Front Cover
 Title Page
 Official records
 Back Cover

Group Title: Official report, The American Association of School Administrators
Title: Official report
Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00094191/00001
 Material Information
Title: Official report including a record of the national convention, American Association of School Administrators
Physical Description: v. : ill., ports. ; 24 cm.
Language: English
Creator: American Association of School Administrators
Publisher: American Association of School Administrators.
Place of Publication: Washington, D.C.
Publication Date: 1943
Subject: Education -- Societies, etc -- United States   ( lcsh )
Dates or Sequential Designation: 1st-104th; 1874-1971/72.
Numbering Peculiarities: No meetings were held in 1876 and 1878, proceedings for 1877 included in 1879 issue.
Issuing Body: Issued 1874-1937 by the Association under its earlier name: Department of Superintendence of the National Education Association.
Issuing Body: Issued 1874- as Circular of information of the U.S. Bureau of Education (L111.A5)
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00094191
Volume ID: VID00001
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: alephbibnum - 001502605
oclc - 01479407
notis - AHB5399
lccn - 09004525 //r3
lccn - 09004525

Table of Contents
    Front Cover
        Front Cover 1
        Front Cover 2
    Title Page
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    Official records
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Full Text


This material comes to you
through ycur subscription
to ilht
1201 16th Stut w-s en cna. D.C.

American Association oT ScTioo-IF d iln-iI'trators

0JrP; : R. FULK




i ,.
, i7.*


LOUIS 1943




School Administrators





Seventy-third annual convention of the American Association of
School Administrators, a Department of the National Education
Association of the United States, scheduled at St. Louis, Mis-
souri, February 26-March 2, 1943, canceled at the request of the
Office of Defense Transportation.

March 1943

370, .



The Role of the Nation's Schools in
Winning the War and Earning the Peace

The American Association of School Administrators endorses no
individual or group of individuals or any sentiment expressed by
any speaker or other participant in its programs, except by resolu-
tion or by motion approved by a vote of its members.


FOR THE FIRST TIME in more than sixty years the convention of the
American Association of School Administrators failed to convene. Even
tho its program was dedicated to "the schools' role in winning the war,"
it became a war casualty. Transportation problems and rationing pro-
grams were more than even a convention so dedicated could withstand.
The St. Louis program had been built around the theme, "The Role
of the Nation's Schools in Winning the War and Earning the Peace."
It was designed to be a working convention in which superintendents of
schools and their assistants might become better informed on the many
ways in which schools can cooperate in the total all-out war effort.
Naturally we were keenly disappointed at the loss of the opportunity
to meet for deliberation and counsel, to hear directly from our national
leaders, and to participate in the discussions of the major problems of the
nation at war. It was felt that the schools have important parts to play
in the huge war program, and that a convention designed to throw light
on the questions involved would result in greatly increased effectiveness
on the part of the schools of America.
In order that the program planned for the seventy-third annual conven-
tion be not a total loss, we have brought to the membership of the Asso-
ciation two summaries of what might have been heard at the convention.
A major portion of the convention addresses are presented in this OFFICIAl
REPORT; others were heard in the Convention of the Air, a series of radio
programs which were broadcast over the four major networks. We hope
that thru these two media you may find much of value in making more
effective the contributions your schools are making to hasten the day of
victory and peace.
W\e are sincerely grateful to those who have sent us transcripts of their
intended convention addresses and to the broadcasting companies and the
participants whose efforts made possible the Convention of the Air.
I should like to point out to you at this time that the convention is only
one of the activities of our Association. The multitude of other activities
must go on for the good of the schools. Research, yearbooks, liaison with
governmental agencies, and many other services to the membership and to
the schools must continue at even greater pace than before. If the demands
for services are to be fully met, the unanimous support of the membership
S is necessary during these trying times. I am confident that America's school
administrators will maintain their professional Association so that it may
be ready with renewed vigor whenever the next convention of the Asso-
ciation may he held. Here's hoping it will be in 1944 with President Worth
McClure of Seattle, Washington, presiding.
\May I express to all of you my personal appreciation for the honor of
serving the American Association of School Administrators as its president
during 1942-43.

g3 >,_

Oh, the utters that might have been uttered, the wisdom that might
have been spread, the speeches that never were spoken, the erudite
papers unread, the problems that might have been settled, the col-
leagues who might have been seen. These things are all part of the
powwow, the convention that didn't convene.
But we'll work a bit harder and try to dig in;
W'e will meet and defeat all our troubles, and grin.
W[e are ready to do all we can do to win
O.K., Uncle Samuel, O.K.
We wanted the upsurge of spirit which comes when the clan
gathers round. VWe hoped for the voices of prophets amidst all the fury
and sound and we needed to know that our problems were part of
the national scene. For this we would meet and would survey the
convention that didn't convene.
Trainloads of soldiers roll on to their goal,
Freightloads of armaments, guns, tanks and coal.
Give then the trains and the track; let 'emi roll
Speed the day, Uncle Sam, speed the day.
There's a fight to be fought and we'll fight it, we have been in
tough battles of yore. There's a war to be won and we'll win it as
we've won other battles before. But we pause for a moment in tribute
surveying with sorrowful mien the speakers with speeches unspoken,
the convention that didn't convene.
Reproduced by permission of the Nation's Schools.

That Was Never Written

"St. Louis surprised even the oldest native by the bright, clear days that
prevailed during convention week." With these words the convention
summary might have opened-surprising not only the oldest inhabitants
but possibly the envious members of the Association who were unable to
attend. But since the convention was never held it really doesn't matter
what the weather was like-except possibly to the residents of St. Louis.
We started to find out for this page just what kind of weather St. Louis
had during the week when the convention didn't meet but finally decided
that such an inquiry might be interpreted as interfering with the war
effort. Anyway we have gotten the impression from Mark Twain that
people talk about the weather only when they have nothing else to talk
about. Our task here is to tell about the convention that never met.



For weeks prior to the convention, plans had been made to prepare a
better summary than ever before. A number of superintendents had been
asked for suggestions. Tentative selection had been made of the three dozen
members who would forego their personal interests in order to cover the
convention program. It was anticipated that some of these would scribble
off their reports with the ease of old-time reporters; some would sit in
:i corner of the Summary Committee Office chewing their pencils and
muttering as they slowly fitted the nebulous words into place. But your
sympathy can be saved for another year, for this year the Committee that
was never appointed to report the convention that was never held destroyed
no pencils and wasted no paper.
Unlike last year, the convention was not well attended. Hundreds did
not crowd around the Registration Desk on the first day to get programs
that were never printed, to pay delinquent dues that have since been mailed,
to greet old friends who never arrived, and to ask questions that were not
asked and will not have to be answered. After turning from the Registration
Desk that was never built, each member of the Association did not take
time for a good look at the exhibit that failed to materialize. Exhibitors
had made careful plans; even the government started out seriously to show
school administrators how the schools could contribute more effectively to
the winning of the war. But the superintendents who never arrived did
not see the exhibit that was never exhibited and for that reason they will
have to depend upon printed and mimeographed materials in order to learn
of the government's plans. Fortunately reading is a school subject, but
unlike the situation with personable exhibitors the printed page does not
answer the unanswered questions.
This was one convention where those who did not listen to the speeches
that were never given did not complain about the hardness of the seats.
Nor was any convention speaker disturbed by the perennial occupant of a
front-row seat who had neglected to finish his newspaper at breakfast.
None of the speakers had trouble staying on their subjects or keeping
within their time allotments. Discussion groups enjoyed the lowest blood
pressure that they had endured for many years. The members of the Resolu-
tions Committee felt as most men would feel if the calendar reform move-
ment should lead to the abolition of January 1. Unfortunately for many
of the speakers, they did not escape preparing the speeches that were never
given. The results of their efforts are printed in the present OFFICIAL
REPORT and their invisible audiences silently applaud their contributions.
Unlike most conventions, in 1943 the retiring president did not orally
thank all those who had helped make his administration successful. The
new president did not tell what improvements he hoped to make. No con-
vention visitor had to rush around frantically at the last moment getting
the family gifts that could not be purchased during the usually busy week.
Nor, upon his return, did any superintendent have to give his board of
education an explanation as to how he spent his time during the conven-
tion that was never held.


FOREWORD . . . . . .
CONVENTION 1943 . . . . .
Schools and Manpower-Today and Tomorrow
If Ever There Was a Cause . . . .
What the War Means to American Youth .
Food-Our Weapon . . . . .
Education, the Way to Freedom . . .
The School's Contribution to the War Effort .
The Myth of the Militia . . . . .
Air-Conditioning Education . . . .
The Campus and the Air Age . . .
Coordinating Wartime Activities in the Schools
Occupational Adjustment and the War . .
In-Service Education . . . .
The Chips Are Down . . . . .

. . . -Anderson
. . . -Mofit .
. . . -Hubbard
. . . -Morgan
. . . -Stoddard
. . . -Phillips
..... -Engle
. . . -Sexson .
. . . -Carr .
. . . -Rosengren
. . . -Engelhardt
. . . -Jvilson
. . . -Lake .
." . .. Lee . .
. . . -Hunt .
. . . -Odegard

The Demands of the War upon the Financial Resources of the
School D district . . . . . . . . .
Educational Finance in Wartime: The View on the Higher Level
Educational Finance in Wartime: Certain Fundamental
Propositions . . . . . . .
Economic Use of Supplies and Equipment . . . .
Priority Dilemma . . . . . .
Problems of Pupil Transportation . . . . .
War Emergency Bus Uses . . . . . . .
Teaching the Elementary Student the American Way . .
A Prayer . . . . . . .
Education for M orale . . . . . .
Norway Fights on-Morale in Action . . . . .
Personnel Policies in W artime . . . . . .
War Comes Home to the Consumer . . . . .
Schools Must Help Consumer Education . . . .
Education and Propaganda . . . . .
From War to Peace in the World at Large . . . .
The Effect of Malnutrition on Education in Belgium . .
Impressions of a Schoolboy in Belgium . . -Reprinted
A Physical Fitness Program for the Schools from the Stand-
point of M anpower . . . . . .
The Principal as Director of Health Education . . .
Health in the Habit-Forming Years . . . . .
Secondary-Health Education in Wartime . . . .
How To Improve High-School Health Education . . .
Civilian Defense-Its Scope and Importance in the Schools .
Civilian Defense in a Small City . . . . . .
Air-Raid Protection for the Children in a Large City . .
Teaching Values of War Savings and Conservation . .
The Schools at War Program . . . . . .
To What Extent Shall Junior Red Cross Be a Part of the
School Program ? . . . . . . ...

-Courter .

-Parmenter .
-Byers .
-Troelstrup .
-Haile .

-Bauer .
-Courter .

-Hill . .

[ 6 ]







What Is the Best Setup in the Schools for the Junior Red Cross
Program ? . . . . . . .
How Can Schools Proceed Best To Carry on the Junior Red
Cross Program ? . . . . . . .
Swiss Aid to Foreign Children . . . . .
Caring for the Children of Working Mothers . . .
Child-Care Problems and Services to Children of Working
M others . . . . . . . .
The Unsupervised Child-A Community Responsibility .
Some Provisions for Children of Working Mothers . .
Extended School Services for Children of Working Mothers
The Contribution of the High-School Library to the War Effort
A Study of School Libraries in Wartime . . . .
Discussion: School Libraries in Wartime . . . .
School Libraries Meet New Demands . . . . .
Wartime Acceleration in Education . . . . .
Acceleration in the High School . . . . .
Acceleration on the Junior College Level . . . .
Critical Problems of Rural Education in the Present Emergency
Should There Be a Reorganization of Schools in the Rural
A reas ? . . . . . . . .
Federal Aid To Save the Schools . . . . . .
Educating Teachers for What? . . . .' . .
Education for Inter-American Understanding . . .
Canadian Schools in Wartime . Canadian Wartime Inf
Message from the Teachers of Honduras . . . .
Every Day Is "M-Day" for Us . . . . . .
The American Education Award . . . . . .
The School for Special Service . . . . .
The School of Military Government . . . . .
Education for Men and Women in Military Service . .
Guidance in the Army . . . . . .
Wartime Curriculum Guidance . . . . . .
Education and the W\ar Effort in Britain . British Infor
Postwar Training and Adjustment . . . . .
The Social Studies Mobilize for Victory . . . .
Social Studies Teaching in Wartime . . . . .
Newspapers Honor Our Past Presidents . . . .
T he Exhibit . . . . . . . .
Directory of Exhibitors . . . . . .

-Hunt ...

-Sutherlan d
-Kletzer .

-Lenroot .
-Green .
-Morgan .

oration Board

-Spratt .

-Judd . .

-Brown .
nation Services
-Hunt .

-A Ilan .
. . . .

In Memoriam . . . . . . . . .
Report of the Board of Tellers . . . . . .
Report of the Auditing Committee . . . . . .
Correspondence with the Office of Defense Transportation . .
The Constitution and Bylaws . . . . . .
Calendar of Meetings . . . . . . .
Officers, 1942-43 . . . . . . . . .
Committees and Commissions . . . . . .

Index . . . . . . . . . .







. 203
. 204
. 205
. 212
. 216
. 219
. 219


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olre .lrlt i TmsMrpl HhB hoo, obIAlbm

The Convention NLever Held



The duty has been assigned to me, and I acknowledge it as a privilege, of
presenting to the American Association of School Administrators the Year-
book of 1943. The title is Schools and Manpower-Today and Tomorrow.
Of course the title is a timely one. In fact it is so timely that it may appear
to you as tho it were picked out for the express purpose of fitting into the
present emergency. The fact is, However, that all developments within the
Yearbook Commission, from the very beginning, have borne upon the
significant issues oi youthpower as it develops into manpower. When the
term "manpower" came into common parlance, of course it was appropriate
to use it as the title of the volume which the Yearbook Commission has
worked upon over a period of some thirty months.
The early plans for the volume grew out of stark facts which superintend-
ents of schools were facing when they saw hundreds of youth leaving the doors
of the schools-high-school and college graduates as well-only to walk the
streets in a futile search for a job. The problem of the schools as it was then
related to youthpower was of a considerably different nature than the prob-
lem which confronts us now. But as I shall try to point out to you later
on, the essentials in the problem involve the same issues in 1943 as were
involved in the year 1940, when the book was first begun.
In its original form the issue which was first presented to the Yearbook
Commission was this: How can schools do a better job to prepare youth for
occupational life? Bluntly-to get a job, to hold a job, and to rise in a job.
When the question comes to one in that way many subordinate issues arise.
For example, can schools organize their forces so that they can more definitely
and more effectively prepare each youth according to his abilities? How can
schools find out individual abilities? How can schools better train the range
of abilities discovered for the great variety of occupations? How can schools
better prepare youth for understanding the human relationships which they
will meet in their occupational life? What kind of reconciliation can be
brought about between vocational and general education ?
You will hear in mind that when the Yearbook Commission began its
work we were in days of peace. We then faced a world condition in which
there was a shortage of jobs, a plentiful supply of manpower. But with the
threat of war and then with Pearl Harbor, there developed an entirely
different situation. Almost overnight more tasks arose to be performed than
there could be found manpower to do them. In the light of the world situa-
tion, when the Yearbook Commission began its work, it first thought in
terms of a book with the title, "Education for Occupational Adjustment."



The war, however, soon brought the problem to a sharper focus, as you can
see, and as the months went on it developed that the Commission began to
think of the fundamental way in which schools faced the problem of man-
power, not merely today but for the days to come.
It was my privilege to preside at the meetings of the Yearbook Commis-
sion. The names of the members of the Commission are listed in the year-
book and I shall not repeat them now. I have this obligation, however-I
must make to each member of the Commission a personal acknowledgment
of my thanks for their many hours of hard work, their broad-minded con-
sideration of all the issues, their tolerance in discussion, and their effective
efforts in resolving the variety of issues which came before us. Of course, it
could not be that all at all times could see eye to eye on the variety of problems
involved. All members of the American Association of School Administrators
understand that a yearbook is always necessarily the result of the long
process of resolving various points of view into a statement to which all the
members of a commission can subscribe. Your Commission on the Yearbook
for 1943 has achieved that end. I can report to you that all members of
this Commission stand shoulder to shoulder in support of the various theses
as stated specifically in the volume at the opening of each chapter and in
the statement of the "Final Convictions," with which the text of the Com-
mission's report closes.
War forces a nation to do elemental thinking. We see more clearly than
ever today that there are only two things with which .a war can be fought and
won-materials and men. On the one hand, America has her iron, coal,
copper, and great forests. These America has in great abundance. But as
significant as is the fact that we have much iron, coal, copper, and forests is
the fact that we have good iron, good coal, good copper, and good trees.
On the other hand, this nation has a population of more than 130,000,000
people. Approximately 30,000,000 of these are between the ages of eighteen
and thirty. It is a cruel fact that upon these youth who are under thirty years
of age we must now rely in such large measure for safety and security.
We come very soon to the realization that just as it is significant that we
possess resources of good quality, it is of equal significance that these youth
under thirty are people of good quality, that they are strong physically, able
mentally, able to develop manual skill, and possessed of such courage and
conviction that it takes them bravely into any conflict, no matter how
bitter it may be.
One who realizes the essentials of the present situation, and first of all
the quality of the youth upon whom America now depends, comes to a new
appreciation of the part which schools have had in building this quality upon
which we now rely for our preservation. The war is causing us to appreciate
anew the fact that this generation of youth under thirty, upon whom we
rely so much for our safety, is the best generation of people under thirty
years of age which any civilization ever produced. They are bigger and
stronger physically, they think faster, they learn more rapidly, they can
cut metal to a finer tolerance, they can swim farther, dive deeper, work
longer than any generation of youth which ever preceded them. It is not any


accident that the United States of America was able in a few months to go
into a program of production which could stagger the world. It was not by
chance that we could produce an Air Corps, a Navy, an Army, and a
Marine Corps which, in a few months, were able to meet every test that
military conflict might require. The fact is that thru these years the schools
of America have quietly, but effectively, been building into children and
youth such quality that within a few months' time the potential youthpower
couldd lie turned into production and into military strength which makes
every American citizen very proud. Before our very eyes there has transpired
aI great social phenomenon. Under the impetus of tragic war the youthpower
and the manpower of this nation have been thrown into gear in such a way
that we not only produce the thousands of planes, hundreds and hundreds
of ships, and the clothing and equipment for a great military personnel, but
at the same time produce all the items of consumption for an entire popula-
tion. Who is there among us, in the face of all this, who does not realize now
that because of our social disorganization in the years gone by, somehow
we failed to develop and to utilize our potential manpower for constructive
The implications of the future in all this the Commission has expressed in
its Foreword:
When the war will have ended we shall need to think clearly and act decisively.
We hope and believe that we shall still have vast resources of coal, iron, copper,
and soil; that we shall still have machines in our factories; and that we shall have
a population with skills and knowledge developed to make our machines better and
make them operate more effectively. In short, we trust that then, despite the ravages
of war, we shall have the essentials which can make and keep us a prosperous
people in material things. If we can be wise enough to develop and to use our people
and materials in the right w'ay and the right place in order to win a war against
Germany and Japan, we should also be wise enough to keep on developing and using
people and materials in the right way and the right place to win a war against
poverty and despair. All this, of course, depends upon our vision and our skill. May
neither be lacking in the critical days which are to come.

To put it all in brief form, the fundamental thesis of this volume is that
it is the schools which in very large measure build the foundations upon
which the manpower of the nation has been developed and can be developed
for even more demanding days ahead. IWhen the military struggle is over,
the struggle of a tired world against poverty will be greater than ever before.
The fight for maintenance of civilization, for production of food and clothing
and shelter for a billion people on this earth, will call for manpower just as
loudly as does the present fight against Axis ideology. The struggle now
and for the future has its foundations in building a population which is com-
petent in all the broad meanings of that term. We must know that increasing
competence means many things. It means a rising level of physical endurance,
a rising level of skill of hand, a rising level of understanding which will con-
stantly improve human relations, and above all, it means a rising level of
ideals and interests in the high instead of the low. If the level of competence
of the 130,000,000 people of America can be lifted, the standards of living in
the civilization of America can rise. And with this rise in level of com-


petence of our own people there can be achieved a rise in the level of com-
petence of the billion people who inhabit this globe, and the standards of
living and standards of civilization worldwide may rise.
This yearbook takes the position that the schools-a major agency of
education, the agency upon which we rely for building the foundations for
manpower-are at the heart of the problem of making the world a better
place for men to live.
The Commission has tried to go beyond merely expressing this broad con-
viction. It has tried, as space would permit, to deal somewhat specifically
with the major elements which must go into this broad, and broadening,
program of education. Every inference in this book is that the processes of
education must be individualized to the degree to which such is administra-
tively possible. The Commission takes the position that in every community
the first responsibility of the school is to help each individual to discover his
own potentialities thru guidance, testing, exploration, and work experience.
These basic functions schools have just begun to exercise.
In certain of its chapters the yearbook tries to set forth certain procedures
which promote these elemental processes. But abilities once discovered must
be given opportunity for development. Again, the yearbook recognizes that
in this the school has not achieved its goal. We have but begun with our
program of development of physical power. In the years past we have not
fully given opportunity for the development of hand-skill. Altho we have the
long tradition in "liberal education," we realize how far short we have
fallen in a program of education which really "broadens the minds" of our
people. This war has revealed again how much there is to do in the develop-
ment of faith and conviction concerning things which must be maintained
which are at the very heart of the civilization we hope to preserve.
But again, if a school fully performs these functions of discovery and
development of ability, the yearbook recognizes a further concern. It will
not do in the days to come merely to find ability and develop it. Society must
take responsibility for maintaining opportunity for youth to work at things
for which they are prepared. It will not do to develop manpower and have
it walk the streets looking for a place to work. All this calls for increasing
the effectiveness of the technics of schools to cooperate with industry and
the various community agencies which must use manpower. It comes to us
all anew that in each of these fields relating to potential power, discovery,
development, and placement, schools have but begun to realize their poten-
tialities and their significant place. One thing of especial significance I would
report to you-that as this .Commission has worked on this yearbook thru
the past months, it has come to an increasing realization that it deals with
functions of the schools which endure thru peace and war alike. The func-
tions indeed are important in strenuous days of war, but all these functions
will loom as even more important in the critical days which are ahead. It is
with such a conviction that this Commission presents this yearbook to the
Association which it has tried to serve.


Yesterday our schools conducted a registration for a rationing program;
today they finished buying a bomber; tomorrow the third scrap metal cam-
paign begins.
Yesterday our schools helped 130,000,000 people find themselves and
their destinies in a country at peace; today these schools are helping to forge
a mighty people and their vast resources into the greatest fighting force the
world has ever known ; tomorrow these schools may help the people to see
thru their sweat and blood and tears to the dawning of a better day.
The schools of America may play a noble part in the coming of this day
if they can be maintained strong and free, both during and after the war,
and can retain the power to adapt themselves to this new day. The institu-
tions which men build tend to become overburdened with tradition, tend to
protect the vested interests of those who serve within the institutions them-
selves instead of the interests of the people whom the institutions were
designed to serve. The schools have demonstrated a remarkable degree of
flexibility in meeting the war situation and must surely respond to the
challenge that will come after the war.
But we cannot wait until the war is over to make plans for the part that
the schools will play in the postwar world. It is not too early now to begin
the establishment of a program of action that will rally in a concentrated
manner the educational forces of the country. Financial resources must be
placed back of our great professional organizations that will make them far
more articulate than they have ever been. The million workers in our schools
can provide these resources without undue sacrifice. Programs of action are
needed that will make the voice of education more effective. There must be
a greater professional unity than is usual within our profession. There is a
way to make the voice of education count and we must find that way
and we must find it now before it is too late.
The program and procedures of the schools should be subjected ruthlessly
to most critical appraisal to eliminate objectives and practices that have out-
lived their day. There must be room in the program and in the budget for
new services that are bound to be required. Two of these have already
become so evident that adequate provision should be made for them at once.
We must be prepared to offer a program of service to the millions of youth
who dropped out of school before and who will do so again if we do not
act and act boldly, whatever may be the cost. We must be ready to offer
an expanded program of adult education thru which a free people can con-
stantly he an informed people and thru which public opinion can be formed as
the re-ult of the unrestricted give and take of free discussion concerning any
and all problems of American life.
There are many who are already advocating that the peace to come after
this war shall be built upon and maintained by force. Some force may he
nece-ary. But those who know the lessons of history best are coming to


believe more and more that the last hope for an abiding peace in the world
rests with education, universal education, free education. Can the schools
of America in the midst of this war formulate a plan of action under which
free schools may possibly become the experience of all the peoples of all the
nations, born and to be born, in the world ?
Perhaps never before and probably never again will the schools and
colleges of America, the leaders of education, the million teachers, face the
opportunity and the responsibility that we face in this day. Horace Mann
speaks down to us from another day:
If ever there was a cause, if ever there can be a cause,
worthy to be upheld by all of toil or sacrifice that the
human hand or heart can endure, it is the cause of


Until today, American youth of my generation had viewed the war in an
objective sense. To us, it meant primarily matters of impersonal concern-
causes, effects, mass murder, economic and political disruption. Educators,
many of whom had lived and fought in the First World War, gave us an
accurate picture of its effects and mistakes. From them, even in early child-
hood, we had ingrained in us the theory that all wars were instruments of
destruction. Ours was a peace-loving, peace-living, peace-pursuing world.
We were educated to believe wholeheartedly in the supreme equitableness
of that peace.
Today's war thus finds us in a querying mood. Painfully we are learning
to see another phase of war, a phase lending growth to our already intensified
mental rejection of a world constantly involved in it. Right now, we have
lost our objective views. To us, this war has become a personal affair-our
families are being disrupted, our plans delayed, our liberties restrained. We
are becoming acquainted with the caustic hurt of war. As a result we find
ourselves becoming the unwilling fosterers of the petty prejudices and hates
so frequently engendered in the waging of war and unconsciously evidenced
in the forming of peace.
However, in one respect our educators have not failed us. In spite of the
personal effects of the war on our generation, we are determined not to
entirely lose sight of our pre-war objective views. Rather, our contact with
war has but increased our curiosity as to war's root causes-as to man's
failure to live with man. We find ourselves determined not to allow any
personal hates to influence us in forming a just and equitable peace. We are
resolved to retain our objective views-to put them to efficient use at the
close of the war.
To American youth, this war, fundamentally, means one principal thing.
It means an opportunity to combine our education and experience in forming
a peace at another peace table-this time with a clear recollection and under-


standing of the mistakes at the last. It means another opportunity to help
eradicate discontent, the ultimate cause of war-the right in so doing
which we expect our elders to partially concede to us.
In warning, may I say that the greatest mistake that you, our elders,
could make would be to say to American youth at the close of hostilities:
"Thank you. You may go back to your peaceful pursuits. The war has been
won-our goal has been reached. We don't need you any longer." If our
elders do not try and do not give us a part in the trying to scientifically and
philosophically uncover and avoid the basic cause of war, we shall feel
bitterly resentful at having been made the victims of an international shell
American youth is fighting a war. American youth is preparing for peace.
We are united in purpose and ideals. This time, we hope to succeed!

"Food will win the war and write the peace," states Secretary of Agricul-
ture Claude R. Wickard. True-and the lack of food will lose the war.
England, our co-helper in this fight against the Axis, even in normal
times, imports two-thirds of her food supply. Today the English people are
receiving what the cold-blooded scientist calls an "adequate meal." *What
he means is a "minimum requirement." In other words, the English man or
woman rarely gets up from the table with his hunger satisfied. Thousands
of people in central Europe are starving to death under the ruthless ration-
ing of the Nazi war machine. In the Far East, in Japan and China, where
even in normal times starvation is not an uncommon thing, conditions are
Food has always been important in wartime. But the United States
government had not realized the necessary part played by the farmer in
producing this food until the last two wars. In the Revolutionary War and
the War of 1812 we thought, almost to the exclusion ,of all else, of having
trained men on the fighting line. In these wars, the importance of the part
of the "man behind the man behind the gun" was not realized. In the Civil
War the United States recognized that the man on the equipment production
line was important. During the first two years of the war the Confederate
Army won almost every battle because it was ready. However, the factories
in the North finally out-produced the factories in the Confederate states.
In the First World War we discovered the essential "man behind the man
behind the gun," the farmer. In the months that we have been in this war,
the War of Survival, the American farmer has quickly accepted the challenge
of necessity and is producing more eggs, pork, and dairy products than ever
The United States must not only feed her own forces wherever stationed,
but also take care of our allies in every corner of the globe. Cargo ships are
taking life-sustaining meats and fats to our allies, tile English. We are send-


ing food to the Russian, Dutch, Chinese, and Australian forces. It is indeed
an enormous task that our farmers have undertaken.
As we look at that enormous task, we may wonder whether we can solve
the problem. The Future Farmers of America, whom I represent, are just at
the age when they are not quite old enough for the Army but are essential
to their farmer fathers. During these years before we go into the Army, it
is our part to help produce the food that is necessary. If we go into other
work and try to make high wages, soon we will be without farm help. Then
inadequate labor will have to do the work ineffectively. Since we are the
most vitally interested and best trained, it is only logical that we should be
the ones for this work.
Let's glance over the Englishman's menu for a moment and see how much
less he gets than we. Also let's see if more food would help him produce
more war materials. A person in England gets one egg a week, no more no
matter who he is. King George VI gets one egg a week. The rations in
England allow two ounces of butter a week per person. The average
American eats three times that much. As for meats, the Englishman gets as
much each week as he can buy for one shilling and tuppence or about
twenty-five cents in our money. If he has four in his family he can have a
roast on Sunday and scraps on Monday, and that is all the meat for the week.
Call that an adequate ration or what you will, but if the Englishman had
more food he could do much more work and do it better. In other words,
conservatively speaking, production could be increased 15 to 20 percent.
This means that every six hundred English Spitfires might just as well be
seven hundred, and that extra food would "keep 'em flying" in greater
numbers. This is an example of how food will win the war.
As Future Farmers of America we not only see the problems of people in
other countries but also in our own homes and on our own farms. With the
shortage of tires the farmer is going to have to be more and more self-
sufficient. This is going to give the Future Farmers' mothers more work to
do. Bread, butter, and cheese-things we have been buying at the store-can
all be made at home, thus saving the tires which are necessary for taking the
grain to market. This means more work, but the man in the factory is work-
ing extra hours too. In fact, everyone in the nation is going to have to work
longer hours and work harder.
The farmer will be doing more butchering and curing of meat. These are
tasks that the Future Farmer should be learning to do. Expensive luxuries
in the food field will have to be discarded. In order to win we must deny
ourselves. Victory is worth the sacrifice.
More fruits should be grown on our farms. If we are to take care of the
future it would be a good idea for Future Farmers to plant fruit trees.
Larger victory gardens will help produce the food for our families. Purebred
milk cows that will eat the same feed and yet give more milk than a grade
herd will prove their merits. Purebred beef cattle that put on more pounds
than grade cattle for the same amount of feed will also help in the food
for victory campaign.


The farmer is the very hub of the wheel of war, not only because of what
he does but because of the patriotic, tireless, self-sacrificing spirit with which
he performs every daily task. I know of no finer statement of the farmer's
point of view than that made in the 1942 Kansas Future Farmers of America
Public Speaking Contest by my friend and competitor, Albert VanWalle-
ghan, who has kindly permitted me to quote him. He said:
The all night vigils at farrowing time will be our sentry duly; the tractors we
guide along contour rows will be our tanks; the seeds we plant will be our inland
ocean mines; farm machinery we repair will convert our farm shops into our own
ground crew work; agricultural information we use will be our own intelligence
work; our neighbors will be our allies in a common cause. We will regard every
dead pig, every missing hill of corn, every smutted wheat head, every scrub animal,
every cull hen, and every bit of wasted material and effort as being of aid and
comfort to our enemies.

When we as Future Farmers look over the work before us, we see that
it is not going to be easy. True, we are going to have good prices for our
products, but we are going to have many bottlenecks in this fight to final
victory. We are going to have trouble getting tires, we are going to have
difficulty getting machinery or even repairs for the machinery we now have.
The farmer is going to be handicapped by not having enough help to harvest
his crops. He will not be stopped, but rather will be spurred to action by
these difficulties. He will produce more of the vital foodstuffs than ever
before. The Future Farmer is facing forward. He is vitalizing the Future
Farmer Creed: "I believe in the future of farming . in the promise of
better days thru better ways. . I believe that rural America can and will
hold true to the best traditions in our national life." It can be done. It must
be done. It will be done. Future Farmers will do it. "Food will win the war
and write the peace."


Victory-full, final, decisive-on the land, in the air, on the sea, over
.all the world! This is the first and irreducible objective of the United Na-
tions. America, Britain, Russia, China, and all the peoples of the world who
seek no aggrandizement, who respect the rights of all, have joined forces to
fight until they have won a military victory over the Axis and over all those
who, in the words of Woodrow Wilson, have visited upon the world "this
intolerable thing-without conscience or honor or capacity for covenanted
peace." But a military victory is only a way station beside the long road
mankind must travel to freedom, and it is along this long, long road to
freedom for all peoples that the United Nations are trudging today-
burdened, war weary, and sorely pressed by cruel and implacable forces who
have no love for freedom, no tolerance for justice, no heart for mercy, and
no mind for goodwill.
In such a struggle there can he no compromise either with the enemy or


with our own resolution. WVe must press on beyond the military victory to
that more difficult and more significant victory over the forces of selfishness,
greed, and lust for power that blocked our road just beyond the military
victory of the First World War and sabotaged the efforts of those who, at
home and abroad, sought to set up a world order based on justice and fair
play. We turned from the road that led toward magnanimity and goodwill
and followed the paths that turned back to cynicism, hatred, brutality, selfish-
ness, and to war. Space does not permit an inventory of the broken promises,
the repudiated agreements, the double dealings, and the betrayals of the
years that followed World War I. They are a matter of common knowledge.
They are recorded in the history of our own nation and of most of the
nations of the world. The League of Nations, that symbol of cooperation
and mutual support between nations, dissolved in the corroding atmosphere
of suspicion, selfishness, self-interest, and brutal disregard for the rights of
Today we are engaged in another and more devastating war. We called
the last war, because it surpassed in size and destructiveness anything man-
kind had heretofore known, a "World War." But this war in which we
are now engaged so far surpasses our so-called "World War" that we, in a
search for super-superlatives have termed it a "Global War," realizing
more and more as the struggle grows that we now stand in the path of an
avalanche of forces of such stupendous magnitude that the finite mind of
man is totally incapable of comprehending or forecasting the outcomes of
the catastrophe.
At best, we must be sustained by the hope that the long road that man-
kind has traveled from creation down thru the ages to the present leads past
the woes, agonies, defeats, and disappointments of the present to victory,
peace, social justice, human welfare, and freedom. The taste of these blessings
enjoyed by men who have attained a measure of self-government, who have
partially perfected the machinery of cooperation, who have to some degree
set up and practiced the democratic way of life is the basis for the hopes in
the hearts of the United Nations that men may regain the highroad to
freedom and in time attain a world wherein there is a measure of happiness
for all mankind. Such men realize that war is not an end in itself; that a
victory that merely ends a war and does not remove the causes of war is
no victory; and that a war is not won until a lasting peace has been
What, then, are the essentials of a lasting peace? What are the processes
that produce the conditions of lasting peace? These questions are uppermost
in men's minds today. Proposals calculated to produce these highly desirable
outcomes are appearing daily. The list of definite formulas prescribed by
various and sundry statesmen, sociologists, economists, religionists, and
others has already grown to nearly one hundred fully formulated proposals.
They range from a benevolent despotism at the hands of the victors to
intricate world federations of independent nations. They deal with problems
of economics, politics, race, nationalism, religion, military might, balance
of power, and international ethics. Despite these, however, men everywhere


go on fighting, struggling, laboring, hating, scheming, bargaining, buying,
selling, living, and dying unmindful of the basic considerations that might
perchance produce the ends desired.
This is true among the peoples of the United Nations; it is more marked
among the peoples in tile conquered countries; it is desperately true among
the peoples of the Axis nations. "Where there is no vision, the people
perish." Unless there arises somehow, sometime, somewhere a will for
freedom and an intelligent attack upon the problems of freedom, we shall
win victories that end one war only to produce other and more devastating
wars. We doom mankind to a death by crucifixion upon a cross of igno-
rance, selfishness, and human ineptitude. Education alone supports the hope
that man may finally win the age-old struggle over these forces and in
time attain an armistice with the powers that cause wars, not merely win
victories by means of them.
Our President and the Prime AMiinister of England have announced the
Four Freedoms. Are these freedoms in themselves more workable and
more practicable than the pronouncements of statesmen and scholars of
other days? Does "everywhere in the world" mean a voluntary acceptance
by all peoples of these pronouncements, or does it mean their benevolent
imposition by means of force? Are tolerance, liberality, and humane con-
sideration for others to he spread at the will of the victors in this or any other
war? Do such qualities inhere in any particular form of organization, con-
stitution, scheme, plan, blueprint, or proposal? Do Americans or any
other people owe their peace, prosperity, law, justice, and equity to the
form of their organization or to their constitution ? If so, why did the League
of Nations fail so miserably? Sir Norman Angel ably raises these issues
and ably disposes of them. He says, "The fundamental convictions neces-
sary for any form of international cooperation had not been established."
He further observes that until such convictions are established, assurances
about freedom of speech, security of possessions, and other like pronounce-
ments are at best a bad joke.
Convictions are not the outgrowth of victories or peace treaties. They
grow out of learning, and learning grows out of experience and understand-
ing. These are the things that are peculiarly the purposes and the objec-
tives of education. By education we do not mean merely the individual
mastery of tools of learning or the use of such tools to acquire an academic
familiarity with the accumulated cultures of all humanity. Such concepts
of education are partial and narrow. Their worst fault is that they ignore
the humanities, those learniniigs that are found in the everyday' life of men
as they associate together under the guidance of humane institutions, political
and economic, social and spiritual. They place the school above the family,
the schoolmaster above the neighbor, institutionalized and formal education
before human association.
The pages of history do not give the scholar much faith in the efficacy
of military victories and peace treaties. They do not make a strong case for
nationalism, for organizations, constitutions, or federations as substantial
contributors to permanent peace or to a program of social justice and human


welfare for all mankind. What hope we have rests rather on those lasting con-
victions that have lodged in the hearts of those men and women, those peoples
who have experienced under many and varied organizations of society a way
of life in which the conditions of freedom have been made a reality. These
conditions of freedom have been stated over and over again down thru the'
ages-by the New Testament in "Do unto others even as ye would that
others should do unto you"; by the English in the Bill of Rights; by the
Colonists in the Declaration of Independence; by our nation in its consti-
tutional provision for life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; by Abraham
Lincoln in his stand for government "of the people, by the people, and for
the people"; by President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill in
the Four Freedoms. In each instance these pronouncements gain their
significance from the fact that they rest upon lessons well learned, upon
convictions deeply laid in the hearts of mankind by long years of practical
living and experiencing the principles enunciated. Men support these
propositions because they have gained an understanding of their significance ;
because they have learned their value; because they have defended them
with their life blood.
The United Nations owe the zeal and the dedication of their peoples to
the cause for which they are fighting this war, to the opportunities those same
peoples have had to learn the values of freedom in their daily lives under the
organizations and institutions of constituted government. Free enterprise;
free speech; equal opportunity; security of life, property, and person; free-
dom to worship; and the right to learn, to improve, and to direct the forces
of society are the byproducts of a way of life that recognizes individual
worth, generates and utilizes human intelligence, and makes available for
all members of the society the rights and benefits of that society.
The military victory and the treaties of peace can contribute but little
to world progress toward freedom unless they are forerunners of a regime
wherein increasing numbers of the peoples of the world shall have an
opportunity to learn the benefits of freedom, the blessings of peace, the
advantages of justice, and the satisfactions of security by having an oppor-
tunity to live under an order that makes these blessings attainable for all.
This is education! This is building the convictions and developing the
attitudes that will support a program of social justice and human welfare
for all mankind.
From the mist-shrouded Aleutian Islands down across the Americas to
storm-swept Cape Horn, Walter B. Pitkin points to some 200,000,000
men, women, and children-white, black, red, brown, and yellow-who
are working away at their common tasks under a widespread and com-
fortable freedom and in so .doing are fast becoming a solidified society.
They are mutually discovering their common interests; their common
standards of behavior; their common methods of work, play, and human
intercourse; and their common danger. Here is an educational program
worthy of the name. The continents constitute the schoolrooms; the life
of the people, the curriculum; the needs of the people, the schoolmaster;
and the happiness of the people, the achievement test.


Natural resources sufficient to provide for adequate standards of living
are essential as are also a temperate climate with healthful variations;
a dynamic population with adequate scientific, professional, and technical
leadership; and most of all a way of life which challenges every individual
member to live abundantly, enjoying and employing his fullest potentialities
for using and producing all that his environment permits.
If military victory permits the extension of these conditions of life to
increasing millions of the peoples of the world, we shall be on the way
to lasting peace and to the winning of the war. The important considera-
tion is that opportunity be given to increasing numbers to learn the benefits
of freedom by experiencing them. Planning is necessary. Leadership in
reconstruction and rehabilitation is essential. To release such forces and
to employ them will require an enlightened and active public opinion. Mil-
lions must be made alive and awake to the difficulties that lie ahead, to
the threat of totalitarian alternatives, and to the steps necessary for progress.
A few voices in high places, effective study and research by scholars, even
good planning by isolated individuals and organizations will not produce
the desired outcomes. We must hear millions of voices. Millions must
study the problems of peace; millions must participate and cooperate in
the planning necessary to deal with our problems, foreign and domestic.
We are failing so far to make much progress along these lines. Billions
of dollars are being spent to win the victory; a few dimes to win the peace.
Education for the long-time campaign to rebuild the faith and the hopes
of mankind in the worth of men and women is being pushed aside for quick
training to win the war. Intensive study of the issues and aims of the war
is confined to academic discussions in classrooms on the one hand or to
the propagandists who command the use of the press, the radio, and the
larger controls of public opinion on the other.
Our great system of public education, including as it does our great
common and secondary schools and our colleges and universities, is only
partially and loosely mobilized for the performance of its greatest con-
tribution to our success, namely, the task of developing a sustaining public
opinion in support of the program our nation and all nations must initiate
if we are to establish the conditions under which there can conceivably be
a lasting peace.
Teachers alone, working in isolation, cannot succeed in devising or making
effective an educational program adequate to meet the needs of children
or adults. The teaching profession, if it could be united and if adequate
agencies of planning and policy-making such as a policies commission or a
planning committee were to be set up and adequately financed, could begin
the formulation of an educational program and an educational policy of
real significance. Such organization must at once cross national boundaries,
cross the oceans, step over social prejudices and around religious barriers,
even behind the enemy lines, and operate, as the war operates, on a global
Allied with this agency must he the civilian and governmental agencies
of research and action, all united in the task of formulating an educational


program for all people that will bring education-the learning of the
essentials of the new order-within the experience of all men everywhere.
Once we have gained the attention of mankind, once we have opened
the doors that now bar men from understanding each other's aspirations and
purposes, we shall have taken the first step that leads to lasting peace.
The voices of millions of teachers speaking daily to many millions of
children and youth, to their parents, and to all citizens are potentially
stronger than the voice of a tyrant lashing out over a state-controlled radio
or speaking down from a ukase displayed in the public square. Education
is the way to freedom, but freedom is the destination at the end of the road
that leads on beyond military victories and negotiated peace treaties.
It is not a short or an easy road. It is not in some areas a road at all.
It is a maze of divergent paths, some leading forward to peace and progress;
some back toward hatred and war. Education must plot our course. Edu-
cation must be the navigator, not the pilot. It must read the stars, plot the
drift, note the landmarks, and chart the course. Education precedes states-
manship, scientific research, professional service, invention, discovery, leader-
ship, and production. "As a man thinketh . so is he." As the nations of
the world think, know, understand the issues of peace and freedom, so will
they live with each other, not by victories and peace treaties, but by under-
standing and cooperation.

The announcement from Casablanca that Great Britain and the United
States are not seeking indiscriminate revenge upon the mass of the Axis
peoples is of special significance to our war-centered schools. The greatest
hazard of war for the schools is not that school buildings and equipment
may be lacking, nor even that there is a shortage of teachers. The supreme
peril is to the ethical concepts and values to which American schools should
be irrevocably committed.
The final degradation of education, as particularly revealed in Germany
today, comes with the substitution of malice, revenge, hatred, and conceit,
for mercy, tolerance, goodwill, and self-respect. Violent and confused
rancors, sweeping indictments of entire races and nations are the character-
istic weapons of dictators. They are out of place in the education of young
people who are to inherit the great tasks of peace and reconstruction.
The soldier in battle may need to be motivated by hatred and revenge.
If so, let the Army conduct that kind of training for those who will use it.
Meanwhile, the schools should take full advantage of the war to develop
in the young such good qualities as valor, thrift, industry, and devotion to
the common welfare; encourage and exemplify high ethical standards; and
teach a strong and positive love of freedom and fair play. Young people
so educated will contribute most to an early victory and to the achievement
of the free and peaceful world for which the war is being fought.


If the hand that rocks the cradle rules the world, school systems are the
sculptors of its thought. Nowhere is this axiom so true as in the field of educa-
tion in the United States, and I am sure you will agree that the schools of
the states you represent are the epitome of the American educational system.
It should be understood at the outset that the field of politics is entirely
outside the province of an army officer. Both internally and in international
relations, the political position of the United States is determined, under
the Constitution, by the President and the Congress. Both the President and
the Congress are directly influenced in their acts by the will of the people
whose free vote elects them to office. The greatest influence on the opinions
of those people is the educational system which you represent.
Once presidential and congressional determination decrees the existence of
an emergency or a state of war, it then becomes the task of the officers of
the armed forces to train, equip, and lead those forces in support of that
established policy. It must be ever so clearly understood, therefore, that
these remarks are addressed purely to that task, and that the historical
references are a recital of the recurrent problems of military leaders, result-
ing from the chain of circumstances just outlined.
For over 166 years, since the signing of the Declaration of Independence,
the majority of the people of this republic have labored under the delusion
that a patriotic militia is a full measure of protection against the aggressive
attack of any hostile nation or group of nations. This country inherited that
delusion from its early Saxon ancestors, bolstered it with misconceptions of
the significance of Braddock's defeat and the Battle of Bunker Hill, and our
subsequent teaching of so-called history has preserved it for posterity.
Unfortunately, objective tho we have been in our teaching of the arts
and particularly of the sciences, we have been neither objective nor accurate
in the teaching of history and the science of war. Glossing over our military
mistakes, deifying mediocrities, the authors of some of our history books
have produced tomes which reflect a continued blind adherence to the
"Myth of the 'Militia." It is time we matured sufficiently to accept the truth.
Now we are engaged in a global war, the extent and implications of
which are incalculable. In the face of cold steel and under the reign of terror
from the skies, we have learned again, in the hard school of experience, that
only trained, disciplined, and well-led armies, backed by the production lines
of mass industry, can defeat the skilled aggressors who oppose us. Thus, on
December 7, 1941, we of the United States were blasted out of our lethargy,
and the least interested of us became concerned with the deficiencies of the
"Myth of the Militia."
To illustrate the early influence of this "Myth of the Militia" we have
only to turn to Braddock's defeat. Braddock, in 1755, en route to take Fort
Duquesne (where Pittsburgh now stands) from the French, was attacked
by an inferior force of about 300. He continued to march his 2000 troops in


solid mass against a hidden enemy firing individually from behind trees and
other cover. The Colonials, under Washington, who were in Braddock's
command, were amazed to see the defeat of regular army troops by the
French, Canadian, and Indian partisans. They brought back to the colonies
the dangerous conclusion based on half truth that militia and partisans could
defeat the regulars and went the whole way in condemning regular soldiers
and regular tactics. This generalization, reached from one example of
erroneous tactics, was to cost those Colonials a long and expensive war as
the result of an unsound military policy.
This unsound military policy has been further preserved by the teaching in
our schools that the embattled farmers of Bunker Hill were victorious over
the best regulars of the then greatest nation of the world until powder and
ball were exhausted. Had ammunition lasted, we are told, our soldiers would
have triumphed. It makes an inspiring story, but unfortunately it is not
true. Let us examine the facts.
At Bunker Hill the Minute Men were led by three of the ablest com-
manders of the time-Prescott, Rufus Putnam, and Stark-well-seasoned
veterans of the French and Indian War. They knew green troops stood no
chance against the regulars on even terms, so Engineer Putnam entrenched
Breed's Hill and wisely disposed the colonial forces behind its breastworks.
From this position, under skilled leadership, the fire of the militia, held to
the last minute of each successive enemy charge, took withering toll. Fifty
percent more casualties were inflicted than in any other battle of the war.
When the exhaustion of munitions forced the retreat from Breed's Hill,
however, the American casualties in the open field were proportionately
even greater.
Thus, in the war that ultimately won our independence, defeat followed
defeat until the formation and training of our first regular army-the Con-
tinentals-who ended the struggle with victory at Yorktown.
Despite this lesson, we blissfully continued our policy of the "MIyth of
the Militia" thru the disastrous War of 1812, in which the predominant
employment of militia cost us the hard-won Northwest Territory, turned
victory into a defeat at Queenstown, Ontario, and opened the door to the
occupation of our capitol at Washington by the enemy.
Short-term enlistments nearly'spelled disaster for General Scott's well-
trained army, when, immediately following his total defeat of the Mexican
army, seven of his eleven volunteer regiments went home at the expiration of
their one-year enlistments and left him with sadly depleted ranks in a
hostile country.
A sixty-year-old statute prohibited President Lincoln from calling soldiers
into service for more than ninety days at the beginning of the Civil War. As a
result, there was the disaster of the first Battle of Bull Run. The value of
trained soldiers, however, was illustrated in that same battle by the fact
that one battalion of regulars stood its ground, covered the retreat in perfect
order, and prevented the 35,000 Confederates from massacring the Union
The "Myth of the Militia" raised its ugly head in the lack of trained


men recruited for and employed in our war with Spain. Disease accounted
for more deaths by far than did the Spaniards.
In World War I there were instances where soldiers were inducted into
the service, given a smattering of the infantry drill regulations, sent over-
seas with virtually no training, marched into the front lines without even
having previously fired their rifles, wounded, and invalided back home-all
within sixty days of the date of their induction.
Even after these repeated demonstrations, we still would not believe and
we still refused to teach the truth that wars are won by trained soldiers led
by skilled, experienced officers and not by amateurs. Let me not be mis-
understood-we have always had a justified pride in the patriotism and the
bravery of American soldiers from the very beginning; but we must not
forget that the bravery of total ignorance and the patriotism of unpre-
paredness are paid for in the needless slaughter of thousands of young men
whom training would have saved. It was true when George Washington
informed the Continental Congress, "What we need is a good army, not a
large army." Today, we need both.
Nowhere is our failure to learn the lessons of the past more apparent than
in the state of our armed forces in July 1940. The misinformation possessed
by the people of the United States and the subsequent influence of those
people upon Congress were the prime causes of the results. Those results
were indelibly impressed upon me by \Ir. Stimson at the press conference
of that able Secretary of War on December 31 of last year. He stated:

In July 1940, our regular army consisted of only 265,000 men, including an air
force of 50,000 with only 2175 pilots. We had a National Guard somewhat smaller
than the regular army and consisting, almost altogether, of small units in the dif-
ferent states. Only a very few states had units as large as a division-most of them
were companies. Neither the regular army nor the National Guard were organized
in tactical units of the sizes being used in modern warfare. They were just begin-
ning to do that in the regular army, and we did not even have the power to order
out the National Guard in a manner to give them full training. None of our forces
were trained in the methods of modern warfare, but merely in the old-fashioned
elementary steps of twenty-five years ago. WVe were only beginning to experiment
in the first steps of tank warfare, and only a very few of our officers had had
experience in any war. In other words, the government was in the position a foot-
hall coach would be in, at the beginning of the season, if he found he only had a mass
of men, the bulk of whom had not played football, and those who had played, had
only played soccer.
We had no equipment in bulk, except that left over from the last war, and those
stores which were left from the last war were types of weapons which were being
rapidly left behind in the progress of the new war. We had almost no weapons in
existence which we would use today, either in the shape of planes, tanks, or artillery,
and comparatively few in the shape of small arms-only the Springfield and some
machine guns.
That was not the fault of our regular officers or general staff. They had faith-
fully laid plans for modern organization of our forces, including acquisition of
planes and other weapons, but until the fall of France neither Congress nor the
people of the United States were at all willing to incur the expense of such prepara-
tion. I can give you one very sharp example which fell to my notice almost as soon
as I got here. Probably the most fundamental weapon of modern warfare is powder


and when I came here, in July 1940, we did not have enough powder in the whole
United States to last the men we now have overseas for anything like a day's war-
fare and, what was worse, we did not have any powder plants to make it. They
had all been destroyed after the last war. . .

And all this after the fall of France, when Britain stood alone against the
Nazi hordes!
A generation ago, a prominent statesman, imbued with the "Myth of the
Militia," said, "I can stamp my feet, and one million men will spring to
arms overnight."
There are still some who persist in this delusion. One million men might
desire to spring to arms, but who would tell them where to go? Who would
build them shelter? Who would examine them physically, reject some, and
isolate those with communicable diseases to prevent horrible epidemics among
the rest? Where would they get army uniforms? An enemy shoots or hangs
prisoners captured in civilian clothes. They might try to spring to arms,
but the arms would not be there for them to spring to. If each brought a
rifle, whence would come the thousand kinds of necessary ammunition?
Who would divide them into units and provide each unit with a trained
cook and a kitchen? How would they be paid? How would they receive
medical care and medicine? How would they be trained for war?
When one analyzes the magnitude of these necessities in the familiar terms
of housing, food, clothing, illness, and pay checks alone, then multiplies the
problem by millions of men, one gleans a small idea of the basic necessities
of war and one perceives the inadequacy of a militia.
Teachers and students of history alike avoid such cold and revealing
statistical analyses as the masterpiece, The Military Policy of the United
States, written by Major General Emery Upton of Civil War fame. So the
weaknesses in our military policy, as pointed out by Upton, have continued
to take "Gold Star" toll in all our wars.
It is only human to glory in our own history, which makes it difficult to
learn objectively from our own mistakes. In order to draw unbiased con-
clusions, therefore, let us examine the historical mistakes of others.' Let us
hastily scan the record which demonstrates the truth that small, good armies
have always defeated big, bad armies.
At the Battle of Leuctra, nearly four hundred years before Christ, 6000
well-trained Thebans under Epaminondas decisively defeated 10,000 Spar-
tans. Tactically, he massed his best and most troops on his left wing, a
column fifty deep, plus cavalry, with which he crushed one wing of the enemy
where their leader stood. This basic movement was made famous at the
Battle of Leuthan by Frederick the Great in a tactical modification which
was called his "oblique attack," a strategy most popular with the Germans
ever since. By its employment he defeated 80,000 Austrians with but 30,000
Alexander the Great, by both superior training and leadership, ended the
Persian threat of his day. In the decisive Battle of Arbela, he crushed the
oriental, polyglot might of Persia, defeating 1,000,000 infantrymen and
40,000 horsemen with but 40,000 infantry and 7000 cavalry. The losses


constitute an eloquent argument for trained soldiery. The Persians lost
300,000 while Alexander suffered casualties of only 100 men and 1000
It is interesting to note that Alexander thus went on to establish the
Macedonian Empire and the civilization of the great Hellenistic Age cen-
tered at Alexandria, which reached significant heights in scientific and literary
activity as well as commerce and prosperity.
Similarly, the hundred years of the Golden Age of Pericles, which con-
tributed so much of the art, architecture, philosophy, oratory, sculpture, and
drama of our own civilization, stemmed from the victory of 10,000
Athenians under Miltiades over 20,000 invading Persians at the Battle of
Marathon. The tactics employed were essentially the great military plan
made famous by Hannibal at Cannae, the same double envelopment the Ger-
mans used in 1914, and a chief modern tactical plan. This victory could not
have been accomplished but for a united people who enjoyed the advantages
of military training-a people willing to fight to preserve their way of life.
Julius Caesar laid the foundations of the Roman Empire, which ruled the
most protracted period of peaceful civilization and commerce in the history
of the world. It was the forerunner of all the modern European nations
from which we largely stem. The arms of Rome were borne by her own
citizens, and so well trained and disciplined were her armies that the'Roman
legions preserved the Empire for centuries, even after the whole army became
barbarian. And to date, more millions have been slain by the double-edged,
thrusting Roman sword than by any other weapon. It was only when the
Roman citizens themselves deserted the military and civil pursuits and
degenerated and disintegrated from soft, luxurious living, that the barbarians
took over their territory and made slaves of the effeminate people.
At the Battle of Crecy, 19,000 well-trained and well-led English long-
bowmen won a decisive victory over 60,000 armed but poorly organized
French knights, took a toll of 30,000 French, spelling the end of the Age
of Chivalry, and losing but 50 English.
Napoleon's campaign after his retreat from Moscow is a tribute to his
own leadership and the training of his armies. After forcing a six weeks'
truce by means of a newly raised army, he marched 80,000 men ninety miles
to Dresden in thirty days where he acquired some 16,000 additional fighting
men. With these, he struck the 200,000 Russian, Prussian, and Austrian
allies, and, employing a forerunner of the modern pincers tactics, completely
routed the enemy, capturing 23,000 prisoners, and inflicting a total loss of
38,000, while his own casualties amounted to but 10,000.
MIan is inherently a fighting animal. Even in our own peaceful country,
we have engaged in shooting warfare in one out of every four years since the
signing of the Declaration of Independence. The basic instinct of self-
preservation, in a world which has never filled his wants, has led man to
fight for his food, his cave, and the pelts of beasts to keep him warm. The
complexities and developments of civilization have only extended his in-
satiable desires until the luxury of today becomes tomorrow's necessity, for
which he has always been willing to-and always will-fight!


As the family expanded into the tribe and the tribes grouped together into
city states, the boundaries of the land each occupied expanded to the bound-
aries of similar communities. Further expansion always came at the expense
of others. As a result of such conflicts of interest, the stronger overcame the
weaker, without respect to "the right" as we view it, enslaved its inhabitants,
and annexed its territory. Without modification, in essence, we have seen the
unveiling of the same drama among the nations of the world today.
Eternal vigilance is indeed the price of liberty. History shows repeatedly
that where peoples fail in this vigilance, strong nations conquer weaker
nations by force of arms.
Alight has frequently conquered right. To those who pretend to deny it,
let them review the conquests of the Huns, the Tartars, the Moslems, the
Turks, Genghis Khan's Mongolians, Prussia, Napoleon's France, Nazi Ger-
many, and Japan. Let them also review the great civilizations which have
thus fallen: Egypt, Greece, Macedonia, Rome, China, Holland, France, and
But let us bring the story down to date. When England refused to "have
its neck wrung like a chicken" and won the Battle of Britain in the air;
when Soviet stoicism stopped the Nazi sweep; when the United States won
the defensive battles of the Coral Sea, Midway, and the Solomons; and when
the Allies secured the African foothold, the issue in the world's most titanic
struggle of all time was completely joined. Mighty powers are now engaged
on many fronts in a battle to the death. The Titans are Germany and Japan
on the one side, and Russia, Britain, China, and the United States on the
While Germany and Japan were arming at a furious rate, many of us
still believed in the "Myth of the Militia." We refused to prepare for war.
We tacitly permitted the occupation of Austria and the dismemberment of
Czechoslovakia. Thus at Munich, Germany accomplished the removal of a
powerful, well-equipped army of Czech patriots and secured the possession
of the great Skoda Munitions Works.
Then came Poland and the winter of "phoney war" during which the
Nazis sharpened the "blitz" against the deadened senses of the democracies.
In the spring of 1940, down went Denmark and Norway. Dairy products,
paper-making material, and fish were cut off from Britain; but worse-
much Norwegian shipping to carry vital supplies was gone, and Sweden's
high-grade iron ore was isolated.
The Maginot Line was pierced, the great French army was defeated, and
France fell in a matter of days. The demise of Holland and Belgium had
preceded that of France. Then came Dunkerque. With France went 19
percent of the world's iron supply and her munitions industries. In that
black week in June 1940 Britain stood virtually alone against the Nazi on-
slaught from the air.
With the fall of France the United States began to question the "Myth
of the Militia" sufficiently to enact its first peacetime Conscription Act
in history.
Meanwhile, the war in the Balkans put Germany in control of so large


a base of operations in the Mediterranean as to virtually close that direct line
of communications to the Far East and threaten the destruction of Britain's
strongholds in Northern Africa, including Suez.
Despite the pact with the Soviets, it next became obvious that Germany's
long-delayed war with Russia was at hand, and on June 22, 1941, the latest
of Hitler's assurances was ground into the mud by tanks and troops heading
east. It took less than two months for Hitler to possess the rich Ukraine
which produces nearly one-fifth of the world's wheat.
Even that fall, the persistence in the tradition of the "M\'yth of the
Militia" almost saw our newly trained Army sent home at the end of one
year's training. Suddenly the blow fell, and the reality of lightning war
flashed from across both oceans. The truth, which misguided peacemongers
had prevented us from fully seeing, the equally misguided sons of Nippon
taught us in the dawn of a peaceful Hawaiian Sunday morning. TWe were all
in the fight together within the next few days. But we were to pay for delay
and the "Myth of the Militia."
The least military observer, after seeing the newsreels of the broken,
twisted, smoking ruins of ships and planes at Pearl Harbor and after reading
our casualty lists, must have realized the licking that we took on Decem-
ber 7. The thing that couldn't happen, had happened! Time galloped on.
On December 8, Thailand and Malaya were invaded, the Philippines on
December 10. Guam, which we wouldn't fortify, fell December 12. Wake
was captured Christmas Eve, and next day the forty-million-dollar fortress
of Hong Kong was Japan's Christmas present after only ten days' fighting.
MIanila fell January 2 and despite MacArthur's stand on Bataan, the
Philippines were doomed. In swift succession, by former standards, Japan
accomplished a six-and-a-half-year conquest in six and a half weeks! Count
the milestones-Thailand, Malaya, Borneo, Singapore, Sumatra, Java,
Bataan, Corregidor, and Burma!
Let us pause to count our losses. With the Philippines went hemp and
sugar and natural resources and we were pushed 5500 miles farther away
from Japan. Positions in Thailand exposed Burma and enabled Japan to cut
the Burma Road. Malaya and the Dutch East Indies, previously securing all
the world's rubber supply to the United Nations, in falling, left us with but
2 percent, equally divided between Africa and South America. Still we
complain of tire and gasoline rationing! And it takes 150,000 pounds of
rubber for a 25,000 ton warship, 1750 pounds for a medium tank, and 1246
pounds for a flying fortress!
Your paper gum wrappers and cigarette packages mutely testify to the
loss of more than 64 percent of the world's supply of tin which Japan got
in the East Indies and the Malaya states. Ninety percent of the world's
quinine was cut off-and Corregidor fell as much for want of quinine to
fight malaria as for any other reason. Within a radius of 3000 miles Japan
now has that 61,000,000 barrel annual production of oil once so yital to the
planes and tanks and ships of the United Nations. All that is left us in the
Far East is a dribble in Mongolia.
And how does that vital oil get there now? From New York to Perth is


sixty-five long days by tanker; from San Francisco to Sydney, more than a
month. This oil must run the gantlet of German submarines, even if the
Mediterranean is opened, and the navy and airplanes of Japan stand be-
tween us and our South Pacific bases.
The loss of Singapore moved Britain 3000 miles farther away in striking
distance from Japan. The Japanese activity in the Aleutian Islands indicates
that they are there to set up more than a weather station!
There are some compensating facts. The manpower potential (18-35) of
the Axis is 85,000,000, while the United Nations can muster, on the same
basis, 187,000,000. Despite the magic of the speed of wings which blitzkrieg
has imparted to the bulk and weight and power of the engines of war, men
are still the most important element of all. But the Axis had the jump in
preparation. We know that the free men who love the cause of liberty will
triumph in the end. But what a price the "Myth of the Militia" has cost
and will cost 'ere victory is achieved.
In June of last year, while United States planes bombed Wake Island,
Rommel was capturing Matruh and Fuka in Egypt. In July the Germans
took Sevastopol in the Crimea and Rostov in Russia, pushing toward Stalin-
grad. They reached El Alamein, only two hundred miles from the Suez
Canal. The Japs completed the capture of the Nanchang-Hangchow Rail-
way in China, occupied Agattu in the Aleutians, and landed at Buna in New
Guinea. Meanwhile, a huge United States naval base was completed in
northern Ireland.
The following month the Japs took Kokoda in New Guinea, occupied
strategic islands north of Darwin, Australia, and threatened Port Moresby
by landing at Milne Bay. The Germans nearly ringed Stalingrad with steel
and pushed deeper into the Caucasus. The United States fought two battles
of the Solomons, electrocuted six Nazi saboteurs in Washington, landed on
Guadalcanal, participated slightly in the Dieppe raid, and helped welcome
our newest ally, Brazil, which declared war on Germany and Italy.
In September began the siege of Stalingrad. While the British took the
capital of Madagascar, United States troops occupied the Galapagos Islands
defending Panama, and Wendell Willkie visited the fighting capitals of
the United Nations.
October saw some hope, with the Allies pushing the Japs back from Port
Moresby, and the Japanese withdrawal from Attu and Agattu, as well as
witnessing the move of United States troops out to the Andreanof Islands in
the Aleutians. The Australians captured Templeton's Crossing in the Owen
Stanley Mountains of New Guinea. The British Eighth Army started its
powerful westward push from-El Alamein, and the U. S. Army Engineers
completed the "impossible" engineering task which opened the Alaskan-
Canadian Military Highway to traffic.
In November, while the Germans made their farthest advance into the
Caucasus by capturing Alagir and threatening the Georgia Military High-
way, the British Eighth Army recaptured Matruh. Under the leadership
of United States Lieutenant General Eisenhower and British Admiral Cun-
ningham, the Allies invaded northwest Africa, subdued Algeria and Mo-


rocco, and pushed into Tunisia. Almost simultaneously the Germans moved
into Occupied France and took Bizerte and Gabes in Tunisia. The Italians
occupied Corsica.
Westward moved the Eighth Army of the British under the protection of
the RAF and the American Air Force, decimating Rommel's Africa Corps.
The Russians crossed the Don in force, and the siege of Stalingrad was
lifted by fierce Soviet thrusts into strategic positions all along the line. The
Germans seized Toulon (characteristically breaking another Hitler prom-
ise) and, in response, the most heroic mass act of the war saw the suicide of
the French fleet, physically, and the spiritual regeneration of France before
the eyes of the world. Meanwhile, the RAF pounded Italy, the Aussies
captured Gona in New Guinea, and Admiral Callaghan drove the San
Francisco and its 8-inch guns between the battle lines and the 14-inch guns
of Nipponese battleships to defeat the "Rising Sons of Japan" at the cost of
his own life.
WVith the turn of these events, which Winston Churchill has characterized
as "The End of the Beginning," many people had their hopes raised for a
quick victory and an early peace. Be not deceived. Already, despite a skilfully
planned and executed North African campaign, the stiffening Axis resistance
at Bizerte and Tunis is warning of the long and bloody time which will
elapse before we occupy Berlin. The entrenched Japanese positions in the
Far East, viciously defended, indicate the difficult road to Tokyo.
In December the Aussies took Gona. The Japs reopened assaults on the
Burma Road. Rommel's army was in complete retreat into Libya. The
British drove into Burma toward Akyab. The Russians increased large-
scale operations threatening Rostov and the German Caucasus positions.
Darlan was assassinated and replaced by Giraud.
With years of preparation behind them and with no real resistance to
stem the tide of blitzkrieg political and military conquest, it has taken the
Nazis over six years to possess most of Europe. It began with the occupation
of the Rhineland in 1936, but the real push began March 12, 1938, with the
Austrian Anschlus's. Japan moved into Manchuria in 1931 and has been on
the move ever since.
A glance at one map will indicate that after more than a year of training
and an additional year of war, we have only begun to close with the enemy
with large forces in the European Theater. In the Pacific the possession of
Guadalcanal represents but the first steppingstone back toward Tokyo.
There arc some twenty-seven more major ones. It took the Japs three months
and ten days to fully consolidate these points. It took us longer to establish
ourselves in a thirty-five-mile strip surrounding Henderson Field on Guadal-
canal. This is an indicator of the difficulty of the task ahead.
Thus we see that the first full year of war has been one of making
"regulars" out of the total armed forces of the United States, of gearing the
mass production of her peacetime industries to all-out war-not only to
equip those forces but to become the "arsenal of democracy" for the
United Nations.
How far have we succeeded? I respectfully refer you to the aforemen-


tioned press conference of the Secretary of War and to the January 7 address
to the Congress by the President of the United States-my Commander-in-

As Mr. Stimson said:

Today we have an army of over five million men . including literally thou-
sands of pilots. . We are rapidly training the officers of these forces who are
chosen by the most democratic method and educated by the most thoro system of
officer schools we have had in our history. . This army of ours is being rapidly
equipped with the best planes that are in the air today, with the best tanks on the
ground today, with the best self-propelled artillery in action today, and with the best
rifles, according to almost unanimous testimony, that are being used in any part
of the world today. . The average American soldier today weighs eight pounds
more than his fellow of 1918. The average soldier of today is also a sober man.
Fifty percent confine themselves to soft drinks entirely; only forty percent drink
beer and less than ten percent drink distilled liquors. He is moral. A much larger
percentage of our soldiers go to church than the percentage of citizens outside of the
Army go to their churches. He is healthy. The general disease rate is lower than
in any previous war. . Upon this pedestal of sound physique we are trying to
place the indispensable moral qualities. We are combining education with the train-
ing and are furnishing them with every element which tends to produce what the
old Romans called "Mens sana in corpore sano"-that is, "A sound mind in a sound

As Mr. Roosevelt said:
Yes, we believe the Nazis and the Fascists have asked for it-and they are going
to get it.

Prior to Pearl Harbor I ran across an advertisement which seemed to sum
up the position of a defeated France. Today 1 think it of even greater value
as a reminder of what might happen to our own people. It is called "Wonder
What a Frenchman Thinks About":
Two years ago a Frenchman was as free as you are. Today what does he think-
as he humbly steps into the gutter to let his conquerors swagger past-as he works
fifty-three hours a week for thirty hours' pay-as he sees all trade unions outlawed
and all the "rights" for which he sacrificed his country trampled by his foreign
masters-as he sees his wife go hungry and his children face a lifetime of serfdom.
What does that Frenchman-soldier, workman, politician or business man-think
today? Probably it's something like this-"I wish I had been less greedy for myself
and more anxious for my country; I wish I had realized you can't heat off a deter-
mined invader by a quarreling, disunited people at home; I wish I had been willing
to give in on some of my rights to other Frenchmen instead of giving up all of them
to a foreigner; I wish I had realized other Frenchmen had rights, too; I wish I
had known that patriotism is work, not talk, giving, not getting."
And if that Frenchman could read our newspapers today, showing pressure
groups each demanding things be done for them instead of for our country, wouldn't
lie say to American business men, politicians, soldiers and workmen-"If you knew
the horrible penalty your1 action is bound to bring, you'd bury your differences imo0
before they bury you; you'd work for your country as you never worked before,
and wait for your private ambitions until your country is safe. Look at me. . .I
worked too little and too late."

If you would know how long and tough a war we face, read General
McNair's Armistice Day speech of last year. If you would know the kind of


men we fight, read "Stuka Horror Over Greece" in the December issue of
Reader's Digest. I know Leigh White, the victim of that story, well and can
testify from firsthand information that the Digest story is but a suggestion.
If you would properly appraise the Jap, consider the way he permits wounded
Americans to crawl back to their lines crying for help for the sole purpose of
ambushing and killing doctors and stretcher bearers as well.
This is the toughest war 'we have fought in our history-against the
toughest combination of enemies we have thus far faced. It is a war that we
Ntill can lose; it can end with no winners, only a few survivors, or-if we
exert the full power of the free men we have always been behind the will
to win-those free men shall triumph.
The significance of this all-out war is that it includes many battlefields
without guns or tanks or planes. The battles that are fought are against the
"divide and conquer" technic of the Nazis, by which the clever Axis prop-
agandists have sought to destroy our nation, by setting class against class
and group against group, in a softening process calculated to weaken us to
the point where conquest will be simple.
And what is this America we now battle to defend ? It is not a land of
racial strain. Dozens of languages and dialects are heard within its borders.
It has no state church. No ruling class dictates its mode of life nor stratifies
its people into classes. America is a state of mind to which the freedom-loving
people of all the world can come and bring their proud but stifled cultures
from lands of oppression. Here the best seeds of those cultures have been
planted deep in a friendly, fertile soil, and that soil has brought them to
fruition in the fresh air of freedom and the light of liberty's sun-each the
greater for the existence of all the others and all combined in the greatest
democracy of history.
How do I know ? I am the grandson of four immigrants to this land, two
of whom lived long enough to teach me the plight of "little people" abroad
and to impress indelibly upon my mind that this land is worth the sacrificing
of one's life.
If our way fails to survive, it will make no difference whom we elect to
Congress, for under Axis domination, Congress would respond with only a
Reichstag "Ja." In that event, it matters not how many eloquent orators
preach from however many pulpits-for the text would be the same, or the
orators would spend their lives in a concentration camp. Laws and courts to
enforce them would be gone. Nor would it matter how much is appropriated
for schools and teachers; for only one ideological lesson would then be
taught. If our way fails to survive, then not in history shall we have been
dashed into so deep an abyss of "Dark Ages," beyond the veil of which we
dare not contemplate.
There is another battle that you will have to fight, and that is the blitz
peace of tile Nazi.,-as well prepared as was the blitz war. Despite the fact
that the Roosevelt-Churchill Casablanca Conference doubtless anticipated
,ome future Hitler peace offer, the time will come when he will enlist the
aid of the peacemongers with a cry for armistice to stop the killing. That is
the time when you will have to steel your hearts against alluring words, lest



Do you remember?-Sunday afternoon of the Washington convention in 1926 when Frank JW. Ballou, as president
. . -- 7.,JJ ....i,,, 7, r .. .e .T,..o n .r....r


this war end in armistice, too, producing no victory and no peace. Worst of
all, if you fail to fight that blitz the very children now in your schools
will have "to do it all over again" twenty years hence.
While some have mourned the fact that World War 1 produced no lasting
benefits, that war did give us a challenge. It is the finest thing that war pro-
duced. Twenty-odd years ago, a doctor donned his Canadian uniform at
Guclph, Ontario, sailed across the Atlantic, wrote a poem, and then marched
out upon the Flanders fields of which lie wrote, to die. These are the words
of Lieutenant Colonel John lMcCrea-this is the challenge of the ages:
In Flanders fields the poppies blow
Between the crosses, row on row,
That mark our place; and in the sky
The larks, still bravely singing, fly
Scarce heard amid the guns below.
We are the Dead. Short days ago
\Ve lived, felt dawn, saw sunset glow,
Loved and were loved, and now we lie
In Flanders fields.
Take up our quarrel with the foe:
To you from failing hands we throw
The torch; be yours to hold it high.
If ye break faith with us who die
We shall not sleep, tho poppies grow
In Flanders fields.

And from the diminuendo of that challenge there has arisen in this new
war, in crescendo, the answer-typified by Pilot Officer John Gillespic
Mlagee, Jr., of the Royal Canadian Air Force. Born in Shanghai of American
missionary parents, educated in Britain's famed Rugby School, he left the
campus of Yale University, where he had earned a scholarship, and enlisted
in the RCAF in September 1940. He served overseas with a Spitfire
squadron until his death on active service December 11, 1941. Like McCrea
in \Vorld War I, he left a heritage of poetry-a sonnet scribbled on the
back of a letter to his mother in WVashington. This is the answer to McCrea's
challenge. It is called High Flight. These are the words:

Oh I have slipped the surly honds of earth
And danced the skies on laughter-silvered wings;
Sunward I've climbed, and joined the tumbling mirth
Of siun-split clouds-and done a hundred things
You have not dreamed of-
Wheeled and soared and sung
Here in Ihle sun-lit silence'.
Ilov'ring there
I've chased the shouting \wind along, and fliin:
My eager craft thrui the footless halls of air.
Up. uip the long delirious, burning blue
I've lopped hlie i\lnd-swept heights with easy grace
Wher-c never lark, mr even eagle flew-
.\nd, bhile \fi\l -ilcnt lifting mind I've trod
The high t r1111e-i'a'ed sanctity of -ipact,
PI'ULt ilt mC l:iand and touched the face .iof God.


In 323 B. C. Alexander the Great died. It probably took many a long
year before the school curriculum of that period covered his exploits and
their political and economic significance. After years of conquest Genghis
Khan bequeathed an enormous empire to his successors on his death in 1227.
The impact of this consolidation of strength and wealth, no doubt, had only
slight influence on the curriculum of world youth over many a decade. In
1492 Columbus discovered America*. The event stimulated much activity
in exploration and aroused discussion in the halls of the European learned,
but it is safe to state that hundreds of schoolmasters lived their full lives
after the event and failed even to mention the discovery to the youth they
instructed..In the past, the great event occurred and became a historical fact
but its incorporation into the curriculum of the school was, in the very nature
of things, a slow and irregular process.
The conditioning of education is a continuing activity which cannot be
cut off or halted thru any means that man can devise. There may be delay or
postponement, but truth in the last analysis will prevail. By conditioning is
meant the infiltration or penetration into education of the pertinent ideas
covering an area of man's interests. The ideas of democracy growing out of
a long series of events culminating in the American and French revolutions
have ever since conditioned the curriculum. The blood spilled at Antietam
and Vicksburg, Gettysburg and Chancellorsville has tinged the curriculum
of civilized nations over the eighty years that have since elapsed.
Air-conditioning education is a term first widely used after December 7,
1941. It was coined by Robert Hinckley, Assistant Secretary of Commerce
for Air, with the hope that American educators would realize the need for
speed in incorporating concepts about aeronautics into the presentday cur-
riculum. Mr. Hinckley felt, and there has been wide concurrence with his
judgment, that the rapidly growing importance of aeronautics in the life of
the nation necessitated speeding up the usually slow processes of curriculum
infiltration. It was essential that teaching concerning the airplane and its
pilots be taken out of the "wonder story" period and that the full import
of aviation for human living be explored and explained.
For centuries man has used land and water for his advancement and
profit. There was a time when ships were small and few and man had to learn
much about moving thru or over a body of water. In the main, however,
adjustments to travel on lnmd and water were made with relative ease. Land
travel gained greatly thru the invention of the wheel and its progressive
development to rubber-tired locomotion. During a long period of history the
lands and seas satisfied man's wants, altho a few ambitious, fearless souls
were always experimenting with new ways and machines for traveling thru
the air. The great masses of men were content to use the air for breathing
alone. Even up to recent years such a phrase as "I would just as soon fly,"
implying impossibility of achievement, was commonly used.


A telegram sent December 17, 1903, by two young men from Kitty Hawk
to their father in Dayton, Ohio, assured the beginning of a new era in
man's conquest of his environment. The telegram read: "Success four flights
Thursday morning all against twenty-one mile wind started from level with
engine power alone average speed through air thirty-one miles longest 59
seconds inform press home Christmas. Orville Wright."
Telegrams usually carry important news but none has ever transmitted a
message with broader implications for mankind. Man, who could walk on
the land and float on the water, could now travel at will thru the air.
Alexander the Great, Genghis Khan, Columbus, George Washington,
Napoleon, and U. S. Grant-these and all others in centuries past, had to be
content with plans and policies relating only to land and water. They could
not move thru the air. Their men and machines had to contend with all the
geographic barriers. Their couriers used horses and not the ships of the air.
What differences would have taken place in world history if man had learned
to fly a thousand years earlier!
It is difficult to find an event or occurrence in world history comparable in
meaning or as far-reaching in its significance as the invention and perfection
of the airplane. Almost forty years have passed since the modest brothers
sent their telegram. The progress of those forty years is truly stupendous,
but it may merely represent the beginnings of man's achievements in the
conquest of the air. Man's destiny is now associated with three dimensions.
He has moved from a land and water being to a creature of land, water, and
air. Of the three, perhaps the air has the greatest implications. From the
standpoint of controls and mastery, this is undoubtedly true.
At what other time in history has any transition in human ecology, similar
to this one, taken place? When Hannibal's elephants crossed the Alps?
When Magellan's men sailed around the world? When Fulton's Clermont
made its noisy way up the Hudson ? When man bridged his rivers, tunneled
thru mountains or under waters, or invented the Monitor? The forty years
since the Kitty Hawk success have reduced the size of the world but
multiplied its problems. They have witnessed man's full surrender to science.
They have forced into the discard much of man's planning and thinking
about nations and cities. The individual has new importance and new values.
No other event or period in history can compare in regard to the change
of man's perspective with these first forty years of successful advancement in
aeronautics. Man can now move thru the air at incredible speeds. Not only
can he carry himself, but his raw materials, his finished products, and all the
material needs of war and peace. The speed of change in all other facets of
man's living will be greatly influenced by the speed with which man himself
moves. If the school curriculum is to serve the generations of the three-
dimensional world, speedy changes must occur therein. This means air-
conditioning education.
Such air conditioning does not represent a choice of the educator. It is his
obligation and essential duty. The school man or woman cannot resist the
inclusion of aeronautic materials in the curriculum any more than he could
oppose teaching about land or water. Imagine a "land and air" curriculum or


an "air and water" one! l'hey are today just as absurd as a "water and land"
curriculum. The Wrights and the Langleys, the Lindberghs and the Ricken-
backers, the Mitchells and the Colin Kellys have laid a heap of problems at
the educators' feet. The three-dimensional world, with a curriculum to
match, represents the new sphere of educational activity. The new curriculum
must be equally land, water, and air conditioning. In anticipation of this
change, Rudyard Kipling once said, "We are at the opening verse of the
opening page of the chapter of endless possibilities."
In the fifteen months since the Japanese, ill-advisedly, wrecked our sea
and air ships in Pearl Harbor, the American schools have been increasingly
stressing air navigation and its import to civilization. Two aspects of the
program have been carried on, but their differences have not been too clear
to many persons. The two phases of this program are "preflight aeronautics"
and "air-conditioning education." "Preflight aeronautics" usually is a course
or consists of a series of courses designed primarily to give juniors or seniors
in high schools, or the sixteen- and seventeen-year-olds of this country, insight
into and familiarity with many areas of aeronautics. This includes, among
other things, aerodynamics, meteorology, air navigation, airplane engines, and
principles of airplane structures. The course is designed primarily for youth
who are selected or expect to be drawn at an early moment into the air
service of the nation. The objectives include air orientation, familiarization
with the terminology and material of aeronautics, and removal of unnecessary
handicaps for youth who will man America's ships of the air. The ground-
work developed at school will stand the air recruit in good service as he
enters and carries on thru his military training. The course is not intended
as a substitute for high-school science or mathematics courses, but may be
taken simultaneously with or subsequent to such courses. To teach the youth
to do better the things he will do in the service and to give him the feeling of
confidence concerning the air that the tank youth have concerning the ground
are some of the aims. Any contribution that the schools can make to assure
the safe return from air combat of youth, who are the natural selections for
flight service, is one of the main contributions the schools should strive to
make thru the preflight course or courses.
Air-conditioning education or the educational curriculum constitutes an-
other major problem for the schools. Perhaps it is of even greater importance
than the preflight aeronautics course. By air conditioning is meant bringing
all curriculum material in tune with the problems of the three-dimensional
world. Air conditioning does not select a few students for a special course
but affects every pupil in every subject in every classroom in the country.
Most subjectmatter prior to December 1941 emphasized the problems and
conditions associated with land and water. Air conditioning suggests the
threefold emphasis on land, water, and air, whether it is in third-grade
arithmetic or high-school senior English. The aim is to give full and frequent
opportunity to every child to learn the facts about the world in which he
lives. The teacher, as well as the child, needs the orientation, altho today
it is strangely enough true that many a child may be better oriented to the
world of the air age than the teacher who is expected to guide him.


Thousands of our teachers and administrators as well have never had the
experience of flying, especially on a reasonably long trip. Fear still controls.
They do not realize that the teachers must, as far as possible, know thru
firsthand contact the world concerning which they teach. In the early rail-
road days, many persons were afraid to travel by that method. A few persons
still stick to the horse and buggy and will not travel by motor car, and there
will always he a few who will stick to the earth after all others have ex-
perienced travel thru the great ocean of air which surrounds us. Air pas-
sengers see the rain circle in all its harmonious unity. The earthbound see
only the rainbow, or things by halves. Perhaps this illustration will persuade
more of the educators to join the ever-increasing ranks of the air-borne.
Air-conditioning the curriculum is not just a passing fad. It represents a
permanent need. The 1903 telegram of the Wrights ushered in a period of
American supremacy in aviation, hut by 1939 the Germans had developed air
invincibility which made them the world's leaders of aeronautics. Much of
this was accomplished thru air-conditioning German youth.
Germany and Italy began their educational programs in aeronautics as
much as ten years ago. The German Minister of Education, in his decrees
of 1934 to 1939, commanded that aeronautics instruction be given in all
schools and be related to all phases of subjectmatter. These documents are
interesting reading because they show how the Nazi state controls the
curriculum of its schools. The Sichel memorandum,' which gives a synopsis
of these decrees, will be of interest to every American teacher. These decrees
apparently contributed much to the success of German aviation. Their
promulgation not only made German youth air-minded but aroused an
enthusiasm the results of which are perhaps best illustrated by the epoch-
making success of the Nazi aerial attack with both planes and gliders upon
the island of Crete. Japan also started long ago on its educational program of
aeronautics. The approximately two hundred volumes on aviation in Japanese
now in the library of the Institute of Aeronautical Sciences, Radio City,
New York City, are evidence of what that nation was teaching about
aeronautics without our being much aware of what was going on.
Aeronautics education in the schools of America was quite sporadic during
this period of its development among the enemy nations. Colleges and uni-
versities, outside of the civilian pilot-training programs, were giving scant
attention to the problem. A few high schools in our large cities were making
splendid contributions, but the American teachers as well as the American
people, even as late as the beginning of this World War, were inclined to
look upon aviation as a sport or as an infant enterprise. Our nation, which
had pioneered most successfully in this field, began to lag behind in recogniz-
ing the importance of the airplane in all phases of human developments.
America owes a great debt to the aviation leaders who, thru their develop-
ment of the industry and their promotion of experiments in the first four
decades of this century, perservered in the advancement of aeronautics in
spite of public lethargy and even, at times, public scorn and ridicule.
I Copies may he secured from the Civil Aeronautics Admini'lration, Department of Commerce.
Washington, D. C.


During this period of apathy on the part of the American schools, the
youth of America, with characteristic alertness for pioneering, applied them-
selves to making airplanes, to having airplane contests, to learning how
airplanes fly, and to acquiring a comprehensive knowledge of world aviation.
The self-learning pursued by youth and stimulated by aviation periodicals,
newspapers, and aeronautical science bodies of various kinds, has been found
of great value in our national struggle.
The question today is, "How can the United States continue to maintain
its aviation status among nations without resorting to government decrees
on air conditioning ?" Let's bear in mind that skill in air conditioning does not
reside in a few curriculum experts, but may be the acquisition of many and
perhaps all teachers. Its foundation is knowledge about areas of learning
into which all too few teachers have delved. Too much past teaching has
been confined to textbooks of narrow restrictions. The teacher can be assured
the textbook of yesterday is obsolete unless written by a far-sighted author.
If its subjectmatter is not related to the air age, it should be speedily
supplanted with a modern text. Such texts are being issued daily and are
to be found in the lists of most reputable publishing houses. If the school
curriculum material is not attuned to the air age, teachers' committees should
begin at once to modernize the material. The U. S. Office of Education and
the Civil Aeronautics Administration of Washington, D. C., are prepared
to provide materials or directions for most of the pertinent questions that
can be raised. The Bibliography of Aviation Education JMaterials, published
by the Macmillan Company, New York City, will lead teachers directly to
the answers to many questions.
Commercial aviation magazines provide some fascinating literature for
presentday youth. They find here much of interest to associate with their
sciences, their mathematics, their social studies, or their industrial or fine
arts. In fact teachers, looking for topics of interest for almost any branch of
the curriculum, will find more than they may wish to use in this periodical
literature. The importance of aeronautics in our industrial world is well
illustrated by a 400-page monthly magazine dealing with the area. What
other activity can support a 400-page monthly, in addition to scores of other
magazines? A publication on aviation, designed for school use, has already
found its market and is merely a forerunner of similar educational aids to
The teacher will find it advantageous to a class to comb the newspapers
for a week or two for aviation topics related to the pupils' interests. Let us
see what they would have found during the past ten days. These, among
many others, include: "Clipper Pilot Flies Atlantic for 100th Time,"
" 'Light-Up' Map Keeps Pilots on Course in Dark," "Each Airplane, Like
a Mule, Has a Temperament of Its Own," "Rickenbacker Says Air Power
May Win in '44," "Flyers Use Spherical Slate To Find Position," "Mac-
Arthur Says Air Technic Ends Island-to-Island Strategy," "President
Roosevelt Flies to Africa," "New York Closer to Moscow by Plane than
to Our Neighbor, Buenos Aires," "Now Guadalcanal Is a Springboard."
What a wealth of topics for learning in any area! Among them, "Our


President Flies." Precedent is broken, but he does not fly from Washington
to LaGuardia Field, but from Washington to South America and over the
Atlantic to Casablanca. When a president makes such a trip, the need for
air conditioning cannot be denied.
During the war, much of the advertising by aviation companies in popular
magazines has been of an institutional character rather than for specific
purposes. Schools may glean' from these advertisements, which include some
of the most fascinating ever written, what the future holds in store. They
are not fantastic dreams but represent imminent possibilities about future
airplane sizes, cargo tonnages, speed of travel, annihilation of distance, con-
quest of geographic barriers, overcoming disease and famine, advancement of
communication, experimentation with new construction materials, and
settlement of hitherto inaccessible areas. Peacetime employment of thousands
of young men and women, whose war associations with the airplane have
opened up new world vistas, may be expected to help make realities of what
the advertisements picture so vividly. As future schoolboard members, these
youth will give further impetus and support to the air-conditioned program.
This present era represents an alluring period in which to be engaged in
curriculum development. In reality, recognizing the air as one of the trio of
air-land-water places three curriculum possibilities where two existed before.
Every teacher can participate and, of course, thousands have already led the
In the primary grades, birds and seeds and plants may be used to focus the
child's attention on problems of the air. In the intermediate grades, a vast
source of enrichment materials will be found in aviation. Airport visitation,
globe construction, and airplane models furnish common interests for dis-
cussion or action. The "great circle" measurement of global distances, the
centrality of Alaska in world areas, and cargo transportation from South
America are points around which worthwhile learning may develop.
In the junior high school, the biography of air heroes will be a most inter-
esting field. Great events in the history of aviation will provide a fertile field
for library assignments and special reports, and early attempts at flying
written into poem and story will make a most interesting part of literature.
There are many problems growing out of aviation which involve the
principles of mathematics customarily taught in the junior high-school years.
Emphasis should be placed upon understanding, skill, and accuracy in com-
putations. Drawing examples from aeronautics -will add to motivation.
Problems involving distances, lengths, fractions, averages, and percentages,
and finding unit costs of travel, operation, and maintenance can readily be
constructed from facts of aviation. Vital also are problems dealing with areas
and volumes. Graphs and the use of the metric system are important. As two
superintendents of schools, describing junior high-school possibilities, wrote
recently in a joint paper: 2
Aviation will do much to remove the last vestige of national isolationism. The
social studies in the junior high school must take this fact into strict account. Inter-
2 Ernest R. Britton, superintendent of schools, Effingham, Ill., and Ray C. Hawley. superintendent
of schools, Marseilles, Ill. A Guide for Enriching the School Curriculum with Aviation Education.


national relations will depend upon an acquaintance of peoples and exchange of
goods based upon daily contacts between all nations by air commerce. Emphasis
should be placed upon the natural,social,economic, and political influences whichaffect
the several nations in common. In addition it will be necessary for youth to learn
of the differing life habits, ideals, work, production, and governments of the peoples
in all nations in order to bring about a basis for international understanding. The
airplane will aid our "good neighbor" policy. Junior high school young people
should be led to see the effect of the airplane upon the balance of military power
among nations. The influence of air travel and commerce upon community life will
be one of the great factors in post-war community planning. It should, by all means,
find a place in the junior high school social studies program. The airplane has
changed our ocean basin concept of geography to one which is pole centered. This
in turn affects our ideas of distance, location, environmental influences, effects of
weather, and hemispheric concepts.
The idea of living in the air instead of on the earth puts a new emphasis upon
science teaching in the junior high school. In the earlier grades the primary func-
tion of science was to enable the child to make agreeable adjustments to his environ-
ment. In the junior high school he explores the possibilities of making his environ-
ment serve him. Thus the air becomes a medium of travel as well as something to
"breathe deeply" for health's sake. The student becomes interested in its structure
and behavior and finds that birds and seeds foreshadowed man in making use of
air for flight. He is interested in appliances and means by which air can be made
to conform to his purposes. Elementary experiments in energy, matter and motion,
mechanics, weather, carburetion, and even simple applications of theories of flight
become appropriate in the junior high schools science classes. In the field of life
sciences, including health, the effects of flight upon the human body should be
taught in an elementary degree, including effects of changes of speed, temperature,
air pressure, and oxygen. The effect of the airplane upon disease control is im-
The junior high school age is the "club age." Enterprising teachers will take ad-
vantage of this characteristic of youth to form kite clubs, airplane model clubs,
nature clubs, etc. The Boy Scouts of America is doing much to promote airminded-
ness and a new branch of Air Scouting is being organized. Art clubs and classes
may feature posters embodying air-age motifs. The industrial arts classes should
study materials of airplane structure and carry it over into model building.

Every enterprising high-school teacher will enrich his subjectmatter with
the wealth of material from aeronautics. Take English as an example. A new
esthetics seems to pervade the literature of aviation. Saint-Exempury's
words carried appreciations far beyond earthly levels, and John Magee's
High Flight is a literary gem that only a youthful aviator could produce.
Kipling's prophecy written under the title WFith the Night Mal might be
alluring to every high-school youth. Here is an excerpt picked more or less
at random:

We held a good lift to clear the coastwise and Continental shipping; and we
had need of it. Though our route is in no sense a populated one, there is a steady
trickle of traffic this way along. We met Hudson Bay furriers out of the Great
Preserve, hurrying to make their departure from Bonavista with sable and black
fox for the insatiable markets. We overcrossed Keewatin liners, small and cramped;
but their captains, who see no land between Trepassy and Blanco, know what gold
they bring back from West Africa. Trans-Asiatic Directs we met, soberly ringing
the world round the Fiftieth Meridian at an honest seventy knots; and white-

SKipling, Rudyard. Actions and Reactions. New York: Doubleday, Page and Co., 1909. p. 150-51.


painted Ackroyd & Hunt fruiters out of the south fled beneath Ius, their ventilated
hulls whistling like Chinese kites. Their market is in the North among the northern
sanatoria where you can smell their grape-fruit and bananas across the cold snows.
Argentine beef boats we sighted, too, of enormous capacity and unlovely outline.
They too feed the northern health stations in icebound ports.
Yellow-bellied ore-flats and Ungava petrol-tanks punted down leisurely out of
the north, like strings of unfrightened wild duck. It does not pay to "fly" minerals
and oil a mile farther than is necessary; these heavy freighters fly down to Halifax
direct, and scent the air as they go. They are the biggest tramps aloft except the
Athahasca grain-tubs. But these last, now that the wheat is moved, are busy, over
the world's shoulder, timber-lifting in Siberia.
We held to the St. Lawrence (it is astonishing how the old water-ways still pull
us children of the air).

In 1909 Kipling envisaged these possibilities for the year 2000 A. D., or
fifty-seven years hence. The boys and girls in our schools will make them
realities long before those years have elapsed. The teaching in American
classrooms must expedite the process.
High-school classes will help in setting up their own air-age curriculum.
Any class in English might produce its own anthology on aviation; a class
in the social studies, its series of problems; or a class in drawing, the art
illustrations that are multiplied by aviation; and, in similar manner, thru
all other subjectmatter fields.
Beginning immediately, high-school students should be assisted in studying
the future problems associated with the "mistress of the air." Should the air
be free? What commercial, political, and military problems arise? Let the
students pit "globaloney" against "globaltruism." Encourage them to ground
themselves thoroly in the understanding of America's function in spreading
the Four Freedoms to all the earth and the part airpower and air suprem-
acy will play.
The fact is our school curriculum has been so greatly enriched by aero-
nautic developments that every teacher can find countless ways to make
adjustments. The new age in which the problems of air-water-and-land have
been inextricably merged is with us to stay. It is not asked that you condition
the curriculum less with problems of land and sea but that you air-condition
In the process, child and teacher may not see eve to eve. This is best
illustrated by the drawing sent me last spring by an alert art teacher from
Illinois. She pictured a kindergarten with its groups of pupils. Apart from
the other children two boys near the fireplace were discussing a model air-
plane which one of them was holding in his hands. Said Billy, "You know,
Bobbie, we must determine the center of gravity of this plane today."
"Yes," said Bobby, "we better do it, tho, in the recess period, because the old
lady wants us to string beads this hour." The art teacher had a real sense of
values as well as humor. Air-conditioning the curriculum means for you and
your teachers a revaluation of curriculum content and the selection of
materials made vital by man's conquest of the air.




The development of the airplane ranks with the invention of the wheel,
the steam engine, and the use of electric energy. Coming at a time when
transportation is so vital to social progress, the airplane will have a historic
impact on civilization.
The use of aircraft in war is a tragic interlude in the humanizing possi-
bilities of flight. However, the decisive importance of aviation in battle and
military logistics gives the layman an idea of what may be expected of flight
when applied to peacetime pursuits.
The swiftness with which we now tie together the continents and far
islands of the seas hints of an indivisible destiny for humankind. "Am I my
brother's keeper?" is no longer a moral interrogation but an economic
For the first time in history we have the tools with which to create a
practical human brotherhood. Thru the medium of the air no place on earth
is far from any other place. The abolition of geographic isolation presages
the abolition of social isolation. Human misery will not be tolerated in its
historic forms when laid intimately on the conscience of the civilized peoples.
Only behind the mystery of distance and the veil of time can degradation
survive. This mystery and veil the aircraft will tear away with insistent cov-
erage of every area of the globe.
To meet the opportunities and demands of a world so affected, we must
set in motion the imagination of the American campus. Vocations and
avocations, professions, and careers of coming generations will mold with
the currents of events. The free nations have very nearly lost their existence
because of failure to evaluate the agency of aviation. It will be possible to
lose more than a war unless preparation is now made to inherit the social,
political, and economic frontiers of the imminent decades.
Hitherto inaccessible areas will become habitable. Buried wealth will be
made available. Vast areas of the backward continents will soon be seen to
have by-passed the railroad age. Men will become more and more citizens
of the world. No person will be considered educated who is not at least
bilingual. There will be such a creeping and crawling of humanity about
the globe as was never before possible. Knowledge of man for man will be
more than the satisfaction of an intellectual curiosity.
Because of the certain mingling-of the races, tomorrow many of our pre-
conceived ideas will be changed. The philosophy of government, the ob-
jectives of religion, the manners and customs of the masses will shift and
change. There will be dangers as well as advantages. Disease will no longer
be localized. A proper conception of culture will have to prove itself against
an improper conception. The weak must be protected against the aggressor
who can now strike more swiftly and effectively than ever. Human character
will weigh largely in the balance of tomorrow.


I do not plead for the study of aviation in the schools because I want to
train pilots or mechanics or traffic men. I do plead for the utmost considera-
tion of this subject because thru it we can reverse the unsocial conditions
which have bred wars and miseries.
I would bring aviation to the campus because aviation is a new tool of
great potential. To hew the future of our nation we must have this tool. I
would not replace the culture of the campus with mere vocational pursuit
but rather would provide culture with a vehicle of expression. Human
brotherhood can be developed by the medium of flight just as easily as de-
struction can be wrought. I am not so eager to teach men how to fly as to
teach them why to fly. Preflight courses are not "pre" to military induction
but "pre" to the high art of living intelligently in a modern age.


This is particularly a time for competent and effective leadership in
education. Every person engaged in the work of education is asking himself
the question, What can I do to help most in the solutions of the great
problems before us? These problems are the winning of the war and
preparation for the reorganization of the world to insure just and lasting
In the United States education has developed rather rapidly if we are
to consider some of its aspects. On the other hand, it seems to have devel-
oped rather slowly when we consider the fact that it is the one plan
which thru the years consistently has been proposed for the amelioration
of our social ills and the development of a world in which the affairs of
men and of nations may be directed by reason, rather than by blind force
instigated thru fear, suspicion, and avarice.
Our social ideals have looked all right on paper and in tracts, which
have so often found the wastebasket, but from a practical standpoint they
have often been a bit hazy and by no means as definite as have been our
formulas for the mastery of the economic factors involved in the develop-
ment and the acquisition of wealth. The desire for power and the acquisi-
tion of wealth are individualistic. They are largely dominated by the
ambitionss of the individual, while society as a whole develops much more
slowly because in what we have chosen to call "normal times" so few
people can spare the time from their individual pursuits or have the
inclination to think of the problems of society as a unit. We never have
approved, except in times of great stress, the thesis that the welfare of
society depends upon taking thought and working for satisfactory solutions
to social problems. We have had numerous remedies from time to time
proposed for the amelioration of our social ills. We have made progress
but the progress has been slow. The discussion of the plans proposed has
been a sort of parlor and academic exercise soon forgotten in our dreams
of economic progress for tomorrow. W e have not been willing even to


liberate the intelligence of the students in our classrooms for a discussion
of the real problems of civilization.
The kind of world we talk about and idealize can be reached only thru
education. We have the best system of universal education in the world.
Still the results at times have been disappointing. Many of the claims we
have made for education have not been substantiated. Many of our hopes
have not been realized. Education reaches, or can be made to reach, all
the people of the world. It can, in time, eliminate the domination of the
tribal gods. It should eliminate fear thru the development of confidence in
the ability of the human race to direct its affairs thru reason for the security
and welfare of all its people.
"What you wish to see appear in the life of a nation must first be
introduced into the schools," said Von Humboldt, and there probably has
been no more pertinent thought expressed with reference to education.
It also brings to our attention the thought that those things which are
taught in the schools will inevitably appear in the life of a nation and,
to a very large extent, will determine the direction in which that nation
will move. This statement applies to weaknesses as well as to strengths
in our educational plan. What we fail to teach or what we teach ineffec-
tively may leave us too weak to carry on a system of constructive self-
Why is it that so many civilizations have developed on the face of the
earth, flourished for a time, and then have gone into decay? Why is it that
many civilizations have perished from the earth leaving but a vestige of
authentic material to attest to their existence? Why is it that many civili-
zations are recorded in our chronicles only thru the stories of the debacles
which just preceded their removal from active participation as factors in
the world's history? What has happened to those people? Must such a
history of civilization continue? Must ours be no exception to the common
fate of nations? What are the factors that have enabled some nations to
maintain their integrity for centuries while others have declined after a few
generations of leadership and prominence?
The history of these cases leads us to ponder and take stock of our
intellectual and physical equipment to see whether there may be certain
fundamentals which have been neglected, whether there are certain ele-
ments which we have failed to appreciate and which we can put into our
system of training and education to insure for us and for mankind a fate
slightly better than the fates of those who have preceded us.
It is always a disagreeable experience to find that one is beginning to
doubt. We are quite prone to revel in the belief that we are strong in
our opinions and thoroly fortified in unassailable positions based on logical
deductions. To be in doubt is to he quite uncomfortable and ill at ease.
As soon as we begin to doubt or question the things we do, we become
so involved in our destructive philosophy that we are likely to give up
in despair and say, "Why worry?" Yet the great advances in human
betterment have come because someone raised a question and dared to
work and hope for an answer.


Things are not dull today in the field of education. There is much
to be done in each day. As in other activities, however, it is most
essential that we keep our objectives definitely before us, or when we
win the war we shall find that we have lost much that we are fighting for.
The great business of this country now is to win the war and build
a foundation for the lasting peace that should follow it, and our schools
have much to do in the program. Coordinating wartime activities in the
schools means coordinating all the work of our schools to promote most
effectively the war effort, to develop in our pupils an intelligent under-
standing of the issues and conditions confronting us, to develop confidence
in our pupils that we can meet the tests which the war imposes upon
us and meet them successfully, to give pupils practice and training for
mental and physical fitness and balance so essential in trying times, to
organize pupils for essential civilian services and lead them in their
cooperative efforts, to educate and train pupils to do what is to be done
now and what they will be called upon to do in the years that follow.
This war is a worldwide revolt against some of the elements of the
civilization which we have been developing for years. This revolt would
not have been possible if our civilization had been as strong as we have
taught in our classrooms that it was. This war is not the disintegration
but the result of the disintegration of a civilization which has been
growing progressively worse while we have been teaching that it was
becoming better with every year. Education, in terms of specific accom-
plishments, has improved much over the last century, but it will have
to improve much more in the years that follow this war if the disinte-
gration of civilization which preceded the war is not to continue after
it. The disciplines which civilization imposes upon us must be renewed,
revaluated, and greatly strengthened if the ideals of peace which we have
taught in our schools are to be even partially attained. WJe have taught
the promises of civilization without teaching the means to make the prom-
ises come true. It is not too late to begin a basic teaching of the elements
of civilization which will assure its continuity, but tomorrow will be too
late. What is our job in such a situation ? The disciplines of wartime
education must he built upon and strengthened for each year that follows.
Education can be much improved thru what we are learning from the
present demands of wartime activities.
In the past years we have had many social problems that we did not
solve satisfactorily. There was enormous waste of materials, of man-
power-spiritual, intellectual, and physical. Our love of luxury and the
ease with which luxury was attained deadened our best thinking on the
purposes and futures of the human race. Like the barons of old, we
thought we could build a fence around a portion of the world and
segregate its use to our immediate and selfish purposes. The world belongs
to those who will use it most advantageously. The war, of course, did
not start with any specific event. It started in the many points of weak-
ness in the social structures of the world, many of them in our own
country. We are fighting now for another opportunity to solve our


problems which have become worldwide in scope. What will we do with
these problems when we have won the physical battles of the war?
Education in any country always will be a part of what is going on
in that country. It will be affected by what is going on in the world,
whether the world is at peace or at war. But education, if its purpose
be attained, must also affect what is going on in its country and in
its world. In this country it has been quite apparent that social con-
ditions-local, national, and international-affect our schools. To what
extent is the converse of the statement true? How and to what extent
do our schools affect social and governmental conditions? I have no fear
that our schools will not meet successfully and creditably the problems
imposed by the immediate stress of the war, but I respectfully suggest
that it will take far greater leadership and courage among educators
to meet the conditions which follow the war and to help solve the
problems which the war has taught us must be solved if life on the
earth is to continue even as a possibility. For the present, our educational
program must be geared to the war effort but in so doing we can learn
much that will be of value to the program which must follow.
Just what are the things that the schools can and should do in this
critical emergency to improve the quality and quantity of the war effort?
There have been many suggestions and there will be many more from
many sources as to what schools should do. The school system of the
United States is an almost perfect line organization. In a few hours
we can plan for almost any service that needs to be given. We can
organize for rationing, collection of essential materials, civilian defense,
selling of war bonds and stamps, salvaging of waste, dissemination of
essential information, furnishing a wide range of community services,
preinduction training, and the use and conservation of manpower. How
shall we work to keep a proper balance in education, anticipate real
needs, and adjust our procedures to produce the best responses to the
varying pressures that are being brought to bear and will be brought
to bear upon us? We must evaluate critically and relatively the tasks
before us and have the ability and the courage to do what our thoughtful
conclusions dictate should be done. Our schools must in reality be the
great source of strength we have claimed for them.
The most difficult readjustment in life to make is readjustment in
thinking. The older we are, the more difficult it is but the time element
for such readjustment varies much with individuals. From where do
we start to revalue our postulates, our premises? Many of our old ones
may be correct but pigeonholed because of the pressures of the moment.
It is time to restudy them.
Coordinating war activities in our schools means that our work must
be so conducted that things of most importance will come first. In the
conduct of this war, many special and emergency services will need to
be performed in our schools by pupils and teachers. Such work must
not be minimized, but in the performance of the regular teaching work
there is for every teacher an opportunity to make a far greater contri-


bution toward victory and peace than in any other way. Our pupils
must have something genuine to believe in. They must understand and
be trained to face each day with confidence and assurance in the future.
They must be trained for competence.
The biggest problem in the coordination of war activities in our schools
is not that of doing all the things that are brought to our doors to do
but that of determining ,what things are of most value and should be
done first. Never before has the destiny of the human race been so
much in doubt. Never before has there been so much to work for. The
freedoms we have extolled must be earned each day. We shall get no
more than we earn and unless we work hard enough and intelligently
enough, the progress we have made will be but a few pages in history.


One of the circumstances for which superintendents have been giving
thanks since December 7 and before has been the existence of a fairly
well-organized program of vocational education in most of the states of
the nation. Today there is no administrator who does not spend a major
share of his time and effort in gearing his school system to the war effort,
a large part of which is in terms of preparing boys and girls and men
and women for active participation as workers, either in plants or on
farms or in the armed forces. War manpower needs take precedence over
all other needs.
The manpower needs and the schools' responsibility for meeting them
is the theme of the 1943 Yearbook of the American Association of School
Administrators. Every administrator who is seriously interested should, by
reaches him, have read the yearbook. What is here written assumes the
background which is therein presented.
The occupation in which a large majority of American male youth will
most certainly be engaged in the years immediately ahead is some form
of armed service. Every able-bodied boy of eighteen years of age will be
inducted into the armed forces within a few months after reaching his
eighteenth birthday. Public-school educators dare not any longer, if indeed
any still do, teach and administer classes and schools as if this overwhelming
fact were not true.
Let us examine this occupation of soldiering. The most significant
characteristic of the occupation is fighting-a man must kill or be killed.
Two elements enter into the ability to fight. One is physical fitness, the
other is intellectual literacy. A school system that attempts to give the
preliminary preparation to youth for the job of soldiering inevitably must
lay great stress upon physical education, not alone in the months imme-
diately preceding induction, but in all his schooling prior to induction.


Similarly it is an occupational requirement that youth shall be equipped
not only to read and write at a standard roughly approximating a fifth-
grade education but that they shall be taught to do it with the maximum
intelligence and understanding which each can achieve. This means that
some of the occupational adjustment will reach back as far as the upper
grades of the elementary schools and will become increasingly objective
as the youth approaches his final years of schooling.
A second significant characteristic of service in the armed forces is
that fighting is not the sole occupation. A modern army is made up of
many workers. General Somervell estimates that of every hundred in-
ducted men, sixty-three will engage in occupations or jobs which have
their counterpart in civilian life. There are cooks, chauffeurs, photographers,
barbers, stenographers, plumbers, radio-technicians, map-makers, policemen,
airplane mechanics, meteorologists, carpenters, electricians, and scores of
other vocations, all of which are essential to the smooth and effective func-
tioning of a unit, whether it be on land or sea or in the air. Admin-
istrators should be at the job of ascertaining the nature and size of such
demands, and to the extent that shops and other facilities can be utilized
the schools should be preparing youth for such service.
It is, of course, true that out of many thousand male youth reaching
eighteen at a given time a certain number will be placed in the 4-F
category. For most of these there is a double problem-one the purely
occupational and the other the emotional problem. If the disability be
functional in terms of sight or hearing or heart or any one of a number
of possibilities, there is the problem of finding some job in the war
effort which can be handled despite the disability and of providing train-
ing for effective achievement at that job. Much is already being done
in a number of communities, and imagination and daring will uncover
many more. The same is true for those who are crippled or malnourished
or otherwise handicapped by accident or disease. No one, literally, who
wants to share in the war effort thru the work of his hands or his mind
need be denied the opportunity.
A poignant demand grows out of what has just been said in terms
of the injured soldiers and sailors who even at this writing are being
returned to our shores in increasing numbers. That the problem will
become tragically larger in scope and numbers involved is inescapable.
Every community will have its maimed sons who somehow or other must
be reabsorbed into its work life. Largely we shall be told what to do
and how to do it by agencies of the state and federal governments. Let
every administrator be alert.to the possibilities latent in his own city and
whatever there be to do let it be done with a will. No matter how
well the situation may be met, the debt owed to those youth who gave
all but life itself will never be paid.
Thus far the discussion has centered on occupational adjustment of the
potential soldier or sailor. Back of the men in the services there are scores
of civilian workers-one dependable estimate says sixteen civilians for
every man in uniform. These workers grow and harvest and process the


food that feeds our forces and those of our allies. They make the planes,
ships, guns, tanks, and ammunition, which modern war requires. They
keep the trains and buses rolling; they serve in the banks, restaurants,
and stores. They are the people at home who support and supply those
who are scattered round the earth. The important thing to note is that
they support and supply mainly thru the work they do. If they work well
and efficiently, the flow of goods and equipment is smooth and effective.
If they are inept or lazy, just to that extent is the flow broken and
ineffective. Therefore, nothing is quite so important as that all workers
shall be as well educated for the jobs at which they will be employed
as wisdom and ingenuity can devise.
The record of public schools in this matter is extraordinary, as every
administrator knows. Nevertheless, "the one outstanding fact of the man-
power situation today is that after two and one-half years of federally
financed and locally executed training programs, there is today an acute
shortage of potential workers in training." The chairman of the War
iManpower Commission says that 320,000 to 500,000 persons should be
in training now, while enrolment is only 160,000.' The schools, just as
every other institution in American life, must exceed even that which the
best have done. There is no alternative!
Certain implications grow out of all that has preceded this paragraph.
To a degree unimagined even a few months ago, the programs described
apply to women as well as men. Women are enlisting in recognized
governmental organizations. There is reasonable possibility that women
will be subject to a selective service program to all intents and purposes
the same as that now existing for men. Their duties may conceivably
include everything now done by men except actual combat. They are
ferrying planes, they are serving as aides and chauffeurs to army and
navy officers; in countless ways they are freeing men for frontline duties.
Even more striking are the facts concerning industry. In airplane fac-
tories, in ordnance plants, in shipyards, wherever war work is going on
women are quietly and effectively changing the complexion of the working
force. In some plants they already exceed male employees on the payroll.
This is one of the most interesting sociological changes now taking place
in this country. From the viewpoint of occupational adjustment neither
of the above developments imposes difficulties because of the infiltration
of women workers. What we already know about teaching occupations
needs to be modified but little, if at all, because women are being taught
instead of men.
Tihe second implication concerns adult education. It seems clear that
much of the work not strictly military in its nature will be done increas-
ingly by mature and older men and women. Young men in large measure
will be actively engaged in war, and young in the draft age includes the
middle thirties. As the war progresses it may be expected that deferred
1 li'arlime I'ocational Training. Conference Committee of Ihe American A,'sociation nf Schnol Ad-
ministrators andi the Committec on Education of the Chamber of Commerce of the United Slates.
Washington, ). ('. I'a 4 .
Sec also: .ll-out Drfrnma Job Training. Occupational education tour for schooll superintendents, 1941.


classifications will shrink in all categories. The inescapable conclusion is
a greatly increased program of adult vocational education, including men
and women in the forties, fifties, and if the war lasts long enough, the
sixties. That an extension downward at the other end into the fifteen-,
sixteen-, and seventeen-year-old brackets will occur is unlikely and should
not be resorted to until the full adult man and woman power has been
harnessed to the war effort.
It should be emphasized that all that we now know from experience
and reflection concerning occupational adjustment needs to be focused
upon the immediate problems. It is clear that such accomplishment as
has been suggested in this paper must rest on a program of vocational
guidance which has been wisely conceived, skilfully taught and adminis-
tered, and carefully and fearlessly evaluated.
It is equally clear that the actual teaching of occupations, which have
been chosen thru adequate vocational guidance, requires capable and well-
trained instructors who not only know their crafts but also know how to
teach effectively, and that such teachers must have facilities and equipment
reasonably adequate to the tasks they face.
At this writing the problem of placement and induction does not loom
so large as in other times, due to the almost insatiable demands of
employers. Nevertheless, administrators must never lose sight of the ne-
cessity of considering occupational adjustment as incomplete until place-
ment satisfactory both to employer and employee has occurred.
There may be superintendents who, longing for the quiet, cloistered days
of an almost forgotten era, envision drastic reductions in such programs
when peace shall come once more. To such it must be said that never
again will the public schools consider the vocational objective to he
unworthy of recognition and support in a complete program of education.
We have learned thru bitter experience just short of major defeat how
dependent a nation is upon trained minds and hands. Our miracles of
production are in part the result of clearly conceived and brilliantly exe-
cuted programs of vocational education. Our schools have proven them-
selves to be bulwarks of democracy without which we could not have
built planes or tanks or ships. Our schools will feed our workers and
our soldiers thru those who are trained in agricultural skills and knowl-
edge. At a thousand critical points they contribute to a vocational effec-
tiveness absolutely essential to the winning of the war.
Let no one then underestimate the scope and the significance of the
educational revolution which is taking place before our eyes. Careful plan-
ning and thinking are now being devoted to the development of wise and
comprehensive programs of occupational adjustment for youth and adults.
Inefficient practices are being eliminated, new and better methods and
curriculums are. constantly being devised. It is unthinkable that we shall
not .build upon what we are learning to the end that never again shall
any person be unprepared to carry his economic weight. In truth, that
which was rejected has now become the cornerstone.


Just as the impact of the war is being felt in every walk and corner
of American life so is its seriousness reflected in every area of education
today. "Education as usual" was an idea discarded as readily as "business
as usual" in the days immediately following Pearl Harbor. Even before
the actual declaration of war, curriculum changes had been introduced,
particularly into the secondary schools of the nation, to provide for addi-
tional emphasis on vocational education which had assumed greater prom-
inence with the initiation of Lend-Lease. With the advent of genuine
hostilities, however, the necessity for adaptations in all fields early became
apparent, and in use in schoolrooms thruout the country today are to be
noted curriculums definitely based on wartime needs or in process of being
fitted to those needs.
While the adaptations are not felt so keenly on the elementary level,
certain emphases have everywhere become evident. These are exemplified
in programs which stress the promotion of health, the provision of oppor-
tunities for community service, new interest in geography, and additional
attention to the ideals of freedom and equality for which we are fighting.
These areas are stressed, but at the same time attention is directed most
forcefully to the laying of foundational skills and habits and to the main-
tenance of a feeling of security, calmness, and well-being. On the secondary-
school level the big changes have come thru introduction of new courses
and complete revision of old ones. Preinduction courses in radio, machines,
automotive mechanics; additional courses in mathematics and science; new
emphasis on physical fitness, on conservation, and on experiences leading
to occupational competence now characterize the high-school program.
In keeping up with these new and varied wartime demands the school
administrator faces, further, an additional problem, for he is at once
confronted with the limitations of his staff to assist in the making, inaugu-
rating, and carrying out of the required changes. Teachers of the pre-war
era, to do an effective wartime job in education, must be sensitized to
wartime needs and their teaching adapted to wartime demands. Conversion
of many teachers must be directed from fields of declining interest during
this emergency period to fields in which the felt pressure of critical days
is resulting in increased enrolments and, consequently, the need for addi-
tional teaching personnel.
Likewise the school administrator is faced with the steadily mounting
problem of teacher turnover. Lucrative offers of work in war industries
are proving too tempting to be rejected in many instances, and war plants
now number many erstwhile teachers among their employees. An addi-
tional number from every school system are to be found in active service
with the armed forces. Teaching staffs are indeed less stable than at any
time within the memory of today's school administrators. An appalling


number of vacancies have occurred, many of which it has not been possible
to fill. At the same time many who have been elected to teaching posts
are individuals recalled to service after long absences. Reeducation of these
teachers is vitally important to assure some measure of success for the
schools' wartime program. Not to be overlooked, too, is the changing
emotional character of the continuing staff. The trials of war leave their
mark upon many and teachers are no farther removed from casualty lists
than are other citizens.
Clearly a program of in-service education, and a strong one, is imper-
ative-more imperative perhaps than ever before-to overcome the limita-
tions and the obstacles. New points of view must be instilled, old patterns
made more meaningful; new capabilities must be found and put into action,
old calmness and assurance strengthened; new vitality must be imparted,
old courage and determination brought to the fore. In-service education
reaches prime importance in the administrative program today in order
to maintain a well-qualified, capable, and professional staff.
But how is this to be accomplished ? First, let us define our term.
In-service education today is justly interpreted broadly to include all
technics, devices, and activities of school life and daily community living
which will stimulate thinking of teachers and create an awareness among
them to the crucial issues with which they are confronted-those technics
and devices which will assure determination among teachers to take positive
action in solving the problems that they meet daily.
Those who have effected democratic, administrative organizations believe,
and logically, that following the democratic pattern, in peace or in war,
is the most effective way to meet in-service training needs. Participation
in the administration continues to be a certain means of assuring the
acquaintance of the personnel with the changing program and the changing
requirements of the times. Participation of itself means awareness and
only thru individual awareness to current conditions, needs, and demands
can classroom programs be made successful in meeting these situations.
Following democratic practices is indeed the most effective in-service train-
ing technic that school administrators can put and continue in operation.
Cooperative planning for determining curriculum and administrative
adaptations, their introduction and evaluation, will assure maximum effec-
tiveness in meeting needs. The participation of many minds brings about
the inclusion of all aspects of a problem, and the different points of view
represented assure adequate coverage. Likewise does cooperative endeavor
provide its own essential interpretation so that those concerned with the
program are at once capable of putting it into operation because of a
knowledge of its purpose and objectives. Determination of necessary
adaptations thru the participation of those whose responsibility it will be
to follow out the recommendations assures the essential nature and the
effectiveness of the proposals, both in their initiation and in their follow-thru.
The committee technic for curriculum revision likewise serves not only
to bring about the necessary course-of-study changes but provides as well
effective educational experience for the participating teachers. Determina-



tion of adaptations of other educational procedures thru group conferences
also affords professional stimulation and keener awareness on the part of
the group membership.
Advisory boards on grade and subjectmatter levels serve the dual
purpose of determining policy for the activity of the group and chal-
lenging the thinking o'f both the board itself and those to whom the
board's recommendations are presented. A council of teachers conversant
with the actual problems' confronting their associates in similar situations
may well stimulate the thinking of an entire group, in working out
solutions to the problems, to a far greater extent than do recommendations
imported from sources differing in some measure from those in which these
particular teachers are working.
In these critical days, which are beset with difficulties of transportation
and heavier than usual schedules, economy of time is of prime importance.
Even so the professional advantages to be gained from stimulating faculty
meetings outweigh the restrictions imposed by the war. School systems
which have been in the habit of conducting for their staffs at regular
intervals professional meetings, institutes, lectures, and the like, in centrally
located places, should consider overcoming the difficulties of transportation
and crowded schedules thru wider use of the radio. By means of the technic
of "Faculty Meetings of the Air" school staffs, assembled in the individual
buildings of a school system or of an entire area when such can be
arranged, listen in to specially prepared broadcasts by members of the
administrative and teaching staffs, guest speakers, pupils, parents, or any
combination thru which important presentations may be made to the entire
staff. Following the broadcast, which may well run for a half-hour period,
the individual faculties continue the discussion in its relation to their own
interests and needs. This technic is perhaps even more thought-provoking
than the general faculty meeting at which the meeting is adjourned fol-
lowing the conclusion of the platform presentation. Gathered in their
respective schools, groups of teachers are more willing to discuss the issues
raised in a radio program in the light of the implications for that par-
ticular building unit. In informal manner are minds stimulated to develop
plans and evolve solutions. Teachers feel more freedom and are more
ready to express themselves in the friendly atmosphere of familiar environ-
ment, and such expression is a stimulant to further thinking, leading to
individual development as well as effective group action.
Technics that present new challenges to teachers are also effective
in-service educational experiences. In this category may be listed the simple
change of scene provided by assignment to a different building. In many
school systems, particularly those in cities paying the more attractive salaries,
local tenure and building tenure are synonymous-or practically so. Even
the superior, ultraprogressive teacher is apt to permit a letdown of exertion
creep into classroom performance after a number of years at the same
post. Having run thru a wide variety of individual differences, new
pupils may with little difficulty be likened to former ones and the necessity
for providing ever new and fresh experiences may seem to become less


and less urgent. A new building, a different group of associates, a parent
body representing a strange variety of interests, to say nothing of unfa-
miliar faces and unanticipated mannerisms, will generally provide a chal-
lenge that will result in improved teaching and, actually, professional
advancement. This technic, simple in operation, is welcomed, once it has
been tried, by teachers and administrators alike. The occasional unsatis-
factory new assignment may be adjusted by reassignment or return to
former position. Even when this latter alternative must be adopted, how-
ever, stimulation and challenge are usually imparted to the teacher by the
very fact of the consideration and the necessity for the change.
Sponsorship by a school system of lectures, series of lectures, forums,
panel discussions, and other such meetings, serves likewise to stimulate
the thinking of the staff. Topics for these lectures and discussions may
be educational, inspirational, or of other current interest. The mere fact
of their presentation and of teacher attendance at them is thought-provoking.
Supervision has long been carried on as a means of in-service education
of teachers. Visits of supervisors to classrooms generally serve to spur effort
and create better teaching situations. Supervisory practice which is, how-
ever, largely in the nature of a rating of a teacher or of classroom
performance is not nearly so effective in bringing about continued improve-
ment as is that supervision which may best be described as a "working
together" or a "joint planning experience" between teacher and super-
visor. The supervisor who observes a classroom teacher to note needs and
then takes up with the teacher the next steps and the ultimate satisfaction
of those needs-that supervisor is providing actual in-service training for
the teachers observed.
Likewise can a supervisor place at the disposal of the teacher a wealth
of material and information concerning the sources of helpful literature
or other implementation on any particular subject on which a class is
working or plans to work. Supervisors thru their various contacts are
familiar with a wide variety of useful and helpful materials-reference,
enrichment, supplementary, or just plain "additional"-most of which will
be extremely valuable to the teacher in carrying out classroom plans and
experiences. From this knowledge and familiarity it is possible for the
supervisor to place in the hands of teachers selected, annotated bibliog-
raphies from which may be chosen the most effective teaching aids.
Under the direction of supervisors, further, with the cooperation and
assistance of members of the school staff, professional libraries can be built,
making immediately and readily available to the entire personnel outstand-
ing professional books and other worthwhile literature. In a similar way
curriculum libraries and laboratories may be assembled, in which interested
teachers may utilize course-of-study materials from a variety of school
systems, many of which will offer valuable suggestions for adapting
curriculums in use or building new ones. Professional publications pre-
pared under the direction of the administrative and supervisory staff, with
cooperation and participation of teachers, may be designed to meet par-
ticular needs that have been recognized or as a means of imparting new


or unusual professional information. Availability of all these materials thru
distribution to the entire staff, or circulation in the case of single copies
or a limited supply, is a most effective supervisory technic.
A still further means of strengthening in teachers the ability to meet
successfully any situations arising in their classrooms as a result of critical
times is thru encouragement of participation in community life. To the
extent that such participation serves to stabilize teachers and impart a
feeling of satisfaction in 'their share in the war effort may it be con-
sidered a form of in-service training and as such may it be advocated
by school administrators. Community contacts assist teachers to recognize
community needs and this recognition enables adaptations in teaching pro-
cedures to assure the meeting of these situations. The community contacts
of the teacher thus lead to genuine community service rendered by the
teacher because of awareness to critical needs. These experiences contribute
immeasurably to the growth of the teacher professionally as well as
No accounting of in-service training technics would be complete with-
out the inclusion of regular courses in education and in related fields
offered by colleges, universities, and teacher-training institutions thruout
the country. In localities near these universities, and in extramural centers
established by them, teachers may be encouraged to take one or two courses
during the school year itself, concurrent with their teaching activity. Par-
ticipation in university classes always serves to bring new ideas and stim-
ulation into the teacher's classroom performance by the very facts of the
formation of new contacts and the direction of attention to new or
forgotten sources of information or ideas. In more remote areas these
university courses must of necessity be postponed to the summer season.
The more intensive type of study during vacation periods should likewise
be encouraged for teachers, both in the form of regular summer courses
and in the newer "educational workshops" now being sponsored by many
school systems.
The workshop idea provides opportunities to apply modern educational
theories and practices to actual situations with which a teacher has been
or will be confronted, leading to the determination of the most adequate
handling. Sponsored by a board of education and the administration of
a school system in order to secure the desired leadership, the educational
workshop is characterized by cooperative planning on the part of a selected
university staff and a representation of the school personnel, both in its
initiation and continuously thruout its duration. The workshop is con-
cerned with local problems and areas of special local interest. Participation
in it results in the satisfactory solution of these problems thru the experi-
ences of the teachers in the handling of the situations and the working
out of the most effective course of action. It may thus be seen that a
workshop is a practical means of educating teachers concerning the aims
and objectives of a school program thru their participation in the devel-
opment of procedures for the solution of actual problems.
Always aimed at "rejuvenation of thinking" thru the guidance of skilful


leadership, courses which teachers take in order to meet the in-service
training requirements of their school system or just for their own profes-
sional interest and advancement unfailingly gear thinking to the implica-
tions of the times. In critical days the value of such in-service education
cannot be minimized in its production of alert, professional teachers capable
of adapting classroom procedures to each new demand or requirement as
it becomes even remotely apparent.
Thus it appears that various devices and technics may be employed as
in-service training measures. Those which are most successful, however,
in keeping an educational staff in line with current developments are the
ones which, thru actual participation, create an unmistakable awareness
to conditions as they exist, and as they are in process of constant change;
an awareness to situations which must be immediately met, and to situa-
tions which will soon have to be met. Such an awareness implanted upon
the basic foundational equipment of the teacher will result in the taking
of positive action toward meeting the needs that are thus recognized.
Any program of in-service education which is successful, therefore, in
creating in teachers an awareness to constantly changing conditions and
an ability to meet the demands of these changes thru everyday classroom
procedure will be effective in meeting not only wartime but postwar educa-
tional needs. Such a program is constantly tuned and timed in recognition
of current activities, events, and needs, and thru the participatory aware-
ness thus achieved, with its stimulation to positive action, will it guarantee
a ready and continuous meeting of all situations.

One of the questions raised by the war is whether or not American
education has given us the economic intelligence to reduce our living stand-
ard voluntarily. To cope with total war and its aftermath, this has to
be (lone rigorously enough to let the steam out of war production's pressure
on prices. We have never done it before. Sugar cost $20 a pound at one
time during the Revolutionary War. And Washington-George not D. C.
-filled many a page with his complaints on the inflationary practices of
the merchants with whom his quartermasters had to deal. Gone With the
Wind describes what happened to prices in the South during the Civil
War, while rising prices added $500,000,000 to the government's outlay in
the North. The price history'of World War I is familiar.
"In the past," said the President in his budget message to the Congress,
"wars have usually been paid for mainly by means of inflation, thereby
shifting the greatest burden to the weakest shoulders and inviting postwar
collapse. We seek to avoid both. Of necessity, the program must be harsh."
In the ivory tower of economic theory, production and consumption
must achieve approximate balance if the body economic is to function


in the classical manner. TM\oney and the equivalent thereof aire the mediums
of exchange that make this possible. War increases production and the
circulation of money, but the two of them do not balance just because
the money goes round and round. Too high a percentage of production
is consumed on the battlefield without any reference to money whatsoever.
Dollars in search of commodities naturally bid prices up.
The war savings program was designed to divert this "excess" money
and so to maintain the balance between production and consumption.
Secondly, it is expected to create a reservoir of savings that will flow
back into postwar circulation in support of private production. The spec-
tacular ease with which the Treasury has raised billions of dollars from
the big holders of savings obscures the fact that such savings are virtually
absorbed now. That does not mean the ability to borrow has been affected,
but it does mean government borrowings must come out of current income
if excessive creation of credit-purchasing power-is to be avoided.
This need for savings out of current income points up one of the premises
of the war savings program. Unlike the Liberty Loans of World *War I,
when the highest total amount was the sole goal, our present war savings
program is also designed to achieve maximum participation in savings.
Maximum volume of savings is important too, but this time it is only
one of the goals. Not only must the money to pay for this most costly
war be raised, but to an unprecedented extent it must come from current
income, so as to take purchasing power out of the market and to create
a genuine mass purchasing power in the future. Science and industry are
preparing a bonus for those who follow this policy in the form of new
and cheaper products.
School administrators have a double stake in the success of the war
savings program. Should its objectives not be reached, the problems of
school support would be multiplied. The incidence of children and tax-
paying ability is frequently inverse, and financing the schools so that the
purposes of democracy are achieved depends on taxpaying ability. Retire-
ment plans of many teachers would be upset by drastic changes in the
value of the savings set aside for the purpose.
Avoiding postwar problems in school administration is, of course, only
the frosting on the cake. The basic fact for educators is that war indicts
education. Eradicating the effect of Fascist education for death will be a
postwar problem of the first magnitude. It concerns American educators
as well as German and the improvement of education here and now is an
essential preliminary to worldwide postwar advance.
Educational outcomes are customarily marked for future testing, but in
time of great national undertakings, it is not satisfying to be insulated
from the present. Sharing and leading vigorously in the war savings pro-
gram, as a citizen as well as an educator, is a bridge between your pro-
fessional obligations and the need for all of us to help now. Buying war
bonds, doing without, are direct acts of war.
To bring about widespread sharing in war savings, we have relied in
part upon the creation of a fashion for saving by general propaganda and


in part on specific group approaches. Specific clinchers of general appeals
have been made with most success thru the payroll savings plan. Nearly
30,000,000 people are saving out of current income thru payroll allot-
ments. War costs have reached the point, however, that makes still further
cuts in current income imperative. Equally specific methods and equally
extensive coverage will have to be achieved. General propaganda to main-
tain savings as a war habit is not alone enough to hold savings at the
level necessary to accomplish the objectives we have in view. This moves
the main problem of war savings into the field of education.
To define the educational phase of the problem is not simple. The
question, "To spend or not to spend ?" is not answered on a stage. The
answer is personal and subject to change. With those above the subsistence
level, the definition of "necessary spending" is highly flexible. Further-
more, it is quite likely to reflect the peacetime social customs and personal
habits of the spenders. It seems to follow that since what you spend and
what you save are based on subjective decisions, thrift education by itself
is a negative idea. It needs to be linked with spending education, and in a
total war economy spending above the necessity level is antisocial behavior.
Since saving by those with a margin for saving is based on subjective
factors, it seems reasonable to say that there are more savers who can
save more than there are nonsavers who can save. British studies indicate
that this is so, and it can be confirmed by rule-of-thumb observation
among one's friends.
Savings such as the offensive war demands-that is, something more
than skimming the 10 percent cream from enlarged incomes-becomes
therefore a problem in leadership, a type of leadership in which schools
are most able. As a basis for exerting this leadership, I would like to
propose to the American Association of School Administrators that it
create criteria for necessity spending as part of the traditional thrift
education program of American schools. In each of your communities con-
spicuous, active leadership for war savings can come from the schools.
National patriotic appeals to war savings will continue as a backdrop
for such a program, but no better instrument exists for telling the personal
side of the story than the schools.
Even tho the personal, habitual choice of all of us should be what the
British label austerity, it is not a hard choice to make, once the will
to do so is habitual. All that the government is asking is that we take
a lien on the future instead of scrambling now for the comforts of the past.
You can say with some justice that the kind of educational program
I am talking about lies in the adult educator's field. This is true, but only
partially so. First, the youngsters themselves can help adults be intelli-
gent about savings. They can be the carriers of information on intelligent
wartime buying as well as the fervent interpreters of nonspending. Few
families can resist the insistence of the youngster who wants to make sure
that his school is flying the Schools at War flag for 90 percent participation
in the war savings program.
School youth who earn money offer a specially fertile field for saving-


spending education. In some places 50, 60, 70, even 80 percent of the
high-school group arc working and making more money at an earlier age
than ever before. Where they have their basic necessities provided by their
families, their income is almost entirely free and eligible for savings. In
any case, a much larger percentage of savings can be expected from these
earners than from adults. And the spending of new earners is one of our
most serious problems since it does represent new demand, usually for
nonessentials. WVhy not a positive thrift-spending program to get these
youth to spend in the form of savings for particular war uses and for
particular future desires?
The chips are down. Will school administrators come thru with aces?


It is axiomatic in American philosophy in the present crisis that all
the nation's resources, financial and material, cultural and spiritual, have
one standard of value. They are of value in terms of their importance
in the successful prosecution of the war and in preparing for the peace.
They are fully expendable, therefore, for the one purpose-the achievement
of complete victory, which is the double victory of winning the war and
winning the peace; for unless the democratic way of life based upon
freedom in its noblest sense and guided by the precepts of Christianity
is preserved to the world, none of the nation's resources has further sig-
nificance for our civilization. With all other agencies in our national
life, public education is privileged to spend its resources to this end.
Tax-supported public education in our country is the processing of
financial resources into material and cultural resources. In the total process,
money raised from taxes creates buildings, grounds, equipment, and sup-
plies, and trains and pays teachers. Teachers use buildings, grounds,
equipment, and supplies to create the cultural and spiritual resources of
our civilization in training young Americans to inherit, maintain, and
improve our culture. In this cycle, financial resources have significance
only in terms of their adequacy and the intelligence and efficiency with
which they are transformed into the resources of mind, body, and spirit
of the American citizen. They are fully expended when the processes of
training and releasing a citizen into our society to inherit its privileges
and carry on its purposes have been completed as well as may be. The
demands of the war upon the financial resources of a school district are
in reality demands upon this entire process.
By this analysis there are two groups of demands made by the wiar
upon the financial resources of a school district. They are (1) demands
which consume the financial resources of a school district for purposes
other than the education and training of future citizens, and (2) demands
upon the financial resources that are available for the educational process


itself. In the first group of demands may be listed (a) the demands of
the war upon the tax source, (b) the demands upon operating revenues,
and (c) the demands upon invested capital. In the second group are
(a) demands upon the curriculum, and (b) demands upon the time and
energy of the teaching staff. WVe shall examine each of these demands.
The primary financial resource of a school district is its source of taxes.
This tax source is a composite of the taxable wealth of the school district,
of the state, and of the nation, the will of state and national legislatures,
and the will of the people of the school district. Taxable wealth in itself
is a passive, inert financial resource, possessing only potential value. It
becomes active and dynamic when taxes are levied against it by legislatures
or by the will of the local electorate. This wealth transformed by the
will of the people into tax income or supporting a structure of public debt,
finances the discharge of the functions of local, state, and national gov-
ernment, and the activities of public education. The tax source, then,
made an active financial resource of-the school district by the will of
legislatures or by the popular will, is called upon now to support the
increased cost of government and the astronomical costs of the war. This
wealth must also supply the greatly increased needs of nontax-supported,
quasi-public charitable and social agencies, and maintain a reasonably decent
standard of living. The owners of the tax source-the taxpayers-after the
demands of the federal government have been met, are now called upon
to determine the amount of their income they will share with local and
state government, social agencies, and public education, and the amount
they will retain for the considerably inflated costs of satisfying personal and
family needs. The demands of the war upon the tax source of school
revenue are in reality, therefore, demands upon the intelligence, patriotism,
unselfishness, and vision of the American taxpaying citizen. They are
demands upon the statesmanship of legislatures and the will of the local
electorate to continue the normal yield of the tax source for the operation
of schools, in order that one of the nation's most important instrumen-
talities supporting the war may not be weakened, and in order that this
virile agency may continue to train future citizens to meet the serious
problems of the postwar world.
The demands of the war upon the operating revenues of the school
district for purposes other than the education and training of pupils of
the district are many and varied. There arc first, the demands which
require the use of teachers for activities other than teaching, and which
remove from the education al processes that portion of tile school district's
resources that represents teachers' salaries spent for nonteaching activ-
ities. A particular example of this use of teachers is the necessary placing
in schools of the rationing programs. There have been four such programs
so far-the rationing of sugar, fuel oil, gasoline, and processed foods. In
most places, the sheer magnitude of these programs has necessitated the
closing of schools for a portion of the rationing period. It is probably
conservative to estimate that two or three hundred million dollars' worth
of teaching time has been used thruout the nation in these activities.


Examples of other demands upon operating revenues are costs of greatly
increased use of schoolbuildings for civilian defense and the training of
civilian volunteers; costs for overtime of building-operation employees;
the reflection of increased living costs in salaries; costs of training teach-
ers for replacements; and increased costs of fuel, supplies, and transpor-
tation. In the total, these expenditures represent heavy demands upon
school revenues that are normally available for the educational program.
The demands of the war upon the capital investments of the school
district are also severe. Capital investment usually represented in buildings,
grounds, and equipment has accumulated thru several generations. This
investment is maintained by repair and replacement of buildings and
equipment. Most cities' expenditures for this purpose have been seriously
curtailed because neither workmen nor materials are available. In some
cases, considerable available equipment has been sold to the federal gov-
ernment. Such income and expenditures normally made for repair and
replacement are in many cases being used to finance the special expendi-
tures which have previously been referred to. This process is, in the final
analysis, a spending of capital. It represents the using up of an important
financial resource which may be extremely difficult to replace.
Not usually so regarded, there is nevertheless another capital invest-
ment in public education within the school district that, as a result of
the war, is being spent for purposes other than that for which it was
made. It is the investment that has been made in the education and
training of the teachers who are inducted into the armed services, who
join the auxiliary branches of the services, or who are working on the
production front. Every trained teacher who comes into a school district
represents capital invested in public education, irrespective of where the
training was done or who paid for it. The total invested in the training
of an active teacher is, in a very real sense, capital working for the school
district. There are at the present time at least 100,000 trained teachers
who have left teaching for military service or for work in war industries.
In many cases their places have not been filled. In other cases their places
have been taken by teachers less well trained. This process constitutes a
withdrawal from school systems of several hundred million dollars of
capital invested in public education. It is a justifiable withdrawal of
capital from the school district to the extent that the services of these
teacher. in the war Qffort are more important outside the classroom than
they are inside the classroom preparing youth for the armed services, for
war production, and for future citizenship.
Up to this point, this discu.sionm has concerned itself with the demands
the war has made upon the financial resources of the school district for
purposes other than the education and training of children and youth. The
war has likewise made extensive demands upon financial resources that are
expended for the operation of the education program itself. Few school dis-
tricts are continuing education as usual. They are spending their resources
to the end that their educational program may make the largest possible
contribution to the support of the war. This has demanded a reshaping


of the curriculum and large expenditure of time and effort of the educa-
tional staff in the supervision and direction of the wartime activities of
some 30,000,000 American boys and girls. The demands of the war upon
the curriculum are threefold. The war has demanded (a) the formulation
of new courses and new materials, (b) the reshaping of established courses,
and (c) the redirection of the counseling and guidance program. The
demand for the reshaping of the curriculum by teachers is a demand that
financial resources paid out in teachers' salaries shall make vital contri-
bution to the successful prosecution of the war. To do this most effec-
tively it is necessary to instal a considerable array of fairly specific pre-
induction courses in high schools. This means providing educational activity
for the very definite purpose of shortening the time required by the armed
services in training the technicians which modern warfare requires.
There are some who maintain that the entire effort of teachers on the
secondary-school level should be directed to the preparation of their students
for wartime responsibilities. There are others who believe that while the
direct preparation of students to carry on the war is now a major responsi-
bility of secondary schools in particular, the long range program of training
citizens and workers for a peacetime economy must also be continued.
Whatever the viewpoint, the war demands some very considerable realign-
ment of the objectives and technics of public education. In addition to
the new and specialized courses developed in the schools because of the
war, it has been necessary, therefore, to survey every subject field and
determine the particular contribution that each of the established subject
fields can make in the prosecution of the war and in preparation for the
period of peace.
At the same time these activities have been in progress, it has been found
necessary to direct the counseling and guidance of high-school students
toward the achievement of the best possible adjustment within these fields
of service. Perhaps the best example of what is taking place in the estab-
lished subject fields is the rapidly developing and expanding program of
physical fitness in the field of physical education to equip students with
stamina and physical ruggedness demanded in modern warfare. Thus the
demands of the war upon the curriculum, particularly of secondary schools,
has been a demand for the training of the personnel for the armed services,
for production of war materials, and for the most essenti;il of civilian
On the elementary level, the demand has been for the development
of activities designed to improve and strengthen health, protect and safe-
guard children, maintain emotional balance and wholesome attitudes, and
improve the understanding and appreciation of the meaning of democracy,
the meaning of the war, the privileges and responsibilities of Americans,
and the ways in which every child can help his nation.
The war has also made many demands upon financial resources paid
in teachers' salaries for the supervision and direction of the wartime activ-
ities of children and youth, and many adults, outside of the classroom.
Schoolteachers have organized and are administering the Junior Army of


America created for tilhe purpose of gathering scrap and other vital waste
materials. Teachers have been directing and administering with the help
of students the Schools at lWar Program designed to promote the sale
of stamps and bonds in schools. Teachers have organized and are admin-
istering the High-School Victory Corps as a framework for the organi-
zation of student activities and curriculum offerings as direct preparation
for the impending participation of students in the war. Teachers have
organized outside the classroom and are administering courses in consumer
education and the meaning of rationing. Teachers arc sponsoring and
directing a multitude of service projects for pupils under the banner of
the Junior Red Cross. Teachers have organized and are administering
training courses for civilian volunteers needed by the Red Cross, the
Civilian Defense Corps, child-care agencies, recreational agencies, and for
many other activities. Teachers also have engaged in a multitude of volun-
teer activities within the communities of which they are a part. All this
spending of teacher time and energy is a direct contribution of financial
resources of the school district brought about by the demands of war.
Such, then, is the nature of the demands of the war upon the financial
resources of the school district-demands on the one hand that are outside
of and beyond the school's traditional functions; and on the other hand,
demands that financial resources be spent upon an educational program
geared as closely as possible to the wartime needs of the nation. These
demands have been entirely legitimate and school districts have been very
willing, in fact have felt privileged, to spend their resources for these
purposes. The listing of these demands, and the indicating of how they are
being met, serves only the purpose of setting forth in some completeness
the nature of the contribution that the public schools of the nation are
making in the prosecution of the war. The ways in which these demands
are being met should be fully known not only by school people but by
the people of the school districts as well. Such knowledge can only be
accompanied by a sense of confidence and pride in the virility and integrity,
of educational institutions in a democracy, when they are maintained and
supported by a far-seeing, patriotic, and intelligent citizenship. To the
extent our citizens understand the nature and meaning of these contri-
butions, and the part they as taxpayers are playing in the prosecution
of the war and in preparing for the peace by supporting and maintaining
their schools-to that extent will the schools be permitted uninterruptedly
to continue and improve their great service to the nation in the critical
days and years which are ahead.


Traditionally in America we have been community-centric in our thoughts
and actions in relation to the financing of education. Nevertheless, since
World War I we have tended rather definitely to widen the scope of
our approach to school support. In the financing of education, we may
characterize the period between the two great world conflicts as a period
in which we have become, tho with creeping progress, more state-cen-
tric. As we look back, we may point to the Educational Finance Inquiry
as originally instrumental in developing what emphasis upon the state in
educational support has characterized the past quarter-century. The needs
revealed during the last war prompted this emphasis. Thru World War
II we shall, both in education and in its support, become vastly more
nation-centric than we have heretofore imagined might be the case in
America. The conditions of this day lead us inexorably toward the defining
of education as a national function. It seems clear to me that we are in
a period when our very future as a nation requires a substantial educa-
tional endeavor at the national level.
Because of the nature of the programs for the several 1943 meetings
at St. Louis, my discussion of educational finance during wartime has
been divided into two parts: first, a consideration of some problems
derived from what I refer to as the view on the higher level; and second,
a statement of certain fundamental propositions which seem to me to lie
at the heart of any program for financing education during war or in
the postwar period. The latter I planned to do at the meeting of the
National Council of Education. The former is the purpose of this dis-
cussion. At this point, I must warn you that what I have to say here
may seem not to have much direct bearing upon the financing of educa-
tion. If so, I am sorry, because what I want to do is to deal with some
underlying problems and to indicate some of the clearings of concept and
attitude which I believe to be necessary if we are to secure a more adequate,
equitable, and adaptable financing.
Approach Lies Less in Finance than in Educational Concept
With me, it is a generalization from my experience that the basic
approach to the problem of educational finance lies less in finance than
in education. Here I am reminded of what Dean Donham of the Harvard
School of Business Administration once said to me with characteristic
emphasis (and a pound on the table). "Young man," said the venerable
Dean, "I want you to understand that the important word in 'business
administration' is not 'business' but 'administration.' Similarly, and how-
ever much as an operator I may have seemed not to think so, I bear witness
that experience and study alike tell me that in "educational finance" the
important word is not "finance" but "education."


I do not depreciate the scientific study of financing education, nor do
I underestimate its importance or its contribution to more adequate financ-
ing. The point I emphasize here is that we know more now about how
to arrange a system of financing education-a facilitating finance-than
we ever have a chance to put into practice. The trouble lies not in financial
technic but in timid souls, in those who are too exclusively "centric" on
too low a level, in those who have limited and traditional educational
concept, and in those who because they themselves are in fiscally favorable
states or local units think too little of youth in units not so well situated.
And these conceptual inadequacies are not monopolized by those outside
the gates of education. It is time we came to grips with the problems
underlying the financing of education. We need to get the view on the
higher level.
Hope in the Great Crisis
But there is hope, too, and the hope lies, as often it does, in the great
crisis. It is important that we examine it and find its meaning for edu-
cation. In times of intense crisis, a people tends inevitably to broaden its
view. This, in simple terms, is what is happening now. The crisis forms
itself into war-into war which, being global, is at its very minimum,
national in effort. Admittedly, then, war calls for a view which, in its
lowest possible aspect, is national. War is a national function. Whenever
a people deals with war, therefore, a people has to broaden its view, to say
the least, to one coterminous with the national interest. This simple fact
logically carries us much beyond national viewpoint. Of course, it takes
us to the far corners; it broadens our view to international limits. AMerelv
to recognize this makes it clearer that at the least viewpoint crisis becomes
School Systems Become National Agencies
Another thing, among many, is also self-evident regarding the crisis: it
totally pervades a people. This needs no elaboration because it must be ap-
parent that no corner of American life fails to be pervaded by the war crisis.
By the same token, no phase of American life exists apart from the national
concern. Education, for example, which is the phase of American life with
which we are here primarily concerned, is in its currently dominating inter-
est both pervaded by the crisis and broadened into national perspective.
Schools become, indeed, war service stations and school systems become na-
tional agencies of state and local jurisdiction. Nor is this so merely when
we consider schools as agencies for "education for work," in the sense of
preparation for the work of war. It is so as truly when we consider schools
as agencies for "education for citizenship." Likewise, it is so when we ex-
pand "schools" into "education" an.d consider the area of higher education,
family life, adult education, or education as a subfunction of every other
governmental function. Even our search for the solution to the problem
of the future of "general education" finds our thinking pervaded by the
facts and meaning of the crisis and broadened into national perspective.


But, it will be asked, if we grant that all this is so and proceed accord-
ingly, shall we not be overestimating a merely current phenomenon?
Shall we not by planning in the light of war be planning erroneously?
Are these not abnormal times and are not, therefore, the pervasion of
the crisis and the national perspective representative of consideration
which we may not wisely allow to weigh heavily in our thinking? I
cannot attempt to deal extensively with these questions. If they have
any pertinence, there will be plenty of our people and our educators,
too, who will embrace them. As I see these counterinquiries, they are
of the unadaptive, the parsimonious, the reactionary, the extreme localists,
and the fearful. They are the queries of those who would not forward
the equalization of educational opportunity, much less give it the fiscal
leeway to be richly adaptive to changing conditions and needs.
I am not much given to pause by these inquiries. I am persuaded,
rather, that the only constructive view is to admit to the councils of
our minds the fullest meaning of the crisis and to see with a broadened
perspective. I am persuaded that crisis, at its apex, is "the decisive moment;
(the) turning point." Crisis, however, but represents the increasing tempo
of change. There is not vast difference between the apex of the crisis
and the times before the crisis. Conditions are cumulative. When they
'have piled up and have not been reduced by coming to grips with them,
they produce a state of affairs which becomes so dominant that the
condition of crisis becomes patent. Likewise, the conditions commonly
recognized as constituting crisis are also crisis conditions subsequently,
unless people come to grips with them. We may come to grips with the
uppermost problem of crisis but not with other problems which we do
not recognize as uppermost. In other words, we now come to grips with
war as an uppermost characteristic of the crisis; but even if we dispose
successfully of war, this fact does not mean that we have disposed of
crisis. By disposing of war-the most commonly recognized embodiment
of crisis-we have not disposed of the conditions giving rise to crisis.
In substance, crisis, or war as the embodiment of crisis,- brings us
to a new level of complex concern from which we shall not be able to
recede. If we recede, we are lost; if we seek merely to hold our own
on this level, without solving the problems truly embedded in the condi-
tions of crisis, we are lost. We must solve these problems, not for the
sake of returning to normalcy but in order that we may live and grow
as a people among other peoples who live and grow.
In coming to grips with these crisis-borne conditions and the problems
which must be solved if we are to live and grow, we naturally proceed
along several roads. One of these roads is education: and this is the approach
with which we in education are most closely concerned by virtue of our
trust. To think of education in the frame of crisis is to me a significant
part of the view oh the higher level. It has seemed to me necessary to
consider education from this viewpoint in order to help prevent ourselves
from sloughing off our task, to enable ourselves to see the task which
confronts education as one which is as broad as America and her total


concern, and above all, in order that we may see our problem not merely
as a wartime problem but as a postwar problem as well-a problem that
will persist as long as the conditions of crisis persist, even long after
what we are too prone to regard as the whole of the crisis has been
successfully coped with. I have been trying to say, also, that the problems
of education and its support can no more be neatly divided between those
of war and peace than can the totality of the problems of America herself.
that the problems of war and peace have continuity and are coexistent.
Our problems in education have to be attacked during war; but such an
attack is also a postwar attack. So far as education is concerned, or America
herself is concerned-so far as her destiny depends on popular education-
the crisis will continue as long as the conditions and the problems of the
crisis remain unresolved.

Convincing of Need, the Important Problemn Now
If we can convince people widely, convince governmental leaders, con-
vince educators themselves, that there is a need for a more adequate
financial support for education, I have confidence that the needed support
will begin to flow to education. By and large, American people support
that which they want to support. The crux of the problem lies, to a great
extent, in limited educational concept. Mort refers to this oftentimes as
"conceptual design," when he at the same time points out with equal
effectiveness the traditional and widespread lag in practice. As iM\ort has
also established thru his research, there is an appreciable going-togetherness
between the overcoming of lag and financial support. For the most part
there is evidence of high gauge conceptual design and less of operational
lag where financial support is high. Unfortunately, the places or areas
in which financial support is high are relatively few. Admittedly, this
raises a sort of "hen and egg" or "which comes first" question. As a result.
we get into a vicious circle. The thing that I urge we must do is to break
thru the dilemma.
The point of attack, it seems to me, in breaking thru the dilemma lies
in increasing our efforts to effectuate an enough broader dispersal of
advanced conceptual design and an enough increased diffusion of practice
to more clearly establish in the minds of people the need which education
has of more adequate support. In general, it is to this matter of diffusion
that we need particularly to address our efforts. Here I am talking about
the ordinary run of school systems, those where there is not a high degree
of financial support and those in which both conceptual design and practice
are ordinary. The very least we could have, it would seem, is to find
the ordinary school system thinking of something better, thinking of the
limitations of their practices, thinking of the unmet needs of American
youth which they long to serve. If the educational concepts of the thousands
of "run of the mill" school systems in this country could be raised to think
about educational service in terms of the conditions, the problems, and
the critical needs which are embedded in the crisis-if we could just get


them to thinking realistically and even talking about a higher concept of
educational need-we would be on the road to .breaking thru our dilemma.
I never cease to be impressed by the complete satisfaction with present
systems of educational finance and with present levels of school support
on the part of great numbers of our educators. Many of them seem to
have no notion of any auspices-any potential auspices-in the support of
education beyond the traditional auspices of the local school system and
the local property tax. I cannot help but think that what this means is
that they think of no further educational service which they would like to
render even if they could find support. We must find a way to break thru
this situation.

Some Underlying Emphases
There are certain lines of emphasis and certain approaches to this
problem which I cannot go into at any great length here but to which
I want to call attention. School systems place too much emphasis on
courses and subjects and too little emphasis upon pupils as individuals.
Somehow, the center or focus of the ordinary school administrator's thinking
and of the ordinary teacher's thinking must be directed away from courses
and subjects toward the individual needs of youth. And I do not refer here
to mechanistic devices of so-called individual method. We must have more
purposing regarding the fundamental services which youth need from school
For example, what "general education"-a problem now commonly de-
bated-needs most is the attaching of life purpose to work in school and
college, not unlike, yet differing from, the function of purpose attaching
to vocational and professional education. General education cannot expect
youth to see purpose when those who practice general education center
upon subjects and courses and do not themselves clearly see purpose.
Somehow, we must come to center our attention upon education as not
merely preparation for something later to be done in life, such as preparation
for citizenship, but rather as the actually living and carrying on now of
the civic phases of the life's work.
This calls upon us to be continuously alert, to relate the work of the
school to the actual life conditions, to the activities of the community,
and to the world about the school. It is wrong to think of even a doorway
between the school and the community because to so think implies that
there is a partition in which such a doorway must be set. For example,
we talk glibly about work experience. We talk about citizenship in action;
but we have all together a paucity of actual demonstrations of meaningful
and significant participation on the part of youth in the work and civic
phases of life as contrasted to what we call preparation for these things.
It is not enough that we get these emphases in certain richly supported
school communities or areas. We must have these things on the tongues
of the ordinary run of school people.


Central agencyy Magnification of the Service Concept
One would think that state departments and central governmental
agencies for education could help in this diffusion and broadening of
educational concept about which I am talking. We do have illustrations
of this but they are altogether too few and scattered. One of the great
and important areas concerning which we are getting more conscious is
the area of intergovernmental relations. Why cannot the state departments
of education be more influential in this diffusion which we need, in this
heightening of educational concept on the part of the ordinary run of
school systems? They could if they were not so much bent upon their
functioning along the line of "controls," as contrasted to their functioning
along the line of "service." I am persuaded that the two great areas of
relationships between any central unit and local operating units are the
area of controls and the area of service.
Always central units tend to magnify controls and to minimize the
service function, but for this central units are not by any means exclusively
to blame. Whenever legislatures or congresses are appropriating money for
the staffing of central units of educational administration, they too fre-
quently stop at staffing the controls and the direct administration require-
ments. They tend to supply no money or no margin of support for the
staffing of the service function in the exercise of intergovernmental relations.
One of the shocking illustrations of this during war is the failure of the
federal government to provide a great and nationwide guidance service.
The crying need is for central units to staff the service function. To do
so will pay dividends in the heightening of educational concept and in
the diffusion of advanced educational practice and, in turn, these things
will bring new concepts home to the public and lay the foundation for
a more adequate financial support of education, for the support of that
education which,is really worth its hire.
It may seem to you that these things which I have been emphasizing
are somewhat far afield from problems of educational finance, but I tell
you that they are at the heart of the financial problem. I am convinced
that advance along these lines is indicated by the conditions of the crisis
and is essential to a significant moving toward greater state and national
support of education.
Finally, I am convinced that our reliance for the more adequate,
equitable, and adaptable support of education in the future must lie in
moving centrally. I see no need of this being disastrous to state and local
initiative or in this lessening the importance of state or local school systems.
Operationally, education will have to be where youth is-in the locality.
What we most need in state and local school systems is vigor. We could
have more of this needed vigor now if states and localities would but
seize it. Nevertheless, for the essential nourishment of vigor, adequate
financing is necessary. Ultimately, it will have to come from the central
governmental unit. This means that, more and more, we shall be con-
cerned with relationships and the problems of relationship between national,
state, and local units.


The rock on which relationships as well as central financing so often
get hung is the issue over controls. I am convinced that the issue over
controls is not an impossible one. Obviously, with centralism we shall
tend to have more central control. This is not disastrous or, at least, it
need not be. Great promise lies in what has been suggested as to the
importance of magnifying the service concept, but I am convinced that
beyond this, the resolution of the issue over control lies in a fundamental
national purposing with respect to education; in the clear determination
of national responsibility for education; in the allocation or reallocation of
educational functions among the national, state, and local units; and in
the development of appropriate structural patterns, particularly on the
national and the local level. The problems of finance have never been and
cannot now be solved apart from these basic determinants.
A National Education Planning Commission Demanded
America must be purposing as to the role of education in national and
world destiny. Our country must write a national declaration of responsi-
bilities in education, create a complementary national structure, and on
these bases, provide the national fiscal power. To be sure, due consideration
must be given to refined allocations of responsibilities to state and local
units. These need not be by-passed, but certainly interstructural relations
must be worked out to provide for a more agency-like relationship.
To do these things requires planning-planning as never before under-
taken. America must be about it. A National Education Planning Commis-
sion is called for at once. This planning should be official and a mandate
lies on Congress to establish the planning agency. This is the grand strategy
both of war and of peace and reconstruction. This is the road to national
education-the view on the higher level.


The problems of education and its support in this era can no more
he neatly divided between those of war and peace than can the totality
of the problems of America herself. The problems of war and peace have
continuity and are coexistent. The financing of education during war
neither can nor ought to be dealt with as an American problem without
reference to the problem in its longer swing.
Expenditure for education in America is an investment in American
destiny. If it isn't this, it isn't anything. Therefore, our primary thesis
has to be that the support of education during wartime should not only
be as vigorous as the complete function of education requires but also as
vigorous in the fullest sense as is the support of our total public endeavor,
nationally and internationally, for war and for peace.


The requirements of national vigor dictate a public policy of vastly
more substantial support for the function of education during war than
has thus far in our history been allocated to this function. This policy
stems from the facts not only of the progressive role of education in peace
but also of the recognition of schools and colleges as wartime service stations.
Public policy should recognize, at least so far as it recognizes the indis-
pensableness of the educational service, the principle of adequacy in educa-
tional support; that support must be complementary to functional require-
ments; that this in particular means recognition of both the height and
the breadth of educational scope, the conservation and improvement of
personnel, and the recognition of cost indexes.
America cannot hope to rely for its invigorated and adequate support
of education upon anything short of the strength of her total economy.
Conversely, reliance upon independent, geographical segments of our econ-
omy, as represented by states and local units, is to adopt a public policy
of inadequacy and of enervation.
Our national concern for the support of education in wartime, as in
peace, must encompass, in proportion to the need and to the strength of
our total economy, the entire range of educability.
The pointed meaning of the war for public policy in education is that
now and henceforth the sharp focus of America's concern over the support
of education must be turned upon the role to be played by the national
War is a national function. Facing the fact that this national function
of war makes heavy and particular demands upon education, which by
strict constitutional interpretation is a state function, public policy should
recognize that state educational systems are, at least during wartime,
national agencies of state and local jurisdiction. Hence, financing should
follow such recognition.
The crucial factor in war is manpower. Public policy should recognize
that manpower is only potent as it has education, broadly conceived, and
that the education of manpower is coterminous with the life of manpower.
Because education is now in the service of an America at war, the
problem of educational support should be dealt with at once as a national
problem and as a critically present problem, but in full recognition of
the role of the state and local units. The exigencies of the situation are
such as to require immediate, if tentative, action by the best available
and immediate, if tentative, means.
In the long run it is futile to expect to solve the problem of the
support of American education apart from its basic determinants. Finan-
cial support is always to be considered a facilitating agency. Beyond imme-
diate, even if tentative, financing America should at once set in motion
the processes which will result in the definition of policy with respect to
the following basic determinants of national financing:: (a) the national
purposes to be served by education in the life-stream of the nation, (b) the
national responsibility to be declared for achieving these purposes, and


(c) the determination and establishment, nationally, of the structural
counterparts of purpose and responsibility.
A corollary of this thesis is that only by dealing with these basic
determinants can we as a nation effectively deal with the issue over controls.
Sound public policy dictates the necessity of beginning the steps now,
during the war, and of proceeding to this end by the establishment and
servicing of an official national planning commission on education as a
national function during the war and in the postwar period.
The great principles of educational finance which have emerged out of
American experience under a system of state responsibility, and especially
the principles of equalization and adaptability, stemming from the funda-
mental principles of American democracy-equality and liberty-not only
require national financing of education but also should be utilized as
criteria in the formulation of a program of direct national participation
in the financing of education.

In order to have specific information from which to prepare a discussion
of this topic for the meeting of the American Association of School Admin-
istrators at St. Louis in February of this year, an inquiry was sent to a
small group of cities asking information on the three following items:
1. How will your expenditures for supplies and equipment in 1942-43 compare
with those for 1941-42? If you can give this information separately for supplies
and equipment I should like to have you do so.
2. If your current expenditures for supplies and equipment are below those of
last year, in what specific ways have these reductions been brought about?
3. In your judgment, have such reductions in expenditures for supplies and
equipment had serious effects on your educational program? If so, I should appre-
ciate specific instances where you believe losses have occurred as a result of these
At the time the convention was canceled, replies giving detailed informa-
tion on these items had been received from Akron, Chicago, Cincinnati,
Columbus, and Lakewood. In addition to these, replies giving more general
information had been received from Cleveland and Philadelphia.
From the information thus obtained, the following tabulation, showing
actual expenditures for instructional supplies and equipment for either
1941 or 1941-42 and proposed expenditures for these two items for 1942-43
or for the calendar year 1943, has been made. It will be observed from
these figures that little decline in expenditures for instructional supplies
is expected during these two years. As pointed out in some of the responses,
the increased cost of supplies is a partial factor in the amount remaining
essentially the same. On the other hand, in the matter of new equipment
and equipment replacement, a sharp drop from approximately $443,000
to $264,000 is expected to occur between the two years. The obvious



Chicago .........
Lakewood .......

Instructional New Equipment and
Supplies Equipment Replacements

1941 or 1942-43 1941 or 1942-43
1941-42 or 1943 1941-42 or 1943

$230,678 $213,671 $19,073 $13,510
2,264,725 2,194,698 321,851 196,259
128,792 109,900 55,746 29,500
224,356 225,000 24,292 8,000
23,276 24,571 22,007 17,063

Total. ...... $2,871,827 $2,767,840 $442,969 $264,332

1 Figures for Columbus exclude their contract and open-order services which include
expenditures for schoolbuilding repairs, new educational equipment, and equipment
for operating employees. These amounted to $131,755 in 1941.

answer to this is that due to priorities it is extremely difficult-even well-
nigh impossible-to obtain certain types of equipment. One person in
responding mentioned that in his system they would ordinarily replace
150 typewriters per year. This same person also pointed out that normally
they were able to replace sewing machines and gas stoves-neither of
which can now be obtained. It appears, therefore, that the main reductions
in expenditures for equipment will be due to those items which cannot be
In response to the last question-namely, the effect which such reduc-
tions will probably have on the educational program-some extended re-
sponses were received. Quoted from these are the following:
Akron: In your third question you asked whether or not this whole situation has
had any particular effect on our educational program. We feel that it has. Definite
instances are to be found in our trade school where the welding class was aban-
doned and we were unable to open the electrical department. There is, of course,
a certain amount of loss in that we must operate with equipment that normally
would have been brought up to date. It is our opinion, however, that our
greatest loss arises from the fact that many of the things we had planned to do
and which we feel we should be doing, cannot be carried on. We had planned
to open up six or seven additional centers in our elementary schools where home
mechanics would be taught. This was abandoned because we could not get sufficient
materials and because we could not get satisfactory teachers. The hand-work
program, an essential part of any educational plan, is definitely suffering.
Chicago: Due to a substantial backlog of equipment already on hand, it is not
expected that the schools will be hampered or their work seriously curtailed during
1943. However, such hampering may simply be deferred into 1944 or later years,
if the war continues, and certain types of equipment and supplies continue to be
Cincinnati: We have been handicapped particularly at one point by lack of
equipment, namely our new practical arts set-up. In several schools during this
past year we have not been able to secure equipment in order to make the room
usable. Even such items as stools have been impossible to secure.


Cleveland: Our difficulty today in obtaining supplies is not one of increased prices
but is due to governmental regulations of various kinds, such as priorities,
"freezing," and rationing. All schools having special subjects have been obliged
to make certain curriculum revisions, especially where materials such as steel,
copper, brass, aluminum, chemicals, etc., are involved.
Columbus: In my own judgment the educational program has been handicapped.
There are new items which we can no longer purchase and this cuts into our
program considerably. The current year will see reductions that will handicap our
work to a greater extent than we have seen thus far both in the educational field
and among the operating employees as well.
Lake wood: We have not had enough reductions as yet to cause any serious
effects on our educational program. Industrial arts may have to make changes
in their projects as materials get more difficult to secure.
Philadelphia: Practically all reductions in supplies and equipment are caused
by priorities and the inability to get materials involving metals or rubber. Among
such articles are filing equipment, army cots, pencil sharpeners, erasers, and
rubber bands. These losses are a part of the total war experience and in my
opinion involve no serious effect on the educational program.

If it is assumed that the situation as described in these cities is typical
of schools in general, then for the current year little change in expendi-
tures for instructional supplies will be made. On the other hand, due to
priorities, sharp reductions are being effected in the matter of equipment
and equipment replacements. Undoubtedly, further reductions may be
expected in these items as long as the war continues.



Representing, as I do, the commercial end of the educational field, I
feel that first of all I want to make it clear that the National School
Service Institute (formerly the National School Supplies and Equipment
Association) is a real cooperating and contributing member of the educa-
tional fraternity.
Priorities for schools in the past year have been in such a muddle that
no one has known what to do today and certainly no one has known
what was coming tomorrow. Many changes have been made but very
few effective ones have come about to help the school situation. The fact
that schools have not been particularly pinched in securing the needed
supplies and equipment is a tribute to the manufacturers and distributors
who have been far-sighted in building their stocks and maintaining their
manufacturing and distribution up to this time. Now that the schools
are beginning to recognize many shortages, it will be necessary for the
schoolman to give every cooperation to his suppliers in securing priorities
or soon there will be no distributors in business and certainly no manu-
facturers. In fact, some of them have already fallen by the wayside.
To evaluate the situation as we find it, I would like to enumerate a
few situations.


All public utterances of government officials proclaim the absolute ne-
cessity for the continued efficient operation of schools, yet every written
order or letter coming from the governmental agencies refutes this state-
ment by disallowing priorities for the necessary tools of education.
In the words of Donald Nelson, "Schools are critical essentials to the
welfare of the nation." Yet, neither the War Production Board nor any
other agency of the government has yet seen fit to arrange an allocation
or priority for the necessary supplies and equipment to carry on efficient
educational institutions other than those low worthless priorities which
are given to all the lowest of nonessentials, thus classifying schools with
To quote a navy official, "Let's never forget that the production lines
of education are as vital to the welfare of the United States as the produc-
tion lines of industry." It took over a year to retool American industry
so that it could produce for the war. By withholding tools from schools,
how is the production line of education to be met? Trained teachers are
as necessary to efficient education as are trained key-workers in munitions,
airplanes, and other war industries, yet the draft is depleting the ranks
of these teachers who make efficient education possible.
The question is-if as all officials say, "schools are essential"-is there
anyone anywhere who has authority, willingness, and the desire to see
that schools can function properly by allowing them the .essentials with
which to operate? If schools are not essential to the war program or to
the welfare of the government, then let us definitely know that, and we
will quit attempting to keep them functioning. The schoolhouses can be
turned into factories; the teachers and administrators can join the armed
forces, or, if they are not qualified for that, they can join the great army
of war workers. If the schools are essential, then let's make them efficient,
keeping the best teachers doing the great job of which they are capable
and formulate some practical way by which schools may obtain the neces-
sary tools with which to do the job. Let's do one or the other. Above all,
let's not lose valuable time.
"The schools must be kept open at any cost." The effectiveness of a
school as a meeting place where the roll can be called and then a few
things done and said does not make for an efficient institution of learning.
It is like assembling all the workers in a munitions plant who punch the
time clocks but have no tools with which to work. The production in
each case is about the same.
At the request of the government, schools have done a very meritorious
job in changing the curriculum to meet presentday emergencies. What
about the tools with which to teach these new subjects of the curriculum ?
True, thru a process of asking for each piece of equipment singly, after
long waits, a single item might be obtained if some bureaucrat had a
good breakfast that morning. Otherwise, and in most cases, this necessary
equipment has not been received by schools.
The government t demands a program of physical fitness in the schools,
yet, by Limitation Order 1-126. "playground equipment," which i< phy;-


ical fitness equipment, was placed on the restricted list stopping all manu-
facturing and assembling of this important apparatus.
Upon the closing of schools in Great Britain, juvenile delinquency
jumped up over 50 percent. The last reports in the United States for 1942
show that juvenile delinquency has increased 20 percent. Nearly everyone
agrees that the answer to this problem is the school. Yet playground equip-
ment and physical fitness materials are still denied. These would be the
savers of the youth of the nation. Crime marches on!
Thomas Jefferson once said, "Democracy depends upon the education
of its citizens." Modern education is made efficient by excellent teachers
with the proper learning and teaching tools, for which there is no effective
It was stated that school supply distributors were essential to the effi-
cient continuance of education, yet they were classified in the same category
as all other distributors-the same priorities being given them as to distrib-
utors of beer, chewing gum, cosmetics, and sleeping-eye-shades-which
shows the realm of essentiality in which schools were included.
It has been admitted by everyone who knows that for efficient manage-
ment of schools it is necessary that the traveling representatives of school
supply houses get to these schools for the service, technical assistance, and
engineering assistance which is absolutely necessary. Yet these school service
representatives are put in the same category as salesmen of pop-drinks,
toy balloons, and such other morale-building essentials.
The trouble in Washington has been that they haven't had enough
complaints. If you want the services of technical representatives and school
supply service to be continued, write a letter to your congressman and to
the U. S. Office of Education immediately saying that you aren't getting
that service because of the lack of gasoline for school supply representatives.
So far the manufacturers and distributors of "school tools" have had
to carry on the fight for recognition of the essentialness of the schools
by attempting to get priorities. Truly, it should be the responsibility of
school administrators and the teaching profession to make known school
necessities to the War Production Board, to the U. S. Office of Education,
and to everyone, so that education may take its rightful place as the lifeblood
of American democracy.
This democracy of ours which our forefathers won and later defended
is now again in jeopardy. Perhaps we are to expect that during the time
of war we are to be governed by a bureaucracy. Perhaps we are to expect
that bureaucracy to cater only to pressure groups. Anyhow that is where
we find ourselves. The government is not a representative government of
its citizens but representative of its pressure groups. Yes, that is where
we are whether we like it or not. Are we willing to flounder in hopeless
obscurity without a joint effort to obtain the rights for the school children
of America?
Last week I reread Tennyson's The Holy Grail. Those gallant knights
of old were crusaders for right and glory-they had faith and the will
to carry on together for a great cause. Have we faith? Have we the will?


Have we humility to cast aside our selfish motives and to combine with
all the other forces of education? The National Education Association,
American Association of School Administrators, State Teachers Association,
National Association of Public School Business Officials, all educators, all
parents, all who believe in education should unite and form a group to be
heard. Yes, a pressure group if you will-inasmuch as a pressure group is
the only means to gain an' ear at headquarters.
\Vhv should other groups, purely selfish in attitude, push our group, an
unselfish one, aside while they ride roughshod over us? Are the schools
essential to the war program, to the welfare of our country, to the prospects
for an understanding future, a just peace? If so, aren't they worth fighting
for? Aren't they worth organizing for? Aren't they worth crusading for?
We, the best citizens America has, will spend every last ounce of our
energies to win this war.
Upon us, the best citizens of America, must depend the winning of the
The peace of freedom unalterably depends upon education.
Let us here resolve to win the war, win the peace, and preserve posterity
by individually and collectively responding to the call of our country-
our country.
Be Minute Men! Be ready! Fight the battle which is ours.
Two things we have been fighting for are about to come to pass. Form
PD-408 for large school districts and the new Controlled Materials Plan
regulation No. 5A, which will be given to governmental units including
schools, will give the right to purchase repair, maintenance, and operating
supplies with the rating of AA-2X. Let me appeal to you to use it on
every order you give to a supplier so that the wheels of industry may be
kept open to manufacture the tools which you so thoroly need in your
educational institutions.
Educational institutions are critical necessities to the winning of the
war and to our government. Proper recognition will be given to them
if they demand it. If they remain silent, the grease will be given to the
wheel that is squeaking even tho that wheel is merely turning on a beer
truck. Education deserves to get priorities next to the fighting machine.
It is up to educators to make that fact known on every, any, and all

The war has produced new and serious problems of school transporta-
tion. Without transportation the system of education which has been devel-
oped thruout the United States during recent years would completely
collapse in many areas and particularly in rural communities. School trans-
portation has become essential to an adequate education program for nearly
a sixth of all the children who are attending public schools in this country.


President Roosevelt, referring to essential civilian needs for rubber in
his message to the Senate on August 6, 1942, stated, "It includes also
certain necessities for the community, like getting milk to the consumer
or children to school."
We are at war and cannot expect to continue a "transportation as usual"
program any more than a program of "business as usual" can be continued.
There are many adjustments in school transportation that can and should
be made without needlessly interfering with the basic minimum transpor-
tation program. School officials who are responsible for making these adjust-
ments will want to know what policies may reasonably and safely be
followed during coming months. They will want to avoid as much uncer-
tainty as possible and yet cooperate fully in the war effort.
Policies and procedures in connection with this problem have been set out
in a splendid handbook, School Transportation in Wartime, prepared for
and approved by the National Council of Chief State School Officers, and
developed at work-conferences at Yale University and in Washington,
D. C., during the early summer of 1942. This handbook is published by
the Traffic Engineering and Safety Department, American Automobile
Association, Mills Building, Washington, D. C. The price is fifty cents.


School buses are being used in a number of communities to provide trans-
portation for war workers. Such use is entirely proper if the service is pro-
vided in such a manner that it does not interfere with essential school
transportation. Data are not available for the country at large on the extent
to which school buses are being used for war emergency purposes, but reports
indicate that there is a steady increase in this practice.
The following principles applying to war emergency use of school buses
were developed at the work-conferences on school transportation in wartime
and are set forth in the handbook described above by John E. Bryan:
School authorities must recognize that the school bus fleet constitutes a great
transportation reserve and that, when not required for essential school transpor-
tation to maintain the basic minimum education program, it must be made avail-
able for use, if needed, for transporting persons essential to war activities.
It should be clearly understood by school officials that, in case of war emergency,
such as invasion, military authorities have authority to requisition school buses.
School buses should not be used for war worker transport without the approval
of school authorities and the state agency regulating public transportation.
The authorized state agency regulating public transportation should make definite
agreements with the chief state school officer regarding arrangements for the
transportation of war workers so as to avoid serious interference with the essential
school transportation program.
School buses were not designed for adult transport and should be operated with
care when placed in public service.
It is recommended that the responsible federal agency or agencies take appro-
priate action immediately to prevent the sale or transfer to other services of
school buses essential to a basic minimum education program.


"What you would have appear in the life of a nation you must first put
into its schools" is a statement which challenges educators. It is a challenge
to make the total educational program such a practical and workable dem-
onstration of democratic living that when the children of today become
tlhe citizens of tomorrow, they will merely be continuing responsibilities
which they have already assumed.
If teachers are to take leadership in guiding the education of children
in a democracy, they must first of all have a clear-cut conception of what
democracy is. Briefly stated, democracy stresses the fundamental worth
and importance of the citizen as an individual and as a member of society.
Personal integrity, self-discipline, respect for others, and willingness to
contribute to the welfare of others characterize the good citizen.
If children are to develop in terms of this concept, they must have a wide
variety of experiences in practical situations which emphasize meeting and
solving problems. No individual is prepared to make wise choices as an
adult citizen unless he has had practice from his earliest years. In the im-
mediate present the child is concerned as a member of a family group and
of the community with problems relating to food, clothing, shelter, recrea-
tion, government, conservation, and contributions to the war effort.
Opportunities are many for bringing problems into the classroom or for
going out into the community to see them at firsthand. Children will under-
stand, like, and respect the American way of life because they have prac-
ticed it in their classrooms and in their school community. As they elect
other children to represent them on a student council; as they discuss,
plan, and carry out projects for beautifying the classroom or collecting
scrap; as they take responsibility for the care of play equipment or for
the preparation and serving of the school lunch; and as they come to
believe that other peoples of the world are persons who think, feel, and
act much as they themselves do, they will live democratically.
Teachers can accomplish their part in building the American way by
recognizing that children are different in temperament and background;
by giving children opportunities to be of service, to make sacrifices, to
join cooperative undertakings; by encouraging precise thinking about
personal, community, national, and international problems; and by helping
boys and girls to interpret all these experiences in terms that they can
The concern of educators for the more than 20,000,000 children in
elementary schools must be not only for the immediate present but for
the long future ahead. The perpetuation of the American way depends
upon a firm foundation for citizenship laid in the elementary schools. The
education of children at this level cannot be slighted without permanently
disastrous results.


A Prayer

Teacher, Public Schools, Oakland, California

Oh God, let me be an American,
But not for the name alone.
Let me feel the height and splendor of her mountain peaks-
Let me take into myself the steep ascent of ancient crag, the nearness
to the sky.
Let me look up as her mountains look up.
Give me the calm of her quiet hills.
And when I go into her cities*
There let me stand in amaze
At the wnan-made heights of her buildings,
The architects' towering triumphs
That breathe high above the streets-
Proudly, clearly, for theirs, too, is splendor.
Let all the heights of this, my America, be mine
In my heart to make mne aspire and hope.
Oh God, let me take into myself
The breadth of our fertile farm lands.
Let nme breathe into my soul the stretch of her bearing miles,
The redolent orchards and grain fields,
The lush green of valley and pasture!
Give me the vision of long straight rows
Leading far into blue distance!
Give me the tolerance born of the seeing-
The waiting, the seed, and the nearness to soil!
Ohi God, drive into my veins the power,
The pulsing strength of my Country!
The millions of men-the machinery-
The crash and roar of production-
The surge of the falls and the rivers,
Of the mighty dams and constructions,
The giant force of electric energy!
Let me feel the depth of the rich, resources,
The oil and the rocky minerals,
Coal and the vast, deep forests.
Let it all come into me, Oh God,
That the flow of my life may be great-
May be high and broad and deep
As the life and need of 'my Country.
Let it all come into me, Oh, God,
That I may be an American,
Not for the name alone
But for the hope, the vision, the power
That are deep in this, my America.
-From the musical dramatization "Listen, Mr. Speaker."


Morale is a war word ; but it also connotes something new in American
life. Not only does it name a quality essential to the prosecution of war;
it symbolizes a trend in American thought vital to the future of democracy.
Education for morale implies more than developing the will to win
the war. It is concerned with maintaining a peace based upon the virtues
of justice, truth, and goodwill. Underneath the visible currents of the
present war runs the continuing struggle of men to be free, to attain
the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
To build a morale that will appeal to all peoples, American educators
must contribute to solving the problems of our own people. Education
that ignores the social ills of the United States will carry little weight
with peoples confronted with solving their own social problems. Similarly,
the schools can make their best contribution to the morale of the free
peoples of the world only as they achieve success in building morale in
their own ranks.
To dwell on our failures rather than to stress our advancements would
be to defeat the purpose of morale teaching. Democracy is not a static
goal to be won but a dynamic process to be pursued. The test is whether
the schools see the direction to go.
The school's curriculum must help youth to improve the democratic
life in the United States, to develop a sympathetic understanding of all
peoples who are striving for the freedom of the common man, and to
gain understanding of America's new role among the nations of the world.
The task of gaining an enduring peace calls for greater effort, greater
sacrifices, greater vision than winning the war. To the schools goes the
major task of preparing our people to meet the trials and mortal strain
of nations, which, as VWhitman foresaw, "come at last in prosperous peace,
not war."

/1An address that was to have been given at the annual banquet of
the National Association of Secondary-School Principals at St. Louis
on February 27, 1943, by Sigmund Skard, a prominent Norwegian
writer and scholar. Mr. Skard was formerly a teacher of literary
history at the University of Oslo and was librarian of the Royal
Academy of Trondheim, Norway, at the time Germany invaded
Norway. After some time in occupied Norw'ay, he escaped thru the
enemy lines on skis over the mountains to Sweden. An adventurous
journey thru Russian and Japanese territory culminated in America.
This war is making the world smaller than it was before; and it will
never be large again. Differences and distances, which seemed important


a few months ago, are of little avail now. Nations divided by thousands
of miles suddenly are close to each other, fighting shoulder to shoulder
for basic principles of life. Russian peasants, Chinese coolies, Yugoslavian
snipers, and bombed British children are welded together in one single
fighting team, in a community of ideals.
In this worldwide democratic front, Norway has come to play a greater
part than was expected from a small nation in a corner of Europe.
In few nations was democracy so well developed before the war, and hardly
anywhere had its principles penetrated so deeply into the people's minds.
The reasons for this were many. The country had a homogeneous popu-
lation of moderate size and a relatively simple economic life; it had lived
in uninterrupted peace for more than a century. By national growth
democracy had become general in Norway. It not only worked in the
political field but in social and economic life as well, restricting the freedom
of the few in order to create equality for the many. Gradually a spirit
of collaboration had developed, which softened the contrasts. It made
possible in Norway a higher and more even living standard than in most
European countries. The whole political and intellectual tradition of the
people was instrumental in building up this way of living; and in keeping
and developing the heritage, the schools played an all-important part.
Democracy had become a matter of personal concern to the Norwegians.
They believed in their social system and in its possibilities of further
The idea of collaboration marked their international attitude. It was
a matter of course for Norwegians to believe in fair play among the nations,
in peace, and in disarmament. In a world armed to the teeth, they tried to
isolate themselves in the hope that their country should remain a refuge to
peace, even if the rest of the world should be engulfed by the war. Even
n'w, the nation is not regretful of this attitude. In the long run the intel-
lectual armament built up in the time of peace has proved to be more impor-
tant to resistance than tanks and guns. When the Germans came to Norway,
it was not necessary to begin building morale. It was not necessary to tell
the average man and woman that it is better to fight for democracy than to
live under any kind of dictatorship. They knew that already from their own
Hitler Invades Norway

To this Norway the Germans came, April 9, 1940.
The attack was as sudden as that on Pearl Harbor. The most important
ports and the main arsenals were taken during the first night of fighting;
not by treason but by the overwhelming might of the onslaught. The
situation seemed totally hopeless. In spite of this the government decided that
the country should fight. When, after two months of gallant resistance the
army had to capitulate, the King, the government, and the staffs left
Norway. They continue active resistance from abroad. A new army and
air force have been built up, and a new navy fights with the Allies on the
seven seas. The government took over the hulge merchant marine, one of


the largest and most modern in the world, and it plays a major part in the
battle of supplies all over the globe. But still more important to the future
of the Norwegian nation is the fight in Norway itself.
From the first days of occupation the Germans clamped on Norway their
elaborate system of oppression. They abolished all political freedom, broke
down the local self-government, meddled with the courts, dissolved the
organizations. They looted' the country mercilessly of all valuables, they
drafted the manpower for forced labor, and with the assistance of the
handful of quislings, they started out to "change the mentality of the
nation," interfering with cultural life in all its aspects. They backed their
moves with reckless brutality, censorship, secret police, imprisonment, con-
centration camps, tortures, and executions.
Norwegian Resistance
In the beginning, the Norwegian resistance was spontaneous. Attempts
were made to isolate the Germans and counteract their orders. The dry
Norwegian humor was helpful here. Everybody felt and acted as the young
girl who refused to dance with a German officer in a restaurant. When asked
if she did so because he was a German, she replied, "No, just because I am
a Norwegian." In a thousand ways life was made intolerable to the "guests";
by unobtrusive means the population was able to tell them what they
really thought about them. They boycotted the propaganda, leaving the
speakers alone in the big halls; they hampered the movements of the
Germans in every way imaginable. From these beginnings an organized
resistance gradually created itself. Thousands of independent groups sprang
up. Even now they usually have no definite knowledge about each other,
but they cooperate with utmost precision, in common action.
The result is a general inefficiency of the Nazi administration. Norway
does not fit into the way of the New Order. The officials refuse to obey
the regime. Thousands have been discharged and are left to starve, but in
secretive ways, they are always helped. The whole judicial system has
broken down ; the Supreme Court resigned in a body as a protest against
the arbitrariness of the Nazis. Organizations of all kinds cease to function.
Boards resign and members leave. There is a general sports strike-no games
or competitions. When clubs have been forced to arrange something, the
results have been so poor as to become the laughing stock of the country.
The church, which was previously supported by public means, solemnly
broke its connection with the state and denounced naziism as contrary to all
Christian principles. The boldness of the underground service is amazing;
several times condemned prisoners have been spirited away from the con-
centration camps under the very noses of the Gestapo.
In spite of the German efforts to keep the country isolated, the fighting
spirit has been on the upswing ever since the occupation. The Norwegian
public is kept constantly up to date about the happenings in the world, and
the people clearly feel they are a fighting United Nation. As early as July
4, 1941, almost half a year before Pearl Harbor, the German police had
to disperse a tremendous demonstration in Oslo in front of the Lincoln


Memorial. Those Norwegian men and women knew pretty well what they
were celebrating on the Fourth of July.
The Germans have only one answer-increased brutality. The docu-
mentary reports which were recently brought out by the Norwegian Depart-
ment of Justice in London give the well-known picture of tortures and
bestial cruelty, wiping out of whole communities in reprisal, and wholesale
execution of hostages. In the town where the author of this article used
to live, a town of 50,000 inhabitants, thirty-four hostages were shot
in the month of October last year-shot for things they could not possibly
have done, because most of them were in prison when they happened.
But this method does not work in Norway; it does not work anywhere.
The insane brutality just makes the issue clearer, the fight more determined,
the will to win still more unbreakable.

Education Fights Too

All the time the schools have played an important part in this fight. Long
before the invasion the Norwegian educators were aware of the morbidness
of the educational ideas of naziism. When the Germans occupied the
country, the teachers became the vanguard of resistance.
So clear and determined was the opposition, that for more than a year the
Germans made no serious move against the school system. When the teachers
were asked to sign declarations of loyalty to the Nazis, they answered by
signing a common statement to the effect that now, as before, they intended
to obey all legal orders given by legal authorities. When a "revised edition"
of the catechism was published by the Nazis, the book was just ignored.
When the colleges were asked to admit Nazi speakers, they refused "because
it would be against the general purpose of the schools-to create independent
Teaching in Norway became a course in anti-naziism, frankly underlining
the democratic traditions of the country. Even children in elementary schools
staged tremendous demonstrations in the streets against the Germans and
had to be dispersed by the police. The college youths eagerly engaged in all
kinds of underground work. Attempts to win the university students re-
sulted in a total failure. Out of 1200 medical students in Oslo, only twelve
agreed to study in Germany, in spite of great advantages offered to them.
All over the country the students were unanimously backed by their parents
and encouraged to resist. More than ever the nation felt the school was an
instrument of its vital interests.
The final test has come during the last year when the attitude of the
educators has become the main example of the utter futility of the German
In the spring of 1942 the Nazis decided to break the resistance of the
schools; they ordered all Norwegian teachers to join the teachers' union
of the party, and ordered all children between ten and eighteen years to
join the Nazi Youth Movement. Practically all teachers left their jobs
in protest. Regular teaching now is continued in the homes of the teachers


and the parents. In a proud declaration to all students, the teachers an-
nounced that regular classes probably would not be resumed "for the
duration." They asked them to continue their studies alone, with their own
books, thus preparing themselves for the important tasks that were awaiting
them in the service of their country.
In order to intimidate the teachers, the Germans then arrested 1100 of
them. Five hundred of the men teachers, many of the older ones, were
picked out for torture. They were kept for a week in a concentration camp
and subjected to strenuous drills and punishments. They were forced to
creep on their stomachs thru ice water, snow, and slush, while keeping their
hands on their backs; they were made to transport snow on broom handles
or with bare hands, or move a woodpile from one part of the camp to
another and back again. Then they were sent northward, a trip of thirty
hours in cattle cars, packed so tightly that they were unable to sit down. En
route they were transferred to an old, condemned ship which had accom-
modations for only two hundred. In this ship the teachers, many of them
seriously ill, were transported to the far north of Norway, on the Arctic
Coast-a voyage of two weeks of indescribable suffering-in order to build
fortifications with the Russian war prisoners.
This experience did not break them or make them surrender. Before they
left, they stated their position in a joint declaration which was read to all
school classes all over Norway-a declaration and pledge which states, in
simple words, what kind of life the United Nations are fighting for.
The teacher's duty is not only to give the children knowledge. He must also teach
the children to have faith in, and to earnestly desire that which is true and just.
Therefore, he cannot, without betraying his calling, teach anything against his
conscience. IHe who does so sins both against the pupils he is supposed to lead and
against himself. This, I promise you, I shall not do.
I will not call upon you to do anything which I regard as wrong. Nor will I
teach you anything which I regard as not conforming with the truth. I will, as I
have done heretofore, let my conscience be my guide, and I am confident that I
shall then be in step with the great majority of the people who have entrusted
to me the duties of an educator.

Nortway Continues the Fight
It would not be truthful to say that the Norwegians see this determined
resistance only with joy. Since 1814 they had lived in peace ; they knew what
peace does for a nation and what it builds up. It had made them believe
deeply and sincerely in the principles of collaboration, of goodwill, and
understanding between nations and races and classes and groups of all kinds.
It is hard to see this attitude destroyed and to see the nation again forced
to think in terms of violence and brutality.
But the people of Norway had no choice, just as the Americans had no
choice. Out of the thousand questions of everyday life, two questions
are left: Have you the force to resist? Have you the force to exist? The
Norwegians have proved that they have. They know that if they chose
to fight instead of surrender, they fight on today with their allies all over
the globe against war, against the principles of morbidity and destruction,


for a life that is worth living, founded on freedom and justice for all. They
are determined to fight for those principles which have proved their value
in peacetime Norway. One hope is living in the Norwegians, as in all
occupied nations, during this long and terrible night-that, when the war
is over, we are not going to forget this time in making the peace the kind
of world which lived in our dreams while we fought.
It was stated admirably by an American student, as early as November
1941, writing'in the newspaper of the students of the University of Pennsyl-
vania: "We know that many of us will never come back. And we know that
those who do will suffer tremendous privations. But we also know that there
will be a country to come back to, futures to look forward to, ambitions to
be realized, and freedom to be enjoyed."



It seems that certain points of view will orient the administrator in
analyzing wartime personnel problems.
Nothing must be done to interfere with the war. Patriotism dictates that
serviceable people should leave civilian life for military service. The schools
are no exception to this. For example, a biology teacher who had worked
several summers at mosquito abatement work was called to the South
Pacific. On the other hand, the duty to American life involved in keeping
schools operating is convincing many capable school workers that it is
patriotic to remain in educational work.
After the actual war needs are met, then competition among civilian
activities has been common. In this contest for manpower, schools rank
high in importance. Communities should strive to keep schools effectively
manned by reasonable salaries and high social respect. Administrators must
keep personnel employed and efficient by satisfactory personnel practices
involving salary distribution, security, type of supervision, promotion in
service, and professional growth.
As shortages occur it is necessary to recruit temporary help, usually
from the ranks of former teachers. These are young and old, well trained
and with meager training; some are in need of work while some volunteer
with quite a spirit of independence. Problems of assignment become imme-
diately apparent as efforts are made to assure successful teaching by these
recruits. Invariably there will be real needs for in-service training and
specialized forms of supervisory activities. Problems of justice and fair
play with regular teachers arise if these temporary people are brought in
on a competitive wage basis. Further recruiting of newly trained teachers
becomes necessary as the number of students preparing to teach is gradually
As this process of personnel adjustment goes forward it becomes neces-
sary to study the educational program in terms of available workers. Some


departments of study must be eliminated. New demands, especially in high
schools, require' adaptations of course contents and methods of teaching
to war demands. Lack of skill in school management on the part of many
of the recruited instructors forces a new question of pupil control which
in turn may force a return to more regimentation of pupils and formality
in school programs. Some of the emotional and social purposes of education
may not be possible for the makeshift teaching staff. The realization of
these changes in expected teaching outcomes is necessary for a successful
These times have stressed more than ever before the close relationship
between the nonteaching staff and the instructional staff. Schools can he
closed because of a lack of janitorial workers. Detail work can be left
undone by a shortage of clerical help. School administrators need now to
formulate policies of personnel management which unify in purpose and
planning the entire group of people who make up the staff of a school system.


Since Pearl Harbor there has been only slight pressure on consumers from
the war, but American industry has been literally placed in an economic
strait jacket. The impact on civilian consumers will be felt more directly
as the conversion of the $3,800,000,000 civilian durable goods industries to
war production gets into full swing and when present inventories dry up.
Millions of tons of strategic materials must be released for direct war
The Commerce Department estimates that in 1943 only 35 percent of
industrial production will go into consumer goods in contrast to 79 percent
in 1941. Those figures should dispel any doubt as to whether we must be
ready to accept a lower standard of living or learn how to live as well
on less.
The war has affected the attitude of civilians toward social change. It
is difficult for us to visualize a social change before it actually occurs. But
today with rationing in effect we can realize that we are rapidly approach-
ing an economy of scarcity.
There have been fears that the violations of rationing and price control
regulations-the lack of appreciation of the issues at stake-would be so
general that the machinery of controls would be wrecked. It would not
take long to sink $50,000,000,000 into higher prices-money going into
the thin, blue air of inflation.
The accent now is on use. We must get full use from the things we
have and the money we have to spend. Thus emerges from the past
economy based on waste an economy of scarcity based on need.
We shall have to live more economically, buy more bonds, and pay
more taxes now. We shall have to do without many more essentials
and reduce our consumption of many more items. \Ve shall have to


cooperate actively with the government's seven-point program to sta-
bilize the cost of living. The government cannot control the cost of
living by itself and certainly the consumers cannot handle the problem
alone. Clearly what is needed is a practical and effective partnership
between consumers and our governmental agencies. To do less is to in-
vite economic chaos and suffering at home, and certain defeat on the
fighting front.

The outstanding lesson for consumers in this war is the vast potential
productivity of this nation, a potential that permits us to protect our living
standards in the midst of war and to raise the standards of all when the
war is won.
In 1943 our gross national product will be roughly four times as great
as in the worst year of the depression. However, the last report of the
Tolan Committee says: "We cannot afford the luxury of self-congratulation
on the production record. . It represents substantial gains . but it
is the product of America's unorganized might and far short of our pro-
ductive capacity."
Price regulation, rent control, and rationing have contributed mightily to
the achievements in production, as far as they have gone. With planned
production and distribution, and with a tax program appropriate to the
income requirements of the government-during the war the greatest single
customer for American industry-we can open up vast new horizons for
the lives of the people of this world. Schools must teach this lesson as
ardently as in the past they have taught the three R's and the fundamental
moralities of democracy. This is the great story of the twentieth century.
It is no exaggeration to say that the maintenance and continuance of our
educational institutions are dependent upon the successful teaching of this
lesson. As we learn to use the great untapped resources of our people and
our land, we shall certainly strengthen the institutions that teach. If we
fail to learn that lesson, the schools will bear the burden of responsibility
for that failure.

Human beings are always trying to change or modify the thoughts, emo-
tions, or actions of one another. Sometimes their motives are quite altruistic,
but all too often they are very selfish.
There are three ways in which we try to influence other people's reactions.
We use force or law based on force; we use indoctrination, which consists


of presenting an idea or point of view, either good or bad, in as effective
manner as possible; or we use education, which depends for results on faith
in the growth of free men in an environment of freedom. It is this emphasis
on faith in the human being that distinguishes education from indoctrina-
tion as a process. Indoctrination is designed to insure the end result while
those using education are willing to risk the outcome.
It is not that one of these ways should be used to the exclusion of the
other two. Almost every individual or group uses all three ways at some
time or under some conditions or at different stages of development. What
teacher or parent does not depend sometimes on force or law? Or, do we
not all try to indoctrinate each other at one time or another? Even govern-
ments with their people, or the nations in their relations with one another,
seem to resort more often to force and indoctrination than to education. It
is true also that frequently force must be used to control those whom we
would change, until education can get a chance to operate.
The use of law or indoctrination evidences either a lack of faith in one's
cause or a lack of confidence in the stage of development of the one to be
changed. As the human being develops in his own life cycle or the race
develops thru the centuries, there should be a growing dependence on edu-
cation as opposed either to force or indoctrination as the cause of change.
The people of a democracy believe men have a right as human beings
to be educated rather than coerced or even persuaded. There is something
about the word "education" that seems synonymous with freedom. One does
not have exactly the same feeling toward the word "indoctrination" and still
less toward the word "force."
This does not mean that all force or indoctrination is bad. Nor is all
education good. But education involves a faith that men of goodwill and
the good way will triumph in the long run if the mind of man is free to
grow. So it is that in America we have placed our hope in free schools and
other unfettered educational agencies, resorting to force and indoctrination
only as intermediary steps in the long trek toward freedom. \Maybe we
shall never be able to depend wholly on the processes of education, but
surely in this democracy, if it can be preserved, we ought increasingly to be
able to do so.



Now that the United Nations have taken the offensive there is no longer
any reasonable ground for reluctance in discussing the sort of world for
which we are fighting. In fact, the development of a vision of that world
must become an important part of the strategy of our offensive if victory
is to be achieved in the shortest possible time and at the least possible cost.
I have two propositions: one, that the next peace will be won or lost before
the end of hostilities; two, that the chief battleground on which the struggle


to win the peace will be fought is in the minds of the people of the United
Rather than consider the various plans or blueprints for the organization
of a peaceful world I prefer now to discuss the policies which must be sup-
ported by the people of this country if there is to be any possibility of estab-
lishing whatever plan seems best. I want to do this because the problem
of the organization of the next peace is not an abstract problem. It is one
which involves our own future and the future of our children. I believe it
to be true that we want to find what men have always sought: freedom
and dignity in their lives, freedom from fear, and freedom from want. If
this is true, how can we best achieve these goals in the sort of world we
inhabit today? The time has gone when any nation thru its own strength
alone can give security, either economic or political, to its people. The de-
structiveness, speed, and range of modern weapons of war make oceans and
boundaries inadequate as a basis for protection. No nation can be secure
in a world of national anarchy. Our own security, like that of all other
countries, depends upon our participation in some system for the organiza-
tion of power behind international authority. It depends also upon the co-
ordination of our economic policies with those of other nations of the world
within an international system. As for our liberty and dignity, we cannot
preserve these desired values in a world which lives under the constant
shadow of war and in which we live under a system of militarism and
regimentation, as from now on we shall always have to do in a lawless world.
It is well to consider the comparative costs of joining with other nations
to establish a world of order and opportunity with the cost of refusing to
do so. In one case we shall have to participate in some system of international
police. This may cost us the lives of two or three hundred Americans over
a period of ten years. The alternative is the shedding of the blood of perhaps
millions every quarter century. If we coordinate our economic policies with
other nations, certain of our industries for a limited period of time may
suffer. The alternative is the complete dislocation of our economic life and
our threatened financial ruin every quarter century. If we wish to live
in a peaceful world we must try to do what we can to give men everywhere
a better chance in life. This need not mean a quart of milk a day for every
Hottentot, but it may mean that we cannot retain all the whipped cream
in the world for our own use.
If the United Nations can develop a better integrated organization in
the fields of military direct-ion, of economic planning, and of organization
for social welfare during the course of the war and maintain that organiza-
tion thru the difficult period of transition from war to peace, we have a
chance of moving forward into an era of international organization. Our
own nation must play a leading role in this endeavor, for it is almost
certain that we shall be increasingly the most powerful nation among our
allies and consequently in the world. If we again refuse the responsibilities
that go with power we have no right to hope for a better world.


(Reprinted thru the courtesy of the LONDON TIMES Educational
The appeal made by the Swedish Committee for the Relief of Belgian
Children, published recently in the London Times Educational Supplement,
has already drawn the attention of British teachers and educationists to the
appalling condition under which the youth of Belgium pursue their studies.
This appeal was based on a report of Dr. Dutholt, head of the Medical
Department of Public Assistance in Brussels, which stated that all children
from one to fourteen years of age were either losing weight or making sub-
normal progress. The Swedish Committee declared that the present situation
was "infinitely worse than a year ago (when this information was obtained)
and that the state of Belgium would soon be as bad as that of Greece."
Reliable information received in London from different sources entirely
confirms these conclusions. I have personally interviewed quite recently cer-
tain doctors and political leaders who were compelled to leave the country
owing to their anti-German activities, and whose names, for this reason,
cannot be published. They all agree that the school children and adolescents
are particularly affected by malnutrition and that public education in the
urban districts is disorganized owing to the physical weakness and ill health
of an ever-increasing number of scholars. Some of the pupils are too weak
to go to school, others go without having eaten any breakfast; cases of faint-
ing are frequent; afternoon classes have been interrupted; games and sports
have been cancelled. The children have neither the physical nor the in-
tellectual energy necessary for any prolonged effort.
Debility and Tuberculosis
One of the last numbers of the clandestine paper La Libre Belgiquc to
reach this country states that since September 1941 30 percent of the chil-
dren have actually lost weight, and that the increase in weight of the ma-
jority of the remaining 70 percent is 40 percent below normal, in spite of
the distribution of extra meals by the municipalities and charitable organiza-
tions. These figures refer to the whole country. The same paper quotes a
report of Dr. Nyns, head of tile Instruction Jlledicale Scolaire in Brussels,
according to which cases of acute anemia, fainting, and swollen glands are
becoming more and more frequent. Slight accidents cause fractures which
do not mend easily owing to the weak condition of the patient. From other
reports we gather that in certain districts the loss of weight of the large
majority ranges between four pounds and thirty pounds. In one form, of
thirty-four boys subjected to medical inspection twelve were in an advanced
stage of debility and fifteen in various stages of tuberculosis.
This may he an extreme case, and conditions evidently vary according to
the ability of parents to procure extra food on the black market, in order
to supplement the official ration, but the number of those who are able to


do so-formerly 15 percent of the population-becomes smaller every month
owing to the exhaustion of private resources and to the increased cost of such
supplies. The bad quality of the rationed food should also be taken into
account. The bread is of very poor nutritive quality and difficult to digest.
Children suffer constantly from sickness and headaches. Cases of oedema
in the legs, a condition practically unknown among the young, have become
so frequent that extra allowances of food have had to be granted to those
affected by this new illness. The winter brings additional suffering owing
to a far from adequate supply of coal.
Teachers and masters struggle bravely to pursue their work in these
tragic circumstances. Most of them are patriots who, forbidden to use their
old textbooks, refuse to use the new ones which the Germans try to force
upon them, especially history books interpreting the 1914-1918 events ac-
cording to the Nazi point of view. They do so at their own risk and dare
not even dictate notes to their pupils, since the German inspectors might
examine them. The teaching in certain schools has become purely oral. The
lack of paper and of copybooks-sometimes there is only one available for
seven scholars-provides an excellent excuse. Slates are used instead, even
in the higher forms, and slates can be quickly cleaned in case of emergency.
But there is always the danger that the child of some quisling might report
to his father any patriotic statement made by a lay teacher, or the fact that
prayers have been said in some religious schools for the victory of Britain
and her allies and the deliverance of the mother country.

Education Paralyzed

The proof that this resistance is the rule in all schools, whether free
Catholicc) or official (state or municipal), is the bitterness expressed by the
German-controlled papers, such as Volk en Staat which denounces them as
centers of "pro-British feelings." "After two years of occupation," it de-
clares, "a complete reform of public education seems necessary, in order to
introduce a new spirit." These attacks are prompted by the fact that the
children of the collaborationistss" are ostracized. The lead given by the
University of Brussels, which the Germans were compelled to close in the
fall owing to the refusal of the academic authorities to comply with their
instructions, is followed everywhere.
It is in this oppressive atmosphere, with the tramp of marching soldiers
resounding under their windows and the threat of arrest hanging over their
heads, that the Belgian teachers endeavor to pursue their painful work and
to prepare the younger generation for the task of tomorrow. They are
faced with rows of pale and hungry faces, and obliged to alter their time-
table and their curriculum according to the tragic circumstances in which
they are placed. How long will they be able to keep up their pupils' courage,
and how long will the scholars themselves be able to attend classes in suffi-
cient numbers? Education is already practically paralyzed. Unless something
is done to alleviate present conditions it will die a natural death.
It is necessary to make plans for the postwar period and to collect and


prepare supplies for the day of victory and liberation. But present urgent
needs should not be overlooked. The fate of the next generation in Belgium
does not depend on what can be done on a lavish scale in two or three years
from now. It depends on what can be done, even on a small scale, within
the next two or three months.

(Reprinted from BELGIUM, fol. III, No. 9)
A twelve-year-old Belgian schoolboy has just travelled alone from Brus-
sels to London to join his father, an officer of the Belgian Forces in Great
Peter is a bright little boy, and loves to chatter, laugh, and tell secrets.
A few weeks ago Peter was attending a communal school in a Brussels
"My school," he says, "is a good school. The teachers were all on our
side: they did not like the Boches. It was the same with the boys and girls.
In any class there were thirty children, and only three of them were on
the wrong side. How do I know? That's easy. You can recognize the pro-
Germans right away, because they look nervous. WVe never spoke to them,
and they kept very quiet. Because, if they had made a move. . ." And
Peter put up his fists, by way of further explanation.
The Germans, he reports, only came once to the school. That was to
take away the door handles, the copper art pots, and all the other metal
"We had no atlas and no history books. They say that in other schools
the children have got new history books-books full of lies. But in my
school I know that we were taught true history. Naturally, we did not
put down everything in our exercise books. We were told that the Belgians
have always wanted to be masters in their own house; we learned about
the Duke of Alba, who burned the Belgians; and we also heard about the
heroes of 1830-Charlier, the man with the wooden leg, and all the
Peter said that he had not been hungry in Belgium. "My grandfather
had a garden in the country," lie explained; "he sent us vegetables. We even
had, now and then, a little piece of meat on Sundays. But people used to say
I was not very well and ought to live in the country. My pals were not
so lucky as I was. Two or three times children who had had no breakfast
before coming to school fainted in the classroom. Then they were taken to
an empty classroom and looked after, and I believe they were given some-
thing to eat. Besides that, some children were ill because they could not
digest the bread which is damp and sticky, or the potato peelings that the
cakes are made of nowadays. Most of the scholars brought money to school
every week and were given a bowl of soup for it at eleven in the morning.
The bigger boys, those who were twelve like me, had the job of serving
it out. For a time we used to get a little glass of milk every day at three
o'clock. Then the milk ran short.


"It was very cold in the winter," Peter went on to say. "We had a fine
stove in the classroom, but very little coal. Teacher used to go and look
every quarter of an hour to see if the fire was still alight. Now and again
she put a little tiny shovelful of coal on. In the middle of the winter, even
in 1940, the schools were closed for a long time because there was no way
of heating them. We had very long holidays at Christmas.
"I had some good shoes, with leather soles, that had belonged to the son
of a friend of ours and had got too small for him. But nearly all the other
children had shoes with wooden soles-sometimes just plain wood, and
sometimes in strips. They made a terrific noise at playtime. Nobody had
any new clothes, but we didn't care about that. Now that I am here, I
realize that everyone looked poor in Belgium.
"We used to talk a lot about the war at school. We knew the Germans
were going to be beaten. Here in England everyone is full of courage. Well,
it is the same thing in Belgium. Everybody tells funny stories about the
Germans. I read some myself in the secret newspaper. At school we used
to put some in the secret newspaper of our class, which was called Le
Boche and all written by hand. There was only one copy. Of course, it
wasn't a serious newspaper: we used to put in it all the jokes we knew.
This was one of them I remember:
"Question: How do you pronounce 'Heil Hitler' in Belgium?
"Answer: We pronounce it, in Brussels cockney: 'Alleie, Alleie, Hitler!'
(Clear out, Hitler!)"
Peter was not afraid of guns. "In Brussels," he explained, "when we
heard the airplanes of the R.A.F. and the German guns, we used to come
out on the balcony to make the Boches wild. It was fine to see the tracer
bullets that never hit an Allied airplane. The R.A.F. is grand."
And Peter went on talking about his school, his teachers, and "Mademoi-
selle" (who looked after the fire). She was "grand," too, because she was
not afraid of the "Boches" and continued to teach the real History of

Man is entitled to good health. It is his right. What do you suppose
would have been the effect on the welfare of this nation had the signers
of the Declaration of Independence included one additional word "health"
in that document-"the inalienable rights of man are life, liberty, and the
pursuit of (health and) happiness?" As a representative of the medical pro-
fession, Benjamin Rush should have included it; Franklin, I think, as a
philosopher, would have supported it; and Washington, as the Father of
our Country, would have welcomed it. While it is now more than a century
and a half too late for inclusion in the Declaration of Independence, it is
never too late to recognize health as one of the inalienable rights of man.


War, because of its imperative demands for vigorous manhood, forces
on us the careful selection of young men who are "fit to fight," but selective
service statistics have revealed an unsuspected national weakness, a 40 to
50 percent rate of rejection due to lack of health and physical fitness. Since
the need for manpower is present and imperative, our national leaders are
now frantically seeking some ready panacea for physical fitness, some quick,
rapid cure for the numerous defects unwittingly engendered thru neglect.
But health, like farming and education, needs careful cultivation. Weeds
of disease have choked, to some extent, the normal growth and development
of some of the youth of our nation. Our crucial problem is to correct imme-
diately that which is subject to remedy, but above all we must prevent in
the future a repetition of the situation which faces us today. This nation
should never again be subjected to the humiliation of a 40 to 50 percent
rejection of manpower because of lack of health and physical fitness.
The cure for this condition lies largely with the medical and teaching
professions, which should unite in a joint campaign of instruction for the
education of youth and the enlightenment and support of both the teachers
and the parents. The educational system hereafter must provide for adequate
instruction in matters of personal, physical, and mental hygiene; for cor-
rection of developing defects; and for the actual physical training requisite
to physical fitness. This obviously demands the cooperation of medicine,
which has already attempted to meet the situation thru the creation of a
special Committee on Student Health at national headquarters of the
American Medical Association. The services of this medical committee are
now available to the teaching profession.
Your profession, under the auspices of the U. S. Office of Education, is
meeting the situation squarely and effectively thru the creation of Victory
Programs. The Victory Program for Physical Fitness, like that of the
Division of Physical Fitness of the New York State War Council, is de-
signed specifically to meet existing conditions. At present two things are
essential: first, the correction of defects easy of remedy which threaten life
and health ; and second, the building of stamina, strength, endurance, and
agilities in all who can qualify for such training. Qualifications should be
determined by medical examination.
From the standpoint of manpower, students might be placed in three
groups: (a) eighteen years of age and over, (b) sixteen to eighteen years
of age, and (c) under sixteen years of age.
It is imperative that immediate attention be given to the first and second
groups. The first represents the immediate source of manpower; the sec-
ond, a potential source during the next two years. First and foremost, every
student of these two groups should be examined by a competent physician,
using the physical standards of the Army known as War Department
Mobilization Regulation 1-9 (as amended January 20, 1943). Prehabilita-
tion should be effected where and when possible.
The program of physical fitness should have as its objective combat
efficiency, the development of men willing to do or die but equipped to


do rather than to die. It should include mass calisthenics, local competi-
tive sports, and simple exercise such as walking, running, jumping, bicycling,
swimming, diving. A more rugged program might include hockey, foot-
ball, chinning, pushups, setups, dashes, dodging runs. The commando
type of training combines many virtues. The best guide to the type of train-
ing needs is found in the actual experience of the Army and Navy.
The group under sixteen is in a very plastic state and tremendous results
. may be anticipated from the development of proper methods of training.
Colonel Theodore P. Bank, chief of the Athletic and Recreation
Branch of the Special Service Division of the War Department, stated:
"Many young men are entering the Army today totally unprepared for
military life. It takes weeks to bring them into the physical condition neces-
sary to proper military training. This means weeks of wasted time and
effort which could be avoided if every young man now in high school en-
gaged in proper physical activities."
In any program of physical fitness, sight should not be lost of the need
for mental fitness and above all for the "will to win." The needs in this field
are as great as in that of physical fitness. The proper approach to this
problem should yield results of infinite value.
Today the physical fitness program should condition our youth for
war; tomorrow, as the national health program, it should condition our
youth with the mental and physical vigor essential for world leadership
and for the maintenance of lasting universal peace.



I know a school of five hundred pupils in which a health council coordi-
nates the instructional program with other phases of the school life in the
interests of the healthful living of boys, girls, and teachers. Established by
the principal and the teachers, it now includes the custodian-engineer, the
school nurse, and the matron of the school cafeteria. Here are some of the
questions the health council has considered:
Lighting. Seattle is in a coastal dimout area. Dimouts and advance of clocks one
hour on "war time" made special study of lighting necessary.
Seating. Is it adequate? Are frequent adjustments necessary?
Ilrating. Many war immigrant children come from hotter, drier cliilates. Is there
a tendency to wear too much or too heavy clothing?
Ventilation. Fuel shortage may curtail ventilation to the detriment of adequate
Cleanliness. Classrooms, halls, basements, toilets, grounds.
Intermissions. Are they adequate?
Noon intermission. Should part of the primary intermission be taken for a rest
period? How much? Which part?
Cafeteria. Is it adequate? Are children selecting balanced lunches? Atmosphere?
Special displays?
Nurse. How can the nurse he of greater help to us in the entire school program?
How much maladjustment is due to health conditions?

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