juana. We may assume that he practiced his craft, building
homes for his fellow Minorcans and possibly for some of the Loyalist refugees as
well, and that he sustained his family by farming rented land.10 Peso de Burgo, a
bachelor, was free of family responsibilities. His talents inclined him to trade, for
in 1784 he was identified as a storekeeper and half owner of a sloop.
During the early months of 1780, Pellicer and Peso de Burgo agreed to
pool their resources to buy a piece of property in town, in a district that the Minorcans
were rapidly claiming as their own.1 Lack of evidence obscures the nature of the
relationship between the two men. They were about the same age, -not related, but
obviously friends. One plausible interpretation is that neither had the resources at
that time to buy property independently, hence the joint purchase. Pellicer's family
had grown by two since 1778, adding to his economic burden, while Peso de Burgo
remained single. There is an indirect suggestion in the documents that the two
men planned to live together. Peso de Burgo would then have enjoyed some of the
benefits of family life a woman to cook his meals and mend his clothing, perhaps-
while contributing financial support, but this relationship never developed. Some
unspecified differences arose between the two men, leading them to divide the pro-
perty. Whether this occurred before, during, or after the construction of the
wooden houses on the site is not known.
Just how the buildings were erected and exactly who did the work cannot be
known with certainty either. Descriptions of the buildings are meager. Pellicer
affirmed that he built the house on his part of the lot, but whether he built Peso de
Burgo's dwelling is unknown. Seven years later, when Pellicer ran into trouble
selling his house and lot because Peso de Burgo had misplaced the deed from Fish,
which Pellicer had given him for safekeeping, a witness called in to testify to the
legitimacy of Pellicer's title declared that "both purchasers have possessed and
built said property." 15 This reference could imply that Peso de Burgo built his
house or that Pellicer helped him build it, but it does not exclude the possibility
that Peso de Burgo had his house built by someone other than Pellicer. The docu-
-nents are not sufficiently precise to permit us to make a definite statement. What
,'e do know is that the houses were of wood and that Peso de Burgo's dwelling was
described in 1791 as a "house of wood covered with shingles with its kitchen of the
same. "o No reference to shingles or to a kitchen occurs in the deeds concerning
At any rate, the houses in question-were probably built during the second
half of 1780. This period and the'year that followed were difficult times for Pellicer.
Death stalked his family, first carrying off his two youngest children and then his
wife. Margarita Femanias probably died sometime in 1781 after bearing her fifth
child by Francisco in April.1 The father, left to care for three children, one of
them an infant, was soon searching for another wife. He found a suitable candidate
in eighteen-year-old Juana Vila Ferrer, a neighbor's daughter, whom he married
in March, 1783.18 But tragedy still haunted the Pellicer family. Sometime before
or shortly after the wedding the youngest child died. Death had claimed Pellicer's
last three children by his first wife, all of them born in St. Augustine. Only the
two oldest, born in New Smyrna, survived. Before long, however, the birth of the
newly-wedded couple's first child, a daughter, in April, 1784, began to fill the
void created by the deaths of the other children.
By that time international events were changing the complexion of life in
St. Augustine. The British were pulling out, and in July, 1784, Spain formally
reassumed control of the colony she had lost twenty-one years before. Closely
allied to the Spanish by ties of religion and custom, most of the Minorcans chose
The new Spanish administration moved rapidly to take stock of the physical
and human resources of Florida. The Governor, Vicente Manuel de Zespedes,
ordered a comprehensive census taken of the inhabitants and their property in land,
houses, slaves, and livestock. This census, compiled between July and October
1784, gives us our first clear picture of the status of the Minorcan community -
and a glimpse of the life Pellicer and Peso de Burgo were enjoying on St. George
Pellicer was described as a native of Majorca, 21 a Catholic, loyal to
the King of Spain, and a carpenter by trade. His wife and three children were
counted but not named. At the time he was cultivating eight and one-half acres of
land that he rented from two Englishmen for 20 pesos a year. His property con-
sisted of his house and a male slave. 2Peso de Burgo, still a bachelor, was some-
what better off. A storekeeper and half o-,-ner of a sloop, as mentioned earlier,
he owned his house and lot "in the vicinity of the Minorcan Chapel, three slaves,
and two horses. He worked an acre of rented land, for which he paid four pesos
a year and held (apparently owned) six more acres near the cemetery. 2In light
of his relations with Pellicer, two statements in the census are noteworthy. He was
credited with owning not only his house and lot but "another piece of land alongside. "
This statement probably refers to Pellicer's property, since the census taker had
not recognized Pellicer's owning a lot. Did the census taker interpret Peso de Burgo's
possession of the deed to mean that he held title to the whole lot? Or had Pellicer
temporarily given his neighbor title as collateral in return for some financial
assistance? The former interpretation seems more likely. The other statement
was that Peso de Burgo "interids to retire to his land. Was he thinking of abandoning
his business to take up farming, or does this remark hint at a deterioration in his
relationship with Pellicer? There is no clue. Whatever Peso de Burgo was plan-
ning, he decided not to do it, since he stayed in his house on St. George Street for
seven more years.
Two years later, according to a census of the Minorcan community taken by
Father Thomas Hassett, Pellicer's status was essentially the same as in 1784, ex-
cept that the male slave had been replaced by a female one. Shortly afterwards,
Juana Vila gave birth to her second child, another daughter, bringing the number of
children in the Pellicer family to four. Peso de Burgo remained single, but he
had taken in a fourteen-year-old Minorcan boy, Francisco Prats, as a dependent. 26
Francisco was the son of Jayme Prats and Margarita Vives, who were then living
with their younger son of 6 years in a small house on a lot owned by Peso de Burgo.
The Prats family was obviously poor, since they owned no land, livestock, or slaves.
Peso de Burgo had taken them under his wing, giving them a lot to live on, allowing
them to work some of his land, 28 and supporting their eldest son. In return, of
course, he obtained the labor of the young Francisco. Peso de Burgo could afford
to support his charge. By early 1787 he was prospering, owning four houses and
a lot, two slaves, four horses, and four cows and working about twelve acres of
land, of which he sought more.
Meanwhile, Pellicer's growing family was becoming cramped in their small
quarters on St. George Street and Francisco began to consider a move. He may
have been dissatisfied with his opportunities as a carpenter. Possibly he simply
grew tired of town life and sought some elbow room. At any rate, he decided to
try his hand at farming and secured a grant of land south of town near the Mantanzas
Inlet. On August 11, 1787, in exchange for 220 pesos fuertes, he sold his St. George
Street property to Demetrios Fundulakis. 30 Fundulakis was a Greek from Candia
on the island of Crete in the eastern Mediterranean. The censuses of 1784, 86 and 87
describe him as a fisherman and sailor, occupations also followed by his two step-
sons, Miguel and Jordan Costa (his wife Maria Bros, from the island of Santorin,
had four children by a previous marriage to a Corsican, Domingo Costa), and by
his teenage son Nicolas. He and one of his sons owned a schooner. When the
censuses were taken, Demetrios, his wife, son, and stepsons lived in a hut (choza)
near Nuestra Senora de la Leche but did not own the lot on which it stood. By
1787, however, they had accumulated enough to buy a piece of property and decided
to move into town.
Demetrios and his wife owned the house they bought from Pellicer until their
deaths, and we may assume that they dwelled in it for the rest of their lives. Two
of the children, Nicolas and Miguel, were still living with them in 1793. Miguel
had married and had moved his wife, Maria Dremariche, into the family homestead,
which they had enlivened with the addition of a son, Domingo. 3Miguel enjoyed a
special status in the Minorcan community. He was the only one of their number to
practice medicine of sorts, in addition to his maritime activities. His reputation
probably account's for the fact that he was sometimes named as owner of the property
when actually it belonged to his stepfather.34
when actually it belonged to his stepfather.
There is little inofrmation in the documents concerning the houses in question
at this time. Miguel Costa's mother, stricken with a serious illness in October,
1794, made a will in which she noted that she had paid him 50 pesos for some work
he had done on a room in her house, but she did not specify what kind of work it was.
The only other reference to the structures appears in the key to Mariano de la Rocque's
map of 1788, made not long after the Fundulakis family had moved in. The southern
house, occupied successively by two sizeable families, was described as "a wooden
house in fair condition, while Peso de Burgo's was listed as "in good condition. "36
Peso de Burgo lived beside his new neighbors for nearly four years. Before
that time was up, they had become more than neighbors, for in 1789 Pepino renounced
bachlorhood to marry Maria Mabrity, the granddaughter of Maria Bros by her first
husband Two years later the prosperous bridegroom, owner of several pieces
of property, moved with his wife to a house on Charlotte Street, where the census
of 1793 listed them as living with their two-month-old son, Pedro Josef Antonio.
As an index to their prosperity, they were credited with owning fifteen slaves.
Peso de Burgo did not have to look far to find a buyer for his St. George
Street property no farther than next door. His neighbor, Don Juan Sanchez, paid
iim 300 pesos fuertes,39 eighty more than Pellicer had obtained from the sale of
iis house and lot. Many reasons could account for the difference. Peso de Burgo's
louse could have been sounder and in better condition, very likely in light of Rocque's
observation, but possibly Pepino drove a harder bargain than Pellicer, or Sanchez
vas simply willing to pay more for a desirable extension of his holdings.
Sanchez and his family made their home in the building now called the Spanish
Inn. They did not live in the little wooden house next door, but probably rented it
for extra income. There is some evidence that one of Sanchez's motives in buying
the property was to augment his lot, for he held it only fifteen months, selling it
in December, 1792, to a German named John Martin Struder for the same price,
300 pesos fuertes, that he had paid. But Sanchez came out ahead, since he kept
three and three-quarter varas along the south line of his property, Struder's pur-
chase only measuring ten and one half varas north to south.
Struder's family lived on Cuna Street with their three young children, accord-
ing to the census of 1793, 41 taken a few months after they bought the property on
St. George Street. The status of the property at that time is unclear. It could have
been vacant, since no listing appears in the census between Demetrios Fundulakis,
number 125, and Don Juan Sanchez, number 126, and the survey is obviously num-
bered from south to north, since the names after Sanchez are Eugenia de Hita y
Salazar, Tadeo de Aribas, Pedro Josef Salcedo, and so forth. But there is a possi-
bility that Jaime Prats and his wife Margarita Vives, the parents of the boy that had
been living with Peso de Burgo, were living there as renters, since they appear as
number 124. For this to be true, one would have to assume the census taker, for
some obscure reason, counted the two families living in the small wooden houses
out of sequence, the north one first, the south one, second. Given the evidence
available at this time, this point must remain uncertain.
Struder's tenure, like that of Sanchez, was brief. Sometime during 1795-96
he sold the property to a Minorcan farmer, Pedro Fusha, who had been living with
his wife Francisca Preto in a cabin (barraca) about a mile north of the city.42
Details of the sale are.irretrievable, since the deeds for 1795-96 are missing.
Fusha and his wife, whd remained childless, lived for many years in their newly-
acquired home. The census of 1813 identifies them as living in the "ward of the fort"
and as owning three slaves. 4The following year they purchased the house and lot
just south of them from Miguel Costa and his sister Catalina, the heirs of Maria Bros,
for 146 pesos; thus the property Peso de Burgo and Pellicer had divided was once
again combined. By this time the house was thirty-four years old and apparently
showing its age, since the deed described it as "an old wooden house. The low
price also testifies to its deteriorated condition.
From this point in time until 1841 the history of the property becomes more
difficult to trace. There is no record of Fusha's having sold it but in 1834 it was
identified as belonging to Stephen Arnow (Arnau).4 In 1819 Fusha granted Arnau
general power of attorney over his property, 47 and it may be assumed that the latter
acquired control of the house and lot through some means other than purchase.
Whether or not Fusha lived in one or the other or both of the houses until his death
in 183848 cannot be ascertained, although it seems likely. The next definite record
is the sale by Stephen Arnau to Domingo A. Usina in February, 1841, for 800 dollars.4
Sometime between 1819 and 1841 the houses erected by Peso de Burgo and
Pellicer reached the end of their existence. The precise date of their passing is un-
known but was probably between 1838, the time of Pedro Fusha's death, and 1841,
when Arnau sold the property to Usina.
In 1890 the heirs of Antonia Bravo, daughter of Domingo Usina, attested
in a deed of sale that she had "possessed and occupied" the property in question
from 1841 until her death. The deed did not specifically mention a house, but
in 1852 only one house was indicated on the site. 5The photographic files of the
Historic St. Augustine Preservation Board contain a picture, probably taken about
1874, showing a wood frame house on the street line just south of what is now the
Spanish Inn. The house was doubtlessly Antonia Bravo's, and one can plausibly,
although not certainly, infer that it succeeded the Peso de Burgo and Pellicer houses.
Whatever the date of the houses' demolition, the half century or more of
their existence spanned a colorful era in the history of St. Augustine. Three flags
had flown over Florida; three cultures had left their stamp on the town, but through
all three periods ran a common thread, the life of the Minorcan colony. The little
plot of land on St. George Street with which we are concerned partook of that life.
The small wooden dwellings that nestled there sheltered Minorcan, Italian, and
Greek; tradesman, craftsman, fisherman, mariner, and farmer. Their history
reveals in microcosm the life of that distinctive community that remains to this day
a vital element in the population of the nation's oldest city.
1. Juan Joseph Elixio de la Puente, "Piano de la Real Fuerza... de San
Agustin, etc. Key, translated by Albert C. Manucy, at Saint Augustine
Historical Society (henceforth cited as SAHS).
2. Accounts of Jesse Fish, 1763-1770, East Florida Papers (henceforth cited
as EFP), Bundle 319, nos. 26 and 57. (Reel 146 at SAHS).
3. E. P. Panagopoulos, New Smyrna: An Eighteenth Century Greek Odyssey
(Gainesville, Florida: University of Florida Press, 1966), p. 148
Panogopoulos's authority in identifying Pellicer was John Lee Williams,
The Territory of Florida (Facsimile of the 1837 Edition, Gainesville,
Florida: University of Florida Press, 1962), p. 190.
4. Kenneth H. Beeson, "Fromajadas and Indigo: The Minorcan Colony in
Florida" (Unpublished M. A. Thesis, University of Florida, 1960), pp. 103-04.
5. Tonyn to Germain, May 8, 1777, Enclosure no. 14, Great Britain, Public
Record Office, Colonial Office, 5/557, Peso de Burgo's name appears
as Babpina Patchedebourga.
6. Panagopoulos, pp. 172-73.
.' / i
7. Vicente Manuel de Zespedes to Jose de Galvez, Oct. 20, 1784, in Joseph
Byrne Lockey, East Florida, 1783-85: A File of Documents Assembled,
and Many of Them Translated (Berkeley and Los Angeles, California:
University of California Press, 1949), pp. 285-86. Note also Johann David
Schoepf, Travels in the Confederation (1783-1784), trans. by Alfred J. Morrison
(Philadelphia: William J. Campbell, 1911, II, pp. 230-231.
8. Testamenturia por muerto de Jacobo WViggins, 1797, EFP, Testamentary
Proceedings, Bundle 304 P2, no. 14, p. 90v. (Reel 136 at SAHS).
9. "Golden Book of the Minorcans" (Father Pedro Camps' Register), Baptisms,
1768-77, p. 37, entry 26, and p. 49, entry 14. (Reference is to typescript
10. In 1784 Pellicer was farming eight and one-half acres of land that he rented
from two Englishmen for 20 pesos per year. Such an arrangement was typical
for the Minorcans at that time. Zespedes noted that "few or none" owned
the'land they worked. Zespedes to Galvez, Oct. 20, 1784, in Lockey, p. 285.
11. Census of 1784, "Floridanos antiguos, Minorquines, Ytalianos, y Griegos,"
photostats at SAHS, ph. no. 59. A mistranslation by Lawson of the entry
for Peso de Burgo is responsible for the mistaken notion that he was a hide
dealer. The entry clearly reads "es soltero oficio tender, meaning "he
is a bachelor, [his] trade, shopkeeper" tenderro.
12. Several pieces of evidence indicate that the two men made a joint purchase.
Fish sold the lot to "Palized and Jose de Burgos" for 59 pesos, 5}reales.
Unfortunately, he did not record what each man paid. (See note 2 above.)
An index to Spanish deeds in State of Florida, Trustees for Internal Improve-
ments, Field Note Division, Bundle 357, Document 28, no. 19, states that
"Jose Peso de Burgos purchases in union with Francisco Pellicer...."
Pellicer himself testified to the governor that he bought the lot "in company
with Pepino Pedso de Borgo. EFP, Memorials and Concessions, 1785-1821,
Bundle 297P8, no. 130. (Reel 130 at SAHS).
13. Pellicer was christened on Feb. 7, 1753; therefore he was probably born a
few days earlier. If so, he would have been twenty-seven years old in 1780.
Peso de Burgo's birthdate is unknown but could have been as early as 1756
or as late as 1759. In 1780 he was between twenty-one and twenty-four years
old. The latter figure is probably more accurate. For Pellicer see
Genealogies of.the Pellicer, Femanias, and Vila families, compiled by
Fernando Marti, S. J., archivist of the Diocesan Archive of Ciudadela,
Minorca, copy in SAHS, Biographical Files, "Pellicer. For Peso de Burgo
see the Census of Father Thomas Hassett, 1786, photostats at SAHS, ph. no.
6M, entry 20; Bruno Roselli, The Italians in Colonial Florida, 1513-1821
(Florida: The Drew Press, 1940), p. 44; and the Census of 1793, photostats
at SAHS, ph. no. 13, entry 125.
14. Francisco Pellicer testified that: "While this province was under the dominion
of the King of Great Britain, Your Petitioner (i. e. Pellicer) in company with
Pepino Pedso de Borgo, likewise a resident of this [town], purchased from
Jesse Fish a lot located on the main street...with notarized documents that
remained in the possession of your Petitioner, who gave them to said Pepino
for safekeeping. Also that because of differences that arose, they divided
the said lot into two sections so that each one remained possessed of the
part that belonged to him....."
The Spanish reads: "Que estando esta Provincia vaxo el Dominio del Rey de la
Gran Bretana, compro Vuestra Suplicante en compa~nia de Pepino Pedso de
Borgo igualmente vecino de esta un Solar Situado en la Calle mayor...a Dn
Yese Fisch vaxo Documentos antemicos que quedaron in poder de Vuestra
Suplicante.y los entrego a dho Pepino para guardarlos. Que por diferencias
que se ofrecieron dividieron en dos trozos el referido solar de modo que cada
uno quedo aposesionado de la Parte que le correspondia...."
EFP, Memorials and Concessions, 1785-1821, Bundle 297P8, no. 130.
(Reel 130 at SAHS).
16. "...una Casa de Maderas cubierta de Texamanis con su Cosina de lo mismo...
EFP, Escrituras, 1790-91, Bundle 368, p. 288. (Reel 170 at SAHS).
17. There are no records of burials during the British period.
18. "Golden Book of the Minorcans, Marriages, p. 29 (handwritten additions by
Eleanor P. Barnes at SAHS typescript).
19. Ibid., Baptisms, 1777-84, p. 39, entry 12.
20. Zespedes to Bernardo de Galvez, July 16, 1784; Zespedes to Jose de Galvez,
Oct. 20, 1784, in Lockey, pp. 231, 285.
21. A census taker's error. Pellicer was a native of Alayor, Minorca. Marti,
Genealogy of Pellicer, SAHS, Biographical Files, "Pellicer."
22. Census of 1784, ph. no. 19.
23. Ibid., ph. no. 59
24. Census of Father Thomas Hassett, 1786, ph. nos. 17M & 18M, entry 69.
25. Historical Records Survey, Translation and Transcription of Church Archives
of Florida, Roman Catholic Records, St. Augustine Parish, White Baptisms,
1784-1792, p. 24, entry 97.
26. Census of Father Thomas Hassett, 1786, ph. no. 6M, entry 20.
27. "Golden Book of the Minorcans, "Baptisms, 1768-77, p. 19, entry 17; Baptisms,
1777-84, p. 14, entry 20. Census of 1787, photostats at SAHS, ph. no. 20.
28. Census of 1787, ph. no. 20.
29. Ibid. The Census of 1787 did not mention his occupation; however, the Hassett
census, taken just a few months earlier, referred to him as a storekeeper.
He had either sold his interest in the sloop by 1787 or the census taker failed
to note it.
30. EFP, Escrituras, 1787-90, Bundle 367, p., 51. (Reel 169 at SAHS).
31. Census of 1784, ph. no. 24; Census of Father Thomas Hassett, 1786, ph. no.
19M, entry 72; Census of 1787, ph. no. 8. See also Will of Maria Brox, EFP,
Excrituras, 1793-94, Bundle 369, pp. 388 ff. (Reel 170 at SAHS) In writing
Fundulakis's name, I have used the spelling given by Panagopoulos, p. 33, in
the belief that, he, being Greek, would provide a reasonably accurate trans-
literation. In the Spanish documents many variants appear, e. g., Fudelache,
Fedulacho, Pedulach, Odolachy. His wife, Maria Bros (Ambross), was the
only Greek woman known to have sailed with Turnbull's expedition. See
Panagopoulous, p. 33.
32. Census of 1793, ph. no. 13, entry 125.
33. Panagopoulos, p. 181. I have not found the source of this information.
34. "Yventarios Tasaciones, y venta en public Remate de las Casas y Solares
del Rey," August 19, 1790 (Quesada List), entry 48.
35. Will of Maria Brox, EFP, Escrituras, 1793-94, Bundle 369, pp 388ff.
36. Mariano de la Rocque, "Plano particular de la Ciudad de Sn. Agustin de la
Florida. Key, in typescript at SAHS, pp. 1-2, entries 7 and 8.
St. Augustine Parish, "First Book of White Marriages, 1784-1801, p. 13
(typescript at SAHS).
37. Descendants of Domingo Acosta (Costa) and Maria Ambrosi (Bros), compiled
by Betty M. Bruce, April, 1974, in Historic St. Augustine Preservation Board,
Biographical Files, "Jose (Pepino) Peso de Burgo."
38. Ph. no. 6, entry 53.
39. EFP, Escrituras, 1790-91, Bundle 368, p. 288. (Reel 170 at SAHS).
40. Ibid., 1791-92, Bundle 368, pp. 734 v ff. (Reel 170 at SAHS). For compa rative
measurements see the attached chain bf title. For Struder's nationality,
see White Baptisms, 1784-92, p. 128, entry 497.
41. Ph. no. 18, entry 181. Struder's name appears as "Mureder."
42. Census of 1784, ph. nos. 27-28; Census of Father Thomas Hassett, 1786, ph. no.
21M, entry 82; Census of 1787, ph. no. 13; Census of 1793, ph. no. 21, entry 209.
Fusha's name appears as Fluxa, Fezua, and Fucha.
43. Reference to the sale was found in the "Book or Register of City Lots" at the
SAHS, p. 18v.
44. Photostats at SAHS, ph. no. 6.
45. EFP, Escrituras, 1813-14, Bundle 379, p. 198. (Reel 172 at SAHS).
46. Benjamin and J.B. Clements, "Map of the City of St. Augustine... 1834-35."
Photostats at SAHS, map drawer no. 9.
47. EFP, Escrituras, 1819, Bundle 363, p. 312. (Reel 168 at SAHS).
48. St. Augustine News, Dec. 29, 1838, p. 2.
49. St. Johns County Public Records, Deed Records, Book O, p. 259.
50. Ibid., Book RR, p. 133.
51. Ibid., Book P, p. 283.
Chain of Title
The following is a partial chain of title to Block 7, Lot 7 in the City of St.
1763 Lucas Escovedo (north portion' of lot 7, 18- varas x 71 varas)
Prudencia Ansures (south portion of lot 7, 13- varas x 71 varas)
May 2, 1780 Jesse Fish, for Lucas Escovedo and Antonio Ansures (brother of
Palized and Jose de Burgos
(Transfered two-thirds of Escovedo's lot and all of that belonging
Sale price: 59 pesos, 51 reales
Source: Account Book of Jesse Fish, entries no. 26 and 57.
Peso de'Burgo and Pellicer divided the lot between them.
Aug. 11, 1787 Franc Palicier
("a wooden house with its lot,"
which measured 28 feet by 100
Sale price: 220 pesos fuertes
Source: Escrituras, 367, p. 51.
Sept. 7, 1791 Jose Peso de Burgos
Don Juan Sanchez
("a wooden house covered
with shingles with its kit-
chen of the same. ... Lot
measured 14- varas N-S,
43- varas E-W)
Sale price: 300 pesos fuertes
Source: Escrituras, 368 p. 288.
Dec. 20, 1792 Don Juan Sanchez
Juan Martin Estruders
("...a wooden house covered
with shingles with its kitchen
of the .same... Lot measured
10- varas by 42 3/4 varas)
Sale price: 300 pesos fuertes
Source: Escrituras, 368, p. 734.
1795-96 John M. Struder
Sale Price: unknown
Source: "Book or Register of
City Lots" (at St. Augustine
Historical Society), p. 18v.
(Reference was to Escrituras,
p. 95, one of two missing
bundles in that series.)
May 10, 1814 Don Miguel and Dona Catalina
Acosta, heirs of Maria Ambros,
deceased (wife of Demetrios
("... an old house of wood with
its corresponding lot. Lot
measured 28 feet by 100 feet
Sale Price: 146 pesos
Source: Escrituras, 379, p. 198.
June 8, 1819 Pedro Fusha grants general power of attorney to
Source: Escrituras, 363, p. 312
No deed could be found transferring the property
from Fusha to Arnau; however, in 1834 Stephen
Arnow is identified as the owner.
1834 Lbt in possession of Stephen Arnow.
Source: "Clements Survey of St. Augustine, 1834-35. "
(Copy at St. Augustine Historical Society, map drawer no. 9)
Stephen Arnau and wife
Domingo A. Usina
Measuring 12 3- ft.
Nov. 29, 1852
Feb. 26, 1853
July 17, 1890
Sale price: $800, 00
Source: St. Johns County Public Records, Deed Records
(henceforth DR), Book O, p. 259.
Antonia Hitchcock, administratrix of
estate of Domingo Usina
(Sold at public auction)
Sale price: $400. 00
Source: DR, Book P, p. 283.
Marriage license issued Dec. 28, 1852,
to Donato Bravo and Antonia Hitchcock.
Source: St. Johns County Public Records.
Marriage Licenses, May 5, 1840, p. 136.
James Hurlbert and wife
(Lot measures east 60 ft., west 60 ft.,
north 1231 ft., south 121 ft.)
Sale price: $350. 00
Source: DR, Book, P, p. 293.
Stephen A. Bravo and Christina Bravo, his wife,
heirs of Antonia Bravo
John T. Dismukes
Sale Price: $650.00
Source: DR, Book RR, p. 3.
Feb.- 20, 1841
Oct. 6, 1890
May 5, 1904
Jan 31, 1905
John T. Dismukes and wife
William Paffe, of Trenton, New Jersey
("being the lands deeded to said granter herein
by the heirs of Antonia Bravo, deceased and which
lots of land was the property of said Antonia Bravo
formerly Antonia UTsina and was possessed and occu-
Pied by said Antonia Bravo from AD 1841 to the date
of her death and since the date of [her] death by her
heirs and by said grantor herein. ")
Sale price: $3,900.00
Source: DR, Book RR, p. 133.
Henry C. and Marie Paffe et al,
heirs of WilliamPaffe
Florida Paffe, of Trenton, New Jersey
Sale price: $5, 000. 00
Source: DR, Book 6, p. 583.
Florida Paffe, widow, of Trenton, New Jersey
Diego Hernandez, of St. Augustine
Sale Price: $4,000.00
Source: DR, Book 6, p. 583
Diego Hernandez willed all his property to his wife
Mary Jane and after her death to his daughter Marie
Hernandez Paffe. In the settlement of his estate,
block 7, lot 7 was appraised at $7, 000. 00.
Source: St. Johns County Court, Case No. 02147, Estate
of Diego Hernandez in Probate.
Sept. 19, 1928
Death of Mary Jane Hernandez, Property
Marie Hernandez Paffe.
Mar. 26, 1935
Marie H. Paffe and her husband Henry C. Paffe
(Lot measures east 60 ft., west 60 ft.,
north 121 ft., south about 123 ft.)
Source: DR, Book 185, p. 299.
Nov. 14, 1972 Theresia Paffe
St. Augustine Restoration, Inc.
Source:..St. Johns County Public Records, Official
Records (henceforth OR), Book 220, p. 946,
Apr. 16, 1973 'St. Augustine Restoration, Inc.
Historic St. Augustine Preservation Board
Source: OR, Book 228, p. 1002.