Front Cover
 Table of Contents
 List of acronyms
 Introduction to the project
 Survey methodology
 General watershed characterist...
 Survey results

Title: Summary of participatory rapid appraisal surveys
Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00094296/00001
 Material Information
Title: Summary of participatory rapid appraisal surveys Guinea Natural Resources Management Project
Physical Description: i, 35 p. : ; 28 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Erdmann, Thomas K
Fouta Jalon Natural Resource Management Project
Donor: unknown ( endowment )
Publisher: Chemonics International
Place of Publication: Labé Guinea
Publication Date: 1994
Copyright Date: 1994
Subject: Rural development projects -- Guinea   ( lcsh )
Natural resources, Communal -- Management -- Guinea   ( lcsh )
Genre: bibliography   ( marcgt )
non-fiction   ( marcgt )
Spatial Coverage: Guinea
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references (annex).
General Note: "August 1994."
General Note: "Contract No. 624-0219-C-00-2094-00; MAEF/DNFC-USAID."
General Note: "Technical assistance by: Chemonics International and Tropical Research and Development."
Statement of Responsibility: study directed and compiled by: Thomas K. Erdmann.
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00094296
Volume ID: VID00001
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: oclc - 434096835

Table of Contents
    Front Cover
        Front Cover 1
        Front Cover 2
    Table of Contents
        Table of Contents 1
        Table of Contents 2
    List of acronyms
        Page i
        Page ii
    Introduction to the project
        Page 1
        Page 2
    Survey methodology
        Page 3
        Page 4
    General watershed characteristics
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
    Survey results
        Page 11
        Page 12
        Page 13
        Page 14
        Page 15
        Page 16
        Page 17
        Page 18
        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
        Page 22
        Page 23
        Page 24
        Page 25
        Page 26
        Page 27
        Page 28
        Page 29
        Page 30
        Page 31
        Page 32
        Page 33
        Page 34
        Page 35
        Page 36
        Page A-1
        Page A-2
Full Text


Guinea Natural Resources Management Project

Contract No. 624-0219-C-00-2094-00


Technical Assistance by:
Chemonics International and
Tropical Research and Development

Lab6, Republic of Guinea

August 1994


Guinea Natural Resources Management Project

Contract No. 624-0219-C-00-2094-00


Technical Assistance by:
Chemonics International and
Tropical Research and Development

LabW, Republic of Guinea

Study Directed and Compiled by:

Thomas K. Erdmann
Agroforester, Guinea NRM Project

August 1994






A. Diafor6 5
B. Dissa 6
C. Koundou 7


A. Agriculture 11
Al. Diafor6 11
A2. Dissa 12
A3. Koundou 13
B. Water and Soil Resources 14
Bl. Diafor6 14
B2. Dissa 15
B3. Koundou 16
C. Vegetation and Forest Resources 18
C1. Diafor6 18
C2. Dissa 19
C3. Koundou 20
D. Livestock and Pasture Resources 22
Dl. Diafor6 22
D2. Dissa 24
D3. Koundou 24
E. Economic Activities 25
El. Diafor6 25
E2. Dissa 26
E3. Koundou 26
F. Villagers' Constraints 29
Fl. Diafor6 29
F2. Dissa 30
F3. Koundou 31
G. Villagers' Priorities 31
Gl. Diafor6 32
G2. Dissa 32
G3. Koundou 32








BMP Brigade micanisge de production
BRP Basin Reprisentatif Pilote
CRD Commune Rurale de Developpement
DNFC Direction Nationale de For&t et Chasse
FIDA Fonds International pour le Developpement Agricole
GF Guinean Francs
LPDA Lettre de politique de developpement agricole
MARA Ministere d'Agriculture et Ressources Animaux
MARP Methode Accglgrge de la Recherche Participative
N/A Not Applicable
N/Av Not Available
NRM Natural Resources Management
OUA Organisation des Nations Unies
PGRN Projet de Gestion de Ressources Naturelles
PMU Project Management Unit
PRA Participatory Rapid Appraisal
PREF Programme de redressement economique et financier
RRA Rapid Rural Appraisal
USAID United States Agency for International Development

ii I


The Guinea Natural Resources Management (NRM) project operates in three
watersheds in the Republic of Guinea. The Diafor6 and Koundou watersheds are located in
the administrative region known as Middle Guinea, which is more or less synonymous with
the Fouta Djallon highlands. The Dissa watershed is situated in the transition zone between
coastal Guinea and the Fouta Djallon.

The project consists of six major components: NRM, enterprise development and
management, applied research, training, policy analysis, and impact monitoring and
assessment. Two of these-NRM and enterprise development and management-are
considered the primary project components, while the other four are supporting components.
According to the project paper, the project's eventual goal is "to increase sustainable
agricultural and value-added production by men and women for domestic and export
markets." More pertinent, perhaps, is the project's purpose: "to improve the management
of natural resources in the target watersheds in the Fouta Djallon Highlands of Guinea for
profitable and sustainable agricultural production."

Four expatriate project personnel are based at the project management unit (PMU) in
Lab6: the chief of party, a soils and water conservation specialist, an agroforester, and a
community enterprise development expert. The three technical experts travel three weeks out
of four in a given month to the project watersheds where they work closely with a team of
five Guineans. These watershed teams consist of a director, a soils and water specialist, an
agroforester, a community enterprise development technician, and a women's extension agent

The project was officially inaugurated in January 1993, when a subsequent
workplan/team building workshop was also held. Shortly thereafter, the Guinean watershed
teams began to conduct Participatory Rapid Appraisals (PRAs) in each village within their
watersheds. These surveys took place from late January through the end of March 1993.



To become familiar with the watershed populations and their problems, project
personnel decided to conduct surveys of every village located within the project zone. Since
the ultimate targets and beneficiaries of project activities were the people living in the
watersheds, it was agreed that the survey needed to be participatory. Thus, an appropriate
methodology was identified and employed: participatory rapid appraisal (PRA).

This methodology evolved from the rapid rural appraisal (RRA) method developed by
Chambers (1987). These methodologies were developed due to dissatisfaction with the two
prevailing survey methods employed in the developing world during the 1970s and 1980s: 1)
thorough, statistically-correct, academic research that required lengthy periods to complete
and often generated large quantities of extraneous information and 2) "development tourism"
where projects were designed based on quick visits to two or three villages adjacent to the
road. PRA is a compromise between these two tendencies and aims to collect the maximum
amount of pertinent information in the minimum amount of time.

The Guinean watershed teams were trained in the PRA methodology for one week,
including a test run with the expatriate technical assistance team in one of the watershed
villages. This training was based on the information found in the manual by Schoonmaker-
Freudenberger and Gueye (1990). The hallmarks of the PRA method stressed during
training and applied in the field were the following:

Flexibility that allowed technicians to explore new or unexpected avenues of
information and also allowed for reorientation of the approach and tools if those
first employed were not satisfactory

Triangulation whereby all sources of information were verified by at least three
different perspectives (this applied to villagers as well as the Guinean teams that
represented four or five different technical disciplines)

Bias: sources of bias were reviewed as well as the means to keep it at a minimum

Optimal ignorance and appropriate imprecision: the level of information needed
on a given subject was reviewed as well as the time to move on to a new subject

Iteration: teams were encouraged to continually review and revise (once or twice
a day) the information they were gathering and the methods used to gather it

Guinean technicians were also trained in how to pose questions and how to conduct
themselves with villagers to avoid offense. Additionally, they were provided with a checklist


of subjects to be discussed with villagers during the survey. The agreed objectives for the
survey were to: 3
identify and understand the constraints to agricultural production and to enterprise
development of the watershed villagers I
find out the priorities and needs of the watershed villagers with respect to
development, above all in the areas of small enterprise and NRM 3
gain the information needed to be able to choose and plan project interventions
identify pilot farmers with whom the project could immediately collaborate
A typical survey cycle in a village consisted of three days with the villagers and a 3
fourth day writing up the results. The first day included a general meeting with the villagers
during which they were asked to draw a map of the village, indicating important sites;
additionally, a brief historical profile of the village was often elicited. Thereafter, separate |
group discussions with men and women (and sometimes the younger men) were held; key
informants were identified during these discussions. A transect, noting physical and
biological zones, of the village and surrounding areas was also constructed during the first or I
second day of the survey. The second and third days consisted of semi-structured interviews
with key informants, and often a visit to points of interest in the village and its environs g
(e.g., springs). During the second and third days, agricultural calendars and other matrices I
(e.g., prices of foodstocks and constraints to enterprise development) were completed with
input from these key informants. 3










A. Diafor6

Diafor6 watershed is located approximately 125 km east-northeast of Lab6; more
precisely it is found between 1127 and 1139 N latitude and 11023 and 11034 W longitude.
The size of the watershed is 65 km2. Average annual rainfall for the area is approximately
1,230 mm (based on data from the past 3 years). The hottest months are March through
May, which register a maximum average temperature of approximately 350C. January is the
coldest month, with an average minimum temperature of approximately 16C. The average
annual temperature is 24.5C. Diafor6 is the highest of the project watersheds with an
altitude range of 720 to 830 m.

The topography consists of gently rolling hills. Gallery forests are common along the
streams, although these have been reduced in recent years. However, the single, dominating
physical aspect of the watershed is a rocky, laterite cover estimated as occupying at least 45
percent of the watershed's area.

The population of the watershed is approximately 2,000. The local language is Pular
and the people are either noble Peuls or descendants of their slaves. Most of the land is
controlled by the nobles, with the exception of the homegardens (known locally as tapades)
within the ex-captive villages (for details on the tenure system see Fischer, 1993). The table
below summarizes information on the main villages:

Table 1.
Diafor6 Villages

Name Population Ethnic Group Caste

Dow Kouratongo 295 Peul noble
Ley Kouratongo 120 Peul mixed

Diaber6 Mere 54 Peul noble

The information in this section and in Section IV is based on the PRA reports for the watershed villages.
These reports are summarized in the following documents: BRP Diafor6 (1993), BRP Dissa (1993), and BRP
Koundou (1993).
2 This word is taken from the Portuguese; it signifies an area around the homestead that is cultivated
annually. Generally, for a given family this area is small (0.5 ha), contains fruit trees, and is fenced (either by
family or by a common village fence). This system is highly developed in the Fouta Djallon, but is only found
in rudimentary form in the Dissa watershed.

Name Population Ethnic Group Caste

Foreya 180 Peul ex-captive
Koun6 364 Peul noble
Koumbama 300 Peul noble
Dow Diafor6 40 Peul noble
Ley Diafor6 45 Peul ex-captive
Gada Diafor6 50 Peul ex-captive

Generally, access to the watershed is limited and the population is relatively isolated,
since there are no paved roads and several stream crossings are difficult, at best, during the
rainy season. The nearest significant market is 22 km to the southwest at Kollet, but there is
also a small weekly market at Dow Kouratongo. Three schools are located in the watershed,
each with two classrooms, but they are barely functional; there is also one unfinished
pharmacy at Dow Kouratongo. A bore hole and pump, installed by the FIDA project, exists
at Dow Kouratongo.

B. Dissa

Dissa is the southernmost watershed and is located between 10013 and 1020 N
latitude and between 12'25 and 1230 W longitude. Since it is found in the transition zone
between coastal Guinea and the Fouta Djallon highlands, it differs culturally, and to a lesser
degree, bio-physically, from the other two watersheds that are wholly located within the
Fouta Djallon. The size of the watershed is estimated at 100 km2.

The average annual rainfall for the area is 1,855 mm and the annual average
temperature is 26.60 (based on data from Kindia). Additionally, the average maximum
temperature for the hottest month (March) is 35C while the average minimum for the coldest
month (January) is 19. 1C. Dissa is the lowest of the three watersheds with an altitude range
of 50 to 350 m.

Generally, the topography consists of gently sloping hills, although steeper slopes are
not uncommon, with several steep escarpments. Forest cover is ample in several areas as is
arable land; although large laterite plains do exist in this watershed; generally, the natural
vegetation is the densest of the three watersheds.

Two ethnic groups coexist within the Dissa watershed: Sousou and Peul. Although
the Peul are numerically superior at this point, they are recent immigrants to the area. Thus
the Sousou hold most of the political power as well as the traditional rights to the land (for
details on the tenure system see Bohrer and Fischer, 1994). The table below summarizes
information on the main villages:


Table 2.
Dissa Villages

Name Population Ethnic Group Caste

Farinta* 166 Sousou N/A
Hafia 310 Peul ex-captive

Fotongb6 153 Sousou N/A
Khatiya 162 Sousou N/A
Amaraya 109 Peul ex-captive
Donta 751 Peul ex-captive

Falloulaye 650 Peul noble

Names here refer to government districts and thus, in addition to the village indicated, the population figures may
include other villages or hamlets in the district.

The total population of the watershed is approximately 2,200. The watershed is
adjacent to the town of Sougueta, which is on the paved national highway that runs between
Conakry and Lab6. Thus, this watershed is less isolated and has better market access
compared to the other two. Falloulaye and part of Fotongb6 are also adjacent to the paved
road. Within the watershed, however, there are no paved roads and access to the villages of
Amaraya and Donta is difficult. The nearest school and pharmacy are in Sougu6ta. The
major market for the watershed villagers is Sougu6ta, although a small market also exists in

C. Koundou

The Koundou watershed is located northwest of Lab6 and is situated between 1139
and 1152 N latitude and 1232 and 1247 W longitude. The average annual rainfall for the
area is 1,415 mm (based on data from Gaoual). The average annual temperature is 26.5C
while the average minimum temperature for the coldest month (January) is 16.4C and the
average maximum for the hottest month (April) is 39.2C. The watershed has the greatest
altitude range of the three project watersheds: 190-560 m (this is actually the range within
which the project is working-there are higher points in the watershed). The watershed
covers an area of 107 km2.

The topography of the Koundou watershed is extremely varied; extensive lowland
plains are present as well as steep escarpments and a plateau with extensive laterite cover.
The vista is dominated by Mount Kokolou (more than 800 m) on the northeastern rim. A
large portion of the watershed (estimated at 40 percent) falls within the Nyalama Classified
Forest. Thus, the forest cover is sufficient in many areas of the watershed, although it is
becoming degraded by annual fires and extensive clearing for agriculture. It should also be

noted that, in the past, the classified forest has restricted agricultural production in the form
of exterior fields for most villages in the western half of the watershed (although this is less
true now).

The population is approximately 3,900. The majority consists of noble Peuls and the
descendants of their slaves. However, one village, Linsan-Saran, is composed of the
Sarakoll6 ethnic group. One social trend worth noting is the exodus of youth (especially
males) from the villages, leaving disproportionately large numbers of older men, women, and
children. Absences of 50 to 60 percent of the males between 15 and 45 years of age in a
given village were noted during the survey, a factor that greatly exacerbates women's
workloads. This trend is also notable in the Diafor6 watershed, but probably less severe in
Dissa. As in Diaford, with the exception of the tapades, land is controlled by the nobles (for
more details on the tenure system, see Fischer, 1994). The table below summarizes
information on the main villages.

Table 3.
Koundou Villages*

Name Population Ethnic Group Caste

Linsan-Saran 1,120 Sarakoll6 N/A
Linsan-Fulb6 367 Peul noble
Kokolou 339 Peul noble
Telibofi 208 Peul ex-captive
N'Dantari 220 Peul noble

Donghol 174 Peul ex-captive
Ley-Fello, Tenker6, 230 Peul noble
Nyankou, Tyankoye
Kagndgand6, 325 Peul mixed
Ty6wer6 404 Peul ex-captive
Bendougou 114 Peul ex-captive
Bassan 65 Peul noble
Sigon 85 Peul ex-captive
Neter6 57 Peul ex-captive
Due to time limits, several villages were grouped together for the PRA survey, resulting in a total 14 "village"

Name Population Ethnic Group Caste

Madina 31 Peul noble
Guem6 59 Peul noble
Goundoupi 52 Peul ex-captive

Like Diafor6, Koundou is relatively inaccessible and isolated; however, due to a
major (albeit unpaved) road that links Lab6 to Koundara and Senegal, 20 km from Linsan-
Saran, Koundou could be considered less isolated than Diafor6. There are no paved roads in
the watershed and, depending on the rains, access to the whole watershed and/or individual
villages can be blocked altogether. The nearest significant weekly markets are at Cianguel
Bori (17 km to the east-southeast) and Bounaya (18 km to the north), although a small,
weekly market does exist adjacent to Linsan-Saran. There are two schools in the watershed,
each with four operational classes or grades. A health center and pharmacy can also be
found in Linsan-Saran.



A. Agriculture

Al. Diafor6

Generally, agriculture in the Diafor6 watershed is of a subsistence nature. Since
much of the watershed is covered by laterite, high quality arable land is scarce. The richest
soil and, thus, most of the villages, are found along the two streams that run through the
watershed-the Kouratongo and the Diafor6. The land that is farmed falls into three basic
categories: exterior fields, tapades or homegardens, and lowland gardens.

Some exterior fields are found along the two streams, but most are distant from the
villages themselves; often villagers must walk 7 to 9 km to reach them. The major crops
cultivated in these fields are fonio, groundnuts, millet, sorghum, and to a lesser extent,
upland rice. These fields are generally farmed for three years and then left fallow for five to
fifteen years depending on the fertility of the site.

The tapades comprise the backbone of the watershed's agricultural production; they
are found immediately adjacent to the homesteads and are cultivated annually. Unlike the
exterior fields, they receive some amendments in the form of manure, household wastes, and
leaves. The principal crops found in these areas are maize, cocoyam or taro, cassava, okra,
sweetpotato, tomato, small hot peppers and beans, but many other plants are cultivated in the
tapades on a smaller scale.

Lowland gardening is not extensive in the Diafor6 watershed, but is sometimes
encountered on the stream banks and in other low-lying areas. Vegetables are usually
cultivated in these areas and an overstory of bananas and fruit trees is also common.

Broadly, agricultural activities can be divided into two periods: the dry season and
the rainy season. From January to March, the men are occupied clearing exterior fields
(often using fire, which then continues into adjacent forests or fallow) and repairing the
fences around the tapades. Women also hoe the soil in the tapades during this period. The
rainy season, which lasts from May to October, is the busiest period for the villagers. Men
are generally responsible for the exterior fields where they will work the soil, sow the seeds,
and harvest. Women are concerned with the tapades during this period; activities there
include the second hoeing, sowing the seeds, weeding, and harvesting. Additionally, women
will help their husbands in the exterior fields with the more demanding tasks. Children are
also an important labor source for agricultural work, especially in the exterior fields; they
are in addition responsible for guarding these fields against wild animal and bird attacks
when the crops are maturing. June and July are probably the most taxing periods for the
villagers because of the sowing of the exterior fields (labor is in highest demand during this


period); this also happens to be the time when food stocks are lowest and hunger is at its 3
most acute level.

The villagers stressed a number of problems related to agriculture during the survey. i
They have noticed a progressive decrease in yields during the past five years and attribute it
to poor soil, attacks by wild animals (mainly monkeys and warthogs), and damage caused by
termites. This last problem appears to be the most serious. Villagers reported that termites
attacked young plants, harvested crops, foodstocks, and organic matter added to the fields
(mainly in the form of leaves and manure) as well as thatched roofs. 3

A2. Dissa

Agriculture is the principal activity of the villagers in the Dissa watershed. The main
system employed is shifting agriculture on the slopes and plains; unlike the other two
watersheds, the tapade or homegarden system is not well-developed. Lowland gardening is
also practiced. The main crops are rice (mountain and flooded), groundnut, and cassava.
Crops of secondary importance include maize, millet, fonio, cocoyams, and sweetpotato.
These crops are generally intercropped with the three principal crops, with the exception of 5
fonio, which is grown as a monocrop. Fields are farmed for two to three years and then left
fallow for five to seven years. A typical three-year rotation consists of rice, then groundnut,
and finally fonio. 3

The cash crops are sweetpotato, cocoyam, cassava, and rice, and are generally sold
by the 100 kg sack. Average prices for a 100 kg sack are as follows: sweetpotato, 10,000 m
Guinean francs (GF); cocoyam, 15,000 GF3; fresh cassava, 4,000 to 5,000 GF; dry cassava,
7,000 GF; uncleaned rice, 7,500 to 25,000 GF; and cleaned rice, 35,500 to 60,000 GF.

The principal garden crops, grown mainly (but not exclusively) in the lowlands,
consist of hot pepper, tomato, eggplant, onion, and okra. Tomato and okra are also cash
crops and are thus the most widely cultivated garden crops (two crops of tomato are grown I
annually). A 50 kg sack of okra sells for 20,000 GF at the beginning of the harvest; at the
height of the harvest, the price drops to 7,500 GF. Tomatoes are sold by the large basin for
7,500 GF at the beginning of the harvest and from 6,000 to 6,500 at the harvest's climax. 3
Bananas are also cultivated throughout the watershed, usually in the lowlands or adjacent to
homes. 3

Major agricultural constraints include weeds (especially Imperata cylindrica and
Pennisetum subangustum), and termite and wild animal attacks. Water for irrigation is
available adjacent to several villages but the villagers do not exploit it (possibly due to a lack
of knowledge). Erosion and soil degradation are also common and may be partly linked to
overcutting of the natural forest cover. Techniques to enhance soil fertility are generally not
employed. Storing produce is also problematic, primarily due to insect pests. The village of
Falloulaye reportedly does not have access to sufficient arable land, although the casual
observer might dispute this. i

3 In August 1994, 976 GF = US$1.00



A3. Koundou

Like Diafor6, agriculture in Koundou is primarily undertaken for subsistence
purposes. Some surplus, however, is sold (usually, cassava, groundnuts, or rice). Three
basic agricultural systems can be found in the watershed: the tapade system, the exterior
field system, and the intensive lowland gardening system. Examination of the agricultural
calendar reveals two labor peaks-May to July and to a lesser extent from October to
December during the harvest. The least labor-intensive period is from January to April.

The tapade system is similar to that described above for Diafor6. These areas are
found directly around the village houses and are cultivated annually. In the Koundou
watershed, the tapades are usually found on higher ground or plains on the local soil type
called n'dantari. The typical size varies between 0.25 and 1 ha.

Intercropping is practiced in these tapades with the major crops being, maize,
sweetpotato, taro or cocoyam, and cotton; cassava and peanuts are also sometimes cultivated
as major crops. Small amounts of condiment plants and vegetables are also found in the
tapades, for example, tomatoes, squash (sweet gourd), beans, okra, eggplant, pepper, and
Guinea sorrel. The fertility of the tapades is maintained to differing extents. Women may
add varoius materials to achieve this goal, such as cow, sheep, and goat manure; leaves
collected from the bush; ashes; and various household wastes. These amendments are
usually added close to the houses; thus, usually, a gradient of decreasing fertility is seen the
farther one progresses from the house. Consequently, maize-probably the most important
tapade crop-is planted close to the households. Less often, soil conservation measures are
seen, usually as rock bunds or wood, branches, and other materials placed along the slopes;
these bunds often deviate from the contours, however. Generally, the tapade soils are richer
than those of the outer fields.

Hoeing, planting, weeding, and harvesting in the tapades is demanding and continues
throughout the year, the peak occurring during the rainy season. The work is carried out by
the village women who receive their individual parcels from their husbands. Children often
help in the tapade work, but men usually are involved only when clearing, fence
building/repairing, and fruit tree planting is required; they may also help sow the maize.

The outer fields are cultivated on an extensive basis, as opposed to the intensive
tapade system. They all go through a cultivation/fallow cycle. Usually, the cultivation
period is two or three years, but may in some cases be as long as seven years; fallow periods
in the watershed typically are seven or eight years although they can be shorter or longer
depending on the site. The major crops cultivated are mountain rice, peanuts, fonio, and
cassava, although peanuts and cassava will not be grown if the field's fertility is judged to be
poor. These crops are usually grown as monocultures with the exception of the mountain
rice and sometimes fonio, which are often mixed with sorghum and/or millet; however, the
number of plants per unit area is usually much greater for the fonio and rice. Most of this
production is destined for home consumption although some is sold in the local markets
and/or used to pay back monetary loans. Generally, no soil fertility-enhancing measures are
practiced in these fields and the production is dependent on the fertility built up during the


fallow period. Some soil types are better than others, e.g., n'dantari is better than fello.
Some anti-erosive measures using rocks or wood are encountered in these fields although the
lines generally do not follow the contours. These fields are often temporarily fenced before
they are worked to distinguish them from pasture zones. l

After fallow fields are more or less cleared the debris is burned. This occurs from
February through May. For initial clearing, tree species such as Erythrophleum suaveolens
and Markhamia tomentosa indicate soils suitable for rice cultivation. Trees and shrubs are
cut at a 0.5 to 1 m height; the stumps are left in place. Certain trees are not cut because of i
their value as timber (Khaya senegalensis, Milicia regia) or the value of their pods (Parkia i
biglobosa). After burning, rocks are removed and the soil is lightly tilled by hand (a few
fields are plowed using animal traction). Seeds are usually sown shortly after the soil has
been worked. Rice is generally broadcast by hand although a few farmers have begun to
sow it in pockets. The fields are weeded one to three times during the growing season and
the harvest is accomplished by the family unit. Sometimes the above tasks are done by a
large group of villagers working together killed) ; traditionally the owner of the field will
provide the midday meal to all who help with this work.

The lowland agricultural system is mainly practiced along the banks of the two
principal streams in the watershed (the Koundou and Kansouma), although many isolated
pockets exist throughout the watershed. This is the least developed of the three agricultural
systems, but seems to be steadily growing. Women, for example, are beginning to produce
vegetable crops such as lettuce, tomatoes, and carrots in these areas during the early to mid-
dry season. Additionally, villagers from Linsan-Saran use these streamside fields to cultivate I
rice and maize twice a year. The team noted, that, although these areas have high potential,
the practices for cultivating them (regulating and estimating soil water levels, and organic
matter amendments for example) are complicated and not well known in the watershed.

B. Water and Soil Resources

Bl. Diafor6

There are many springs in the Diafor6 watershed. However, most of them dry up i
during the dry season. There are also many shallow hand-dug wells in low areas in some
villages; unfortunately, heavy usage of these wells during the dry season results in a lack of
attention to and maintenance of many of the perennial springs. Generally a water shortage
exists in the watershed villages from March to May, especially in the villages of Diafor6,
where the women must walk 2 to 3 km to find water. The two main streams in the
watershed are the Kouratongowol, which flows in a south-southwest direction, and the I
Diafor6wol, which flows east, then south, between Foreya and Koun6. Additionally, there
are three small ponds near the village of For6ya that may be utilized in the future for fish



Farmers recognize five types of soil in the watershed:

Toggo: this is a clay soil that is often rich and deep; it is frequently found in the
tapades where it is appreciated for its productivity.

Dougouwoulen: this reddish soil is also frequently found in the tapades but is less
productive and has a lower clay content than the Toggo; the watershed women
note that this soil demands organic matter additions to attain a satisfactory harvest.

Kessouri: this is a rocky soil that is often found between the tapades and lateritic
areas; its productive potential is limited.

Hansangherd: often an eroded soil that is also rocky and usually found on the
outskirts of villages.

Hollandi: this soil is waterlogged during the rainy season and used as pasture
during the dry season; it is often found between the hansangherd and the n'dantari
(another soil type-see notes under Koundou in Section B3. below).

Suitable arable land is becoming rarer in the watershed, according to the farmers,
partly due to the long fallow periods required before the soil becomes sufficiently fertile.
This period is seven or eight years in the bottomlands and ten to fifteen years on the hillsides
(exterior fields). Generally, farmers characterize the soils as poor and in need of
improvement. Regarding soil conservation, rock bunds were observed in some exterior
fields while water runoff ditches had been constructed in some tapades.

B2. Dissa

Two major streams or small rivers drain the Dissa watershed: the Kora and the
Dissa, both of which flow in a southerly or southeasterly direction. The confluence of these
two rivers is in the southeast comer of the watershed near Amaraya. Many tributaries, the
majority of which go dry in the late dry season, flow into these rivers.

Most villages in the watershed have nearby springs to which the women walk to
obtain their household and cooking water. Most of these springs, however, go dry or have a
severely reduced flow by the end of the dry season. During this period, women are obliged
to wait in line to get water from these springs; the result is that much of their time is used
for this activity. Hand-dug wells are not present in the watershed, although two bore holes
with pumps do exist at Falloulaye and Fotongb6.

Numerous humid lowlands are present in the watershed, yet none receive the benefit
of an irrigation system even though water is available nearby. During the colonial period,
there were such systems (one of which included a dam) near the villages of Hafia and Dar-
es-Salaam, but they have fallen into disrepair. Gardens in these lowlands are presently
watered by hand.


Fairly rich, alluvial soils, with sandy-loam textures and higher organic matter contents I
than the majority of the soils in the watershed, exist on plains above the lowlands or in the
lowlands themselves. The most notable areas are Sokosoko, below Farinta, Malisigui, i
adjacent to Hafia, and Doundaka, near Amaraya.

Two other major soil types are found in the watershed. The first is laterite (bowal in i
Pular), which is mainly found north of Farinta between Mer6ma and Donta and between I
Sinthirou and Amaraya near the southern limits of the watershed. This is chiefly iron-based
rock and cannot be used for agriculture, but nomadic cattle herders use the grass that grows
in these areas as pasture during the rainy season. Dry grass harvested from these areas is
also collected and used for thatch. Secondly, ferrallitic soils in sloping areas tend to be low
in fertility and are used mainly to grow mountain rice, fonio, and some cassava. 3

B3. Koundou

The major streams in the watershed are the Koundou, which flows in a southerly and
southwesterly direction and its major tributary, the Kansouma, which flows southerly and
southwesterly. Other notable streams include the Tougui-Dombi, southwest of Bassan, the 3
Hebbiya, north of Sigon, the Sigonwel, south of Sigon, and the Goundoupihoun, west of
Goundoupi. The majority of these streams, including the Kansouma, do not flow year round
(i.e., they dry up at some point during the dry season). Additionally, there is a sizeable 3
swamp 15 km to the northwest of the watershed that serves as a watering point for domestic
animals (especially cattle) during the dry season.

A total of 49 springs were identified during the survey, of which 33 flowed year
round and 16 seasonally dried up. The flow of many of the perennial springs is severely g
reduced in the late dry season, however. Additionally, to reach some of the perennial I
springs, a walk of several kilometers is required. Generally, water shortages are a major
problem for the villagers and their animals. Women are especially affected as they must g
spend a large portion of their time walking to the few viable springs late in the dry season. I
This problem is most severe in the villages of Bassan, Kagn6gand6, Ty6wer6, Donghol, and
Tenker6, where women may have to wait up to four hours at the nearest spring to gain a g
bucket of water. To date, water shortages have also limited the development of lowland I
vegetable gardening. Two springs were capped by the FIDA project (one in Linsan-Saran
and one in Kokolou) before the advent of the Guinea NRM project. 3

Due to the importance and shortage of water, local institutions exist to manage and
protect many of these sources. Those in charge of the maintenance fence off the springs,
keep them clean of debris, and enforce the rules regarding their use. Examples of these
rules are waiting for one's turn to fill a single bowl, no shoes worn near the water, and no
washing of hands, dishes, or laundry in the water. i

Twenty-five wells in eight different villages were encountered during the survey. Of
these, only nine were actually functional. Generally, the others did not function because they 3
caved in. Additionally, two bore-holes and accompanying foot pumps were recently installed
in Linsan-Saran and Linsan-Fulb6 by the FIDA project.


Generally, soils in the watershed are highly variable. This is illustrated by the wide
range of reported fallow lengths-2 to 25 years. Seven major soil types were identified
during the survey:

Fello (mountain) or Falo (slope): this soil type is found on hill or mountain
flanks and is estimated to occupy 45 percent of the farmed land in the watershed.
It is found in and adjacent to the village of Kokolou and is susceptible to erosion.
Common crops grown on this type are millet, fonio, mountain rice, and

Hoord-fello: this soil type is found on the top of hills or mountains and is not
very suitable for agriculture. It is common in or around the village of

N'dantari (plain): this soil is fairly homogenous and compact and has a slower
infiltration rate than the hansangherd soil type. It is found on slightly sloping land
and on alluvial plain areas that are fairly well drained. Organic matter levels are
generally low, which gives these soils a fragile structure and leaves them
susceptible to erosion when they are exposed. Fonio and cassava are typically
grown on this type (common in and around the villages of Neter6 and

Hansanghere: these are rocky soils with high infiltration rates usually located on
slopes and subject to erosion. They are suitable for groundnut and fonio

Dounkire: these soils are located along streams or in depressions in the plains
and are alluvial in composition. They tend to be rich as well as moist-to-
waterlogged and are used for gardening during the dry season and for rice
cultivation during the rainy season.

Aynde: found at the bottom of hills or slopes, this is a valley soil on which rice is
often cultivated. Banana and fruit trees (mangoes, for example, in the village of
Ty6w6r6) are also common on this soil type.

Bowoun or Bowal: this type of soil is usually found on the plateaus and is
composed mainly of laterite. It is burned every year and is used mainly for
pasture. Three watershed villages (Linsan-Fulb6, Linsan-Saran, and Guem6) are
partially located on this formation, which causes problems for fruit tree
establishment in the tapades.

C. Vegetation and Forest Resources I

C1. Diafor6

Three main vegetation formations are found in the Diafor6 watershed. The first is
grassland, which grows on the laterite areas during the rainy season, but is subsequently
burned; during the dry season, these areas are devoid of vegetation. Secondly, wooded or
shrubby savanna formations are found on the hillsides and crests of hills. They generally
occur on the rocky, hansangherd soil type. Finally, gallery forest remnants are found on the
stream banks and the lowland areas.

The watershed does not have significant forest resources due to the large area covered
by laterite; it is likely that annual fires have also curtailed natural regeneration of trees and
shrubs. However, some forested areas do exist, mainly along watercourses and on hill
summits, although the trees are often stunted. Valuable species include N6r6 (Parkia
biglobosa-Ndte in Pular), Karit6 (Vitellaria paradoxa-Kare), Khaya senegalensis (Kahi),
Afzelia africana (Lingue), Milicia regia (Tyimme), Pterocarpus erinaceus (Bani), and
Mitragyna stipulosa (Popo). These species are often protected by the farmers (i.e., spared
when clearing operations take place), especially Ner6 and Karit6, whose fruit are collected by
the watershed women and transformed into products used in home consumption and/or sold.
Other species often found in these forested areas or along the borders with the laterite
include Erythrophleum suaveolens (Tili), Combretum micranthum (Kankaliba), and Bombax
costatum (Luukun).

The villagers confirm that these resources are threatened by the brush fires that
usually occur from February to March, although an effort has been made recently to burn
earlier to render the fires cooler and less damaging. Much deforestation has also occurred I
along the watercourses to conduct bottomland farming and gardening. Possibly, this has
contributed to the diminished flow of these watercourses. Two other species are also
threatened by overexploitation from beekeepers who debark them to get latex used in making I
hives: Daniellia oliveri (Ty7we) and Ficus mucuso (Pompodogo).

Other trees commonly found in the basin include the fruit trees cultivated in the i
tapades. The most common are oranges, mangoes, and avocados, although kola, soursop,
and guava are also found. Oranges are often attacked by an unidentified insect larva that
causes the fruit to fall before it is mature. The root systems and trunks of these trees are
also frequently attacked by a disease gummosiss) that leads to the eventual mortality of the
tree. Some trees and shrubs are also found incorporated into the dead wood fences. The
most common are Kiidi (Jatropha curcas) and Tyibe (Ficus sp.).

Over the years, wildlife-considered part of the forest resource-has also become
rarer in the watershed (possibly due to overhunting). The common small game that occurs
includes rabbits and francolins. In the category of larger game, warthogs and jackals and,
reportedly, bushbuck, panthers, lions, and hyenas are found (the panthers, lions, and hyenas
are said to occasionally prey on cattle, goats, and sheep). Large troops of baboons, patas or
red monkeys, and green monkeys (a type of guenon) also inhabit the watershed.


C2. Dissa

Three major vegetation formations are found in the watershed: gallery and secondary
forest, forested savanna, and herbaceous and/or shrubby savanna. This third formation,
found mainly on the bowal, is burned at least once a year; the fires often spread into the
forested savanna and the gallery forest where they cause damage by killing off seedlings that
constitute the future of the forest resource. The fires usually originate with herders who
want to induce regrowth of the grass for their cattle. However, cigarette butts and women
burning wood for ash used in soapmaking are also suspected sources of these fires.

The gallery and secondary forests are scattered throughout the watershed, mainly
along the streams and rivers and around springs, although several islands exist near the
villages of Khatiya, Hafia, and Fotongb6. The areas around the springs at Farinta and next
to Khatiya are protected by local customs founded on the supposed haunted nature of these
forests. The principal species found in this formation are Erythrophleum suaveolens, Milicia
regia, Elaeis guineensis, Spathodea campanulata, Afzelia africana, Parinari excelsa, Carapa
procera, and Ceiba pentandra.

The populations of several of these species have been greatly reduced in the
watershed by woodcutters (some with chain saws) who sell the timber. These coveted
species are divided into two categories: white wood (Ceiba pentandra and Milicia regia) and
red wood (Khaya senegalensis, Parinari excelsa, and Afzelia africana). The white wood is
cut into planks selling for 4,000 GF, while the red wood is cut into larger square planks sold
for 12,500 GF.4 These forests are also diminishing due to clearing for agriculture. The oil
palm (Elaeis guineensis) is also an economically important tree (indeed, perhaps the most
important) and is generally not cut during clearing.

The forested savanna is mainly found on the watershed's slopes and plains. In some
areas it closely resembles a closed-canopy, secondary forest. These areas are generally drier
(lower water table) than the gallery and secondary forests. The principal tree species of the
formation are Parkia biglobosa, Milicia regia, Prosopis africana, Pterocarpus erinaceus,
Lophira alata, Daniellia oliveri, Bombax costatum, Dialium guineense, and Cassia
sieberiana. This formation is heavily exploited for firewood, the preferred species being
Pterocarpus erinaceus. Many of the extant Parkia and Daniellia were also spared at one
time during clearing activities, the former because of its fruit and the second because,
reportedly, it is difficult to cut or kill. Farming or gardening under these trees constitutes a
traditional agroforestry system.

The herbaceous and/or shrubby savanna only harbors the occasional stunted, woody
species (e.g., Parkia biglobosa and Combretum micranthum). After burning, in the late dry
season, this formation is practically devoid of vegetation.

4 Both types of planks are between 4 m and 5 m in length; the height and width dimensions of the less
expensive planks are 6x 18-20 cm, while the more expensive planks are approximately 20x20 cm.


The fruit from Parkia biglobosa, Dialium guineense, and Parinari excelsa are all I
economically important secondary products. Dialium and Parinari fruit are edible, while the
fermented seeds from the Parkia (Ndr6) pods form the basis of a local condiment. Small n
piles of these fruits may be sold in local markets for 25 or 50 GF. Kansi (Anisophyllea I
laurina), although less common, also has edible fruit and wood that is used in construction.
Bamboo and Raphia palms are also found in the lowland areas of the watershed, although n
they are not abundant. Bamboo is used for fencing and for making light furniture, while the I
Raphia leaves are woven into mats. Many woody species serve as sources of rope (from
bark) and traditional medicine. Charcoal making also occurs in the watershed and is
reportedly on the rise. The preferred species for this activity are Pterocarpus erinaceus and
Erythrophleum suaveolens.

Fruit trees are commonly cultivated throughout the watershed; they are usually found I
close to and within the villages. Generally, mangoes, orange trees, and papayas are in all
the villages, while kola and grapefruit trees are restricted to Fotongb6 and Khatiya. f

Wild animals are usually considered part of the forest resource. Those that exist in
the Dissa watershed include baboons, monkeys, warthogs, duikers, agoutis, squirrels, and
small wildcats. Chimpanzees, panthers, and buffalo are reported, although, if they exist at
all, they are very rare. These animals represent a significant constraint to agriculture as they
eat and destroy many crops. Only the agoutis are hunted and eaten locally. Some of the
other species are hunted by hunters from outside the watershed; officially, the hunting season
is from 16 December to 30 April.

C3. Koundou

Although vegetation, especially trees, was surely at one time rich and highly diverse I
in the Koundou watershed, it is now severely degraded. This is probably due chiefly to
clearing for agriculture and fire. Much of the land has, at one time or another, been cleared
for cultivation and is now composed of grasses, bushes, and scattered trees. Generally, the I
lateritic plateaus are bare during the dry season and covered with grass during the rainy

Large trees, relics of the old primary forest, can still be seen along the north- to
southeast axis of the watershed (where the villages of Kokolou, Telibofi, Ley-Fello, and n
Donghol are located). Many of these are dying, however, due to girdling or lopping of the I
branches during cultivation cycles. Generally, in the eastern half of the watershed, dense
stands of trees are only found along streams, around springs, and in cemeteries.

Remnant patches of closed canopy forest can be found in the watershed, especially on
the plain between the villages of Sigon and Linsan-Fulb6, and towards the western boundary
of the watershed where the villages of Tyw6r6d and Bassan are found. The local bamboo is
common in the understory of these areas and the ronier palm (Borassus aethiopium) is often
found on their fringes. Generally, the western half of the watershed has a richer flora
(especially along streams and around springs), due, in part, to a good portion of it being
located in the Nyalama Classified Forest.


In the tapades, fruit and nut trees are common, especially mango, orange, papaya,
and tamarind, and to a lesser extent, lemon, guava, cashew, and kola. Other trees are also
found growing in the tapades because of their leaves used in cooking; the two primary
examples are baobab (Adansonia digitata) and Moringa oleifera. Additionally, larger trees,
such as Khaya senegalensis, Carapa procera, and Erythrophleum suaveolens, are sometimes
scattered in the tapades or incorporated into the surrounding fences. According to the
villagers these serve a protective or windbreak function, supply medicinal products, or can be
sold as construction wood when cut. Generally, fruit trees are less common in the tapades of
the western watershed villages and forest trees are more common. These include Borassus
aethiopium, Pterocarpus erinaceus, Schrebera arborea, Albizia adianthifolia, Erythrina
senegalensis, and Holarrhena floribunda. It is useful to note that tapade trees are the
property of men although women and children have user rights.

In the exterior fields (under cultivation and fallow) certain species are not cut at the
time of clearing. These include Khaya senegalensis, Afzelia africana, Milicia regia, and
Ndr6 (Parkia biglobosa). The first three are conserved because of their valuable wood and
the latter because of its fruit, which forms the basis of an important local condiment.
Nonetheless, growth of these trees is often hindered as many of their branches are lopped at
the time of clearing and they are also damaged by the ensuing fire. Usually, the generally
bushy vegetation (much of it from stump sprouts) that regenerates during fallow improves the
soil fertility; significant production of valuable timber, however, is excluded in these areas.
Other species spared during clearing because they indicate humid soils or spring catchments
are Carapa procera, Alchornea cordifolia, and Cola cordifolia.

The classified forest also harbors a fauna richer than most of the other areas in the
three watersheds. Villagers hunt in the forest at night using lamps. The yield of these
hunts, usually rabbits, duikers, and francolins, makes a significant contribution to the local

The r6nier palm (Borassus aethiopium) and bamboo (Bambusa vulgaris) are woody
plants that are economically important and mainly found within the forest boundaries. Both
species are heavily exploited and have become less common in the watershed. The ronier
wood, highly termite resistant, is used for construction, while the leaves are used to make
hats, baskets, and mats. Bamboo is used for thatch roof frames, fencing, baskets, beehives,
and many other products. A possible enterprise intervention would be to convert the bamboo
into furniture as is done in other parts of Guinea. Its diminishing presence is also due to fire
that rages through most of the watershed at least once a year.

Fences in the watershed are generally made of dead wood (live trees, tree branches,
and bushes are cut for these fences; subsequently, the vast majority of this wood dies; thus,
the fence becomes "dead wood"), but live trees and shrubs are often incorporated into these
fences. Construction of the dead wood fences is done by men, and fences often need to be
rebuilt on a yearly basis; the deforestation this practice involves should not be
underestimated. In some cases the density of live stems in a fence is high enough to warrant
calling it a live fence. Common species in the fences include Kiidi (Jatropha curcas), Nonko

(Ficus sp.), and Bantara Burure. Other species less frequently found in the fences are
Nebedaay (Moringa oleifera) and Mbochola (Erythrina senegalensis).

The allusion has already been made to the negative impact fire has on the forest
resource. Generally, wildfires pass through the watershed on a yearly basis during the
months of March or April (incidentally, this is the worst time of year for fires, as the fuel is
driest during these months; this means that the fires are hotter and more destructive than if
they occurred earlier in the dry season). With regard to the forest, young seedlings, the
source of natural regeneration for the forest, are destroyed. The fire also probably has a
negative impact on the microorganisms in the soil that help in decomposition, and causes
nitrogen loss due to volatilization. The litter removed also leaves the soils exposed and
predisposed to erosion. Houses and domestic animals are also sometimes victims of these

It should also be noted that the forests and shrub lands are fairly resilient. Just weeks
after the rains begin, one can detect new growth on many of the trees and shrubs and
herbaceous plants sprouting on the charred forest floor and in the grasslands. It is possible,
however, that the majority of the remaining tree and shrub species are fire retardant and that I
those species that are not have disappeared or are very rare.

The origins of the fires are not known, partly due to the fact that they begin in
uninhabited areas. Suspected causes, however, include honey harvesting, travelers along the
Koundara-Lab6 road, fires used to help with clearing of exterior fields, and other fires lit by
the villagers themselves for myriad reasons. The watershed villagers seem to have taken a I
fatalistic approach to these fires, stating that they happen each year and that they can do
nothing to stop them. However, steps such as firebreaks and early burning (in November
and December) are within the means of the villagers and constitute methods that the project I
should promote.

D. Livestock and Pasture Resources I

Dl. Diafor

Most families in the watershed own and raise a small herd of goats and sheep as well
as a small flock of chickens. Some families also own cattle; this is most common in the
villages of Koun6 and Koumbama. It is notable that livestock raising is probably the most
important economic activity for most of the watershed inhabitants. For many, this activity is
their greatest money-earner.

Goats and sheep are, for the most part, free-ranging, especially during the dry season.
During the rainy season, these animals are not allowed to enter the tapades and are herded
into small, elevated and covered pens at night. Raising these animals appears to be an
expanding activity (at the expense of cattle raising) for several reasons:

the cost of buying a young goat or sheep to start a herd is affordable for most
watershed inhabitants


the animals can be used (slaughtered) for most ceremonial occasions and can
rapidly be converted into money (i.e., easily sold)
low quality or scarce forage does not have as great an impact on the animals
(especially goats) as it does on cattle
reproduction is prolific and occurs every six to eight months (usually a female
goat will give birth to one to three kids a year while a sheep will produce one or
two lambs per year)

Goats rarely get sick; if they do, it is usually caused by parasites or malnutrition.
Similarly, herds of goats and sheep are rarely attacked by infectious diseases. However,
villagers report that these animals are regularly attacked by wild animals. Another problem
involves the elevated pens: although they provide decent protection against foul weather,
they are often too small for the number of animals that are kept inside.

Chickens are raised by women and usually roost in a corner of the veranda of the hut
where their owner lives. Less common are small raised pens for the chickens, similar to
those used for the goats and sheep. These chickens are scarcely fed; for the most part, they
make do with seeds and insects that they can find in the tapades. Sickness is common among
the flocks, often killing all the birds in one week; this frequently happens once a year. The
most common diseases are avian plague and fowlpox.

Cattle raised in the watershed are the N'Dama variety. For the most part the animals
are left to wander and forage for themselves. Sometimes they are led to old fallow fields
and, during the rainy season, occasionally penned during the night. Three times a year the
cattle are fed a mixture of clayey soil, salt, leaves, roots, and water to counteract, according
to the villagers, nutritive deficiencies; these occasions are quasi-ceremonial and are known as
touppal in Pular. Additionally, milk cows are sometimes kept tied to a stake and fed a
mixture of leaves, roots, salt, and bran. This is done exclusively during the milk-producing

Cows usually begin reproducing at an age of four to five years. Once reproduction
begins, however, the interval between calves is long-one every two or three years.
Sickness is common among the cattle. The most common problems include trypanosomiasis,
symptomatic anthrax, black leg, and others linked to parasites and nutritional deficiencies.
Local methods for treating these maladies are often inadequate and pharmaceutical products
are not usually available.

Generally, pasture is located in fallow fields or on laterite and consists mainly of
grass species; leguminous plants are rare. The most common grasses belong to the genus
Pennisetum, such as P. soubangoustum, P. purpureum, and P. violaceum (pukki); another
common grass (unidentified) is known locally as fonyd tyolli. Fodder crises are common
during the latter half of the dry season (February through May) usually after raging brush
fires have passed through the area. The animals also suffer from water scarcity during this

D2. Dissa I

Generally, animal husbandry is not as developed in the Dissa watershed as it is in
Diafor6 and Koundou. Goats, sheep, and chickens are raised by some families, but the
overall density of these animals is much less than the other two watersheds. The goats and
sheep are left to wander for most, if not all, of the year. Consequently, most of their
manure is lost to the agricultural system. The extensive system also favors loss of animals to
theft, disease, and snake bites. Generally, pasture is considered to be sufficient throughout
the year to meet the needs of these animals, but is, of course, more abundant during the
rainy season.

Cattle are raised only by the villagers of Falloulaye; more than a dozen cattle owners
were identified during the time of the survey. Additionally, cattle herds belonging to people
from Sougu6ta and other larger towns outside the watershed use the watershed's pasture
resources. All herds move throughout the watershed, in a rotation of grazing areas. The
most heavily grazed area is the south to southeastern part of the watershed between Sinthirou
and Amaraya. The herds seem to be most numerous during the rainy season; during the dry
season, especially late, most herds leave the watershed completely. The herd movements and
fires started by herders are frequently a source of conflict between watershed farmers and
herders. It is worth noting that the leaves of the trees Milicia regia and Pterocarpus
erinaceus are cut and given to the animals as fodder during the dry season. i

D3. Koundou

Like Diafor6, the principal livestock found in the watershed is poultry, goats, sheep,
and cattle. Generally, the animal husbandry system is extensive and the care given to the
animals relatively limited. Most care that is given is the responsibility of women. Animals i
are not herded and are generally left to fend for themselves. Thus, during the dry season,
they often stray far from the villages in search of water and fodder. For most of the cattle, g
this translates to a descent from the plateaus down to the plains. During the rainy season, I
the animals are found closer to the villages, although they are generally not allowed to enter
due to the crops in the tapades. During this season, however, animals are kept in small
corrals (cattle) or small, elevated huts (sheep and goats) at night. After the harvest, the I
animals are allowed to come into the tapades as a means to enhance the soil fertility through
manure. Two exceptions are the villages of Gueme and Sigon where the common fence
around the village is well-maintained throughout the year. In these villages, the women are I
required to go out into the bush to collect manure that is subsequently added to the tapade
soil. 3

Almost all watershed families own small livestock, which are readily sold at the
following prices (at the Linsan-Saran market): goats, 20,000 to 25,000 GF; sheep, 25,000 to
30,000 GF; and poultry, 1,500 to 2,500 GF. Cattle are sold at the Tianguel Bori market for
80,000 to 150,000 GF depending on the animal's age. Sales increase, in general, prior to
religious holidays. Cattle represent a form of capital that is less liquid than that of the small 3
ruminants, which can be sold at almost any time. Cattle are usually acquired through


inheritance or dowry payment and, less commonly, through purchase. In the watershed, the
largest herds belong to a few influential men.

Pasture is found for the most part on laterite during the dry season and in fallows
throughout the year. Crop residues in the tapades and exterior fields are also an important
source of feed for a month or so after the harvest. Generally, the natural pastures are not
highly productive. They are often invaded by weeds that are not browsed, such as Imperata
cylindrica and Boreira verticilata. Fodder is scarce during the late dry season. During this
period, villagers may cut tree leaves to give to cattle, the preferred species being Maaronaay
(Albizia spp.) and Nonko (Ficus spp.). The laterite areas are burned at least once during the
dry season to promote resprouting of the grasses for grazing by the animals.

The extensive system has several drawbacks, including losses to disease, wild animal
attack, and theft. Common diseases are anthrax for cattle and avian plague for poultry. A
recent trend in the watershed has been selling off cows, which reproduce, generally, once
every three years, to buy five or six sheep or goats, a herd that often doubles in size every
year. Thus, the accent in animal husbandry is moving from large to smaller ruminants.

E. Economic Activities

El. Diafor6

Although several income-generating activities were found in the watershed, the team
noted that real enterprises or group undertakings were non-existent. In fact, Entreprises/
Groupements had been the original heading for this part of the survey, but was changed to
Economic Activities after most of the teams noted the utter lack of Entreprises/Groupements.
The major income-generating activities in Diafor6 are discussed below.

Cotton spinning. This is a woman's activity that was fairly common in the past, but
has decreased significantly. This is due to many reasons, which include difficulty in raising
cotton in the tapades due to wandering goats and sheep that impede its development,
difficulty in selling the spun cotton, and problems making arrangements with the weavers
who work the spun thread. Thus, many women now prefer to buy cloth at the market.

Weaving placemats and baskets. This activity is practiced by both men and women
throughout the watershed. Most of the finished product is sold within the watershed, but
some surplus is also sold in the nearby local markets.

Lowland gardening. This is usually a woman's activity, most often encountered in
the villages of Koun6, Koumbama, and Foreya. It is done during the dry season. The
activity is not very profitable due to the following reasons: lack of water, lack of investment
in the activity, and difficulty in marketing the produce (the markets are far).

Goat and sheep raising. This activity is practiced, for the most part, throughout the
watershed. It is profitable and is done purely to earn money.


Chicken raising. Most women in the watershed raise chickens, providing a source of i
income for them. Selling chickens and eggs is relatively easy.

Seed gathering. Some women collect the pods of the N6r6 tree to make a spice from I
the fermented seeds. Nuts from the Karit6 tree are also collected and transformed into a
butter. Both of these products are then sold in weekly markets or within the villages

Beekeeping. This is a man's activity and is practiced according to traditional
methods. Profitability, however, is not good. This problem, linked with some technical
difficulties, has led to a decrease in proper beekeeping in favor of merely finding and
destroying (for honey) local hives. i

E2. Dissa

Many small artisanal activities that serve as secondary income sources for the
practitioners are found throughout the watershed. As a rule, however, most watershed
inhabitants, with the exception of some of the villagers of Falloulaye, earn most of their 3
income through agricultural activities. Examples of the crafts and trades practiced in the
watershed include blacksmiths at Sinthirou, Fotongb6, Hafia, Donta, and Falloulaye;
carpenters at Farinta and Fotongb6; merchants at Falloulaye; masons at Farinta, Fotongb
and Khatiya; bakers at Farinta, Fotongb6, Khatiya and Sinthirou; tailors at Falloulaye,
Farinta and Fotongb6; woodcarvers at Fotongb6; and mat-makers at Amaraya. Most of these
trades are limited in scope due to lack of materials and meager demand. Many women also i
earn money through the sale of palm oil for 1,000 GF/liter. Much of the money earned
from this activity is used to buy caustic soda used in soapmaking, which is practiced by the
women of Fotongb6 and Falloulaye; a bar of soap sells for about 50 GF. The women from
these villages are also involved in poultry keeping and sell the fowl for between 1,500 and
3,000 GF. Mats made in Amaraya sell for 1,500 GF each and are made at the rate of two
per week per practitioner during the dry season; again, the constraint here is a lack of I
enough Raphia leaves.

Village associations exist at Hafia and Farinta, with a goal of saving money and I
opening an account at the local bank (Credit Mutuel). This has been done through the sale of
cassava and okra, which the members have worked together to produce.

The villagers of Amaraya also derive income from fishing, as they are adjacent to the
Kora and Dissa rivers. Men use lines to catch the fish during the rainy season, and women
use nets during the dry season. Most of the catch is dried and smoked before it is sold.

E3. Koundou

Various economic activities can be found throughout the watershed, often varying
according to the ethnic group (Peul or Sarakoll6). The most widespread activity is
agriculture and/or horticulture. The common cash crops are groundnut, cassava, small
peppers, cotton, rice, bananas, tamarind, oranges, and mangoes. Harvests are often good


enough to attract buyers from the sous-prdfectures of Popodara and Cianguel Bori.
Transport of these products to the Cianguel Bori market is usually done on foot (carried on
top of the head), while transport of 50 kg sacks to Lab6 by vehicle costs 2,000 GF.
Additionally, one pays 150 GF/day to store the sack in Lab6. Prices and other information
for these crops follow:

Groundnut: a local measure (about 500 g) of unshelled nuts sells for 150-200
GF depending on the season. Sacks are also sold in the villages and in the local
and regional markets. The villages of Sigon, Donghol, Netere, Bendougou, and
Goundoupi are the largest producers of this crop.

Cassava: the local pile sells for 50 GF and a 50 kg sack for 3,500 to 4,000 GF
at Linsan-Saran, 5,000 GF at Cianguel Bori, and 7,000 at Lab6. Sale of cassava
is pronounced just before the fasting month of Ramadan as it is used in a local
dish that is preferentially consumed during this time. Sigon, Linsan-Saran, and
Donghol are the largest producers of this product.

Cotton: a pile sells for 50 GF at the Linsan-Saran market. Almost all watershed
villages produce some of this crop in their tapades.

Small pepper: the pile sells for 50 GF, while the local measure sells for 1,500
GF. This product sells in all the local and regional markets and is also exported
to Senegal. Donghol and Telibofi are the main producers.

Rice: the measure sells for 200 to 250 GF. The largest producers come from
Bassan and Telibofi. During the hungry period (June and July), baskets of 40
measures are loaned with interest; they are repaid after the harvest at 12,000 GF,
but normally sell for 8,000 GF.

Banana: green bunches are sold for 1,500 to 2,000 GF while 3-4 ripe bananas
sell for 100 GF. Most villages have several men who produce this crop in
lowland gardens, but the villages of Donghol, Linsan-Saran, and N'Dantari are the
largest producers.

Tamarind: piles are sold for 50 GF, usually prior to Ramadan. Neter6,
Goundoupi, and Donghol are the largest producers.

Oranges and mangoes: 6-7 oranges sell for 50 GF, while 10 mangoes sell for 50
GF (generally, this fruit is overabundant from April to June as the numerous trees
ripen all at once). The villages of N'Dantari, Kokolou, Tyankoye, and Ley-Fello
are the largest producers.

Cloth dying is an important economic activity for the women of Linsan-Saran.
Materials used in the production of this cloth include industrial ink, caustic soda, the leaves
of a local vine that produce a blue color, roots of a tree (Wanda), and powder. The final

product is called Leppi in Pular and is sold to buyers who come to Linsan-Saran from as far I
as Kindia, Koundara, and even Senegal.

Soapmaking is also done by the Linsan-Saran women, although women from other I
villages also engage in this activity. Materials used in this process include seeds of Gobi
(Carapa procera) or Kidii (Jatropha curcas), palm oil, Karit6 (Vitellaria paradox) butter,
caustic soda, and T6li (Erythrophleum guineense) or banana ash. The soap is sold at the
Linsan-Saran market or is traded for cotton, cassava, or groundnuts.

Cotton spinning is practiced by the women of Linsan-Saran and Linsan-Fulb6 i
(including younger women). Problems encountered with regard to this activity include
insufficient production of cotton as well as the lack of a grooming/cleaning tool known
locally as a card. Weaving is an activity that is less common due to a lack of young
apprentices. Those that do exist go to Linsan-Saran during the month of Ramadan and
weave up to 20 wrappers or pagnes. Each pagne is sold for 1,000 GF and the weavers also
receive meals from their hosts.

Blacksmiths are found in the villages of Donghol, Telibofi, Bendougou, and Neter6
(all ex-captive villages). The forges are only used for a two-month period during the year
(generally March and April). Agricultural tools such as hoes, axes, machetes, and sickles
are the main products.

Beekeeping is practiced throughout the watershed, mainly in the ex-captive villages.
The biggest producers of honey are found in Donghol and Ty6wer6. One beekeeper from
Donghol normally installs 100 local hives per year. He harvested 107 kg of honey from
these hives the year before the arrival of the project and sold it in Cianguel Bori and Linsan-

Lowland gardening is practiced by the watershed women. Common vegetables g
produced in these gardens are onion, eggplant, lettuce, cabbage, pepper, and tomato I
(although this latter often suffers from monkey attacks). The constraints associated with
lowland gardening include a lack of water, seeds, and tools, the long distances from the
villages to the gardening sites, and the presence of termites. There are streams near several I
villages (N'Dantari, Linsan-Saran, Bassan, and Sigon) that could be exploited for this
activity. 3

Finally, several village associations exist that function as small entrepreneurial
groups. The most organized group is found in Donghol and is comprised of 47 members
(young men and women). Each member pays dues of 5,000 GF/year. The association
members have raised groundnuts for the past five years, which has enabled them to save
570,000 GF. One member of this group has also successfully cultivated small peppers.
Another association exists in Bendougou; it is also composed of young men and women.
They have stocked 160 measure of groundnut seed to date.


F. Villagers' Constraints

During the survey, villagers were asked to name their most pressing problems. This
question was posed during the separate group meetings with men and women. Additionally,
the watershed teams made a list of the more severe problems that they noticed. The results
are summarized below.

Fl. Diafor6


Termite attacks on crops (9/9 villages)
Attacks on domestic animals and crops by wild animals (9/9 villages)
Poor tapade soils (9/9 villages)
Lack of materials and other inputs (9/9 villages)
Lack of water and fodder for domestic animals during the dry season (9/9
Lack of water for lowland gardening (7/9 villages)
Temporary flooding of tapades by runoff water (4/9 villages)


Poor soils (9/9 villages)
Termite attacks on crops (exterior fields and tapades) and houses (9/9 villages)
Wild animal attacks on crops and domestic animals (9/9 villages)
Lack of water and fodder for domestic animals during the dry season (9/9
Lack of arable land (9/9 villages)
Lack of transport (9/9 villages)
Lack of potable water (6/9 villages)
Soil erosion (6/9 villages)
Rural exodus (5/9 villages)
Meager revenue (money-earning) (4/9 villages)

BRP Team

Termite attacks on crops (exterior fields and tapades) and houses
Lack of potable water and water for lowland gardening
Lack of arable land near the villages of the watershed
Meager revenue or income
Insect pests that attack the crops
Wild animal attacks on crops and domestic animals
Lack of appropriate techniques and materials for artisanal activities (beekeeping,
blacksmithing, lowland gardening, and soapmaking)
Lighting brush fires during the dry season
Lack of transport for harvested crops and other agricultural products

* Lack of schools (for teaching sound NRM to the younger generation)
* Lack of sanitary care and hygiene for livestock
* Rural exodus of almost all the young people during the dry season

F2. Dissa


* Lack of improved seeds (especially tomato and okra) for lowland gardening
* Domestic animal diseases, especially for poultry
* Weed invasion in cultivated areas


* Lack of improved seeds and varieties of rice, cassava and fruit trees
* Weed invasion in cultivated areas
* Destruction of crops by wild animals
* Domestic animal disease (goats, sheep and cattle)
* Grasshopper attacks on cassava and orange trees
* Termite attacks on crops and houses

Constraints Expressed by Men and Women*

Rudimentary nature of tools for agricultural production
Weed invasion in cultivated areas
Domestic animal disease
Lack of schools for children
Lack of improved crop seed
Difficulty in marketing agricultural produce due to poor roads and lack of
transport (5/7 villages)
Lack of potable water (4/7 villages)
Lack of means of soil fertility enhancement for lowland gardening (4/7 villages)
Deforestation of spring catchments (2/7 villages)

* Except where noted, the number of villages that cited these constraints was not indicated; it is assumed for these
cases that at least 2 villages cited the constraint.

BRP Team

Time consumed looking for and transporting firewood
Length of time devoted to cooking due to lack of improved cookstoves
Lack of techniques for preserving agricultural products, especially tomatoes


F3. Koundou


Lack of water for domestic use, animals, and lowland gardening (13/14 villages)
Weevil attacks (12/14 villages)
Termites (10/14 villages)
Lack of card for cotton spinning (8/14 villages)
Lack of inputs for lowland gardening (5/14 villages)
Domestic animal disease (3/14 villages)
Poor soils in tapades (2/14 villages)
Caterpillar attacks (2/14 villages)


Termites (13/14 villages)
Domestic animal disease (12/14 villages)
Wild animal attacks (12/14 villages)
Proximity of Classified Forest (6/14 villages)
Weevil attacks (6/14 villages)
Lack of water for domestic animals (6/14 villages)
Difficulty of marketing agricultural products (5/14 villages)
Lack of water during April and May (4/14 villages)
Poor soils (3/14 villages)
Lack of water for bananas (2/14 villages)
Caterpillar attacks (2/14 villages)
Lack of species for live fences (2/14 villages)
Extensive animal husbandry system (2/14 villages)
Weeds (2/14 villages)

BRP Team

Lack of spring management (3/14 villages)
Lack of knowledge of horticultural techniques for citrus (2/14 villages)
Marketing of agricultural products (2/14 villages)
Lack of soil management (2/14 villages)
Isolation of village (2/14 villages)
Lack of fruit trees (2/14 villages)

G. Villagers' Priorities

Villagers were also asked to name their priorities for actions that could improve their
natural resources, agricultural production, and entrepreneurial development. The results are
summarized below.


Gl. Diafor6 I

Women 3

1) Termite control
2) Wild animal control
3) Provision of potable water and water for lowland gardening
4) Increasing tapade crop yields
5) Increasing exterior field crop yields
6) Provision of fodder for domestic animals
7) Improvement of tapade fences

Men n

1) Termite control
2) Control of wild animals
3) Provision of potable water and water for lowland gardening
4) Increasing exterior field crop yields 3
5) Provision of fodder for domestic animals
6) Credit access for revenue-generating actions

G2. Dissa

Village Men and Women 3

* Improvement of the means of agricultural production and transport of these
* Road improvement
* Improvement of sources of potable water
* Reforestation of spring catchments I
* Increased productivity of the lowlands
* Preventive treatment of domestic animals
* Construction of market shelters (Falloulaye) I
* School construction (Farinta, Khatiya, and Fotongb6)

G3. Koundou I


* Weevil control (14/14 villages)
* Termite control (10/14 villages)
* Acquisition of lowland gardening inputs (10/14 villages)
* Acquisition of cards for cotton spinning (8/14 villages)
* Supply of water for domestic, animal, and lowland gardening use (7/14 villages) 3
* Introduction of improved cookstoves (6/14 villages)
* Spring improvement (5/14 villages)


* Control of poultry disease (3/14 villages)
* Control of livestock disease (2/14 villages)


* Termite control (12/14 villages)
* Control of livestock disease (9/14 villages)
* Well digging (8/14 villages)
* Spring improvement (8/14 villages)
* Introduction of plants for live fencing (6/14 villages)
* Road improvement (4/14 villages)
* Wild animal control (4/14 villages)
* Well reinforcement (4/14 villages)
* Road construction (4/14 villages)
* School construction (4/14 villages)
* Plow introduction (4/4 villages)
* Control of Citrus disease (3/14 villages)
* Caterpillar control (3/14 villages)
* Introduction of fodder plants (2/14 villages)
* Introduction of improved agricultural techniques (2/14 villages)



The PRA surveys conducted by the Guinea NRM project personnel during January
through March 1993 were both informative and essential for program development. 1993
interventions were based on the constraints and priorities expressed by the watershed
villagers as well as observations made by the watershed technicians and the technical
assistance personnel. Without the information gathered during the surveys, developing a
project workplan would have been impossible. Some project personnel felt that additional
time with the villagers, e.g., one extra day per village, would have resulted in superior and
more reliable information, and thus a more targeted workplan. However, due to time
constraints (the project was expected to implement interventions during the 1993 rainy
season), no additional time could be sacrificed.

Most, if not all, of the 1993 interventions can be seen as responses to the information
gathered during the PRA surveys. For example, spring capping, well digging and repair,
and reforestation of spring catchments were all in response to a lack of potable water and
water for animals and lowland gardening expressed by the majority of the watershed villages.
Live fencing was proposed as a response to the termite problem as well as to the constraint
regarding lack of fodder. Similarly, the para-veterinarian intervention responded to the
villagers' desire to counteract domestic animal diseases.

In closing, the surveys' value cannot be emphasized enough. Most project personnel
feel that PRA or similar methodologies should be incorporated into the design and
implementation of all rural development projects.



Bohrer, K. and J.E. Fischer, Natural Resource Management Practices and Tenure
Constraints and Opportunities in the Dissa Watershed, Guinea, USAID, Conakry,
Guinea, and the Land Tenure Center, Madison, Wisconsin, 1994.

BRP Diafor6, Rapport de Synthese de l'Enquete de MARP, Guinea NRM project, Lab6,
Guinea, 16 pp., 1993.

BRP Dissa, Rapport de Synthese de l'Enquete de MARP, Guinea NRM project, Lab6,
Guinea, 20 pp., 1993.

BRP Koundou, Rapport de Synth&se de l'Enqu&te de Base, Guinea NRM project, Lab6,
Guinea, 33 pp., 1993.

Chambers, R., "Shortcut methods in social information gathering for rural development
projects," pp. 33-46 in Khon Kaen University, Proceedings of the 1985 International
Conference on Rapid Rural Appraisal, Khon Kaen, Thailand, 357 pp., 1987.

Fischer, J.E., "Local natural resource management practices and tenure realities in the
Kunndu watershed, Guinea," USAID, Conakry, Guinea and the Land Tenure Center,
Madison, Wisconsin, 78 pp., 1994.

,__ M.S. Diallo, and B. Thiam, Preliminary Report on Natural Resource
Management Practices and Tenure Constraints and Opportunities in Diafor6
Watershed, Fouta Djallon, Guinea, USAID, Conakry, Guinea and the Land Tenure
Center, Madison, Wisconsin, 72 pp., 1993.

Schoonmaker-Freudenberger, K. and B. Gueye, Introduction a la Methode Acceleree de
Recherche Particpative, IIED, London, 70 pp., 1991.


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