African studies quarterly

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African studies quarterly
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African studies quarterly (Online)
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ASQ
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Serial
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English
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University of Florida -- Center for African Studies
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University of Florida, Center for African Studies,
University of Florida, Center for African Studies
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Gainesville, Fla
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quarterly
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Electronic journals
Study and teaching -- Periodicals -- Africa   ( lcsh )
Gainesville (Fla.)
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African studies -- Periodicals
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Electronic journals   ( lcsh )
Electronic journals.
serial   ( sobekcm )
periodical   ( marcgt )

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Abstract:
Presents "African Studies Quarterly," an electronic journal published quarterly by the Center for African Studies at the University of Florida in Gainesville. Posts contact information for the editorial office via street address, telephone number, and e-mail. Lists advisory board and staff members. Offers access to the current issue, as well as to previous issues. Contains articles and related book reviews. Provides information on submissions and links to "African Anthropology."
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Mode of access: World Wide Web.
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Vol. 1, issue 1 (May 1997)-
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Title from title screen (viewed Aug. 6, 1999).
General Note:
An online journal of African studies.
General Note:
Latest issue consulted: Vol. 7, issue 4 (spring 2004) (viewed at publisher's Web site, Aug. 19, 2004).

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University of Florida
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University of Florida
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All applicable rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
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alephbibnum - 003331589
oclc - 40217685
issn - 2152-2448
lccn - 99030079
lccn - sn 99030079
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lcc - DT19.8
ddc - 960.0705
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UF00091747:00045

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University of Florida Board of Trustees, a public corporation of the State of Florida; permission is hereby granted for individuals to download articles for their own personal use. Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Florida. ISSN: 2152 2448 The Rise of a New Senegalese Cultural Philosophy? D EVIN BRYSON Abstract: The Senegalese social movement formed in 2011 in response to political stagnation and a lack of key public services. It played a decisive role in defeating incumbent president Abdoulaye Wade in his unconstitutional reelection campaign in 2012. This article considers the movement within the context of postcolonial Senegalese cultural politics. After a brief survey of the recent forms of hip hop engagement with social issues in other African countries, this study presents as articulating a social identity, a collective moveme nt, and a cultural/musical form that are distinct from these other examples of hip hop activism because they are continuations of a specifically Senegalese hybrid of art and social engagement imagined first by Senghor. is a culminating articul ation of various trends within post independence Senegalese culture by bridging the divide between tradition and modernity, between the national and the local, between elders and youth. ity, and has continued to challenge social and political stagnation, by reconfiguring, but also confirming, Senegalese cultural philosophy for a diverse, inclusive audience. Introduction In the summer of 2011, when President Abdoulaye Wade announced his in tention to seek an unprecedented third term in the presidential office and began tinkering with the two term limit of the constitution to assure his re election in 2012, Senegalese society was forced into an unwelcomed and unusual position. Long a paragon for political stability in West Africa, the country now seemed to be on the precipice of social rupture. Angry citizens took to the with tear gas, arrests, and violen t dispersal. As the cycle of protests and retaliation continued up to the elections it became clear that if Wade were to retain the presidency, severely threatened, if not outright demolished. Amidst these events, a group of rappers and journalists, calling themselves ( succeeded in arousing the dormant social consciousness of Senegalese society through community organization, written manif estoes, social media, thundering oratory, striking visual imagery, and unifying hip hop anthems, attracting enough followers by Thiat (Cheikh Omar Cyrille Toure) a nd Kilifeu (Mbessane Seck) of the rap group Keur Gui and journalists Fadel Barro and Alioune San in the city of Kaolack in response to one of the too frequent extended blackouts in the country, has sustained the tremendous momentum they won during the presidential elections to become an intractable institution within Senegalese social, political, and cultural life. The group maintains an informal, open connection to the general public, represented

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34 | Bryson the Parcelles Assainies neighborhood of Dakar, during which anyone may stop by on Tuesdays to elicit advice from or to propose partnerships to members of the core of the group. During one such open house I obse rved in July 2013, Barro and San first welcomed engaged citizens and civic leaders from Mali who had come to elicit their advice on raising month. Barro and San emphasized the need to remain non partisan so that they could earn the confidence of the people, the excitement and energy that the two Yenamarristes still feel towards such issues coming through in their increasingly animated speech. Next on their agenda was a group of teenagers who wanted nationwide campaign to elect Mactar Seck, a Senegalese living in New York who directs an onlin under their official aegis, but he would bring it to the entire membership to see if individuals wanted to support it. Finally, a business leader from a town on the outsk irts of Dakar came to ask for their public endorsement of a study he had undertaken to analyze his local problems, which, in his view, would instigate solutions to those problems more quickly. San suggested that one of esprits or local chapters, close to his town would be the most appropriate venue for soliciting support for his project. and the Yenamarristes reputation and influence, extending across generational and geographical boundaries. Marre has also undertaken ambitious public projects that aim to significantly reconfigure Senegalese society. Most recently, at the end of August 2013, the collective launched the Observatoire de la dmocratie et de la bonne gouvernance (Observatory of Democracy and Good Governance), whose principle objective is to elicit widespread public engagement in politics through informin g and training the public in their rights, their responsibilities, and the practice of those rights and responsibilities. The first event within the context of this program was a workshop to train young people in local leadership and governanc e, held over three days in late December 2013. While many observers of the 2012 presidential campaign and election questioned whether would last beyond that tumultuous period, the group has unquestionably demonstrated its commitment to sustain social and p olitical reforms in Senegal. Due to elections and its continued productivity and visibility in Senegalese public life, the collective has drawn international media and schola rly attention. Much of the commentary in the popular media that was concurrent with the presidential campaign and elections placed the collective within transnational and global cultural contexts, most readily those formed around hip hop culture and rap mu sic. 1 Continental connections between rappers were easy to make at the time due to the hip hop activism that had been recently sweeping across Africa. By the time the movement was prominently active in the 2012 Senegalese presidential campaign, rappers wer e a common element of recent struggles for democracy, equality, and freedom in a number of African countries. Tunisian rapper El Gnral, with his Zine al Abidine B en Ali. 2 El Haqed, a Moroccan rapper, released tracks criticizing the Moroccan monarchy, which eventually led to his imprisonment. 3 Critics were quick to place the members of in line with their fellow socially conscious rappers from the continent. 4 Although such an approach to analyzing the

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New Senegalese Cultural Philosophy | 35 movement provides important insights, such as opening up lines of solidarity and community between activists that transcend national borde rs, and sketching out consistent ideals for democratic reform, this method also elides the essential national and cultural contexts that arose from, and that it continues to reference and to draw from. Hisham Aidi, writing about recent protest s across Africa and media coverage of them, points to the ethnocentric views underlying such approaches that ignore national and like their fixation on Facebook and Twitter seems partly bec ause, in their eyes, a taste for hip hop among young Muslims 5 Academic critics have subsequently attempted to correct this problem, providing a variety of analyses of the Marre collec tive that take into account Senegalese dynamics, both germane to hip hop culture and not. 6 individuals, social protests, and cultures under the umbrella of hip hop have convincingly d emonstrated that, just as the members of the group themselves insist, is a movement by Senegalese for Senegalese issues, and must be considered as such in any treatment of it. The analytical thread that does connect the media accounts and the scholarly considerations of the collective and its significance for various communities, whether they be Senegalese, African, or global, whether they are based in hip hop culture or not, is that of ve worked through importance have all fixated on the ways that the movement breaks new ground in various social, political, rhetorical, and cultural domains. This special issue of the African Studies Quarterly itself, provoked by e if not exclusively devoted to the collective, is in regards to the movement follows 7 Th e following overview of the quickly burgeoning critical literature on should provide adequate background for understanding the two primary lines of inquiry on c historical, cultural, and social context, and the originality of the collective. In fact, this article take s the national contextualization of the movement further than it has been previously done in order to push back against the prevailing notion of en a Marre hop. I want to prod our readiness to view comes to be considered anemic, conventional Senegalese society. T his article place s the a Marre movement in the historical and social context of Senegalese cultural forms. In Senegal hop culture, equally draws upon cultural ideology, models, and trends that can be traced back to Lopold Sdar Senghor and that have endured in Senegal since his presidency. I believe that this methodology will shed new light on the strategies of and reveal new dimensions of their innovation. Among the body of scholarship that places within national and local contexts, fine research has been produced that offers up ana lyses of the role of socially engaged hip hop within the movement, drawing upon much previous work on the Senegalese hip hop scene generally. 8 While these studies inform my research, I extrapolate their conclusions out to a broader object of study. For exa mple, Marame Gueye argues that

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36 | Bryson the role of viable, important rap produced by the rappers of in instigating social change has been undervalued in most considerations of the movement. 9 Following her perceptive critique of the need to consider en a Marre expanding this approach beyond a focus on hip hop, I consider Yenamarristes primarily as cultural actors. I view the movement as composed of individuals and groups working with cultural forms in a manner specific to p ostcolonial Senegal to convey important national ideals and values, to intervene in the public and political spheres. The members of Marre are part of a lineage of Senegalese cultural producers who have worked within the cultural context established by Senghor through an institutionalization and propagation of a uniquely Senegalese cultural ideology. Senghor believed that specifically Senegalese cultural products could produce political stability and social cohesion within postcolonial Senegalese soc iety, and carve out a role for the country, politically and culturally, on the global stage. As we will see, due to the manner in which Senghor implemented his cultural philosophy in early postcolonial Senegal, the concept has had and continues to have cur rency within Senegal, which compels both the political and cultural elites who are dictating the sanctioned limits of Senegalese cultural forms, and those cultural actors and consumers who are redrawing them, to acknowledge and to address it. I will show t hat, while the cultural actors and movements since Senghor have not always conceived of the specific dimensions of Senegalese cultural production in the same manner as Senghor, and have attempted to redefine those characteristics, they have nevertheless be cultural ideology initiated by Senghor t hat homegrown culture is the primary means to reconfigure the country politically and socially. This includes I show that by grounding its actions and rhetoric in recogniz able Senegalese cultural is able to subtly and carefully introduce transgressive political and social ideas, including ones rooted in hip hop culture, to a broad spectrum of people. Y et the group is not using Senegalese cultural ideology simply as a cover to smuggle in radicalism. Their tactics, music, and rhetoric reveal postcolonial cultura l continuum. However, the cultural philosophy offered by is more approachable and inclusive than its iteration within the official cultural institutions. I n their cultural interventions the members of carve out a middle ground bet ween Senegalese historical trends and contexts, on one side, and global, progressive, inclusive innovation, on the other. The movement is ultimately able to offer a new political vision for the nation by existing in that interstitial space. They successful ly mold hip hop appears wholly new and groundbreaking, but which ultimately harkens back to its original form as conceived by Senghor. The article t herefore begin s by tracing the progression of the entwined political and cultural landscape in Senegal from the dawn of independence to the current day, analyzing the enduring intersections between politics and the arts in the attempts by artistic creators to transform t heir country. This provides the historical foundation for the cultural philosophy that I am referencing, as well as shows the enduring cultural negotiation between Senegalese cultural policy and ideology. Such historical work has not been adequately done w ith Marre Senegalese historical progression that is a part of. 10 Therefore, I proceed to consider within this historical cultural context, drawing on interviews with the

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New Senegalese Cultural Philosophy | 37 members, observations of their meetings, and analysis of their rhetoric, ultimately proposing the movement as the culmination, in many of trajectory. 11 I show that the rhetoric, strategies, and actions of the group articulate various moments and tendencies within post independence Senegalese cultural philosophy, while tacking back and forth between tr adition and modernity, between the national and the local, between elders and youth, between the new and the old. This approach is not meant to dismiss the claims of original strategies, rhetoric, and results that have been emanating from the movement and newness. To begin this process of better understanding the nature of I argue, we must begin with Senghor and his own sense of being fed up. Senghor and State Building Senghor began to articulate his vision of black culture, a philosophy that would guide his cultural policy during the years of his presidency in Senegal, in the fac e of seemingly indomitable French colonialism. Dialoguing with his fellow intellectuals of The African Society of Culture Prsence Africaine Senghor was part of a community that placed artists and cultural producers a t the fore of the struggle for independence and its aftermath. Elizabeth Harney describes this time in the following way: The very establishment of a society of intellectuals and activists, a publication house, and a set of organized forums that could nur ture burgeoning political and cultural philosophies afforded the arts and artists central roles in the processes of postcolonialism. At conferences, art was envisioned to be in the service of a variety of pressing pursuits, acting as a means of exploring a nd expressing newfound senses of cultural nationalism, shared racial consciousness, and philosophy. 12 Here we see the germination of the cultural ideology that would come to fruition in independent Senegal under Senghor and that would come to define cultur al production up to the present day, including an essential role in the struggle for decolonization 13 Once African countries were free from hybridization in which all countries co uld now freely participate. For centuries world culture had been lacking the characteristics inherent to Africa due to colonial suppression. Now Africa could offer those aspects in p articular rhythm and emotion to all countries and allow them to appreciate result in the civilization of the universal. With the arrival of decolonization and independence, Senghor was able to put this philosophy into meaningful practice through his cultural policy in Senegal. Harney writes: Senghor became a great patron of the arts in his newly independent nation. He viewed art and politics as handmaidens in the struggle toward economic that Neg rich potential in Senegalese society and thereby motivate individuals to strive

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38 | Bryson for greater production. Its promotion was not simply a luxury but crucial to the success of Senegalese state building. 14 Funds as much as 25 or 30 percent w ere allocated to the Ministry of Culture and were used to build presses, theaters, museums, art schools, archives, and workshops. 15 nally traveling visual arts community. 16 The National Dance Company and The National Ballet were formed in the year after independence, drawing from different ethnic groups and regions to foster a sense of national unity and identity. Troupe members quickly departed on overseas tours, acting as ambassadors of Senegal. In 1966, Senghor organized The First World Festival of Black Arts, whose purpose was to promote Seneg alese art to the world, as well as to further the articulation of a pan African aesthetic. From these early manifestations of Senegalese postindependence culture I want to identify and look more closely at two principles that run through all of them, prov ing to be defining and enduring characteristics of Senghorian cultural policy, of enduring Senegalese cultural philosophy, as well as dimensions of prod uctions. The first is the expression of an inheren t identity throu gh culture, and the second the engagement of this expression with an international audience. Souleymane policy as a counterpoint to colonial nation formation, ma king postcolonial culture an was to forge a national consciousness for nation states that had inherited borders that rarely followed ethnic and cultural coherency 17 Writing in 1973 an adviser in the country Ministry of Culture, emphasize d the importance of organizing new cultural forms and in It was, indeed, in this heritage of the past, embodying our most authentic values of civilization, that the new cultural system had to be rooted. It was in the heart of this parent stock full of life giv ing sap that the future grafts of cultural system was, therefore, to reflect our vision of the world, our constant preoccupation with man, our desire to organize life according to our ow n criteria with regard to the beautiful and the useful, so as to revive in the world a sense of aesthetic values, to make it hear the profound message of Africa, conveyed by the regular rhythm of the tom tom. 18 Such ideology had a profound impact on the pra ctices, products, and success of those actually creating artwork shortly after independence. For example, Ndiouga Adrien Benga reveals the expectations placed on urban musical forms, writing : precisely what suited him and what was impor tant therefore to support. Urban music was not exempt from this. It was supposed to protect national languages through appropriate compositions and adaptations. In addition, it was supposed to be concerned with the creation of an authentically local music. 19 form of recognizably pan African images: masks and carved statues, for example. the inherent characteristics of A

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New Senegalese Cultural Philosophy | 39 ideology was essential in order to harness the nationalism that had been provoked by cultural productions within the cultural policy to be eventual representatives of Senegalese culture and society for a worldwide audience. Benga cit es the example of Lamine Kont who came from a family of griots and wrote songs based on African or Afro Diasporic poems and texts with traditional instruments like the balafon and the kora. His music was supported and promoted by the institutions and was embraced by primarily European listeners. In 20 The promotional value of cul tural products for Senegalese national identity was facilitated by the fact that the State controlled every facet of the art world, from production and selling, to curation and ble cultural productions and its insistence on exporting those productions outside of Senegal for nationalist and political ends, creating an aura of cultural exceptionalism around the e, to distinguish between the art world and the political sphere. Culture became the de facto tool in Senegal for engaging with global, national, and local political issues. Diagne emphasizes the overwhelming influence that Senghorian cultural strategies h ave had on Senegal up to its present day: cultural politics since its independence, which differentiates it from many other African nations, is well known. This emphasis is so significant that the idea itself must be unde rstood to mean that true politics can only exist through culture and for culture. The immense 21 do main of Senegalese society, the cultural policy that he instituted contained within it some obvious contradictions and tensions. His desire for artists to emphasize authentically African motifs in their work has led to criticism that Senghor was, in fact, accommodating and reinforcing French colonial ideology. Harney notes that masks and statues were 22 knowledge has also know impact on the mass of the 23 24 State patronage itself, whatever the preferred motifs and targeted audience, was problematic as it pressured artists, whether directly or indirectly, to conform to expectations. As a result, a diluted body of national artwork was created due to the patro nage system giving the same support to all artists who were willing to meet stylistic demands, regardless of their differences in skill and technique. Benga details meag er living that was available through music during that time period, musicians had to 25

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40 | Bryson Musicians who bridled against such exigencies were faced with censorship. Filmmaker Ousman e Sembne, an outspoken critic of many aspects of Senegalese politics and society under Senghor, received funding from the Senegalese government, yet also had to endure censorship of some of his films. ed a concept of cultural scenes, producers, and productions. Yet, just as certainly, it promulgated a cultural philosophy riven with tension between politics and the art s, between the cultural elite and the general populace, between national leaders and artists. Cultural exceptionalism is thus not an inherent, authentic trait of Senegalese society, easily accessible to all, but it is a program carefully and purposefully c onstructed, implemented, and maintained by Senghor to further specific political ends. Nevertheless, it has created a rhetorical and ideological space that cultural actors and producers, and their work, in Senegal must pass through, even those who strive t o subvert normativity within the cultural and political spheres. Even these Senghor, acknowledging it in order to distort it. Artists Against the State T his section trac e s the lineage, from the beginning of independence to our current day, of artists and cultural producers who have pushed against the boundaries of Senghorian cultural policy, but whose work is still defined by it. Doing so will foreground the ways a M arre a nother example of this negotiation between innovation and convention and to bring to light the new approaches they do in fact bring to such a negotiation. Cultural actors have c onsistently time period focused on in this section, and with in its bulwa rks. Analyzing the s tate sponsored cole de Dakar the assumed epicenter for normative, dictated visual arts during artists who chose to engage with the philosophy of Negritude were not necessarily governmental dupes but actors in shaping 26 T he following two sections will group together a variety of re search on disparate artistic and cultural communities in postcolonial Senegal in order to emphasize the syncretism that has consistently defined Senegalese cultural work as it has responded to the explicit and implicit licy. music upon the public, the musicians and listeners themselves engaged in a creative symbiosis in which the bands and songwriters would bring to the public compositions f orged from a mix of traditional and foreign styles, to which the audiences would respond favorably, giving the musicians further impetus to advance their hybrid musical creations. These dynamics fostered a space of contestation for both the listener and th e musician to enthusiasts demonstrated their ability to mix disparate elements, to produce modernity. They refashioned the attempts of the historicizing State to totalize, to inscribe a single 27 From these intimate musical negotiations

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New Senegalese Cultural Philosophy | 41 between creator and consumer emerged a heterogeneous public music scene much different style emerged to define the musical scene. Instead, it was marked by a constant renewal in which mixed both innovative and conservative characteristics, originality and experience, movement and stability; in short, it was part of a dynamic 28 artists working in such a space of flux between sanctioned and personalized modes of creation, artists who were rethinking the relationship between politics and the a rts, while still addressing aspects of Senghorian ideology and models of culture. In 1974, an actor by the name of Youssouf John established the Laboratoire Agit Art which denounced the institutionalized nature of the arts in Senegal due to state patronag e and the centrality of Western paradigms. The Senghor sanctioned artist, according to members of the Laboratory, was divorced from Senegalese society and history. In response to this situation, the artists in this group focused on disruptive cultural acti vity in the country, particularly in theater, which, as they saw it, was a site for the intermingling of the visual, musical, and literary arts. In their performances, the Laboratory eschewed written scripts, instead relying upon improvisation and gesture. They equally rejected Western forms of theatrical space, preferring open air models that allowed for free interaction between the actors, the surrounding environment, and the audience. T heir work h owever, did not completely escape Senghorian practice and theory, as the participants in the Laboratory just as strongly Worldwide engagement also eventually became an important possibility for the members, finally exhibiting their visual and performance art in London in 1995 T he perplexed reaction of many critics however, spoke to the dangers of de contextualization for the group and, ive revealing the difficulty cultural producers, even ones as vociferously anti Senghorian cultural policy as those of the Laboratory, would have in pulling out of S compunctions. 29 In conjunction with the Laboratory, one of its members began squatting in an abandoned military camp, inviting other artists to occupy the buildings and eventually naming it le Village des Arts in 1977. It quickly became a viable and popular alternative site for workshops and studios. There, artists could experiment with materials and methods in ways that were not always possible when housed in government subsidized locations. Inhabitants of the Village could interact openly establishing an environment of communal inspiration and creation that often included the surrounding community. Art exhibitions, musical performances, theatrical productions and literary readings were all held at the site, encouraging a free exchange of ideas. This artistic community, t hough created as a rebuttal to s tate participati person a nd not simply the individual 30 Once again, we note the liminal nature of oppositional artists who strive for innovati ve forms of cultural engagement while stil l echoing the rhetoric and ideology of culture that Senghor instilled in the country. The true mark of distinction between the two spheres of culture comes from the use of power in available to him with regard to the Village, though his govern ment acknowledged its existence while

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42 | Bryson compunction. The peaceful co existence between the Village and the governm ent came to an end in 1983 when government tanks, under President Abdou Diouf rolled into the Village, subsequently chasing off residents and crushing artwork and documents. Publi c Art U nder Presidents Following Senghor For some observers such actions taken by the new president marked the shift, if not the complete rupture, in cultural and political policy in Senegal from Senghor, a poet, to Diouf, a technocrat. 31 Underlying tensions between the s for independence under Senghor became more overt under the new administration of Diouf. support of the arts, as well as basic governmental serv ices. T he federal government completely abandoned t he areas of health, education, culture, and sanitation, leaving them to be provided by under prepared local governments. Cityscapes became dirty and decrepit. Rural inhabitants streamed into the city, look ing to escape the droughts that were ravaging their livelihood. Riots marked the national elections of 1988 as the opposition claimed corruption and vote rigging. University strikes led to an entire academic year being canceled in Dakar. D espite this blea k social context and the concrete state cuts in cultural funding h owever, it wo uld be inaccurate to claim the s political expectations of Senegalese are much more impregnated with this Senghorian culturalist mindset than they country. And they expect those who lead them to act and to speak in a manner that conforms t 32 This mentality among the general populace towards its government that Senghor had plan ted and cultivated allowed the s tate to maintain its cultural influence, despite its limitations in maintaining its cultu ral 33 A cultural policy, though altered and limited in practice, persisted ideologically within the country un der Diouf, which in turn provoked artists to continu e to engage with official conceptions of culture, attempting to bend it closer to their desires for their society. While musicians during the presidency of Senghor had to struggle with the normalizing impetuses of the cultural policy, outright censorship, and the severe financial restrictions on supporting oneself through music, musicians under Diouf found their horizons slightly opening up and expanding. Musicians working within the genre of mbalax established and popularized during the 1970s, had to face the question now, with increased international Mbalax was looking for a direction between the tradition of the griots, their propensity to manipulate iden tity markers (the excessive references to the Mouride brotherhood and to traditional values that predate Wolof ones) and the opening towards the 34 Two youth movements that emerged in the late 1980s within the interstitial space of culture and politics serve as particular harbingers of, but also counterpoints to First, a community of young people, known as set/setal dedicated themselves to cleaning up their streets and neighborhoods, revivifyi ng dilapidated buildings, and beautifying the areas

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New Senegalese Cultural Philosophy | 43 with murals. Ideologically, the group hoped to cleanse its society of government corruption, immorality, and social division. The members painted the walls of the city with figures from Senegalese history and culture including Senghor but also from W estern culture. Art, affixed prominently on walls and buildings throughout Dakar, became a part of daily life, echo activitie 35 As the group gained increasing attention, politicians, primarily those of the S OPI opposition, tried to lay claim to the work and philosophy of se t/setal in order to capitalize on this socially engaged cultural movement for political ends. 36 Again, we can note the constant negotiation through cultural productions between opposing notions of Senegalese politics, society, and governmental rule, with Se nghorian cultural ideology underlying both positions. Succeeding set/setal the Boul Fal generation brought a near nihilistic perspective to Senegalese society and employed rap music for its soundtrack during the 1990s. Taking its moniker from the title of an album by the hip hop group Positive Black Soul, the young people who aligned themselves with this philosophy principally came from poor urban areas that were struck hard by the failing economic and social policies of the Diouf administration. Whereas the participants in set/setal turned to the public use of cultural creations to fight against similar problems, those of the Boul Fal 37 Through dress, dance, drinking, and drugs, youth of Boul Fal assailed and traumatized by the violence of economic attacks, of hunger and of the stress of 38 Y oung marginalized cultural outlook since turning to accepted Senegalese society only offered y makes sense of an unstable life whose immediacy is revealed in this expression produced by a process of channel surfing through the global market. A culture of collage. The cobbled together expression testifies to the cultural mixing and transactions tha t take place in the marketplace 39 Boul Fal perhaps, is the most concrete attempt of those outlined in this article to break from the cultural heritage of the early years of nation building choosing the body over artwork as the medium of expression; adopting wi thout mitigation globalized or W estern cultural forms. Yet the marginalized end result of this philosophy that was largely limited to the individual and that ignored the greater community attests to the entrenchment of Senghorian cultural philosophy as the lens through which social and political change must be projected in Senegal for it to have a chance to be widespread, meaningful, and lasting. While Boul Fal was an aimless, disenfranchised group of young people using the body as its cri de coeur as opposed to set/setal which was an amorphous movement that strived for concrete social change through public art, both are manifestations of the frustration that c power. E ven as the presid ency transitioned from Diouf to Wade, h owever, many of the evident ways the new government could manifest its dedication to safeguarding the myth of Senegalese exceptionalism by breaking from the policies undertaken by Se

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44 | Bryson Senghorian cultural ideology. In 2002 Wade modified the constitution to inscribe the unced ambitious grands projets culturels planning to construct seven cultural sites, including museums, a national public engagement with Senegalese culture demons trates once again the inevitability of Senghorian cultural ideology being the process to even evoke political change. A close analysis h owever, of one of the two completed projets le Monument de la Renaissance africaine exposes the ways that the praxis of Senghorian cultural policy had continued to decompose within governmental power and institutions in its ability to engage authentically with the lives of the Senegalese people. The Monument, constructed for the exorbitant cost of 27 million US dollars, provoked protests and the outcries of political opposition leaders at its unveiling. Depicting a shirtless man cradling a toddler pointing the waist with his right arm, the Monument received a gamut of criticism for its artistic resemble Africans in the slightest. Local imams objected to the fact that the Monument depicted human figures at all, as representation of the human form is forbidden in Islam. To compound the problem, those human forms were immodestly dressed. Wade, not helping his cause, responded by comparing it to the depiction of Jesus Christ in Christian churches. N ot surprisingly, this remark offended Senegalese Christians who make up 6 percent of the population. Even the conception and construction of the Monument was fraught, as claims that it was designed by a Senegalese architect proved to be false. The architec t was Romanian, a North Korean company fabricated the sculpture, and Wade claimed a 35 percent contrasted with his insistent public claims as to the significance of the Monument for the bifurcation of Senegalese cultural philosophy, with the persistence of the ideological importance of culture for pol itics and social issues on one side and the deterioration of official practice of Senegalese culture on the other has positioned itself within this bifurcation While opposition, tension, negotiation, and confrontation between the s tate and a Senghor, this conflict becomes more pointed throughout the presidencies of Diouf and then Wade, with the s oiter. actors are questioning this cultural paradigm like no time previously, searching for a way to seize the rhetoric of culture from those with power and to give i t to the people. They wonder to what extent they can blaze new trails and how much they need to work within cultural frameworks that are recognizable and understandable to Senegalese citizens if they have any hope of someone finally listening to their cri Fed Up In its hybridity of convention and innovation, is the culmination of both of the historical trends traced in this article that have defined postcolonial Senegal: the incessant influence of Senghorian cultural policy in Senegalese society and the constant attempts by cultural actors to renegotiate the characteristics and practical implications of this cultural

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New Senegalese Cultural Philosophy | 45 ideology. T his section explore s the manner in which taps into the symbolic meaning in Senegalese society of both of these components to reinforce the social and political significance of Senegalese culture, but also to reform it as the domain of the people instead of those in positions of authority. As the previously cited work of Diagne shows, the culture in contemporary Senegal, shaping the manner in which citizens understand their political leaders and their cultural c reators, and the interactions between the two. 40 Marre is not wholly original then, as the movement is anchored in previous conceptions of the intersection of culture and politics What they are attempting to innovate is the potential of culture to i mpact society away from historically sanctioned political spheres in the Senegalese imaginary and the people rather than of memory and the powers that be. With their own cultural interventi ons, the collective adopts aspects of Senghorian cultural ideology in order to refashion it for their own political and social ends. Through this endeavor, the collective has become the apogee of a rising youthful urban culture that Mamadou Diouf recognize d at the that is also an adventure of reorganization and of recomposition of several historical is, at the same time, an undertaking of reorganization in the sense that it operates, through a given reserve of 41 As I have shown, it is inevitable for cultural acto rs in Senegal to engage with Senghorian cultural ideology. However, I would argue that more knowingly and than did their cultural predecessors. This specific strategy is what has allowed them to make meaningful, lasting social change. As noted in the introduction, this article focus es specifically on Yenamarristes as cultural actors because, as I will show, they conceive of social change in Senegal as happening largely, if not exclusively, through cultural productions; often ones based in hip hop culture, but not exclusively. This conceptualization of the pairing of politics and the arts itself is a testament to the adherence has shown to Senghorian cultural ideology. A t first glance, h owever, it appears that the group itself would reject such an assessment. The members of the collective, speaking about its origins, emphasize the breaking point they reached, when they felt compelled to do something about the problems Senegal was sufferi ng from, rather than just to complain and to denounce. 42 Djily Bagdad, one of the rappers of the group who joined later on, recounts the impetus for forming during a blackout: d some other people. They were just in a room discussing why the lights were off. concrete work to cha 43 From t his origin myth it appears that the members of have attempted to abandon the impotent stance of the artist in favor of the powerful persona of the activist to rt of

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46 | Bryson division in his own personal progression. On the balcony of his modest home overlooking Being a rapper means being, like, someone not an artist like Kilifeu [his musical collaborator in their group Keur Gui and fellow Yenamarriste 44 Nevertheless, cally engaged endeavors of its productions. Without a doubt, stays in jail, and the socially and p olitically engaged programs they have launched in short, their political actions have had an important impact on transforming Senegalese society. For example, along with the protests against Wade during the 2012 presidential election, organize d voter registration and get out the vote drives, which, to reiterate, significantly contributed to Macky Sall defeat of a number of Dakar neighborhoods during the rainy season of 2012, the group was there to assist with cl ean up. Thiat spent significant time in prison during the tumultuous 45 Certainl y the members of have put their words into action and that action has produced change. I n the political action itself and the way the members conceive of and articulate it, h owever, there is an inseparable relationship between the political actions of Yenamarreistes and the cultural forms that they use to express, to instigate, and to organize their actions. for each of its acts of protest or social organizing, has inclu ded a cultural component to reinforce its message, to engage a larger and more diverse population, and to sustain the momentum of its actions. Foumalade, the artistic director of the movement, says Art is like recitation of the Koran, and the popularity of rap as examples. 46 Due to the calcified manner that politicians communicate with the populati on, he notes, strives to communicate through 47 Exemplifying this objective, when it was engaged in the presidential campaigns and election th e collective released three group tracks, one for each of the s tages Pas force! fake! forced step! ) to warn Wade early sharp ening your weapon in preparation for the voter r ), which expressed the desire of the group to finish the job of keeping Wade out of office by voting for Sall in the final run off of the election. Whe n launched the Observatory of Democracy and Good Governance they simultaneously ( walking with your community ). The releases of most of these tracks have been accompanied by videos that artistically represent the anger, the call for action, and the desire for change expressed in the songs For example, male and female; young and middle aged taking to the street s 48 I backed by a large contingency of local inhabitants, confront the mayor of a neighborhood in order to put him on notice that they are watching him, ready to vote him out of o

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New Senegalese Cultural Philosophy | 47 him through the neighborhood, pointing out the various problems that need to be fixed. 49 During the presidential elections, the members also took to using their cultural forms in public spaces, making music more than just an angry soundtrack to a revolution but instead, recruit participants in protests, rappers would jump on buses or take up spots in a populated n eighborhood to start rhyming about social problems. Younger people would already knew and loved, while older people would be pulled into a genre due to its politici zed content that they might have dismissed out of hand. rap was postcolonial cultural ideology. Foumalade has toured prisons with his own rap group D During their first such tour they would hear from prisoners about the harsh conditions in the prisons and the severity of the sentences they received. Subsequent tours of the prisons by illons Blin D have continued to spark dialogue with prisoners, but have also been designed and promoted to draw public attention to the problems the members of the group were hearing from the prisoners. Culture and activism inform one another in this work. He has also established a hip hop cultural center in the suburb of Guediawaye that provides social forums to a spectrum of Guediawaye inhabitants through events as diverse as hip hop dance classes and concerts, workshops on youth civic engagement, and dis cussion circles for th e likenesses of political heros Thomas Sankara, Skou Tour, Malcom X Kwame Nkrumah as well as directives above the concessions window that hop, we drink hip hop, we sit with hip South, Gangsta, BBoy, Graff, and D.J. among other hip hop delicacies (see Figure 1 above

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48 | Bryson and Figure 2 below) 50 hop nourishment is important for the hip to have an impact on the social and economic 51 Even as he claims that he is an activist and not an artist, Thiat underlines the essential rol hop just, like, a way for me to give my message. Every concert is an opportun ity for me to give a message. A ctivist who uses hip hop like my car, to get me to where I want 52 Utilitarian as his view of it might be, Thiat cannot separate art from social and political engagement. Just as he cannot conceive of an artist without tangible manifestations of his activism, Thiat uses culture as the lens throug h which he understands his own

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New Senegalese Cultural Philosophy | 49 pronouncements on African art and culture, and their capacity for social engagement: rature and art are socially 53 Thiat received a Reagan Fascell Democracy Fellowship to work in Washington, D.C. from October 2013 through February 2014. This fellowship program is designed to support, 54 Of course, his particular proj to the work of Yenamarristes among socially engaged African artists: How to make conne ctions across the continent with youth of different a ward and to population and not very famous. 55 Along with the network giving an opportunity to these engaged rappers to connect with one another and to tour together, Thiat wants it to provide the lesser known rappers with introductions to producers and with the financial, logistical, and technological means to record their music in a studio and to distribute it as widely a s possible. Besides creating the platform for this network of socially engaged artists during his fellowship, Thiat is also continuing his personal artistic work with Keur Gui recording a new double album in D.C. and New York that, he says, will reflect the duality of the group, with their cultural identity as rappers, on one of the album sides, and their social engagement with the public as Yenamarristes on the other. One dis c, entitled Rglement de comptes ( Reckoning ), will be a traditional hip hop battle album in which they take down fellow rappers, while the other disc Opinion public ( Public Opinion ) will focus on political and social issues. All of these examples of the pr ojects undertaken by Yenamarriste s embody the cultural ideology instituted in Senegal by Senghor that culture is intimately related to social change; that if one wants to improve Senegalese society, it must come largely through the arts. Obviously, hip hop has been the branch of culture that has most directly deployed in their social and political actions. Due to the seemingly inherent politicizing power of hip hop, it could be tempting to explain ture and social engagement as a product of the hip hop thread of their identity. Sujatha Fernandes undertakes a global study of the binary of hip hop and politics in her book Close to the Edge: In Search of the Global Hip Hop Generation exploring hip hop cultures in locations as diverse as Havana, Sydney, and Caracas. Based upon her travels, she concludes that a generational born in an era when corporate led globali zation undermined their basic standard of living 56 Of course, what differentiates the rappers of Marre from their peers in t he global hip hop community is that they are grabbing the mic while occupying the streets. In her epilogue, appearing disabused of the concept of hip hop

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50 | Bryson the hip h op globe made any attempts at a unitary protest culture impossible. And maybe 57 has shown, though, that music and politics do not have to be mutually exclusive. Through the juxtaposition of against the other hip ability to bring culture to bear on politics, it becomes clear that en a Marre is not simply an outlier. Instead, the collective draws on resources that are not as immediately available to socially engaged hip hoppers in other countries; resources, I argue, that come directly from the cultural philosophy that has played su ch a prominent role in Senegalese public life since independence. ideology not simply in the way they embody a linkage between culture and politics, but also in the manne policy cultivated the concept that certain characteristics and values were unique to Senegal and t hat they had to be expressed in cultural productions, the cultural forms of Yenamarristes project a communal understanding of what it means to be Senegalese. Their investment in Senegalese national identity and communalism became obvious to me when I attended the ceremony organized by L ead Afrique Francophone a non profit organization that provides support for individuals and institutions working for change in their communities, to award their uctory speeches by the director of the organization, academics, and social activists, Fadel Barro took the microphone and asked everyone to rise and sing the Senegalese national anthem. This es in crusading for social and political change was not to deform Senegalese tradition and identity, as some of their critics have claimed, but was to strengthen the ability of Senegalese citizens to feel responsibility towards and pride for their national community. In their words and actions the members of also emphasize the importance of local community, making their work important on both a macro and micro level in terms of Senegalese identity. From very early as established esprits chapters, in Dakar neighborhoods and suburbs, and now internationally, to deal with local issues. Projects and plans of the various esprits are decided by their respective membership, in 58 He insists that part of his desire for activism is due to where he is from, the town being an important location for inde pendence leaders and activists. Foumalade created his hip hop center in his hometown of Guediawaye, wanting to engage with its local problems. The objective of the Observatory of Democracy and Good Governance is designed specifically to assist citizens to engage in local politics, to take ownership over their communities, and to make those local elected officials responsible to them. Senegalese identity, both national and local, is at the heart of the Marre movement. Their cultural forms express and are based in the characteristics and understanding of this identity. When the group launched their voter registration drive they chose to call it by transformed the knife, the weapon of

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New Senegalese Cultural Philosophy | 51 Senegalese tradition in the phrase into a voting card, the weapon of the contemporary. Of this expr 59 e 60 This strategy to take cultural forms that are familiar and important to Senegalese, but to invest them with a new meaning that unites Senegalese in a different way than the original, ex tends to when the movement was creating its hymn. As told by Foumalade, the group borrowed from culture that had significance for young people, especially: wrestling was extremely popular. Ho w to use wrestling for positive ends? more in wrestling. A wrestling match draws a lot more people than a free rap e would sing [he sings the melody]. And in chorus for used to make people pay attention to what we are saying. 61 is not interested in creating a schism within Senegalese society by deploying cultural productions that clash with Senegalese identity, values, and tradition, but rather like Senghor and others before them, the group wants to tap into the reservoir of cultural knowledge, practices, and forms that already express communal characteristics of untry 62 The Senegalese specificity is essential to Marre W hile the group has conveyed Senegalese ness through their cultural productions, h owever, they have equal ly directed their use of culture towards a global audience. In this we find another reflection, but also a refraction of Senghorian cultural philosophy. Senghor woul relationships, whether cultural, political, or economic, which he largely achieved. However, ve pointed out and as outlined previously in this article, had a problematic relationship with the international community in terms of economic exploitation, artistic appropriation, and cultural impoverishment of the Senegalese people. Despite these pitfal ls of global engagement in previous Senegalese cultural contexts, has not shied away from seeking out international connections with the work they are doing and balancing them with cy, members took to SoundCloud, Facebook, their own website, and YouTube in order to post songs, music videos, messages, and clips of the demonstrations. 63 This fomented activism among those Senegalese who had not yet taken to the street, but who were inter ested in the music. The mixture of documentation of lived events and distribution of artistic productions through on line culture also served to extend the bounds of the movement, allowing to invite directly a global audience to participate th rough culture. Importantly, the group controlled the means of distribution and communication for these productions. The esprits have also provided an important platform for to engage globally. The group

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52 | Bryson has established chapters in Mali and Fra nce, and organized forums in Paris and Bordeaux for esprits throughout Europe in June, 2013, with the objective to engage Senegalese of the diaspora, to make them viable participants in the reformulation of Senegalese identity and social actions. Members o f the collective, in their own personal projects, reveal their as we previously saw, will be a pan album will be recorded in D akar, New York, and Paris to capture the cultural connections between these three cities that are essential to Senegal and its diaspora has been able to enter the global stage on its own terms, maintaining its Senegalese uniqueness and its fo cus on issues relevant to Senegal in a particular manner, while still allowing international connections to happen. Articulating his own philosophy on relating to global culture, Thiat e good things from 64 By adopting culture that is already recognizable to Senegalese, both in form and meaning, while opening the movement up to global connections, Y enamarristes are more easily able to alter the mentality and actions of citizens towards their community, their society, their government, and, even the world. It is in this area of practices and rhetoric that I locate their true in philosophy in order to render it more democratic and inclusive. The group has purposefully placed itself within the lineage of Senegalese artists They have then reworked that heritage from within in order to plurality against a dense and unchanging conception of cultural identity that has often prevailed throughout discourses on culture. In pursuing a culture of identity in fact, one risks losing sight of the fact that the true meaning of culture co mes from movement; not from indefinitely drawing boundaries of belonging around 65 These values of identity movement and boundary crossing are embedded in the inner workings of the group itself and the relationship s among the members. Thiat recalls how worried they all were to bring together that many rappers under one umbrella due to geographical tensions and prejudice. But the unique organizational and communicative nature of the group resolved those issues. Thiat state were doing to get them together for the same 66 F oumalade then locates the strength of the movement specifically in this diverse 67 The group has then worked to convey these values of diversity and inclusiveness to t he population through recognizably Senegalese cultural contexts. As shown in the section of became the privilege of the cultural elite and those approbated by the go vernment to cultural policy puts the lie to any concept of Senegal being culturally exceptional. I have already shown how many Senegalese cultural actors have at tempted to exploit this failing of significantly alter its social significance. have finally begun that process by situating themselves ambivalently, even lineage, taking up many of its qualities and forms, but resignifying them from within. 68 Through their rap songs that use primarily Wolof

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New Senegalese Cultural Philosophy | 53 lyrics, their campaign expressions that are dtournements of common Senegalese phrases, their videos that depict young, old, male, and female Yenamarristes the cultural spaces they have created for network ing and community building, and their international efforts, Marre have invited through their hybrid cultural work all who want to change Senegal for the better to join them, to become full participants in the cultural work of improving the country. This is a call that all Senegalese recognize from the continuing postcolonial influence of Senghorian cultural philosophy, but it is one that they only now finally feel like they can answer. Notes 1 practices including rap music, graffiti art, tagging, dancing, and fashion. See Nossiter hop dimension. 2 See Peisner 2011. 3 See DeGhett 2012. El Haqed, n Mouad Belrhouate, imprisonment on April 2, 2013. 4 See Fernandes 2012. 5 Aidi 2011. 6 See Dalberto 2011, Fredericks 2013, and Gueye 2011. 7 Nouveau type de Sngalais acronyms of the movement, seen on placards and t shirts at rallies, mentioned in press releases and interviews, and referenced in rap songs. 8 See Gueye 2013 and Fredericks 2013 for analyses of hip hop within and Appert 2011, Herson 2011 Moulard Kouka 2004, and Niang 2006, 2010 for considerations of hip hop more generally in Dakar and Senegal. 9 See Gueye 2013. 10 Rosalind Fredericks, for example, in her study of history 11 I draw extensively from fieldwork done in Senegal in June July 2012 and June August 2013. I wish to thank the West African Research Association for a Post Doctoral Fellowship that made the second trip to Senegal possible. 12 Harney 2004, p. 43. 13 Senghor 1959, p. 279. All translations of work originally published in French are the 14 Harney 2004, p. 49. 15 Estimates and documenta tion vary on the percentage of s tate funds See Harney 2004 and Snipes 1998 for discussions of how these figures have been reached. 16 Harney 2004, p. 49. 17 Diagne 2002, p. 252. 18 p 13 14. 19 Benga 2002, p. 294. 20 Harney 2004, p. 78. 21 Diagne 2002, p. 243.

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54 | Bryson 22 Harney 2004, p. 10. 23 Snipe 1998, p. 59. 24 Harney 2004, p. 79. 25 Benga 2002, p. 297. 26 Harney 2004, p. 52. 27 Benga 2002, p. 294. 28 Ibid. p. 298. 29 Harney 2004, p. 115. 30 Senghor 1956, p. 56. 31 See Snipe 1998, p p 61 62. 32 Diagne 2002, p. 244. 33 Ibid., p. 254. 34 Benga 2002, p p. 295 96. 35 Senghor 1956, p. 56. 36 See Diouf 1992 and SET SETAL 1991 for more detailed analysis of the movement. 37 Diouf 2002, p. 278. 38 Ibid., p. 279. 39 Ibid., p p. 278 79. 40 Diagne 2002, p. 246. 41 Diouf 2002, p. 262. 42 Se Guys, are we going to sit here, with our arms crossed From this quasi existential question the core group of close friends that would become 43 Djily Bagdad 2012, International Faculty Development Seminar presentation. 44 Thiat 2013, interview with author. 45 Ibid. 46 Foumalade 2013, interview with author. 47 Ibid. 48 See http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tCuKAn T0pk 49 See http://www.youtube.com/watch?v =4i1Ot1jypDc 50 Both photographs are by the author. 51 Foumalade 2013, interview with author. 52 Thiat 2013, interview with author. 53 Senghor 1956, p. 56. 54 Reagan Fascell Democracy Fellows website: http://www.ned.org/fellowships/reagan fascell democracy fellows program http://www.ned.org/fellowships/current past fellows/thiat mr cheikh oumar toure 55 Thiat 2013, interview with author. 56 Fernandes 2011, p. 23. 57 Ibid., p. 187. 58 Thiat 2013, interview with author. 59 Djily Bagdad 2012, International Faculty Development Seminar presentation. 60 Foumalade 2013, interview with author. 61 Ibid. 62 Ibid.

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New Senegalese Cultural Philosophy | 55 63 64 Thiat 2013, interview with author. 65 Diagne 2002, p. 258. 66 Thiat 2013, interview with author. 67 Foumalade 2013, interview with author. 68 Ibid. References Aidi, Hishaam Al Jazeera : 7 November. http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2011/10/2011103091018299924.html Benga, Ndiouga urbaine moderne (c.1960 Coumba Diop (ed.), Le Sngal contemporain (Paris: Karthala): 289 308. Appert, Catherine. 2011. Paul Khalil Saucier (ed.), Native Tongues: an African Hip Hop Reader (Trenton: Africa World Press): 3 22. Carnets du CAP 15: 37 65. Coumba Diop (ed.), Le Sngal contemporain (Paris: Karthala): 243 59. T he Guardian : 17 April. http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2012/apr/17/el haqed morocco hip hop revolutionary In Momar Coumba Diop (ed.), Le Sngal contemporain (Paris: Karthala): 261 88. Politique Africaine 46: 41 54 Djily Bagdad. 2012. International Faculty Development Seminar presentation in Dakar, Senegal. June 13. Fernandes, Sujatha. New York Times 30 January: A23. _____. 2011. Close to the Edge: In Search of the Global Hip Hop Generation London: Verso. Foumalade (Malal Talla). 2013. Personal interview with author in Guediawaye, Senegal. July 2. Antipode 46.1: 130 48. Gueye, Marame. and the Socio The Journal of Pan African Studies 6.3: 22 42.

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56 | Bryson Harney, Elizabeth 2004. Garde in Senegal, 1960 1995 Durham: Duke University Press. American Behavioral Scientist 55.1: 24 35. 1973. Cultural Policy in Senegal Paris: UNESCO. Mou lard Parler jeunes, ici et l bas. Pratiques et reprsentations : 111 26. Niang, Abdo Cahiers de recherche sociologique 49: 63 94. Global Youth?: Hybrid Identities, Plural Worlds (Ne w York: Routledge) : 167 85. New York Times 19 September: A8. Spin : 24 August. http://www.spin.com/articles/inside tunisias hip hop revolution/ Reagan Fascell Democracy Fellows. National Endowment for Democracy. http://www.ned.org/fellowships/reagan fascell democracy fellows program Savan, Vieux and Baye Makb Sarr. 2012. au Sngal Prsence africaine 24 25: 249 79. Prsence africaine 8 10: 51 65. SET SETAL: Des murs qui parlent; Nouv elle culture urbaine Dakar. 1991. Dakar: ENDA. Snipe, Tracy D. 1998. Arts and Politics in Senegal, 1960 1996 Trenton: Africa World Press.



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African Studies Quarterly Volume 1 4 Issue 3 March 20 1 4 Special Issue Fed Up: Creating a New Type of Senegal t hrough the Arts Guest Editors: Molly Krueger Enz and Devin Bryson Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Florida ISSN: 2152 2448

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African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq African Studies Quarterly Executive Staff R Hunt Davis, Jr. Editor in Chief Todd H. Leedy Associate Editor Emily Hauser Managing Editor Corinna Greene Production Editor Anna Mwaba Book Review Editor Editorial Committee Oumar Ba Lina Benabdallah Mamadou Bodian Jennifer Boylan Ben Burgen Leandra Clough Amanda Edgell Dan Eizenga Timothy Fullman Ryan Good Victoria Gorham Cari Beth Head Ibrahim Yahaya Ibrahim Therese Kennelly Okraku Aaron King Nicholas Knowlton Chesney McOmber Asmeret G. Mehari Stuart Mueller Anna Mwaba Collins R. Nunyonameh Sam Schramski Abiyot Seifu Donald Underwood Advisory Board Adlk Adko Ohio State University Timothy Ajani Fayetteville State University Abubakar Alhassan Bayero University John W. Arthur University of S outh Florida, St. Petersburg Nanette Barkey Plan International USA Susan Cooksey University of Florida Mark Davidheiser Nova Southeastern University Kristin Davis International Food Policy Research Institute Parakh Hoon Virginia Tech Andrew Lepp Kent State University Richard Marcus California State Un iversity, Long Beach Kelli Moore James Madison University Mantoa Rose Motinyane University of Cape T own James T. Murphy Clark University Lilian Temu Osaki University of Dar es Salaam Dianne White Oyler Fayetteville State University Alex Rdlach Creighton University Jan Shetler Goshen College Roos Willems Catholic University of Leuven Peter VonDoepp University of Vermont

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University of Florida Board of Trustees, a public corporation of the State of Florida; permission is hereby granted for individuals to download articles for their own personal use. Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Flori da.

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African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq Table of Contents Introduction -Fed Up: Creating a New Type of Senegal Through the Arts Molly Krueger Enz and Devin Bryson ( 1 12 ) The New Type of Senegalese under Construction: Fadel Barro and Aliou San on Yenamarrism after Wade Sarah Nelson ( 13 32 ) The Rise of a New Senegalese Cultural Philosophy? Devin Bryson ( 33 56 ) Nafissatou Dia Molly Krueger Enz ( 57 73 ) De centering Theatrical Heritage: Forum Theater in Contemporary Senegal Bri an Quinn ( 75 88 ) hese Walls The Graffiti Art Movement in Dakar Leslie W. Rabine ( 89 112 ) Book Reviews Large Scale Colonial Era Dams in Southern Africa Allen Isaacman and Barbara Isaacman. 2013. Dams, Displacement, and the Delusion of Development. Cahora Bassa and Its Legacies in Mozambique, 1965 2007 Athens: Ohio University Press. 324pp. Review by Julia Tischler ( 113 115 ) Julia Tischler 2013. Light and Power for a Multiracial Nation The Kariba Dam Scheme in the Central African Federation. Cambridge Imperial and Post Colonial Studies Series. Houndsmills, Basinstroke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan. 336pp. Review by Allen Isaacman by ( 115 117 ) Additional Reviews Wale Adebanwi and Ebenezer Obadare, eds. 2013. Democracy and Prebendalism in Nigeria: Critical Interpretations. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. 300 pp. Review by Samuel Ojo Oloruntoba ( 117 118 ) Afe Adogame, Ezra Chitando, and Bolaji Bateye, eds. 2013. African Traditions in the Study of Religion, Diaspora and Gendered Societies. Burlington, VT: Ashgate. 192 pp. Review by Richardson Addai Mununkum ( 119 120 )

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African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq Peter Alexander, Thapelo Lekgowa, Botsang Mmope, Luke Sinwell, and Bongani Xezwi. 2013. Massacre. Athens: Ohio University Press. 165 pp. Review by Esther Uzar ( 120 122 ) Johan Brosche and Daniel Rothbart. 2013. Violent Conflict and Peacebuilding: The Continuing Crisis in Darfur. London & New York: Routledge. 175 pp. Review by Hope Tichaenzana Chichaya ( 122 123 ) J.J. Carney. 2014. Rwanda B efore the Genocide: Catholic Politics and Ethnic Discourse in the Late Colonial Era. New York: Oxford University Press. 343 pp. Review by Jonathan R. Beloff ( 124 125 ) Karen E. Ferree. 2011. Framing the Race in South Africa: The Political Origins of Racial Census Elections. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 291 pp. Review by Olugbemiga Samuel Afolabi ( 125 126 ) David Francis, ed. 2012. When War Ends: Building Peace in Divided Communities. Burlington, VT: Ashgate Publishing Company. 217 pp. Review by Rasul Ahme d Minja ( 127 128 ) Carmela Garritano. 2013. African Video Movies and Global Desires: A Ghanaian History. Athens: Ohio University Press. 246 pp. Review by Nana Osei Opare ( 128 129 ) Trevor Getz, ed. 2014. African Voices of the Global Past: 1500 to the Present. Boulder: Westview Press. 223 pp Review by Mohamed Adel Manai ( 130 131 ) Clive Glaser. 2013. The ANC Youth League. Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Press. 168 pp. Review by Steven Gish ( 131 133 ) Richard Gray. 2012. Christianity, The Papacy and Mission in Africa Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis. 197 pp. Review by Muhammed Haron ( 133 134 ) Gerald Horne. 2012. Mau Mau in Harlem? The U.S. and the Liberation of Kenya. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. 334 pp. Reprint Edition. Review by Richard M. Mares ( 135 136 ) Hamid Irbouh. 2005. Art in the Service of Colonialism: French Art Education in Morocco, 1912 1956. New York: I.B. Tauris. 280 pp. Review by Lara Ayad ( 136 138 ) Daniel Mains. 2012. Hope is Cut: Youth, Unemployment, and the Future in Urban Ethiopia. Pennsylvania: Temple University Press. 193 pp. Review by Ramphal Sillah ( 138 139 )

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African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq Richard C. Marback. 2012. Managing Vulnera Rhetoric. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press. 138 pp. Review by Emeka Smart Oruh ( 139 140 ) Barbaro Martinez Ruiz. 2013. Kongo Graphic Writing and Other Narratives of the Sign. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. 228 pp. Review by Kate Cowcher ( 141 142 ) Niq Mhlongo. 2012. Dog Eat Dog: A Novel Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Press. 222 pp. Review by Rebecca Steiner ( 142 143 ) Sasha Newell. 2012. Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press. 305 pp. Review by Joschka Philipps ( 143 145 ) David P Sandgr en 2012. Mau Mau's Children: The Making of Kenya's Postcolonial Elite. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. 185 pp. Review by Frederik Sonner ( 145 146 ) Elizabeth Schmidt. 2013. Foreign Intervention in Africa: From the Cold War to the War on Terror. New York: Cambridge University Press. 267 pp. Review by Felix Kumah Abiw u ( 146 148 ) Jesse Weaver Shipley. 2013. Living The Hiplife: Celebrity and Entrepreneurship in Ghanaian Popular Music. Durham: Duke University Press. 344 pp. Review by Msia Kibona Clark ( 148 149 ) James Howard Smith and Rosalind I. J. Hackett, eds. 2012. Displacing the State: Religion an d Conflict in Neoliberal Africa. Indiana: University of Notre Dame Press. 299 pp Review by Ibukun Ajayi ( 149 151 ) Hakeem Ibikunle Tikani 2012. Union Education in Nigeria: Labor, Empire, and Decolonization since 1945. New York: Palgrave MacMillian. 176 pp. Review by Ryan Driskell Tate ( 151 153 ) Mlanie Torrent 2012. Diplomacy and Nation Building in Africa: Franco British Relations and Cameroon at the End of Empire. London: I.B. Tauris. 409 pp. Review by Benedikt Erforth ( 153 155 ) Bern ard Waites 2012. South Asia and Africa: Post colonialism in Historical Perspective. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. 456 pp. Review by Kwesi D. L. S. Prah ( 155 156 )

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University of Florida Board of Trustees, a public corporation of the State of Florida; permission is hereby granted for individuals to download articles for their own personal use. Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Flori da. ISSN: 2152 2448 Introduction Fed Up: Creating a New Type of Senegal Through the Arts MOLLY KRUEGER ENZ and DEVIN BRYSON Present day Senegal is home to a vibrant cultural milieu that in many respects, is reflective of that which its first president, Lopold Sdar Senghor, and the Senegalese cultural eminences grises endeavored to promote during the early postcolonial period. As Elizabeth m of change a tool that could be used to advance his cultural, political, and economic development plans. Consequently, he 1 T oday, t here exists a burgeoning sc ene of young authors, art ists, actors and musicians who are continuing in this Senghorian cultural tradition by envisioning art as the means to produce social change, but who are also rethinking the type of nation and citizen that would be formed through this intersection of cult ure and politics T however 63 percent of the population is under the age of twenty five. Furthermore, w hereas Senghor generously supported the arts and successfully channeled them to further political stability, Senegal in the twenty first century has been marked by a more overt tension between politics and the arts. In fact, y oung Senegalese artists, authors, filmmakers, and musicians are reworking the relationship between politics and the arts to strike against the injustices and indifference they see as endemic to the social and political norms of contemporary Senegalese society. Nowhere was the rise of young, politically engaged Senegalese artist s more evident who initially served as an important figure of change from the prevailing political paradigm in post independence Senegal Wade was first elected in 2000 thanks to the Sopi (Wolof for Parti Dmocratique Sngalais and several other smaller political parties T his was the first time that the country had seen a unified political op position. After four unsuccessful runs for president, he was finally able to win in 2000 by garnering the support and endorsement of all the other opposition candidates. Furthermore, Wade maintained this coalition of opposition parties through the 2001

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2 | Enz and Bryson par liamentary elections, giving the Sopi Coalition a majority in the legislature and Wade full control of the government. participated in 2000 to bring to power the champion of S opi 2 Their excitement for change, understand and to translate into a type of program, especially in a popular and accessible manner, the daily and ordinary demands of the immense majority of the population in terms 3 By the time that Wade attempted to rewrite the Senegalese constitution to gain a third term in office in 2011, the circumstances and prospects for young Senegalese caused them to become fed Consequently, many of these young people took part in the third term. This m ovement, in particular, provided the means for young Senegalese to traditional form of political opposition, seeking to create a new type of Senegal in the process. The primary objective of this collection of essays is to present the shifting political and social landscape in contemporary Senegal led by artists/activists, to introduce new and innovative forms of musical, literary, theatrical, and artistic expression existing in Senegal today, and to analyze the intersections between the political and the arts in the attempts by artistic creators to transform Senegalese culture, society, and politics. We believe that the articles demonstrate that contemporary Senegales e artists are working through their artistic and cultural creations to empower ordinary citizens who are fed up with the calcification of conventional political avenues to create a new type of Senegal. Furthermore, this guest edited issue of the African S tudies Quarterly will show that the mentality among these artists to reform Senegalese society through the arts is a uniquely Senegalese philosophy that can Intersection Among Culture, Society, and Politics international prominence due to Lopold Sdar Seng hor. A well respected poet, a member of the French colonial government, and one of the founders of the literary, in tellectual, and political Ngritude movement, Senghor understood the need and had the means to strengthen the global image of Senegal. One of the principal ways in which he was able to accomplish this feat was via the arts. Souleyman Bachir Diagne describ c 4 president placed the arts at the center of his attempt to craft a salient nationalist narrative 5 two decades long presidency, Senegale se society enjoyed relative prosperity while rising to the fore of West African literature, art, cinema, and music. Senghor held office from 1960 until 1980, and his successor Abdo u Diouf, also a member of the Parti Socialiste du Sngal (PS) was in power from 1981 through 2000. Diouf faced more dire economic circumstances than his predecessor but maintained a political commitment to the arts, although it was more rhetorical than financial. During the forty years that Senghor and Diouf held the

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Creating a New Type of Senegal Through the Arts | 3 presidency the PS also maintained a majority in the legislature This political homogeneity led to legislative stagnation and disillusionment among the citizenry, setting the stage for When Wade was first elected president in 2000 breaking forty years of one party rule there was much enthusiasm and hope for improvements in the country especially among young voters, who strongly supported him However, d change and overt courting of young voters during the 2000 cam paign, these same young citizens were the ones who eventually turned on him just over ten years later them who, at his invitation, raised their arms in the air to testify to the unemployment in which they lived and to nourish the hope of a ch ange of direction with the arrival of their 6 Young Senegalese were especially frustrated by the inertia of the bleak social circumstances in which they now found themselves. According to the Agence nat ionale de la statistique et de la dmographie six out of every ten unemployed Senegalese were young citizens between the ages of fifteen and thirty four government agencies that were intended to create employment for the youth, the high level of unemployment among young Senegalese only increased under Wade. Understandably, by 2012, young people across the country held a grim outlook toward Wade, politics in general, and the capital area of Dakar, This, Kaolack, Ziguinchor, Tambacounda, Saint Louis, just like those 7 Senegalese citizens w ere as dismayed with policy throughout his tenure in office as they were with his failures in the economic realm. From the beginning of his presidency, Wade was conscientious of the need to reinforce how he differe d from his predecessor Diouf. One of the principal ways he did this was to affirm his commitment to the arts since governmental funding and support for the arts had notoriously diminished under Diouf. However, instead of concretely supporting the arts, Wad e used hollow rhetorical maneuvers and unfeasible plans of cultural construction to consolidate his power and to enlarge his personal coffers. Early in his first term he announced seven grands projets culturels of which only two were ever completed during his twelve years in office. He constructed the massive and controversial Monument de la Renaissance africaine for twenty seve n million US dollars using the s tate revenues H e owns the copyright for this gigantesque statue, however, which allows him to tak e a hefty slice of whatever profits it might bring in. Faced with his inability to decrease the unemployment to create jobs by promoting wrestling, dance, and music, wh ich are extremely popular, 8 Throughout his presidency, Wade manipulated for his self interests the unique relationship in S enegal between artists and the s tate that was first instituted by Senghor. By the time he left office, t plan to stabilize the country and make it a player on the international stage through the arts were left dilapidated, at best One recent example of this transition in Senegalese arts from Senghor to Wade c an be found at Les Manufactures sngalaises des arts dcoratifs a tapestry school instituted by Papa Ibra Tall under the behest of Senghor in 1965. At its peak under the Senghor government, the Manufacture s produced a number of annual graduates who went on to gain employment in government ministries Additionally, it provided an artists in residence program for future renowned painters and generated up to one hundred

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4 | Enz and Bryson tapestries a year These works of art were primarily purchased by the presidential and m inisterial offices in order to display them publicly in governmental buildings or to give them as gifts to visiting foreign dignitaries as demonstrations of Senegalese culture. When we visited the site in June of 2012, a neglected, unfinished tapestry rest ed on a deserted loom Alon gside the rolled up tapestry was a dusty sign indicating that this particular product of the Manufacture s his eminency Pre A guide explained that after Wade lo st the presidency in the heated election earlier that year he abandoned completion of the tapestry as well as its payment. Unlike post independence Senegal under Senghor, culture and the arts under Wade became one more tool for self gain and self aggrandi zement, no longer one of the means to move Senegal forward. The Birth and Rise of attempt ed to rewrite the constitution a nd seize a third term in office, young Senegalese responded from a rtistic and cultural positions rather than from the traditional political opposition. They were able to of the country. The diverse groups of protestors were m ade up of: messages) who took over public space to craft demands that were tied up with wants of the garde was built from the arts, but also from a radical critique of society that had been voiced for years by Senegalese rap music. 9 Hip hop culture and rap music played a key role in these protests and many activist collectives were formed around hip hop. Longtime Senegalese hip hop scene stalwart DJ Awadi formed a collective named Yewoulen started NON ( Nouvelle orientation nationale Among the man y actors protesting against Wade through the arts, the most visible group was the youth movement formed when several Senegalese journalists and hip hop artists banded together. Using music, written manifestoes, oratory, and striking visual im agery, quickly garnered the support of Senegalese youth from various walks of life and successfully prevented Wad e from regaining office. According to Savan broken by the steamroller of unemployment. Young dynamic managers, journalists, the unemployed, workers, students, musicians, basically all social categories were part of their 10 urge d their countrymen and women to become a Nouveau Type de Sngalais catalysts for social and political reform Savan and Sarr highlight the goals of the Marre er itself in the service of the people, notably the disenfranchised, by helping them to help themselves, by rendering them capable of 11 The founders of understood how they could use their cel ebrity in order to convince their compatriots to arre is in having succeeded in breaking the inertia, the indifference, and the inaction of Senegalese. Having understood very early on that a soc ial movement needed visibility and concrete action on the ground, it

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Creating a New Type of Senegal Through the Arts | 5 initiated a program to make its cause understood and to make it heard by those who held 12 Building upon the socially engaged music many of the members had already created, Y protests against Wade and his election campaign was essential. This strategy allowed the members to connect with the populace on a personal, intimate level and to encourage individ 13 The arts stood at the heart of the movement and its success, which exemplified the shifting identity between various artistic communities and politics in contempo rary Senegal. Social Engagement Beyond Young a uthors, visual artists, actors, directors and musicians of all genres are also rethinking traditional models of artistic creation in order to examine the Senegal in which they live and inspire so cial engagement among their audience. While Senegal has a strong tradition of socially aware writers like Aminata Sow Fall and Ousmane Sembne, contemporary authors are reworking this lineage for the twenth first century. Felwine Sarr is an author and prof essor at Gaston Berger University in Saint Louis who organized a group of university instructors and researchers called Devoir de rsistance In an essay published in the dail y Senegalese newspaper le Populaire There are moments in the life of a nation when silence is complicit and inaction is guilty. Senegal is faced with an 14 Si nce 2012, the association has remained active by proposing citizen led solutions to public issues. Nafissatou Dia Diouf is another socially engaged author who does not hesitate to her most recent publication Sociobiz 2 which includes a postface by Felwine Sarr, Diouf campaigns for a new type of Senegalese citizen who takes pride in his or her country. She argues that if every Senegalese citizen worked to better his or her homeland, Dakar would be comparable to New York, but without violence or indifference. Her vision for the future is one of optimism: human resources (and God knows we have som e), but also our mineral, water, agricultural, 15 Like their literary counterparts, visual artists are extending the traditions inherited from their forebears into more socially engaged spheres. Amadou Kane Sy, known as Kan Si, has been a very active leader and organizer of socially conscious art both in urban and rural areas of Senegal. In 1996, he was one of the founding members of the Senegalese Artist Association Huit Facettes (Eight Facets). The Association is known for its socially interactive work and has organized international artist workshops in Senega l, the United States, and Europe Since 1999, Kan Si has led the Gore Institute Printmaking Workshop, which has brought together artists and instructed them in the practices of etching, lithography, and woodcut, and then allowed them to produce work s around a single social issue, including HIV/AIDS, peace and conflict resolution, and gender and sexual freedom. Another socially engaged artist working in a visual medium is the young filmmaker Adams Sie. Faced with the deteriorating Senegalese cinema in dustry, Sie has begun his own production company through which he has written, directed, and produced a number of short films focused on important social issues such as albino social integration, homeless children, sexual abuse,

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6 | Enz and Bryson female genital mutilation, alcoholism, and gender parity in politics. Confronting a stagnant political culture, young Senegalese are engaging with their society and expressing their concerns with social ills through artistic mediums. As a result, they are refiguring the role of the arts from their traditional antecedents. These socially engaged Senegalese artists show that their work has not been confined to Marre whose initial objective was to remove Wade from office, has worked diligently to expand its perspective to include a range of social problems. Therefore, the election of Macky Sall, the presidential candidate who defeated Wade in 2012, is simply a by product of a far reaching intersection of the arts an d politics in contemporary Senegal. 16 Many Senegalese viewed Sall as nothing more than the lesser of two evils upon his election Nevertheless, he now stands as the most public representation of the flashpoint at which coalesced and rose to pro minence, at which Senegalese society took to protest, and at which contemporary politicized art reached its apotheosis. 17 Consequently, it is important in this introduction to survey the artists/activists and their communities two years after the election o f President Sall. Macky Sall and the Continued Relevance of Socially Engaged Artists presidency serves to outline the consolidated strength and permanence of socially engaged art among young Senegalese as well as its growth beyond simplistic politic al denunciation. Many of these artists/activists speak plainly about vigilance toward its president and its readiness to remove him if he has not provided the desired societal changes. They are ready to do this either by revolts in th e street or through the electoral process at the end of his first term. 18 W hen asked to iterate their opinion on the h owever, these same artists/activists quickly dismiss him as irrelevant and just another politician who will see his time end one way or another Furthermore, they prefer to speak of the ways they and their communities are using their own art, means, intelligence, and self reliance to improve Senegalese society. In the wake of their efforts to bring about the pea ceful removal of Wade from the presidency, young artists in Senegal have taken on a confidence in their ability to engage the public and to critique political malfeasance effectively and quickly, freeing them to focus on deploying their art to build substa ntial social change. remains an active, engaged collective that continues to draw the attention of both the public and the government. The movement still hold s its weekly Tuesday meetings in the old apartment owned by Fadel Barro, a journalis t and one of the founders of the group, in the Parcelles Assainies neighborhood of Dakar. The door remains open throughout the day for groups and individuals to come, share ideas, and benefit from Marre came to the headquarters to hear Fadel Barro and fellow journalist and founder r participation and ensuring fair results. Marre has become an example of social engagement to citizens of other African nations, but is still focused primarily on Senegalese issues. In August 2013 the group announced the launch of its Observatory o f Democracy and Good Governance ( Dox Ak Sa Gox ), which will initially function in areas outside of Dakar, such as Saint Louis, Zuiguinchor, and This. Its primary goal is to provide citizens with a means both to express their own local concerns to

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Creating a New Type of Senegal Through the Arts | 7 politici ans and to monitor the efficacy of how politicians address those issues. Not surprisingly, released a new group CD Dox Ak Sa Gox Observatory. I ndividual members of the movement remain active in endeavors outside of th e confines of official programs. Foumalade, one of the founding rap artists of the collective, engages with social issues both through his music and social organizing. His D, was the first affiliated rap g roup to release an album after the protests with its 2012 release Rsista NTS Even before the release of that album, Foumalade and his group were active in the area of prison reform. In 2005, they toured prisons and heard from prisoners after the concerts that they needed help beyond musical distraction, that they needed assistance to improve their living conditions and the D followed this tour by publicly speaking out against excessively long detentions, overcrowding in prisons, unequal sentencing dependent upon the social backgrounds of defendants, and for the need for alternative forms of rehabilitation for non dangerous prisoners, such as job training. Foumalade says of thi hop can express it. 19 In 2013, Foumalade established a youth center called G Hip Hop in the Dakar suburb of Gudiawaye whose mai n purpose is to provide a location for at risk youth to expend their energies on hip hop creation, rather than on criminal activities that will lead to imprisonment hop and the activities a they [inhabitants of Gudiawaye] encounter drugs, prostitution, delinquency. But they also encounter hip hop. How can we use the hip hop that they encounter in the streets? Because what hip hop shares with delinquency is language. Also, this contesting, revolutionary 20 In addition, the center has also served as a site for forums on poverty and illiteracy among women. Thiat, perhaps the most outspoken member of a Marre continues to perform with his hip hop group Keur Gui, which is in the process of recording a double album in Dakar, Paris, and New York. This album will make the case for the diasporic, cross cultural nature a Marre Thiat was selected as a Reagan Fascell Democracy Fellow by the National Endowment for Democracy in Washington, D.C. This fellowship, which took place from October 2013 February 2014, supports his work works to transmit his message wherever he goes and has a multifaceted identity as an artist, activist, and mi Activism is inside of me, in my blood. For me, the message is the hop, to give a message. My mission is 21 Despite the success of and its founding members, not all Senegalese are enamored by the movement rhetoric and tactics. Some young people express doubts about are convinced that the members are being paid for their acti vism, and Many of them were even active participants and members of during the presidential campaign of Wade, but have come to disagree with the direction the group has taken si nce then. However, these same young people who oppose tactics and

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8 | Enz and Bryson disrespect of Wade are themselves engaged in thoughtful activism to improve their country, often through artistic mediums. Those ex members of acknowledge the power and inspiration that they took from the initial stages of the movement and that they are applying to new endeavors. Thus, they prove that while an influential turning point, is just one iteration of a widespread current running thr ough contemporary Senegal that unites the arts and politics. One such group, Eaux secours works in the Pikine/Thiaroye region of the greater Dakar area and uses rap music, video clips, on line interactions, and social gatherings to promote the need for a greater consciousness and a stronger infrastructure towards flood prevention and relief. 22 Ka z, a member of the rap group Flamm J that is at the center of Eaux s ecours The problem of water is eternal. Without water there is no life. Water is our aid. In these areas where water is lacking, we are 23 The group recently created a compilation of hip hop songs called Zero Mbeund with contributions from rappers such as Xuman, Matador, and Foumalade. On the back cover of the CD, the group articulates its view regarding the unnatural disaster: 24 Pr ofits from the CD will go toward raising awareness about water issues in Thiaroye and Pikine and ideally finding a solution to the problems. Of course, all of these actions need to be promoted to the public in order to have a real impact. While the indiv iduals and organizations themselves take on this task, they are still extremely reliant upon traditional media since digital technology and media are not widespread in Senegal. The artist/activists themselves have thus attempted to intervene in mainstream media outlets as much as possible. If one turns on the local television news in Dakar on a Friday evening, the viewer might come across the Journal rapp a news segment during which two rappers present the most important news items from the past week by r apping them: one in French, one in Wolof. Rappers Xuman and Keyti are dressed in suits, seated behind a news desk, and the segment is obviously produced and presented with high quality production techniques. Clearly, the Journal rapp is not an ironic curi o but rather a genuine attempt to keep young Senegalese informed of current events through an original, engaging format. Both the organizers of Eaux secours and the rappers of the Journal rapp speak about receiving inspiration for their work from the soci al engagement of through hip hop. All of these artists continue to remain active and engaged because they believe in the emergence of a new generation and the importance of profound change in Senegal. Intersection of the Arts and Politics in Contemporary Senegal The five articles in this special issue of the African Studies Quarterly examine the ways in which diverse musical, literary, theatrical, and visual artists use their work as a medium to a historical, political, and cultural context for the recent movement from varying perspectives: one dealing with the principle spokesmen and writers of the group, the other concerned with the hi In her article The New Type of Senegalese under Construction: Fadel Barro and Aliou San on Yenamarrism after Wade journalists of t he movemen t, Fidel Barro and Aliou San. In it, they discuss the formation and the evolution of since the 2012 presidential election as well as their vision for the future of the movement, Senegal, and Africa as a continent In the second

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Creating a New Type of Senegal Through the Arts | 9 contribution devoted to Cultural Philosophy? Devin Bryson begins by questioning the tendency of observers to focus on the newness of the group and then proceeds to place the movement in a Senegalese historical c ontext. He argues that the collective uses cultural interventions in Senegalese society in a manner that is consistent with the cultural continuum that was first con jured under Senghor but that the Yenamarristes also render this cultural philosophy more i nclusive of and useful for the people of Senegal T he remaining articles expand our point of view from to other socially y Krueger Enz combines an interview with Nafissatou Dia Diouf and textual analysis of her writing in order to show how the internationally acclaimed author provides her readers with a com prehensive yet critical view of Senegal Through her work that inclu des fiction, poetry, and philosophical essays, Diouf examines contemporary Senegalese society and portrays a country in the process of transition and transformation. The next contribution centering Theatrical Heritage: Forum Theater in Contemporary S that has developed into a glob al phenomenon since the 1970s. Brian Quinn posits that its prominence in Senegal has led to its role as an adopted form of traditional performance in the country that presents an alternative, decentralized model directly opposed to the permanent structure of the Grand Thtre National The final article in this special issue offers a unique perspective on the artistic scene in Senegal to day ethnographic research and astutely examines how graffiti artists conceive of their identity and community, and then express these idea ls through their murals, transforming urban landscape and engaging with global hip hop dialogues in the process. It is our hope that Fed Up: Creating a New Type of Senegal Through the Arts will make a significant contribution to current debates a bout contemporary Senegalese culture and society and shed light on the movement that emerged in 2011 as a political force in Senegal. Within all of the articles contained in this issue, readers will find evidence of the way in which the citize nry of Senegal, frustrated with its economic, political, and cultural marginalization, has wrested the postcolonial tradition of social engagement through the arts from the control of the cultural and political elite to use as a tool to render its society more just, more democratic, and more inclusive. Beyond those discussions specific to Senegal, we believe that this collection of essays will provide readers with galvanizing examples of the possibilities in the intermingling of the arts and politics and w ill demonstrate that Senegal has, in ways its first president could not have envisioned, fulfilled Notes 1 Harney 2004, p. 5. 2 Sopi by the authors 3 gramme, et surtout

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10 | Enz and Bryson de manire accessible et populaire, les revendications ordinaires et quotidiennes de 4 volontarisme de la construction nationale 5 Harney 2004, p. 49. 6 Copans 2013 7 Savan and Sarr 201 capitales r gionales de Dakar, This, Kaolack, Ziguinchor, Tambacounda, Saint Louis, tout comme ceux des campagnes, sont dans leur grande majorit en proie une certaine 8 promotion de la lutte, de la danse et de la musique qui suscitent beaucoup 9 gar de se construit partir des arts, mais aussi de la critique radicale de la socit vhicule pendant des annes par le rap 10 compresseur du chmage. Jeunes cadres dynamiques, journalistes, chmeurs, ouvriers, tudiants, musiciens, bref toutes les catgories sociales se sont identifies leur coup de 11 e des gens, notamment les mmes, en les rendant capables de saisir les 12 Le mrite de comprendre sa cause et se faire entendre par les pouvoirs publics 13 Ibid., p. Previous socially engaged work from the members of include Thiat and to its v 14 ce et 15 Diouf 2013, p p. 127 transformer no minires, aurifres, agricoles etc..Nous aurons somme toute invent notre propre modle de dveloppement. Bas sur nos valeurs et pour socle notre Histoire, nos civilisations riches

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Creating a New Type of Senegal Through the Arts | 11 16 refused to support any of the opposition candidates in the first round of until the second round of voting that the group finally end significant qualifications, in order to ensure that Wade was not reelected. The members of the group have said that they have refused multiple offers from Sall to join his administration since his election. 17 Wade administration: Prime Minister from 2004 until 2007 and President of the N ational Assembly from 2007 until 2008. He played a major role in the regime against which a Marre and others protested. 18 Removal of Sall from office through either revolt or the electoral process are both equally evoked by Senegalese, often by the same person. After campaign promises and continuing public pressure from and others to reduce the presidential term from seven to five years, Sall has confirmed that his term will end in 2017, though this still needs to be officiall y ratified, whether by referendum or the National Assembly. 19 hop qui peut le dire. hop est un pouvoir 20 Nous voulons que le hip hop et les activits mnes dans ce centre impactent sur prostitution, la dlinquance. Mais ils rencontrent le hip hop. Comment uti liser le hip hop partage avec le milieu 21 Thiat 2013. Interview with authors (in English). 22 The on expressio someone is in danger or needs help quickly. 23 Eaux secours collective is led by the rap group Flamm J which i ncludes 24 References Momar Coumba Diop (ed.), Sngal (2000 librale (Paris: Karthala): 11 21. Coumba Diop (ed.), Le Sngal contemporain (Paris: Karthala): 243 59.

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12 | Enz and Bryson Diop, Momar Coumba Diop (ed.), Sngal (2000 2012): ibrale (Paris: Karthala): 50 84. Diouf, Nafissatou Dia. 2013. Sociobiz 2. Dakar: TML Editions. Flamm J. 2013. Personal interview with authors in Pikine, Senegal. 25 June. Transcripts in Foumalade. 2013. Personal interview wit h authors in Gudiawaye, Senegal. 2 July. Harney, Elizabeth. 2004. Garde in Senegal, 1960 1995 Durham: Duke University Press. Le Populaire http://www.popxibaar.com/Devoir de Resistance_a10998.html Savan, Vieux, and Baye Makb Sarr. 2012. au Sngal Thiat. 2013. Personal interview with authors in Dakar, Senegal 30 June T ra nscripts in

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Sarah Nelson is Associate Professor of French at the University of Idaho. She has published on sixteenth and seventeenth century French literature and is the translator and editor of Hortense Mancini and Marie Mancini, Memoirs (University of Chicago Press, 2008). Ant hony St. Claire provided valuable transcription assistance in the preparation of this article. University of Florida Board of Trustees, a public c orporation of the State of Florida; permission is hereby granted for individuals to download articles for their own personal use. Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Flori da. ISSN: 2152 2448 The New Type of Senegalese under Construction: Fadel Barro and Aliou San on Yenamarrisme after Wade S ARAH NELSON Abstract: movement, formed in early 2011, was instrumental 2012 presidential election and to prevent the incumbent president from hijacking the political institutions and elector al process in order to remain in power. Since the 2012 election, far from evaporating, has pursued a broader agenda of projects ( chantiers in French; a chantier is a construction site) in support of its objective of Nouveau Type de Sngalais / New Type of Senegalese). The NTS agenda proceeds from the understanding that strong national institutions can only be founded on a society of responsible and engaged citizens who act with integrity and expect the same from their leade rs. The most recognizable public faces of were those of the noted rap artists at its center, who were often in front of the cameras and behind the microphones during press conferences. Tw o journalists, h owever, Fadel Barro and Aliou San, are at the core of the movement and are some of the most eloquent spokespeople regarding the philosophy, development, actions, and priorities of its members. In this interview article, Barro and San discuss the evolution of since the 2012 electio n, including, in particular, the NTS chantiers the movement has prioritized: c itizen action ( c itizenship training plus d emocracy watch) l eadership and entrepreneurship. Barro and San explain Marre owing number of affiliated groups in Africa and among the diaspora in Europe and America; the concrete steps they are taking to realize their plans; and their vision for the future of the movement, the nation, and the continent. Introduction a Marre movement, formed in early 2011, was instrumental in mobilizing the and to prevent the incumbent president Abdoulaye Wade, from hijacking the political institutions and electoral process in order to remain in power. 1 Since the 2012 election, far from evaporating, has pursued a broader agenda of projects ( chantiers in French; a chantier is a construction site) in support of its objective of f ( Nouveau Type de Sngalais / New Type of Senegalese). The NTS agenda proceeds from the understanding that strong national institutions can only be founded on a society of responsible and engaged citizens who act with integrity and demand the same from their leaders. Founding members of the movement and key players in its inner core group, the two journalists Fadel Barro and Aliou San have become familiar public figures alongside the noted rap artists with whom has been ident ified since its inception. Popular

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14 | Nelson enthusiasm and media attention for the movement have spread beyond Senegal, so that it now has a pan African and intercontinental presence. Furthermore, the coverage and analysis of the movement has progressed from the pr ess article or broadcast report to the scholarly study and film documentary. 2 In the interviews upon which this article is based, Barro and San relate the philosophy, character, and evolution of as it lays the foundations for a lasting social movement, while still seeking to remain true to its original Certain dates stand out in the brief history (so far) of January 16 and 18, 2011; March 19, 2011; June 23, 2011 and Marre members commonly invoke significant dates for the values they represent to the movement. Whereas January 16 and 18 (genesis of ) or June 23 (mass protests against attempt to amend the constitution) are important markers of the pop ular exasperation and mobilization against chronic government corruption, mismanagement, and manipulation that spawned the movement, they are not the dates mentioned by Barro and San when they discuss the future of post Wade. Following the 20 12 presidential election and the success of their efforts to prevent Wade from acceding to what was widely considered an unconstitutional third term in office, members are now interested in shifting the emphasis in their public image from one of protest and conflict to one of positive, constructive action, and for that reason, both Barro and San begin their remarks by invoking the date of March 19, 2011. 3 The Interviews Fadel Barro: I think I should start by defining the concept of e What are we keep in mind from even before Abdoulaye Wade left office the date of March 19, 2011, when we launched the concept of the New Type of Senegalese (NTS). 4 We were already it, we have to take a look at ourselves. We have to examine our own behavior, our habits what motivated our idea of the NTS. Even before Abdoulaye Wade left office, we said that change in Senegal will not come from a poli tical leader, much less from a political party or coalition of parties. Change will come from each Senegalese understanding that the problem t to note. Aliou San: On March 19, 2011, when we called the Senegalese to a big rally, we launched the manifesto that I consider one of the most important things has produced I t dvent of a New Type of Senegalese. What does that mean? It means that the ma nifesto addressed not only the s tate and the role it should play, but it called on the citizen to take a hard look at himself and to moi problems in the community around him but stands idly by, who does nothing to change things, who takes no action to tr y to move forward and goad the s d emand that the s tate fulfill its sid e of the contract.

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New Type o f Senegalese under Construction | 15 Sarah Nelson: In your vision of the NTS, what are the roles and the responsibilities of the individual and of the state? FB: You know, we in have always said that there is no single system that is right for everyone. People talk about parliamentary systems, presidential systems, semi from trying to simply copy and apply it, but what we can do is express what our people want and how to make our country work based on who we are. In this country people come to Dakar and they have no rega rd for the public good, for or Touba or Tivaouane, they may be Christian or atheist, they may live in Fatick or in Casamance in the Sacred Wood when they go back the re, nobody needs to tell them that 5 But when the same guy who respects those codes within his religious community or his fa mily or his ethnic group comes to Dakar and you concern. So now how do we start with that reality and build a strong republic based on it? We are not going to be able to answer that question right away, but we can start by proposing new paradigms and reflecting on them. There are good aspects of other systems, and certainl y we should be open to them, but how can we alloy them to ourselves, to who we sake! of Medina Baye calls his disciples to come and work his fields, everyone goes, because according to our mindset as Wolofs, in our tradition, there was something called tolou bour 6 T olou bour means anymore, now they devote that energy to the marabout, who uses it for his own personal gain. What we need is the kind of leader who, without being a marabout, is capable of calling the population to community service in the interest of advancing the country. One we need to have states capable of mobilizing the masses in a common project of development, because states made up of poli tical and intellectual elites, who know everything, who plan fifty three years now, and what has it done for us? Absolutely nothing! How much money has been inves ted in Africa and in Senegal? What has it done for us? Absolutely nothing! And even President Barack Obama even the civil society groups, how many billions have those people r eceived? 7 Just as African heads of state are responsible for having misappropriated a the end.

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16 | Nelson We have to come to terms with that. Is it a matter of money, or is it more a problem of attitude, of mentality? I think that Africans, across the board, need to begin developing those alternate paradigms; we need to conceive our states based on who we are and not try to have right now. And since we [ work on our chantiers 8 L in it, so that they can see that outside of the current power structures, little by little, we can from that for the time being and I hope it would be in a peaceful manner; but if w e create the mechanisms and people see that they can take the lead and change things on their own, then our states are bound to follow. SN: On January 18, 2013, Fadel, you observed the second anniversary of the genesis of by publishing a state Yenamarrism e is a 9 In that piece, you recalled the dynamism and energy seduced by the privileges that the new p owers can offer, avoid being coopted by the presidency of Macky Sall, it seems that leaders are not inclined to pursue the aims of the movement by assuming the respon sibility of governing. What is your thinking on this? AS: handover of power, President Macky Sall received us and congratulated us and reaffirmed his appreciation of the r 10 He thought that we should join his administration by accepting top level government positions and helping him put in place his agenda. We declined. We thanked him for his appreciation, but we told him that we felt had another role to play. We need to stay in our role as a sentinel of democracy. In any state, there needs to be a government that sets policy and governs, that guarantees the separation of powers, a strong judicial system, a free and independent press; but there al so needs to be a strong public opinion, supported by civil society and social movements, and we felt that to preserve democracy, to allow democracy to thrive in this country, needed to maintain its sentinel position. FB: The first proposal fro m the Senegalese government to come and work with them was really an act of corruption. It was March 18, 2011, and Abdoulaye Wade sent someone to talk They said, as an That was under Abdoulaye Wade. After Abdoulaye Wade left, Macky Sall received us when we went to congratulate him. With Macky, it was more a gesture of appreciation, it was not an act of corruption, it must be

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New Type o f Senegalese under Construction | 17 He offered a lot of different things positions as ministers or ambassadors but we told him that we appreciated his recognition, and yet we felt we could be much more useful by working on developing that strong public opinion and that critical mass capable of changing the country. We would be abandoning our fight for change if we accepted his offers, and he understood. yet. They came back to me and offered a minister gig again, and I told them the same thing. to make mistakes and s FB: After the election of Macky Sall, we decided we needed to organize ourselves so that what we repres ented was not just theoretical explanations, but concrete actions. We came up with what we called the NTS chantiers the chantiers of the New Type of Senegalese. The idea is to channel the energies that young people deployed during the presidential electio n to get rid of Abdoulaye Wade, and to turn them into a positive force, not only to uphold Senegalese democracy and pursue the struggle for good governance and against corruption, but also to embody the struggle for development. AS: When we formed the a Marre movement, we conceived of the esprits and determined what an esprit would be. 11 It is a component part of in a given locality. Each esprit is composed of at least twenty five members, of which ten are women. The esprits di agnose the problems of their localities and reflect on what they can do by organizing. FB: So the NTS chantiers focus on two main areas citizenship and development. On the question of behavior and mentality. We are setting up NTS clubs in schools, in order to nurture ongoing discussion about civic action and the public good among students. AS: The NTS clubs are one of our leading initiatives. Right now, we are doing a lot of speaking in schools, and we help students organize clubs and engage in various kinds of civic actions t hings like school improvement projects and returning the national flag to the schools. It can seem like an insignificant detail, but in Senegal now, in primary schools, for example, they no longer fly the national flag. We organize the young people and hav e them contribute fifty CFA francs each, so that the national flag can fly again in their schools. 12 Instilling respect for the flag and for other emblems of the nation is part of the effort to imbue young people with a sense of civic pride and responsibili ty, so that they will reject all the small, everyday acts of incivility and corruption, and instead recognize that they have a duty of exemplarity to cultivate, both with regard to the state and within their local communities. FB: Next, we are working with Neighborhoods Quartiers propres

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18 | Nelson that different neighborhoods in Dakar or in Senegal will compete with each other in civic action, inves tment in human capital, cleanliness of common spaces, etc. around to different places and organizes big forums where the people have a chance to speak. At the same time, we are developing a watchdog project on democracy and good governance. Our Democracy and Good Governance Watch ( de la bonne gouvernance ) relies on the network of esprits We train the esprit members in citize n monitoring, in reading budgets, etc., so that they can track what is happening at the local and regional levels. All of that information will be collected on a website we are calling the Monitoring Site ( le Site du m onitoring ), which will not only keep t rack of all the information that is made public, but it will also allow individual Senegalese to participate, to tell how things look from where they sit, and to weigh in on how things are working in their localities. AS : Over the past two months, we have had a lot of discussions with potential partners who could help us implement these plans. We felt it was necessary to organize the whole ( S entinelle de la dmocratie ) component of which was an ad hoc, temporary kind o f thing while Abdoulaye Wade was in power, into something more permanent and ongoing. So we wrote a plan for the Democracy and Good Governance Watch project, concerned especially with tracking the follow through on election promises. It is in the planning stages right now; we have secured funding, and we will launch in August. Our partner is Oxfam, and they have agreed to underwrite a first phase that will involve seven of the twelve regions of Senegal. We will do some training in Dakar, with two or three p eople from each of the regional esprit watch groups B ut there will be on site training, too, where we will go and meet with people where they are, in line with Marre structure that allows the different esprits to meet and get to know each other, exchang e ideas, share best practices, all of that. You know, there is a problem right now in all of the regions with the takeover of land by foreign agro business. The state hands over land to them, and then the populations of the localities find themselves work ing as hired labor on their own land. For young people in what channe ls citizens can have recourse. There is all of this at the local level, but there is also the national level, with Macky Sall and his governance. During the campaign, he made a number of commitments on essential priorities for the Senegalese people. We wi ll be able to keep track of his progress on the Monitoring Site. If there are areas of positive movement, we will definitely recognize them, we will be publishing wh SN: Is this effort at government accountability something entirely new in Senegal? AS: part, it has been short term efforts. And then besides that, generally wit h those other efforts,

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New Type o f Senegalese under Construction | 19 people developed them and the youth were the target audience for what had been developed upstream from them, they just helped carry it out; but here, the young people are leading the process from start to finish. There is another int 13 making it an ongoing project, with young people at the helm, accessible and welcoming to even the smallest localities, an chantiers of citizen action. What about the chantiers for economic development? FB: As part of the chantier of leadership and entrepreneurship, and pool their problems, or the problems of their localities, but especially we help them pool their resources: their human capacity wha t they can do, what training they have had, what training they still need and also the possibilities offered by their local area. We organize them into little development units, the initiative core groups. In concrete terms, what are the groups doing? For example, in Kaolack, there are groups working on salt production, and in This, there is a group working to produce chalk, which is being imported now, but the resources are there to produce it locally. And in Gandiol, there is an initiative core group wo rking to commercialize new fishery resources. You know, in 2003 there was flooding threatening to engulf much of Saint Louis, and so to save the city, the president at the time, Abdoulaye Wade, opened a breach in the Barbary Tongue. 14 The breach was ten met ers wide at first, but today it has grown to three kilometers. So the Atlantic Ocean is washing away the Barbary Tongue, and whole villages on the coast along with it; there is a village called Doune Baba Diye that has been wiped off the map. So there are populations there who used to live off of agriculture and freshwater fisheries in the Senegal River, who now are losing their fields and dealing with the salination of the water and land. Well, when we went there to meet with the esprit and t he catastrophe. We asked ourselves how we could turn this manmade disaster to our advantage. Because I like to say that we Yenamarrist e s we try to change the situation of President Barack Obama, and it appealed to him very much. So with that philosophy in mind, we noticed in Gandiol that along with the ocean water came some marine species that people had never seen there before, such as mullet and a new kind of oyster. The oyster is of a very high quality, and mullet eggs bring 25,000 CFA francs on the market; so we have an initiative core group pooling their individual contributions right now and gearing up to go into business selling the mullet, mullet eggs, known. We told them, if you clean up your village and make it attra ctive, you can develop a kind of socially responsible tourism that would benefit the local population, as opposed to what there is now, which is big hotels on the Barbary Tongue, where the tourists go directly o we started another initiative core group to work on developing that kind of tourism T hey have already begun fixing up the village,

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20 | Nelson and they are going to set up a small information office at the entrance to the village, where people can find out about po ssible activities, including things like going to see the women who harvest salt or grow onions. So it would offer an alternative to the high end kind of tourism that exists now. AS: I can give you another example. In Nietty Mbar in the esprit of Pikine Ni etty Mbar there are a number of guys who are maybe eighteen, twenty, twenty five years old. Their dream is to succeed in traditional Senegalese wrestling, and they spend a lot of time at the to break into wrestling, and guys big, muscular guys that the politicians use to settle their disputes with each other; they arm them and send them off to assault people. into an initiative core group, and they all started contributing 500 CFA francs a week, and eventually they had enough to start their business. They bought uniforms and they set themselves up as a formal, legally established security agency; they contract with all the a Marre FB: ural project. Right to grow rice and sesame. 15 By 2015, we want to be producing NTS rice, grown here and be farmed by young people who leave Dakar to work there and also by people who live there already. Maybe eventually it will grow into real agro business with large operations, but for now we need to start food that is most important. And just today, President Obama told us that he is prepared to provide us with technological support for the development of our agricultural projects. trying to see how we can build on who we are and what we have, on the strength of our ingenuity and commitment; because we like to say that to develop this country, it takes ingenuity and commitment, and money will come after. Marre is interested in pursuing these concrete development projects, in add ition to playing SN: Can you tell me about your recent meeting with Pres ident Obama? 16 FB: later in his speech at the University of Cape T own S o clearly, he really understood what I was saying, and he was very proud and very supportive. SN: Your work is right in line with the kind of community organizing he did early in his career. FB: about it afterwards. When I t alked to him, Obama paid really close attention to what I was

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New Type o f Senegalese under Construction | 21 r your agricultural projects. In general, though, it sounds as if the main financing of projects comes simply from the contributions of its members -is that right? FB: technical support on those projects. But for the Democracy Watch, it takes a lot of money because we need offices, we need to train the young people, we need to supp ly them with things, etc. For that, Oxfam of the Netherlands is supporting us. But for the initiative core groups, the development projects, we just want the young people to get off the ground on ting. If someone just hands them that will be that. SN: has recognized that a major problem at the heart of Senegalese politics is that parties are o rganized around leaders and systems of patronage, rather than around ideological or ethical principles. Power and personality have mattered more than democratic ideals. The cult of personality is also common in the world of musicians and performers. How ha s worked to avoid a culture of stardom and celebrity in them to action? AS: First of all, I would add to your remark about Senegalese politics that even in th e realm of civil society, groups have been centered on single personalities; take, for example, RADDHO if you mention RADDHO in Senegal, everyone thinks of Alioune Tine. 17 And in politics, when young people got involved, it was normally within a partisan co ntext, so that whatever they did, it was aimed at pleasing the party leader. So when the Macky Sall youth snipe at has managed to create a different dynamic. You can see it even in the st ructure of the organization: there is no single person who is We have an inner esprits ; we have a structure we call the General Assembly, where all of the importa nt decisions are made; but around that inner core, we have sprouted esprits everywhere, and the idea with those esprits is to create leaders everywhere. So has lots of leaders. If I, Aliou San, mess up as a leader, the movement g oes on; if Fadel messes up, the movement goes on; if Thiat messes up, the movement goes on; if Malal messes up, the movement goes on. 18 Whereas today if Macky Sall were to mess up, the APR would be dead. 19 If Alioune Tine messed up, RADDHO would be dead. Tha I think, and the thing we need to maintain at all cost. SN: is known as a youth movement. Going forward, is it important for the group to maintain that character, or to broaden and include people of all ages? AS: as just a youth Marre was recognized as Model Leader for 2013, and there was an old man there the imam five; he came with the Rufisque esprit and he spoke at the conference and said that whatever does in Rufisque, he takes part in it. 20

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22 | Nelson gatherings. Ideally, would you see them participating in equal numbers to men, and if so, what are the barriers to that? AS: From the start, when we composed the charter that sets the rules for the formation of esprits we specified that of the twenty five members needed to found an esprit at least ten needed to be women. So you can see that right from the start, we saw the ne ed to promote the emergence of women leaders and broad participation by women. However, we take a different approach from that of the politicians who harp on the idea unfortunately, at the start of the movement, our peaceful civil action was met by the state with extreme violence, which caused the death of thirteen people in Senegal. In th at context, it was very difficult for the women to be out in front. But there are great women at the heart of the movement. Sofia Denise Sow was there the day the movement was born, and she does extraordinary work S of the social me dia the Facebook page, the website during the campaign and she always kept us in line W hen things got tense she reminded us we needed to stick together, she did an incredible job. 21 But she never wanted to be in the spotlight. Sometimes we really pushed he r to come forward and speak to the press, but she always preferred to stay in the shadows and just do her part. At the award ceremony last Saturday, she finally spoke publicly for the first time. And in fact, she said that she is not a supporter of the par ity approach, because it feels to her like an indirect way of accepting a certain inferiority for women. Women have a leading role to play, just like men, and they need to simply assume it, rather than waiting to be invited in. She pointed to herself as an example; she fought alongside everyone else, and sway, people listen to her. And there are other women coming to the fore now, too there is Seynabou Sy Ndiaye, who was in the esprit of Gaston Berger University in Saint Louis and who is now in Dakar working on her doctorate in sociology, for example, and there are many more. FB: You worth noting that it takes time and practice to build political and org anizing skills. In the past, there have been lots of mediocre politicians who were all men. So we need to give women the latitude to be mediocre before they become skilled, just like men. kar 1988 Mamadou Diouf identifies two distinct groups of urban youth, which he refers to as students and marginalized youth ( dclasss ). 22 To what extent does merge those two groups? Clearly, you and the other leaders of the movem ent have high levels of education and model a respect for knowledge and informed analysis. Do the rest of the Senegalese society, or do you see the movement as a cross sectio n of society? AS: forms a bridge between Aliou San who has an advanced degree in communication, Cheikh Fadel who has a n advanced degree in

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New Type o f Senegalese under Construction | 23 he and I would never have encountered each other anywhere, because w life. Just yesterday, there was someone from the Kaolack esprit who came to the coordination meeting to present an agricultural project to us. He saw an opportunity in his area to grow sesame and sell it to a group of Chi nese merchants. He presented his idea to us, and now he is working with Julien, who is a young Yenamarrist e this young Yenamarrist e he can work with Julien, who has done advanced studies, to define the project, study the feasibility, and put it all down on paper so that we can examine it and see how to move forward together. The structure of allows that collaboration to happen. Yen amarrism e social contract can be conceived as a triangular relationship between the politicians, the -a new type of marabout? Or, al ternatively, would the NTS have a different kind of relationship with the marabouts than in the past? FB: took hold in the mid twentieth century Touba was created to wards the end of colonization. 23 When the colonizer dominated the kings in Senegal, the kings tried to shore up their power by allying themselves with the marabouts, and they all started marrying into marabout families. At the same time, the people looked t o the religious leaders as figures of cultural resistance against the colonial regime, which made the kings all the more interested in allying themselves with the power and respect the marabouts commanded among the the marabouts pursue their own interests, and the politicians are complicit. They all come to Touba to present their proposals, since as long as they have the blessing of the marabout, they can do what t hey please. We need to work toward a system where the marabouts, instead of issuing voting directives to their followers, issue citizenship directives. Or at the very least, we can try for greater transparency; we have no way of knowing anything about all of the money at play in the system. In the U.S., there are lobbyists and there is a lot of money poured into the system, but at least people can find out about it declare it. 24 Anyway, the reality of the political system in Senegal is tha t the marabouts are present, and they are influential. A system such as the one we have right now, which is closely modeled on the French system, cannot properly deal with that reality because it does not exist in France. Just because Montesquieu said some thing, does not make it universal truth. Montesquieu was not familiar with marabouts. What he said was great, and we can apply parts of it, but it is up to us to build our own system that reflects our realities. AS: The marabouts represent a real power in this country, and we have to take that into account. The line we take is that we need to break with the type of marabout who cozies up to the political class, who receives large sums of money from them, and who issues voting directives to his followers on should be put to a better use to exhort their talibs their disciples, to be good citizens, to be NTS, and to work to preserve democracy. We think that new types of marabouts need to

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24 | Nelson emerge, and t here are indeed some marabouts who say so, too, now. For example, the grand caliph of Touba has said things to that effect; in his general attitude, he has distanced himself from the politicians, and he did not issue a voting directive. At the time of the elections, we went to meet with him, and we explained our position on the question. But there are mid level marabouts who continue to trade on their status in the old way. However, there is something else that is changing, and that is that there are more a nd more citizens who are becoming conscious of this problem and who are drawing the line between their religious and political lives. They are coming to see that they can have a spiritual connection with their marabout and still have the freedom to make up their own minds on political candidates. There are a lot of people who think this way now, but is still one of the few entities to say it openly because it is still a sensitive question. SN: is extending its influence beyond the been traveling quite a bit to meet with Yenamarrist e s in other countries. FB: Yenamarrist e s elsewhere in Africa. The idea is to talk to each and speaking in the same terms, and then also to draw inspiration from each other. AS: Burkina Faso, where they helped organize a march last Saturday against the estab lishment of a senate where the president could install his cronies. 25 them about the experiences of There are movements n ow in lots of other countries lot of similar movements being created in Africa, and w e have put in place a working group that will network with those African brothers and organize a big gathering in Bamako for sometime next year. We want to come together to perhaps develop a common roadmap in certain areas, because we realize that most Afr ican states share some of the same problems problems of political leadership and governance so we would like to generate synergy on a pan African scale to work for the emergence of a New Type of African, too. FB: And then on June 1, 2013, we held an international meeting in Paris that brought together the diaspora in Europe the Forum of in Europe (FEYE). AS: At the forum we discussed the problems of African emigrants and students in Europe, an d a lot of ideas came out of the exchanges, which can be proposed to the entities responsible for addressing those concerns. And there was also an intergenerational dialogue that took place there, a discussion between Yenamarristes and people of older gene rations. There was Lamine Diack, the Senegalese head of the IAAF (International Association of Athletics Federations); his generation also did a lot of important work on citizenship issues in their day, but they suffered setbacks. How can we learn from bot h their successes and their failures? In answers; we can learn a lot from our elders. And do you know what was great about that forum? There were young Yenamarrist e s who come from very disadvantaged backgrounds, who are not educated, who have never traveled before, and those young people had the chance to get on a plane, go to Europe, meet with their Senegalese brothers over there and with other European brothers, and share

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New Type o f Senegalese under Construction | 25 ideas about the challenges of our time. That was something I really liked. For those young people to be able to widen their horizons, to participate in something like that in Paris and then come back home SN: What would i t look like if the goals of were attained? How would your FB: We would see an engaged citizenry, people would live well. Those are the large goals towards which is working, but we are n ot yet accepted across the breadth of society. People think that is all about negativity, that all we know how to do is chantiers We can make speeches about grand ide as, but what we really need to do is to concentrate on chantiers are concrete things that we can actually do. We can form clubs in the schools, we can organize neighborhood competitions, we can create initiative core groups, and we can develop the Democracy and Good Government AS: where the citizen is at the center of the republic, a country where the separation of powers and good governance are the rule in the conduct of pub lic affairs. A country where there is rigor and discipline at every level of society. Above all, we want our children to be able to thrive and flourish in a society of justice, law, peace, and progress for all, a society that works and produces wealth and opportunity equitably for all its sons and daughters, without preference or discrimination. POSTSCRIPT: Just a couple of minutes into the interview with Aliou San, the power suddenly went out on his end of the Skype session and he was plunged into darkness. AS: SN: Does it happen often? AS: been a long time since there have been any power outages here at my house. SN: AS: Well, I think the current government I guess they realize that the electricity problem was a source of social tension. If you recall, after June 23 in Senegal, the reason there were riots here in Dakar it was chaos on June 27, 2011 was because there had been mass power outages. All of Dakar was in the dark, and frankly, people were upset, and they went into the streets to protest. I think the government realizes they have to be careful about that. Now, there is certainly no permanent solution to the problem yet, but they are working on protests can mobilize again.

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26 | Nelson Conclusions As Aliou San readily recognizes, is not the first movement in Senegal or in the region to have pursued aims of promoting good governance, an engaged electorate, economic self determinat ion, or individual initiative. In the interview, San refers specifically to other watchdog efforts that have been mounted around the 2012 election and since, but also fits into a somewhat longer history of youth action in Senegal and elsewher e in Africa. 26 The generation of West Africans born after independence came to the fore in the 1980s, and throughout the region, countries saw student strikes disruptive enough to cause the cancellation of entire academic years. In Senegal, Abdou Diouf succ eeded Lopold Sdar Senghor in 1981 and although the country had officially adopted a multiparty system, the continued dominance of the Socialist Party (PS), in combination with a worsening economy, left young people disenchanted with the official structu res of encadrement the government sponsored youth organizations meant to contain and channel the youth in ways supportive of the ruling party. Rather than engaging in activities under the aegis of the Ministry of Youth and Sports, young Senegalese created their own local associations sportives et culturelles ASCs), through which they undertook neighborhood cleanup and beautification projects, they offered education, they contended with providers of public utilities and transportation, they built playgrounds and established libraries, and they ventured into professional training through the creation of economic interest groups ( GIEs) and small and medium sized businesses ( petites et moye nnes entreprises PMEs). 27 The affinities between the approach of the ASCs and that of are evident when Fadel Barro points to the kinds of chantiers that is launching form clubs in the schools, we can organize neighborhood competitions, we can create initiative core groups, and we can develop the Democracy and Good Government Watch known as Set/Setal ( set = clean, setal = to clean up), which began after a period of torrential rains in Dakar in September 1990. 28 Historian Mamadou Diouf defines it as: [T]he mobilization of human effort for the purpose of cleansing in the sense of sanitation and hygiene, but also in the mor al sense of the fight against was to rehabilitate local surroundings and remove garbage and filth. It also undertook to embellish these sites, sometimes naming them, often marking th em with stele and monuments to bear witness by recalling moments or figures from local history or appealing to the private memories of families or youth associations. Set/Setal is clearly a youth movement and a local 29 In its fusion of outward an d inward cleansing, the concept of Set/Setal resembles that of the NTS, which also involves outward and inward change. A participant expressed this essential fusion, as well as the primacy of citizen action over state control which Set/Setal represented: S et/Setal is in the hearts and souls of all young people. If people think that [d]oing Set/Setal is simply sweeping the streets and painting the walls, they sweepers out of every o

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New Type o f Senegalese under Construction | 27 Set/Setal is to rid ourselves of this colonial heritage that regulates our way of being, of conceptualizing things. Set/Setal is an absolute obligation to find a way out and this necessity to express new concepts in a new language, in this struggle for life. 30 In its political action, too, there is clear continuity between and its antecedents, but also a clear attempt to reject certain aspects of them and choose another path. For Yenamarristes who were born around 1980 or later, there had been a single party (the PS) and a single man (Abdou Diouf) in power for their whole lives, when finally in 2000 Abdoulaye Wade of the Senegalese Democratic Party (PDS) s ucceeded in unseating Diouf, after having been the perennial second place finisher in every presidential election since 1988 and 1993 elections, and Wade had benefitted very significantly in 2000 from the highly visible support of a number of well known rap artists. The hope among his young supporters was that Wade truly would bring a change to the stagnant economic situation and extremely high unemployment rates among yo uth, even those with higher degrees. W ell before his bid for reelection in 2007, however, it had become clear to those supporters dealing as the one it had replaced. The rappers who had hel ped Wade win election in 2000 (Didier Awadi of Positive Black Soul, Keyti, Xuman, etc. ) opposed him in 2007, but he won anyway in the first round of voting, with 56 percent of the vote. 31 When the founding members of conceived the movement in e arly 2011, they could look to the successful example of a hip hop led movement in 2000, but they could also be guided by the cautionary example of 1988, when youth support was not enough to ed was a prolonged period of serious violence. concertedly steered away from violence, from their early initiative called Daas Fananal up to and through the 2012 election. In this, as in seve ral other particulars that are both explicit and implicit in the above remarks by Barro and San, the leaders of have been at pains to counter the criticisms leveled at them and to confound the negative assumptions rying to lead a movement. In their book on published just eight months after the electoral victory of Macky Sall over Abdoulaye Wade, Vieux Savan and Baye Makb Sarr express a number of those criticisms. 32 The y contend that an outmoded, non participatory model of decision making hampers the effectiveness, with a hermetic inner core group (the noyau dur ) of old buddies calling all the shots I n an implicit reply to this observation Aliou San emphasizes in the interview the increasing age, gender, and class inclusivity of the movement. Savan and Sarr remark on what they see as an excessive tendency to court the media and to make grandiose declarations at the expen se of real and effective action. Fadel Barro responds explicitly to this common accusation near the end of his comments above, by contending that now in the post election evolution of the group, they are devoting themselves almost entirely to work ing on their chantiers Savan and Sarr end their book with a challenge to Marre to remain true to their mission of citizen action and democracy watch and not to succumb to the temptation of exer cising power in their own right. Barro explains in some detail that this is precisely what they intend to keep doing. Perhaps the most pervasive motive for disapproval or denigration of which Savan and Sarr do not espouse themselves, is simply the negative reaction among

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28 | Nelson and to the hip hop identity of its leaders and many members. This is a manifestation of the contestation over the traditional relationships between juniors and seniors, a contestation which is prevalent throughout West Africa and which has been the object of much scholar ly attention. 33 Each side of the relationship has criticism to direct at the other the seniors see the unemployed youth who spend their days drinking tea as lazy and disrespectful, and their hip hop lifestyle, as un Islamic. 34 The juniors lament their inabil ity to find decent work, even after having completed the studies that were to have prepared them for it, and they hold responsible their elders government authorities and others with power for this state of affairs, which keeps them in a forced suspended a dolescence. Further, they defend hip hop as educational, as entirely compatible with Islam, and as a vehicle of engaged discourse, consciousness raising, integrity, truth, and authenticity. 35 Indeed, much of West African rap is focused on that kind of serio us mission, more so than the imported American varieties. Rap is the idiom of recent generations in West Africa. Some significant segment of U.S. youth may get their news from satirists like Jon Stewart and Steven Colbert, but Senegalese journal rapp ) presented by well known, politically conscious artists Xuman, rapping in French, and Keyti, in Wolof. 36 appears on the journal rapp as the subject of reports, and its leading members Thiat, Fou Malade, Simon also c ontribute rap commentary. Thiat of the group Keur Gui (Omar Cyril Tour) is an exceptionally eloquent spokesman for the aims of and a serious, focused, and disciplined practitioner of socially conscious rap, all of which has landed him in jai l both before and since the genesis of Marre On July 23, 2011, Thiat addressed a crowd assembled to renew the call for Wade to respect the Senegalese constitution and withdraw his candidacy T he date was chosen to recall the events of one month ear lier, June 23, when Wade had made his abortive attempt to change the constitution. Thiat was promptly detained after his appearance because of a remark he made to the crowd. Speaking in Wolof, he put a twist on a well known maxim from the seventeenth centu ry Wolof philosopher Kocc Barma Fall. The maxim is, "An elder is always useful in a community Mag mat naa bayi cim reww ). Thiat's twist was to add, "unless the elder is a liar, in reference to President Wade. 37 The fact that this rather tame, for having defied a tyrant. In an i nterview that Thiat did in Burkina Faso in summer 2013, he was asked about the reasons for his expressed admiration of the Burkinab Thomas Sankara. 38 He might have three when he became president and thirty seven at to African independence; and his courage in standing up to la Franafrique the s ystem of neocolonial domination of Burkina Faso and its neighbors. chantiers being pursu ed by a progressively more inclusive one can glimpse the construction of a New Type of Senegalese, which indeed appears to be underway.

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New Type o f Senegalese under Construction | 29 Notes 1 marre and the effects of abusive globalization on suffering populations. 2 Note, for example, the present ASQ special issue, as well as the book Baye Makb Sarr, and the fil m by Audrey Gallet, (2013). 3 The remarks presented in this article come from separate interviews conducted over Skype on July 4 (San) and July 9 (Barro), 2013. The interviews were conducted in French, and all translation to English is by the author. Interview transcripts are in the Thanks to an International Faculty Development Seminar organized by the international education consortium CIEE, the author had visited Senegal and met Fadel B arro Aliou San and other members of in June 2011, just before the June 23 rd massed protests against Wade 4 It should be noted that the choice of March 19 for the announcement of NTS initiative was significant in itself. M arch 19, 2000, was the date of Abdoulaye president, and his supporters had been celebrating the anniversary of that event each year since 2000. 5 All of the places to which Barro refers here are important spiritual centers for different groups within Senegalese society. Medina Baye Touba, and Tivaouane are holy cities for the two largest Muslim brotherhoods in Senegal Medina Baye (in Kaolack) a nd Tivaouane are centers of Tijaniyya (connected with the spiritual leaders Ibrahima Niasse and El Hadji Malick Sy, respectively), and Touba is the center of Mouridism founded by Cheikh Amadou Bamba. Fatick is a center of Serer population and religio n, with holy sites where traditional ceremonies are held. The Casamance region in the south of Senegal is an area of Diola population and more is animist and Christian in religion than Islamic; the Sacred Wood in the Casamance is the site of important mas s initiation ceremonies for young Diola men, which happen only once a generation. 6 A marabout is a spiritual leader and teacher in the Sufi tradition of Islam and in the Senegalese brotherhoods, which follow that tradition. The term can be applied to wandering ascetic holy men and to teachers in Quranic schools; here, Barro is referring to the leaders at different levels in the hierarchies of the Muslim brotherhoods. 7 Fadel Barro was one of thirteen representatives of Senegalese civil society groups who met with President Obama on June 27, 2013, at the Gore Institute on Gore Island, 8 In the period following the election, drew up a plan of action centered on a series of chantiers or projects. The word is left untranslated in this article because it represents a deliberate choice of terminology by the Yenamarrist e s, and it evokes the notion of things being under construction. 9 The statement was published on the same day in many different Senegalese new spapers and news sites, including the one cited in the bibliography below. It can also be found where it was posted on January 26, 2013.

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30 | Nelson 10 The first handover of power was in 2000, when Abdoulaye Wade and his party, the Sen egalese Democratic Party ( Parti dmocratique sngalais PDS), were elected and replaced the Socialist Party ( Parti socialiste PS), which had been in power since independence in 1960, through the presidencies of Lopold Sdar Senghor and Abdou Diouf. 11 Esprit for the local affiliates of the movement. The the use of the term in this way is unique to 12 The West African CFA franc is the currency used in Senegal, and its exchange rate is pegged to the euro, so its value relative to the U.S. dollar varies somewhat; but the exchange rate with the dollar is roughly 500 CFA francs to one dollar. Thus, 50 francs would be approximately equivalent to 10 cents. 13 See http://www.mackymetre.com/ 14 The Barbary Tongue ( la langue de Barbarie ) is a spit of sand thirty kilometers long running parallel to the coast of northern Senegal from Saint Louis southward and separating the Atlantic Ocean from the last stretch of the Senegal River as it reaches its mouth. 15 The Senegal River forms the northern border of Senegal, and the Saloum is in the central part of the country, where the precolonial Kingdom of Saloum was. The Saloum River flows westward through Kaolack to the Saloum Delta and the Atlantic Ocean. 16 For Radio Fr a nce International coverage of the June 27, 2013 Obama Barro meeting, see ttp://www.rfi.fr/afrique/20130629 fadel barro senegal y marre obama est president sympa attentif 17 RADDHO: / African Encounter for the Defense of Human Rights. Alioune Tine is a well known Senegalese activist in defense of human rights and good governance. He was an organi zer of the group M23 ( Mouvement du 23 juin / Movement of June 23), which brought together a number of civil society groups to oppose the 2012 candidacy of Abdoulaye Wade, alongside Marre 18 Besides himself and Fadel Barro, Aliou San names two other core members of Marre Thiat of the rap group Keur Gui (Omar Cyril Tour), and Malal Talla aka Fou Malade. 19 APR: Alliance pour la Rpublique /Alliance for the Republic, the party of President Macky Sall. 20 On Saturday, June 29, 2013, the NGO LEAD Afrique Francophone. 21 Sofia is the narrator of the story of Keur Gui and as it is told in the documentary film by Audrey Gallet, Boy Saloum 22 Diouf 1996, pp. 230 35. 23 Indeed, the city of Touba was built up only after the death of Cheikh Amadou Bamba (1853 1927), the founder of Mouridism. It is on the site where he experi enced a vision in 1887; he is buried there, and the Great Mosque of Touba, completed in 1963, was built next to his tomb. The Tijani leaders associated with Medina Baye and Tivaouane were of similarly recent generations: Ibrahima Niasse (Medina Baye, 1900 1975) and El Hadji Malick Sy (Tivaouane, 1855 1922).

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New Type o f Senegalese under Construction | 31 24 Granted, this is perhaps an overly rosy view of the transparency of financial influence on electoral politics in the U.S., particularly after the 2010 Citizens United vs. Federal Election Co mmission decision by the U.S. Supreme Court. 25 26 See Diouf 19 96, 2003, 2005. 27 Diouf 1996, pp. 232 36; 2003, pp. 7 8 28 Diouf 1996, pp. 243 49; 2005. 29 Diouf 1996, p. 243. 30 From an interview reported in Diallo 1993, p. 213, as quoted in Diouf 1996, p. 245. 31 documentary film African Underground: Democracy in Dakar 32 Savan and Sarr 2012, pp. 71 87. 33 For just a few examples, see Ralph 2008, on Senegal; Newell 2012, on Ivory Coast; Soares 2010, on Mali; and Masquelier 1999, 2010a, 2010b, 2013a, and 2013b, on Niger. 34 On attitudes around tea drinking, see Ralph 2008, and Masquelier 2013b. The most extens ive discussion of generati onal conflicts over hip hop style and way of life is provided by Masquelier 2010a. 35 Masquelier 2010a; 2010b, p. 229. 36 Videos of broadcasts are available at http://www.youtube.com/user/jtronline 37 Fall. 38 Barry 2013. Thomas Sankara (1949 1987) was president of Burkina Faso from 1983 until resident today. Sankara was a Marxist pan Africanist devoted to countering the post colonial domination by France. References Seneweb.com 18 January. http://www.seneweb.com/new s/Communique/anniversaire quot y en a marre quot le yenamarrisme est une philosophie d rsquo action citoyenne_n_86171.html Mutations (Burkina Faso) 32, 1 July; and Mutationsbf.net 20 July. http://mutationsbf.net/index.php/interviews/138 en 2015 blaise compaore doit partir dixit thiat du mouvement y en a marre Set/Setal Chaveau (e ds.), Jeunes, villes, emploi. Quel avenir pour la jeunesse africaine? Colloquium Papers (Paris: Ministre de la Coopration et du Dveloppement): 209 14. Africa Spectrum 29.1: 47 64. _____ 1996. alese Politics: Dakar 1988 1994. Public Culture 8.2: 225 49.

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32 | Nelson African Studies Review 46.2: 1 12. Gefame: Journal of African Studies 2.1. http://hdl.handle.net/2027/spo.4761563.0002.102. Gallet, Audrey, dir. 2013. Boy Saloum Paris: Yami2 Productions. Herson, Ben, Magee McIlvaine, and Christopher Moore, dirs. 2009. African Underground: Democracy in Dakar Nomadic Wax and Sol Productions. (eds.), Civil Society and the Political Imagination in Africa: Critical Perspecti ves (Chicago: University of Chicago Press): 219 50. Being and Becoming Hausa: Interdisciplinary Perspectives (Leiden: Brill): 235 56. Linda Herrera and Asef Bayat (eds.), Being Young and Muslim: New Cultural Politics in the Global South and North (New York: Oxford University Press): 225 39. African Dress: Fashion, Agency, Performance (London and New York: Bloomsbury Academ ic): 138 52. Africa: The Journal of the International African Institute 83.3: 385 402. Newell, Sasha. 2012. ire Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press. Social Text 97 26.4: 1 29. Savan, Vieux, and Baye Makb Sarr. 2012. au Sngal Soares, Benj Herrera and Asef Bayat (eds.), Being Young and Muslim: New Cultural Politics in the Global South and North (New York: Oxford University Press): 241 57.

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University of Florida Board of Trustees, a public corporation of the State of Florida; permission is hereby granted for individuals to download articles for their own personal use. Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Florida. ISSN: 2152 2448 The Rise of a New Senegalese Cultural Philosophy? D EVIN BRYSON Abstract: The Senegalese social movement formed in 2011 in response to political stagnation and a lack of key public services. It played a decisive role in defeating incumbent president Abdoulaye Wade in his unconstitutional reelection campaign in 2012. This article considers the movement within the context of postcolonial Senegalese cultural politics. After a brief survey of the recent forms of hip hop engagement with social issues in other African countries, this study presents as articulating a social identity, a collective moveme nt, and a cultural/musical form that are distinct from these other examples of hip hop activism because they are continuations of a specifically Senegalese hybrid of art and social engagement imagined first by Senghor. is a culminating articul ation of various trends within post independence Senegalese culture by bridging the divide between tradition and modernity, between the national and the local, between elders and youth. ity, and has continued to challenge social and political stagnation, by reconfiguring, but also confirming, Senegalese cultural philosophy for a diverse, inclusive audience. Introduction In the summer of 2011, when President Abdoulaye Wade announced his in tention to seek an unprecedented third term in the presidential office and began tinkering with the two term limit of the constitution to assure his re election in 2012, Senegalese society was forced into an unwelcomed and unusual position. Long a paragon for political stability in West Africa, the country now seemed to be on the precipice of social rupture. Angry citizens took to the with tear gas, arrests, and violen t dispersal. As the cycle of protests and retaliation continued up to the elections it became clear that if Wade were to retain the presidency, severely threatened, if not outright demolished. Amidst these events, a group of rappers and journalists, calling themselves ( succeeded in arousing the dormant social consciousness of Senegalese society through community organization, written manif estoes, social media, thundering oratory, striking visual imagery, and unifying hip hop anthems, attracting enough followers by Thiat (Cheikh Omar Cyrille Toure) a nd Kilifeu (Mbessane Seck) of the rap group Keur Gui and journalists Fadel Barro and Alioune San in the city of Kaolack in response to one of the too frequent extended blackouts in the country, has sustained the tremendous momentum they won during the presidential elections to become an intractable institution within Senegalese social, political, and cultural life. The group maintains an informal, open connection to the general public, represented

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34 | Bryson the Parcelles Assainies neighborhood of Dakar, during which anyone may stop by on Tuesdays to elicit advice from or to propose partnerships to members of the core of the group. During one such open house I obse rved in July 2013, Barro and San first welcomed engaged citizens and civic leaders from Mali who had come to elicit their advice on raising month. Barro and San emphasized the need to remain non partisan so that they could earn the confidence of the people, the excitement and energy that the two Yenamarristes still feel towards such issues coming through in their increasingly animated speech. Next on their agenda was a group of teenagers who wanted nationwide campaign to elect Mactar Seck, a Senegalese living in New York who directs an onlin under their official aegis, but he would bring it to the entire membership to see if individuals wanted to support it. Finally, a business leader from a town on the outsk irts of Dakar came to ask for their public endorsement of a study he had undertaken to analyze his local problems, which, in his view, would instigate solutions to those problems more quickly. San suggested that one of esprits or local chapters, close to his town would be the most appropriate venue for soliciting support for his project. and the Yenamarristes reputation and influence, extending across generational and geographical boundaries. Marre has also undertaken ambitious public projects that aim to significantly reconfigure Senegalese society. Most recently, at the end of August 2013, the collective launched the Observatoire de la dmocratie et de la bonne gouvernance (Observatory of Democracy and Good Governance), whose principle objective is to elicit widespread public engagement in politics through informin g and training the public in their rights, their responsibilities, and the practice of those rights and responsibilities. The first event within the context of this program was a workshop to train young people in local leadership and governanc e, held over three days in late December 2013. While many observers of the 2012 presidential campaign and election questioned whether would last beyond that tumultuous period, the group has unquestionably demonstrated its commitment to sustain social and p olitical reforms in Senegal. Due to elections and its continued productivity and visibility in Senegalese public life, the collective has drawn international media and schola rly attention. Much of the commentary in the popular media that was concurrent with the presidential campaign and elections placed the collective within transnational and global cultural contexts, most readily those formed around hip hop culture and rap mu sic. 1 Continental connections between rappers were easy to make at the time due to the hip hop activism that had been recently sweeping across Africa. By the time the movement was prominently active in the 2012 Senegalese presidential campaign, rappers wer e a common element of recent struggles for democracy, equality, and freedom in a number of African countries. Tunisian rapper El Gnral, with his Zine al Abidine B en Ali. 2 El Haqed, a Moroccan rapper, released tracks criticizing the Moroccan monarchy, which eventually led to his imprisonment. 3 Critics were quick to place the members of in line with their fellow socially conscious rappers from the continent. 4 Although such an approach to analyzing the

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New Senegalese Cultural Philosophy | 35 movement provides important insights, such as opening up lines of solidarity and community between activists that transcend national borde rs, and sketching out consistent ideals for democratic reform, this method also elides the essential national and cultural contexts that arose from, and that it continues to reference and to draw from. Hisham Aidi, writing about recent protest s across Africa and media coverage of them, points to the ethnocentric views underlying such approaches that ignore national and like their fixation on Facebook and Twitter seems partly bec ause, in their eyes, a taste for hip hop among young Muslims 5 Academic critics have subsequently attempted to correct this problem, providing a variety of analyses of the Marre collec tive that take into account Senegalese dynamics, both germane to hip hop culture and not. 6 individuals, social protests, and cultures under the umbrella of hip hop have convincingly d emonstrated that, just as the members of the group themselves insist, is a movement by Senegalese for Senegalese issues, and must be considered as such in any treatment of it. The analytical thread that does connect the media accounts and the scholarly considerations of the collective and its significance for various communities, whether they be Senegalese, African, or global, whether they are based in hip hop culture or not, is that of ve worked through importance have all fixated on the ways that the movement breaks new ground in various social, political, rhetorical, and cultural domains. This special issue of the African Studies Quarterly itself, provoked by e if not exclusively devoted to the collective, is in regards to the movement follows 7 Th e following overview of the quickly burgeoning critical literature on should provide adequate background for understanding the two primary lines of inquiry on c historical, cultural, and social context, and the originality of the collective. In fact, this article take s the national contextualization of the movement further than it has been previously done in order to push back against the prevailing notion of en a Marre hop. I want to prod our readiness to view comes to be considered anemic, conventional Senegalese society. T his article place s the a Marre movement in the historical and social context of Senegalese cultural forms. In Senegal hop culture, equally draws upon cultural ideology, models, and trends that can be traced back to Lopold Sdar Senghor and that have endured in Senegal since his presidency. I believe that this methodology will shed new light on the strategies of and reveal new dimensions of their innovation. Among the body of scholarship that places within national and local contexts, fine research has been produced that offers up ana lyses of the role of socially engaged hip hop within the movement, drawing upon much previous work on the Senegalese hip hop scene generally. 8 While these studies inform my research, I extrapolate their conclusions out to a broader object of study. For exa mple, Marame Gueye argues that

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36 | Bryson the role of viable, important rap produced by the rappers of in instigating social change has been undervalued in most considerations of the movement. 9 Following her perceptive critique of the need to consider en a Marre expanding this approach beyond a focus on hip hop, I consider Yenamarristes primarily as cultural actors. I view the movement as composed of individuals and groups working with cultural forms in a manner specific to p ostcolonial Senegal to convey important national ideals and values, to intervene in the public and political spheres. The members of Marre are part of a lineage of Senegalese cultural producers who have worked within the cultural context established by Senghor through an institutionalization and propagation of a uniquely Senegalese cultural ideology. Senghor believed that specifically Senegalese cultural products could produce political stability and social cohesion within postcolonial Senegalese soc iety, and carve out a role for the country, politically and culturally, on the global stage. As we will see, due to the manner in which Senghor implemented his cultural philosophy in early postcolonial Senegal, the concept has had and continues to have cur rency within Senegal, which compels both the political and cultural elites who are dictating the sanctioned limits of Senegalese cultural forms, and those cultural actors and consumers who are redrawing them, to acknowledge and to address it. I will show t hat, while the cultural actors and movements since Senghor have not always conceived of the specific dimensions of Senegalese cultural production in the same manner as Senghor, and have attempted to redefine those characteristics, they have nevertheless be cultural ideology initiated by Senghor t hat homegrown culture is the primary means to reconfigure the country politically and socially. This includes I show that by grounding its actions and rhetoric in recogniz able Senegalese cultural is able to subtly and carefully introduce transgressive political and social ideas, including ones rooted in hip hop culture, to a broad spectrum of people. Y et the group is not using Senegalese cultural ideology simply as a cover to smuggle in radicalism. Their tactics, music, and rhetoric reveal postcolonial cultura l continuum. However, the cultural philosophy offered by is more approachable and inclusive than its iteration within the official cultural institutions. I n their cultural interventions the members of carve out a middle ground bet ween Senegalese historical trends and contexts, on one side, and global, progressive, inclusive innovation, on the other. The movement is ultimately able to offer a new political vision for the nation by existing in that interstitial space. They successful ly mold hip hop appears wholly new and groundbreaking, but which ultimately harkens back to its original form as conceived by Senghor. The article t herefore begin s by tracing the progression of the entwined political and cultural landscape in Senegal from the dawn of independence to the current day, analyzing the enduring intersections between politics and the arts in the attempts by artistic creators to transform t heir country. This provides the historical foundation for the cultural philosophy that I am referencing, as well as shows the enduring cultural negotiation between Senegalese cultural policy and ideology. Such historical work has not been adequately done w ith Marre Senegalese historical progression that is a part of. 10 Therefore, I proceed to consider within this historical cultural context, drawing on interviews with the

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New Senegalese Cultural Philosophy | 37 members, observations of their meetings, and analysis of their rhetoric, ultimately proposing the movement as the culmination, in many of trajectory. 11 I show that the rhetoric, strategies, and actions of the group articulate various moments and tendencies within post independence Senegalese cultural philosophy, while tacking back and forth between tr adition and modernity, between the national and the local, between elders and youth, between the new and the old. This approach is not meant to dismiss the claims of original strategies, rhetoric, and results that have been emanating from the movement and newness. To begin this process of better understanding the nature of I argue, we must begin with Senghor and his own sense of being fed up. Senghor and State Building Senghor began to articulate his vision of black culture, a philosophy that would guide his cultural policy during the years of his presidency in Senegal, in the fac e of seemingly indomitable French colonialism. Dialoguing with his fellow intellectuals of The African Society of Culture Prsence Africaine Senghor was part of a community that placed artists and cultural producers a t the fore of the struggle for independence and its aftermath. Elizabeth Harney describes this time in the following way: The very establishment of a society of intellectuals and activists, a publication house, and a set of organized forums that could nur ture burgeoning political and cultural philosophies afforded the arts and artists central roles in the processes of postcolonialism. At conferences, art was envisioned to be in the service of a variety of pressing pursuits, acting as a means of exploring a nd expressing newfound senses of cultural nationalism, shared racial consciousness, and philosophy. 12 Here we see the germination of the cultural ideology that would come to fruition in independent Senegal under Senghor and that would come to define cultur al production up to the present day, including an essential role in the struggle for decolonization 13 Once African countries were free from hybridization in which all countries co uld now freely participate. For centuries world culture had been lacking the characteristics inherent to Africa due to colonial suppression. Now Africa could offer those aspects in p articular rhythm and emotion to all countries and allow them to appreciate result in the civilization of the universal. With the arrival of decolonization and independence, Senghor was able to put this philosophy into meaningful practice through his cultural policy in Senegal. Harney writes: Senghor became a great patron of the arts in his newly independent nation. He viewed art and politics as handmaidens in the struggle toward economic that Neg rich potential in Senegalese society and thereby motivate individuals to strive

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38 | Bryson for greater production. Its promotion was not simply a luxury but crucial to the success of Senegalese state building. 14 Funds as much as 25 or 30 percent w ere allocated to the Ministry of Culture and were used to build presses, theaters, museums, art schools, archives, and workshops. 15 nally traveling visual arts community. 16 The National Dance Company and The National Ballet were formed in the year after independence, drawing from different ethnic groups and regions to foster a sense of national unity and identity. Troupe members quickly departed on overseas tours, acting as ambassadors of Senegal. In 1966, Senghor organized The First World Festival of Black Arts, whose purpose was to promote Seneg alese art to the world, as well as to further the articulation of a pan African aesthetic. From these early manifestations of Senegalese postindependence culture I want to identify and look more closely at two principles that run through all of them, prov ing to be defining and enduring characteristics of Senghorian cultural policy, of enduring Senegalese cultural philosophy, as well as dimensions of prod uctions. The first is the expression of an inheren t identity throu gh culture, and the second the engagement of this expression with an international audience. Souleymane policy as a counterpoint to colonial nation formation, ma king postcolonial culture an was to forge a national consciousness for nation states that had inherited borders that rarely followed ethnic and cultural coherency 17 Writing in 1973 an adviser in the country Ministry of Culture, emphasize d the importance of organizing new cultural forms and in It was, indeed, in this heritage of the past, embodying our most authentic values of civilization, that the new cultural system had to be rooted. It was in the heart of this parent stock full of life giv ing sap that the future grafts of cultural system was, therefore, to reflect our vision of the world, our constant preoccupation with man, our desire to organize life according to our ow n criteria with regard to the beautiful and the useful, so as to revive in the world a sense of aesthetic values, to make it hear the profound message of Africa, conveyed by the regular rhythm of the tom tom. 18 Such ideology had a profound impact on the pra ctices, products, and success of those actually creating artwork shortly after independence. For example, Ndiouga Adrien Benga reveals the expectations placed on urban musical forms, writing : precisely what suited him and what was impor tant therefore to support. Urban music was not exempt from this. It was supposed to protect national languages through appropriate compositions and adaptations. In addition, it was supposed to be concerned with the creation of an authentically local music. 19 form of recognizably pan African images: masks and carved statues, for example. the inherent characteristics of A

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New Senegalese Cultural Philosophy | 39 ideology was essential in order to harness the nationalism that had been provoked by cultural productions within the cultural policy to be eventual representatives of Senegalese culture and society for a worldwide audience. Benga cit es the example of Lamine Kont who came from a family of griots and wrote songs based on African or Afro Diasporic poems and texts with traditional instruments like the balafon and the kora. His music was supported and promoted by the institutions and was embraced by primarily European listeners. In 20 The promotional value of cul tural products for Senegalese national identity was facilitated by the fact that the State controlled every facet of the art world, from production and selling, to curation and ble cultural productions and its insistence on exporting those productions outside of Senegal for nationalist and political ends, creating an aura of cultural exceptionalism around the e, to distinguish between the art world and the political sphere. Culture became the de facto tool in Senegal for engaging with global, national, and local political issues. Diagne emphasizes the overwhelming influence that Senghorian cultural strategies h ave had on Senegal up to its present day: cultural politics since its independence, which differentiates it from many other African nations, is well known. This emphasis is so significant that the idea itself must be unde rstood to mean that true politics can only exist through culture and for culture. The immense 21 do main of Senegalese society, the cultural policy that he instituted contained within it some obvious contradictions and tensions. His desire for artists to emphasize authentically African motifs in their work has led to criticism that Senghor was, in fact, accommodating and reinforcing French colonial ideology. Harney notes that masks and statues were 22 knowledge has also know impact on the mass of the 23 24 State patronage itself, whatever the preferred motifs and targeted audience, was problematic as it pressured artists, whether directly or indirectly, to conform to expectations. As a result, a diluted body of national artwork was created due to the patro nage system giving the same support to all artists who were willing to meet stylistic demands, regardless of their differences in skill and technique. Benga details meag er living that was available through music during that time period, musicians had to 25

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40 | Bryson Musicians who bridled against such exigencies were faced with censorship. Filmmaker Ousman e Sembne, an outspoken critic of many aspects of Senegalese politics and society under Senghor, received funding from the Senegalese government, yet also had to endure censorship of some of his films. ed a concept of cultural scenes, producers, and productions. Yet, just as certainly, it promulgated a cultural philosophy riven with tension between politics and the art s, between the cultural elite and the general populace, between national leaders and artists. Cultural exceptionalism is thus not an inherent, authentic trait of Senegalese society, easily accessible to all, but it is a program carefully and purposefully c onstructed, implemented, and maintained by Senghor to further specific political ends. Nevertheless, it has created a rhetorical and ideological space that cultural actors and producers, and their work, in Senegal must pass through, even those who strive t o subvert normativity within the cultural and political spheres. Even these Senghor, acknowledging it in order to distort it. Artists Against the State T his section trac e s the lineage, from the beginning of independence to our current day, of artists and cultural producers who have pushed against the boundaries of Senghorian cultural policy, but whose work is still defined by it. Doing so will foreground the ways a M arre a nother example of this negotiation between innovation and convention and to bring to light the new approaches they do in fact bring to such a negotiation. Cultural actors have c onsistently time period focused on in this section, and with in its bulwa rks. Analyzing the s tate sponsored cole de Dakar the assumed epicenter for normative, dictated visual arts during artists who chose to engage with the philosophy of Negritude were not necessarily governmental dupes but actors in shaping 26 T he following two sections will group together a variety of re search on disparate artistic and cultural communities in postcolonial Senegal in order to emphasize the syncretism that has consistently defined Senegalese cultural work as it has responded to the explicit and implicit licy. music upon the public, the musicians and listeners themselves engaged in a creative symbiosis in which the bands and songwriters would bring to the public compositions f orged from a mix of traditional and foreign styles, to which the audiences would respond favorably, giving the musicians further impetus to advance their hybrid musical creations. These dynamics fostered a space of contestation for both the listener and th e musician to enthusiasts demonstrated their ability to mix disparate elements, to produce modernity. They refashioned the attempts of the historicizing State to totalize, to inscribe a single 27 From these intimate musical negotiations

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New Senegalese Cultural Philosophy | 41 between creator and consumer emerged a heterogeneous public music scene much different style emerged to define the musical scene. Instead, it was marked by a constant renewal in which mixed both innovative and conservative characteristics, originality and experience, movement and stability; in short, it was part of a dynamic 28 artists working in such a space of flux between sanctioned and personalized modes of creation, artists who were rethinking the relationship between politics and the a rts, while still addressing aspects of Senghorian ideology and models of culture. In 1974, an actor by the name of Youssouf John established the Laboratoire Agit Art which denounced the institutionalized nature of the arts in Senegal due to state patronag e and the centrality of Western paradigms. The Senghor sanctioned artist, according to members of the Laboratory, was divorced from Senegalese society and history. In response to this situation, the artists in this group focused on disruptive cultural acti vity in the country, particularly in theater, which, as they saw it, was a site for the intermingling of the visual, musical, and literary arts. In their performances, the Laboratory eschewed written scripts, instead relying upon improvisation and gesture. They equally rejected Western forms of theatrical space, preferring open air models that allowed for free interaction between the actors, the surrounding environment, and the audience. T heir work h owever, did not completely escape Senghorian practice and theory, as the participants in the Laboratory just as strongly Worldwide engagement also eventually became an important possibility for the members, finally exhibiting their visual and performance art in London in 1995 T he perplexed reaction of many critics however, spoke to the dangers of de contextualization for the group and, ive revealing the difficulty cultural producers, even ones as vociferously anti Senghorian cultural policy as those of the Laboratory, would have in pulling out of S compunctions. 29 In conjunction with the Laboratory, one of its members began squatting in an abandoned military camp, inviting other artists to occupy the buildings and eventually naming it le Village des Arts in 1977. It quickly became a viable and popular alternative site for workshops and studios. There, artists could experiment with materials and methods in ways that were not always possible when housed in government subsidized locations. Inhabitants of the Village could interact openly establishing an environment of communal inspiration and creation that often included the surrounding community. Art exhibitions, musical performances, theatrical productions and literary readings were all held at the site, encouraging a free exchange of ideas. This artistic community, t hough created as a rebuttal to s tate participati person a nd not simply the individual 30 Once again, we note the liminal nature of oppositional artists who strive for innovati ve forms of cultural engagement while stil l echoing the rhetoric and ideology of culture that Senghor instilled in the country. The true mark of distinction between the two spheres of culture comes from the use of power in available to him with regard to the Village, though his govern ment acknowledged its existence while

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42 | Bryson compunction. The peaceful co existence between the Village and the governm ent came to an end in 1983 when government tanks, under President Abdou Diouf rolled into the Village, subsequently chasing off residents and crushing artwork and documents. Publi c Art U nder Presidents Following Senghor For some observers such actions taken by the new president marked the shift, if not the complete rupture, in cultural and political policy in Senegal from Senghor, a poet, to Diouf, a technocrat. 31 Underlying tensions between the s for independence under Senghor became more overt under the new administration of Diouf. support of the arts, as well as basic governmental serv ices. T he federal government completely abandoned t he areas of health, education, culture, and sanitation, leaving them to be provided by under prepared local governments. Cityscapes became dirty and decrepit. Rural inhabitants streamed into the city, look ing to escape the droughts that were ravaging their livelihood. Riots marked the national elections of 1988 as the opposition claimed corruption and vote rigging. University strikes led to an entire academic year being canceled in Dakar. D espite this blea k social context and the concrete state cuts in cultural funding h owever, it wo uld be inaccurate to claim the s political expectations of Senegalese are much more impregnated with this Senghorian culturalist mindset than they country. And they expect those who lead them to act and to speak in a manner that conforms t 32 This mentality among the general populace towards its government that Senghor had plan ted and cultivated allowed the s tate to maintain its cultural influence, despite its limitations in maintaining its cultu ral 33 A cultural policy, though altered and limited in practice, persisted ideologically within the country un der Diouf, which in turn provoked artists to continu e to engage with official conceptions of culture, attempting to bend it closer to their desires for their society. While musicians during the presidency of Senghor had to struggle with the normalizing impetuses of the cultural policy, outright censorship, and the severe financial restrictions on supporting oneself through music, musicians under Diouf found their horizons slightly opening up and expanding. Musicians working within the genre of mbalax established and popularized during the 1970s, had to face the question now, with increased international Mbalax was looking for a direction between the tradition of the griots, their propensity to manipulate iden tity markers (the excessive references to the Mouride brotherhood and to traditional values that predate Wolof ones) and the opening towards the 34 Two youth movements that emerged in the late 1980s within the interstitial space of culture and politics serve as particular harbingers of, but also counterpoints to First, a community of young people, known as set/setal dedicated themselves to cleaning up their streets and neighborhoods, revivifyi ng dilapidated buildings, and beautifying the areas

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New Senegalese Cultural Philosophy | 43 with murals. Ideologically, the group hoped to cleanse its society of government corruption, immorality, and social division. The members painted the walls of the city with figures from Senegalese history and culture including Senghor but also from W estern culture. Art, affixed prominently on walls and buildings throughout Dakar, became a part of daily life, echo activitie 35 As the group gained increasing attention, politicians, primarily those of the S OPI opposition, tried to lay claim to the work and philosophy of se t/setal in order to capitalize on this socially engaged cultural movement for political ends. 36 Again, we can note the constant negotiation through cultural productions between opposing notions of Senegalese politics, society, and governmental rule, with Se nghorian cultural ideology underlying both positions. Succeeding set/setal the Boul Fal generation brought a near nihilistic perspective to Senegalese society and employed rap music for its soundtrack during the 1990s. Taking its moniker from the title of an album by the hip hop group Positive Black Soul, the young people who aligned themselves with this philosophy principally came from poor urban areas that were struck hard by the failing economic and social policies of the Diouf administration. Whereas the participants in set/setal turned to the public use of cultural creations to fight against similar problems, those of the Boul Fal 37 Through dress, dance, drinking, and drugs, youth of Boul Fal assailed and traumatized by the violence of economic attacks, of hunger and of the stress of 38 Y oung marginalized cultural outlook since turning to accepted Senegalese society only offered y makes sense of an unstable life whose immediacy is revealed in this expression produced by a process of channel surfing through the global market. A culture of collage. The cobbled together expression testifies to the cultural mixing and transactions tha t take place in the marketplace 39 Boul Fal perhaps, is the most concrete attempt of those outlined in this article to break from the cultural heritage of the early years of nation building choosing the body over artwork as the medium of expression; adopting wi thout mitigation globalized or W estern cultural forms. Yet the marginalized end result of this philosophy that was largely limited to the individual and that ignored the greater community attests to the entrenchment of Senghorian cultural philosophy as the lens through which social and political change must be projected in Senegal for it to have a chance to be widespread, meaningful, and lasting. While Boul Fal was an aimless, disenfranchised group of young people using the body as its cri de coeur as opposed to set/setal which was an amorphous movement that strived for concrete social change through public art, both are manifestations of the frustration that c power. E ven as the presid ency transitioned from Diouf to Wade, h owever, many of the evident ways the new government could manifest its dedication to safeguarding the myth of Senegalese exceptionalism by breaking from the policies undertaken by Se

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44 | Bryson Senghorian cultural ideology. In 2002 Wade modified the constitution to inscribe the unced ambitious grands projets culturels planning to construct seven cultural sites, including museums, a national public engagement with Senegalese culture demons trates once again the inevitability of Senghorian cultural ideology being the process to even evoke political change. A close analysis h owever, of one of the two completed projets le Monument de la Renaissance africaine exposes the ways that the praxis of Senghorian cultural policy had continued to decompose within governmental power and institutions in its ability to engage authentically with the lives of the Senegalese people. The Monument, constructed for the exorbitant cost of 27 million US dollars, provoked protests and the outcries of political opposition leaders at its unveiling. Depicting a shirtless man cradling a toddler pointing the waist with his right arm, the Monument received a gamut of criticism for its artistic resemble Africans in the slightest. Local imams objected to the fact that the Monument depicted human figures at all, as representation of the human form is forbidden in Islam. To compound the problem, those human forms were immodestly dressed. Wade, not helping his cause, responded by comparing it to the depiction of Jesus Christ in Christian churches. N ot surprisingly, this remark offended Senegalese Christians who make up 6 percent of the population. Even the conception and construction of the Monument was fraught, as claims that it was designed by a Senegalese architect proved to be false. The architec t was Romanian, a North Korean company fabricated the sculpture, and Wade claimed a 35 percent contrasted with his insistent public claims as to the significance of the Monument for the bifurcation of Senegalese cultural philosophy, with the persistence of the ideological importance of culture for pol itics and social issues on one side and the deterioration of official practice of Senegalese culture on the other has positioned itself within this bifurcation While opposition, tension, negotiation, and confrontation between the s tate and a Senghor, this conflict becomes more pointed throughout the presidencies of Diouf and then Wade, with the s oiter. actors are questioning this cultural paradigm like no time previously, searching for a way to seize the rhetoric of culture from those with power and to give i t to the people. They wonder to what extent they can blaze new trails and how much they need to work within cultural frameworks that are recognizable and understandable to Senegalese citizens if they have any hope of someone finally listening to their cri Fed Up In its hybridity of convention and innovation, is the culmination of both of the historical trends traced in this article that have defined postcolonial Senegal: the incessant influence of Senghorian cultural policy in Senegalese society and the constant attempts by cultural actors to renegotiate the characteristics and practical implications of this cultural

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New Senegalese Cultural Philosophy | 45 ideology. T his section explore s the manner in which taps into the symbolic meaning in Senegalese society of both of these components to reinforce the social and political significance of Senegalese culture, but also to reform it as the domain of the people instead of those in positions of authority. As the previously cited work of Diagne shows, the culture in contemporary Senegal, shaping the manner in which citizens understand their political leaders and their cultural c reators, and the interactions between the two. 40 Marre is not wholly original then, as the movement is anchored in previous conceptions of the intersection of culture and politics What they are attempting to innovate is the potential of culture to i mpact society away from historically sanctioned political spheres in the Senegalese imaginary and the people rather than of memory and the powers that be. With their own cultural interventi ons, the collective adopts aspects of Senghorian cultural ideology in order to refashion it for their own political and social ends. Through this endeavor, the collective has become the apogee of a rising youthful urban culture that Mamadou Diouf recognize d at the that is also an adventure of reorganization and of recomposition of several historical is, at the same time, an undertaking of reorganization in the sense that it operates, through a given reserve of 41 As I have shown, it is inevitable for cultural acto rs in Senegal to engage with Senghorian cultural ideology. However, I would argue that more knowingly and than did their cultural predecessors. This specific strategy is what has allowed them to make meaningful, lasting social change. As noted in the introduction, this article focus es specifically on Yenamarristes as cultural actors because, as I will show, they conceive of social change in Senegal as happening largely, if not exclusively, through cultural productions; often ones based in hip hop culture, but not exclusively. This conceptualization of the pairing of politics and the arts itself is a testament to the adherence has shown to Senghorian cultural ideology. A t first glance, h owever, it appears that the group itself would reject such an assessment. The members of the collective, speaking about its origins, emphasize the breaking point they reached, when they felt compelled to do something about the problems Senegal was sufferi ng from, rather than just to complain and to denounce. 42 Djily Bagdad, one of the rappers of the group who joined later on, recounts the impetus for forming during a blackout: d some other people. They were just in a room discussing why the lights were off. concrete work to cha 43 From t his origin myth it appears that the members of have attempted to abandon the impotent stance of the artist in favor of the powerful persona of the activist to rt of

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46 | Bryson division in his own personal progression. On the balcony of his modest home overlooking Being a rapper means being, like, someone not an artist like Kilifeu [his musical collaborator in their group Keur Gui and fellow Yenamarriste 44 Nevertheless, cally engaged endeavors of its productions. Without a doubt, stays in jail, and the socially and p olitically engaged programs they have launched in short, their political actions have had an important impact on transforming Senegalese society. For example, along with the protests against Wade during the 2012 presidential election, organize d voter registration and get out the vote drives, which, to reiterate, significantly contributed to Macky Sall defeat of a number of Dakar neighborhoods during the rainy season of 2012, the group was there to assist with cl ean up. Thiat spent significant time in prison during the tumultuous 45 Certainl y the members of have put their words into action and that action has produced change. I n the political action itself and the way the members conceive of and articulate it, h owever, there is an inseparable relationship between the political actions of Yenamarreistes and the cultural forms that they use to express, to instigate, and to organize their actions. for each of its acts of protest or social organizing, has inclu ded a cultural component to reinforce its message, to engage a larger and more diverse population, and to sustain the momentum of its actions. Foumalade, the artistic director of the movement, says Art is like recitation of the Koran, and the popularity of rap as examples. 46 Due to the calcified manner that politicians communicate with the populati on, he notes, strives to communicate through 47 Exemplifying this objective, when it was engaged in the presidential campaigns and election th e collective released three group tracks, one for each of the s tages Pas force! fake! forced step! ) to warn Wade early sharp ening your weapon in preparation for the voter r ), which expressed the desire of the group to finish the job of keeping Wade out of office by voting for Sall in the final run off of the election. Whe n launched the Observatory of Democracy and Good Governance they simultaneously ( walking with your community ). The releases of most of these tracks have been accompanied by videos that artistically represent the anger, the call for action, and the desire for change expressed in the songs For example, male and female; young and middle aged taking to the street s 48 I backed by a large contingency of local inhabitants, confront the mayor of a neighborhood in order to put him on notice that they are watching him, ready to vote him out of o

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New Senegalese Cultural Philosophy | 47 him through the neighborhood, pointing out the various problems that need to be fixed. 49 During the presidential elections, the members also took to using their cultural forms in public spaces, making music more than just an angry soundtrack to a revolution but instead, recruit participants in protests, rappers would jump on buses or take up spots in a populated n eighborhood to start rhyming about social problems. Younger people would already knew and loved, while older people would be pulled into a genre due to its politici zed content that they might have dismissed out of hand. rap was postcolonial cultural ideology. Foumalade has toured prisons with his own rap group D During their first such tour they would hear from prisoners about the harsh conditions in the prisons and the severity of the sentences they received. Subsequent tours of the prisons by illons Blin D have continued to spark dialogue with prisoners, but have also been designed and promoted to draw public attention to the problems the members of the group were hearing from the prisoners. Culture and activism inform one another in this work. He has also established a hip hop cultural center in the suburb of Guediawaye that provides social forums to a spectrum of Guediawaye inhabitants through events as diverse as hip hop dance classes and concerts, workshops on youth civic engagement, and dis cussion circles for th e likenesses of political heros Thomas Sankara, Skou Tour, Malcom X Kwame Nkrumah as well as directives above the concessions window that hop, we drink hip hop, we sit with hip South, Gangsta, BBoy, Graff, and D.J. among other hip hop delicacies (see Figure 1 above

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48 | Bryson and Figure 2 below) 50 hop nourishment is important for the hip to have an impact on the social and economic 51 Even as he claims that he is an activist and not an artist, Thiat underlines the essential rol hop just, like, a way for me to give my message. Every concert is an opportun ity for me to give a message. A ctivist who uses hip hop like my car, to get me to where I want 52 Utilitarian as his view of it might be, Thiat cannot separate art from social and political engagement. Just as he cannot conceive of an artist without tangible manifestations of his activism, Thiat uses culture as the lens throug h which he understands his own

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New Senegalese Cultural Philosophy | 49 pronouncements on African art and culture, and their capacity for social engagement: rature and art are socially 53 Thiat received a Reagan Fascell Democracy Fellowship to work in Washington, D.C. from October 2013 through February 2014. This fellowship program is designed to support, 54 Of course, his particular proj to the work of Yenamarristes among socially engaged African artists: How to make conne ctions across the continent with youth of different a ward and to population and not very famous. 55 Along with the network giving an opportunity to these engaged rappers to connect with one another and to tour together, Thiat wants it to provide the lesser known rappers with introductions to producers and with the financial, logistical, and technological means to record their music in a studio and to distribute it as widely a s possible. Besides creating the platform for this network of socially engaged artists during his fellowship, Thiat is also continuing his personal artistic work with Keur Gui recording a new double album in D.C. and New York that, he says, will reflect the duality of the group, with their cultural identity as rappers, on one of the album sides, and their social engagement with the public as Yenamarristes on the other. One dis c, entitled Rglement de comptes ( Reckoning ), will be a traditional hip hop battle album in which they take down fellow rappers, while the other disc Opinion public ( Public Opinion ) will focus on political and social issues. All of these examples of the pr ojects undertaken by Yenamarriste s embody the cultural ideology instituted in Senegal by Senghor that culture is intimately related to social change; that if one wants to improve Senegalese society, it must come largely through the arts. Obviously, hip hop has been the branch of culture that has most directly deployed in their social and political actions. Due to the seemingly inherent politicizing power of hip hop, it could be tempting to explain ture and social engagement as a product of the hip hop thread of their identity. Sujatha Fernandes undertakes a global study of the binary of hip hop and politics in her book Close to the Edge: In Search of the Global Hip Hop Generation exploring hip hop cultures in locations as diverse as Havana, Sydney, and Caracas. Based upon her travels, she concludes that a generational born in an era when corporate led globali zation undermined their basic standard of living 56 Of course, what differentiates the rappers of Marre from their peers in t he global hip hop community is that they are grabbing the mic while occupying the streets. In her epilogue, appearing disabused of the concept of hip hop

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50 | Bryson the hip h op globe made any attempts at a unitary protest culture impossible. And maybe 57 has shown, though, that music and politics do not have to be mutually exclusive. Through the juxtaposition of against the other hip ability to bring culture to bear on politics, it becomes clear that en a Marre is not simply an outlier. Instead, the collective draws on resources that are not as immediately available to socially engaged hip hoppers in other countries; resources, I argue, that come directly from the cultural philosophy that has played su ch a prominent role in Senegalese public life since independence. ideology not simply in the way they embody a linkage between culture and politics, but also in the manne policy cultivated the concept that certain characteristics and values were unique to Senegal and t hat they had to be expressed in cultural productions, the cultural forms of Yenamarristes project a communal understanding of what it means to be Senegalese. Their investment in Senegalese national identity and communalism became obvious to me when I attended the ceremony organized by L ead Afrique Francophone a non profit organization that provides support for individuals and institutions working for change in their communities, to award their uctory speeches by the director of the organization, academics, and social activists, Fadel Barro took the microphone and asked everyone to rise and sing the Senegalese national anthem. This es in crusading for social and political change was not to deform Senegalese tradition and identity, as some of their critics have claimed, but was to strengthen the ability of Senegalese citizens to feel responsibility towards and pride for their national community. In their words and actions the members of also emphasize the importance of local community, making their work important on both a macro and micro level in terms of Senegalese identity. From very early as established esprits chapters, in Dakar neighborhoods and suburbs, and now internationally, to deal with local issues. Projects and plans of the various esprits are decided by their respective membership, in 58 He insists that part of his desire for activism is due to where he is from, the town being an important location for inde pendence leaders and activists. Foumalade created his hip hop center in his hometown of Guediawaye, wanting to engage with its local problems. The objective of the Observatory of Democracy and Good Governance is designed specifically to assist citizens to engage in local politics, to take ownership over their communities, and to make those local elected officials responsible to them. Senegalese identity, both national and local, is at the heart of the Marre movement. Their cultural forms express and are based in the characteristics and understanding of this identity. When the group launched their voter registration drive they chose to call it by transformed the knife, the weapon of

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New Senegalese Cultural Philosophy | 51 Senegalese tradition in the phrase into a voting card, the weapon of the contemporary. Of this expr 59 e 60 This strategy to take cultural forms that are familiar and important to Senegalese, but to invest them with a new meaning that unites Senegalese in a different way than the original, ex tends to when the movement was creating its hymn. As told by Foumalade, the group borrowed from culture that had significance for young people, especially: wrestling was extremely popular. Ho w to use wrestling for positive ends? more in wrestling. A wrestling match draws a lot more people than a free rap e would sing [he sings the melody]. And in chorus for used to make people pay attention to what we are saying. 61 is not interested in creating a schism within Senegalese society by deploying cultural productions that clash with Senegalese identity, values, and tradition, but rather like Senghor and others before them, the group wants to tap into the reservoir of cultural knowledge, practices, and forms that already express communal characteristics of untry 62 The Senegalese specificity is essential to Marre W hile the group has conveyed Senegalese ness through their cultural productions, h owever, they have equal ly directed their use of culture towards a global audience. In this we find another reflection, but also a refraction of Senghorian cultural philosophy. Senghor woul relationships, whether cultural, political, or economic, which he largely achieved. However, ve pointed out and as outlined previously in this article, had a problematic relationship with the international community in terms of economic exploitation, artistic appropriation, and cultural impoverishment of the Senegalese people. Despite these pitfal ls of global engagement in previous Senegalese cultural contexts, has not shied away from seeking out international connections with the work they are doing and balancing them with cy, members took to SoundCloud, Facebook, their own website, and YouTube in order to post songs, music videos, messages, and clips of the demonstrations. 63 This fomented activism among those Senegalese who had not yet taken to the street, but who were inter ested in the music. The mixture of documentation of lived events and distribution of artistic productions through on line culture also served to extend the bounds of the movement, allowing to invite directly a global audience to participate th rough culture. Importantly, the group controlled the means of distribution and communication for these productions. The esprits have also provided an important platform for to engage globally. The group

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52 | Bryson has established chapters in Mali and Fra nce, and organized forums in Paris and Bordeaux for esprits throughout Europe in June, 2013, with the objective to engage Senegalese of the diaspora, to make them viable participants in the reformulation of Senegalese identity and social actions. Members o f the collective, in their own personal projects, reveal their as we previously saw, will be a pan album will be recorded in D akar, New York, and Paris to capture the cultural connections between these three cities that are essential to Senegal and its diaspora has been able to enter the global stage on its own terms, maintaining its Senegalese uniqueness and its fo cus on issues relevant to Senegal in a particular manner, while still allowing international connections to happen. Articulating his own philosophy on relating to global culture, Thiat e good things from 64 By adopting culture that is already recognizable to Senegalese, both in form and meaning, while opening the movement up to global connections, Y enamarristes are more easily able to alter the mentality and actions of citizens towards their community, their society, their government, and, even the world. It is in this area of practices and rhetoric that I locate their true in philosophy in order to render it more democratic and inclusive. The group has purposefully placed itself within the lineage of Senegalese artists They have then reworked that heritage from within in order to plurality against a dense and unchanging conception of cultural identity that has often prevailed throughout discourses on culture. In pursuing a culture of identity in fact, one risks losing sight of the fact that the true meaning of culture co mes from movement; not from indefinitely drawing boundaries of belonging around 65 These values of identity movement and boundary crossing are embedded in the inner workings of the group itself and the relationship s among the members. Thiat recalls how worried they all were to bring together that many rappers under one umbrella due to geographical tensions and prejudice. But the unique organizational and communicative nature of the group resolved those issues. Thiat state were doing to get them together for the same 66 F oumalade then locates the strength of the movement specifically in this diverse 67 The group has then worked to convey these values of diversity and inclusiveness to t he population through recognizably Senegalese cultural contexts. As shown in the section of became the privilege of the cultural elite and those approbated by the go vernment to cultural policy puts the lie to any concept of Senegal being culturally exceptional. I have already shown how many Senegalese cultural actors have at tempted to exploit this failing of significantly alter its social significance. have finally begun that process by situating themselves ambivalently, even lineage, taking up many of its qualities and forms, but resignifying them from within. 68 Through their rap songs that use primarily Wolof

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New Senegalese Cultural Philosophy | 53 lyrics, their campaign expressions that are dtournements of common Senegalese phrases, their videos that depict young, old, male, and female Yenamarristes the cultural spaces they have created for network ing and community building, and their international efforts, Marre have invited through their hybrid cultural work all who want to change Senegal for the better to join them, to become full participants in the cultural work of improving the country. This is a call that all Senegalese recognize from the continuing postcolonial influence of Senghorian cultural philosophy, but it is one that they only now finally feel like they can answer. Notes 1 practices including rap music, graffiti art, tagging, dancing, and fashion. See Nossiter hop dimension. 2 See Peisner 2011. 3 See DeGhett 2012. El Haqed, n Mouad Belrhouate, imprisonment on April 2, 2013. 4 See Fernandes 2012. 5 Aidi 2011. 6 See Dalberto 2011, Fredericks 2013, and Gueye 2011. 7 Nouveau type de Sngalais acronyms of the movement, seen on placards and t shirts at rallies, mentioned in press releases and interviews, and referenced in rap songs. 8 See Gueye 2013 and Fredericks 2013 for analyses of hip hop within and Appert 2011, Herson 2011 Moulard Kouka 2004, and Niang 2006, 2010 for considerations of hip hop more generally in Dakar and Senegal. 9 See Gueye 2013. 10 Rosalind Fredericks, for example, in her study of history 11 I draw extensively from fieldwork done in Senegal in June July 2012 and June August 2013. I wish to thank the West African Research Association for a Post Doctoral Fellowship that made the second trip to Senegal possible. 12 Harney 2004, p. 43. 13 Senghor 1959, p. 279. All translations of work originally published in French are the 14 Harney 2004, p. 49. 15 Estimates and documenta tion vary on the percentage of s tate funds See Harney 2004 and Snipes 1998 for discussions of how these figures have been reached. 16 Harney 2004, p. 49. 17 Diagne 2002, p. 252. 18 p 13 14. 19 Benga 2002, p. 294. 20 Harney 2004, p. 78. 21 Diagne 2002, p. 243.

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54 | Bryson 22 Harney 2004, p. 10. 23 Snipe 1998, p. 59. 24 Harney 2004, p. 79. 25 Benga 2002, p. 297. 26 Harney 2004, p. 52. 27 Benga 2002, p. 294. 28 Ibid. p. 298. 29 Harney 2004, p. 115. 30 Senghor 1956, p. 56. 31 See Snipe 1998, p p 61 62. 32 Diagne 2002, p. 244. 33 Ibid., p. 254. 34 Benga 2002, p p. 295 96. 35 Senghor 1956, p. 56. 36 See Diouf 1992 and SET SETAL 1991 for more detailed analysis of the movement. 37 Diouf 2002, p. 278. 38 Ibid., p. 279. 39 Ibid., p p. 278 79. 40 Diagne 2002, p. 246. 41 Diouf 2002, p. 262. 42 Se Guys, are we going to sit here, with our arms crossed From this quasi existential question the core group of close friends that would become 43 Djily Bagdad 2012, International Faculty Development Seminar presentation. 44 Thiat 2013, interview with author. 45 Ibid. 46 Foumalade 2013, interview with author. 47 Ibid. 48 See http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tCuKAn T0pk 49 See http://www.youtube.com/watch?v =4i1Ot1jypDc 50 Both photographs are by the author. 51 Foumalade 2013, interview with author. 52 Thiat 2013, interview with author. 53 Senghor 1956, p. 56. 54 Reagan Fascell Democracy Fellows website: http://www.ned.org/fellowships/reagan fascell democracy fellows program http://www.ned.org/fellowships/current past fellows/thiat mr cheikh oumar toure 55 Thiat 2013, interview with author. 56 Fernandes 2011, p. 23. 57 Ibid., p. 187. 58 Thiat 2013, interview with author. 59 Djily Bagdad 2012, International Faculty Development Seminar presentation. 60 Foumalade 2013, interview with author. 61 Ibid. 62 Ibid.

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New Senegalese Cultural Philosophy | 55 63 64 Thiat 2013, interview with author. 65 Diagne 2002, p. 258. 66 Thiat 2013, interview with author. 67 Foumalade 2013, interview with author. 68 Ibid. References Aidi, Hishaam Al Jazeera : 7 November. http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2011/10/2011103091018299924.html Benga, Ndiouga urbaine moderne (c.1960 Coumba Diop (ed.), Le Sngal contemporain (Paris: Karthala): 289 308. Appert, Catherine. 2011. Paul Khalil Saucier (ed.), Native Tongues: an African Hip Hop Reader (Trenton: Africa World Press): 3 22. Carnets du CAP 15: 37 65. Coumba Diop (ed.), Le Sngal contemporain (Paris: Karthala): 243 59. T he Guardian : 17 April. http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2012/apr/17/el haqed morocco hip hop revolutionary In Momar Coumba Diop (ed.), Le Sngal contemporain (Paris: Karthala): 261 88. Politique Africaine 46: 41 54 Djily Bagdad. 2012. International Faculty Development Seminar presentation in Dakar, Senegal. June 13. Fernandes, Sujatha. New York Times 30 January: A23. _____. 2011. Close to the Edge: In Search of the Global Hip Hop Generation London: Verso. Foumalade (Malal Talla). 2013. Personal interview with author in Guediawaye, Senegal. July 2. Antipode 46.1: 130 48. Gueye, Marame. and the Socio The Journal of Pan African Studies 6.3: 22 42.

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56 | Bryson Harney, Elizabeth 2004. Garde in Senegal, 1960 1995 Durham: Duke University Press. American Behavioral Scientist 55.1: 24 35. 1973. Cultural Policy in Senegal Paris: UNESCO. Mou lard Parler jeunes, ici et l bas. Pratiques et reprsentations : 111 26. Niang, Abdo Cahiers de recherche sociologique 49: 63 94. Global Youth?: Hybrid Identities, Plural Worlds (Ne w York: Routledge) : 167 85. New York Times 19 September: A8. Spin : 24 August. http://www.spin.com/articles/inside tunisias hip hop revolution/ Reagan Fascell Democracy Fellows. National Endowment for Democracy. http://www.ned.org/fellowships/reagan fascell democracy fellows program Savan, Vieux and Baye Makb Sarr. 2012. au Sngal Prsence africaine 24 25: 249 79. Prsence africaine 8 10: 51 65. SET SETAL: Des murs qui parlent; Nouv elle culture urbaine Dakar. 1991. Dakar: ENDA. Snipe, Tracy D. 1998. Arts and Politics in Senegal, 1960 1996 Trenton: Africa World Press.

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University of Florida Board of Trustees, a public corporation of the Sta te of Florida; permission is hereby granted for individuals to download articles for their own personal use. Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Flori da. ISSN: 2152 2448 MOLLY KRUEGER ENZ Abstract: Nafissatou Dia Diouf is a Senegalese author who has garnered recogni tion both in her home country and internationally since she began publishing in the 1990s. portrays diverse topics as they relate to her country such as education, marriage, polygamy, maternity/paternity, the influence of the West, the roles of business and governmen t, and the power of the media. Diouf provides her reader with a com prehensive yet critical view of Senegal and shows how her homeland is affected by and reacts to the changes it currently faces In a recent interview, Diouf stated: such as in the case of writers, is to take a critical look (a constructive critique, of course) at on author and textual analysis of her work, I explore how Nafissatou Dia Diouf critically examines contemporary Senegalese society and portrays a country in the process of transition and t ransformation. Through her visionary writing, Diouf works to construct a new type of Senegalese society and identity of which she and her fellow citizens can be proud. Senegalese author Nafissatou Dia Diouf has garnered acclaim both in Senegal and internat ionally since she began publishing in the 1990s. She won several noteworthy awards early in her literary career including the following: Prix du Jeune crivain Francophone (France; 1999), Prix Francomania sponsored by Radio Canada (Canada; 1999), and Pri x de la Fondation Lopold Sdar Senghor (Senegal; 2000). Diouf was featured by the journal Notre Librairie as an emerging writer of African literature in 2005 The same year, she represented Senegal at the Francophone Games in Niamey, Niger and won the ju ry prize in the literary category. studies on her are very limited with the exception of a handful of articles in various Senegalese newspapers and magazines 1 Nafissatou where she attended primary and secondary school. She then went on to complete university studies in degree in applied foreign languages as well as a degree in industrial systems management. 2 cole

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58 | Enz Suprieure Multinationale des Tlcommunications in Dakar. Although she did not pursue fo rmal literary studies during her career in higher education, she was always passionate about reading, manipulating words, and writing. 3 In an article for the online newspaper Dakarvoice.com was 12 years old, I described the scene of a birth with so much precision that my mother 4 lished in Amina and she has since written and published a wide variety of texts including short stories, poetry, ch 5 In her work, she examines diverse topics as they relate to her country suc h as education, marriage, polygamy, maternity/paternity, the influence of the West, the role of business, and the power of the media. Diouf provides her reader with a comprehensive view of contemporary Senegalese society and depicts how Senegal is affecte d by and reacts to the changes it faces. has the power of influence such as in the case of writers, is to take a critical look (a constructive critique, of cour 6 C ombining an interview with the author and textual analysis of her work, I explore in this article how Nafissatou Dia Diouf critically examines contemporary Senegalese society and portrays a country in the midst of transformatio n. 7 A New African Image and Identity In a 2007 interview with Amina Diouf posits that the youth in her country must be able to speak about their society in a critical manner reoccupy them, situations that touch them or make 8 These e veryday situations are what she explores in her writing and argues that African literature must be reenergized. In my recent interview with Diouf, she describes the potential impact authors can have in forging a new African image an d identity. Molly Krueger Enz (MKE): What is the role of writers in creating a new and positive image of Africa? Nafissatou Dia Diouf (NDD): Writers are observers by definition, those that sense the weakest of signals who have perhaps this particular sen sibility that allows them to perceive social and political happenings well before the public at large. Or else, they place themselves at a sufficient distance to analyze the facts removed from their immediate dimension and their social urgency. Writers a re those that witness their time and era in a more critical and analytical way than journalists, for example. Their role is also to highlight the beautiful potential or virtues of their continent so that the entire world has a more just vision of who we a re. For that matter, the best writers among us, through their talent, creativity, and art, are true ambassadors of our cultures and values. Thanks to the cultural mixings that allow for exchanges and voyages, literature from Africa and about Africans is fruitful elsewhere. The world of ideas only has borders f or those who are narrow minded! MKE: You pay homage to the great political and literary figure Lopold Sdar Senghor in 9 ghor is 10 In your opinion, how has Senegalese literature changed NDD: Senghor marked the country with his political but even moreso his cultural footprint. His influence as a poet and man of culture permitted our country to shine in all four corners

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on Senegal in Transformation | 59 of the earth. Inside our borders, a true cultural policy was carried out. Since his retreat from Senegalese, b ut it is true that culture has been brutally marginalized. Great writers linked to this cultural movement emerged in the 60s and 70s such as Cheikh Hamidou Kane, Cheikh Aliou Ndao, Birago Diop, Mariama B, Aminata Sow Fall, Ousmane Sembne, Boubacar Boris Diop. However, since then one can argue that inspiration has given way. Even if a few writers emerge in the new generation, we are far from the golden age that constituted the Senghorian years. MKE: 1981, Mariama B says that the African woman writer has a particularly critical mission and that her literary presence must be seen and recognized in order for Africa to develop and ine co authors, paint a picture of the condition of 11 In your opinion, must the African woman writer have a particular mission? What is your mission as a Senegalese woman writer? NDD: Personally, I do not write with a mission in mind or a particular objective. That said, my concerns as a writer are never far fro m the concerns of the society of my countrymen and women, and of the women who still today suf fer every sort of social wei ght. I realize that we have a real combat to undertake because we are leaders of opinion and our ideas are driven by our books, read and debated. As a woman, I realize also that I am more sensitive to the condition of my sisters, knowing that many of the m cannot e xpress themselves, denounce oppression and injustice, or even defend t hemselves or make their opinion heard. So, whether one wants it or not, this mission imposes itself on us, as women but also spokespeople MKE: I have recently read your shor t story collections (2000) and Cirque de Missira (2010). What were your goals in writing these stories? What image of Senegalese or African women did you want to show to your readers? NDD: Through my short stories, I try to describe situations lived by women, but not only women. I am against all forms of inequality, especially when it is linked to gender. We, woman and men, are all people with the same base value. The only difference is in the capacity for some to distinguish themselves by their own merit and value. My short stories recount the paths, sometimes difficult, of ordinary people who are heroes of resistance and struggle. Resistance and Cultural Changes exil The compilation aptly opens with an epigraph by Omar Khayyam, an eleventh century P 12 Diouf alerts her reader to the rapidity as well as the fragility of life as a sort of c arpe diem the stories that follow, as it recounts the experience of a young woman who returns to her native village after spending time abroad to pursue her university studies In the first paragraph, the narrator is happy to return hom e but she notic es some unpleasant transformations that ha ve occurred since her departure. Two central themes of movement and change are highlighted:

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60 | Enz I returned from my too long exile. This land that I had not tread upon for five years appeared to me today hotter an d more arid than in my memory. Its skin was cracked, its body lapidated, its complexion naturally dark had taken on brown and ocher colors, its gaping wounds were thirsty for rain. But I found it just as I loved it 13 while living abroad. Diouf equates the young y to an aging and wounded person who has been beaten down by its harsh climate. Despite the fact that This wounded and thirsty place that begs for love is an apt me taphor for Africa as a whole. colonization, it is a beautiful place that should instill pride in its inhabitants rather than shame or the desire to flee. The narrato r has been gone for a considerable amount of time, but she insists that she would recognize her country no matter how many changes it has 14 Although the symbolic baobab trees are still as beautiful and imposing as when she left, she quickly realizes that many things are no longer the same ow in jeopardy of extinction. 15 She understands these differences 16 She is disappointed to no longer be able to see the water, as toubabs or white Westerners have invaded the village and built large multi story buildin gs that block the displacement due to societal and cultural changes in her country. Although autobiographical at first glance Diou f claims that this is not entirely true. She explains her reaction to these cultural changes that she witnessed upon her return to Senegal after co mpleting her studies in France. MKE: The narrator of the first short story in d escribes her return Is this story autobiographical? NDD: Not exactly. It is true that I lived several years outside of Senegal and upon my ecause of the desire to imitate the West, we were losing our sou home country is often dreamed about and idealized when one is far away and choked by come more attached to something when one no longer has a point of reference. 17 We often forget that time passes and societies evolve. Yes for progress, but we must pay attention to not lose our specificities and values. Destroying the Myth of Omnipotence Through her work, Diouf champions progress and positive change in order to create a stronger society. One such example can be found in the story featured in Diouf breaks the stereotype of the omnip otent male who is not allowed to show signs of perceived weakness or emotions through the character of Souleymane. He struggles to come to terms with the impending birth of his first child

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on Senegal in Transformation | 61 and his role as a father. However, for his wife Awa, motherhood i s not simply the ability to 18 While she courageously embraces this new role, her husband is not as excite d or confident. As Awa is in the hospital with uneven contractions, he becomes anxious about how he will handle caring for a newborn. Unable to concentrate at work, he decides to leave early and go to the cinema followed by a bar. He asks himself the fo 19 In the meantime, Awa faces complications and a severe hemorrhage. After looking at her chart, the doctor notices that her husband absence not only hurts Awa emotionally but also physically. Fortunately, she survives the ordeal and gives birth to a healthy baby girl via cesarean section. She is greatly disappointed and saddened b now she must focus on her child her daughter. Her daughter needed her. She glanced around the room but Souleymane still 20 When he finally does arrive at the hospital with red lipstick stains on his the wall, and begins to cry. 21 Awa battles for her own life, showing her strength and dedication to her daughter. Souleymane on the other hand, lacks courag e and fears that he cannot the responsibilities of fatherhood. He is a character who questions his paternal role and openly displays his vulnerability. MKE: I have the impression that the male characters in your short stories are often e as a result, his wife leaves without him. Could you spe ak a bit about this portrayal? NDD: In my writing, I speak in general about human weakness, sometimes ab out the lack of courage or on the contrary, the extraordinary courage of certain people. My goal is not to caricaturize one or the other of the sexes, but perhaps I attempt to reestablish an equilibrium in the perception that we have of men in Africa: al l powerful, without emotion, required to excel in society, in particular in front of their family and loved ones, and to create admiration. Yet, these are people made of skin and blood, who anguish over things, their faults, their temporary weaknesses, so metimes their lack of courage, even their defects. To and finally render them as humans. It is without a doubt a way for me to invite men to accept their fallibility w ithout it being an apology for weakness. This helps also with the deconstruction of the myth of omnipotence that has contributed to creating a chauvinistic society. Critique of Polygamy One way in which Diouf criticizes chauvinism is through her depicti on of polygamy and the disastrous results it can have on the women it affects. In La Parole aux ngresses ( Speak Out, Black Sisters ), considered by some critics as the seminal book on African feminism, author Awa Thiam intermingles her own reflections with personal testimonies of African women. She writes:

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62 | Enz Black women have been silent for too long. Are they now b eginning to find their voices? Are they claiming the right to speak for themselves? Is it not high time that they discovered their own voices, that even if they are unused to speaking for themselves they now take the floor, if only to say that they exist, they are human beings something that is not always immediately obvious and that, as such they have a right to liberty, respect, and dignity? 22 N those of Thiam. She advocates for women to make their own decisions, express themselves freely, and pose questions rather than accept societal roles dictated to them. In Malick loses interest in his wife when she has difficulty concei ving. feels s o alone and guilty him to sleep next to me again. No, I was not proud of myself. All of my convictions that I thought were uns hakeable particularly by a man -were smashed today like that, like the snap of a dish 23 The pressure she feels to conceive and the guilt a fter not being able to are common seen as an end in itself anymore than it is considered for love or the notion of sharing that it may entail. Children and the offi cial recognition that it gives women are what justify 24 The narrator could not have predicted how inviting a young university student to live friend, is moving to the capital from the countryside to study history and is fourteen years younger than the narrator. With Assa to help with domestic tasks e end of the day. However, he has simply lost interest despite all her efforts After the narrator returns from the hospital where she has had an operation to help her conceive, Malick announces that he will be sleeping in r his second wife in a private ceremony a day ago. The narrator deserve respect, tha 25 Instead of quietly decision to marry a second wife the narrator reacts viscerally and openly displays her emotions After crying endlessly, the narrator admits 26 The which sh e feels her husband is guilty. MKE: Many Senegalese women writers such as Mariama B, Aminata Sow F all, Ken Bugul, and Fatou Diome treat the controversial subject of polygamy in their work. It is a recurring trope in and Cirque de Missira as well. What is your opinion about polygamy in Senegal? Does it represent the same v alues and objectives as in the past? NDD: In our societies, one often frames polygamy in religion in order to make those who s uffer the most accept it : women. Thus, these are moralizing and guilt creating disc ourses, even sometimes menacing. A woman sho uld not mention her feelings and should hold

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on Senegal in Transformation | 63 them back for the good of her children. It is more of a tradition than a divine commandment: a societal tradition where men make the decisions and women do not have a voice. However, while on the surface they show dignity, most women who are in polygamous households (not all, I recognize) suffer fr om sharing their husband, tensions and unavoidable rivalries. Our former generation of female authors courageously spoke up, particularly to describe the disarray it caused these women. We should dare to go further and to refuse. I, for one, make no apologies in assuming this. Reconceptualizing Marriage, Maternity, and Femininity Diouf routinely features female characters that courageously work to create their own the eponymous heroine refuses to be confined to a polygamous marriage. After two years of marriage to Alioune, a tree without fruit, an 27 In Wolof society, a woman must bea r h er first child 28 or inability to conce ive, her husband Alioune decided to take a second, third, and finally a fourth wife. 29 of forty four she experiences what she describes as a miracle and becom es pregnan t. When Alioune does not fulfill his re peated promises to leave his younger wives, she divorces him and raises her son without his support. Sagar is thankful for the close relationship she shares with her son and does not carry any regrets despite the sadness she felt in her gan to live at the moment where this embryo became attached to the hollow of her belly. This embryo that was today a father and that made her become reborn 30 Sagar represents the courageous women who refuse her husband, she refuses to acc ept this definition. She becomes a ray of light for her son and 31 In her book Francophone African Women Writers: Destroying the Emptiness of Silence Irne Assiba hat contemporary African women wri ters have begun to challenge knowledge has led African women to begin representing themselves in fiction, and to gradually call i nto question the male view of themselves as mythical and symbolic 32 Sagar does not represent the mythical figure of the African woman, but rather a mother who rejects po lygamy and subsequently raises her son independently. Diouf helps to create a new image of the contemporary Senegalese woman who chooses her own destiny without relying on the moral, familial, or financial support of her husband. MKE: It seems that an im portant and recurring theme in your short stories is conjugal relationships and marital problems. Could you speak about the role of marriage in Senegal? NDD: Marriage has an extremely social role, even more in Senegal where religion carries considerable weight in the life of an individual. When one marries, one does not marry a man or a woman but a family with an initial decision and decisions throughout the marriage that exceed the narrow setting of the couple. At this level, one could consider that th e family, the oldest members and parents in particular, play an intrusive role, especially in the

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64 | Enz eyes of foreigners. However, traditionally it is a system that worked well, indeed it even functioned as a regulator. Things change in modern and urban soci eties under the influence of international media that present us with other management methods for families and couples. Therefore, that which was accepted, perhaps tolerated (polygamy, levirate marriage, t have a child, etc.) can seem today inconceivable or at least not compatible with our current way of life. 33 Furthermore, the fact that women never participated in decisions that concerned her did not mean that she was consenting. Today, women have been uninhibited, liberated, and even if they pay a steep price, they do not hesitate to refuse and denounce. MKE: The famous the stereotypical image of the woman as a mythical symbol of 34 Mariama 35 Do you agree with this statement? Maternity is an important theme in your fiction In your opinion, what is the role of the mother in Senegalese society? NDD: In Africa, beyond the very important biological role (for the survival of the human race ), women play a social role linked to their status as women, a role that holds real power, as long as it does not confine them uniquely to this role. I am not the type to reject this somewhat clich side of the African woma n, a mother who reigns over her family and offspring. On the contrary, she ensures the equilibrium and develo pment of her family members. In fact, many African societies are matrilineal, which grants significant power in terms of the transmission of ancestry, patrimony, heritage, etc. For me, it is about preserving all of this and conquering new territories, p articularly in the public domain. It is important that women are citizens in their own right, that they can publicly defend their ideas and fight their own battles without complexes or obstacles not necessarily or exclusively feminist but for the betterme nt of their society. We should refuse to be confined to familial and private spheres but rather conquer spaces of public expression and contribution without denying that which creates our specificity of being women (femininity, maternity, protection of fa mily interests). MKE: What is the current reality of Senegalese women and the role of Senegalese women in contemporary society? NDD: Senegalese women, African in general, have power but it is traditionally confined to familial and social circles. Concer ning the economic sphere, they were either in the productive sector (agriculture, for example) or in small business. Things have changed enormously in the past thirty years. More and more go to school, pursue thei r education, and obtain good degrees The y naturally claim their place in society through their roles in business, administration, and in the political sphere as well. For this, they must fight two times harder for a result that is not even guaranteed. Unfortunately, we still live in a chauvini stic society with men who are still not ready, because of their education, to make space for us. I have to admit that President Abdoulaye Wade very much believed in and encouraged women. 36 It is thanks to him that the system of parity for all elective and semi elective functions (National Assembly) was integrated. It was under his presidency that Senegal saw its first female Prime Minister and more women in important governmental roles. The change in mentalities will be made at the institutional level and in the familial sphere notably with an indispensible change in the education of our girls and boys!

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on Senegal in Transformation | 65 Changing Mentalities Diouf firmly believes in the power of education and that young Senegalese children should be proud of their country and gain the esse ntial tools to make it better. It is this image that she attempts to portray in her writing has faith in the future, that invests in its children while wanting to give them all the tools to live and in 37 Diouf criticizes the tendency to do things only for the sake of appearances and shows how certain traditions have the potential to generate feelings of shame. In the final story in a Dakarois taxi driver named Modou Ciss warns the reader that in order to understand in Senegal, everything is a matter of dignity. A question of sutura One cannot get enough 38 In this story, Diouf critically examines the role of young talib s who are sent to live with a serigne in Dakar to learn the teachings of Islam. 39 Instead of being nurtured by their teachers, the talibs are often required to beg in the streets to support themselves. Moudou notices a young boy walking with bare feet along the cold asphalt one night well p ast midnight. When Moudou asks him what he is doing out alone so late, the boy responds that he had not collected the sum of money that his serigne this money, he would homeless, the drugged, and the crazy, he was the only innocent one trying to survive in the 40 After the taxi driver feeds t he boy, he discovers that the boy left his village of Lingure for Dakar because he was the oldest child and his father wanted him to become a scholar of Islam. Moudou convinces the boy to be driven home, and his parents barely recognize their son upon arr ival. They are ecstatic that he has returned but surprised by his appearance and mistreatment. Diouf paints a clear picture of the exploitation of talibs who are sent to Dakar under the auspices of learning the teachings and practices of Islam. 41 MKE: C ould you elaborate NDD: A society does not define itself uniquely by rules and laws that must be respected. The real revolution will be the work that we do ourselves. I dream of an egalitarian society where it is guaranteed that everyone will thrive, men as well as women, each according to the personal investment that he or she makes. We still suffer too much from pseudo religious obstacles or those linked to traditi ons The world is evolving. We no longer live like we did 200 years ago; we no longer have the same way of life. We have accepted to open ourselves up to the world. We should agree to hold up a mirror and take a look at ourselves without indulgence, although of course without renouncing who we are intrinsically: our values, our culture, and our historical heritage. An unequal society is a fragile society. Senegal in the Midst of Transformation In her recent books Sociobiz (2010) and Sociobiz 2 (2013) Diouf features chronicles focused on themes related to contemporary Senegalese culture and society that juxtapose profound philosophical analysis with humor and illustrations by Samba Ndar Ciss. In the first work

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66 | Enz Sociobi z, Diouf highlights the economic and b usiness practices in her country, depicting an 42 Sociobiz 2 follows the same format evoked in the first book but focuses on societal and cultural practices in contemporary Sen egal. In his preface, Cheikh Tidiane Mbaye, former President 43 message can be taken from these thirty chronicles, beyond the caricatures and exaggerations, it is the 44 her fellow citizens to inven through civic action. 45 MKE: Cheikh Tidiane Mbaye poses some essential questions in his preface to Sociobiz 2 He ly evolved? What lessons from h istory has he retained in order to improve his way of life, performance of his ent events of the country awoken the civic responsibility that was dormant in each Senegalese and succeeded in uniting the society in a u 46 What were your objectives in writing Sociobiz 2 and do you feel that Senegalese society is united after the recent political events? 47 NDD: We saw the Senegalese mobilize, come together, and block against arbitrariness. It is said that there is strength in numbers, and the last elections showed that. However, with danger in the past, we feel this solidarity relapse and the fight fragment, at the very least weaken. Sociobiz 2 was written in the context of strong political and social t ensions, at a moment awoke to its citizen consciousness thanks to a spontaneous but beneficial movement. These are the great moments of a nation that I was lucky to witness and most of all to retell and attempt to analyze by stepping back. The q uestion is : what did we do with this momentum? Did it fundamentally change our capacity to take destiny into our own hands? I fear that the answer is no, and this makes me sad. Should we only mobilize ourselves when faced with imminent danger or should we be vigilant citizens at all times and in all places in order to construct our society together? MKE: What circumstances provoked the birth of the movement and what is your opinion of it? NDD: Those that I evoked earlier. The feelings of irreparable danger, fragility, lack of frame of reference for our youth, and the bleak future paved the way for the movement. Moreover, the name of the movement is very eloquent. It is a cry of It does not imply construction but rejection. The challenge now is to transform this rejection, this rage, this beneficial energy into something positive, proactive, a project for our society to construct and then to maint ain. MKE: In your fiction as well as your recent essays Sociobiz and Sociobiz 2 you criticize certain aspects of Senegalese society while simultaneously showing the beauty of your country. What is your image of contemporary Senegal an d how do your tex ts reflect it? NDD: We live in a Senegal that is in the midst of transformation. 48 I love my country and I chose to live here despite the fact that I had career possibilities elsewhere. For me, it was

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on Senegal in Transformation | 67 important to play a role in building this country, to being close to my family, to seeing my children grow up and that all together we would work to construct our social project. It is true that sometimes my analyses are rather severe, but they are not unfair. The last thing we need is indulgence. It is b ecause we love our country, for its virtues, for its values, for its resistance and the optimism of its people, that we should not let things that are not going well continue or keep quiet about them. MKE: And what is not going well at this point in tim e? In your opinion, which problems are the most urgent to resolve? NDD: I think that there is a crisis of values, a loss of reference points for t he youth who no longer believe in the future, who no longer think they have a place or utility in society T hey are growing up spontaneously, really without much support (with parents who have often resigned their roles). Consequently, they are in survival mode and potentially aggressive because they feel unappreciated. Some take refuge in artificial paradises or religious extremism. We must restore ho pe for our youth and give them high quality education, jobs, and a real place and use in our society. At the institutional level, one of the ills that poisons us is poor governance and its corollary in the vic Visions for the Future and Visionary Writing MKE: texts. I noticed that you have a Sociobiz 2 Which mutations are positive, which are negative, and what is your vision for the future of Senegal? NDD: The chr in the text you cite makes reference to modernity and the manner in which it is lived by our societies. I pay special attention to that which involves technologies and the virtual world that now blurs th e boundaries of information, knowledge, cultures and people. At the same time, geographical boundaries have never been so rigid. The cultural question therefore becomes essential: what do we have to win and lose in opening up to the world? How can we enrich ourselves with new ideas and practices, expand our mental horizons all the while keeping and sharing our cult ure, our values, and in short our essence with the world? How can we ensure that these exchanges are balanced, based on give gi ve and not a culture (dominant W estern) that imposes itself on us and drives us to deny who we are? You see that the question i s complex and that the answer cannot be definitive. Our role as writers is more to pose questions, bring light to and raise awareness about issues rather than give answers. There is not a positive or negative transformation in itself. Everything is in t he manner in which we integrate progress, as a necessity in the evolution of people and their societies, all the while being careful to stay true to ourselves and to take and give our best. Conclusion Through her writing, Nafissatou Dia Diouf does not perpetuate stereotypes but rather critically examines the ills her country faces and encourages her compatriots to co construct a better society. In Rebellious Women: The New Generation of Female African Novelists Odile Cazenave argues that wr

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68 | Enz male and female narrative voices, these writers allow us to look toward the future. Her description o as well. This new writing is truly visionary, as it offers us an alternative vision, one of a better Africa. In their prise de parole these women strive to establish a more ac tive interaction between writer and readers in order to call on them directly and bring them into the quest for a new social and political balance. Both men and women are forced to conduct their own individual reassessments of their participation in the c onstruction of the African continent. 49 her work innovative and representative of the society in which she lives. Through her rks to create a new type of Senegal of which she and her fellow citizens can be proud. Notes 1 I am not aware of any scholarly journal articles th at have been published on the author. http://www.nafidiadiouf.net/ t here is a section entitled magazines such as Amina Sud Quotidien and Le Matin Diouf is featured in James La Nouvelle sngalaise: texte et contexte (2000) that includes an interview w Neuf Nouvelles: Hommage aux Sngalaises published in 2008. This collection is intended for use in the advanced French lite rature and culture classroom and features both an interview with the author 2 Mikolo 2006, p. 57. 3 Bikindou 2007, p. 102. 4 Laye 2012, no pagination. rit la scne 5 Amina is my first publication experience and I thank M. Michel de Breteuil to have given me this opportunity ten ye ars ago! I was already writing short stories on diverse topics that touche n d me, and this was like a helium balloon. To know that my short stories could attract a larger public audience was the first encouraging Amina est ma p remire exp rience de publication et je remercie M. nouvelles sur divers sujets qui me touchaient et ce fut pour moi comme un ballon de sonde. Savoir que mes nouve lles pouvaient plaire un large public a t le premier 6 Diouf 2013, interview with author. 7 The interview remarks prese nted in this article come from questions posed via e mail between June and December 2013 and a personal interview with Diouf on June 22, 2013 in Dakar The interviews were conducted in French, and all translation s to English are

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on Senegal in Transformation | 69 8 Bikindou 2007, ccupent, des situations qui les touchent ou 9 Primeur Lopold Sdar Senghor was a co founder of the literary and intellectual Negritude movement. 1960 1980 and was the first African elected to the Acadmie Franaise in 1983. 10 s la 11 B 1981, p. 6. 12 Diouf 2000, p. 13 Ibid. souvenir. Sa peau tait craquele, sa chair lapide, son teint naturellement sombre avait pris des couleurs brunes et ocres, ses plaies bantes taient assoiffes de pluie. Mais je 14 15 Ibid., p. 16. cette oasis dans le d 16 17 Ariadne is a Greek mythological figure She was the daughter of Minos and Pasipha from Crete who gave Theseus the thread with which he found his way out of the Minotaur's labyrinth. exhausts all available routes of logic in order to determine a solution. It is often used 18 19 ns? Avaient ils tous en 20 Ibid., p. 48. 21 22 Thiam 1986, p. 15. 23 Ibid., pensais inbranlables surtout par un homme c 24 Cazenave 2000, p. 108. 25 26

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70 | Enz 27 e mer sans poisson, un arbre sans fruit, une terre infertile. Elle 28 For more background on how African women writers since the 1980s have transformed 29 For a detailed study on polygamy as it relates to Wolof society see Abdoulaye Bara Diop La socit wolof: tradition et changement 30 Ibid., p. 118. quand elle ne croyait plus l 31 Ibid., p. 118. 32 33 Levirate marriage is an ancient Hebrew tradition that allows a man to marry his dead ilial line. It is permitted under article 110 of the Senegalese Family Code created in 1972 and put into effect on January 1, 1973 that regulates marriage, divorce, succession, and custody. The Code can be accessed online through the Senegalese Ministry of Justice at the link provided in the bibliography. 34 For a detailed analysis of the Mother Africa trope in male authored African literature, Contemporary African Literature and the Politics of Gender She of its defining 35 B 1981, p p 6 Les ch ants nostalgiques ddis la m re africaine confondue dans les mme la Mre Afrique ne nous suffisent plus." 36 issue as well as Momar Senegal (2000 2012): Les institutions et une gouvernance librale. Wade was first elected President of Senegal in 2000 an d won reelection for a second term in 2007. 37 Bikindou sur ses enfants en voulant leur donn 38 Question de sutura On peut ne pas manger sa faim mais il est toujours trs important In a footnote, Diouf defines sutura as the preservation of honor. 39 The Arabic word talib refers to a student of Islam who is taught by a serigne 40 Diouf 2000, p. 147. s et des fous, il tait le seul innocent essayer de survivre dans la jungle de la nuit, livr toutes les frayeurs et 41 UNICEF estimates that there are 100,000 talibs in Senegal today, and there is no shortage of media coverage on their exploitation. Most of these young boys are under the age of thirteen and come from low income families. For an analysis of the role of begging in the Islamic context Child Labor in Sub Saharan Africa She explains the vulnerability of the talib children

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on Senegal in Transformation | 71 exploitation for obvious reasons. They are children, separated from their immediate and extended families, who spend considerable ti me on the stre et begging for food and money. They are in the exclusive custody of one person, their teacher, for long periods of time. Talibes are generally no longer a part of the household strategy of their parents. The marabout is expected to pr ovide the basic needs of the child food, an Islamic education, and housing. Generally, an urban marabout provides one or just a few cooked meals per week for his talibes. Likewise, the quality of housing provided by marabouts varies widely, and the Bass 2004, p. 26. 42 Diouf 2010, p. 6. This quotation is preface, written by Babacar Ndiaye, former President of the African Development Bank. performances et consciente de ses 43 Sonatel stands for Socit Nation ale des Tlcommunications du Sn gal premiere telecommunications provider Sonatel became one of the most competitive companies in Africa. 44 Diouf chroniques, au n r 45 46 do n t il a tant t question dans le premier volume a t t il retenues pour ants? La rcente actualit politique du pays a t elle rveill la fibre citoyenne qui so m meillait en chaque Sngalais et a t elle russi unir la socit 47 The recent political events to which Mbaye and Diouf refer a re related to former Senegalese President Abdoulaye constitution and seize a third term in office. As a result many young protestors took to the streets and voiced their opposition. It was at this time that the ( Fed Up ) youth movement was formed by several Senegalese journalists and hip hop artists. leaders vociferously encouraged young people to cast their vo te against Wade. knew how to present a clear and simple message. Positioning itself at equidistance from political parties, it knew how to unite a community of young people who had been broken by the stea mroller of unemployment. Young dynamic man a gers, journalists, the unemployed, workers, a su drouler un message c lair et simple. Se positionnant quidistance des partis politiques, il a su fdrer toute une jeunesse broy e par le rouleau compresseur du chmage. Jeunes cadres dynamiques, journalist e s, chmeurs, ouvriers, tudiants, musiciens, bref toutes les cat gories sociales 48 I have used in the English translation. However, the expression employed by Diouf in French is h as a more nuan ced meaning. It reinforces the process of change or mutation

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72 | Enz 49 Cazenave 2000, p. 242 243. References Francophone African Women Writers: Destroying the Emptiness of Silence Gainesville: University Press of Florida. criture franaise dans le monde 5.3: 3 7. Bass, Loretta Elizabeth. 2004. Child Labor in Sub Saharan Africa Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers. Bikindou, Franois. 2 Amina 451: 102. Notre librairie 117: 66 71. Cazenave, Odile. 2000. Rebellious Women: The New Generation of Female African Novelists Boulder, Colorado : Lynne Rienner Publishers Code de la famille sngalais. 1972. www.justice.gouv.sn/droitp/ CODE %20 FAMILLE .PDF Davies, Carole Boyce, et al. 1986. Ngambika: Studies of Women in African Literature Trenton, New Jersey: Africa World Press. Diop, Abdoulaye Bara. 1981. La Socit wolof: tradition et changement Paris: Karthala. Diop, Momar Coumba, ed. 2013. Sngal (2000 2012): Les institutions et politiques pu bliques Dakar: CRES. Diouf, Nafissatou Dia. 2010. Cirque de Missira Paris: Prsence Africaine. _____ 2003. Primeur Dakar: ditions Le ngre international. _____ 2000. Dakar: Nouvelles ditions Africaines du Sngal. _____ 2010. SocioBiz Dakar: TML ditions. _____ 2013. SocioBiz 2 Dakar: TML ditions. _____ 2013. Personal interview with author via e mail and in Dakar, Senegal. 22 June (transcrip Gaash, James, ed. 2000. La Nouvelle sngalaise: texte et contexte Saint Louis, Senegal: Xamal. Dakarvoice.com http://dakarvoice.com/2012/06/nafissatou dia diouf 38 ans ecrivaine la belle et la plume/ Madigan, Kathleen. 2008. Neuf nouvelles: Hommage aux Sngalaises Eatontown, New Jersey: Academic Press ENE. Amina 435: 57 58. Savan, Vieux and Baye Makb Sarr. 2012. au Sngal

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on Senegal in Transformation | 73 Stratton, Florence. 1994. Contemporary African Literature and the Politics of Gender London: Routledge. Thiam, Awa. 1978. La Parole aux ngres ses. Paris: Denol. _____. 1986. Speak Out, Black Sisters: Feminism and Oppression in Black Africa London: Pluto Press.

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University of Florida Board of Trustees, a public corporation of the State of Florida; permission is hereby granted for individuals to download articles for their own personal use. Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Flori da. ISSN: 2152 2448 De centering Theatrical Heritage: Forum Theater in Contemporary Senegal B RIAN QUINN Abstract: The current state of Senegalese theater is a source of concern for a number to doubt the efficacy of the centralized cultural policies that have led to the construction of two grandiose national theaters just a few kilometers apart from each other in the country 's congested capital of Dakar. State subsidized theatrical productions at the Thtre Daniel Sorano and, more recently, at the Grand Thtre National have struggled to a chieve relevance within the national cultural landscape. And yet, independent, so called popular theater troupes continue to spread if not thrive, largely ignored by both official cultural policy and scholarship on Senegalese theater and performance. T his article explore s the work of an independent forum theater troupe called Kaddu Yaraax which has managed to establish an i nternational profile and become a de facto role model for countless community based independent theat er troupes throughout Senegal. M uch of Kaddu Yaraax 's success can be linked to its decision to work exclusively in the form of forum theater, as inspired by the performance philosophy of late Brazilian theater artist and activist Augusto Boal. I will argue that dramaturgical decisions n ecessary in the process of creating what is called a popular theatrical performance compel companies such as Kaddu Yaraax to address questions of Senegalese theatrical heritage and to position themselves vis vis notions of pre colonial, colonial and cont emporary performance. These stakes are made apparent through an exploration of the performative architecture that troupes employ. Introduction Senegalese popular theater is often criticized, dismissed even, as amateurish due in part to its characteristic exclusion of literary writing practices. Shows of this kind are rarely written down, let alone published, and there is no direct authorial relationship between an individual and the final content of what is presented before an audience. 1 An additional cr itique of popular theater in Africa in general has highlighted the fine line it treads between serving anti authoritarian populist objectives and installing another mechanism of top down moralizing characteristic of state centered discourse. Indeed, the p opular works in Senegal, as elsewhere, often veer toward the authoritarian end of this line, finding it difficult to refuse the not so disinterested aid proffered by political leaders and foreign NGOs. Yet forms of popular theater continue to thrive throug hout the country, especially if one compares them to the small creative output of institutions such as the country's two large national theaters, bo th of which struggle to attract enough theater goers to justify a full blown theatrical production. Surely, imperfect though it may be in carrying out its promise of social

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76 | Quinn transformation as inspired by the work of progressive thinkers such as Paulo Freire by virtue of its imprint on the creative lan dscape and collective imaginary popular theater must be inclu ded in any discussion of contemporary arts in Senegal and their potential to promote a so called nouveau type de Sngalais 2 in fact proves too broad in the Senegalese context, where popular has often come to indicate any theatrical work created outside the country's state run theatrical structures. 3 For the sake of clarity, I would like to focus on the specific case of Senegal's primary forum theater company, also described as a leader in t he realm of "popular" theater, Kaddu Yaraax whose name means "word," or "voice" of Yaraax, the neighborhood from which these performers hail, located in Dakar's Baie de Hann and inhabited by a poor community of fishermen I will suggest that such so call ed popular companies should not be assessed solely by how they may or may not advance literary practices in theater, or through a discussion of how effectively they execute attempts to form an anti authoritarian theater for the oppressed. Beyond these oth erwise important concerns, it is essential to also consider troupes' modes of innovation and transmission within a theatrical heritage that ranges from pre colonial times to the present. My argument is intended to address simultaneously calls for a more t ext based approach to popular theater, as well as past writing on the practice of theater for development in Africa. 4 The latter have often focused on the failure of popular theater forms to abide by Paulo Freire's conceptual framework without instating th e very kind of authoritarian discourse the Brazilian philosopher and educator wished to circumvent However, aside from trying to remain fai thful to theorists such as Freire and, from a theatrical perspective, Brazilian artist and political dissident Augu sto Boal, in its work, Kaddu Yaraax is also situating itself as an innovator within a broader theatrical landscape, and is wresting the transmission of Senegalese theatrical heritage from the control of top heavy, state centered institutions. 5 A fuller ap preciation of this heritage component in the work of independent theatrical groups will highlight the symbolic importance of adapting a performative architecture inspired by contemporary notions of pre colonial African performance, especially as this flexi bility in performative architecture is so lacking within the confines of national theatrical structures. Theater Within the "Ple O fficiel" funded theatrical institutions, contemporary Senegales e theater would appear to be at a rather disquieting standstill. For Thtre Daniel Sorano inaugurated in 1965 as the paragon of a nationalist cultural production driven by Ngritude ideology h as struggled to attract audienc es. The drama department of the Ecole Nationale des Arts which once supplied Sorano with its performers, has yet to recover from an enrollment crisis and hopes to receive enough applications from candidates in the 2013 14 academic year to justify funding an incoming class. 6 And as the paint still dries on the Grand Thtre National one of the truly grandiose grands projets pushed forward by former president Abdoulaye Wade, the structure has yet to demonstrate how it will live up to its promise of enhanc on the global theatrical stage. 7 Perhaps the most commonly cited stormy petrel for the official pole of theater is the lack of up and coming, or even aspiring new playwrights hoping to carry on the stage tradition of literary pion eers such as Cheikh Aliou Ndao, Marouba Fall or Boubacar Boris Diop.

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De centering Theatrical Heri tage | 77 B efore we conclude that the place of theater in Senegal has diminished to a state of irrelevance vis vis its national audiences, h owever, we might first ask just what the term "theate r" evokes in the collective national imaginary, not only within official circles, but also on the proverbial street. Because of organizations like the ubiquitous, locally organized Associations Sportives et Culturelles along with nationally coordinated t heatrical youth groups such as the Association des artistes comdiens du thtre sngalais (ARCOTS), and the nightly televised sketches often sold on the street in DVD form and referred to by the Senegalese as being du thtre ," despite never having been performed in front of a live audience, national understandings of theater have expanded beyond the typical Western vision of the crafted theatrical text performed on a proscenium style stage for an audience of paying theatergoe rs. 8 Indeed, today in Senegal one finds multiple forms of a non official theater, often called "popular," which in the past few decades has far outpaced its official, state funded counterpart in adapting to the tastes and sensibilities of its national au dience. While productions at the Thtre Daniel Sorano are performed to near empty houses, events produced by the ARCOTS branches of urban areas such as Pikine are often full beyond capacity and feature performers widely recognized from their work in tel evision or with popular theater festivals. In seeking to explain the ubiquitous phenomenon of popular theater in contemporary Senegalese life, Director of Culture for the City of Dakar, Oumar Ndao, assesses the situation by pointing out: "We have more act ors per square meter than any other country in the world. Here everyone is an actor, since everyone has performed with their ASC at one point or another." 9 Indeed, casual observations evince a Senegalese preference for forms of theater outside of the off icial, nationalist pole of cultural production. "And yet," Ndao continues, "we don't produce good theater." With the lack of training and resources for drama in Senegal, especially on the local level, popular performances can indeed often appear thrown t ogether, or even amateurish, as Ndao suggests, a point which may in part explain the lack of critical interest in these works. Yet, questions of quality notwithstanding, the social implications of this theater come to the fore when considered as a foil to more formalized works of state driven theater. Given the lack of audiences and scarcity of resources at official state institutions of culture, popular theater groups have today taken on the role of transmitting what they see as an important national the atrical heritage. Of course this transmission does not take place without new interpretations and performative innovations regarding what such a heritage must represent and defend. A brief look at the Kaddu Yaraax company's artistic background, as well as the creative choices made throughout its development, will serve to highlight the historical and artistic stakes involved in this troupe's work, as well as how their performances fit within the broader dynamic of a Senegalese theatrical heritage as per formed and produced by so called popular theater companies. Folklore Transmission a nd Theatrical Heritage Like countless other Senegalese youths, the founding members of Kaddu Yaraax had their first encounter with theater through their local Association S portive et Culturelle in the neighborhood of Tableau Ferraille Organized locally and operating throughout the country, these ASC s enable young Senegalese to form their own troupes in order to take part in theatrical competitions through the Nawetaan init iative, a nationwide program providing schoolchildren with a range of activities during the summer vacation. Representing their community in a series of regional contests, the group of friends that would later form the

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78 | Quinn Kaddu Yaraax troupe quickly made a n ame for itself by taking home numerous awards in the performance form known as thtre total This form obligatorily includes four separate performance elements: a folkloric scene, a theatrical play, a chorus and a dance. 10 Additional points were attribu ted to groups managing to connect these with some kind of narrative through line. "For us it wasn't a game," explains the company's director Mouhamadou Diol, who insists that from the beginning the group saw its activities as part of a larger artistic voca tion. "We used to read plays and wanted to inform ourselves on the theater." 11 The group developed its technique, its members familiarizing themselves over the course of several years with the modes of African folklore, dance and music taught and dissem inated through the Nawetaan initiative. As a performer and artist, Diol does not denounce the role of folklore in African creation. He describes such practices as "What we have naturally. I mean, as Africans, we just know how to dance and play music." This position in relation to folklore has meant that Kaddu Yaraax 's theater has not sought to problematize notions of an essentialist African "soul" transmitted through performance, even as the troupe has drawn inspiration from non African theatrical theor ies and practices. Diol does not disavow this folkloric aspect of what he considers the national Senegalese character. However, he does problematize its current place in theatrical productions. "It's who we are," he continues, "but I don't think that, o n its own, it constitutes a work of art." 12 For Diol, in fact, the first critical response to the theatrical heritage of his country consisted not of criticizing the folkloric content of Nawetaan performances, but rather in denouncing the form imposed by t hese competitions of thtre total The competitive nature of these events appeared to preclude any artistic innovation and performances were assessed according to their ability to meet pre established criteria of form. Diol's greatest objection to these events was that they reinforced colonial historical constructs, acting according to ethnographic notions of authenticity and portraying the African performer as static, in a sense, frozen in time. This objection resonates clea rly with the colonial origins of competitions such as those of the Nawetaan events, which, in fact, find historical roots in a form of theater that had emerged through the activities of the centres culturels of French West Africa. 13 These colonial institut ions rose to prominence in the 1950s, when they would replace the prestigious coles normales as the most visible promoters of so called indigenous performance forms and styles in French West Africa. 14 Indeed, as the French authorities began to sense their waning influence, cultural institutions doubled down in their activities, deploying time and resources to a regional theatrical competition among centres culturels throughout th en French West Africa ( Afrique o ccidentale franaise AOF) in an attempt to fo ment a sense of cultural solidarity not only between each colony and its ruling administration, but also among the colonies themselves, thus instantiating a fabricated notion of a common, French West African identity. Much as with the Nawetaan events tod ay, theatrical competitions among centres culturels took place in a series of local and regional rounds, with a final performance/competition held annually at the Thtre du Palais in Dakar, where decisions of the mixed jury of French and African judges wo uld often be hotly contested. In search of the notoriety that would come with being the prevailing centre of a given year, companies often threw themselves into the faithful representation of an African theater whose form and contours had in fact been est ablished by an interested colonial authority. Given their lasting impression on events such as the contemporary Nawetaan competitions, the centres culturels represent an important historical phase in the fabrication

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De centering Theatrical Heri tage | 79 of today's idea of thtre total in Sene gal. This genre of performance, mixing traditional dance, music and folklore in fact finds its origins further back in the colonial period, with the theater produced at the coles normales of the AOF most notably the William Ponty school, where young Af rican students were encouraged to use their familiarity with Western dramaturgy to recreate and perform aspects of indigenous culture, history and mythology. The beginnings of thtre total came about with the students' desire to infuse Western inspired dramaturgy with notions of traditional or folkloric culture performed so as to highlight the students' potential for assimilation through France's civilizing precepts. Decades later, as the coles normales lost their prominence in indigenous education, th is "Africanized" style of theater was seized upon by administrators of the centres culturels which, to create an evaluative system for the purposes of their competitions, assessed and divided the performances into discrete generic categories in order to e stablish the structure of what juries could consider the ideal work of thtre total an ideal intended to exert a strong influence on notions of identity and participation among local African audiences. The criteria employed to evaluate troupes' performances at the AOF wide competition had a sufficiently enduring effect on notions of the ater in Senegal to have carried over to evaluative criteria used to judge a Nawetaan performance today. 15 Indeed, by denouncing this criteria driven approach to folklore in performance, Kaddu Yaraax 's artistic director was consciously walking away from the disavowed imprint of these competitions on much of what is today called thtre populaire Diol is therefore elucidating one of Kaddu Yaraax 's most important initial artistic insights as a company when he explains the troupe's early desire to break away f rom the Nawetaan vision of theater. As the Kaddu Yaraax members were able to sense at their creative beginnings, and as Diol now explains, "in fact, thtre total really means thtre colonis. 16 This comparison is not only a comment on thtre total 's r oots in the colonial cultural policy of the AOF but also refers to Diol's objections to this theater's insistence on moralizing to its audience, a prime feature of a theatrical approach whose main goal was once to produce a greater number of volus throu gh Francophone colonial culture. Indeed, once they had become multiple Nawetaan awardees, the troupe soon found itself confronted consistently with a formidable artistic dilemma. "With the contests, you could be creative, but only within certain constrai nts," explains Diol. "And the format was always slightly political. Troupes were expected to use their shows to convey some kind of lesson, saying 'when there's a strike you shouldn't go around demolishing buses,' and so on." It is at this point that Di ol and his companions decided to break away from the stylized mores of their Nawetaan co competitors and began seeking out a more politically incisive means of presenting their work. "We realized that we could improve our performances greatly if we cut out the advice." 17 It is a decision which marked a turning point for the company while also presenting a formidable challenge: how to present a theatrical message to an audience without engaging, however so subtly, in what one might call "moralizing"? In 1998 the group, having become independent of its ASC and taking on its current name of Kaddu Yaraax created a new performance piece called Yakaar ( Hope ). In this original creation, the group did away with the mixed, "Africanized" performance modes it had adapted at its beginnings and developed the following message, summarized by Diol as, "If you want to develop something, a project or whatever, you must begin by developing yourself." 18 The main objective of the work was to reveal the ideological faults an d practical shortcomings of seeing the country's problems as always coming from abroad, usually from the West. At this point, the company's primary mission was to produce a theater that would

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80 | Quinn encourage positive change in everyday behavior as a means for d eveloping solutions to larger societal issues. The troupe also decided to remove as much as possible the moralizing component from their work, although it quickly became apparent that a moralizing message was still present implicitly in their performances In their search to make good on a promise to commit to a form of theater that was not only dialogical but multi logical, the members of Kaddu Yaraax would make their next important artistic discovery with their first encounter with the form of forum the ater. The F orum gew In 2002, Kaddu Yaraax discovered forum theater at a training workshop offered by the Institut Franais in Dakar and run by Burkinabe performing artist Prosper Kampaor. 19 Forum theater is a performance method originally developed in th e 1960s by Brazilian artist and political dissident Augusto Boal as part of his larger vision of a "Theater of the Oppressed." Since its development, this technique for using theater as a tool for political activism and social dialogue has gained populari ty around the globe, and today a broad network of performers and activists works to promote forum theater as a means of empowerment for oppressed populations. 20 Boal 1979 book Theater of the Oppressed elaborates on the structure and phases of forum theater, which, in the vein of Bertolt Brecht's V effekt ," seeks to countervail Aristotelian processes of dramatic catharsis. 21 Taking Brecht's position of anti empathetic distance one step further, Boal ad vocates a theater in which spectators, or as he calls them, spect actors, are incited to act immediately on stage to embody the type of social or behavioral changes necessary to address a given problem. To begin, actors present a short scenario in which a person or group is the victim of some form of oppression. Once the actors have performed their scene, a "joker" intervenes to solicit reactions from the audience. When the spectators have affirmed that what has taken place on stage could be improved u pon toward a more equitable end, the troupe encourages them to take on the status of "spect actor," stepping on stage themselves to replace one of the actors and modify the scene's outcome. Additional spect actors are then asked to join in, and an open fo rm creative dialogue ensues wherein the stage becomes the facilitator of collaborative problem solving and discussion. From the moment of this initial contact with forum theater, Kaddu Yaraax decided to dedicate their work exclusively to the form. In fact what they call the suppleness of the forum theater form appealed first to the troupe's desire to use their work to engage with local audiences and address difficulties confronted on a daily basis to further their movement toward a more politically engage d theater. An additional benefit of this shift to forum theater was the adaptation of an architecture of performance that moved away from the folkloric or moralizing theater performed at the group's ASC and toward a form that bore important similarities w ith the gew or the circle formed by residents of a village or neighborhood for a meeting, ritual or performance, and a performative structure with which Senegalese audiences would be quite familiar. For Diol, the reference point for the use of the gew in performance is a study by Alioune Oumy Diop, called Le thtre traditionnel au Sngal 22 Diol cites this work as one of the earliest influences in his search for a means of creating theater in an African mode that does not fall into the trap of facile reenactments of African folklore or mythology. Diop's study provided the opportunity for an artistic melding of theatrical approaches, now central to Kaddu Yaraax 's work, which draws from pertinent outside theoretical writings and frameworks, while tappi ng into the collective

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De centering Theatrical Heri tage | 81 Senegalese imaginary for ways of setting the theatrical stage. In effect, it is the architecture of such so called traditional performance forms that have proven useful to the company more than the folkloric content often associated with it. S cholar and stage director Diop i n his book offers a strong practical undergirding for directors who, like Diol, find the common folkloric approach rife with colonial undertones. Diop argues that, "the content of the performance must not consist of folklore set to music or dance that is simply ready for consumption. It must be an instrument of social transformation through its direct action upon its society." 23 The idea of the social function of theater has been central to discussions of Senegale se theater, beginning with Bakary Traor 1958 seminal work, Le Thtre Ngro Africain et ses fonctions sociales Much like Kaddu Yaraax 's president and members, Diop is highly critical of stagi ng folklore for folklore's sake. L ike director Diol, however, h e by no means dismisses all use of traditionalist or folkloric sources in contemporary Senegalese theater. To the contrary, Diop argues that Senegalese performers have a fruitful though underused architecture of traditional performance at their disposal in Senegalese performative practices that remains underrepresented in official theater to this day. He further argues that, while the exteriors of folkloric theater, checkered with the pitfalls of exoticism, are overused, elements of form from pre coloni al theater remain underused by performers despite their potential for reviving a potent and dynam ic theatrical scene in Senegal. For Diop, the most important of these forms of theatrical architecture is the gew wherein communities create an impromptu, circular performance space for a theatrical or ritual performance, where one went "to see and be seen," a connection he makes with the role of the theatron in Ancient Greece. 24 This particular performance layout has much in common with the West's theater in the round, but also includes a communitarian aspect, since the gew is place specific and ideally conceived for and by the community in which it is formed. In fact, far from constituting a mere practical detail o f the performance, the gew posits an entire theatrical architecture that one does not find, for example, in the stone constructions of Senegal's two opulent national theaters. While discussions of what is often seen as the current dearth of theatrical pro duction in Senegal often focus on the lack of written works for the theater an observation which, in effect, opposes the "literary" theater of official national culture and the "merely popular" thea ter found in community centers altogether different po ssibilities emerge when the focus shifts to these questions of "architectures" of performance. 25 Diop, for example, insists that in order for Senegalese theater to thrive, it must do away with the physical and ontological separation imposed by Western dram a between audience and performer. Oumar Ndao shares in this sentiment when he relates theater's current state to its architecture in both the literal and figurative sense. "Today, we've put ourselves into all kinds of cornered constructions with right an gles. We've cut ourselves off from each other. We've left the circle." Ndao thus joins Diop in suggesting that the national theaters do more to achieve a suppleness of form as they work to attract audiences. Unfortunately, the task is made difficult by the Western conventions of the proscenium adopted by both national theaters, where, as Ndao expla i n s, "everyone consumes his product individually but for us theater is meant to be a collective consumption!" 26 While state funded theatrical organizations c ontinue to struggle to marry Western theatrical conventions with more locally inspired performance forms, independent companies have had greater success employing the principles of the performance circle, or gew within the communities where they perform. The case of Kaddu Yaraax adds an

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82 | Quinn additional layer in the performance hybrid by combining the notion of the gew with the advantages of the contemporary activist form of forum theater. For Diol, forum theater provides an opportunity to divest popular per formances of their often moralizing tone, to perform in accordance with the gew and thereby to promote and transmit a form of Senegalese heritage that can be innovated upon and seeks to address important social issues. The choice of the form was therefo re paramount in the company's development A s we shall see in the description of one of its events, h owever, attempts at realizing each of these visions would prove fraught with their own challenges. The Forum at Work: Case Study of a Kaddu Yaraax Perform ance On June 4, 2013, the Kaddu Yaraax company was called upon to create a forum piece on the difficulties experienced and posed by Dakar's large number of marchands ambulants the blanket term used in this case for vendors on foot as well as those who set up temporary stalls. For several weeks the city had been gr ap pling with security and safety issues related to the presence of these vendors in its streets and public squares. In the midst of this citywide debate, the municipality of the commune of Sica p Libert had just rendered an executive decision to remove the vendors who for decades could be found working each day on the public square of the March Ndiago in the neighborhood of Libert 2 The expulsion was rendered down without local consultation and was certain to have a devastating effect on these vendors and their ability to support themselves. However, municipal authorities cited issues of safety and sanitation as deciding factors, a justification which seemed to satisfy many within the local community despite the lack of input from the vendors themselves. It was in the face of this one way authoritarian decision making and heightened tension within the community that the neighboring cultural center, K r Thiossane decided to sponsor a forum t heater presentation and debate bringing together vendors, city officials and local residents. The performance took place on the same public square where the vendors would typically be found at their tables, selling their wares. At the time of the performa nce, the site had already been cleared out by the town hall. When Kaddu Yaraax arrived, its members hung the company banner alongside the faade of a house on the square, demarcating the performance space, which created a circular area quickly surrounded by spectators. Groups of children were seated on large mats on the ground. Chairs were set out for older members of the community. The expelled vendors were present, but remained off to the side, sitting along a building on an adjacent side of the squar e. The performance began with a warm up, led by the show's designated "joker," who first engaged the children in a few dancing games and exercises. He then used the microphone placed in the middle of the circle to announce to the neighborhood that a perf ormance and discussion were about to take place on the matter of the street vendors who had just been expelled from the very square where the audience was seated. The announcement attracted more people and by the time the performance began the size of the crowd had doubled within the space of approximately ten minutes, with some stradd lers standing in the street and watching from afar. The troupe began with its usual opener, a short sequence in which the performers are divided into two groups, one yelling Waaw, waaw ( Yes, yes! ) the other responding Dedet ( No! ) while pulling at a pantomimed rope in an imaginary game of tug of war. The joker stopped the group and asked them if there was any way they might turn the yes into a no or the no into a yes. Both groups refused, pulling at their end of the imaginary rope until the

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De centering Theatrical Heri tage | 83 joker stepped in the middle and snapped it, sending both groups flying. The sight gag earned a hearty laugh from the children in the audience. The joker then announced the troupe a s the company Kaddu Yaraax They performed a succinct explanation of what forum theater is, telling the audience that the show that was about to take place included three stages. First, the troupe would perform a scene while the audience watched. Then, the audience would be asked to give their opinion on the behavior of each character in the scene, with an open vote to decide which characters displayed good behavior (these were allowed to rest in the shade), which displayed bad behavior (these were made to wait out in the sun) and which had behavior that was somewhere in the middle (these were left in between the shady and sunny spots in the performance space). In the last stage, the audience would be invited to replace the actors on stage to improve wh atever behavior they perceived as lacking. The joker then asked the audience members to commit to their active participation, sending the actors to have certain spectators sign a pantomimed pact of participation. The performance then began, with two actre sses portraying female produce vendors tending their respective tables while in the middle of a heated discussion. One was reprimanding the other, clearly her senior, for never properly cleaning up after herself at the end of the day and never sweeping up or collecting her garbage. The elder vendor replied by stating that she often had less energy than her younger colleague who should, above all, be showing respect to those who had played an instrumental role in establishing the vendor community on that p articular square. As the discussion continued, an older gentleman in traditional dress entered and scolded the women for always leaving the square such a mess. He stated that years ago people in the neighborhood used to be able to convene on the square, but now the site is too dirty for one to stop and pray. He then stormed off, having said his piece. The next character was one of the public servants known locally as les duty. These are ambulant tax collectors in charge of collecting a daily fee from each of the vendors for the right to set up shop in a public space. After a brief interaction with the audience, the collector approached the two vendors, expecting payment, otherwise, he said, he would give the women a ticket. The vendors, however, wer e unable to pay the tax, since they had just arrived on the square. They pleaded with the collector to return later in the day when they would have sold something and would thus be able to pay. They also protested fervently at the amount of the tax, whic h they said represented too substantial a portion of their pay and has not resulted in any of the services the tax revenue is partially intended to fund, such as water sources, local security guards and public cleaning services. Unwilling to wait until l ater in the day, the collector handed down a fine and stormed off. A by stander, having witnessed the previous scene, then approached the vendors acknowledging the difficulty of their situation, but saying that she could not feel sorry for them. As a resi dent of the neighborhood she lamented the fact that the square had become so dirty that her children could no longer play there. She also explained that one of her children had recently hurt himself on a throwaway utensil left behind by one of the vendors and had to go to the hospital for treatment. Visibly upset by this, the vendors apologized, explaining that they were unaware of the incident. A fter effusive apologies, h owever, they also insisted that the residents should be supporting the vendors who, for decades, have provided a useful service to local families, often delivering goods directly to their clients' homes. Since residents have come to expect the convenience of such a service, they should also be willing to accept the vendors' presence on t he square. At this point, a municipal employee abruptly burst on stage, reprimanding the two women for continuing to sell on

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84 | Quinn the square when they had yet to respond to three consecutive summonses to appear at the town hall. After an additional kerfuffle, he proceeded to expel the women as they pleaded with him to leave them be since they needed to sell in order to provide for their families. At the end of this short scene, the audience applauded and the joker once again took the stage. He asked for react ions to the behavior of each character, challenging some to explain why they thought certain characters should be left in the shade or the sun. The children initially insisted that the vendors should be placed in the sun, since they had not obtained the n ecessary authorization and were a nuisance to the neighborhood. However, after some interjections from the elder members of the community as well as from the vendors themselves, seated far off to the side but within earshot, it was generally agreed upon t hat they might instead find a way to coordinate with the vendors. This shift in the tone of the discussion took place with little direct intervention on the part of the joker. In fact, the forum had openly aired a latent indifference to the vendors' pred icament that had facilitated the group's expulsion but, once stated in the open, was fervently opposed by many of the elder audience members. In the end, there was no obvious consensus and so the vendors were left in the middle, between the sun and the sh ade. Once verdicts were rendered on each character's behavior, it was time for the audience to interact in a reprisal of sections of the scene. This began with children stepping up to replace the tax collector. Between the ages of twelve and sixteen the young spect actors began by chastising the vendors for not studying hard in school or acquiring some kind of trade so that they would not find themselves in such a predicament. Objections soon arose from the other community figures, and the children de cided to step down when asked by the joker how this remark might offer any kind of solution to the problem. When the joker again asked the audience how the vendors might have changed their behavior, one of the actual vendors, visibly the doyenne, stepped forward and delivered an adamant and emotional objection to being thrown out of a neighborhood where she had been working for over fifty years. Clearly shaken up by the experience of her expulsion from the square, she returned the microphone after a heart felt testimonial and left both the circle and the performance. At this point a teenager stepped forward to suggest that the vendors take the time to clean up after they have finished their work, since cleanliness was one of the major complaints of local r esidents as well as the commune's main pretext for throwing them out. The vendors then insisted that they have always cleaned up their areas before leaving the square, but that there are others who consistently neglect to do so, thus giving the whole grou p a bad image and reputation. At this point the joker asked if some kind of organizational scheme could not be created in order to ensure that each vendor left the public square as clean as it was when he or she arrived that day. This idea was met with g eneral approval from vendors and the audience. After some further discussion on the details of such an idea, the show came to a close on the conclusion that a solution was possible, but that it would take further work and dialogue on the part of the commu nity. The groups present agreed to continue to seek out an agreement in this manner and Kaddu Yaraax offered to return to facilitate a follow up performance and forum. Kaddu Yaraax 's performances nearly always end with a sense of open endedness whereby n o definitive resolution is achieved. This lack of resolution is, in fact, built into the framework of forum theater, for Boal argues that the audience's energy to react politically must not be drained vicariously through the arc of the story on stage. 27 I nstead, the conflict at hand must remain unresolved on stage, as it is in life. Forum performers do not attempt to provide audiences with answers to their problems, but rather aspire to serve as a catalyst

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De centering Theatrical Heri tage | 85 for the kind of social dialogue that might lead t o a workable solution. In this case, the forum process effectively uncovered at least one important point that had not been addressed in the one way political discourse leading up to the expulsion, which was that the community could try to implement an or ganizational scheme to ensure that each vendor clean up his or her section. Aside from this point, written into the play were a number of other latent issues, which could have been taken up by the discussion but were left aside. For example, in the excha nge between the vendors and the tax collector, audience members could have asked why the tax could not instead be collected later in the day, after the vendors have sold something and are in a better position to pay. Furthermore, spect actors might have w ondered where this tax revenue winds up if, as the vendors contend, it does not go into the improvement of conditions in public spaces like the March Ndiago These potential points of dialogue were worked into the show following an initial research phase during which the company integrated to the performance feedback from vendors, residents and local authorities. U nlike the moralizing theater from which the troupe is continually distancing itself, h owever, these performances resist forcing issues that ar e not willingly adopted by the public and so constitute a more dialogical exchange between actors and audience. For all of their merits as social theater, these forum works are not without shortcomings, as Diol willingly admits himself. For starters, alth ough this particular performance takes place among the local community, it has been commissioned and funded by K r Thiossane an internationally supported cultural organization, thus introducing a problematic patron client relationship between K r Thiossan e and Kaddu Yaraax who naturally wish to satisfy their patron in the hopes of receiving future commissions. Furthermore, within the audience, Diol admits that the troupe is not always successful in countering the overbearing effect of certain authority f igures in a given community, who may be present at a show and can tend to monopolize a discussion, even bring it to a halt. This indeed nearly happened at the K r Thiossane event, when it seemed that one of the actual tax collectors might intervene forcefully and take over the discussion. Finally, the performances end with the hope that there will be a follow up, which, by the company's admission, does not always happen for lack of time or funding. The Forum Effect in C ontemporary Senegal? Even with these criticisms in mind, it remains that Kaddu Yaraax has managed to have a visible and lasting impact on the theatrical landscape of the country. On one hand we may consider s ome of the real political resistance that the company has encountered in recent years in response to its work. The troupe became deeply engaged politically in opposition to the actions and abuses of former president Abdoulaye Wade, most notably in its 201 1 performance C'est simple comme Mbane" ( It's as easy as Mbane ), which toured around the country denouncing Wade's anti democratic decision to install a dlgation spciale in the locality of Mbane in order to offset the political weight of a region w here his party had just lost representatives in local elections. The troupe satirized the president's party, the Parti Dmocratique Sngalais (PDS), as the Parti Djaay Suuf ( Parti des Vendeurs de Terre or Party of Land Sellers), in response to Wade's co vert sale of public land throughout the country, especially in the Dakar region. The troupe members also nearly found themselves in prison due to a heavy handed reaction by authorities to a performance in Casamance of their creation Monsieur Casamance ," on the separatist movement in that region.

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86 | Quinn B eyond its frequent run ins with political power, h owever, the troupe has also played a decisive role in transmitting a certain form of Senegalese theatrical heritage among other independent troupes around the cou ntry, one that responds innovatively to Senegal's theatrical past as well as to the pressing political issues of the moment. Indeed, there are distinctive echoes of Kaddu Yaraax 's most salient themes and images that resound throughout the landscape of loc al, activist theater in Senegal. Troupes frequently make direct reference to Kaddu Yaraax 's work in performance creations. Thus, Kaddu Yaraax 's creation entitled La Baie de Hann n'est pas une poubelle ( C an ) soon inspire d another creation called Kaolack n'est pas une poubelle performed in the city of Kaolack. Kaddu Yaraax also toured a show addressing the thousands of Senegalese attempting to emigrate to Europe clandestinely by pirogue a phenomenon that had a particula r ly devastating effect on Yaraax given its location on the Baie de Hann, from which the boats would often embark on the treacherous journey northward The company's performance was entitled Partir, ne pas partir N and inspired a numb er of variations on the theme, with spin offs that often even took the same title as the original production and always included a number of direct acknowledgements of the work of Kaddu Yaraax and of the impact they have had on Senegalese performance. In fact, within the same neighborhood of Yaraax, such a show was performed in the community's small circular performance area, or gew by a young company named Kaddu Askan Bi (Voice of the P eople), a clear reference to the presence and success of the group's elder and respected colleagues. In the absence of an effective official pole in Senegalese theater, companies such as Kaddu Yaraax have carried on the torch when it comes to transmitting national theatrical heritage to the next generation of performers. The sheer frequency and long standing presence of what are often called popular theater shows stand as evidence that an effective t ransmission is, indeed, taking place, though more so through small, independent companies than through the large state funded edifices such as the national theaters or the Ecole Nationale des Arts While these forms of popular theater are often dismissed as non literate, amateurish and ephemeral, in fact many of these companies, like Kaddu Yaraax are mounting a conscious defense of their own philosophical, historical and political positions through the way in which they endeavor to set the stage. Although they remove the role of the playwright and greatly reduce the place of written culture in their work, the decisions of these popular theater troupes respond directl y to a longer theatrical history in Senegal, where, while the official pole of theatrical creation has ostensibly withered, the non official continues to expand. Notes 1 The hierarchy of a high, literary theatrical culture sitting atop the "paratheat rica l" devices of an illiterate populist theater was present as early as Mbengue's document on cultural policy in 1973. 2 3 Desai 1990. Desai focuses on "popular" as a term of functional discourse that defies any

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De centering Theatrical Heri tage | 87 rigid definition or categorization. 4 Fall 1984, and Kidd and Kumar 1981; Kidd and Byram 1982; Kerr 1995. 5 6 Diop, Mamadou 2012. D irector of the drama department at the Ecole Nationale des Arts Personal interview, Dakar, Senegal. 9 Decembe r (transcript in author's possession). 7 Mbengue Mocodou. 2012. Personal interview, Grand Thtre Dakar, Senegal. 27 June (transcript in author's possession). At the time, Mbengue was the artistic director for the theatrical program of the Grand Th tre which sought to distinguish itself from the Thtre Sorano through the international scope of its productions. 8 A situation first spurred on by prominent theatrical troupes like Daaray Kocc which produced filmed productions of theatrical works for television. Today this tradition is carried on by the popular sketches performed by troupes such as Sa Neex 9 Ndao Oumar. 2012. Personal interview, Dakar municipal building, Dakar, Senegal. 3 July (transc ript in author's possession). All English translations are my own. 10 Diol, Mouhamadou. 201 2 Personal interview, Dakar, Senegal. 3 December (transcript in author's possession). 11 Diol, Mouhamadou. 2013. Personal interview, Dakar, Senegal. 6 June (tran script in author's possession). 12 Ibid. 13 Jzquel 1996. 14 Mbaye 2006 15 Archives Nationales de Dakar 069(31), documents on the centres culturels These criteria included a focus on comedy, drama and folklore. As with today's Nawetaan events, troupes were expected to integrate each of these through discrete sections that would be linked together by a single through line or theme. Sow, 2004 provides an example of the judging criteria implemented today for thtre total 16 Ndao. 2012 interview, op. cit 17 Diol. 2012 interview, op cit 18 Ibid. 19 Founder of the Atelier Thtre Burkinab 20 www.theatreoftheoppressed.org keeps a running directory of troupes throughout the world, and helps promote several international forum theater festivals, including the one organized annually in Dakar by Kaddu Yaraax 21 Boal 1979; Brecht 1964. 22 Diop 1990. 23 Ibid., p. 21. 24 Ibid., p. 26. 25 S ee Fall 1984. Fall reflects the opinion of many of his fellow creators when he calls for a popul ar theater, but one that places prime importance on the written text of the play. 26 Diop 2012 interview, op.cit. 27 Boal 2002, p. 274.

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88 | Quinn References Boal, Augusto. 1979. Theater of the Oppressed New York: Urizen Books ___. 2002. "Forum Theater." In Phill ip Zarilli (ed.), Acting (re)considered: a Theoretical and Practical Guide (New York: Routledge): 268 76. Brecht, Bertolt. 1964. Brecht on Theatre: The Development of an Aesthetic London: Eyre Methuen. Desai, Gaurav. 1990. "Theater as Praxis: Discursive Practice i n African Popular Theater." African Studies Review 13.1: 65 92. Diop, Alioune Oumy. 1990. Le thtre traditionnel au Sngal Dakar: Nouvelles ditions africaines du Sngal. Ethiopiques 2.2 3: 37 38. Freire, Paulo, trans. Myra Bergman Ramos. 1970. Pedagogy of the Oppressed. New York: Seabury Press. Jzquel, Jean Herv. 1994. "Le 'thtre des instituteurs' en AOF (1930 1950): pratique socio culturelle et vecteur de crista llisation de nouvelles identits urbaines." In Odile Georg (ed.), Ftes Urbaines en Afrique: espaces, identits et pouvoirs (Karthala: Paris): 181 200. Kerr, David. 1995. African Popular Theater (Portsmouth: Heinemann). Chap 8. Kidd, Ross and Krishna Kuma r. 1981. "Co opting Freire: A Critical Analysis of Pseud Freirian Adult Education." Economic and Political Weekly. 16.1/2: 27 36. Kidd, Ross and Marcus Byram. 1982. "De mystifying Ps eudo Freirian Development: the C ase of Laedza Batanani." Community Develop ment Journal 17.2: 91 105. Ethiopiques 76. Mbengue, Mamadou Seyni. 1973. La Politique Culturelle au Sngal Paris: UNESCO. Sow, Papa Samba 2004."Thtre Nawetaan thtre des valuers." In Julius Effenberger (ed.), De L'Instinct Thtral: le thtre se ressource en Afrique (L'Harmattan: Paris): 45 66. Traor, Bakary. 1958. Le Thtre Ngro africain et Ses Fonctions Sociales Enqutes et tud es. Paris: Prsence Africaine.

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University of Florida Board of Trustees, a public corporation of the State of Florida; permission is hereby granted for individuals to download articles for their own personal use. Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Flori da. ISSN: 2152 2448 These Walls Belong to E T he Graffiti Art M ovement in Dakar L ESLIE W. RABINE Abstract: While the graffiti artists of Dakar acknowledge the influence of the U.S. hop hop movement, they also trace their beginnings to their own Set Setal ( be clean make clean ) youth movement of the 1980s. Graffiti artist Mad Zoo explains that young Senegalese we piss in the street a and when someone would ask them to have the right to make it dirt So [the participants of Set Setal ] decided to go and go and piss in fron r graffeur Big Key expresses the telling response: The only thing is, if [the walls] are for everybody, you ha graffiti artists pursue with passion their responsibility for the collective ownership of the public walls. They make graffiti art a force to cleanse and beautify the disintegrating spaces of their culturally rich but economically impoverished city. Aesthetic creativity, inspiration, technical ingenuity in the face of a dire lack of resources, and communal solidarity these are enduring values in Senegalese culture. The graffiti artists both preserve and transform these inherited values to make them serve a globalized, urban society in economic crisis. Introduction Pion eer Dakar graffiti artist Big Key (Thierno Moussa Sane, b. 1981) stretches his tall, muscular frame from the floor of the studio where he has been sitting. A windowless, ten by ten quite rectilinear concrete buildings, the studio opens on to the interior courtyard where women do cooking and laundry. The building is in one of the mazes of sandy lanes off the paved thoroughfare of the crowded Parcelles Assainies neighborhood. Like many young Dakarois men who rent such rooms Big Key has furnished it with a mattress, a TV and his used laptop. A single twenty watt bulb provides the only light. Piercing the gloom, his portraits, with their brilliantly colored, free swirling brush strokes, line the walls. I ask Big Key a see That teaches you a lot because with the experience of managing what you have, you can do better. In Europe, there are spray cans with several [tones of each gradation of tones you have to kn ow how to use the equipment. You take a

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90 | Rabine pathetic equipment. With few means, you have to have a lot of experience. 1 e Moumar Fall, b. 1987) expresses this deeply held value as an adage: 2 Creativity, inspiration, technical ingenuity in the face of a dire lack of resources t hese are enduri ng, values of Dakarois culture that tailors, auto mechanics, dyers, fabric designers, and young computer geeks have expressed to me during two decades of my research in Senegal. Pioneer graffeur Grafixx aka Afia (Omar Diop, b. 1985) talks about this val ue as it guides his daily life 3 Fortunately, we know that comfort can kill 4 But he also suggests how difficult it can be to ward off discouragement. Many graffeurs warn : enter graffiti, you may as well go do 5 But Grafixx as sacrificed more than others. A protge of the legendary rapper Matador since his teenage years in the low income banlieue of Thiaroye, Grafixx left hip hop arts center in 2006 He has worked as graffiti director for eight years without pay : example, materials 6 Grafixx joins the value of creative ingenuity to overcome lack of resources to another Senegalese value. He works within an ethos of communal soli darity. Docta (Amadou Lamine Ngom, b. 1975) hip hop networks : We are really socially conscious, supe r engaged by what goes on around us. Furthermore, our hip hop for the community; it this, it no longer has a 7 graffeurs start from and constantly return to this inherited foundation of aesthetic creativity, technical ingenuity in the face of need, and communal solidarity. Modernizing Inherited V alues of Senegalese C ulture How do the artists reshape these foundational value s and make them serve a globalized, urban society in economic crisis? To begin exploring this central question of the essay, we need to take into account a serendipitous accident of history that has enabled the mission. Graffiti has never had a n illegal status in Dakar. Every dictionary definition of 8 But in Dakar, no such distinction has ever existed. Anyone can openly do graffiti on a public wall. This unique advantage makes Senegal, according to Docta, guys [in other African countries] tell me, o h, Senegal is becoming the paradise of you to arrest you. On the contrary, they are going to appreciate what you are doing and say wow! ried on from the beginning until today 9 O fficials, businessmen and neighborhood people support the

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| 91 graffeurs They all see graffiti art as a force to cleanse and beautify the disintegrating spaces of their cultura lly rich but economically impoverished city. Expressing a vision of graffiti that might seem strange in the U.S., graffeur Triga (Youssoufa Tour, b. 1985) nothing more noble, noting that a public place is unsanitary and coming to make it 10 inherited values of their community. To explore the question of how they do this, it is helpful to first envision the urban environment in which the gr affeurs take up their historic task. graffeurs from wall to wall during one of their collective graffiti events. Festigraff and remains the influential prototyp e of such events. 11 Docta, who leads Festigraff through his organization Doxadem Squad, explains its original purpose. A proud hip hopper, he opposes the common conflation of hip hop with rap: When people talk about hip hop in Senegal, they are only talkin g about rap. Rap is not hip hop. Rap is a part of hip hop. And the other elements of hip hop are almost non existent. Why? Because there are no events which, properly speaking, showcase this whole [graffiti] form of It was necessary to have our own event. 12 For the highlight of the ten day event, the artists collectively perform mural painting on three successive walls. 13 At about 10:00 A.M on the first day of painting, young people begin converging at a seven foot concrete wall lining the paved thoroughfare of the HLM Neighborhood Between this wall and the wide busy thoroughfare, runs a well used athletic track as well as a ubiquitous landscape feature of Dakar. This latter consists of a wide stretch of sand, studded with weeds, strewn w ith rubbish and rutted with stagnant puddles. Fifteen to twenty young the artists. Awaiting the arrival of Docta, the graffeurs gather around the equipment th ey will use: a carton of the low quality spray paint cans, large cans of acrylic paint and gesso, pails, brushes, and rollers. Before the graffiti can happen, the apprentices cleanse the are a. Taking up shovels and wheel barrels, they begin to collect th e rubbish and fill in the pools of stagnant water. The most experienced artists begin to mix the gesso with which they will whitewash the walls before painting them. a nd preferring the term graffeurs Mad Zoo 14 At Festigraff sentence message intended to inspire the population to positive action. As a prac tice, it also either one word of the theme or a perso (character). When the graffeur s spread across the wall, those painting a word and those painting a perso will alternate with each other. Finally, the graffeurs can approach the wall and start to paint. The air itself seems to exude their intensity. The process seems magical as it co mbines this strong will to collectively influence the 15 As the day goes on, herds of runners thunder along the track, kicking up clouds of dust to the annoyance of the artists. Groups of children, sometimes led by their teacher, come to watch and, if they are lucky, paint a few brush strokes. Journalists, photographers, videographers and members of the Dakar art scene

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92 | Rabine comment and critique, make suggestions and lend each other a hand. At the end of the day, a palpable release follows the intensity of the work. On the second day, t income banlieues These outlying districts, lacking basic infrastructure, have taken on the edgy glamour of the hood since the advent of hip hop. A maze of paved streets and sandy roads, Guediawaye has no apparent plan. Therefore, the site is hard for outsiders to find and people are late. Gradually, the artists gather in front of the old Guediawaye soccer stadium. Its wall presents real challenges. About twelve feet high, it is extremely rough, pitt ed and in some places crumbling (see Figure 1 below). Here The third day, the artists paint what is in essence a private wall. This very long and curving retainer wall lines the property al ongside the Toll Highway that starts just outside Dakar at the entry to the banlieues, an d leads to the other cities of w estern Senegal. Although this wall is smooth and new, the wide field of sand and weeds between the wall and the four lane highway is s tudded with even larger pools of stagnant water and even more rubbish that the apprentices have to clean up. On this day, the young artist Mow announces their to the streams of traffic rushing by, the artists spend two days creating the most elaborate and beautiful work of the event. Beyond Festigraff and similar events, th e artists work alone or in crews, whenever they have the time and materials. They have claimed the right to paint public walls all over Dakar. As Big Key puts it: 16 But the question of

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| 93 how graffeurs seek, through answering this need, to preserve and transform inherited S enegalese values needs deeper exploration. This begins with their stories about the origins of graffiti in Senegal. A graffeur might tell different versions of the story depending upon which genera tion he belongs to. The graffiti artists divide themselves into two generations: the pioneers, born between 1975 and 1985, and the younger people born between 1986 and les grands frres les jeunes T he pioneers tell the story of discovering graffiti through the hip hop movement that came to them from the U.S. 17 covers. And during this time I had a friend who sold CDs of American rap. His older brother was in Italy and he made pirated copies of the CDs. He brought them here and sold 18 called Groove It even featured 50 Cent, and th with graffeu rs 19 affiti in 1998, but not completely covers, like Snoop Doggy Dogg. At the same time I saw a n Amer ican hip hop magazine called Radical It had a few pages where you could see some artists and their graffiti works. 20 Then Big Key joined Deep to form the crew Mizrables Grafff in 1999. Although graffeurs explicitly focus on the difficulties of their early lonely attempts, their story inadvertently reveals the striking acceptance of graffiti. Deep says 21 Likewise, Big Key says his 22 But the two pioneers were nonetheless doing graffiti in public and in daylight. Within a few months, moreover, they received affirmation. Big Key recounts that they were unable to afford paint and so were reduced to graffing with charcoal. We were co vering the wall of a hospital with graffiti in charcoal, and when d charcoal, it will wear away th rough rain an Later he gave us something to buy paint, because, as he said, with paint, that will be something with a guarantee tha He gave us 10,000 francs CFA [$20]. irst sale. So we began graffiti. It w as les jeunes Traor, b. 1989), who learned graffiti under the pected. When he tells me that a French soldier has given him a room to use as a studio in the French s me there graffeur taggeur 23 This Dakarois acceptance of graffiti turns on its head the meaning that graffiti writers of U.S. and European cities invested in the practice. Nancy MacDonald insightfully func the threat, danger, challenge or test and the fame, respect and masculinity that writers earn 24 The writer Col tells her that legal graffiti would have

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94 | Rabine no appeal 25 The Senegalese graffeurs different reality. For ex ample i n France, or in t a graffeur but not necessarily all of them m graffeur Here in Senegal, you note that graffeurs have a certain sense of duty. They feel in It really accords with the very beginning of our history of graffiti. 26 Mad Zoo traces Senegalese graffiti to a different beginning than that of the pioneers who personally experienced its introduction from the U.S. In this version: typically Senegalese system of thought. What pushed people to go to the walls for the f irst was that they had found a possible solution to [an] The point of departu was the Set Setal movemen 27 clean Set Setal was a short lived but historically significant youth movement in the 1980s. Young people took it upon themselves to clean up their dirty city and to inspire the population to do likewise through mural s and other forms of public art. Although many murals depicted themes of cleanliness and public health, young participants initiated the now famous public murals of local legendary Muslim religious leaders. 28 Mad Zoo recounts: Here in Senegal you see that religious personalities have a really huge influence on the population. At a certain moment, we had a real problem d piss in the street and throw garbage all over and when someone would ask them to explain themselves, they guide being like an exemplary person. So [the participants of Set Setal ] decided t o go and represent religious personalities on the walls and people It was after this aha! moment that we saw the first generation of graffeurs here, through the Big Keys, th e Doctas and others. 29 the period of intense urbanization in Africa, when millions of people moved away from the communal solidarity of their villages. Big Key expresses the telling response to this phrase: 30 He repeats this refrain in the course of an impassioned or everybody, you hav e and the reason is that sometimes people soil them, piss, throw garbage. And when the graffeur comes, he cleans, he creates a nice design, and he talks with Big Key is speaking with great intensity to me and other people in the formal salon off class extended family home, the salon is filled with overstuffed couches and chai rs hand made by local carpenters. Lace curtains cover the windows. One approaches the house by going behind some buildings on one of the apparently leading nowhere paved roads of Guediawaye and crossing a large sandy field. We have just returned from the Guediawaye Bus Terminal, at the intersection of two wide and curving roads. Big Key has filled the long concrete wall of the terminal with a giant white, orange (Figure s 2 and 3 below). As Big Key works

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| 95 intently, busses and the gar bage truck rumble past, horse drawn carts trundle by, sheep peck at the refuse lining the foot of the wall, pedestrians offer comments, and people sitting on mats under the bus terminal pavilion watch with amusement. Analyzing his adventure later that day in communal responsibility. He firmly hopes that his striking graff will attract them to heed its message of civic minded communalism because we make the walls talk oing a formal festival or a spontaneous solo, the graffeurs see their mission as reshaping the old collective ethos for a people, and at the same time explain and let them know what discipline is. You understand? Constructing I dentities through G raffiti Drawing their ardent attac hment to graffiti from other sources than the thrill of dangerous illegality, the Dakar graffeurs also construct social identities differently than the Western writers of the 1990s. MacDonald llegal graffiti writers position themselves as [T]hey use the the solidity of their 31 By contrast, the Dakar artists form their social identity through connection to the population. They see themselves as taking a leadership role. Mad Zoo comment everything that goes on here, the artist should be the guiding pole for his young people, for h In these troubled an a rtist owes it to himself to be a 32 community, because Docta 33 Many artists see their community as the economically impoverished neighborhood they come from. Atibou Doxadem the neighborhood, because we carry the neighborhood in our heart, and I mean forever. So 34

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96 | Rabine Docta remains attached to the neighborhood La Mdina est neighborhoods, under French colonial rule Low ramshackle buildings, built for extended families, line the grid of narrow paved streets. Although Docta has a house in the tonier neighborhood of Point E he lives in his Mdina His tiny windowless room, at the furthest corner of the large courtyard, has just enough space to hold his single bed and a pile of suitcases. Ove r the bed, Docta has draped a canopy in a way that gives the tiny space a magical, fantasy quality. Sitting cross legged on his bed at our first interview, Docta explains his hopper, as they say. What have I brought to the Mdina 35 Like Big Key, Docta expresses the identity of a youthful generation born into globalization and engaged i n modernizing inherited values: that place witho ut asking my right from anyone. I brighten up the environment to make it more livable, more beautiful to see, even beautiful to sit beside and The Mdinois appreciate it. People What I learned in this neighborhood, I bring back to this neighborhood solidarity, citizenship, commitment. A later interview with Docta performs communal values. Six people are sitting on hard rs shadowed in mysterious

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| 97 alcoves. Present are my husband, my friend the photographer Malika Diagana, Atibou and also educating them. Even more people are present at my interviews with Mad Zoo. He lives in a room H e has hung his paintings representing Sufi Islam themes. He has also adorned his walls with a genealogy of Muslim prophets and posters of the graffeurs can heroes: Martin Luther King, Malcolm X, and Rosa Parks, along with KRS Hip Hop Declaration of Peace The room is filled with people h is brother and the graffeurs Mow, Triga, Beaugraff and Chimere. Malika has also come. The young men seated on t he mattress are sketching in their black books, listening to their iPods, and watching a soccer match on TV. Yet at one point in this interview, Mad Zoo does confide a negative aspect of African communalism: Mo thought that I w 36 But he Mad Zoo, like Big Key, analyzes the Senegalese identity through reference to the transnational graffiti ne tworks: An exchange can take place only on condition that you know in the first place what you really difference between what you have a them, because they hold firm in spite of a system that oppresses them. The Senegalese graffeur cannot respect, of ethics. As a graffeur property, because my very sense of Senegalese et Mad Zoo raises here yet another way in which the Dakar graffeurs have transformed Western graffiti and its process of identity construction. For the young pioneers in the U.S. and Europe, graffiti, 37 Although the Dakar graffeurs may begin their careers by tagging everywhere Docta, Docta, Docta who does that serve What interests us is that we can talk to the population, that we can touch with our finger what the population is 38 Although the artists do strive to make a name for themselves many argue that the es sence of graffiti lies elsewhere Docta does so in terms that combine the social with the message, graffiti can fulfill its social mission, according to Docta, only as expression tran unites the responsibility to educate the people and the creation of beauty as inseparable elements of a single practice and mission:

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98 | Rabine So this graffiti coming from Senegal has an Organization and Ethical Issues of the Dakar Graffiti M ovement Given their mission to enhance the collective responsibility of the population, the graffiti artists also see the need for the same mission among themselves. They have not found it easy to develop a code of behavior, nor to live it faithfully day to day. But over time, they have developed a discourse and organizations that attempt to avoid egotistic rivalries. The graffeurs can organize themselves toward this goal bec ause they are few in number. Senegal, according to Hip Hop Africa has one of the strongest international reputations for hip hop among African countries. 39 But while Dakar rappers number in the thousands, graffiti artists number in the dozens. The accompl 40 Before the artist Mbautta (Moussa Kane) joined the Dakar scene, he could identify the best graffeurs in Senegal who have a name, I w 41 Graffiti art, as Docta says demands, 42 Les jeunes black books see a super terrible rapper but with a beat constructed to mask his weakness . Graffiti is free style 43 Through their artistic reputations and leadership abilities, Docta and Mad Zoo exercise influence in determining who has attained the level to qualify as an accomplished artist, and as Docta says, at Festigraff. Having created Doxad em as a small crew in the 1990s, Docta grew it into a force for organizing the graffiti movement. In 2010, Doxadem was able to mount the ambitious Festigraff and then to make it an annual event. T he fourth annual Festigraff in 2013, announced as its obj techniques and to communicate a passion and convictions to a new African generation of graffeurs 44 Docta has the charisma to gain financing for this and other events. He and Atibou negotiate sponsorships with the Minister of Culture, the few large businesses, like the Senegalese telecommunications company, and cultural institutes of dominant countries, mainly France, but also the U.S. This financing serves an array of events. Before the four days of mural painting described above, the artists exhibit their paintings on canvas or paper at the French Cultural Center in the old colonial downtown of Dakar. Then, during three days of workshops, guest artists from Switzerland, Germany and Togo instruct children, adolescents and finally, the accomplished graffeurs themselves. les jeunes Doxadem Squad, some of the most highly regarded young artists have begun their own organization. Mow explains: ng the festivals, there was this feeling for doing 45 In 2012, Mow and Mad Zoo formed the RBS Crew. By the end of 2013, RBS, grown to nine members, has become in its schedule o f intensive jobs 46 RBS exercises influence in deciding which graffeurs have a ttained a high artistic level. It does so through the reputation

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| 99 of its members, its collective murals all over the city, and its power to invit e new members. RBS continues to enjoy harmonious relations with Docta and other pioneers. Beyond Doxadem RBS and other crews, the graffeurs are enmeshed in the networks of hop movement. As members of rap crews, they perform the visual what they call the f orms of the hip hop arts, without which rap cannot flourish. They tag for their concerts. So much does a rap crew need a good graffiti ar crew Attentrap in the isolated, remote banlieue of Yeumbeul, took steps to transform the local artist Mbautta, who had decorated their studio walls, into a talented graffeur Atibou ay cans. Then we said to Mbautta, go out there and write something about Attentrap So he threw it up, and you realize the 47 graffeur. 48 When the Yembeul artist turned graffeur came to Dakar for his first Festigraff in 2013, he chose to apprentice with the much younger third day, the leader s deemed that Mbautta way does the graffiti movement determine artistic quality and push its members to raise the aesthetic level. In their struggle against egotistic rivalries, the Dakar graffeurs have tr ansformed to fit 49 needs to claim to be the best. We are all expressing ou waste of time to devote ourselves to a real competition. Positivity remains the essence of our 50 Docta deploys this disc ourse as he talks about Festigraff : a wall with many graffeurs and I see someo I go and as k him tell to ask my 51 Among the graffeurs Mow has an innately non competitive spirit. Mad Zoo says that he originally fo personali with regard to a certain kind of behavior in our milieu into competition with others. 52 Among t he pioneers, Big Key also has an innate inability to be competitive, and has not taken a public leadership role. But he quietly exercises his immense gift as a mentor. Mad Zoo me in graffiti was Big He wanted to support me on this path and I have become a graffeur in his image. RESPECT BRO He repeated to me all th 53 Diablos also encouraged me. He said that I must not stay where I was, that I had to think much more 54 So much does Diablos four, he was the only graffeur at the 2013 Festigraff who consta ntly mentored two apprent ices. He did this, 55 Big Key continues behind the scenes to mentor yet a younger generation.

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100 | Rabine Masculinity and G ender I dentity If the London writers celebrate their fierce competition, while the Dakar graffeurs struggle to tr ansform this urge, in each culture the artists construct identity through graffiti. And in each graffiti scene, identity is decidedly masculine. 56 Yet here too, the artists construct different masculine identities as their specific gender system determines According to MacDonald, in London and New York of the 1990s, a militaristic discourse transforms the 57 If one admits that women are equally capable of performi he male writer has everything to 58 used to nourish, amplify and salvage 59 The Senegalese graffeurs do not define graffiti as exclusively masculine or attempt to exclude women. Rather they simply assume a masculine voice, a masculine audience and a masculine membersh ip. There is only one woman graffeur Zeinixx (Dieynaba Sidibe, b. 1990) in the Dakar movement. 60 i nixx is a university student in business management and an accomplished slammer. In RBS, she says, only boys. But in any event, I belong to the biggest graffiti collective in Senegal, Doxadem 61 When graffeurs such as Mad Zoo can be universal when so few women participate, they off er several answers. 62 Most of these relieve them from responsibility for gender inequality The most common response blames the Senegalese family. Mad Zoo explains: Many parents want to see their children and they see those young people with a certai That shocks the parents. Boys lay claim to their position much more aggressively. Girls So the parents lack understanding vis vis their [daughters] with res pect to hip hop because i n its es sence hip hop has More proactive, Docta and Atibou express the wish for more women in the movement, and say that they are actively trying to recruit women through Doxa dem Squad. In fact, large numbers of girls and young women do participate in their workshops, financed by the French and US institutions legally required to give lip service to gender non discrimination But when these female participants come of age, wi ll they have the collective courage to graff on walls in public? Ironically, where the clandestine night time forays of London graffiti functioned as an excuse to exclude British women, the highly public Dakar graffiti events work to exclude Senegalese wo men. Although the graffeurs welcome Zeinixx and 63 If Docta and Atibou give more thought to gender inequality than their peers, they must also deal more directly with neo colonial inequality in seeking financing for Festigraff and other events from European and U.S. sponsors. This need for foreign sponsorships creates a contradiction.

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| 101 Economic Poverty and A rtistic W ealth Grafixx, Mow, and Diablos 64 Mad Zoo elaborates: This has become respect to school itself, to a system of education which is not anchored in our African e education system 65 Yet in order to created these liberating deforming styles the graffeurs have to depend on neo colon ial sponsors. A t the fourth annual Festigraff they f ind th is sponsorship capricious and controlling. Resentment about the high handed treatment of the Festival from the French sponsor and the paltry payment the graffeurs receive are muted undertones. T h e European guest of honor at the 2013 Festigraff however, openly expresses dismay. Mode 2, born in Mauritius and raised in France, lives in Germany. Angered about the treatment meted out by both Senegalese and foreign official sponsors, h e says that they did not deliver on promises, nor were funds available when needed. 66 He himself has brought materials, acrylics and good quality European brushes worth much more than the money the Minister of Culture donated. Thus Mode 2 was prepared to find the in famous lack of 67 impr Senegalese graffeurs the Europeans, he says, are spoiled. By contrast, the young Dakarois graffeurs know how to manage the immediacy of real life. Mode 2 asks: Where do w e strike the balance? He sees that it is our duty to find the missing links between th e resources available in Europe and the consciousness of the Senegalese artists. This lack of resources, we have seen, stimulates the graffeurs to encourage each other t o higher levels of aesthetic creativity 68 When the leaders assess the artistic level of aspiring graffeurs they have to evaluate beauty according to the internationally accepted canons of graffiti art that the U.S. writers established in the 1980s. As in many art forms think of jazz or Petrarchan sonnets the challenge of working within strict codes, and at a certain level of mastery playing with them, inspires artists to infinite creativity and originality. Among the many graffiti styles, most artists pla y upon variations of wild style, semi wild style, three D, and bubble style. 69 Wild style, with its hyper deformed, intertwined letters is the most difficult to write and to read (see Figures 4 and 5 below)

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102 | Rabine

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| 103 Diablos and Mad Zoo are well known for their creative mastery of wild style. Like the pioneer New York masters of the form, Diablos and Mad Zoo make the word as a whole the unit of expression, but with a culturally different cast. 70 The New York artists wrote their names repeatedly. But when the Dak ar graffeurs His basic structure, although cons tantly evolving, has an elegant shape that stands out distinctly from its surrounding negative space. At the 2013 Festigraff Diablos experiments with a tension between a vertical, angular center and flowing billows (see Figure 6 below) The billowing cu rvaceous stokes surging through and around the energetic vertical and oblique lines seem to symbolize the marriage between expression of collective social engagement and individual artistic liberty.

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104 | Rabine 71 He combines elements of Chinese calligraphy, Arabic script and sharply angled Fraktur style typeface in his ultr a fluid wild style (see Figure 7 above) He says: he makes form and function coincide: What people take for is only a manipulation what divides us: stories of race, stories of Mad Zoo elaborates the notion that difficu lty inspires one to great attainment while through a writing style that encourage ever take the time to decode it. constitutes the v In addition to mastering styles that aesthetically deform letters, another criterion for beauty concerns the famous lack of resources. The artists call upon their ingenuity to master the use of make shift tools. In Claudia Wa around the world, aple 76 ( Grenoble, France ) and Casper ( Osaka, Japan ) say that what they like about graffiti is that all you need is a wall and a spray can. 72 But for the Senegalese, even the poor quality spray pain t is too costly. They must use brushes and rollers with acrylic paint for much of their work. Mode 2 also finds dismaying the poor quality of the paints and brushes available in Dakar. These are manufactured in China purposefully for export to Africa. W hen I ask Diablos about the brushes, he says that he has to cut the bristles in order to be able to use them. So knowing how to cut the brushes, and then how to achieve effects with them, are hard won skills in themselves. But one of the most difficult s kills does require the use of the precious aerosol paint. An accomplished artist has to be able to write the outlines of the giant letters free form and, says can, you must make one 73 Often not knowing in advance what word he will write, a graffeur must write the complex deformed letters with an unhesitatingly free and sure sense of space and proportion. Once an artist creates the word, he may supervise appr entices in filling in the letters with a brush. Thus the first thing an apprentice learns, when he f inally advances from his sketch book to the wall, is how to use the poor quality brushes. The artists again use the precious aerosol paint for the decorativ e flourishes, spatters, star bursts and splashes in the graffiti code. Here too, they must exercise ingenuity in the face of economic scarcity. Where the Western writers use specialty fat caps and thin caps on their spray cans, the Dakar graffeurs must master the same effects using just the one standard issue tip of their low quality spray cans. In addition to mastering all these technical difficulties, a graffeur can advance to the charmed circle only when he has achieved an original, distinctively in dividual style of lettering within the graffiti code. : must develop individually, After the 2013 Festigraff Docta, like the young graffeurs graffeurs

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| 105 The graffeurs intens ely perform this dialectic between the collective message and individual artistic freedom during the Festigraff mural paintings. The performance itself has to be visible in the graff. As Docta maintains, the marriage between social engagement and high art istic quality happens only when one can clearly read both the social message and sign with a familiar meaning and the pure trace of the graceful, energetic body mo vement that wrote it. 74 Mad Zoo and Diablos are known for expressing artistic liberty through their physical performance of writing as well as through their w ild style visual products. Hip hoppers have written about dance as graffiti and graffiti as dance. 75 Mad Zoo and Diablos make their graffiti into a kind of choreography. Mad Zoo walks up to his wall. He has often alluded to his fight to transform his violence and 76 hop rose up at a certain moment like the first rampart in this struggle against criminality in the In my case, graff helped without it, 77 Now at Festigraff he takes his brush and forcefull y swings his whole body in gigantic, rapid sweeps. Twisting his body from right to extreme left, he ends with abrupt flourishes, leaving in his wake fiery swashes of magenta and red (see Figure 8 below) At the same time, Diablos approaches his wall. He too engages a struggle against internal demons. He prevails over speech defects, a lack of formal education and a health so fragile that his skinny body seems to disappear under his baggies. All his eloquence goes into his art. He takes up a spray can, bends low in the wide stance of a skater or martial artist, puts all his weight on his left leg and extends his right. Then he smoothly, rapidly and gracefully shifts his weight to his right and leaves in his wake in a long, sinuous stroke with no breaks in the thin, fine line (see Figure 9 below)

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106 | Rabine

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| 107 Conclusion graffeurs will perform the thrill of reminding the populati on that, in the the collective ownership of the walls, the artists have become the intermediaries of inherited foundational Senegalese values. They have charged them selves with rebirthing these into a new society where unplanned urban sprawl and economic crisis have threatened their wellbeing. The graffeurs paint the walls all over the city, so that, in a very meaningful way, the walls, the city itself, do belong to t hem as the custodians of a common heritage they seek to modernize. They have given themselves the task, at once a burden and an inspiring privilege, of enlarging those values beyond the old confines of family and village, to embrace the entire sprawling ci ty. Notes 1 Sane (Big Key) 2012, personal interview, 22 June. All personal interviews quoted in this paper were conducted in Dakar, Senegal, by the author. Quotations from interviews, conversations, emails and Facebook are translated from French into English by the author. When the person quoted uses an English word, it is italicized. The first instance of an interview will be footnoted, and then not noted again unless quotation s from other people or sources intervene 2 Fall 2013, Facebook post, 8 June https://www.facebook.com/madzoo.fall Caps and the five point ellipsis in the original. 3 graffiti graffeurs 4 Diop (Grafixx) 2013, personal interview, 25 April. 5 Beaugraff, qtd. i n Drame 2013, 11 June. 6 Diop (Grafixx) 2013, personal interview, 29 April. In July, 2013, Grafixx left Africulturban for a payi children. (Diop 2013, personal Facebook message to the author, 23 July). 7 Ngom (Docta) 2012, personal interview, 29 June. 8 On the outlaw status of graffiti art in cities around the world see Atlanta and Alexander 1988, p. 159; Cooper and Chalfant 1984; Edlin 2011; Klopper 2003; Mansbach 2006, p. 92; Savelli et al. 2007. For the tension between legal and illegal graffiti, see Gastman and Neelon 2010, pp. 126 31; Grody 2006, pp. 257 281; Schacter 2013, p. 9; Tucker 2013. 9 Ngom (Docta) 2013, personal interview, 24 April. 10 Triga, qtd. i n Drame 2013. 11 Centre de Documentation 2013. 12 Ngom (Docta) 2013, personal interview, 24 April. 13 For panoramic photographs of the three murals, see Rabine 2013a, 14 May. http://www.leslierabine.net/senegal arts project gallery/dakar graffiti festival festigraff/ 14 Fall (Mad Zoo) 2013, personal interview, 16 Sept ember 15 Ngom (Docta) 2013, personal interview, 24 April. 16 Sane (Big Key) 2013, personal interview, 16 Sept ember 17 For the entrance of graffiti in other African countries see Ariefdien and Abrahams 2006; Klopper 2003, p. 224; and Perry 2012.

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108 | Rabine 18 Diop (Grafixx) 2013, personal interview 25 April. 19 Souare (Mow) 2013, personal interview, 27 April. 20 Sane (Big Key) 2012, personal interview, 22 June. 21 Diba (Deep) 2012, personal interview, 26 June. 22 Sane (Big Key) 2012, personal interview, 22 June. 23 Traor (Diablos) 2012, personal interview, 24 June. 24 MacDonald 2001, p. 128. 25 Col quoted in i bid, p. 128. 26 Fall (Mad Zoo) 2013, personal interview, 16 Sept ember 27 Diouf 1992. 28 On murals of Senegalese Muslim religious leaders, see Roberts et al 2003. 29 Fall (Mad Zoo) 2013, personal interview, 16 Sept ember 30 Sane (Big Key) 2013, personal interview, 16 Sept ember. 31 MacDonald 2001, p. 153. 32 Fall (Mad Zoo) 2013 personal interview, 24 April. 33 Ngom (Docta) 2012, personal interview, 29 June. 34 Diallo 2013, personal interview, 25 April. 35 Ngom (Docta) 2012, personal interview, 29 June. 36 Fall (Mad Zoo) 2013, personal interview, 16 Sept ember 37 Atlanta and Alexander 1988, pp. 164 1 67; see also Ganz 2006, p. 10. 38 Ngom (Docta) 2013, personal interview, 24 April. 39 Charry 2012, p. ix. 40 y. See also Drame, 2012. 41 Kane (Mbautta) 2013, personal interview, 2 May. 42 Ngom (Docta) 2013, personal interview, 24 April. 43 Fall (Mad Zoo) 2013, personal interview, 16 Sept ember 44 Centre de Documentation 2013. 45 Souare (Mow) 2013, personal interview, 27 April. 46 Traor (Diablos) 2013, personal interview, 15 Sept ember 47 Diallo 2013, personal interview, 25 April. 48 Kane (Mbautta) 2013, personal interview, 2 May. 49 MacDonald 2001, p. 78, and graffiti writer Acridqtd. in Ibid, p. 105. 50 Fall (Mad Zoo) 2013, personal interview, 16 Sept ember For this kind of collaborative spirit among Los Angeles crews, see Grody 2006, pp. 219 22. 51 Ngom (Docta) 2013, personal interview, 24 April. 52 Fall (Mad Zoo) 2013, personal i nterview, 16 Sept ember 53 Fall (Mad Zoo) 2013. Personal interview of April 24, written transcript edited by Fall, caps font in edited transcript. 2 July. 54 Traor (Diablos) 2012, personal interview, 24 June. Big Key also initiated me into graffi ti art, and mentored me with just as much heartfelt encouragement, though with much less success, than in the case of Mad Zoo and Diablos. 55 Traor (Diablos) 2013, personal communication, 18 April. 56 This section will be brief, since I have written a t length about gender and masculinity in the Dakar youth arts movement in another essay. See Rabine 2013b.

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| 109 57 MacDonald 2001, pp. 122 23. 58 Messerschmidt, 1993, p. 32, qtd.in MacDonald 2001, p. 142. 59 MacDonald 2001, pp. 143, 149. 60 In the firs t generation of Senegalese hip hop, the few women rappers quickly went on to concentrate on other genres of music. In this younger generation, the only well known woman rapper is the dynamic Toussa Senerap. Her crew Gotal includes the multi talente d Ndaye Fatou Ina Thiam as beat maker. Ina is also a videographer and photographer, and works at Africulturban. 61 Sidibe (Zeinixx) 2013, personal interview, 29 April. 62 Fall (Mad Zoo), personal interview, 2013. 24 April. Other graffeurs have made similar comments. 63 Sidibe (Zeinixx) 2013, personal interview, 29 April. 64 Diop (Grafixx) 2013, 25 April; Souare (Mow) 2013, 27 April, Traor (Diablos) 2013, 15 Sept ember per sonal interviews. 65 Fall (Mad Zoo) 2013, personal interview, 16 Sept ember In his essay on graffiti in Dakar, called classical culture, always centered around re 66 Mode 2 2013, group interview, 15 April. Mode 2 did his interviews in English. They the interviews. 67 Mode 2 2013, personal interview, 18 April. In terview not recorded and material taken 68 Veterans and historians of early graffiti in New York and Los Angeles point out that traditio ns, the paucity of user friendly materials and adversity of the entire endeavor London, it became a product of the predominantly White, Middle Class suburban yo 69 Atlan ta and Alexander 1988, pp. 157 58; MacDonald 2001, pp. 82, 185; Walde 2011, p. 7 70 Walde 2011. 71 Fall (Mad Zoo), personal interview, 2013. 24 April. 72 Walde 2011, pp. 20 and 48. 73 Ngom (Docta) 2013, personal inter view, 24 April. 74 On the relation between writing as sign and writing as trace, see Derrida 1978, pp. 11,199. 75 Mode 2 2013; Pabon 2006 76 Fall (Mad Zoo) 2013, personal interview, 16 September 77 Fall (Mad Zoo), personal interview, 2013. 24 April. References Hop Arts in Total Chaos: the Art and Aesthetics of Hip Hop (New York: Basic Civitas Books): 263 70.

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110 | Rabine Zoot Suits and Second Hand Dresses: An Anthology of Fashion and Music (Boston: Unwin Hyman): 156 68. murs sur nos murs. Qude citoyenne t et culture urbaine Dakar (1990 2000). In Mamadou Diouf and Rosalind Fredericks (eds.), Les arts de la citoyennet au Sngal: Espaces contests et civilit urbaines (Paris: Karthala): 357 75. Centre de Documentation en Hiphop et Culture Urbaine. 201 https://www.facebook.com/pages/CENTRE DE DOCUMENTAT ION EN HIPHOP ET CULTURE URBAINE/128719713901310?ref=stream Hip Hop Africa: New African Music in a Globalizing World (Bloomington: Univ. of Indiana Press): ix x. Cooper, Martha, and Henry Chalfant. 198 4. Subway Art New York: Holt. Derrida, Jacques. 1978. Writing and Difference trans. Alan Bass. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press. set/setal Politique africaine 46: 41 54. Dra Facebook album, 14 December. https://www.facebook.com/djibril.drame/media_set?set=a .3116761159688.2157971.128425536 6&type=3 Peuplesngalais.net 7 June. http://peuplesenegalais.net/index.php/c omponent/k2/item/1157 triga artiste graffeur --il n%E2%80%99y a rien de plus noble constat%C3%A9 qu%E2%80%99un lieu public est insalubre et venir le rendre salubre n et Peuplesngalais.net 11 June. http://peuplesenegalais.net/index.php/sante/item/1163 beau graff artiste graffeur qu%E2%80%99ils sachent que cet art est urbain et que si c%E2%80%99est l%E2%80%99argent qui te pousse %C3%A0 y entrer Graffiti 365 New York: Abrams. Fall, SerigneMoumar (Mad Zoo). 2013. Facebook page, June 8. https:/ /www.facebook.com/madzoo.fall?fref=ts Ganz, Nicholas. 2006. Graffiti Women: Street Art from Five Continents New York: Abrams. Gastman, Roger, and Caleb Neelon. 2011. The History of American Graffiti New York: Harper. Grody, Steve. 2006. Graffiti L.A .: Street Styles and Art New York: Abrams. David Chidester, et al. (eds.), What Holds Us Together: Social Cohesion in South Africa (Ca pe Town: HSRC Press): 224 41.

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| 111 MacDonald, Nancy. 2001. The Graffiti Subculture: Youth, Masculinity and Identity in London and New York New York: MacMillan. Total Chaos: the Art and Aesthetics of H ip Hop (New York: Basic Civitas Books): 92 101. Messerschmidt, James W. 1993. Masculinities and Crime: Critique and Reconceptualization of Theory Lanham, Md.: Rowman& Littlefield. Mode2 Official Website http://www.mode2.org/about POPMASTER FABEL Chang (ed.), Total Chaos: the Art and Aesthetics of Hip Hop (New York: Basic Civitas Books): 18 26. Paul, Andrew. 2013. London Graffiti, Volume I ebook. Global Black Self Fashionings: Hip Hop as Diasporic Space. In Murray Forman and Mark Anthony Neal (eds.), op Studies Reader 2 nd ed. (New York: Routledge), 294 314. and Writing. 14 May. http://www.leslierabine.net/senegal arts project gallery/dakar graffiti festival festigraff/ Mamadou Diouf and Rosalind Fredericks (eds.) Les arts de la citoyennet au Sngal: Espaces contests et civilit urbaines (Paris: Karthala): 291 325. Roberts, Allen F., Mary Nooter Roberts, GassiaAmenian, Ousmane Guye. 2003. A Saint in the City : Sufi Arts of Urban Senegal Los Angeles: UCLA Fo wler Museum of Cultural History. Sa velli, Lou, et al. 2007. Pocketguide to Graffiti Flushing, NY: Looseleaf Law Publications. Schacter, Rafael. 2013. The World Atlas of Street Art and Graffiti New Haven: Yale Univ. Press. San Francisco Chronicle 16 December: A1, 9, Walde, Claudia. 2011. Graffiti Alphabets: Street Fonts from Around the World New York: Thames and Hudson. Interviews: Interviews were conducted in French, by the author, in Dakar, Senegal. All transcripts are in Diallo, Atibou, 2013. 17 April; 25 April. Diba, Mame Mor (Deep), 2 012. 26 June. Diop, Omar (Grafixx), 2013. 25 April; 29 April.

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112 | Rabine Fall, SerigneM oumar (Mad Zoo), 2013. 24 April, 16 Sept ember Kane, Moussa (Mbautta), 2013. 2 May. Mode 2, 2013. 15 April; 18 April. Ngom, Amadou Lamine (Docta), 2012; 29 June. Ngom, Amado u Lamine (Docta), 2013. 24 April. Sane, Thierno Mou ssa (Big Key), 2012. 22 June. 2013, 16 Sept ember Sidibe, Dieynaba (Zeinixx), 2013. 29 April. Souare, MouhamedMoustafa (Mow 504), 2013. 27 April. Traor, Maguette (Diablos), 2012. 24 June. 2013, 15 S ept ember

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African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14 Issue 3 | March 201 4 http://www.africa.ufl.edu /asq/pdfs/v14i3a7.pdf University of Florida Board of Trustees, a public corporation of the State of Florida; permission is hereby granted for ind ividuals to download articles for their own personal use. Published by the Center for African Studies, Univer sity of Florida. ISSN: 2152 2448 BOOK REVIEWS Large Scale Colonial Era Dams in Southern Africa Allen Isaacman and Barbara Isaacman. 2013. Dams, Displacement, and the Delusion of Development: Cahora Bassa and Its Legacies in Mozambique, 1965 2007 Athens, OH: Ohio University Press. but rather have caused serious social and ecological damage in different parts of the world. Nonetheless, after some 50,000 large dams were built in the name of modernization in the previous century, the dam euphoria continues to haunt the twenty first century. 1 Allen and Barbara Isaacman oppose this trend with a piece of critically engaged research, offering ly ) development project. The authors aim to recover the silenced voices of those who had to pay for assive disturbances in their livelihoods. This piece of encompassed archival research in Mozambique and Portugal and, especially, an impressive feat of oral histor y. The study rests on over 300 interviews, the bulk of which were conducted by the f of the twentieth century was none too glorious in the first place, the case of Cahora Bassa is particularly extreme, the Introduction explains. Built in the early 1970s during the final years of Portuguese rule and against the backdrop of increasing secu rity problems and economic stimulating economic activity, including within the Zambezi valley, as planners had originally neighbor and ally, apartheid South Africa. The project attracted harsh criticism from Frelimo ( Frente de Libertao de Moambiqu e) and other anti colonial groups. After independence in 1975, however, it was easily frustratingly easily accommodated in the postcolonial socialist and later neoliberal agendas. uma for Zambezi valley there are strong links between the colonial past and the postcolonial p. 6) p resent. While the monograph focuses on th e period from the 1960s to 2007, the authors also sketch the long history of planning rhetoric centered on the Zambezi. While similar tropes the sixteenth century, l ocal representations were radically different (Chapter 2). Valley residents predominantly depicted the pre dam Zambezi as a source of life, although many also referred env

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114 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf socio chapter examines the building of the dam, highlighting the many aspects of coercion and exploitation that it involved. The authors also draw out the strictly hierarchical and racialized labor process, whereby remuneration, work types and general treatment differed immensely Whil scale dam projects, the displacements for Cahora Bassa were particularly violent (Chapter 4). As part of a larger counterinsurgency strategy, men and women were herded into barbed wire encampment s ( aldeamentos ), where they came under constant surveillance and suffered from hunger and disease. Moreover, the valley became a site of combat for Frelimo guerillas, colonial forces and later Renamo ( Resistncia Nacional Moambicana ) fighters trying to destabilize the area after radically altered flood regime upset the complex social ecological organization of riparian communities, disrupting fa health, social institutions, and cultural repertoires. The sixth chapter explains how Cahora a nd, in terms of revenue, Portugal. It was only in 2007 that Mozambique was finally able to acquire main ownership of the installation. Despite this recent achievement in terms of optimistic. As current plans to build a second dam further down the Zambezi at Mphanda Nkuwa demonstrate, there are disillusioning parallels between the colonial and postcolonial e of the rural poor and the river ecology. The authors achieve thier intention of bringing the perspectives of those who Cahora Bassa marginalized to the fore through rigorous research, careful analysis, and convincing arguments. limitation. While readers learn much about the suffering of the affected communities, dam nostalgia, the approa ch to higher level stakeholders or intermediaries is rather broad brush by comparison. Without wanting to suggest any form of whitewashing, I would argue that it is the t ims, affected peasants trying to wrest some benefits from the project that help to explain why the idea of development still holds such power. Regardless of this, the book is exceptional in the way in which it brings out local perspectives and overcomes archival silences. Equally analysis. The monograph is bound to become a cla ssic in the literature on dams and large scale development schemes and deserves a wide readership, including beyond academic circles. Notes: A German version of this review appears in H Soz u Kult (Copyright (c) 2014 by H Net, Clio online, geschichte.tran snational and the author, all rights reserved. This work may be copied and

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BOOK REVIEWS | 115 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf redistributed for non commercial, educational purposes, if permission is granted by the author and usage right holders. For permission please contact geschichte.transnational@uni leipzig.de or h soz u kult@h net.msu.edu ." 1 http://www.internationalrivers.org/problems with big dams Julia Tischler, Humboldt University in Berlin, Germany Julia Tischler. 2013. Light and Power for a Multiracial Nation The Kariba Dam Scheme in the Central African Federation Cambridge Imperial and Post Colonial Studies Series. Houndsmills, Basinstroke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan. 336 pp. Th e dam revolution, which dates back to the completion of the Hoover hydroelectric project in 1939, has generated a voluminous body of literature. Engineers, economists, developmental proje cts. They stressed that dams provided a cheap energy that would simulate industrial development, promote rural electrification, increase irrigated farming and flood control and insure a secure supply of clean ogists concerned about the social costs of dislocation and the troubling environmental effects of recently constructed dams challenged this develop mentalist narrative. Africanists, most notably Elizabeth Colson, questioned the dam building frenzy that was sweeping across Africa 1 Light and Power for a Multiracial Nation is a significant additional to this scholarly literature. Based on her award perspective accounts of Kariba's con struction and planning process and seeks to explore the links between modernization and (p. 3). The book is organized chronologically into five chapters. The first documents the planning process surrounding the dam and the s hifting, and at times, politically charged negotiations between British officials, settlers interests in Southern Rhodesia, foreign donors and development experts who promoted this high modernist project. Chapter two shifts the angle of vision to explore h project in which the interests of poor Gwembe Tonga peasants were ignored in favor of the need to maximize energy for settler plantations, industry and mining. The Third chapter documents the actual resettlement of 30,000 Gwembe Tonga who were removed from their fertile homeland to harsh backwater regions. Tischler also examine how nationalists and anti colonial forces in England used the force removal of the Gwembe Tonga to atta ck the white supr emacist policies of the settler based Southern Rhodesian government and to promote the cause of the Northern Rhodesian African National Congress. Chapter 4 focuses on the building of the dam. Colonial authorities claimed that the work sit es would promote racial harmony and instill a work ethic among Africans by emulating the behavior of their European colleagues. was the belief that the relativ brokers in this civilizing project. The author demonstrates that the colonial discourse bore no relationship to reality in the highly segregated labor process at Kariba. The final chapter

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116 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf examines t he competing and hardening interests of the various protagonists, which helped to undermine the Central African Federation. The great strength of this study is the author Kariba which emphasizes the ways tha t the ideas, practices, strategies and understandings of the competing protagonist s are constructed as part of a set cross cultural interactions located broad r eadin g of post colonial and sub altern studies, allows Tischler to moved beyond the colonial analysis of the ambiguous, and at times, contradictory, roles which many of the principal pro tagon ists played in the unfolding drama of national building and modernization at both the local, national and resettlement and rehabilitation program, the Gwembe To nga re inscribed themselves into the (p. 17). In her creative hands we follow the efforts of Chief Habanyama, the first Native Authority to learn about the proposed resettlement scheme, as he tried to m editate between his displaced followers who experienced hardships and misery and the colonial authorities in Northern Rhodesia : (p. 99). In a similar vein Tischler demon strates how Harry Nkumbula, the leader of the Northern Rhodesian African Nationalist Congress and supported by anti colonial interests in London, first champione d the cause of the Gwembe Tonga. He lost interest in their plight however, when it became clea r that his n ationalist agenda was not congruent with that of the Gweba Tonga. Light and Power is an extremely important book, which opens up new areas of scholarly inquiry. The study could have been even richer if Tischler had paid as much attention to the voices and memories of the displaced Gwembe Tonga and the workers who built the dam as to the documenta t ion written primarily by colo n ial authorities and development experts. While she acknowledges that life histories can contribute to an agency center ed account (which is one of her objectives) she uses the oral accounts of workers almost as an afterthought at the end of the chapter on the building of Kariba dam and made no effort to interview displaced peasants. Her justification for not giving more pr ominence to these accounts is that she is not confident riences in a representative way (p. 203). This argument strikes me as flawed in two respects. There is never any authentic voice or voices that can capture th e complex lived experiences of workers or displaced peasants. All such account s are only partial and must be interrogated as such. Moreover Tischler is not reluctant to rely on written accounts, produced primarily by Europeans, with all their race, class and cultural biases. This reservation not withstanding, Tischler has written a major study of Kariba both as a source of cheap energy for the ill fated Central African Confederation and as a symbol of the ill that underpinned the idea of the Central African Federation.

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BOOK REVIEWS | 117 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf Notes 1 Elizabeth Colson. 1971 The Social Consequences of Resettlement: The Impact of the Kariba Resettlement on the Gwemba Tonga Manchester: Manchester University Press; William Adams. 1992 Wasting the Rain: Rivers, People and Planning in Africa Minneapolis : University of Minnesota Press; Allen Isaacman and Barbara Isaacman 2013. Dams, Displacement and the Delusion of Development: Cahora Bassa and Its Legacies in Mozambique, 1965 200 7 2013. Athens : Ohio University Press ; JoAnn McGregor 2009. Crossing the Zambezi: The Politics of Landscape on A Central African Frontier Cambridge: James Curry ; Thayer Scudder 2005. The Future of Large Dams: Dealing with Social Environmental, Insti tutional and Political Costs London : Earthscan ; Dodzi Tsikata 2006. Living in the Shadows Volta River Project Leiden : Brill, 2006 Allen Isaacman, University of M innesota Additional Reviews Wale Adebanwi and Ebenezer Obadare, eds. 2013. Democracy and Prebendalism in Nigeria: Critical Interpretations New York: Palgrave Macmillan. 300 pp. This book is a critical engagement with the t heoretical formulation that Ric hard Joseph articulated in his seminal 1987 book, Democracy and Prebendal Politics: The Rise and the Fall of The book creatively re engages with the central issues Joseph raised on the trajectories of governance, primitive accumu lation and under development in Nigeria. The editors divided the book into three parts : governance and the political economy of prebendalism; prebendalism and identity politics; and reconsiderations. In part one, several scholars on Nigeria examine the his torical, sociological, political and economic factors that foster prebendalism in the country. The contributors were able to capture which predisposed it t o such destructive level of corruption through primitive accumulation of which this volume elaborate s, is the conti nuity ( or, at the wors t degree) of prebendalism in Nigeria. In o ther words, more than a quarter of a century after the seminal work was published, Nigeria continue s to reel under the burden of endemic corruption, with inevitable attendant consequences such as poverty, inequality, non inclusivity, conflict and a perpet ual threat of disintegration. In their introduction, editors Ebenezer Obadare and Wale Adebanwi under score the where for an illustrative example, the political leadership took a decision on January 1, 2012 to rem ove the subsidy on fuel, a decision that gravely affected the very livelihood of the majority of the citizens when consultation was still ongoing. The edi tors clearly

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118 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf understand the nature of the fundamental processes of Nigerian political life a prior appreciation of the nature, extent and persi stence of a certain mode of political behavior and of its social and economic ramificat ions (p. 5, quoting Joseph 1987, p. 1). They then went further to provide a summary of each contributors and how their views feed into the propensity toward prebendalis m in contemporary Nigeria. The general summary that the editors provide to the book constituted one of the major strengths of the volume as it gave any potential reader an insight to what the book contains. The contribution by Leena Hoffmann and Insa Nolte was significant as they identify the pull and push factors of neopatrimonialism, such as survival and adaptation into the modern state of networks based on reciprocity and mutual organization which dates back to pre colonial and colonial periods. Using the South Western Nigeria as their point of entry, they narrate how influential Yoruba political leaders such as Obafemi Awolowo, Lamidi Adedibu, Olusegun Obsanjo, Gbenga Daniel and Bola Tinubu creatively played either mainstream or opposi tion politics within the context of a rich and powerful central government and a politically savvy local populace, who maintain confidence in the local base of neopartrimonialism. In a more sector specific approach, Jane Guyer and LaRay Denzer examine preb endalism and the people through the prism of the vexed issue of the price of petrol. After tracing the history of increases in the price of petrol and the regular discontent that accompanied them, they place the debate around appropriate petroleum pricing within the context of the international pricing system. This is the weakest part of the chapter as local conditions in terms of wages and infrastructure deficits prevent such comparis on Rotimi the inscrutable problem of individualism on which federalism is anchored in United States of America. Even though there are constitutional means such as the federal ch a racter principle of addressing communa l contention over resources in power at the cent er to argue that politica l choices of political actors in post independence Nigeria and other African countries are products of elite competition and these define and determine their level of political responsibility to the people. Other contributors to this book share similar p erspective and decadent bureaucracy, sustained culture of entitlement and rent seeking; class interests, media and global consumerism as contributory factors to continuing prebendalism in Nigeria. The epilogue by Richard Joseph on the Logic and Legacy of Prebendalism not only show ed the current relevance of p but also utilize s similar words such a s patrimonialism and predation to explain the phenomenon of using official position s to appropriate state resources for personal ends Samuel Ojo Oloruntoba, University of South Africa

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BOOK REVIEWS | 119 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf Afe Adogame, Ezra Chitando, and Bolaji Bateye, eds. 2013. African Tra ditions in the Study of Religion, Diaspora and Gendered Societies Burlington, VT: Ashgate. 192 pp. For a long time the academy of religious studies has lacked scholarly writings with a multidisciplinary approach about religion in Africa. As prominent sch olars have alluded to, religion in Africa permeates all the departments of life so it is not easy or possible to isolate it 1 For this unique nature of African societies, some attempts at studying a phenomenon called religion has been a superficial descrip tion of its resemblance and often misleading. African Traditions in the Study of Religion, Diaspora and Gendered Societies is a welcome intervention in a field dominated by misrepresentations, miscategorizations and bias. It assembles a group of African sc holars from varied disciplines whose writings connect all the dots that are missing in ar, Jacob Olupona, the thirteen chapter book is divided into two sections. My initial skepticism of the broadened geographical contexts of the book disappeared a few pages into the first chapter. The blend of vivid descriptions about religious practices of Africans in Africa, Africans in the diaspora, and Caribbeans in the diaspora leaves no doubt about the peculiar sameness of people from African descent, regardless of their present domiciles. This is rare in some writings that often situate their central arguments in one context and make generalizing assumptions that often tend to be far from the reality. I commend and encourage such collaborative adventures as a new way for Africans to tell our stories in a communal way. I could not agree more with the authors that Eurocentric theories are inadequate in explaining religion in Africa. Fo r instance, Shamala suggests that peace in the Eurocentric sense is the absence of strife but to Africans, it is the ability to live in harmony (p. 17) Similarly, according to Laguda, theories that see modernization and secularization as going hand in hand do not hold true in the African context (p. 261) That is why modernized Ghana describes itself trump card to winning political power. Moreover, the be lief that Indigenous religions have been forced into oblivion by western religions and modernization is according to Chitando et al., an inaccurate description of a religious syncretic marketplace (p. 4) With a widespread belief that no religion possesse s all the answers to the myriad of problems in Africa, individuals shop for, and adopt multi religious solutions to their spiritual and material problems. Indigenous religion is still very prominent and has been appropriated for use by Pentecostal and Char ismatic Christians 2 It is therefore imperative for scholars to formulate Afrocentric theories and not wait for readymade ones from the west. The call by Chitando for life saving research and knowledge on masculinities and HIV in Africa (p. 139) is therefo re in the right direction. Scholarship in religious studies in Africa need to move towards multivariate research linking religion with other social problems in a bid to generate workable theories that have relevance for the socio economic development of th e continent. religion. With gender discussions assuming political dimensions, it becomes even more complicated for fair opinion to be assessed on its own merit. I do share the view of Bateye (p. 147) that theories that view women as temptress, destroyers and people who should be subordinated, arrived with colonialism and western religions. For this reason, it becomes

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120 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf counterproductive to adopt and adapt western f eminist theories in Africa. The call by the writers for an increase in the number of women scholars in Africa did not go far enough. In fact we should begin to critique male centric scholarship of African religion regardless of the gender of the writers. W omen are key to religions in Africa and any research that neglects such vital source of information cannot be credible. While commending the scholars for such a great work, I would advocate for a more inclusive array of writers in subsequent editions and similar ventures that are being nursed. The dominance of Nigerian writers casts a slur on its comprehensive nature and plays into the naive western perception that Africa is one country. I believe widespread solicitation from different parts of Africa wou ld have enriched the book. Relatedly, subsequent editions would benefit from some proofreading to avoid some minor, yet embarrassing typogra phical and grammatical errors (s ee p p 14 ln 30, 55 ln32, and 123 ln 18). T hese issues notwithstanding, African Tr aditions in the S tudy of Religion, Diaspora and Gendered Societies is a must read for scholars of African studies, scholars in other fields with Africa as their context as well as for reading pleasure. Its simplified appeal with short articles written in c lear and concise language makes it an easy read for any reader. Notes 1 Mbiti 1969 p 1. 2 Asamoah Gyadu 2010 References Asamoah Gyadu, J. K. 2010. Religious Education and Religious P luralism in the N ew Africa. Religious Education 105 3 : 238 44. Mbit i, J. S. 1990 African Religions and Philosophy 2nd edition Portsmouth, N.H.: Heinemann. Richardson Addai Mununkum, University of Wisconsin Madison Peter Alexander, Thapelo Lekgowa, Botsang Mmope, Luke Sinwell, and Bongani Xezwi. 2013. Marikana: Athens: Ohio University Press. 165 pp. Written by both academics and political activists, the book captured my interest from the first page. It attempts to understand the massacre at the South African Marikana mine on 16 August 2012, in which the police intervened against three thousand miners on strike, killed thirty four of them, injured about one hundred and arrested two hundred and fifty nine The book is a narrative through the lens of the workers and cre media reports, which depicted the striking miners as unruly and dangerous mob, Alexander claimed that they remained disciplined and peaceful. Marikana is based on qualitative research, with interviews conducte d with striking miners, their wives, community leaders and rival

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BOOK REVIEWS | 121 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf union leaders in the two months after the intervention, completed by newspaper reports. Displaying original interview transcripts, the book offers more data than many dissertations. It claims organi z ernment, the mining company units and the use of sharp ammunition were not justified consi dering that miners did not attack the police and carried only traditional sticks, spears and machetes. He further speculated that insurgence as a rank and fil e rebellion against mine owners and the dominant union, and indicated that the union has lost all credibility in the eyes of the mineworkers. Suspecting labor leaders of corruption, miners had rejected their representation, elected their own strike committ ees, and demanded higher wage outside the bargaining unit. The descriptions are quite normative, depicting the workers as remarkably brave, mine accounts w ere frequently taken as the truth, rather than constructions of meaning. The goal of accomplished, considering that the Commission of Inquiry is still on going Furthermore, th e speculations about the suspected mastermind behind the massacre should not be taken as conclusions based on evidence, especially since interviews were limited to workers and disregard further parties involved. After reading the book, the mystery remains un solved. I asked myself why during the first six days of the strike, no union branch leader, no company official and no politician spoke to President Ramaphosa of the ruling African National Congress party) and the union leadership pressuring the police to understand the strike not as labor dispute, but as criminal act. In fact, after having listened only to the company reports, not even talking to his local branches, the p resident o f the National Union of Mine Workers, Zokwana, had asked the Police Minister for more special forces, believing that, it was no longer a situation where you needed negotiations. It was a situation where you needed trained personnel to play their role to r estore law and order 1 It was only after continuous meetings with the company security and the police that a g eneral managed to persuade the union President to talk to the workers. bility. From the onset of the strike, the National Union of Mine Workers had appealed to members to resume work and asked the police to protect them from being assaulted as strikebreakers. The distance of the union from the miners became clearer than ever when a branch secretary distributed knobkerries, sticks and spears among his stewards, ready to defend their office against an apparent attack by striking miners. After a union representative had even fired shots at these, in the bush 2

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122 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf The raw data provided by the book makes it not only recommendable for labor scholars and African studies, but also a thrilling read for social movement activists. Marikana leaves room for more inquiries, which should contribute to conceptua l debates. Expanding on classic socialist approaches, research on the (failed) production of legitimacy in organizations, the bases for and the rejection of authority and the formation of criticism seem promising. Notes 1 Zokwana, S. at the Commission: 31 January 2013, p. 4442. 2 Setelele, M. at the Commission: 28 January 2013, p. 4105. References The Marikana Commission of Inquiry (Commission). 2013. T ranscripts of the Marikana Commission H earings http://www.marikanacomm.org.za/transcripts.html Esther Uzar, University of Basel Johan Brosche and Daniel Rothbart. 2013. Violent Conflict and Peacebuilding: The Continuing Crisis in Darfur Lo ndon and New York: Routledge. 175 pp. The Darfur crisis in Sudan has receive d considerable attention concerning the prospects for peace, conflict and humanitarian aid Different articles reports, and analyses have been published since the crisis. All ha d different targets. There have been d ifferent interventions but they seem to have had limited succes s because the crisis continues. Interventions have ranged from international peacekeeping to mediation efforts. Some explain the crisis as a mere climate change conflict. Others see it as ethnic conflict between Black Africans and Arabs. The reality on the ground is that whatever analysis or angle people u se, the crisis continues. And the question we ought to ask is why? Fortunately, Johan Brosche and Daniel Rothbart present a solid analysis of the Darfur crisis. In Violent Conflict and Peacebuilding, the two remind us and argue that the crisis is greatly p roblematic. Darfur is a continuing crisis, so they say. Brosche and Daniel employed a framework of complementarity in explaining complex conflict dynamics like the Darfur crisis. It is a complex perspective. Four different conflict types identified wer e exposed. First, they argue that it is long standing disputes between farmers and herders and between different herder communities. The second is political struggles between local elite leaders or resistance and between traditional leaders as well as youn g leaders in the Darfur region. The third conflict is long standing grievances of marginalized groups at the periphery against the national center of power due to the disparity of power, among other factors The forth conflict type observed using this comp limentarity framework consists of cross border conflicts. This particularly includes the proxy war waged between Chad and Sudan, and sometimes with South Sudan. The argument of the book is well presented. It has two parts. Part 1 with seven chapters, de tails the framework of conflict complimentarity Chapter 1 uniquely and summarizes the nature, scope, dynamics and scale of violence in Darfur. The book proceeds with establishing

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BOOK REVIEWS | 123 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf the theoretical framework in Chapter 2. The framework provides vital connec tions with findings from social identity theory. Chapter 3 presents communal conflicts. T his entails struggles among so called identity groups ethni Chapter 4 highlights the local elite confli cts. Among others, it i power struggles among selected individuals within the group The center periphery conflict type is developed well in Chapter 5. Powerful elites at state level control multiple societal sectors at the marginalized periphery groups. The fourth conf lict type of cross border conflict is illustrated by the proxy wars between Sudan and Chad in Chapter 6. The authors points out the cross border dimen sion of the conflict. The last c hapter finishes Part 1 with an examination of South Sudan, a new nation ca rved out from Sudan, using this complimentarity conflict perspective. Part 2 consists of three chapters presenting peace building in Darfur. Chapter 8 highlights the strengths and pitfalls of peace building through the international response to the crisis It focuses on key actors like United States, China, the International Criminal Court, Russia, the African Union (AU) the United Nations, and the European Union. Although the authors did not dwell much on the role of NGOs and civil society role in peace building, their emphasis on the influence of international actors in relation to other actors clearly shows the challenge of confronting the continuing crisis. Chapter 9 highlights the fruits and challenges of major peace initiatives. The authors note some pros and cons effects of these initiatives on the dynamics of the crisis using the complimentarity framework. The last chapter is the conclusion. The authors used a variety of sources. The information gathered is f rom both primary and secondary sources. Field visits for interviews to Sudan and South Sudan plus wide participation of the authors in conferences on Sudan and Darfur provided insightful information. The book also shows a wide and deep desk review of materials on Darfur such as journals, magazin es, newsletters, organizational reports, and analyses by other scholars. These sources coupled with deep conflict analysis, social identity theory, social psychology, international relations and African studies make this b ook a hot cake for many potential readers given the ongoing crisis in Darfur. The book is potentially marketable to policy makers in North Africa, East Africa and the Great Lakes Region, INGOs working in Africa, and researchers and academicians and their students. It is very useful for multilateral institutions and Inter governmental organizations like the UN and AU among others. It is also highly useful for those involved with armed and civilian peacekeeping in Africa. The subject areas for this book in clude but are not limited to: international relations, African studies, international peace studies, diplomacy, conflict resolution, justice and transformation, war studies and development studies. Hope Tichaenzana Chichaya, Alumni of Catholic Universit y of Easter n Africa

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124 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf J. J. Carney. 2014. Rwanda Before the Genocide: Catholic Politics and Ethnic Discourse in the Late Colonial Era New York: Oxford University Press. 343 pp. In the hills of Rwanda, Christianity is known both as a centerpiece of Rwandan culture and as a great divider that led to violence, murder, rape and ultimately the 1994 Rwanda Tutsi Genocide. Many well known Rwanda based authors have written on the connection between the Catholic Church and ethnic hatreds between the Hutu, T utsi and Twa. Carney adds to this literature by providing an in depth historical narrative of the Catholic Church, specifically the book makes a significant contrib ution to understanding Rwandan history, Catholic missionary work in Africa and the formation of ethnic identity during and after colonization. Carney describes Rwandan colonial and post colonial history in the context of four influential and controversia l figures. The first is Leon Paul Classe who introduced Christianity to Rwanda and developed the strategic relationship between the White Fathers and the Rwandan monarchy. This close church state relationship provided the Mwami the (usually Tutsi) King o f Rwanda, with the full support of the Catholic Church. In addition, Classe established the segregation of Tutsi political elites from the poorer Tutsis and from the majority of the Hutu population in church related institutions such as education. It was u nder Class The next and very controversial figure is Andre Perraudin, who led the Catholic Church in Rwanda after the death of Classe. Perraudin is often criticized for the formation of ethnic i dentities through the publication of Super Omni Caritas, away from the Tutsi political order and towards the Hutu peasants; and which reconfigured socioeconomic classes as ethnicities with Hutus needing to raise themselves above Tutsis. Many scholars and the current Rwanda Patriotic Front led Rwandan government see this important factors that ultim ately led to the 1994 genocide. Carney disputes this zero sum belief that Perraudin should be solely held responsible for ethnic violence in Rwanda, by stating that cern himself with the growing ethnic question between Tutsis vs. Hutus. While he did go on later to support the pro Hutu political party, Parmehutu, he did so not because of belief in Hutu power, but because of his fears of opposition parties, specifically the Union National Rwandaise (UNAR), spreading communism in the region. Overall, Carney describes the former controversial religious figure as a complex individual who made serious mistakes while in Rwanda. Aloys Bigirumwami is the next major figure that Carney describes. Compared to Perraudin, Bigirumwami was able to foresee the future ethnic problems that the Church was propagating. Throughout his tenure as a bishop, he tried to push for national unity and prophetic of the coming genocide, but he is tainted by the fact that when he could have acted eutrality in political matters. Gregoire Kayibanda is the last major individual

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BOOK REVIEWS | 125 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf Carney deals with. Kayibanda is depicted sporadically until he creates the Parmehutu political party and then becomes President of the newly independent Rwanda, at which point he is elevated to a person of major interest in the book. Carney is clever in only mentioning the other historical figures. Carney assigns these four people as the and post independence with great success. Even though each chapter focuses on a specific time period, it is described through the writings, speeches and actions of these very important historical figures. Carn ey briefly describes Church related events after the 1973 military coup the period between 1950 and 1962. The author is able through very detailed historical resea rch to depict the lives and choices of the people who shaped ethnicity, Catholic growth and ethnic politics in Rwanda. Most importantly, Carney is able to execute this sizeable task without submitting to the common narratives that are found among Rwandan b ased scholars and the current Rwandan government. In effect, he depicts people as individuals who cannot be put into simple categories of good or ad. Even though scholars and students who focus on Rwanda will most likely read this book, it may be inte resting for academics who are interested in missionary work in Africa or on how ethnic categories were created and reinforced by colonization and Christianity. Jonathan R. Beloff, School of Oriental and African Studies Karen E. Ferree. 2011. Framing the R ace in South Africa: The Political Origins of Racial Census Elections Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 291 pp. Framing the Race in South Africa, The Political Origins of Racial Census Elections is an easy book to read, and understand, written with moderate language, good prints, and illustrative examples that are clear and relevant to the concepts presented in the book. The author presents a robust tabular data presentation, which was collected largely through survey at relevant sections of the text and well analyzed using both descriptive and inferential statistics. Comprehensive footnotes also add to the features of the book with a view to buttressing and expatiating on the claims and position of the author. It is a well researched, 291 paged boo k, with nine chapters chronologically and logically voting decision s, which are better determined by party image other than identity considerations, policy pref erence or performance evaluation. Chapter three to five present campaign efforts of major political parties ANC, DA, and NNP in South Africa in 1994, 1999 and 2004 that focused on the struggle to retain and change party label/image using persuasion characteristics with a view to changing their party label in order to convince the voters of their inclusiveness. Efforts and difficulties in recruiting high quality c andidates were addressed in chapter seven. Chapter eight analyses how the ANC uses its negative framing strategy against

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126 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf its black opposition parties IFP, UDM and Cope while chapter nine is a comparative analys i s of negative framing strategies experiences in South Africa, Israel and El Salvador. The book is rich in content and quite insightful. It gives a vivid account and a peep into post apartheid South African democratic experiments with robust empirical data presentation, largely sourced through surv ey method and analyzed with recourse to works of different scholars. Experiences of different countries such Sweden, Italy Japan, Israel, El Salvador, and Mexico were also alluded to. Hence, the book is scholarly and has good theoretical grounding. It is characterized by comprehensive footnotes to elucidate views expressed and has a good reference style. Also, the book presents a lucid and novel account of how race and identity described as errings ) power dominance since the end of apartheid in South Africa to the disadvantage of its main opposition parties, the NNP and the DP through its campaign strategy and retention of most black African talents elite recruitment. Contrary to general belief, am ong political observers, the author shows that the racial census election in South Africa is politically engendered rather than socially evolved. It is the intention of the author to show that a coherent and credible opposition is central to the ability o f election s to generate accountability. In this connection, Ferree states thus: when oppositions lack credibility voters are stranded on the shores of the dominant party Understanding when and how oppositions win this battle is crucial to our underst anding how democracy consol idates, for without a coherent, credible opposition, elections lose their ability to generate accountability. It is to this and I write this book. (p p 29 30). This purpose was achieved by the author, as she was able to convince the readers that coherent and credible opposition is essential for elections to generate accountability thereby consolidating democracy. This was done through extensive and comparative analyses of how ruling parties use negative image campaign strategy to discredit their opponents so as not to provide alternative choice for the voters in spite of the ruling parties poor performances. In was used to discredit its ma in opponents white and linking them to apartheid rule in the mind of the voters instead of being new or rainbow and Africanizing as they claimed. This, she argued, has increased Africans uncertainty about opposition parties (tab les 1.1 and 1.2) thereby maintaining parties image s /label s that has not enabled the opposition parties to win voters (chapter 3 5). The book has some areas of strength. There is robust data presentation and analysis. It also presents in depth analyses a nd historical account of issues/events. However, the author used not too robust and inconclusive data (tables 6.5 and 6.10). Nevertheless, the book is a good piece suitable for whoever wants to understand the dynamics of elections and how democracy works i n any political system and especially for its target audience politicians, scholars and students. Olugbemiga Samuel Afolabi Obafemi Awolowo University

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BOOK REVIEWS | 127 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf David Francis, ed. 2012. When War Ends: Building Peace in Divided Communities Burlington, VT: Ashgate Publishing Company. 217 pp. This multi authored volume offers the opportunity to comprehend the whole process of reconstructing post conflict war torn societies. It is an important volume, which besides capturing problems, challenges and opportun ities associated w ith the reconstruction process, offers in depth analyses of the nature, dynamics and complexity of the process. Contributions in this volume reveal the lack of consensus on the definition of peacebuilding. Some authors show preference fo r a narrow definition whilst others opt for an all inclusive, broad conceptualization. However, one characterization that in my view comes close to providing a close description of the process holds that in effect, though peacebuilding has a normative ori entation, i.e. reconstructing a secure, peaceful and developed society, it is a largely value laden project that apportions disproportionate powers to those who prescribe, fund and implement peacebuilding programmes (p.5). The volume adopts the label Lib eral Peacebuilding because of the predominant emphasis on neoliberal political and economic principles. The West African country of Sierra Leone that has had a significant share of peacebuilding programmes, is covered in great detail. Some comparative an alyses of peacebuilding in Liberia and Sierra Leone also feature in the final chapter. Those keen on grasping both the virtues and vices of liberal peacebuilding project in Africa will find the volume very useful as it offers both accounts, even though on the balance, the critical chapters outnumber those in defense of liberal peacebuilding. Arguably, a robust defense of liberal peacebuilding is provided in chapter 2. The chapter attacks the so called hyper critical school of scholars and commentators, branding their claims as exaggerated (p.28). The chapter finds alternative strategies proposed by the critical school, insightful as they are, are not markedly detached from liberal principles but rather espousing variation s within liberal peacebuilding. The verdict here is that some criticisms have gone too far and offer no convincing rationale for abandoning liberal peacebuilding. Those adopting a critical position raise doubts on the selective nature of liberal peacebuild ing interventions : excessive focus on state reconstruction; scanty attention on the trade off between peace and justice; and placing too much of a premium on economic growth as the most reliable means that can propel the success of peacebuilding. Others ri ghtly observe that economic aspects of post conflict reconstruction still have been accorded relatively little attention. Critics also maintain that insulating the local market from the perils of neoliberal policies is necessary because economic inequality is often at the roots of conflicts in countries emerging from violence. Several conclusions can be drawn from the nine chapter volume. First, an altruistic mission does not drive ongoing liberal peacebuilding around the world. Strategic economic and polit ical interests of the external actors, who are intimately engaged in the whole peacebuilding enterprise, cannot be ruled out of the equation. Second, the major concern remains to be the quality of the peace achieved. Branding Sierra Leone as a successful m odel while the potential for a relapse into violence exists, and where people's welfare and well being are marginal concerns, ought to be seriously questioned. Third, evaluation on the continent's experience that

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128 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf the balance of the results of peacebuildin g in Africa, is ambiguous, uncertain and very subjective (p. 87), is spot on. The volume's last chapter provides a conclusive assessment of the discussion stating that in short, similar to Liberia, Sierra Leone's peacebuilding and reconstruction efforts have made the social subservient to the liberal, with major deficiencies in responding to the social problems which contributed to war in the first place (p. 181). With regard to the organization of the contents, one may find the volume repetitive in som e chapters especially where authors begin their discussions with historical accounts of the civil wars in Sierra Leone and Liberia. Historical accounts could have been presented at the beginning of the book instead of being repeated in the last chapter. On the topic of public health and peacebuilding in Sierra Leone (chapter 7), the author cites a local newspaper story in Uganda to illustrate medical malfeasance in developing countries, especially in Africa! Proper citation of a researched and documented re port could convey the message better. Moreover, depicting the decision by the Blair administration to deploy six hundred British troops as demonstration of the international community will and capacity to act effectively goes a long way to portray the g rowing tradition of overemphasizing the impact of external actors' engagement. It, henceforth, comes as no surprise that the real motive of the initial British troops deployment in Freetown to protect British nationals, is taken for granted. Rasul Ahmed Mi nja, University of Dar es Salaam Carmela Garritano. 2013. African Video Movies and Global Desires: A Ghanaian History Athens: Ohio University Press. 246 pp. Carmela Garritano's African Video Movies and Global Desires: A Ghanaian History is a captivating, well researched and written first book arguing that Ghanaians refashioned their moral and national identities while engaging in globalization (1987 2000) through video movie making. It offers a welcomed conceptual departure from Birgit Meyer's work, which primarily sees Ghanaian video movies through the eyes of pentecostalism modernity. Instead, Garritano argues that Ghanaian video movie production and consumption suggests shifting conceptions of dominant discourses concerning globalization, gender and sexu ality, neoliberalism, and consumerism in Ghana (p 23). Garritano's methodological approach is innovative and multi faceted. Rather than analyzing and understanding video movies by locating meaning within the movies, Garritano utilizes "contextual criticism" as a n approach. Borrowing from Julianne Burton, she examines video movies by understanding the dialectical relationship between the movie, its many contexts, and how the relation ship affects the other (p. 8). Furthermore, beyond simply media analysis, Garritan o conducted extensive ethnographic research over a ten year period during numerous visits to Ghana. Each chapter is constructed around an argument building upon a close analysis of two to three Ghanaian video films, and substantiated by ethnographic interv iews with the producers and people responsible for the distribution, production and filming of the video movies. The book is divided into five chapters, excluding the introduction and conclusion. Ultimately, each chapter reveals the historical circumstance s that shape present

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BOOK REVIEWS | 129 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf day economic, moral, and social anxieties within the spectators' consciousness and how the movies address those. Chapter one, "Mapping the Modern," based on the study of two films: The Boy Kumasenu (1952) and A Debut for Dede (1992) argues against the grain by not seeing the birth of a national Ghanaian cinema as a complete turning away from colonial influence. Instead, Garritano insists that there is continuous "connection and disconnection" between the feature films of the Ghanaia n Film Industry Corporation ( Ghanaian film productions) and the Gold Coast Film Unit (British colonial film productions) (p. 26). Chapter two, "Work, Women, and Worldly Wealth," presents the case that video movies attempted to a) normalize the fantasy of middle class comfort; b) conceive of the female body as a metaphor for "pure consumption;" and c) being producers to consumers in the global economy (pp. 63, 90). Chapter three, "Professional Movies and Their Global Aspirations," raises two important points. Firstly, the author maintains that video movie directors shifted their movie plots from "poverty and economic decline," which were central to the first wave of video movies (1987 1992), to their characters' individual choices, unconstrained by fate or wealth. Secondly, she contends that the second wave of video movies (1992 2000) gestured toward global fantasies, ons (p. 93). In this shift, Garritano asserts that female Ghanaian movie directors inserted themselves into broader, global gender debates through the use of female centric actresses and scripts. In chapter four, "Tourism and Trafficking," Garritano examin es Ghanaians in the diaspora attempts to locate a better life in their new surroundings and their shifting moral and social obligations to their relatives in Ghana. Finally, chapter five, "Transcultural Encounters and Local Imaginaries," argues that there should be a shift from viewing African films as an aligned force against a Western center. Instead, Garritano purposes adopting a view point that accounts for the heterogenous competitions and tensions between multiple national African video movie industri es. Thus, the a both a hinderance and help to the Ghanaian video movie industry. Thinkers such as Simon Gikandi, James Ferguson, Jonathan Haynes, Brian Larkin, Joh n McCall, Birgit Meyer, and Terrence Turner inform Garritano's analysis, but they never overwhelm her own voice. One of the most striking feats of African Video Movies and Global Desires is Garritano's ability to seamlessly weave sets of heterogeneous theo retical frameworks from various continents and people into a Ghana centric, ideological conception of Ghanaian video movies (pp. 34, 59, 77, 125). This book is a forerunner in the excavation and understanding of the Ghanaian video movie industry's emerg ence out of neoliberal economic policies over the past two decades. It video movie industries. Garritano brings to light the contemporary paradoxical struggle of Gh frame and confront "the grand narratives of modernity and globalization" while simultaneously often being complicit to such forces (p. 9). I have already highly recommended this book to colleagues, friends, an d famil y members, and I do so again.

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130 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf Nana Osei Opare, University of California of Los Angeles Trevor Getz ed. 2014. African Voices of the Global Past: 1500 to the Present Boulder: Westview Press. 223 pp The Atlantic slave trade, the industrial revolu tion, formal colonialism, World Wars I and II, world history textbooks today. They mostly tell the narrative of Western Europe and North America and how these events, trends, developments and realities have shaped the world since 1500 and have established an almost unique perspective, which makes these two regions the major agents of change in the period historians term modern history. This, however, is a partial globa l perspective, which overlooked others not less significant for the telling and writing of a compelling world history. One of these concealed if not untold perspectives is the African. Yet, as this book clearly shows, Africa and Africans were at the core o f this global history not as victims, casualties or scapegoats but as potential and dynamic participants. This book covers the period from the fifteenth century to the late twentieth century chronologically by looking at each of the six world episodes, s etting them first in their global context, then looking at the African experience and finally offering the African perspective in the form of primary source material ranging from stories, poems, diaries, speeches to newspaper articles and police reports an d written by different Africans including South Africans, Nigerians and others of Afro Caribbean descent. I ndividual Africans relate their own stories of how they lived specific experiences, which directly affected their lives and how they responded to th em and in so doing, they unconsciously played a role in significant global events and contributed to their unfolding. The transatlantic slave system was bound to disappear, not because European slave traders decided so, but because resistance to the syste m by slaves, which took the form of attacks on ships, European forts, the burning of factories, the building of fortresses and the diversion of rivers among other strategies of resistance, were so costly, that it ultimately led to its demise. This is not to suggest that other Africans did not accommodate or t ake part in the system. Over the long term and of greater significance, the transatlantic slave system thoroughly impacted central African societies by changing sex ratios, leading to depopulation, cre ating social hierarchies and political fragmentation, and introducing new forms of domestic enslavement and encouraging materialist values in societies that value people above everything. Similarly, the industrial revolution, which is exclusively associat ed with Britain, Europe and the western world in general and which generated the unprecedented wealth of these societies and made them leading economic powers, would not have occurred without the vast amounts of resources carried to Britain from the colon ies, in addition to African partnership and African labor. These resources helped to improve the living standards of the British and funded innovation a n d development in Britain and later in other parts of Europe and the world. The reputed Oxford and Cambr idge universities, to cite but one example, were indeed endowed with money deriving from the slave trade. Africans were fully involved in the various global trade networks since the fifteenth century and this is a component of world history.

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BOOK REVIEWS | 131 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf In the same v ein, the two world wars were partly about the African colonies. Yet, Africans had no story to tell, perceptions to develop or experiences to live in these world events. World history has so far silenced them. A close look at these global events reveals a r adically different narrative. The African continent was an integral component of the global economic and political system in both wars. Both world wars were almost felt everywhere in the continent and had dramatic impact on Africans, who supplied raw mate rials and soldiers, many of whom lost their lives in two conflicts which were not theirs. In addition, many African regions were theaters of conflict and actually helped determine the final outcome of the war. For those Africans who were not directly invol ved in the conflicts, the imperial powers made them pay more taxes and restricted their consumption to support the war efforts. Africans contributed in other ways, not less crucial. In Nigeria, the newspaper press, which since the late nineteenth century, was culturally nationalist and which shifted its focus on the ills of foreign domination and the need for self determination after W orld W ar II, sided with colonial Britain in the war, and launched a campaign to encourage Nigerians to join the colonial arm y not only to fight against Nazi Germany but also to train for the sake of the future development of an independent Nigeria. These are samples of how Africans largely and effectively contributed to key global events and patterns since the fifteenth centur y and legitimately invite historians to give them and the continent of Africa the floor in their world history writing, that is why this book is a significant addition to this history and is very likely to be a popular textbook and a companion to the exist ing history. Mohamed Adel Manai, Qatar University Clive Glaser 2013. The ANC Youth League Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Press. 168 pp. protesting inferior education t o resisting apartheid, from nurturing new leaders to developing new ideologies. In this study, historian Clive Glaser reflects on the history of the African National Congress Youth League on the seventieth anniversary of its founding. His book is part of t he Ohio Short Histories of Africa series, which has provided brief introductions on mostly South African topics to a broad audience. Glaser is supremely qualified for the task, having written extensively on black politics in South Africa and the role of bl ack youth in particular. accomplishments, limitations, and historical significance. In so doing, he has produced a concise book that is unusually engaging and well written. the Youth League in the 1940s, showing how young intellectuals became increasingly frustrated lity to stop it. He explores Leaguers a nd their collea gues Tambo, Mandela, and Sisulu d he fight against apartheid. With

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132 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf action a nd civil disobedience had begun p. 40) From that moment onward, several Youth Leaguers assumed leadership positions i n the ANC as a whole. They put the ANC on a more defiant course, but also began to engage in a broader set of alliances that included communists Africanist ideology, ultimately breaking away from the ANC to form the Pan Africanist Congress. As he tells this story, Glaser interweaves important contextual material on the increasing state repression of the 1950s, culminating in the shootings at Sharpeville in 19 60 and the banning of the ANC and PAC. Between 1960 and 1990, the Youth League was effectively defunct, so Glaser shifts his focus to black youth without direct ties to the ANC. He charts the growth of the black consciousness movement and shows how its i deas spread among black high school students, leading to a reemergence of internal black protest from the 1976 Soweto unrest onward. He describes the As he demonstr ates how the youth regained the political initiative, Glaser touches upon many new organizations that rose to prominence, including SASM, SASO, COSAS, and SAYCO. that a high ly politicized youth subculture had emerged by the 1980s, a subculture that would play a Once the ANC was unbanned in 1990, it sought to incorporate disparate internal youth organizations into a reconstituted Y outh League, which was officially re launched in 1991. As he describes the turbulent transition period, Glaser discusses the rise of Peter Mokaba, the dominant figure in Youth League politics in the early 1990s. He documents the rift between the older ANC leaders and the Youth League over the abandonment of the armed struggle. He later asserts that Thabo Mbeki triumphed over Cyril Ramaphosa in the contest to succeed Mandela n deposing Mbeki and supporting Jacob Zuma, showing that it could be an important pressure group in the ANC, just as it had been decades earlier. controversial po liticians. After he became Youth League president in 2008, Malema called for owned land in is but he remains judicious in his observations. He predicts that as long as poverty and youth unemployment fester in South Africa, Malema will have a following even with his recent expulsion from the ANC. Glaser concludes his study by comparing the Youth League of the 1940s with its more modern counterpart. He argues that despite some ideological similarities, a key difference ( p.

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BOOK REVIEWS | 133 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf Authoritative, streamlined, and highly readable, this book deserves a wide readership. Steven Gish, Auburn University at Montgomery Richard Gray 2012. Christianity, The Papa cy and Mission in Africa (Lamin Sanneh editor ). Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis. 197pp. Richard Gray (d.2005), known for his text titled Black Christians and White Missionaries (Yale ies with the various orders, such as the Jesuits, presence among African communities. Gray was enthusiastically engrossed with the way the Ethiopian Church, and the Kongo Catholics, made constant overtures to cement connections with the papacy and how these unfurled since the fifteenth century; a period during which the RCC was challenged by the influence of the Ottoman Empire that controlled large swat h s of the North African geographical spaces that blocked it from maintaining close links with the mentioned African Christian denominations. tputs appeared in reputable journals between 1967 and 2001 as noted from the list of sources given on pp.177 these together in an edited publication. The family thus approached Lamin Sanneh, the well known African professor of Church History at the Yale Divinity School, to execute this assignment. undertake this editorial task was clearly observed in his informative introductory e ssay titled 1 26); herein Sanneh contextualized the collection of eleven essays interventions. Sanneh opined that the essays illu was initiated by i t, or its European missionaries (p. 4), and this was a point that he repeated in each of the first five chapters (pp. 27 115). Speaking about repetitive facts, one wonders why the editor did not employ his editorial skills to weed out some of the superfluo us overlaps so that Christians pro actively dispatched delegations to Rome since 1402 with the intention of forging ties (pp. 28 29). All of these diplomatic devel opments were partly spurred on by socio religious that ultimately succeeded by 1453 in wresting the heavily fortified city of Constantinople from Byzantine contr ol (p. 29). historical developments and familiar with Bengt Sundkler rs (Chapter 11 pp. 171 75), was keenly interested in The African Origin s of the Missio Antiqu

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134 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf (Chapter 1 pp. 27 47). Gray observed that the papacy pursued this mission at the behest of overseas missionary win g baptiz ed as the Sacred Congregation of Propaganda Fide during 1622, it was surprising to learn from Gray that this body did not have Africa in mind when Francesco Ingoli, its first secretary, drafted the guidelines (Chapter 3; see pp.69 71 and p.80). N onetheless, this essay was complemented by A Kongo Princess, the Kongo Ambassadors and the Papacy (Chapter 2) and (Chapter 4); whilst the former briefly narrated, among others, the story of a little known Kongolese princess who requested permission from the Lisbon based Mother Maria de San Jose to join the Carmelite order (p p 51 e m o randum as well as one that unhesitan tly condemned the ongoing slave trade; a trade that enormously benefitted the Spanish rulers (pp. 71 72). Gray further discussed the unfolding relations between The Papacy and Africa in the Seventeenth Century (Chapter 4) in which he showed to what exten identified with the Catholic Church (pp. 82 86), and he elaborated more on related Come Vero Prencipe Catolico (Chapter 5). Turning to the next five chapters, one questions why Chapter 8, T that was published previously in the Journal of Contemporary History in 1971, was included since pol itical developments did Christian Traces and a Franciscan Mission in the Central Sudan, 1700 1711 and Chapter 7 that explored The Catholic Church and National Stat es in Western Europe during the Nineteenth and T wentieth centuries, from a Perspective of Africa At the end of Chapter 7 Gray once again underline revolutionary change initiated (p. 140). And Chapter 7 and not Chapter 8 acted as an appropriate backdrop for Chapters 9, Christia nity, Colonialism and Communications in Sub Saharan Africa, and 10 Popular Theologies in Africa, respectively. In these two essays Gray reflected upon the importance of communication and he reported upon a timely Speaking for Ourselves 1984 document th African Affairs during January 1986, one would like to know why he did not also offer h is scholarly insights into the 1985 Kairos Document that was co drafted by the ICT and others such as the Dominican priest Albert Nolan. In conclusion it may be stated that these, previously published, Gray essays, which were competently introduced by San neh, will remain an important contribution to both African historical studies and Christian studies I t may also be added that the collection underlined the Muhammed Haron, University of Botswa na

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BOOK REVIEWS | 135 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf Gerald Horne. 2012 Mau Mau in Harlem? The U.S. and the Liberation of Kenya Reprint Edition New York: Palgrave Macmillan. 334 pp. In th is Mau Mau in Harlem? Gerald Horne provided an examination of the relationship between th e United States, Kenya, and Great Britain beginning with the early the context of the struggle against white supremacy in both nations and in the context of the str p. 3). This is neither a history of US intervention nor Kenyan responses; instead, it is a recounting of the interactions between US and Kenyan leaders, politicians, activists, and common citizens to demonstra te how the fight for African and African American equality became intersected in the 1950s. Relying heavily on the Kenyan National Archives in Nairobi to recount the internal struggles within Kenya, Horne also utilized the National Archives and Records Adm inistration in its College Park, Maryland and Washington, D.C. locations. Through the use of documents from the United Automobile Workers union and media depictions of Kenya, he strengthened his source base by examining its, often sensationalized, image in the United States. This allowed Horne to provide p. 15). This two between Kenyan and American, especially African American, communities Horne began his work in the early twentieth century when adventurous Americans exchanged a closed Western frontier for a new one in Kenya. The colonial government welcomed these European Americans in order to maintain control over a much larger indigenous population ( pp. 26 27). This led to the growth of a quasi partnership between the US and Britain in order to maintain their respective racial hierarchie s ( pp. 31, 41). Thus, Kenya became a nexus point and a symbol for the two powers as they attempted to justify their control over the African American and African populations. Horne revealed how the relationship fragmented with the onset of World War II sin p. 70). The use of black soldiers by both powers in the war also weakened white control in both Kenya and the US while simultaneous ly pushing African and African American agendas together ( pp. 67, 77). The onset of the Cold War drastically complicated matters amongst the US, Britain, and Kenya. d between the influence of the Soviet Union and the US. Horne attributed this breakdown to pp. 81, 74). However, the rise of the Kenyan anti colonial Mau Mau forces in 1952 sustained the increasingly uneasy alliance between the US and Britain. Due to the culture of the Cold War and the sensationalized image of Mau Mau as a violent African movement, the US perceived Mau Mau a nd native Kenyans as underneath communist sway ( p. 108). Horne credited the influence of Cold War blinders for the failure of the US to land, white supremacy, colonialism, p. 111). This led the US to side with the settler class as they violently oppressed the indigenous Kenyans. Yet, along with growing domestic pressure from African

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136 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf Americans, the Bandung Conference in 1955 and the Suez Crisis in 1956 shifted the Cold War land scape since the former demonstrated the growing political clout of the Third World while the latter firmly established the Cold War as a struggle dominated by the US and the Soviet Union I n Africa, this meant the US began looking for options in Kenya beyo nd the colonial governments ( pp. 140 41, 143 47). Communist ties. Mboya oppos ed the settler regime and his ethnic identity was Luo which distanced him from the mainly Kikuyu appeal crossed ideological lines in the US as he gained the support of the John F. Kennedy and Richard Nixon ( p p. 165, 172). Mboya was also responsible for spearheading one of most significant attacks on the colonial government: the 1959 airlift of Kenyan and other African students to the United States for an education long denied to them by the settler class. The US took part as a way to sway the young Kenyans away from the perceived danger of Communism ( pp. 193 95, 204 05). However, Mboya encountered the criticism often attributed to moderates. He was too liberal to be embraced by the colonial government. On the o ther hand, he was tainted by his ties to the US due to the practice of Jim Crow and the assassination of Patrice Lumumba. This led to many criticisms from his political left by Kenyan leaders such as Oginga Odinga and Jomo Kenyatta ( pp. 177 79, 213 15). T hose seeking a play by look elsewhere. Instead, Horne sought to write a transnational study and succeeded. He mainly rating the two way current between the US and Kenya. Horne also intended to explain the, to some, puzzling ties between the African American community and East Africa since the rise of Mau Mau and the civil rights movement in the 1950s created a level of u nity between the two communities ( pp. 237 38). Richard M. Mares, Michigan State University Hamid Irbouh. 2005. Art in the Service of Colonialism: French Art Education in Morocco, 1912 1956 New York: I.B. Tauris. 280 pp. Recent international scholarship h as focused on the role of colonialism in visual culture, as well Art in the Service of Colonialism is a valuable source for readers interested in art education, colonialism, gender, and the social role of arts and crafts. It also challenges traditional scholarship on modern artistic production in North Africa by focusing on the Irbouh argues that French art education in craft industries in the Protectorate of Morocco played a major role in supporting the colonial agenda there. The author pulls from colonial accounts, aesthetic and political theory, administrative correspondence, art journals, and contemporary scholarship to illustrate how French educational reform shifted control from

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BOOK REVIEWS | 137 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf Moroccan guilds to French authorities, and, furthermore, formed generations of Moroccan craftsmen and women trained with French techniques. Colonial administrato rs promoted these craft schools as a way for Moroccans to develop their own economic sector in the medinas (traditionally Muslim quarters of cities) and gain economic independence. As Irbouh demonstrates, however, these schools accentuated unequal educatio n based on French misconceptions of racial and ethnic divisions in Morocco, and produced a subordinate work force for the development of European occupied villes nouvelles in cities such as Rabat and Fez. In dealing with art education reform and challenge assumptions about colonialism, women, and agency in Morocco. He demonstrates that Moroccan craftsmen and wom en either adopted or rejected visual practices developed by the Protectorate. The Moroccan elite, for example, supported the French educational project as educ ation and physical fitness. Irbouh also responds to scholarly claims that European women played inconsequential or subordinate roles in the colonial project. As demonstrated in Chapter Five, French female educators were key players in managing craft schools and constructing visual culture in the lonial reform, yet fails to Nevertheless, Irbouh takes a critical approach to the ethnogra phic observations of French textile patterns. It is sometimes difficult to tel l whether qualitative observations on Moroccan craft production are those of the author or of the colonial adminstrators, as Irbouh cites similar French texts to demonstrate the harmonious and independent nature of pre guilds. Considering I Art in the Service of Colonialism is a historical analysis, rather than an art historical one. The black and white photographs of craft workshops and ironworking diagrams are valuable and intriguing, yet they lack capt ions and formal analysis in Chapters Five and Seven, where he discusses the symbolism of Rabat l student. enriching. In Chapter One Irbouh describes the organization of pre where building construction professions derived their high social rank from the wealth amassed through these crafts. The author also highlights the role of drawing and vocational education in late nineteenth century France. Thes e nationalist and industrial developments in the mtropole

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138 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf transmitted to Moroccan craft schools, where drawing became a manual exercise in visual memory and dexterity for students. scholarship and the West. Art in the Service of Colonialism thus raises pertinent questions about gender and rts and crafts in Morocco: what did it mean for male Arab artists at the Casablanca School of Fine Arts to appropriate the arts and techniques of in the 1960s, when art Lara Ayad Boston University Daniel Mains. 2012. Hope is Cut: Youth, Unemployment, and the Future in Urban Ethiopia Pennsylvania: Temple University Press. 193 pp. Youth unemployment has become one of the most pressing development issues in contemporary Africa. With the youth being the majority of citizens in Africa, there is a growing concern that if this group of people is not catered for in all as pects of human existence, the stability and subsequent positive continuity of society will be ostracized. It is upon this justification that there is need for scholars to unpack the dynamics surrounding youth unemployment. There is a genuine need to concep tualize the terms youth and unemployment: unearth the causes of unemployment: the coping strategies employed by the youth: as well as understand the stratification dynamics surrounding youth unemployment. It is only when this is done that we can proffer so lutions to this arduous problem of youth unemployment. This is exactly what Daniel Mains does in this book in a brilliant manner. The book starts with a radiant introduction that sets the basis for later chapters by giving a luminous conceptualization of t he terms youth, hope and unemployment. The definition of youth as not being modeled on age but on relations of reciprocity is of major interest in the introduction. The author, states that an individual stops being a youth when they can be relied upon by t largely phenomenological and ethnography centered approach, as the author spent over eightee n months living and interacting with the youth of Jimma. Of interest however, is the fact that the author decided to specifically focus on youthful men only and not women. Chapter one introduces readers to an intrinsic understanding of the carving of the present outlook of unemployment in urban Jimma. The writer gives a beautiful hi storical analysis dating back to the 1800s where chief occupations were modeled on trade and religion. With the Ethiopian revolution in 1974, the government became the apex employer, providing employees with prestige and material benefit. Secondary educat ion became a ticket to wealth and prestige as a qualification for government employment. With the inception of the Structural Adjustment Programs the requirement for government employment increased, but government employment still remains the symbol of suc cess for the youth of Jimma.

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BOOK REVIEWS | 139 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf Chapter two elaborates a high quality conceptualization of time, where time is unstructured and is in abundance for the unemployed youth. In essence, unemployment was not simply the absence of work but a problem of time. Unempl This is a great chapter with various new angles on the concepts of youth, hope and time. In chapter three the author comes up with an amu sing theory that contradicts itself the lives of the youth). On the other hand however, education has stopped most youth from settle for jobs that are not equivalent with the status of their education. They therefore rather choose to remain unemployed but upholding their prestige which i s an important part of relationships. Chapter four examines the social aspects attached to u nemployment. The author produces a handsome elaboration that communal values have a bearing on unemployment. Those young men that ignored communal evaluations of status managed to seek employment in the dreaded low status occupations and created their own reality of progress different from that of society. Those who remained wary of societal status evaluations remained largely unemployed. In chapter five, the author challenges the mainstream ideology of material rationalism, by unearthing new status hierarc hies existing in urban Ethiopia. The author brings out the notion that material accumulation is used to create new relationships and networks. On the other hand, the unemployed used gifts to strengthen their social relationships with existing peers. To thi s end, the author argues that the state of relationships must complement the materialistic conceptions of inequality. In chapter six and the conclusion, the author comes up with possible solutions to the problem of unemployment. These solutions include mig ration (in and out of Ethiopia) to modern spaces developed by the free market, entrepreneurial brilliance and a return to education. An obvious change in culture is required as well to restructure social evaluations of status, which obviously restrict many young men from venturing into different professions. This is a book that students and teachers of Anthropology, Development Studies, African Studies and African Literature should get their hands on. The major pro of this boo k is the conceptualize key concepts of youth, progress and unemployment. Ramphal Sillah, Midlands State University Richard C. Marback 2012. Rhetoric Columbia: University of South Carolina Press. 138 pp. The book opens up a vista of rethinking vulnerability in the South African social space; it equally calibrates the long struggle for freedom, democracy and reconciliation, which apartheid South African framed and sustained via its variegated tend ency to exclude coloured and black folks to the margins. In this wavelength, Marback, reasons with Nelson Mandela in his autobiography Long Walk to Freedom which is appositely parallel to Managing Vulnerability: oric. The essence of the book resounds with

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140 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf transcending the shenanigans, atrophy and social backwater occasioned and underwritten by the Western attempt to perpetually stifle alternative discourse. It equally dramatizes the attempt to rupture the dynami cs of disempowering the marginalized by envisioning democratic culture and rhetorical artifact that is tempered with equality, social justice and inclusiveness. materi al, emotional, psychological and cultural vulnerability that detonates with democratic rhetoric, freedom and sovereignty (p. 22). The book, therefore, finds timbre in questioning the very logic of vulnerability as well as marginalization of the vulnerable in society the South African social space. To this end, We best respond to the suffering of others by giving expression to vulnerability in our aspirations for common good. Being vulnerable is fundamental to the human condition. We can never eliminate i t. We must try to not ignore it in (p.131). This book eight chapters coalesce to give an imprimatur of critical terms on vulnerability and sovereignty observed by the author. The first chapter The Promise of Participation Rhetoric as Vulnerability presents the dual move by Salazar that depicts the vulnerability, which animates the pursuit for rhetoric of sovereignty and the vu lnerability that takes account of inclusion. Chapter three titled The Dangerous Rhetoric of Robert Sobukwe, brings to mind S obukwe, the first president of the Pan Afri can Congress, in jail three years beyond his sentence. Chapter four well titled On the Fragile Memories of Robben Island, reconstructs the issues surrounding the small house in the Island where Sobukwe was imprisoned. This little house has now become a historic tourist attraction. Chapter five Compromised Gesture and the clenched fist that symbolizes uncompromising monumental commitment to the struggle against apa from jail. Chapter six Handedness portrays Tutu as the pioneer of the conciliation and open handedness extended to another in the entire democratic processes spanning from 1967 to the 1980s. Chapter seven Tsotsi, District 9, and the Visualisation of Vulnerable Rhetoric dramatizes the admission of past injustices meted against the South African people, while equally promot ing positive dialogue. The last chapter The Prospects of R hetoric as V ulnerability takes further the inner workings of vulnerability orchestrated via sad experiences by the likes of David and Wilkus van der Merve. No doubt, the book has strengths N ev ertheless, it suffers from sanctimonious preachment, as well as near pseudo vision of democratizing South African society by ignoring the perils and challenges that lie ahead. Although the book challenges our collective conscience to t ake the path of conci liation, sovereignty, justice and equality, if you like, nonetheless, it is tinkered with an idealized view of change in the way vulnerability and democratic rhetoric is being managed in South Africa. Put simply and tersely, it would be more appropriate fo r the author to anchor his philosophy of democratic rhetoric in a more pragmatic approach. Emeka Smart Oruh, Brunel University

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BOOK REVIEWS | 141 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf Barbaro Martinez Ruiz. 2013. Kongo Graphic Writing and Other Narratives of the Sign Philadelphia: Temple University Press. 228 pp. In a focused study of Central Africa and Cuba, Kongo Graphic Writing and Other Narratives of the Sign succinctly and precisely dismantles several old school paradigms of Africa. The most pernicious, of course, was that the continent lacked writing (wit h the exception of Egypt, which comparable written documents led scholars, from Hegel to Hugh Trevor Roper, to insist that it was as a place of historical darkne ss. Many have worked to disprove such fallacies, shifting focus to oral or visual sources as empirical records of the African past, but research into manifold African scripts is more scant. Where it exists, Barbaro Martinez Ruiz argues in his Introduction, it often reinforces the divide between two and three dimensional forms of communication ( p. 6). Martinez Ruiz boldly insists that, in Kongo culture at least, writing t he systematic making visible of language is not restricted to the flat arrangement of l ines and dots, but extends to expressive gestures and the construction of religious objects, in particular Minkisi figures and their Cuban Palo Monte counterpart, Prendas The product of not just several years of academic research, but a lifetime of invo lvement in Afro Cuban religion, Palo Monte, Kongo Graphic Writing is a rare, ambitious scholarly work. Its chapters expound the spread of Kongo belief systems from Africa across the Atlantic, Kongo cosmology and cosmogony, pictographic and ideographic writ ing used for religious and other societal purposes, and the physical manifestations of these constructions. Kongo graphic writing, although deployed by experts conversant in its myriad forms, is not rarified communication; it is inextricably bound to daily practices, from the devotional to the memorial to the medicinal. Martinez between signs and symbols across vast swathes of history and geography. He examines ancient rupestrian markings, mapping their recurrence across a number of sites and recording how they are understood within the context of living, local proverbs and practices. He scours illustrations from seventeenth century European travel writing, exposing within them do cumentation of religious practices that have stood the test of time. The methodology is rich and unconventional, mobilizing fieldwork, interviews and archival research, along unique personal insights from within Palo Monte. The cruciform Almighty Dikenga the ur graphic of Kongo cosmology, is the single greatest example of continuity between ancient and contemporary Bakongo culture ( p. 68). Further, the appearance of the dikenga as nkuyu or lucero in Cuban Palo Monte evidences the fundamental connective tissue between the Caribbean and Central Africa, and insists upon the resilience of African religious practice despite the horrors of the Middle Passage. Indeed, another paradigm that Martinez an unquestionably horrendous trauma, equates to a total loss of culture. As he writes, his book desires to demonstrate the fundamental and rich continuity between Africa and the diaspora ( p. 11). That he is a student of Robert Farris Thompson, who Flas h of the Spirit (1983) is regularly referenced, should come as no surprise.

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142 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf Martinez Ruiz offers not just an academic explication of the history and the mechanics of Afro chapter arrangement is telling, with approximately half of the pages contained in Chapter 4. Here, Martinez Ruiz not only discusses in depth the variety of two dimensional graphic forms that constitute the communication systems of the Kongo ( bidimbu and bi sinsu ) and Palo Monte ( firmas ), but illustrates his text with extensive tables of signs collected from both historic sites and contemporary informants, typically local priests. Hand drawn by the author, these signs and symbols, presented in table format to allow comparisons of recurre nt forms and their varied interpretations, equip the reader with an invaluable Kongo lexicon. The author puts this to work, using it, for example to decode the composite complexity of certain Palo Monte signatures known as firmas Kongo Graphic Writing d efies categorization, for its findings spanning African and Afro Cuban history, linguistics, religious studies, archaeology and art history. While written by an a rt h istorian, its Library of Congress catalogue number places it in Language and Literature. This speaks directly to its multi disciplinary appeal. That the author simultaneously published the book in Spanish further evidences his commitment to pushing the boundaries of the American academy. The opportunities for future research, from African gr aphic writing beyond the Kongo to linguistic/artistic/cultural connections between the continent and the diaspora are teasingly inferred in the Conclusion. Martinez eight related lines of inquiry; the generati ve potential of this text is vast. Kate Cowcher, Stanford University Niq Mhlongo. 2012. Dog Eat Dog: A Novel Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Press. 222pp. Dog Eat Dog is a work of fiction by Niq Mhlongo, a South African writer and is part of Ohio Universi Dog Eat Dog is part of this series, the intended audience is college students in African Studies or world literature classes. Mhlongo has also written two other novels, After Tears (2010) and Way Back Home (2013) The setting is Johannesburg and Soweto, South Africa. The book mostly takes place in the year 1994. Various flashbacks in the novel describe stories from childhood such as the death of his father, getting beaten in school for being abs ent, and the police searching his home and taking away his uncle for political reasons. an average college student at the University of Witwatersrand. Each chapter discus ses some of struggles are sometimes overshadowed by a larger political backdrop. In 1994, the South African general elections marked the end of the apartheid system. Dingz and his friends were excited to be part of the election and eagerly waited in the queue. A few memorable lines reflect election would reshape our live A nd

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BOOK REVIEWS | 143 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf at home and I guessed that they were still trying to vote at the nearest polling station. My s hi fi speakers were pumping out some fat k waito beats outside on the lawn Despite the end of apartheid, Dingz has several encounters with racism such as corrupt police officers, classmates, and the school dean. r this book because all of the chapters deal with the apartheid South Africa. In each chapter the reader senses how Early o n, we learn Dingz was denied financial aid from the University. He in this South Africa of ours you have to master the art of lying in or With the help of his friends, Dingz manages to stay ahead or at least survive his troubles. Dingz is usually a likeable character who the reader can empathize with, but sometimes Dingz could have easily avoided many of his problem s. For example, he could have studied harder for his exams and then he would not have worry about getting an exemption to take the test again later. love interest Nk woman. Their relationship moves very quickly. Within days they have already s lept together some details of what she looks like. Nkanyezi is the reason Dingz gets kicked out of his temporary housing arrangement and even contracts an STD from Nkanyezi. Yet, there is no discussion of how she got the STD and what either of these events means for the relationship. Another critique is that the novel contains excessive harsh profanity and explicit sexual content. On the one hand, the dialogue betw een characters contains so much profanity that it can be off gritty, and raucous. Although it could be considered witty, the jarring profanity can also distract from the sub stantive content of the writing. Overall, the book is easy to read, but by no means a light read. Dog Eat Dog is an entertaining set of stories about the kwaito generation and life in South Africa during the 1994 elections, a transition of government, and the end of apartheid. Rebecca Steiner, University of Florida Sasha Newell. 2012. The Modernity Bluff: Crime, Consumption, and Citizenship in Cte Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press. 305 pp. The Modernity Bluff s outdoor bars where, around tables fully covered with bottles, groups of young men lavishly outspend each other. They flash rolls of money, prominently display their cell phones, and exhibit thei r prestigious US brand name clothing in the most refined ways. We witness a bluff:

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144 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf rdinary account of how such bluffing makes sense in the Ivoirian context. Newell delineates in its most intricate details how the fakery of being wealthy and the performance of being modern (i.e. Westernized ) are of constitutive importance to such diverse phenomena as street language (chapter 1), the illicit urban economy (chapter 2), masculinity and social cohesion (chapter 3), consumption (chapter 4), migration (chapter 5) and the Ivoirian political crisis (chapter 6). Newell does not discard bl uffing as unauthentic. He seeks to analyze the relations between the bluffer and the audience to show how the bluff intertwines the real and the imaginary. Through the copious use of rich ethnographic data, he hopes to demonstrate that appearances of mode rn real success, and that the quest for appearing modern and successful has replaced the quest for being successful ion, Newell challenges the normative differentiation between the real and the fake and argues that neither fake nor real, but rather the ability to produce the re al through manipulation of the What deserves particular acknowledgement is, maybe unsurprisingly, the form argumentation throughout the book. First and foremost, the author develops a captivating proximity to the people, p laces, and phenomena under study, which he conveys through detailed anecdotes, extensive and intriguing quotations of his friends and acquaintances in Abidjan, pop song lyrics, Ivoirian cartoons, and expressive photographs. Secondly, as much as Newell obvi ously immersed himself in the milieu he studies, he consistently steps back to situate his ethnographic accounts carefully within their larger context, tracing the history of the phenomena and the etymology of the concepts he studies, critically cross chec king different narratives and addressing their contradictions, and ordering the diversity and ambivalence of his topic through lists, typologies, and comparisons. Third and finally, Newell is a stunningly skillful theorist, opening up new perspectives on t transnationalism, brands and consumption, to name but a few issues at stake. And while his cross referencing between empirical and theoretical observations and between social theory classics and contemporary Africanist writing can be dazzling at times, it never appears heavy or lofty. Persuasively, The Modernity B luff thus creates a suspicion against itself: could the reader not be duped by a brilliant bluffeur ? The suspicion surfaces in sections where the author seems to his diverse conceptualizations of modernity that are not acc ordingly mirrored in his empirical power through their ideas about cosmology, consumption, and fakery; modernity is considered a culturally specific construction. While he also emphasizes the ideological, exclusive character of modernity ( the West is modern, the rest is not ), his descriptions of Ivoirian modern youth one sidedly concentrate on the situational inclusion and creative appropriation of

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BOOK REVIEWS | 145 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf modernity, an few methodological remarks and interes ting anecdotes, the author never really harnesses the empirical data of his experiences as a white, American researcher (who was, for instance, often perceived as a modern accessory to his Ivoirian friends). In many ways, a more reflexive elaboration on th e intercultural aspects of fieldwork could have been helpful to empirically the reader is left wanting a conclusion about the epistemological consequences o findings. In fact, if culture and modernity are based on bluff, what about anthropology? Whatever the answer to this question may be and despite the ambiguity that it might intend to Modernity Bluff is clearly a magnificently written, and thoroughly researched continue to spark new debates in anthr opological and Africani st circles for quite a while. Joschka Philipps, Centre for African Studies Basel, Switzerland David P. Sandgren 2012. Mau Mau's Children: The Making of Kenya's Postcolonial Elite Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. 185 pp. D avid P. Sandgren, a professor of African history at Concordia College Moorhead in Minnesota, taught from 1963 on for four years as a young college graduate at a s econdary s chool in Giakanja, Kenya. In this work he explores significant elements of the dail y life of seventy five of his pupils over a fifty members of their families held in 1995. In seven chapters the life histories of these men, which can be characterized today as while adding some crucial information about the general situation they ha d to face in their country at that time. The result is a refreshing mixture of individual histories and historical facts. But for this reason the reader has to keep in mind that he is not dealing with a historical work about Kenya, but with information fro m a unique point of view about a limited group of men raised in Central Province near Nyeri belonging without exception to the tribe of the Gikuyu. T he first chapter illustrates the difficult situation of the Gikuyu in the colonial society and especially childhood in the time of the Mau Mau rebellion. He enables the reader to see the conflict from the point of view of normal people being confronted with cruelties not only from the government but also from Mau Mau. It becomes clear that they could not see e verything in black and white and were either loyalists or rebels but that they simply struggled to survive and to escape the blood thirst of that time. The second chapter explains the great need for education after independence and the difficulties the Gia kanja Secondary School and its first students had

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146 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf to face. The start was especially problematic because Giakanja was one of the first day schools in the country and most people at that time were convinced that only boarding school education could be succe ssful. The following sections deal with the importance and difficulties of achieving a pass on career afterwards. It is summarized that after all the majority of this so gener university took place entered the wealthy middle class. Showing generational conflicts and the differences between the traditions and the new lifestyle in a wealthy enviro nment the final two chapters display figuratively the dramatic change of the society in just fifty years. The fact alone that the book is based on interviews and the personal experience of the author makes the work worth reading. Besides Sandgren shows on ce more his detailed knowledge about the Gikuyu society before and after independence already displayed in his 1989 work Christianity and the Kikuyu : Religious Divisions and Social Conflict Furthermore he combines the facts and the individual stories in a brilliant style and achieves a figurative description of the situation, which is unique in the historical literature about Kenya so far. A lthough an overview was not the aim of the work, some more explanations and a more detailed description of the present day political and economical situation of the country would have enriched the study. In addition the author could have made even clearer especially in the last two chapters that the si tuation of his former scholars has nothing to do with the reality of the majority of Kenyan people today. They are the wealthy and extraordinar il y educated exception. Particularly the optimistic view that the tensions between the tribes belong to the past and the impression that all Kenyans are on their way to a lifestyle on a Western level being conveyed on the last pages can be questioned. It should have been mentioned at that point that the majority of people all over the country are still living under v ery poor conditions and that Nairobi is somehow another world in comparison to rural areas. M any young people s till have to quit their education before achieving their secondary leaving certificate in order to go work and help their families to survive. Ne vertheless the work can be recommended as an extraordinary and vital contribution to the scientific discussion about the history of Kenya and of the Gikuyu. Frederik Sonner, Institute of Philo sophy and Leadership in Munich Elizabeth Schmidt. 2013. Foreign Intervention in Africa: From the Cold War to the War on Terror New York: Cambridge University Press. 267 pp. constantly changing with new perspectives/explanatio Foreign Intervention in Africa: From the Cold War to the War on Terror is another valuable addition to the literature. The book is unique in terms of its intellectual rigor and continental coverage. Unl ike the practice where some scholars select few countries in Africa as case studies and generalize their findings for the entire continent with little/no regard for the

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BOOK REVIEWS | 147 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf divergent issues (cultural, historical, political and socio economic), this book is qu ite different from the norm. Grounded on a qualitative research method, the book investigates the root causes of confront Africa are multifaceted, the dominant explanat ions tend to over emphasize the internally driven factors like dictatorship, corruption and inactions of political elites at the expense of the externally driven factors. While the centrality of the internally driven factors cannot be ignored, the author also reminds readers not to forget the impact of foreign the consequences of foreign interventions (political and military) across the continent (p. 1). The book is categorized into phases of decolonization (1956 75), the Cold War (1945 91), state collapse (1991 2001), and the global war on terror (2001 10). Within the context of this categorization, the author sets forth four central assumptions/propositions as gu iding tenets for investigation (pp. 1 3). The first assumption underscores the fact that imperialist and Cold War powers hijacked the decolonization process in Africa for their economic and political interests, to the extent that the continent became the b attleground for imperialist influences and East West ideological proxy wars. Second, the author posits that Africa became strategically less important to Cold War allies after the demise of communism. Third, like the Cold War, the global war on terror incr eased foreign military presence in Africa with support for authoritarian regimes. Fourth, the author theorizes that foreign intervention tended to increase rather than decrease conflicts on the continent (p. 2). The author examines these assumptions wi th other topics like radical nationalism, decolonization and the Cold War. In chapter one, for example, the author constructs a compelling narrative/argument to help readers understand the motives/tactics of these foreign actors (imperial and Cold War) on the continent. While major European countries (Britain, France, Portugal and Belgium) occupied the top group of imperial powers during the colonial and post colonial eras, the United States and the former Soviet Union were undoubtedly the Cold War giants on the continent. The roles of China and Cuba as Cold War actors were also addressed (pp. 18 32). With the propositions clearly outlined in chapter one, the author shifted the focus (chapters two to seven) to case study analysis of African countries that were deeply affected by these interventions (pp. 35 189). For instance, the author has systematically discussed interventions by neo colonial and Cold War actors in Northern Africa (Egypt and Algeria), Central and Southern Africa (Congo, Angola, Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa) and East Africa (Ethiopia, Somalia and Eritrea). The colonial/post colonial relations between France struggle and the Cold War power politics that occurred in the Congo and Somalia are few examples to highlight. The eighth and l ast chapter explores the so called global war on terrorism (pp. 193 222) and rorism replaced attack on the US (p. 195). Clearly, the book appears to have accomplished its stated

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148 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf goals/pr opositions. Not only is it well researched and logica lly argued, but the author has demonstrated outstanding knowledge an d an in political complexities. The analyses and the persuasive arguments attest to this claim. examine the current intervention in Africa by China in search for economic resources/political influence. Although the author touches on China as a Cold War actor (pp. 27 29) and again mentions China with other emerging powers in Africa (p.221), the author was unable to discuss involvement on the continent. I also find the broad categorization of the period of state collapse (1991 2001) somehow problematic, especially from a continental perspective, since this was the sam e era that many authoritarian regimes in Africa transitioned quite well to democratic/semi democratic forms of government. Notwithstanding, this book is an excellent resource for the academia, policymakers/researchers and anyone interested in African Affai rs. Felix Kumah Abiwu, Eastern Illinois University Jesse Weaver Shipley 2013. Living The Hiplife: Celebrity and Entrepreneurship in Ghanaian Popular Music Durham: Duke University Press. 344 pp. The book is an in depth look at the hiplife scene in Ghana. Jesse Shipley has years of experience researching popular culture in Ghana, and it comes through in this text. He provides a detailed account of the history of hiplife and some of incorporated local cultural values and the use of proverbs. In comparing hiplife to highlife, he says the former has exp life centered approach emergence. He details a post Rawlings Ghana, the various figures that pioneered hiplife music, and stories of second generation hiplife artists. Chapter six, one of the strongest, is an important examination of attempts to control female public shaming of women as a means of control and discouraging deviation. The chapter focuses on assaults committed against hiplife artist Mzbel and the subsequent onslaught of comments that the artists brought on the attacks due to her provocative perform ances. Shipley addresses cultural autonomy poses to public morality and male sexual dominance. The research represents some of the only work on the reinforcement of gendered spaces in urban youth music in Africa. perspectives on what hiplife actually is, Shipley includes this discussion briefly towards the end of chapter four. Discussing it earlier could prevent readers from getting the impression that

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BOOK REVIEWS | 1 49 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf hiplife is Ghanaian hip hop. Hiplife is more its own genre. Shipley alludes to this. His analysis of hiplife suggests a genre that stands alone, but that incorporates eleme nts from other genres, namely highlife and hip hop. An aspect of the text that stood out was the placing of hiplife within neoliberal ideals, hip hop culture, and Pan Africanism. While hiplife borrows heavily from hip hop, and may espouse Pan African sent iments, hip hop, as well as Pan Africanism, is extremely critical of neoliberalism. While few hip hop artists call neoliberalism out by name, hip hop often addresses the devastating results of neoliberalism on the urban poor. The contradictions inherent in an embrace of both neoliberalism and hip hop further distinguish hiplife as its own consumption and accumulation, though it does so through Black images of protest and neoliberal, and while not socialist, is very critical of capitalism. Finally, it would have been good to see information on other genres of urban youth music chapter on M3nsa and his discussion of Blitz the Ambassador were important, as neither is classified as hiplife. Both perform hip hop music (Blitz, almost exclusively) and their inclusion in the text provided an opportunity to explore the relationship between hiplif e and hip hop. In addition, the emergence of azonto music in Ghana has further diversified the urban youth music scene in Ghana. As the azonto scene grows, what will be the impact on hiplife? the key figures that most influence the genre. The incorporation of both local and foreign sounds in the creation popular music genre in Ghana was well reviewed. In addition, the look on the intersections of gender, sexuality and aspects. Msia Kibona Clark, California State University, Los Angeles James Howard Smith and Rosalind I. J. Hackett, eds. 2012. Displacing the State: Religion and Conflict in Neoliberal Africa South Bend, I nd : University of Notre Dame Press. 299 pp Many interpretations of religion and conflict in Africa are too simplistic. The book under review, therefore, seeks to deviate from those interpretations and provide a more detailed perspective. A collection of essays edited by James Howard Smith and Rosalind I. J. Hackett, the book is touted as an introductory text to key themes with regard to religion and conflict in Africa. Most of the chapters in the volume are historical and ethnographic in method and scale and focus on the everyday activities, processes and structures that engender conflict and peace: liturgical verse, mov i es and street pamphlets, church services, secret societies, legal debates surrounding domestic arrangements, and so on. In this way, the volume pull s focus away from dramatic and highly mediated violent conflicts by examining the role of religious practices in

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150 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf the making and unmaking of social orders from the bottom up, in stark contrast to conventional top down approaches. The first part of three, Historical Sources of examines how aspects of African history have laid the foundation for very divergent models of peace: one stressing reconciliation and cooperation between formerly opposed parties, and another relying on the ongoing pe rpetuation of conflict and the persistent demonization of others, especially the Restorative Justice in Nineteenth Century Ethiopia histori an Charles Schaefer delineates a tradition of restorative justice in Ethiopia that extends back to the medieval period, elements of which can be found in Ethiopian political thought and practice in the twenty first century. He also argues that Ethiopian re storative justice has allowed for forgiveness of vanquished parties, accountable for future actions; in other words, to correct their criminal ways dwells at length on the peaceful potential of religion and religious discourse, and argues that these aspects of religious belief and practice should develop so that rel igion can contribute effectively to peace building. In contrast, in the chapter entitled The Political Life of Devil Worship Rumors in Kenya James Howard Smith focuses on the productive dimensions of the concept of evil, epi t omized by the idea of the devil. H e argues that specific, culturally nuanced ideas about the devil and devil worshippers have been central to governance in Kenya from the colonial period, and that diverse Kenyan groups have tried to use these concepts to t he fact that real world peace often involves scapegoating and the perpetration of tension. The second part, entitle comprises three chapters. T he first Grace Nyatugah Wamue Ngare The Mungiki Movement: A Source of Religio Political Conflict in Kenya traditionalist religious and political m ovement whose members and leadership have struggled to retain their original utopian religious foundations at the same time as the organization has morphed into a powerful shadow state and mafia. Wamue Ngare eventually emphasizes the religious dimensions o f Mungiki in reaction to those who have portrayed the movement as a mafia organization with no redeeming moral virtues. In contrast, Koen Maker: Conflict and Militia Formation in Eastern Congo occult dimensions of a similar, equally heterogeneous, youth based movement in the eastern Congo in an effort to draw out their often unrecognized political and sociological motivations and historical underpinnings. Both Wamue Ngare and Vlassenroot draw at tention to an even more fundamental issue: mainly, that the new religious movements at work in African challenge entrenched Western understandings of religion as belief in a transcendental truth above and beyond political realities. Rather, these religious /political movements are firmly grounded in real world struggles and transformations and are the principal mechanism through which people try to bend overarching structures to their wills. Isabel Mukonyora confronts this issue igion, Politics, and Gender in Zimbabwe: The Masowe Apostles and

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BOOK REVIEWS | 151 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf Chimurega Religion social functions including those formerly reserved for states, while in some ways echoing Zimbabwean state demonstrates a profound ambivalence about tradition among Masowe Apostles: while they incorporate many elements of Shona culture into their rituals,and emphasize the symbolic significance o f land, Masowe religious ritual is ultimately aimed at curtailing the power of ancestors, and hence the past, over living populations in the present (and thus shares much in common with other popular religious movements such as Pentecostalism). While t he s econd part emphasized how religion engenders new forms of social and political identification in the wake of state transformation and in many instances, decline and collapse the final part, ighlight s the conflict between state structures and the new ideologies and institutions associated with neoliberal globalization (international religious nongovernmental organizations, new forms of media, and discourses of human rights, for example). Rosal argues that, contrary to all expectations that a liberalized print and electronic media would engender peaceful, open public discussi on and dialogue among religions, the recent Azonzeh F. K. Ukah Popular Christian Video Fi lms as a examines the popular and legal controversy surrounding the release of the Nigerian Pentecostal film Rapture. His theme expands upon the themes that Hackett introduced by examining a single example of antagonistic r eligious imagery made possible by a newly liberalized media A nd to sum it up, Religious Conflict in Uganda: a more complex relationship between the state and religion in contemporary Africa. This book adds to the growing literature about religion and conflic t in Africa; it documents important traditional African responses to conflicts from a religion and conflict studies dimension; and it offers a different conceptualization of religion and conflict. T here is a weakness however Some of the articles need to be reviewed. Lastly, while Religion and C onflict in Neoliberal Africa can indeed serve as an introduction to key themes revolving around Displacing the State in Africa, it obviously can not stand on its own as a foundation tex t in this field. Ibukun Ajayi, University of Ibadan Hakeem Ibikunle Tijani 2012. Union Education in Nigeria: Labor, Empire, and Decolonization since 1945 New York: Palgrave MacMillian. 176 pp. Union Education i n Nigeria: Labor, Empire, and Decolonization since 1945 is an ambitious attempt to contextualize Nigerian labor union

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152 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf education during British decolonization. Tijani threads multiple theses throughout the work, but his central project is an emphasis on th e pre and post colonial struggle to shape union leftist colonial state at odds with leftist unions and the leftist intelligentsia, arguing that the colonial government established the 1950s (p. 46). This in turn assured more conservative government influence over union education curriculums and institutions in post colonial Nigeria. In Chapter One, T ijani explores labor unions in Africa prior to Nigerian independence in 1960. Central to his analysis is an overview of the six major communist front organizations operating during the period that, to varying degrees, used clandestine means to further thei r agendas within Africa. He also draws warranted attention to non communist international CIO, and African labor unions and officials in the 1950s. The chapter, which finishes with an introductory summation and with passing commentary on Nigerian specifics (p. 1). Chapter Two examines the role of post their influence in forming alliances during the colonial period, were unable to survive the odel of unionism and the Nigerianization process. Tijani paints a broad picture, from a sweeping description of Nigerian labor union history in the twentieth century, to the influence of the Cold War on local labor groups. Unfortunately, this wide stance l eaves the chapter feeling wispy and un substantial as Tijani attempts to cover so much background and context that he gives too little attention to his greater argument and purpose. P roceeding to Chapter Three, Tijani alters course, reconsidering European c olonialism and adaptations in colonial policy in West Africa in contrast and complement ary nd methods aimed at persuading conservative African nationalists to become involved in a peaceful T he most promising, though short, tenet of the monograph comes in Chapter Four. Tijani se of formal and informal labor education programs during the colonial jani prematurely shifts focus, leaving the threads of his argument dangling behind him. Chapters five and eight provide respective overviews of labor union education in Nigeria pre and post education to confront the communist threat and create an enduring environment of anti leftist unionism (pp. 53, 71). Tijani also elaborates on his definition of labor union education, which though varied in association between union education programs and postcolonial nation building, including international dynamics and the natio nal institute of labor education. Meanwhile, Chapters six

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BOOK REVIEWS | 153 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf and seven focus on specific individuals and strikes: namely, Marxist publisher and activist independence. Unfo rtunately, the caveats for problematic. The book is more than simply repetitious. Entire sentences, and on occasion, entire paragraphs are repeated verbatim (sometimes within a matter of pages) (pp. 16, 20). Larger structure that leaves the argument out of focus and ill proven. Key terms also go undefined. lef individuals and groups identifying with, and sympathetic to, general Communist and Marxist ideologies, while also holding an opposition to the colonial state. But this is not always clear. This lack of nuance is concerning given the extreme weight these terms carry in labor and union describ interpretation. 1 the institutional and state history of an understudied region. Historians of Africa and abroad can gleam much the burgeoning field of labor and empire. Notes 1 Joseph Agbowuro 1976. Comparativ e Education 12 .3 : 243 54. Ryan Driskell Tate, Rutgers University Torrent Mlanie 2012. Diplomacy and Nation Building in Africa: Franco British Relations and Cameroon at the End of Empire London: I.B. Tauris. 409 pp. Diplomacy and Nation Building march towards independence and its subsequent nation building process. Drawing upon extensive archival material colle cted in France, Great Britain, Canada, Cameroon, and the US, the author adopts an actor the international system from the perspectives of British, French, Cameroonian, and Canadian state l and the late 1970s, triangular diplomacy among France, Britain, and Cameroon substantially formation processes. Concurre ntly, Cameroon is described as central to the histories of French and British decolonization processes and foreign policy choices ( p. ix).

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154 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf diplomatic struggles to safeguard their influence over a territory, which constituted a colonial boundary line between the French and the British zones of influence. The first chapter shows emerged a regarding Cameroon as unpredictable francophone state ( pp. 16 23 39 68 72). Following this argument, the second chapter demonstrates how close relations with France made C ameroon become a strange hybrid in British eyes, neither truly foreign nor fully integrated within the Commonwealth scheme. The early post independence years were marked by an increasing alienation of British diplomats and Cameroonian officials, who to Bri tish diplomats were often, in effect, Frenchmen with black skins ( p. 77). Chapter Three, dedicated to the early post predominant influence in many sectors of the Cameroonian state and society, before attent ion is given to the 1967 Nigerian civil war over the Biafra region. Torrent illustrates how the Nigerian civil war revealed essential antagonisms between French and British diplomats. The latter held de Gaulle and Foccart rian civil war going for its last year p. 144 quoting Jean Pierre Bat, Le syndrome Foccart ). Fearing that the Igbo movement could prompt secessionist tendencies in reunified Cameroon itself ( p. 141), President Ahidjo supported the central government in Lagos, a move, which improved relations between Cameroon and Britain ( p. 145). The remainder of the chapter is dedicated to an issue that otherwise runs like a thread through the whole volume: the struggle for linguistic predominance in a formally bi li ngual state. While French had already become the dominant language in the political capital, Yaound, as well as in the economic cent e r, Douala ( p. 150), Ahidjo initially remained opposed to the Francophonie organization, which he deemed to be a revival of the French Community and as such being dominated by the former colonizer ( p. 162). Against the backdrop of the referendum in May 1972 regarding the transformation of the Cameroonian Federation into a Four examines French and British efforts to bury old rivalries and their limits. Finally, chapter Five asserts that Britain, by then, had become disinterested in Cameroon ( pp. 226 dominant influence over the whole francophone African region ( p. 246). Overall, Britain is portrayed as the more reluctant of the two former colonial powers, always a nxious that its foreign policy towards Cameroon could corrupt its relations with France or the Commonwealth. France, on the other hand, driven by its quest for grandeur considers close ties with Cameroon and the whole francophone region as an indispensable factor of its foreign policy ( p. 248). Cameroon itself is said to have emerged from the double rejection of the Commonwealth and the French Community; but subsequently little space was left for balanced relations with both European powers or for other mul tilateral alternatives. In the end, Cameroon always had to side with either Britain or France when it came to important issues ( pp. 271 2). ion process. The mainly descriptive text would have benefitted

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BOOK REVIEWS | 155 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf from a more clearly formulated central argument, which would in turn have helped the reader intentio n to speak as a n hi storian to an IR community. Some confusion emerges from the fact that the book does not limit itself to the triangular relationship among Britain, Cameroon, and France, and its impact on the nation building process in Cameroon, but also engages with the inverse impact of Cameroonian foreign policy decisions on the Franco British relationship and Francophonie Organisations. The very interesting agent cen tered approach to foreign policymaking might have been elaborated further in theoretical terms, in particular with reference to the pertinent literature in the field of foreign policy analysis. Regarding the examined decision units, the plethora of officia ls and diplomats cited throughout the work is evidence of a meticulous research, but also confronts the reader with a cast of Tolstoyesque dimensions without always qualifying the relative importance of the different decision making units involved. Despi te the criticisms listed above, the study remains a valuable contribution to the fields of i nternational h out due to the subtle style in which it brings the archives to life. The b ook can be recommended to history students engaging with the notion of Empire or post colonial Africa. For pundits of description of patterns of state behavior th at emerged at the end of the colonial period but which can be observed until the present day. Benedikt Erforth, University of Trento Bernard Waites. 2012. South Asia and Africa: Post colonialism in Historical Perspective New York: Palgrave Macmillan. 45 6 pp. At 456 pages (excluding the contents pages, acknowledgements, list of tables and list of maps, and abbreviations, but including the bibliography and index page), this is a content rich text that grapples with a difficult type of historical analysis. It is a comparative history of South Asia and Africa, with the notion of post colonialism as its main historical theme. The author states economic factors affected the h fact or endowments, natural resource wealth and resource penury, climate and disease ecology. measurable indices such as the prevalence of subsistence agriculture and high infant and p 3) The use of maps, colonial records and studies, World Bank and United Nations reports, government surveys, texts and articles endows this book with a variety of facts that, at times,

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156 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf absorb the reader. To synthesize this wealth of information, the author refers to Partha general form of the transition from colonial to post colonial national states 8) This, in essence, was is an popular radicalism and the forms of social relations that developed between ruling classes and are not exact but they are sufficiently close to underline the usefulness of the concept for comparative analysis. This must begin, however, with those historical and structural constraints to which I p 9) This idea serves as the narra and contrasts the various political personalities, their ideologies, and their actions in the two regions. As his narrative proceeds into in depth political and economic surveys and analyses of South Asia and Afr Zaire Rwanda, Burundi, Angola, and Mozambique), it becomes evident that despite the range of p urpose, being to provide an account of post colonialism as an idiographic expression, rather than a nomothetic idea within a linear historical narrative, is over shadowed by un warranted or ill informed assertions and judgments throughout the text. This th en obscures what he co 34, 99 100, 142 44, 179 85, 215 16, 223 25 etc.) Indeed, if historical perspective inevitably elicits a degree of bias, it is always necessary to be acutely aware of the balance in perspecti ves, regarding the subject under investigation. Nevertheless, the multi ability to arrange and analyze the vast volume of information found in this study. This works in research credentials, but at the same time, forces a seasoned reader in histories of Africa and South Asia to question some of the premises for his arguments. Although need to be heavily scrutinized; a process which would require prior historical knowledge of the regions under investigation. More specifically, this text needs careful intellectual scrutiny, which senior scholars, or post graduate students will be be tter equipped to perform. It is Kwesi D. L. S. Prah, East China Normal University



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University of Florida Board of Trustees, a public corporation of the State of Florida; permission is hereby granted for individuals to download articles for their own personal use. Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Flori da. ISSN: 2152 2448 De centering Theatrical Heritage: Forum Theater in Contemporary Senegal B RIAN QUINN Abstract: The current state of Senegalese theater is a source of concern for a number to doubt the efficacy of the centralized cultural policies that have led to the construction of two grandiose national theaters just a few kilometers apart from each other in the country 's congested capital of Dakar. State subsidized theatrical productions at the Thtre Daniel Sorano and, more recently, at the Grand Thtre National have struggled to a chieve relevance within the national cultural landscape. And yet, independent, so called popular theater troupes continue to spread if not thrive, largely ignored by both official cultural policy and scholarship on Senegalese theater and performance. T his article explore s the work of an independent forum theater troupe called Kaddu Yaraax which has managed to establish an i nternational profile and become a de facto role model for countless community based independent theat er troupes throughout Senegal. M uch of Kaddu Yaraax 's success can be linked to its decision to work exclusively in the form of forum theater, as inspired by the performance philosophy of late Brazilian theater artist and activist Augusto Boal. I will argue that dramaturgical decisions n ecessary in the process of creating what is called a popular theatrical performance compel companies such as Kaddu Yaraax to address questions of Senegalese theatrical heritage and to position themselves vis vis notions of pre colonial, colonial and cont emporary performance. These stakes are made apparent through an exploration of the performative architecture that troupes employ. Introduction Senegalese popular theater is often criticized, dismissed even, as amateurish due in part to its characteristic exclusion of literary writing practices. Shows of this kind are rarely written down, let alone published, and there is no direct authorial relationship between an individual and the final content of what is presented before an audience. 1 An additional cr itique of popular theater in Africa in general has highlighted the fine line it treads between serving anti authoritarian populist objectives and installing another mechanism of top down moralizing characteristic of state centered discourse. Indeed, the p opular works in Senegal, as elsewhere, often veer toward the authoritarian end of this line, finding it difficult to refuse the not so disinterested aid proffered by political leaders and foreign NGOs. Yet forms of popular theater continue to thrive throug hout the country, especially if one compares them to the small creative output of institutions such as the country's two large national theaters, bo th of which struggle to attract enough theater goers to justify a full blown theatrical production. Surely, imperfect though it may be in carrying out its promise of social

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76 | Quinn transformation as inspired by the work of progressive thinkers such as Paulo Freire by virtue of its imprint on the creative lan dscape and collective imaginary popular theater must be inclu ded in any discussion of contemporary arts in Senegal and their potential to promote a so called nouveau type de Sngalais 2 in fact proves too broad in the Senegalese context, where popular has often come to indicate any theatrical work created outside the country's state run theatrical structures. 3 For the sake of clarity, I would like to focus on the specific case of Senegal's primary forum theater company, also described as a leader in t he realm of "popular" theater, Kaddu Yaraax whose name means "word," or "voice" of Yaraax, the neighborhood from which these performers hail, located in Dakar's Baie de Hann and inhabited by a poor community of fishermen I will suggest that such so call ed popular companies should not be assessed solely by how they may or may not advance literary practices in theater, or through a discussion of how effectively they execute attempts to form an anti authoritarian theater for the oppressed. Beyond these oth erwise important concerns, it is essential to also consider troupes' modes of innovation and transmission within a theatrical heritage that ranges from pre colonial times to the present. My argument is intended to address simultaneously calls for a more t ext based approach to popular theater, as well as past writing on the practice of theater for development in Africa. 4 The latter have often focused on the failure of popular theater forms to abide by Paulo Freire's conceptual framework without instating th e very kind of authoritarian discourse the Brazilian philosopher and educator wished to circumvent However, aside from trying to remain fai thful to theorists such as Freire and, from a theatrical perspective, Brazilian artist and political dissident Augu sto Boal, in its work, Kaddu Yaraax is also situating itself as an innovator within a broader theatrical landscape, and is wresting the transmission of Senegalese theatrical heritage from the control of top heavy, state centered institutions. 5 A fuller ap preciation of this heritage component in the work of independent theatrical groups will highlight the symbolic importance of adapting a performative architecture inspired by contemporary notions of pre colonial African performance, especially as this flexi bility in performative architecture is so lacking within the confines of national theatrical structures. Theater Within the "Ple O fficiel" funded theatrical institutions, contemporary Senegales e theater would appear to be at a rather disquieting standstill. For Thtre Daniel Sorano inaugurated in 1965 as the paragon of a nationalist cultural production driven by Ngritude ideology h as struggled to attract audienc es. The drama department of the Ecole Nationale des Arts which once supplied Sorano with its performers, has yet to recover from an enrollment crisis and hopes to receive enough applications from candidates in the 2013 14 academic year to justify funding an incoming class. 6 And as the paint still dries on the Grand Thtre National one of the truly grandiose grands projets pushed forward by former president Abdoulaye Wade, the structure has yet to demonstrate how it will live up to its promise of enhanc on the global theatrical stage. 7 Perhaps the most commonly cited stormy petrel for the official pole of theater is the lack of up and coming, or even aspiring new playwrights hoping to carry on the stage tradition of literary pion eers such as Cheikh Aliou Ndao, Marouba Fall or Boubacar Boris Diop.

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De centering Theatrical Heri tage | 77 B efore we conclude that the place of theater in Senegal has diminished to a state of irrelevance vis vis its national audiences, h owever, we might first ask just what the term "theate r" evokes in the collective national imaginary, not only within official circles, but also on the proverbial street. Because of organizations like the ubiquitous, locally organized Associations Sportives et Culturelles along with nationally coordinated t heatrical youth groups such as the Association des artistes comdiens du thtre sngalais (ARCOTS), and the nightly televised sketches often sold on the street in DVD form and referred to by the Senegalese as being du thtre ," despite never having been performed in front of a live audience, national understandings of theater have expanded beyond the typical Western vision of the crafted theatrical text performed on a proscenium style stage for an audience of paying theatergoe rs. 8 Indeed, today in Senegal one finds multiple forms of a non official theater, often called "popular," which in the past few decades has far outpaced its official, state funded counterpart in adapting to the tastes and sensibilities of its national au dience. While productions at the Thtre Daniel Sorano are performed to near empty houses, events produced by the ARCOTS branches of urban areas such as Pikine are often full beyond capacity and feature performers widely recognized from their work in tel evision or with popular theater festivals. In seeking to explain the ubiquitous phenomenon of popular theater in contemporary Senegalese life, Director of Culture for the City of Dakar, Oumar Ndao, assesses the situation by pointing out: "We have more act ors per square meter than any other country in the world. Here everyone is an actor, since everyone has performed with their ASC at one point or another." 9 Indeed, casual observations evince a Senegalese preference for forms of theater outside of the off icial, nationalist pole of cultural production. "And yet," Ndao continues, "we don't produce good theater." With the lack of training and resources for drama in Senegal, especially on the local level, popular performances can indeed often appear thrown t ogether, or even amateurish, as Ndao suggests, a point which may in part explain the lack of critical interest in these works. Yet, questions of quality notwithstanding, the social implications of this theater come to the fore when considered as a foil to more formalized works of state driven theater. Given the lack of audiences and scarcity of resources at official state institutions of culture, popular theater groups have today taken on the role of transmitting what they see as an important national the atrical heritage. Of course this transmission does not take place without new interpretations and performative innovations regarding what such a heritage must represent and defend. A brief look at the Kaddu Yaraax company's artistic background, as well as the creative choices made throughout its development, will serve to highlight the historical and artistic stakes involved in this troupe's work, as well as how their performances fit within the broader dynamic of a Senegalese theatrical heritage as per formed and produced by so called popular theater companies. Folklore Transmission a nd Theatrical Heritage Like countless other Senegalese youths, the founding members of Kaddu Yaraax had their first encounter with theater through their local Association S portive et Culturelle in the neighborhood of Tableau Ferraille Organized locally and operating throughout the country, these ASC s enable young Senegalese to form their own troupes in order to take part in theatrical competitions through the Nawetaan init iative, a nationwide program providing schoolchildren with a range of activities during the summer vacation. Representing their community in a series of regional contests, the group of friends that would later form the

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78 | Quinn Kaddu Yaraax troupe quickly made a n ame for itself by taking home numerous awards in the performance form known as thtre total This form obligatorily includes four separate performance elements: a folkloric scene, a theatrical play, a chorus and a dance. 10 Additional points were attribu ted to groups managing to connect these with some kind of narrative through line. "For us it wasn't a game," explains the company's director Mouhamadou Diol, who insists that from the beginning the group saw its activities as part of a larger artistic voca tion. "We used to read plays and wanted to inform ourselves on the theater." 11 The group developed its technique, its members familiarizing themselves over the course of several years with the modes of African folklore, dance and music taught and dissem inated through the Nawetaan initiative. As a performer and artist, Diol does not denounce the role of folklore in African creation. He describes such practices as "What we have naturally. I mean, as Africans, we just know how to dance and play music." This position in relation to folklore has meant that Kaddu Yaraax 's theater has not sought to problematize notions of an essentialist African "soul" transmitted through performance, even as the troupe has drawn inspiration from non African theatrical theor ies and practices. Diol does not disavow this folkloric aspect of what he considers the national Senegalese character. However, he does problematize its current place in theatrical productions. "It's who we are," he continues, "but I don't think that, o n its own, it constitutes a work of art." 12 For Diol, in fact, the first critical response to the theatrical heritage of his country consisted not of criticizing the folkloric content of Nawetaan performances, but rather in denouncing the form imposed by t hese competitions of thtre total The competitive nature of these events appeared to preclude any artistic innovation and performances were assessed according to their ability to meet pre established criteria of form. Diol's greatest objection to these events was that they reinforced colonial historical constructs, acting according to ethnographic notions of authenticity and portraying the African performer as static, in a sense, frozen in time. This objection resonates clea rly with the colonial origins of competitions such as those of the Nawetaan events, which, in fact, find historical roots in a form of theater that had emerged through the activities of the centres culturels of French West Africa. 13 These colonial institut ions rose to prominence in the 1950s, when they would replace the prestigious coles normales as the most visible promoters of so called indigenous performance forms and styles in French West Africa. 14 Indeed, as the French authorities began to sense their waning influence, cultural institutions doubled down in their activities, deploying time and resources to a regional theatrical competition among centres culturels throughout th en French West Africa ( Afrique o ccidentale franaise AOF) in an attempt to fo ment a sense of cultural solidarity not only between each colony and its ruling administration, but also among the colonies themselves, thus instantiating a fabricated notion of a common, French West African identity. Much as with the Nawetaan events tod ay, theatrical competitions among centres culturels took place in a series of local and regional rounds, with a final performance/competition held annually at the Thtre du Palais in Dakar, where decisions of the mixed jury of French and African judges wo uld often be hotly contested. In search of the notoriety that would come with being the prevailing centre of a given year, companies often threw themselves into the faithful representation of an African theater whose form and contours had in fact been est ablished by an interested colonial authority. Given their lasting impression on events such as the contemporary Nawetaan competitions, the centres culturels represent an important historical phase in the fabrication

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De centering Theatrical Heri tage | 79 of today's idea of thtre total in Sene gal. This genre of performance, mixing traditional dance, music and folklore in fact finds its origins further back in the colonial period, with the theater produced at the coles normales of the AOF most notably the William Ponty school, where young Af rican students were encouraged to use their familiarity with Western dramaturgy to recreate and perform aspects of indigenous culture, history and mythology. The beginnings of thtre total came about with the students' desire to infuse Western inspired dramaturgy with notions of traditional or folkloric culture performed so as to highlight the students' potential for assimilation through France's civilizing precepts. Decades later, as the coles normales lost their prominence in indigenous education, th is "Africanized" style of theater was seized upon by administrators of the centres culturels which, to create an evaluative system for the purposes of their competitions, assessed and divided the performances into discrete generic categories in order to e stablish the structure of what juries could consider the ideal work of thtre total an ideal intended to exert a strong influence on notions of identity and participation among local African audiences. The criteria employed to evaluate troupes' performances at the AOF wide competition had a sufficiently enduring effect on notions of the ater in Senegal to have carried over to evaluative criteria used to judge a Nawetaan performance today. 15 Indeed, by denouncing this criteria driven approach to folklore in performance, Kaddu Yaraax 's artistic director was consciously walking away from the disavowed imprint of these competitions on much of what is today called thtre populaire Diol is therefore elucidating one of Kaddu Yaraax 's most important initial artistic insights as a company when he explains the troupe's early desire to break away f rom the Nawetaan vision of theater. As the Kaddu Yaraax members were able to sense at their creative beginnings, and as Diol now explains, "in fact, thtre total really means thtre colonis. 16 This comparison is not only a comment on thtre total 's r oots in the colonial cultural policy of the AOF but also refers to Diol's objections to this theater's insistence on moralizing to its audience, a prime feature of a theatrical approach whose main goal was once to produce a greater number of volus throu gh Francophone colonial culture. Indeed, once they had become multiple Nawetaan awardees, the troupe soon found itself confronted consistently with a formidable artistic dilemma. "With the contests, you could be creative, but only within certain constrai nts," explains Diol. "And the format was always slightly political. Troupes were expected to use their shows to convey some kind of lesson, saying 'when there's a strike you shouldn't go around demolishing buses,' and so on." It is at this point that Di ol and his companions decided to break away from the stylized mores of their Nawetaan co competitors and began seeking out a more politically incisive means of presenting their work. "We realized that we could improve our performances greatly if we cut out the advice." 17 It is a decision which marked a turning point for the company while also presenting a formidable challenge: how to present a theatrical message to an audience without engaging, however so subtly, in what one might call "moralizing"? In 1998 the group, having become independent of its ASC and taking on its current name of Kaddu Yaraax created a new performance piece called Yakaar ( Hope ). In this original creation, the group did away with the mixed, "Africanized" performance modes it had adapted at its beginnings and developed the following message, summarized by Diol as, "If you want to develop something, a project or whatever, you must begin by developing yourself." 18 The main objective of the work was to reveal the ideological faults an d practical shortcomings of seeing the country's problems as always coming from abroad, usually from the West. At this point, the company's primary mission was to produce a theater that would

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80 | Quinn encourage positive change in everyday behavior as a means for d eveloping solutions to larger societal issues. The troupe also decided to remove as much as possible the moralizing component from their work, although it quickly became apparent that a moralizing message was still present implicitly in their performances In their search to make good on a promise to commit to a form of theater that was not only dialogical but multi logical, the members of Kaddu Yaraax would make their next important artistic discovery with their first encounter with the form of forum the ater. The F orum gew In 2002, Kaddu Yaraax discovered forum theater at a training workshop offered by the Institut Franais in Dakar and run by Burkinabe performing artist Prosper Kampaor. 19 Forum theater is a performance method originally developed in th e 1960s by Brazilian artist and political dissident Augusto Boal as part of his larger vision of a "Theater of the Oppressed." Since its development, this technique for using theater as a tool for political activism and social dialogue has gained populari ty around the globe, and today a broad network of performers and activists works to promote forum theater as a means of empowerment for oppressed populations. 20 Boal 1979 book Theater of the Oppressed elaborates on the structure and phases of forum theater, which, in the vein of Bertolt Brecht's V effekt ," seeks to countervail Aristotelian processes of dramatic catharsis. 21 Taking Brecht's position of anti empathetic distance one step further, Boal ad vocates a theater in which spectators, or as he calls them, spect actors, are incited to act immediately on stage to embody the type of social or behavioral changes necessary to address a given problem. To begin, actors present a short scenario in which a person or group is the victim of some form of oppression. Once the actors have performed their scene, a "joker" intervenes to solicit reactions from the audience. When the spectators have affirmed that what has taken place on stage could be improved u pon toward a more equitable end, the troupe encourages them to take on the status of "spect actor," stepping on stage themselves to replace one of the actors and modify the scene's outcome. Additional spect actors are then asked to join in, and an open fo rm creative dialogue ensues wherein the stage becomes the facilitator of collaborative problem solving and discussion. From the moment of this initial contact with forum theater, Kaddu Yaraax decided to dedicate their work exclusively to the form. In fact what they call the suppleness of the forum theater form appealed first to the troupe's desire to use their work to engage with local audiences and address difficulties confronted on a daily basis to further their movement toward a more politically engage d theater. An additional benefit of this shift to forum theater was the adaptation of an architecture of performance that moved away from the folkloric or moralizing theater performed at the group's ASC and toward a form that bore important similarities w ith the gew or the circle formed by residents of a village or neighborhood for a meeting, ritual or performance, and a performative structure with which Senegalese audiences would be quite familiar. For Diol, the reference point for the use of the gew in performance is a study by Alioune Oumy Diop, called Le thtre traditionnel au Sngal 22 Diol cites this work as one of the earliest influences in his search for a means of creating theater in an African mode that does not fall into the trap of facile reenactments of African folklore or mythology. Diop's study provided the opportunity for an artistic melding of theatrical approaches, now central to Kaddu Yaraax 's work, which draws from pertinent outside theoretical writings and frameworks, while tappi ng into the collective

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De centering Theatrical Heri tage | 81 Senegalese imaginary for ways of setting the theatrical stage. In effect, it is the architecture of such so called traditional performance forms that have proven useful to the company more than the folkloric content often associated with it. S cholar and stage director Diop i n his book offers a strong practical undergirding for directors who, like Diol, find the common folkloric approach rife with colonial undertones. Diop argues that, "the content of the performance must not consist of folklore set to music or dance that is simply ready for consumption. It must be an instrument of social transformation through its direct action upon its society." 23 The idea of the social function of theater has been central to discussions of Senegale se theater, beginning with Bakary Traor 1958 seminal work, Le Thtre Ngro Africain et ses fonctions sociales Much like Kaddu Yaraax 's president and members, Diop is highly critical of stagi ng folklore for folklore's sake. L ike director Diol, however, h e by no means dismisses all use of traditionalist or folkloric sources in contemporary Senegalese theater. To the contrary, Diop argues that Senegalese performers have a fruitful though underused architecture of traditional performance at their disposal in Senegalese performative practices that remains underrepresented in official theater to this day. He further argues that, while the exteriors of folkloric theater, checkered with the pitfalls of exoticism, are overused, elements of form from pre coloni al theater remain underused by performers despite their potential for reviving a potent and dynam ic theatrical scene in Senegal. For Diop, the most important of these forms of theatrical architecture is the gew wherein communities create an impromptu, circular performance space for a theatrical or ritual performance, where one went "to see and be seen," a connection he makes with the role of the theatron in Ancient Greece. 24 This particular performance layout has much in common with the West's theater in the round, but also includes a communitarian aspect, since the gew is place specific and ideally conceived for and by the community in which it is formed. In fact, far from constituting a mere practical detail o f the performance, the gew posits an entire theatrical architecture that one does not find, for example, in the stone constructions of Senegal's two opulent national theaters. While discussions of what is often seen as the current dearth of theatrical pro duction in Senegal often focus on the lack of written works for the theater an observation which, in effect, opposes the "literary" theater of official national culture and the "merely popular" thea ter found in community centers altogether different po ssibilities emerge when the focus shifts to these questions of "architectures" of performance. 25 Diop, for example, insists that in order for Senegalese theater to thrive, it must do away with the physical and ontological separation imposed by Western dram a between audience and performer. Oumar Ndao shares in this sentiment when he relates theater's current state to its architecture in both the literal and figurative sense. "Today, we've put ourselves into all kinds of cornered constructions with right an gles. We've cut ourselves off from each other. We've left the circle." Ndao thus joins Diop in suggesting that the national theaters do more to achieve a suppleness of form as they work to attract audiences. Unfortunately, the task is made difficult by the Western conventions of the proscenium adopted by both national theaters, where, as Ndao expla i n s, "everyone consumes his product individually but for us theater is meant to be a collective consumption!" 26 While state funded theatrical organizations c ontinue to struggle to marry Western theatrical conventions with more locally inspired performance forms, independent companies have had greater success employing the principles of the performance circle, or gew within the communities where they perform. The case of Kaddu Yaraax adds an

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82 | Quinn additional layer in the performance hybrid by combining the notion of the gew with the advantages of the contemporary activist form of forum theater. For Diol, forum theater provides an opportunity to divest popular per formances of their often moralizing tone, to perform in accordance with the gew and thereby to promote and transmit a form of Senegalese heritage that can be innovated upon and seeks to address important social issues. The choice of the form was therefo re paramount in the company's development A s we shall see in the description of one of its events, h owever, attempts at realizing each of these visions would prove fraught with their own challenges. The Forum at Work: Case Study of a Kaddu Yaraax Perform ance On June 4, 2013, the Kaddu Yaraax company was called upon to create a forum piece on the difficulties experienced and posed by Dakar's large number of marchands ambulants the blanket term used in this case for vendors on foot as well as those who set up temporary stalls. For several weeks the city had been gr ap pling with security and safety issues related to the presence of these vendors in its streets and public squares. In the midst of this citywide debate, the municipality of the commune of Sica p Libert had just rendered an executive decision to remove the vendors who for decades could be found working each day on the public square of the March Ndiago in the neighborhood of Libert 2 The expulsion was rendered down without local consultation and was certain to have a devastating effect on these vendors and their ability to support themselves. However, municipal authorities cited issues of safety and sanitation as deciding factors, a justification which seemed to satisfy many within the local community despite the lack of input from the vendors themselves. It was in the face of this one way authoritarian decision making and heightened tension within the community that the neighboring cultural center, K r Thiossane decided to sponsor a forum t heater presentation and debate bringing together vendors, city officials and local residents. The performance took place on the same public square where the vendors would typically be found at their tables, selling their wares. At the time of the performa nce, the site had already been cleared out by the town hall. When Kaddu Yaraax arrived, its members hung the company banner alongside the faade of a house on the square, demarcating the performance space, which created a circular area quickly surrounded by spectators. Groups of children were seated on large mats on the ground. Chairs were set out for older members of the community. The expelled vendors were present, but remained off to the side, sitting along a building on an adjacent side of the squar e. The performance began with a warm up, led by the show's designated "joker," who first engaged the children in a few dancing games and exercises. He then used the microphone placed in the middle of the circle to announce to the neighborhood that a perf ormance and discussion were about to take place on the matter of the street vendors who had just been expelled from the very square where the audience was seated. The announcement attracted more people and by the time the performance began the size of the crowd had doubled within the space of approximately ten minutes, with some stradd lers standing in the street and watching from afar. The troupe began with its usual opener, a short sequence in which the performers are divided into two groups, one yelling Waaw, waaw ( Yes, yes! ) the other responding Dedet ( No! ) while pulling at a pantomimed rope in an imaginary game of tug of war. The joker stopped the group and asked them if there was any way they might turn the yes into a no or the no into a yes. Both groups refused, pulling at their end of the imaginary rope until the

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De centering Theatrical Heri tage | 83 joker stepped in the middle and snapped it, sending both groups flying. The sight gag earned a hearty laugh from the children in the audience. The joker then announced the troupe a s the company Kaddu Yaraax They performed a succinct explanation of what forum theater is, telling the audience that the show that was about to take place included three stages. First, the troupe would perform a scene while the audience watched. Then, the audience would be asked to give their opinion on the behavior of each character in the scene, with an open vote to decide which characters displayed good behavior (these were allowed to rest in the shade), which displayed bad behavior (these were made to wait out in the sun) and which had behavior that was somewhere in the middle (these were left in between the shady and sunny spots in the performance space). In the last stage, the audience would be invited to replace the actors on stage to improve wh atever behavior they perceived as lacking. The joker then asked the audience members to commit to their active participation, sending the actors to have certain spectators sign a pantomimed pact of participation. The performance then began, with two actre sses portraying female produce vendors tending their respective tables while in the middle of a heated discussion. One was reprimanding the other, clearly her senior, for never properly cleaning up after herself at the end of the day and never sweeping up or collecting her garbage. The elder vendor replied by stating that she often had less energy than her younger colleague who should, above all, be showing respect to those who had played an instrumental role in establishing the vendor community on that p articular square. As the discussion continued, an older gentleman in traditional dress entered and scolded the women for always leaving the square such a mess. He stated that years ago people in the neighborhood used to be able to convene on the square, but now the site is too dirty for one to stop and pray. He then stormed off, having said his piece. The next character was one of the public servants known locally as les duty. These are ambulant tax collectors in charge of collecting a daily fee from each of the vendors for the right to set up shop in a public space. After a brief interaction with the audience, the collector approached the two vendors, expecting payment, otherwise, he said, he would give the women a ticket. The vendors, however, wer e unable to pay the tax, since they had just arrived on the square. They pleaded with the collector to return later in the day when they would have sold something and would thus be able to pay. They also protested fervently at the amount of the tax, whic h they said represented too substantial a portion of their pay and has not resulted in any of the services the tax revenue is partially intended to fund, such as water sources, local security guards and public cleaning services. Unwilling to wait until l ater in the day, the collector handed down a fine and stormed off. A by stander, having witnessed the previous scene, then approached the vendors acknowledging the difficulty of their situation, but saying that she could not feel sorry for them. As a resi dent of the neighborhood she lamented the fact that the square had become so dirty that her children could no longer play there. She also explained that one of her children had recently hurt himself on a throwaway utensil left behind by one of the vendors and had to go to the hospital for treatment. Visibly upset by this, the vendors apologized, explaining that they were unaware of the incident. A fter effusive apologies, h owever, they also insisted that the residents should be supporting the vendors who, for decades, have provided a useful service to local families, often delivering goods directly to their clients' homes. Since residents have come to expect the convenience of such a service, they should also be willing to accept the vendors' presence on t he square. At this point, a municipal employee abruptly burst on stage, reprimanding the two women for continuing to sell on

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84 | Quinn the square when they had yet to respond to three consecutive summonses to appear at the town hall. After an additional kerfuffle, he proceeded to expel the women as they pleaded with him to leave them be since they needed to sell in order to provide for their families. At the end of this short scene, the audience applauded and the joker once again took the stage. He asked for react ions to the behavior of each character, challenging some to explain why they thought certain characters should be left in the shade or the sun. The children initially insisted that the vendors should be placed in the sun, since they had not obtained the n ecessary authorization and were a nuisance to the neighborhood. However, after some interjections from the elder members of the community as well as from the vendors themselves, seated far off to the side but within earshot, it was generally agreed upon t hat they might instead find a way to coordinate with the vendors. This shift in the tone of the discussion took place with little direct intervention on the part of the joker. In fact, the forum had openly aired a latent indifference to the vendors' pred icament that had facilitated the group's expulsion but, once stated in the open, was fervently opposed by many of the elder audience members. In the end, there was no obvious consensus and so the vendors were left in the middle, between the sun and the sh ade. Once verdicts were rendered on each character's behavior, it was time for the audience to interact in a reprisal of sections of the scene. This began with children stepping up to replace the tax collector. Between the ages of twelve and sixteen the young spect actors began by chastising the vendors for not studying hard in school or acquiring some kind of trade so that they would not find themselves in such a predicament. Objections soon arose from the other community figures, and the children de cided to step down when asked by the joker how this remark might offer any kind of solution to the problem. When the joker again asked the audience how the vendors might have changed their behavior, one of the actual vendors, visibly the doyenne, stepped forward and delivered an adamant and emotional objection to being thrown out of a neighborhood where she had been working for over fifty years. Clearly shaken up by the experience of her expulsion from the square, she returned the microphone after a heart felt testimonial and left both the circle and the performance. At this point a teenager stepped forward to suggest that the vendors take the time to clean up after they have finished their work, since cleanliness was one of the major complaints of local r esidents as well as the commune's main pretext for throwing them out. The vendors then insisted that they have always cleaned up their areas before leaving the square, but that there are others who consistently neglect to do so, thus giving the whole grou p a bad image and reputation. At this point the joker asked if some kind of organizational scheme could not be created in order to ensure that each vendor left the public square as clean as it was when he or she arrived that day. This idea was met with g eneral approval from vendors and the audience. After some further discussion on the details of such an idea, the show came to a close on the conclusion that a solution was possible, but that it would take further work and dialogue on the part of the commu nity. The groups present agreed to continue to seek out an agreement in this manner and Kaddu Yaraax offered to return to facilitate a follow up performance and forum. Kaddu Yaraax 's performances nearly always end with a sense of open endedness whereby n o definitive resolution is achieved. This lack of resolution is, in fact, built into the framework of forum theater, for Boal argues that the audience's energy to react politically must not be drained vicariously through the arc of the story on stage. 27 I nstead, the conflict at hand must remain unresolved on stage, as it is in life. Forum performers do not attempt to provide audiences with answers to their problems, but rather aspire to serve as a catalyst

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De centering Theatrical Heri tage | 85 for the kind of social dialogue that might lead t o a workable solution. In this case, the forum process effectively uncovered at least one important point that had not been addressed in the one way political discourse leading up to the expulsion, which was that the community could try to implement an or ganizational scheme to ensure that each vendor clean up his or her section. Aside from this point, written into the play were a number of other latent issues, which could have been taken up by the discussion but were left aside. For example, in the excha nge between the vendors and the tax collector, audience members could have asked why the tax could not instead be collected later in the day, after the vendors have sold something and are in a better position to pay. Furthermore, spect actors might have w ondered where this tax revenue winds up if, as the vendors contend, it does not go into the improvement of conditions in public spaces like the March Ndiago These potential points of dialogue were worked into the show following an initial research phase during which the company integrated to the performance feedback from vendors, residents and local authorities. U nlike the moralizing theater from which the troupe is continually distancing itself, h owever, these performances resist forcing issues that ar e not willingly adopted by the public and so constitute a more dialogical exchange between actors and audience. For all of their merits as social theater, these forum works are not without shortcomings, as Diol willingly admits himself. For starters, alth ough this particular performance takes place among the local community, it has been commissioned and funded by K r Thiossane an internationally supported cultural organization, thus introducing a problematic patron client relationship between K r Thiossan e and Kaddu Yaraax who naturally wish to satisfy their patron in the hopes of receiving future commissions. Furthermore, within the audience, Diol admits that the troupe is not always successful in countering the overbearing effect of certain authority f igures in a given community, who may be present at a show and can tend to monopolize a discussion, even bring it to a halt. This indeed nearly happened at the K r Thiossane event, when it seemed that one of the actual tax collectors might intervene forcefully and take over the discussion. Finally, the performances end with the hope that there will be a follow up, which, by the company's admission, does not always happen for lack of time or funding. The Forum Effect in C ontemporary Senegal? Even with these criticisms in mind, it remains that Kaddu Yaraax has managed to have a visible and lasting impact on the theatrical landscape of the country. On one hand we may consider s ome of the real political resistance that the company has encountered in recent years in response to its work. The troupe became deeply engaged politically in opposition to the actions and abuses of former president Abdoulaye Wade, most notably in its 201 1 performance C'est simple comme Mbane" ( It's as easy as Mbane ), which toured around the country denouncing Wade's anti democratic decision to install a dlgation spciale in the locality of Mbane in order to offset the political weight of a region w here his party had just lost representatives in local elections. The troupe satirized the president's party, the Parti Dmocratique Sngalais (PDS), as the Parti Djaay Suuf ( Parti des Vendeurs de Terre or Party of Land Sellers), in response to Wade's co vert sale of public land throughout the country, especially in the Dakar region. The troupe members also nearly found themselves in prison due to a heavy handed reaction by authorities to a performance in Casamance of their creation Monsieur Casamance ," on the separatist movement in that region.

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86 | Quinn B eyond its frequent run ins with political power, h owever, the troupe has also played a decisive role in transmitting a certain form of Senegalese theatrical heritage among other independent troupes around the cou ntry, one that responds innovatively to Senegal's theatrical past as well as to the pressing political issues of the moment. Indeed, there are distinctive echoes of Kaddu Yaraax 's most salient themes and images that resound throughout the landscape of loc al, activist theater in Senegal. Troupes frequently make direct reference to Kaddu Yaraax 's work in performance creations. Thus, Kaddu Yaraax 's creation entitled La Baie de Hann n'est pas une poubelle ( C an ) soon inspire d another creation called Kaolack n'est pas une poubelle performed in the city of Kaolack. Kaddu Yaraax also toured a show addressing the thousands of Senegalese attempting to emigrate to Europe clandestinely by pirogue a phenomenon that had a particula r ly devastating effect on Yaraax given its location on the Baie de Hann, from which the boats would often embark on the treacherous journey northward The company's performance was entitled Partir, ne pas partir N and inspired a numb er of variations on the theme, with spin offs that often even took the same title as the original production and always included a number of direct acknowledgements of the work of Kaddu Yaraax and of the impact they have had on Senegalese performance. In fact, within the same neighborhood of Yaraax, such a show was performed in the community's small circular performance area, or gew by a young company named Kaddu Askan Bi (Voice of the P eople), a clear reference to the presence and success of the group's elder and respected colleagues. In the absence of an effective official pole in Senegalese theater, companies such as Kaddu Yaraax have carried on the torch when it comes to transmitting national theatrical heritage to the next generation of performers. The sheer frequency and long standing presence of what are often called popular theater shows stand as evidence that an effective t ransmission is, indeed, taking place, though more so through small, independent companies than through the large state funded edifices such as the national theaters or the Ecole Nationale des Arts While these forms of popular theater are often dismissed as non literate, amateurish and ephemeral, in fact many of these companies, like Kaddu Yaraax are mounting a conscious defense of their own philosophical, historical and political positions through the way in which they endeavor to set the stage. Although they remove the role of the playwright and greatly reduce the place of written culture in their work, the decisions of these popular theater troupes respond directl y to a longer theatrical history in Senegal, where, while the official pole of theatrical creation has ostensibly withered, the non official continues to expand. Notes 1 The hierarchy of a high, literary theatrical culture sitting atop the "paratheat rica l" devices of an illiterate populist theater was present as early as Mbengue's document on cultural policy in 1973. 2 3 Desai 1990. Desai focuses on "popular" as a term of functional discourse that defies any

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De centering Theatrical Heri tage | 87 rigid definition or categorization. 4 Fall 1984, and Kidd and Kumar 1981; Kidd and Byram 1982; Kerr 1995. 5 6 Diop, Mamadou 2012. D irector of the drama department at the Ecole Nationale des Arts Personal interview, Dakar, Senegal. 9 Decembe r (transcript in author's possession). 7 Mbengue Mocodou. 2012. Personal interview, Grand Thtre Dakar, Senegal. 27 June (transcript in author's possession). At the time, Mbengue was the artistic director for the theatrical program of the Grand Th tre which sought to distinguish itself from the Thtre Sorano through the international scope of its productions. 8 A situation first spurred on by prominent theatrical troupes like Daaray Kocc which produced filmed productions of theatrical works for television. Today this tradition is carried on by the popular sketches performed by troupes such as Sa Neex 9 Ndao Oumar. 2012. Personal interview, Dakar municipal building, Dakar, Senegal. 3 July (transc ript in author's possession). All English translations are my own. 10 Diol, Mouhamadou. 201 2 Personal interview, Dakar, Senegal. 3 December (transcript in author's possession). 11 Diol, Mouhamadou. 2013. Personal interview, Dakar, Senegal. 6 June (tran script in author's possession). 12 Ibid. 13 Jzquel 1996. 14 Mbaye 2006 15 Archives Nationales de Dakar 069(31), documents on the centres culturels These criteria included a focus on comedy, drama and folklore. As with today's Nawetaan events, troupes were expected to integrate each of these through discrete sections that would be linked together by a single through line or theme. Sow, 2004 provides an example of the judging criteria implemented today for thtre total 16 Ndao. 2012 interview, op. cit 17 Diol. 2012 interview, op cit 18 Ibid. 19 Founder of the Atelier Thtre Burkinab 20 www.theatreoftheoppressed.org keeps a running directory of troupes throughout the world, and helps promote several international forum theater festivals, including the one organized annually in Dakar by Kaddu Yaraax 21 Boal 1979; Brecht 1964. 22 Diop 1990. 23 Ibid., p. 21. 24 Ibid., p. 26. 25 S ee Fall 1984. Fall reflects the opinion of many of his fellow creators when he calls for a popul ar theater, but one that places prime importance on the written text of the play. 26 Diop 2012 interview, op.cit. 27 Boal 2002, p. 274.

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88 | Quinn References Boal, Augusto. 1979. Theater of the Oppressed New York: Urizen Books ___. 2002. "Forum Theater." In Phill ip Zarilli (ed.), Acting (re)considered: a Theoretical and Practical Guide (New York: Routledge): 268 76. Brecht, Bertolt. 1964. Brecht on Theatre: The Development of an Aesthetic London: Eyre Methuen. Desai, Gaurav. 1990. "Theater as Praxis: Discursive Practice i n African Popular Theater." African Studies Review 13.1: 65 92. Diop, Alioune Oumy. 1990. Le thtre traditionnel au Sngal Dakar: Nouvelles ditions africaines du Sngal. Ethiopiques 2.2 3: 37 38. Freire, Paulo, trans. Myra Bergman Ramos. 1970. Pedagogy of the Oppressed. New York: Seabury Press. Jzquel, Jean Herv. 1994. "Le 'thtre des instituteurs' en AOF (1930 1950): pratique socio culturelle et vecteur de crista llisation de nouvelles identits urbaines." In Odile Georg (ed.), Ftes Urbaines en Afrique: espaces, identits et pouvoirs (Karthala: Paris): 181 200. Kerr, David. 1995. African Popular Theater (Portsmouth: Heinemann). Chap 8. Kidd, Ross and Krishna Kuma r. 1981. "Co opting Freire: A Critical Analysis of Pseud Freirian Adult Education." Economic and Political Weekly. 16.1/2: 27 36. Kidd, Ross and Marcus Byram. 1982. "De mystifying Ps eudo Freirian Development: the C ase of Laedza Batanani." Community Develop ment Journal 17.2: 91 105. Ethiopiques 76. Mbengue, Mamadou Seyni. 1973. La Politique Culturelle au Sngal Paris: UNESCO. Sow, Papa Samba 2004."Thtre Nawetaan thtre des valuers." In Julius Effenberger (ed.), De L'Instinct Thtral: le thtre se ressource en Afrique (L'Harmattan: Paris): 45 66. Traor, Bakary. 1958. Le Thtre Ngro africain et Ses Fonctions Sociales Enqutes et tud es. Paris: Prsence Africaine.



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University of Florida Board of Trustees, a public corporation of the State of Florida; permission is hereby granted for individuals to download articles for their own personal use. Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Flori da. ISSN: 2152 2448 These Walls Belong to E T he Graffiti Art M ovement in Dakar L ESLIE W. RABINE Abstract: While the graffiti artists of Dakar acknowledge the influence of the U.S. hop hop movement, they also trace their beginnings to their own Set Setal ( be clean make clean ) youth movement of the 1980s. Graffiti artist Mad Zoo explains that young Senegalese we piss in the street a and when someone would ask them to have the right to make it dirt So [the participants of Set Setal ] decided to go and go and piss in fron r graffeur Big Key expresses the telling response: The only thing is, if [the walls] are for everybody, you ha graffiti artists pursue with passion their responsibility for the collective ownership of the public walls. They make graffiti art a force to cleanse and beautify the disintegrating spaces of their culturally rich but economically impoverished city. Aesthetic creativity, inspiration, technical ingenuity in the face of a dire lack of resources, and communal solidarity these are enduring values in Senegalese culture. The graffiti artists both preserve and transform these inherited values to make them serve a globalized, urban society in economic crisis. Introduction Pion eer Dakar graffiti artist Big Key (Thierno Moussa Sane, b. 1981) stretches his tall, muscular frame from the floor of the studio where he has been sitting. A windowless, ten by ten quite rectilinear concrete buildings, the studio opens on to the interior courtyard where women do cooking and laundry. The building is in one of the mazes of sandy lanes off the paved thoroughfare of the crowded Parcelles Assainies neighborhood. Like many young Dakarois men who rent such rooms Big Key has furnished it with a mattress, a TV and his used laptop. A single twenty watt bulb provides the only light. Piercing the gloom, his portraits, with their brilliantly colored, free swirling brush strokes, line the walls. I ask Big Key a see That teaches you a lot because with the experience of managing what you have, you can do better. In Europe, there are spray cans with several [tones of each gradation of tones you have to kn ow how to use the equipment. You take a

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90 | Rabine pathetic equipment. With few means, you have to have a lot of experience. 1 e Moumar Fall, b. 1987) expresses this deeply held value as an adage: 2 Creativity, inspiration, technical ingenuity in the face of a dire lack of resources t hese are enduri ng, values of Dakarois culture that tailors, auto mechanics, dyers, fabric designers, and young computer geeks have expressed to me during two decades of my research in Senegal. Pioneer graffeur Grafixx aka Afia (Omar Diop, b. 1985) talks about this val ue as it guides his daily life 3 Fortunately, we know that comfort can kill 4 But he also suggests how difficult it can be to ward off discouragement. Many graffeurs warn : enter graffiti, you may as well go do 5 But Grafixx as sacrificed more than others. A protge of the legendary rapper Matador since his teenage years in the low income banlieue of Thiaroye, Grafixx left hip hop arts center in 2006 He has worked as graffiti director for eight years without pay : example, materials 6 Grafixx joins the value of creative ingenuity to overcome lack of resources to another Senegalese value. He works within an ethos of communal soli darity. Docta (Amadou Lamine Ngom, b. 1975) hip hop networks : We are really socially conscious, supe r engaged by what goes on around us. Furthermore, our hip hop for the community; it this, it no longer has a 7 graffeurs start from and constantly return to this inherited foundation of aesthetic creativity, technical ingenuity in the face of need, and communal solidarity. Modernizing Inherited V alues of Senegalese C ulture How do the artists reshape these foundational value s and make them serve a globalized, urban society in economic crisis? To begin exploring this central question of the essay, we need to take into account a serendipitous accident of history that has enabled the mission. Graffiti has never had a n illegal status in Dakar. Every dictionary definition of 8 But in Dakar, no such distinction has ever existed. Anyone can openly do graffiti on a public wall. This unique advantage makes Senegal, according to Docta, guys [in other African countries] tell me, o h, Senegal is becoming the paradise of you to arrest you. On the contrary, they are going to appreciate what you are doing and say wow! ried on from the beginning until today 9 O fficials, businessmen and neighborhood people support the

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| 91 graffeurs They all see graffiti art as a force to cleanse and beautify the disintegrating spaces of their cultura lly rich but economically impoverished city. Expressing a vision of graffiti that might seem strange in the U.S., graffeur Triga (Youssoufa Tour, b. 1985) nothing more noble, noting that a public place is unsanitary and coming to make it 10 inherited values of their community. To explore the question of how they do this, it is helpful to first envision the urban environment in which the gr affeurs take up their historic task. graffeurs from wall to wall during one of their collective graffiti events. Festigraff and remains the influential prototyp e of such events. 11 Docta, who leads Festigraff through his organization Doxadem Squad, explains its original purpose. A proud hip hopper, he opposes the common conflation of hip hop with rap: When people talk about hip hop in Senegal, they are only talkin g about rap. Rap is not hip hop. Rap is a part of hip hop. And the other elements of hip hop are almost non existent. Why? Because there are no events which, properly speaking, showcase this whole [graffiti] form of It was necessary to have our own event. 12 For the highlight of the ten day event, the artists collectively perform mural painting on three successive walls. 13 At about 10:00 A.M on the first day of painting, young people begin converging at a seven foot concrete wall lining the paved thoroughfare of the HLM Neighborhood Between this wall and the wide busy thoroughfare, runs a well used athletic track as well as a ubiquitous landscape feature of Dakar. This latter consists of a wide stretch of sand, studded with weeds, strewn w ith rubbish and rutted with stagnant puddles. Fifteen to twenty young the artists. Awaiting the arrival of Docta, the graffeurs gather around the equipment th ey will use: a carton of the low quality spray paint cans, large cans of acrylic paint and gesso, pails, brushes, and rollers. Before the graffiti can happen, the apprentices cleanse the are a. Taking up shovels and wheel barrels, they begin to collect th e rubbish and fill in the pools of stagnant water. The most experienced artists begin to mix the gesso with which they will whitewash the walls before painting them. a nd preferring the term graffeurs Mad Zoo 14 At Festigraff sentence message intended to inspire the population to positive action. As a prac tice, it also either one word of the theme or a perso (character). When the graffeur s spread across the wall, those painting a word and those painting a perso will alternate with each other. Finally, the graffeurs can approach the wall and start to paint. The air itself seems to exude their intensity. The process seems magical as it co mbines this strong will to collectively influence the 15 As the day goes on, herds of runners thunder along the track, kicking up clouds of dust to the annoyance of the artists. Groups of children, sometimes led by their teacher, come to watch and, if they are lucky, paint a few brush strokes. Journalists, photographers, videographers and members of the Dakar art scene

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92 | Rabine comment and critique, make suggestions and lend each other a hand. At the end of the day, a palpable release follows the intensity of the work. On the second day, t income banlieues These outlying districts, lacking basic infrastructure, have taken on the edgy glamour of the hood since the advent of hip hop. A maze of paved streets and sandy roads, Guediawaye has no apparent plan. Therefore, the site is hard for outsiders to find and people are late. Gradually, the artists gather in front of the old Guediawaye soccer stadium. Its wall presents real challenges. About twelve feet high, it is extremely rough, pitt ed and in some places crumbling (see Figure 1 below). Here The third day, the artists paint what is in essence a private wall. This very long and curving retainer wall lines the property al ongside the Toll Highway that starts just outside Dakar at the entry to the banlieues, an d leads to the other cities of w estern Senegal. Although this wall is smooth and new, the wide field of sand and weeds between the wall and the four lane highway is s tudded with even larger pools of stagnant water and even more rubbish that the apprentices have to clean up. On this day, the young artist Mow announces their to the streams of traffic rushing by, the artists spend two days creating the most elaborate and beautiful work of the event. Beyond Festigraff and similar events, th e artists work alone or in crews, whenever they have the time and materials. They have claimed the right to paint public walls all over Dakar. As Big Key puts it: 16 But the question of

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| 93 how graffeurs seek, through answering this need, to preserve and transform inherited S enegalese values needs deeper exploration. This begins with their stories about the origins of graffiti in Senegal. A graffeur might tell different versions of the story depending upon which genera tion he belongs to. The graffiti artists divide themselves into two generations: the pioneers, born between 1975 and 1985, and the younger people born between 1986 and les grands frres les jeunes T he pioneers tell the story of discovering graffiti through the hip hop movement that came to them from the U.S. 17 covers. And during this time I had a friend who sold CDs of American rap. His older brother was in Italy and he made pirated copies of the CDs. He brought them here and sold 18 called Groove It even featured 50 Cent, and th with graffeu rs 19 affiti in 1998, but not completely covers, like Snoop Doggy Dogg. At the same time I saw a n Amer ican hip hop magazine called Radical It had a few pages where you could see some artists and their graffiti works. 20 Then Big Key joined Deep to form the crew Mizrables Grafff in 1999. Although graffeurs explicitly focus on the difficulties of their early lonely attempts, their story inadvertently reveals the striking acceptance of graffiti. Deep says 21 Likewise, Big Key says his 22 But the two pioneers were nonetheless doing graffiti in public and in daylight. Within a few months, moreover, they received affirmation. Big Key recounts that they were unable to afford paint and so were reduced to graffing with charcoal. We were co vering the wall of a hospital with graffiti in charcoal, and when d charcoal, it will wear away th rough rain an Later he gave us something to buy paint, because, as he said, with paint, that will be something with a guarantee tha He gave us 10,000 francs CFA [$20]. irst sale. So we began graffiti. It w as les jeunes Traor, b. 1989), who learned graffiti under the pected. When he tells me that a French soldier has given him a room to use as a studio in the French s me there graffeur taggeur 23 This Dakarois acceptance of graffiti turns on its head the meaning that graffiti writers of U.S. and European cities invested in the practice. Nancy MacDonald insightfully func the threat, danger, challenge or test and the fame, respect and masculinity that writers earn 24 The writer Col tells her that legal graffiti would have

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94 | Rabine no appeal 25 The Senegalese graffeurs different reality. For ex ample i n France, or in t a graffeur but not necessarily all of them m graffeur Here in Senegal, you note that graffeurs have a certain sense of duty. They feel in It really accords with the very beginning of our history of graffiti. 26 Mad Zoo traces Senegalese graffiti to a different beginning than that of the pioneers who personally experienced its introduction from the U.S. In this version: typically Senegalese system of thought. What pushed people to go to the walls for the f irst was that they had found a possible solution to [an] The point of departu was the Set Setal movemen 27 clean Set Setal was a short lived but historically significant youth movement in the 1980s. Young people took it upon themselves to clean up their dirty city and to inspire the population to do likewise through mural s and other forms of public art. Although many murals depicted themes of cleanliness and public health, young participants initiated the now famous public murals of local legendary Muslim religious leaders. 28 Mad Zoo recounts: Here in Senegal you see that religious personalities have a really huge influence on the population. At a certain moment, we had a real problem d piss in the street and throw garbage all over and when someone would ask them to explain themselves, they guide being like an exemplary person. So [the participants of Set Setal ] decided t o go and represent religious personalities on the walls and people It was after this aha! moment that we saw the first generation of graffeurs here, through the Big Keys, th e Doctas and others. 29 the period of intense urbanization in Africa, when millions of people moved away from the communal solidarity of their villages. Big Key expresses the telling response to this phrase: 30 He repeats this refrain in the course of an impassioned or everybody, you hav e and the reason is that sometimes people soil them, piss, throw garbage. And when the graffeur comes, he cleans, he creates a nice design, and he talks with Big Key is speaking with great intensity to me and other people in the formal salon off class extended family home, the salon is filled with overstuffed couches and chai rs hand made by local carpenters. Lace curtains cover the windows. One approaches the house by going behind some buildings on one of the apparently leading nowhere paved roads of Guediawaye and crossing a large sandy field. We have just returned from the Guediawaye Bus Terminal, at the intersection of two wide and curving roads. Big Key has filled the long concrete wall of the terminal with a giant white, orange (Figure s 2 and 3 below). As Big Key works

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| 95 intently, busses and the gar bage truck rumble past, horse drawn carts trundle by, sheep peck at the refuse lining the foot of the wall, pedestrians offer comments, and people sitting on mats under the bus terminal pavilion watch with amusement. Analyzing his adventure later that day in communal responsibility. He firmly hopes that his striking graff will attract them to heed its message of civic minded communalism because we make the walls talk oing a formal festival or a spontaneous solo, the graffeurs see their mission as reshaping the old collective ethos for a people, and at the same time explain and let them know what discipline is. You understand? Constructing I dentities through G raffiti Drawing their ardent attac hment to graffiti from other sources than the thrill of dangerous illegality, the Dakar graffeurs also construct social identities differently than the Western writers of the 1990s. MacDonald llegal graffiti writers position themselves as [T]hey use the the solidity of their 31 By contrast, the Dakar artists form their social identity through connection to the population. They see themselves as taking a leadership role. Mad Zoo comment everything that goes on here, the artist should be the guiding pole for his young people, for h In these troubled an a rtist owes it to himself to be a 32 community, because Docta 33 Many artists see their community as the economically impoverished neighborhood they come from. Atibou Doxadem the neighborhood, because we carry the neighborhood in our heart, and I mean forever. So 34

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96 | Rabine Docta remains attached to the neighborhood La Mdina est neighborhoods, under French colonial rule Low ramshackle buildings, built for extended families, line the grid of narrow paved streets. Although Docta has a house in the tonier neighborhood of Point E he lives in his Mdina His tiny windowless room, at the furthest corner of the large courtyard, has just enough space to hold his single bed and a pile of suitcases. Ove r the bed, Docta has draped a canopy in a way that gives the tiny space a magical, fantasy quality. Sitting cross legged on his bed at our first interview, Docta explains his hopper, as they say. What have I brought to the Mdina 35 Like Big Key, Docta expresses the identity of a youthful generation born into globalization and engaged i n modernizing inherited values: that place witho ut asking my right from anyone. I brighten up the environment to make it more livable, more beautiful to see, even beautiful to sit beside and The Mdinois appreciate it. People What I learned in this neighborhood, I bring back to this neighborhood solidarity, citizenship, commitment. A later interview with Docta performs communal values. Six people are sitting on hard rs shadowed in mysterious

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| 97 alcoves. Present are my husband, my friend the photographer Malika Diagana, Atibou and also educating them. Even more people are present at my interviews with Mad Zoo. He lives in a room H e has hung his paintings representing Sufi Islam themes. He has also adorned his walls with a genealogy of Muslim prophets and posters of the graffeurs can heroes: Martin Luther King, Malcolm X, and Rosa Parks, along with KRS Hip Hop Declaration of Peace The room is filled with people h is brother and the graffeurs Mow, Triga, Beaugraff and Chimere. Malika has also come. The young men seated on t he mattress are sketching in their black books, listening to their iPods, and watching a soccer match on TV. Yet at one point in this interview, Mad Zoo does confide a negative aspect of African communalism: Mo thought that I w 36 But he Mad Zoo, like Big Key, analyzes the Senegalese identity through reference to the transnational graffiti ne tworks: An exchange can take place only on condition that you know in the first place what you really difference between what you have a them, because they hold firm in spite of a system that oppresses them. The Senegalese graffeur cannot respect, of ethics. As a graffeur property, because my very sense of Senegalese et Mad Zoo raises here yet another way in which the Dakar graffeurs have transformed Western graffiti and its process of identity construction. For the young pioneers in the U.S. and Europe, graffiti, 37 Although the Dakar graffeurs may begin their careers by tagging everywhere Docta, Docta, Docta who does that serve What interests us is that we can talk to the population, that we can touch with our finger what the population is 38 Although the artists do strive to make a name for themselves many argue that the es sence of graffiti lies elsewhere Docta does so in terms that combine the social with the message, graffiti can fulfill its social mission, according to Docta, only as expression tran unites the responsibility to educate the people and the creation of beauty as inseparable elements of a single practice and mission:

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98 | Rabine So this graffiti coming from Senegal has an Organization and Ethical Issues of the Dakar Graffiti M ovement Given their mission to enhance the collective responsibility of the population, the graffiti artists also see the need for the same mission among themselves. They have not found it easy to develop a code of behavior, nor to live it faithfully day to day. But over time, they have developed a discourse and organizations that attempt to avoid egotistic rivalries. The graffeurs can organize themselves toward this goal bec ause they are few in number. Senegal, according to Hip Hop Africa has one of the strongest international reputations for hip hop among African countries. 39 But while Dakar rappers number in the thousands, graffiti artists number in the dozens. The accompl 40 Before the artist Mbautta (Moussa Kane) joined the Dakar scene, he could identify the best graffeurs in Senegal who have a name, I w 41 Graffiti art, as Docta says demands, 42 Les jeunes black books see a super terrible rapper but with a beat constructed to mask his weakness . Graffiti is free style 43 Through their artistic reputations and leadership abilities, Docta and Mad Zoo exercise influence in determining who has attained the level to qualify as an accomplished artist, and as Docta says, at Festigraff. Having created Doxad em as a small crew in the 1990s, Docta grew it into a force for organizing the graffiti movement. In 2010, Doxadem was able to mount the ambitious Festigraff and then to make it an annual event. T he fourth annual Festigraff in 2013, announced as its obj techniques and to communicate a passion and convictions to a new African generation of graffeurs 44 Docta has the charisma to gain financing for this and other events. He and Atibou negotiate sponsorships with the Minister of Culture, the few large businesses, like the Senegalese telecommunications company, and cultural institutes of dominant countries, mainly France, but also the U.S. This financing serves an array of events. Before the four days of mural painting described above, the artists exhibit their paintings on canvas or paper at the French Cultural Center in the old colonial downtown of Dakar. Then, during three days of workshops, guest artists from Switzerland, Germany and Togo instruct children, adolescents and finally, the accomplished graffeurs themselves. les jeunes Doxadem Squad, some of the most highly regarded young artists have begun their own organization. Mow explains: ng the festivals, there was this feeling for doing 45 In 2012, Mow and Mad Zoo formed the RBS Crew. By the end of 2013, RBS, grown to nine members, has become in its schedule o f intensive jobs 46 RBS exercises influence in deciding which graffeurs have a ttained a high artistic level. It does so through the reputation

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| 99 of its members, its collective murals all over the city, and its power to invit e new members. RBS continues to enjoy harmonious relations with Docta and other pioneers. Beyond Doxadem RBS and other crews, the graffeurs are enmeshed in the networks of hop movement. As members of rap crews, they perform the visual what they call the f orms of the hip hop arts, without which rap cannot flourish. They tag for their concerts. So much does a rap crew need a good graffiti ar crew Attentrap in the isolated, remote banlieue of Yeumbeul, took steps to transform the local artist Mbautta, who had decorated their studio walls, into a talented graffeur Atibou ay cans. Then we said to Mbautta, go out there and write something about Attentrap So he threw it up, and you realize the 47 graffeur. 48 When the Yembeul artist turned graffeur came to Dakar for his first Festigraff in 2013, he chose to apprentice with the much younger third day, the leader s deemed that Mbautta way does the graffiti movement determine artistic quality and push its members to raise the aesthetic level. In their struggle against egotistic rivalries, the Dakar graffeurs have tr ansformed to fit 49 needs to claim to be the best. We are all expressing ou waste of time to devote ourselves to a real competition. Positivity remains the essence of our 50 Docta deploys this disc ourse as he talks about Festigraff : a wall with many graffeurs and I see someo I go and as k him tell to ask my 51 Among the graffeurs Mow has an innately non competitive spirit. Mad Zoo says that he originally fo personali with regard to a certain kind of behavior in our milieu into competition with others. 52 Among t he pioneers, Big Key also has an innate inability to be competitive, and has not taken a public leadership role. But he quietly exercises his immense gift as a mentor. Mad Zoo me in graffiti was Big He wanted to support me on this path and I have become a graffeur in his image. RESPECT BRO He repeated to me all th 53 Diablos also encouraged me. He said that I must not stay where I was, that I had to think much more 54 So much does Diablos four, he was the only graffeur at the 2013 Festigraff who consta ntly mentored two apprent ices. He did this, 55 Big Key continues behind the scenes to mentor yet a younger generation.

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100 | Rabine Masculinity and G ender I dentity If the London writers celebrate their fierce competition, while the Dakar graffeurs struggle to tr ansform this urge, in each culture the artists construct identity through graffiti. And in each graffiti scene, identity is decidedly masculine. 56 Yet here too, the artists construct different masculine identities as their specific gender system determines According to MacDonald, in London and New York of the 1990s, a militaristic discourse transforms the 57 If one admits that women are equally capable of performi he male writer has everything to 58 used to nourish, amplify and salvage 59 The Senegalese graffeurs do not define graffiti as exclusively masculine or attempt to exclude women. Rather they simply assume a masculine voice, a masculine audience and a masculine membersh ip. There is only one woman graffeur Zeinixx (Dieynaba Sidibe, b. 1990) in the Dakar movement. 60 i nixx is a university student in business management and an accomplished slammer. In RBS, she says, only boys. But in any event, I belong to the biggest graffiti collective in Senegal, Doxadem 61 When graffeurs such as Mad Zoo can be universal when so few women participate, they off er several answers. 62 Most of these relieve them from responsibility for gender inequality The most common response blames the Senegalese family. Mad Zoo explains: Many parents want to see their children and they see those young people with a certai That shocks the parents. Boys lay claim to their position much more aggressively. Girls So the parents lack understanding vis vis their [daughters] with res pect to hip hop because i n its es sence hip hop has More proactive, Docta and Atibou express the wish for more women in the movement, and say that they are actively trying to recruit women through Doxa dem Squad. In fact, large numbers of girls and young women do participate in their workshops, financed by the French and US institutions legally required to give lip service to gender non discrimination But when these female participants come of age, wi ll they have the collective courage to graff on walls in public? Ironically, where the clandestine night time forays of London graffiti functioned as an excuse to exclude British women, the highly public Dakar graffiti events work to exclude Senegalese wo men. Although the graffeurs welcome Zeinixx and 63 If Docta and Atibou give more thought to gender inequality than their peers, they must also deal more directly with neo colonial inequality in seeking financing for Festigraff and other events from European and U.S. sponsors. This need for foreign sponsorships creates a contradiction.

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| 101 Economic Poverty and A rtistic W ealth Grafixx, Mow, and Diablos 64 Mad Zoo elaborates: This has become respect to school itself, to a system of education which is not anchored in our African e education system 65 Yet in order to created these liberating deforming styles the graffeurs have to depend on neo colon ial sponsors. A t the fourth annual Festigraff they f ind th is sponsorship capricious and controlling. Resentment about the high handed treatment of the Festival from the French sponsor and the paltry payment the graffeurs receive are muted undertones. T h e European guest of honor at the 2013 Festigraff however, openly expresses dismay. Mode 2, born in Mauritius and raised in France, lives in Germany. Angered about the treatment meted out by both Senegalese and foreign official sponsors, h e says that they did not deliver on promises, nor were funds available when needed. 66 He himself has brought materials, acrylics and good quality European brushes worth much more than the money the Minister of Culture donated. Thus Mode 2 was prepared to find the in famous lack of 67 impr Senegalese graffeurs the Europeans, he says, are spoiled. By contrast, the young Dakarois graffeurs know how to manage the immediacy of real life. Mode 2 asks: Where do w e strike the balance? He sees that it is our duty to find the missing links between th e resources available in Europe and the consciousness of the Senegalese artists. This lack of resources, we have seen, stimulates the graffeurs to encourage each other t o higher levels of aesthetic creativity 68 When the leaders assess the artistic level of aspiring graffeurs they have to evaluate beauty according to the internationally accepted canons of graffiti art that the U.S. writers established in the 1980s. As in many art forms think of jazz or Petrarchan sonnets the challenge of working within strict codes, and at a certain level of mastery playing with them, inspires artists to infinite creativity and originality. Among the many graffiti styles, most artists pla y upon variations of wild style, semi wild style, three D, and bubble style. 69 Wild style, with its hyper deformed, intertwined letters is the most difficult to write and to read (see Figures 4 and 5 below)

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| 103 Diablos and Mad Zoo are well known for their creative mastery of wild style. Like the pioneer New York masters of the form, Diablos and Mad Zoo make the word as a whole the unit of expression, but with a culturally different cast. 70 The New York artists wrote their names repeatedly. But when the Dak ar graffeurs His basic structure, although cons tantly evolving, has an elegant shape that stands out distinctly from its surrounding negative space. At the 2013 Festigraff Diablos experiments with a tension between a vertical, angular center and flowing billows (see Figure 6 below) The billowing cu rvaceous stokes surging through and around the energetic vertical and oblique lines seem to symbolize the marriage between expression of collective social engagement and individual artistic liberty.

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104 | Rabine 71 He combines elements of Chinese calligraphy, Arabic script and sharply angled Fraktur style typeface in his ultr a fluid wild style (see Figure 7 above) He says: he makes form and function coincide: What people take for is only a manipulation what divides us: stories of race, stories of Mad Zoo elaborates the notion that difficu lty inspires one to great attainment while through a writing style that encourage ever take the time to decode it. constitutes the v In addition to mastering styles that aesthetically deform letters, another criterion for beauty concerns the famous lack of resources. The artists call upon their ingenuity to master the use of make shift tools. In Claudia Wa around the world, aple 76 ( Grenoble, France ) and Casper ( Osaka, Japan ) say that what they like about graffiti is that all you need is a wall and a spray can. 72 But for the Senegalese, even the poor quality spray pain t is too costly. They must use brushes and rollers with acrylic paint for much of their work. Mode 2 also finds dismaying the poor quality of the paints and brushes available in Dakar. These are manufactured in China purposefully for export to Africa. W hen I ask Diablos about the brushes, he says that he has to cut the bristles in order to be able to use them. So knowing how to cut the brushes, and then how to achieve effects with them, are hard won skills in themselves. But one of the most difficult s kills does require the use of the precious aerosol paint. An accomplished artist has to be able to write the outlines of the giant letters free form and, says can, you must make one 73 Often not knowing in advance what word he will write, a graffeur must write the complex deformed letters with an unhesitatingly free and sure sense of space and proportion. Once an artist creates the word, he may supervise appr entices in filling in the letters with a brush. Thus the first thing an apprentice learns, when he f inally advances from his sketch book to the wall, is how to use the poor quality brushes. The artists again use the precious aerosol paint for the decorativ e flourishes, spatters, star bursts and splashes in the graffiti code. Here too, they must exercise ingenuity in the face of economic scarcity. Where the Western writers use specialty fat caps and thin caps on their spray cans, the Dakar graffeurs must master the same effects using just the one standard issue tip of their low quality spray cans. In addition to mastering all these technical difficulties, a graffeur can advance to the charmed circle only when he has achieved an original, distinctively in dividual style of lettering within the graffiti code. : must develop individually, After the 2013 Festigraff Docta, like the young graffeurs graffeurs

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| 105 The graffeurs intens ely perform this dialectic between the collective message and individual artistic freedom during the Festigraff mural paintings. The performance itself has to be visible in the graff. As Docta maintains, the marriage between social engagement and high art istic quality happens only when one can clearly read both the social message and sign with a familiar meaning and the pure trace of the graceful, energetic body mo vement that wrote it. 74 Mad Zoo and Diablos are known for expressing artistic liberty through their physical performance of writing as well as through their w ild style visual products. Hip hoppers have written about dance as graffiti and graffiti as dance. 75 Mad Zoo and Diablos make their graffiti into a kind of choreography. Mad Zoo walks up to his wall. He has often alluded to his fight to transform his violence and 76 hop rose up at a certain moment like the first rampart in this struggle against criminality in the In my case, graff helped without it, 77 Now at Festigraff he takes his brush and forcefull y swings his whole body in gigantic, rapid sweeps. Twisting his body from right to extreme left, he ends with abrupt flourishes, leaving in his wake fiery swashes of magenta and red (see Figure 8 below) At the same time, Diablos approaches his wall. He too engages a struggle against internal demons. He prevails over speech defects, a lack of formal education and a health so fragile that his skinny body seems to disappear under his baggies. All his eloquence goes into his art. He takes up a spray can, bends low in the wide stance of a skater or martial artist, puts all his weight on his left leg and extends his right. Then he smoothly, rapidly and gracefully shifts his weight to his right and leaves in his wake in a long, sinuous stroke with no breaks in the thin, fine line (see Figure 9 below)

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| 107 Conclusion graffeurs will perform the thrill of reminding the populati on that, in the the collective ownership of the walls, the artists have become the intermediaries of inherited foundational Senegalese values. They have charged them selves with rebirthing these into a new society where unplanned urban sprawl and economic crisis have threatened their wellbeing. The graffeurs paint the walls all over the city, so that, in a very meaningful way, the walls, the city itself, do belong to t hem as the custodians of a common heritage they seek to modernize. They have given themselves the task, at once a burden and an inspiring privilege, of enlarging those values beyond the old confines of family and village, to embrace the entire sprawling ci ty. Notes 1 Sane (Big Key) 2012, personal interview, 22 June. All personal interviews quoted in this paper were conducted in Dakar, Senegal, by the author. Quotations from interviews, conversations, emails and Facebook are translated from French into English by the author. When the person quoted uses an English word, it is italicized. The first instance of an interview will be footnoted, and then not noted again unless quotation s from other people or sources intervene 2 Fall 2013, Facebook post, 8 June https://www.facebook.com/madzoo.fall Caps and the five point ellipsis in the original. 3 graffiti graffeurs 4 Diop (Grafixx) 2013, personal interview, 25 April. 5 Beaugraff, qtd. i n Drame 2013, 11 June. 6 Diop (Grafixx) 2013, personal interview, 29 April. In July, 2013, Grafixx left Africulturban for a payi children. (Diop 2013, personal Facebook message to the author, 23 July). 7 Ngom (Docta) 2012, personal interview, 29 June. 8 On the outlaw status of graffiti art in cities around the world see Atlanta and Alexander 1988, p. 159; Cooper and Chalfant 1984; Edlin 2011; Klopper 2003; Mansbach 2006, p. 92; Savelli et al. 2007. For the tension between legal and illegal graffiti, see Gastman and Neelon 2010, pp. 126 31; Grody 2006, pp. 257 281; Schacter 2013, p. 9; Tucker 2013. 9 Ngom (Docta) 2013, personal interview, 24 April. 10 Triga, qtd. i n Drame 2013. 11 Centre de Documentation 2013. 12 Ngom (Docta) 2013, personal interview, 24 April. 13 For panoramic photographs of the three murals, see Rabine 2013a, 14 May. http://www.leslierabine.net/senegal arts project gallery/dakar graffiti festival festigraff/ 14 Fall (Mad Zoo) 2013, personal interview, 16 Sept ember 15 Ngom (Docta) 2013, personal interview, 24 April. 16 Sane (Big Key) 2013, personal interview, 16 Sept ember 17 For the entrance of graffiti in other African countries see Ariefdien and Abrahams 2006; Klopper 2003, p. 224; and Perry 2012.

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108 | Rabine 18 Diop (Grafixx) 2013, personal interview 25 April. 19 Souare (Mow) 2013, personal interview, 27 April. 20 Sane (Big Key) 2012, personal interview, 22 June. 21 Diba (Deep) 2012, personal interview, 26 June. 22 Sane (Big Key) 2012, personal interview, 22 June. 23 Traor (Diablos) 2012, personal interview, 24 June. 24 MacDonald 2001, p. 128. 25 Col quoted in i bid, p. 128. 26 Fall (Mad Zoo) 2013, personal interview, 16 Sept ember 27 Diouf 1992. 28 On murals of Senegalese Muslim religious leaders, see Roberts et al 2003. 29 Fall (Mad Zoo) 2013, personal interview, 16 Sept ember 30 Sane (Big Key) 2013, personal interview, 16 Sept ember. 31 MacDonald 2001, p. 153. 32 Fall (Mad Zoo) 2013 personal interview, 24 April. 33 Ngom (Docta) 2012, personal interview, 29 June. 34 Diallo 2013, personal interview, 25 April. 35 Ngom (Docta) 2012, personal interview, 29 June. 36 Fall (Mad Zoo) 2013, personal interview, 16 Sept ember 37 Atlanta and Alexander 1988, pp. 164 1 67; see also Ganz 2006, p. 10. 38 Ngom (Docta) 2013, personal interview, 24 April. 39 Charry 2012, p. ix. 40 y. See also Drame, 2012. 41 Kane (Mbautta) 2013, personal interview, 2 May. 42 Ngom (Docta) 2013, personal interview, 24 April. 43 Fall (Mad Zoo) 2013, personal interview, 16 Sept ember 44 Centre de Documentation 2013. 45 Souare (Mow) 2013, personal interview, 27 April. 46 Traor (Diablos) 2013, personal interview, 15 Sept ember 47 Diallo 2013, personal interview, 25 April. 48 Kane (Mbautta) 2013, personal interview, 2 May. 49 MacDonald 2001, p. 78, and graffiti writer Acridqtd. in Ibid, p. 105. 50 Fall (Mad Zoo) 2013, personal interview, 16 Sept ember For this kind of collaborative spirit among Los Angeles crews, see Grody 2006, pp. 219 22. 51 Ngom (Docta) 2013, personal interview, 24 April. 52 Fall (Mad Zoo) 2013, personal i nterview, 16 Sept ember 53 Fall (Mad Zoo) 2013. Personal interview of April 24, written transcript edited by Fall, caps font in edited transcript. 2 July. 54 Traor (Diablos) 2012, personal interview, 24 June. Big Key also initiated me into graffi ti art, and mentored me with just as much heartfelt encouragement, though with much less success, than in the case of Mad Zoo and Diablos. 55 Traor (Diablos) 2013, personal communication, 18 April. 56 This section will be brief, since I have written a t length about gender and masculinity in the Dakar youth arts movement in another essay. See Rabine 2013b.

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| 109 57 MacDonald 2001, pp. 122 23. 58 Messerschmidt, 1993, p. 32, qtd.in MacDonald 2001, p. 142. 59 MacDonald 2001, pp. 143, 149. 60 In the firs t generation of Senegalese hip hop, the few women rappers quickly went on to concentrate on other genres of music. In this younger generation, the only well known woman rapper is the dynamic Toussa Senerap. Her crew Gotal includes the multi talente d Ndaye Fatou Ina Thiam as beat maker. Ina is also a videographer and photographer, and works at Africulturban. 61 Sidibe (Zeinixx) 2013, personal interview, 29 April. 62 Fall (Mad Zoo), personal interview, 2013. 24 April. Other graffeurs have made similar comments. 63 Sidibe (Zeinixx) 2013, personal interview, 29 April. 64 Diop (Grafixx) 2013, 25 April; Souare (Mow) 2013, 27 April, Traor (Diablos) 2013, 15 Sept ember per sonal interviews. 65 Fall (Mad Zoo) 2013, personal interview, 16 Sept ember In his essay on graffiti in Dakar, called classical culture, always centered around re 66 Mode 2 2013, group interview, 15 April. Mode 2 did his interviews in English. They the interviews. 67 Mode 2 2013, personal interview, 18 April. In terview not recorded and material taken 68 Veterans and historians of early graffiti in New York and Los Angeles point out that traditio ns, the paucity of user friendly materials and adversity of the entire endeavor London, it became a product of the predominantly White, Middle Class suburban yo 69 Atlan ta and Alexander 1988, pp. 157 58; MacDonald 2001, pp. 82, 185; Walde 2011, p. 7 70 Walde 2011. 71 Fall (Mad Zoo), personal interview, 2013. 24 April. 72 Walde 2011, pp. 20 and 48. 73 Ngom (Docta) 2013, personal inter view, 24 April. 74 On the relation between writing as sign and writing as trace, see Derrida 1978, pp. 11,199. 75 Mode 2 2013; Pabon 2006 76 Fall (Mad Zoo) 2013, personal interview, 16 September 77 Fall (Mad Zoo), personal interview, 2013. 24 April. References Hop Arts in Total Chaos: the Art and Aesthetics of Hip Hop (New York: Basic Civitas Books): 263 70.

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110 | Rabine Zoot Suits and Second Hand Dresses: An Anthology of Fashion and Music (Boston: Unwin Hyman): 156 68. murs sur nos murs. Qude citoyenne t et culture urbaine Dakar (1990 2000). In Mamadou Diouf and Rosalind Fredericks (eds.), Les arts de la citoyennet au Sngal: Espaces contests et civilit urbaines (Paris: Karthala): 357 75. Centre de Documentation en Hiphop et Culture Urbaine. 201 https://www.facebook.com/pages/CENTRE DE DOCUMENTAT ION EN HIPHOP ET CULTURE URBAINE/128719713901310?ref=stream Hip Hop Africa: New African Music in a Globalizing World (Bloomington: Univ. of Indiana Press): ix x. Cooper, Martha, and Henry Chalfant. 198 4. Subway Art New York: Holt. Derrida, Jacques. 1978. Writing and Difference trans. Alan Bass. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press. set/setal Politique africaine 46: 41 54. Dra Facebook album, 14 December. https://www.facebook.com/djibril.drame/media_set?set=a .3116761159688.2157971.128425536 6&type=3 Peuplesngalais.net 7 June. http://peuplesenegalais.net/index.php/c omponent/k2/item/1157 triga artiste graffeur --il n%E2%80%99y a rien de plus noble constat%C3%A9 qu%E2%80%99un lieu public est insalubre et venir le rendre salubre n et Peuplesngalais.net 11 June. http://peuplesenegalais.net/index.php/sante/item/1163 beau graff artiste graffeur qu%E2%80%99ils sachent que cet art est urbain et que si c%E2%80%99est l%E2%80%99argent qui te pousse %C3%A0 y entrer Graffiti 365 New York: Abrams. Fall, SerigneMoumar (Mad Zoo). 2013. Facebook page, June 8. https:/ /www.facebook.com/madzoo.fall?fref=ts Ganz, Nicholas. 2006. Graffiti Women: Street Art from Five Continents New York: Abrams. Gastman, Roger, and Caleb Neelon. 2011. The History of American Graffiti New York: Harper. Grody, Steve. 2006. Graffiti L.A .: Street Styles and Art New York: Abrams. David Chidester, et al. (eds.), What Holds Us Together: Social Cohesion in South Africa (Ca pe Town: HSRC Press): 224 41.

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| 111 MacDonald, Nancy. 2001. The Graffiti Subculture: Youth, Masculinity and Identity in London and New York New York: MacMillan. Total Chaos: the Art and Aesthetics of H ip Hop (New York: Basic Civitas Books): 92 101. Messerschmidt, James W. 1993. Masculinities and Crime: Critique and Reconceptualization of Theory Lanham, Md.: Rowman& Littlefield. Mode2 Official Website http://www.mode2.org/about POPMASTER FABEL Chang (ed.), Total Chaos: the Art and Aesthetics of Hip Hop (New York: Basic Civitas Books): 18 26. Paul, Andrew. 2013. London Graffiti, Volume I ebook. Global Black Self Fashionings: Hip Hop as Diasporic Space. In Murray Forman and Mark Anthony Neal (eds.), op Studies Reader 2 nd ed. (New York: Routledge), 294 314. and Writing. 14 May. http://www.leslierabine.net/senegal arts project gallery/dakar graffiti festival festigraff/ Mamadou Diouf and Rosalind Fredericks (eds.) Les arts de la citoyennet au Sngal: Espaces contests et civilit urbaines (Paris: Karthala): 291 325. Roberts, Allen F., Mary Nooter Roberts, GassiaAmenian, Ousmane Guye. 2003. A Saint in the City : Sufi Arts of Urban Senegal Los Angeles: UCLA Fo wler Museum of Cultural History. Sa velli, Lou, et al. 2007. Pocketguide to Graffiti Flushing, NY: Looseleaf Law Publications. Schacter, Rafael. 2013. The World Atlas of Street Art and Graffiti New Haven: Yale Univ. Press. San Francisco Chronicle 16 December: A1, 9, Walde, Claudia. 2011. Graffiti Alphabets: Street Fonts from Around the World New York: Thames and Hudson. Interviews: Interviews were conducted in French, by the author, in Dakar, Senegal. All transcripts are in Diallo, Atibou, 2013. 17 April; 25 April. Diba, Mame Mor (Deep), 2 012. 26 June. Diop, Omar (Grafixx), 2013. 25 April; 29 April.

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112 | Rabine Fall, SerigneM oumar (Mad Zoo), 2013. 24 April, 16 Sept ember Kane, Moussa (Mbautta), 2013. 2 May. Mode 2, 2013. 15 April; 18 April. Ngom, Amadou Lamine (Docta), 2012; 29 June. Ngom, Amado u Lamine (Docta), 2013. 24 April. Sane, Thierno Mou ssa (Big Key), 2012. 22 June. 2013, 16 Sept ember Sidibe, Dieynaba (Zeinixx), 2013. 29 April. Souare, MouhamedMoustafa (Mow 504), 2013. 27 April. Traor, Maguette (Diablos), 2012. 24 June. 2013, 15 S ept ember



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Sarah Nelson is Associate Professor of French at the University of Idaho. She has published on sixteenth and seventeenth century French literature and is the translator and editor of Hortense Mancini and Marie Mancini, Memoirs (University of Chicago Press, 2008). Ant hony St. Claire provided valuable transcription assistance in the preparation of this article. University of Florida Board of Trustees, a public c orporation of the State of Florida; permission is hereby granted for individuals to download articles for their own personal use. Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Flori da. ISSN: 2152 2448 The New Type of Senegalese under Construction: Fadel Barro and Aliou San on Yenamarrisme after Wade S ARAH NELSON Abstract: movement, formed in early 2011, was instrumental 2012 presidential election and to prevent the incumbent president from hijacking the political institutions and elector al process in order to remain in power. Since the 2012 election, far from evaporating, has pursued a broader agenda of projects ( chantiers in French; a chantier is a construction site) in support of its objective of Nouveau Type de Sngalais / New Type of Senegalese). The NTS agenda proceeds from the understanding that strong national institutions can only be founded on a society of responsible and engaged citizens who act with integrity and expect the same from their leade rs. The most recognizable public faces of were those of the noted rap artists at its center, who were often in front of the cameras and behind the microphones during press conferences. Tw o journalists, h owever, Fadel Barro and Aliou San, are at the core of the movement and are some of the most eloquent spokespeople regarding the philosophy, development, actions, and priorities of its members. In this interview article, Barro and San discuss the evolution of since the 2012 electio n, including, in particular, the NTS chantiers the movement has prioritized: c itizen action ( c itizenship training plus d emocracy watch) l eadership and entrepreneurship. Barro and San explain Marre owing number of affiliated groups in Africa and among the diaspora in Europe and America; the concrete steps they are taking to realize their plans; and their vision for the future of the movement, the nation, and the continent. Introduction a Marre movement, formed in early 2011, was instrumental in mobilizing the and to prevent the incumbent president Abdoulaye Wade, from hijacking the political institutions and electoral process in order to remain in power. 1 Since the 2012 election, far from evaporating, has pursued a broader agenda of projects ( chantiers in French; a chantier is a construction site) in support of its objective of f ( Nouveau Type de Sngalais / New Type of Senegalese). The NTS agenda proceeds from the understanding that strong national institutions can only be founded on a society of responsible and engaged citizens who act with integrity and demand the same from their leaders. Founding members of the movement and key players in its inner core group, the two journalists Fadel Barro and Aliou San have become familiar public figures alongside the noted rap artists with whom has been ident ified since its inception. Popular

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14 | Nelson enthusiasm and media attention for the movement have spread beyond Senegal, so that it now has a pan African and intercontinental presence. Furthermore, the coverage and analysis of the movement has progressed from the pr ess article or broadcast report to the scholarly study and film documentary. 2 In the interviews upon which this article is based, Barro and San relate the philosophy, character, and evolution of as it lays the foundations for a lasting social movement, while still seeking to remain true to its original Certain dates stand out in the brief history (so far) of January 16 and 18, 2011; March 19, 2011; June 23, 2011 and Marre members commonly invoke significant dates for the values they represent to the movement. Whereas January 16 and 18 (genesis of ) or June 23 (mass protests against attempt to amend the constitution) are important markers of the pop ular exasperation and mobilization against chronic government corruption, mismanagement, and manipulation that spawned the movement, they are not the dates mentioned by Barro and San when they discuss the future of post Wade. Following the 20 12 presidential election and the success of their efforts to prevent Wade from acceding to what was widely considered an unconstitutional third term in office, members are now interested in shifting the emphasis in their public image from one of protest and conflict to one of positive, constructive action, and for that reason, both Barro and San begin their remarks by invoking the date of March 19, 2011. 3 The Interviews Fadel Barro: I think I should start by defining the concept of e What are we keep in mind from even before Abdoulaye Wade left office the date of March 19, 2011, when we launched the concept of the New Type of Senegalese (NTS). 4 We were already it, we have to take a look at ourselves. We have to examine our own behavior, our habits what motivated our idea of the NTS. Even before Abdoulaye Wade left office, we said that change in Senegal will not come from a poli tical leader, much less from a political party or coalition of parties. Change will come from each Senegalese understanding that the problem t to note. Aliou San: On March 19, 2011, when we called the Senegalese to a big rally, we launched the manifesto that I consider one of the most important things has produced I t dvent of a New Type of Senegalese. What does that mean? It means that the ma nifesto addressed not only the s tate and the role it should play, but it called on the citizen to take a hard look at himself and to moi problems in the community around him but stands idly by, who does nothing to change things, who takes no action to tr y to move forward and goad the s d emand that the s tate fulfill its sid e of the contract.

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New Type o f Senegalese under Construction | 15 Sarah Nelson: In your vision of the NTS, what are the roles and the responsibilities of the individual and of the state? FB: You know, we in have always said that there is no single system that is right for everyone. People talk about parliamentary systems, presidential systems, semi from trying to simply copy and apply it, but what we can do is express what our people want and how to make our country work based on who we are. In this country people come to Dakar and they have no rega rd for the public good, for or Touba or Tivaouane, they may be Christian or atheist, they may live in Fatick or in Casamance in the Sacred Wood when they go back the re, nobody needs to tell them that 5 But when the same guy who respects those codes within his religious community or his fa mily or his ethnic group comes to Dakar and you concern. So now how do we start with that reality and build a strong republic based on it? We are not going to be able to answer that question right away, but we can start by proposing new paradigms and reflecting on them. There are good aspects of other systems, and certainl y we should be open to them, but how can we alloy them to ourselves, to who we sake! of Medina Baye calls his disciples to come and work his fields, everyone goes, because according to our mindset as Wolofs, in our tradition, there was something called tolou bour 6 T olou bour means anymore, now they devote that energy to the marabout, who uses it for his own personal gain. What we need is the kind of leader who, without being a marabout, is capable of calling the population to community service in the interest of advancing the country. One we need to have states capable of mobilizing the masses in a common project of development, because states made up of poli tical and intellectual elites, who know everything, who plan fifty three years now, and what has it done for us? Absolutely nothing! How much money has been inves ted in Africa and in Senegal? What has it done for us? Absolutely nothing! And even President Barack Obama even the civil society groups, how many billions have those people r eceived? 7 Just as African heads of state are responsible for having misappropriated a the end.

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16 | Nelson We have to come to terms with that. Is it a matter of money, or is it more a problem of attitude, of mentality? I think that Africans, across the board, need to begin developing those alternate paradigms; we need to conceive our states based on who we are and not try to have right now. And since we [ work on our chantiers 8 L in it, so that they can see that outside of the current power structures, little by little, we can from that for the time being and I hope it would be in a peaceful manner; but if w e create the mechanisms and people see that they can take the lead and change things on their own, then our states are bound to follow. SN: On January 18, 2013, Fadel, you observed the second anniversary of the genesis of by publishing a state Yenamarrism e is a 9 In that piece, you recalled the dynamism and energy seduced by the privileges that the new p owers can offer, avoid being coopted by the presidency of Macky Sall, it seems that leaders are not inclined to pursue the aims of the movement by assuming the respon sibility of governing. What is your thinking on this? AS: handover of power, President Macky Sall received us and congratulated us and reaffirmed his appreciation of the r 10 He thought that we should join his administration by accepting top level government positions and helping him put in place his agenda. We declined. We thanked him for his appreciation, but we told him that we felt had another role to play. We need to stay in our role as a sentinel of democracy. In any state, there needs to be a government that sets policy and governs, that guarantees the separation of powers, a strong judicial system, a free and independent press; but there al so needs to be a strong public opinion, supported by civil society and social movements, and we felt that to preserve democracy, to allow democracy to thrive in this country, needed to maintain its sentinel position. FB: The first proposal fro m the Senegalese government to come and work with them was really an act of corruption. It was March 18, 2011, and Abdoulaye Wade sent someone to talk They said, as an That was under Abdoulaye Wade. After Abdoulaye Wade left, Macky Sall received us when we went to congratulate him. With Macky, it was more a gesture of appreciation, it was not an act of corruption, it must be

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New Type o f Senegalese under Construction | 17 He offered a lot of different things positions as ministers or ambassadors but we told him that we appreciated his recognition, and yet we felt we could be much more useful by working on developing that strong public opinion and that critical mass capable of changing the country. We would be abandoning our fight for change if we accepted his offers, and he understood. yet. They came back to me and offered a minister gig again, and I told them the same thing. to make mistakes and s FB: After the election of Macky Sall, we decided we needed to organize ourselves so that what we repres ented was not just theoretical explanations, but concrete actions. We came up with what we called the NTS chantiers the chantiers of the New Type of Senegalese. The idea is to channel the energies that young people deployed during the presidential electio n to get rid of Abdoulaye Wade, and to turn them into a positive force, not only to uphold Senegalese democracy and pursue the struggle for good governance and against corruption, but also to embody the struggle for development. AS: When we formed the a Marre movement, we conceived of the esprits and determined what an esprit would be. 11 It is a component part of in a given locality. Each esprit is composed of at least twenty five members, of which ten are women. The esprits di agnose the problems of their localities and reflect on what they can do by organizing. FB: So the NTS chantiers focus on two main areas citizenship and development. On the question of behavior and mentality. We are setting up NTS clubs in schools, in order to nurture ongoing discussion about civic action and the public good among students. AS: The NTS clubs are one of our leading initiatives. Right now, we are doing a lot of speaking in schools, and we help students organize clubs and engage in various kinds of civic actions t hings like school improvement projects and returning the national flag to the schools. It can seem like an insignificant detail, but in Senegal now, in primary schools, for example, they no longer fly the national flag. We organize the young people and hav e them contribute fifty CFA francs each, so that the national flag can fly again in their schools. 12 Instilling respect for the flag and for other emblems of the nation is part of the effort to imbue young people with a sense of civic pride and responsibili ty, so that they will reject all the small, everyday acts of incivility and corruption, and instead recognize that they have a duty of exemplarity to cultivate, both with regard to the state and within their local communities. FB: Next, we are working with Neighborhoods Quartiers propres

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18 | Nelson that different neighborhoods in Dakar or in Senegal will compete with each other in civic action, inves tment in human capital, cleanliness of common spaces, etc. around to different places and organizes big forums where the people have a chance to speak. At the same time, we are developing a watchdog project on democracy and good governance. Our Democracy and Good Governance Watch ( de la bonne gouvernance ) relies on the network of esprits We train the esprit members in citize n monitoring, in reading budgets, etc., so that they can track what is happening at the local and regional levels. All of that information will be collected on a website we are calling the Monitoring Site ( le Site du m onitoring ), which will not only keep t rack of all the information that is made public, but it will also allow individual Senegalese to participate, to tell how things look from where they sit, and to weigh in on how things are working in their localities. AS : Over the past two months, we have had a lot of discussions with potential partners who could help us implement these plans. We felt it was necessary to organize the whole ( S entinelle de la dmocratie ) component of which was an ad hoc, temporary kind o f thing while Abdoulaye Wade was in power, into something more permanent and ongoing. So we wrote a plan for the Democracy and Good Governance Watch project, concerned especially with tracking the follow through on election promises. It is in the planning stages right now; we have secured funding, and we will launch in August. Our partner is Oxfam, and they have agreed to underwrite a first phase that will involve seven of the twelve regions of Senegal. We will do some training in Dakar, with two or three p eople from each of the regional esprit watch groups B ut there will be on site training, too, where we will go and meet with people where they are, in line with Marre structure that allows the different esprits to meet and get to know each other, exchang e ideas, share best practices, all of that. You know, there is a problem right now in all of the regions with the takeover of land by foreign agro business. The state hands over land to them, and then the populations of the localities find themselves work ing as hired labor on their own land. For young people in what channe ls citizens can have recourse. There is all of this at the local level, but there is also the national level, with Macky Sall and his governance. During the campaign, he made a number of commitments on essential priorities for the Senegalese people. We wi ll be able to keep track of his progress on the Monitoring Site. If there are areas of positive movement, we will definitely recognize them, we will be publishing wh SN: Is this effort at government accountability something entirely new in Senegal? AS: part, it has been short term efforts. And then besides that, generally wit h those other efforts,

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New Type o f Senegalese under Construction | 19 people developed them and the youth were the target audience for what had been developed upstream from them, they just helped carry it out; but here, the young people are leading the process from start to finish. There is another int 13 making it an ongoing project, with young people at the helm, accessible and welcoming to even the smallest localities, an chantiers of citizen action. What about the chantiers for economic development? FB: As part of the chantier of leadership and entrepreneurship, and pool their problems, or the problems of their localities, but especially we help them pool their resources: their human capacity wha t they can do, what training they have had, what training they still need and also the possibilities offered by their local area. We organize them into little development units, the initiative core groups. In concrete terms, what are the groups doing? For example, in Kaolack, there are groups working on salt production, and in This, there is a group working to produce chalk, which is being imported now, but the resources are there to produce it locally. And in Gandiol, there is an initiative core group wo rking to commercialize new fishery resources. You know, in 2003 there was flooding threatening to engulf much of Saint Louis, and so to save the city, the president at the time, Abdoulaye Wade, opened a breach in the Barbary Tongue. 14 The breach was ten met ers wide at first, but today it has grown to three kilometers. So the Atlantic Ocean is washing away the Barbary Tongue, and whole villages on the coast along with it; there is a village called Doune Baba Diye that has been wiped off the map. So there are populations there who used to live off of agriculture and freshwater fisheries in the Senegal River, who now are losing their fields and dealing with the salination of the water and land. Well, when we went there to meet with the esprit and t he catastrophe. We asked ourselves how we could turn this manmade disaster to our advantage. Because I like to say that we Yenamarrist e s we try to change the situation of President Barack Obama, and it appealed to him very much. So with that philosophy in mind, we noticed in Gandiol that along with the ocean water came some marine species that people had never seen there before, such as mullet and a new kind of oyster. The oyster is of a very high quality, and mullet eggs bring 25,000 CFA francs on the market; so we have an initiative core group pooling their individual contributions right now and gearing up to go into business selling the mullet, mullet eggs, known. We told them, if you clean up your village and make it attra ctive, you can develop a kind of socially responsible tourism that would benefit the local population, as opposed to what there is now, which is big hotels on the Barbary Tongue, where the tourists go directly o we started another initiative core group to work on developing that kind of tourism T hey have already begun fixing up the village,

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20 | Nelson and they are going to set up a small information office at the entrance to the village, where people can find out about po ssible activities, including things like going to see the women who harvest salt or grow onions. So it would offer an alternative to the high end kind of tourism that exists now. AS: I can give you another example. In Nietty Mbar in the esprit of Pikine Ni etty Mbar there are a number of guys who are maybe eighteen, twenty, twenty five years old. Their dream is to succeed in traditional Senegalese wrestling, and they spend a lot of time at the to break into wrestling, and guys big, muscular guys that the politicians use to settle their disputes with each other; they arm them and send them off to assault people. into an initiative core group, and they all started contributing 500 CFA francs a week, and eventually they had enough to start their business. They bought uniforms and they set themselves up as a formal, legally established security agency; they contract with all the a Marre FB: ural project. Right to grow rice and sesame. 15 By 2015, we want to be producing NTS rice, grown here and be farmed by young people who leave Dakar to work there and also by people who live there already. Maybe eventually it will grow into real agro business with large operations, but for now we need to start food that is most important. And just today, President Obama told us that he is prepared to provide us with technological support for the development of our agricultural projects. trying to see how we can build on who we are and what we have, on the strength of our ingenuity and commitment; because we like to say that to develop this country, it takes ingenuity and commitment, and money will come after. Marre is interested in pursuing these concrete development projects, in add ition to playing SN: Can you tell me about your recent meeting with Pres ident Obama? 16 FB: later in his speech at the University of Cape T own S o clearly, he really understood what I was saying, and he was very proud and very supportive. SN: Your work is right in line with the kind of community organizing he did early in his career. FB: about it afterwards. When I t alked to him, Obama paid really close attention to what I was

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New Type o f Senegalese under Construction | 21 r your agricultural projects. In general, though, it sounds as if the main financing of projects comes simply from the contributions of its members -is that right? FB: technical support on those projects. But for the Democracy Watch, it takes a lot of money because we need offices, we need to train the young people, we need to supp ly them with things, etc. For that, Oxfam of the Netherlands is supporting us. But for the initiative core groups, the development projects, we just want the young people to get off the ground on ting. If someone just hands them that will be that. SN: has recognized that a major problem at the heart of Senegalese politics is that parties are o rganized around leaders and systems of patronage, rather than around ideological or ethical principles. Power and personality have mattered more than democratic ideals. The cult of personality is also common in the world of musicians and performers. How ha s worked to avoid a culture of stardom and celebrity in them to action? AS: First of all, I would add to your remark about Senegalese politics that even in th e realm of civil society, groups have been centered on single personalities; take, for example, RADDHO if you mention RADDHO in Senegal, everyone thinks of Alioune Tine. 17 And in politics, when young people got involved, it was normally within a partisan co ntext, so that whatever they did, it was aimed at pleasing the party leader. So when the Macky Sall youth snipe at has managed to create a different dynamic. You can see it even in the st ructure of the organization: there is no single person who is We have an inner esprits ; we have a structure we call the General Assembly, where all of the importa nt decisions are made; but around that inner core, we have sprouted esprits everywhere, and the idea with those esprits is to create leaders everywhere. So has lots of leaders. If I, Aliou San, mess up as a leader, the movement g oes on; if Fadel messes up, the movement goes on; if Thiat messes up, the movement goes on; if Malal messes up, the movement goes on. 18 Whereas today if Macky Sall were to mess up, the APR would be dead. 19 If Alioune Tine messed up, RADDHO would be dead. Tha I think, and the thing we need to maintain at all cost. SN: is known as a youth movement. Going forward, is it important for the group to maintain that character, or to broaden and include people of all ages? AS: as just a youth Marre was recognized as Model Leader for 2013, and there was an old man there the imam five; he came with the Rufisque esprit and he spoke at the conference and said that whatever does in Rufisque, he takes part in it. 20

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22 | Nelson gatherings. Ideally, would you see them participating in equal numbers to men, and if so, what are the barriers to that? AS: From the start, when we composed the charter that sets the rules for the formation of esprits we specified that of the twenty five members needed to found an esprit at least ten needed to be women. So you can see that right from the start, we saw the ne ed to promote the emergence of women leaders and broad participation by women. However, we take a different approach from that of the politicians who harp on the idea unfortunately, at the start of the movement, our peaceful civil action was met by the state with extreme violence, which caused the death of thirteen people in Senegal. In th at context, it was very difficult for the women to be out in front. But there are great women at the heart of the movement. Sofia Denise Sow was there the day the movement was born, and she does extraordinary work S of the social me dia the Facebook page, the website during the campaign and she always kept us in line W hen things got tense she reminded us we needed to stick together, she did an incredible job. 21 But she never wanted to be in the spotlight. Sometimes we really pushed he r to come forward and speak to the press, but she always preferred to stay in the shadows and just do her part. At the award ceremony last Saturday, she finally spoke publicly for the first time. And in fact, she said that she is not a supporter of the par ity approach, because it feels to her like an indirect way of accepting a certain inferiority for women. Women have a leading role to play, just like men, and they need to simply assume it, rather than waiting to be invited in. She pointed to herself as an example; she fought alongside everyone else, and sway, people listen to her. And there are other women coming to the fore now, too there is Seynabou Sy Ndiaye, who was in the esprit of Gaston Berger University in Saint Louis and who is now in Dakar working on her doctorate in sociology, for example, and there are many more. FB: You worth noting that it takes time and practice to build political and org anizing skills. In the past, there have been lots of mediocre politicians who were all men. So we need to give women the latitude to be mediocre before they become skilled, just like men. kar 1988 Mamadou Diouf identifies two distinct groups of urban youth, which he refers to as students and marginalized youth ( dclasss ). 22 To what extent does merge those two groups? Clearly, you and the other leaders of the movem ent have high levels of education and model a respect for knowledge and informed analysis. Do the rest of the Senegalese society, or do you see the movement as a cross sectio n of society? AS: forms a bridge between Aliou San who has an advanced degree in communication, Cheikh Fadel who has a n advanced degree in

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New Type o f Senegalese under Construction | 23 he and I would never have encountered each other anywhere, because w life. Just yesterday, there was someone from the Kaolack esprit who came to the coordination meeting to present an agricultural project to us. He saw an opportunity in his area to grow sesame and sell it to a group of Chi nese merchants. He presented his idea to us, and now he is working with Julien, who is a young Yenamarrist e this young Yenamarrist e he can work with Julien, who has done advanced studies, to define the project, study the feasibility, and put it all down on paper so that we can examine it and see how to move forward together. The structure of allows that collaboration to happen. Yen amarrism e social contract can be conceived as a triangular relationship between the politicians, the -a new type of marabout? Or, al ternatively, would the NTS have a different kind of relationship with the marabouts than in the past? FB: took hold in the mid twentieth century Touba was created to wards the end of colonization. 23 When the colonizer dominated the kings in Senegal, the kings tried to shore up their power by allying themselves with the marabouts, and they all started marrying into marabout families. At the same time, the people looked t o the religious leaders as figures of cultural resistance against the colonial regime, which made the kings all the more interested in allying themselves with the power and respect the marabouts commanded among the the marabouts pursue their own interests, and the politicians are complicit. They all come to Touba to present their proposals, since as long as they have the blessing of the marabout, they can do what t hey please. We need to work toward a system where the marabouts, instead of issuing voting directives to their followers, issue citizenship directives. Or at the very least, we can try for greater transparency; we have no way of knowing anything about all of the money at play in the system. In the U.S., there are lobbyists and there is a lot of money poured into the system, but at least people can find out about it declare it. 24 Anyway, the reality of the political system in Senegal is tha t the marabouts are present, and they are influential. A system such as the one we have right now, which is closely modeled on the French system, cannot properly deal with that reality because it does not exist in France. Just because Montesquieu said some thing, does not make it universal truth. Montesquieu was not familiar with marabouts. What he said was great, and we can apply parts of it, but it is up to us to build our own system that reflects our realities. AS: The marabouts represent a real power in this country, and we have to take that into account. The line we take is that we need to break with the type of marabout who cozies up to the political class, who receives large sums of money from them, and who issues voting directives to his followers on should be put to a better use to exhort their talibs their disciples, to be good citizens, to be NTS, and to work to preserve democracy. We think that new types of marabouts need to

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24 | Nelson emerge, and t here are indeed some marabouts who say so, too, now. For example, the grand caliph of Touba has said things to that effect; in his general attitude, he has distanced himself from the politicians, and he did not issue a voting directive. At the time of the elections, we went to meet with him, and we explained our position on the question. But there are mid level marabouts who continue to trade on their status in the old way. However, there is something else that is changing, and that is that there are more a nd more citizens who are becoming conscious of this problem and who are drawing the line between their religious and political lives. They are coming to see that they can have a spiritual connection with their marabout and still have the freedom to make up their own minds on political candidates. There are a lot of people who think this way now, but is still one of the few entities to say it openly because it is still a sensitive question. SN: is extending its influence beyond the been traveling quite a bit to meet with Yenamarrist e s in other countries. FB: Yenamarrist e s elsewhere in Africa. The idea is to talk to each and speaking in the same terms, and then also to draw inspiration from each other. AS: Burkina Faso, where they helped organize a march last Saturday against the estab lishment of a senate where the president could install his cronies. 25 them about the experiences of There are movements n ow in lots of other countries lot of similar movements being created in Africa, and w e have put in place a working group that will network with those African brothers and organize a big gathering in Bamako for sometime next year. We want to come together to perhaps develop a common roadmap in certain areas, because we realize that most Afr ican states share some of the same problems problems of political leadership and governance so we would like to generate synergy on a pan African scale to work for the emergence of a New Type of African, too. FB: And then on June 1, 2013, we held an international meeting in Paris that brought together the diaspora in Europe the Forum of in Europe (FEYE). AS: At the forum we discussed the problems of African emigrants and students in Europe, an d a lot of ideas came out of the exchanges, which can be proposed to the entities responsible for addressing those concerns. And there was also an intergenerational dialogue that took place there, a discussion between Yenamarristes and people of older gene rations. There was Lamine Diack, the Senegalese head of the IAAF (International Association of Athletics Federations); his generation also did a lot of important work on citizenship issues in their day, but they suffered setbacks. How can we learn from bot h their successes and their failures? In answers; we can learn a lot from our elders. And do you know what was great about that forum? There were young Yenamarrist e s who come from very disadvantaged backgrounds, who are not educated, who have never traveled before, and those young people had the chance to get on a plane, go to Europe, meet with their Senegalese brothers over there and with other European brothers, and share

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New Type o f Senegalese under Construction | 25 ideas about the challenges of our time. That was something I really liked. For those young people to be able to widen their horizons, to participate in something like that in Paris and then come back home SN: What would i t look like if the goals of were attained? How would your FB: We would see an engaged citizenry, people would live well. Those are the large goals towards which is working, but we are n ot yet accepted across the breadth of society. People think that is all about negativity, that all we know how to do is chantiers We can make speeches about grand ide as, but what we really need to do is to concentrate on chantiers are concrete things that we can actually do. We can form clubs in the schools, we can organize neighborhood competitions, we can create initiative core groups, and we can develop the Democracy and Good Government AS: where the citizen is at the center of the republic, a country where the separation of powers and good governance are the rule in the conduct of pub lic affairs. A country where there is rigor and discipline at every level of society. Above all, we want our children to be able to thrive and flourish in a society of justice, law, peace, and progress for all, a society that works and produces wealth and opportunity equitably for all its sons and daughters, without preference or discrimination. POSTSCRIPT: Just a couple of minutes into the interview with Aliou San, the power suddenly went out on his end of the Skype session and he was plunged into darkness. AS: SN: Does it happen often? AS: been a long time since there have been any power outages here at my house. SN: AS: Well, I think the current government I guess they realize that the electricity problem was a source of social tension. If you recall, after June 23 in Senegal, the reason there were riots here in Dakar it was chaos on June 27, 2011 was because there had been mass power outages. All of Dakar was in the dark, and frankly, people were upset, and they went into the streets to protest. I think the government realizes they have to be careful about that. Now, there is certainly no permanent solution to the problem yet, but they are working on protests can mobilize again.

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26 | Nelson Conclusions As Aliou San readily recognizes, is not the first movement in Senegal or in the region to have pursued aims of promoting good governance, an engaged electorate, economic self determinat ion, or individual initiative. In the interview, San refers specifically to other watchdog efforts that have been mounted around the 2012 election and since, but also fits into a somewhat longer history of youth action in Senegal and elsewher e in Africa. 26 The generation of West Africans born after independence came to the fore in the 1980s, and throughout the region, countries saw student strikes disruptive enough to cause the cancellation of entire academic years. In Senegal, Abdou Diouf succ eeded Lopold Sdar Senghor in 1981 and although the country had officially adopted a multiparty system, the continued dominance of the Socialist Party (PS), in combination with a worsening economy, left young people disenchanted with the official structu res of encadrement the government sponsored youth organizations meant to contain and channel the youth in ways supportive of the ruling party. Rather than engaging in activities under the aegis of the Ministry of Youth and Sports, young Senegalese created their own local associations sportives et culturelles ASCs), through which they undertook neighborhood cleanup and beautification projects, they offered education, they contended with providers of public utilities and transportation, they built playgrounds and established libraries, and they ventured into professional training through the creation of economic interest groups ( GIEs) and small and medium sized businesses ( petites et moye nnes entreprises PMEs). 27 The affinities between the approach of the ASCs and that of are evident when Fadel Barro points to the kinds of chantiers that is launching form clubs in the schools, we can organize neighborhood competitions, we can create initiative core groups, and we can develop the Democracy and Good Government Watch known as Set/Setal ( set = clean, setal = to clean up), which began after a period of torrential rains in Dakar in September 1990. 28 Historian Mamadou Diouf defines it as: [T]he mobilization of human effort for the purpose of cleansing in the sense of sanitation and hygiene, but also in the mor al sense of the fight against was to rehabilitate local surroundings and remove garbage and filth. It also undertook to embellish these sites, sometimes naming them, often marking th em with stele and monuments to bear witness by recalling moments or figures from local history or appealing to the private memories of families or youth associations. Set/Setal is clearly a youth movement and a local 29 In its fusion of outward an d inward cleansing, the concept of Set/Setal resembles that of the NTS, which also involves outward and inward change. A participant expressed this essential fusion, as well as the primacy of citizen action over state control which Set/Setal represented: S et/Setal is in the hearts and souls of all young people. If people think that [d]oing Set/Setal is simply sweeping the streets and painting the walls, they sweepers out of every o

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New Type o f Senegalese under Construction | 27 Set/Setal is to rid ourselves of this colonial heritage that regulates our way of being, of conceptualizing things. Set/Setal is an absolute obligation to find a way out and this necessity to express new concepts in a new language, in this struggle for life. 30 In its political action, too, there is clear continuity between and its antecedents, but also a clear attempt to reject certain aspects of them and choose another path. For Yenamarristes who were born around 1980 or later, there had been a single party (the PS) and a single man (Abdou Diouf) in power for their whole lives, when finally in 2000 Abdoulaye Wade of the Senegalese Democratic Party (PDS) s ucceeded in unseating Diouf, after having been the perennial second place finisher in every presidential election since 1988 and 1993 elections, and Wade had benefitted very significantly in 2000 from the highly visible support of a number of well known rap artists. The hope among his young supporters was that Wade truly would bring a change to the stagnant economic situation and extremely high unemployment rates among yo uth, even those with higher degrees. W ell before his bid for reelection in 2007, however, it had become clear to those supporters dealing as the one it had replaced. The rappers who had hel ped Wade win election in 2000 (Didier Awadi of Positive Black Soul, Keyti, Xuman, etc. ) opposed him in 2007, but he won anyway in the first round of voting, with 56 percent of the vote. 31 When the founding members of conceived the movement in e arly 2011, they could look to the successful example of a hip hop led movement in 2000, but they could also be guided by the cautionary example of 1988, when youth support was not enough to ed was a prolonged period of serious violence. concertedly steered away from violence, from their early initiative called Daas Fananal up to and through the 2012 election. In this, as in seve ral other particulars that are both explicit and implicit in the above remarks by Barro and San, the leaders of have been at pains to counter the criticisms leveled at them and to confound the negative assumptions rying to lead a movement. In their book on published just eight months after the electoral victory of Macky Sall over Abdoulaye Wade, Vieux Savan and Baye Makb Sarr express a number of those criticisms. 32 The y contend that an outmoded, non participatory model of decision making hampers the effectiveness, with a hermetic inner core group (the noyau dur ) of old buddies calling all the shots I n an implicit reply to this observation Aliou San emphasizes in the interview the increasing age, gender, and class inclusivity of the movement. Savan and Sarr remark on what they see as an excessive tendency to court the media and to make grandiose declarations at the expen se of real and effective action. Fadel Barro responds explicitly to this common accusation near the end of his comments above, by contending that now in the post election evolution of the group, they are devoting themselves almost entirely to work ing on their chantiers Savan and Sarr end their book with a challenge to Marre to remain true to their mission of citizen action and democracy watch and not to succumb to the temptation of exer cising power in their own right. Barro explains in some detail that this is precisely what they intend to keep doing. Perhaps the most pervasive motive for disapproval or denigration of which Savan and Sarr do not espouse themselves, is simply the negative reaction among

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28 | Nelson and to the hip hop identity of its leaders and many members. This is a manifestation of the contestation over the traditional relationships between juniors and seniors, a contestation which is prevalent throughout West Africa and which has been the object of much scholar ly attention. 33 Each side of the relationship has criticism to direct at the other the seniors see the unemployed youth who spend their days drinking tea as lazy and disrespectful, and their hip hop lifestyle, as un Islamic. 34 The juniors lament their inabil ity to find decent work, even after having completed the studies that were to have prepared them for it, and they hold responsible their elders government authorities and others with power for this state of affairs, which keeps them in a forced suspended a dolescence. Further, they defend hip hop as educational, as entirely compatible with Islam, and as a vehicle of engaged discourse, consciousness raising, integrity, truth, and authenticity. 35 Indeed, much of West African rap is focused on that kind of serio us mission, more so than the imported American varieties. Rap is the idiom of recent generations in West Africa. Some significant segment of U.S. youth may get their news from satirists like Jon Stewart and Steven Colbert, but Senegalese journal rapp ) presented by well known, politically conscious artists Xuman, rapping in French, and Keyti, in Wolof. 36 appears on the journal rapp as the subject of reports, and its leading members Thiat, Fou Malade, Simon also c ontribute rap commentary. Thiat of the group Keur Gui (Omar Cyril Tour) is an exceptionally eloquent spokesman for the aims of and a serious, focused, and disciplined practitioner of socially conscious rap, all of which has landed him in jai l both before and since the genesis of Marre On July 23, 2011, Thiat addressed a crowd assembled to renew the call for Wade to respect the Senegalese constitution and withdraw his candidacy T he date was chosen to recall the events of one month ear lier, June 23, when Wade had made his abortive attempt to change the constitution. Thiat was promptly detained after his appearance because of a remark he made to the crowd. Speaking in Wolof, he put a twist on a well known maxim from the seventeenth centu ry Wolof philosopher Kocc Barma Fall. The maxim is, "An elder is always useful in a community Mag mat naa bayi cim reww ). Thiat's twist was to add, "unless the elder is a liar, in reference to President Wade. 37 The fact that this rather tame, for having defied a tyrant. In an i nterview that Thiat did in Burkina Faso in summer 2013, he was asked about the reasons for his expressed admiration of the Burkinab Thomas Sankara. 38 He might have three when he became president and thirty seven at to African independence; and his courage in standing up to la Franafrique the s ystem of neocolonial domination of Burkina Faso and its neighbors. chantiers being pursu ed by a progressively more inclusive one can glimpse the construction of a New Type of Senegalese, which indeed appears to be underway.

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New Type o f Senegalese under Construction | 29 Notes 1 marre and the effects of abusive globalization on suffering populations. 2 Note, for example, the present ASQ special issue, as well as the book Baye Makb Sarr, and the fil m by Audrey Gallet, (2013). 3 The remarks presented in this article come from separate interviews conducted over Skype on July 4 (San) and July 9 (Barro), 2013. The interviews were conducted in French, and all translation to English is by the author. Interview transcripts are in the Thanks to an International Faculty Development Seminar organized by the international education consortium CIEE, the author had visited Senegal and met Fadel B arro Aliou San and other members of in June 2011, just before the June 23 rd massed protests against Wade 4 It should be noted that the choice of March 19 for the announcement of NTS initiative was significant in itself. M arch 19, 2000, was the date of Abdoulaye president, and his supporters had been celebrating the anniversary of that event each year since 2000. 5 All of the places to which Barro refers here are important spiritual centers for different groups within Senegalese society. Medina Baye Touba, and Tivaouane are holy cities for the two largest Muslim brotherhoods in Senegal Medina Baye (in Kaolack) a nd Tivaouane are centers of Tijaniyya (connected with the spiritual leaders Ibrahima Niasse and El Hadji Malick Sy, respectively), and Touba is the center of Mouridism founded by Cheikh Amadou Bamba. Fatick is a center of Serer population and religio n, with holy sites where traditional ceremonies are held. The Casamance region in the south of Senegal is an area of Diola population and more is animist and Christian in religion than Islamic; the Sacred Wood in the Casamance is the site of important mas s initiation ceremonies for young Diola men, which happen only once a generation. 6 A marabout is a spiritual leader and teacher in the Sufi tradition of Islam and in the Senegalese brotherhoods, which follow that tradition. The term can be applied to wandering ascetic holy men and to teachers in Quranic schools; here, Barro is referring to the leaders at different levels in the hierarchies of the Muslim brotherhoods. 7 Fadel Barro was one of thirteen representatives of Senegalese civil society groups who met with President Obama on June 27, 2013, at the Gore Institute on Gore Island, 8 In the period following the election, drew up a plan of action centered on a series of chantiers or projects. The word is left untranslated in this article because it represents a deliberate choice of terminology by the Yenamarrist e s, and it evokes the notion of things being under construction. 9 The statement was published on the same day in many different Senegalese new spapers and news sites, including the one cited in the bibliography below. It can also be found where it was posted on January 26, 2013.

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30 | Nelson 10 The first handover of power was in 2000, when Abdoulaye Wade and his party, the Sen egalese Democratic Party ( Parti dmocratique sngalais PDS), were elected and replaced the Socialist Party ( Parti socialiste PS), which had been in power since independence in 1960, through the presidencies of Lopold Sdar Senghor and Abdou Diouf. 11 Esprit for the local affiliates of the movement. The the use of the term in this way is unique to 12 The West African CFA franc is the currency used in Senegal, and its exchange rate is pegged to the euro, so its value relative to the U.S. dollar varies somewhat; but the exchange rate with the dollar is roughly 500 CFA francs to one dollar. Thus, 50 francs would be approximately equivalent to 10 cents. 13 See http://www.mackymetre.com/ 14 The Barbary Tongue ( la langue de Barbarie ) is a spit of sand thirty kilometers long running parallel to the coast of northern Senegal from Saint Louis southward and separating the Atlantic Ocean from the last stretch of the Senegal River as it reaches its mouth. 15 The Senegal River forms the northern border of Senegal, and the Saloum is in the central part of the country, where the precolonial Kingdom of Saloum was. The Saloum River flows westward through Kaolack to the Saloum Delta and the Atlantic Ocean. 16 For Radio Fr a nce International coverage of the June 27, 2013 Obama Barro meeting, see ttp://www.rfi.fr/afrique/20130629 fadel barro senegal y marre obama est president sympa attentif 17 RADDHO: / African Encounter for the Defense of Human Rights. Alioune Tine is a well known Senegalese activist in defense of human rights and good governance. He was an organi zer of the group M23 ( Mouvement du 23 juin / Movement of June 23), which brought together a number of civil society groups to oppose the 2012 candidacy of Abdoulaye Wade, alongside Marre 18 Besides himself and Fadel Barro, Aliou San names two other core members of Marre Thiat of the rap group Keur Gui (Omar Cyril Tour), and Malal Talla aka Fou Malade. 19 APR: Alliance pour la Rpublique /Alliance for the Republic, the party of President Macky Sall. 20 On Saturday, June 29, 2013, the NGO LEAD Afrique Francophone. 21 Sofia is the narrator of the story of Keur Gui and as it is told in the documentary film by Audrey Gallet, Boy Saloum 22 Diouf 1996, pp. 230 35. 23 Indeed, the city of Touba was built up only after the death of Cheikh Amadou Bamba (1853 1927), the founder of Mouridism. It is on the site where he experi enced a vision in 1887; he is buried there, and the Great Mosque of Touba, completed in 1963, was built next to his tomb. The Tijani leaders associated with Medina Baye and Tivaouane were of similarly recent generations: Ibrahima Niasse (Medina Baye, 1900 1975) and El Hadji Malick Sy (Tivaouane, 1855 1922).

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New Type o f Senegalese under Construction | 31 24 Granted, this is perhaps an overly rosy view of the transparency of financial influence on electoral politics in the U.S., particularly after the 2010 Citizens United vs. Federal Election Co mmission decision by the U.S. Supreme Court. 25 26 See Diouf 19 96, 2003, 2005. 27 Diouf 1996, pp. 232 36; 2003, pp. 7 8 28 Diouf 1996, pp. 243 49; 2005. 29 Diouf 1996, p. 243. 30 From an interview reported in Diallo 1993, p. 213, as quoted in Diouf 1996, p. 245. 31 documentary film African Underground: Democracy in Dakar 32 Savan and Sarr 2012, pp. 71 87. 33 For just a few examples, see Ralph 2008, on Senegal; Newell 2012, on Ivory Coast; Soares 2010, on Mali; and Masquelier 1999, 2010a, 2010b, 2013a, and 2013b, on Niger. 34 On attitudes around tea drinking, see Ralph 2008, and Masquelier 2013b. The most extens ive discussion of generati onal conflicts over hip hop style and way of life is provided by Masquelier 2010a. 35 Masquelier 2010a; 2010b, p. 229. 36 Videos of broadcasts are available at http://www.youtube.com/user/jtronline 37 Fall. 38 Barry 2013. Thomas Sankara (1949 1987) was president of Burkina Faso from 1983 until resident today. Sankara was a Marxist pan Africanist devoted to countering the post colonial domination by France. References Seneweb.com 18 January. http://www.seneweb.com/new s/Communique/anniversaire quot y en a marre quot le yenamarrisme est une philosophie d rsquo action citoyenne_n_86171.html Mutations (Burkina Faso) 32, 1 July; and Mutationsbf.net 20 July. http://mutationsbf.net/index.php/interviews/138 en 2015 blaise compaore doit partir dixit thiat du mouvement y en a marre Set/Setal Chaveau (e ds.), Jeunes, villes, emploi. Quel avenir pour la jeunesse africaine? Colloquium Papers (Paris: Ministre de la Coopration et du Dveloppement): 209 14. Africa Spectrum 29.1: 47 64. _____ 1996. alese Politics: Dakar 1988 1994. Public Culture 8.2: 225 49.

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32 | Nelson African Studies Review 46.2: 1 12. Gefame: Journal of African Studies 2.1. http://hdl.handle.net/2027/spo.4761563.0002.102. Gallet, Audrey, dir. 2013. Boy Saloum Paris: Yami2 Productions. Herson, Ben, Magee McIlvaine, and Christopher Moore, dirs. 2009. African Underground: Democracy in Dakar Nomadic Wax and Sol Productions. (eds.), Civil Society and the Political Imagination in Africa: Critical Perspecti ves (Chicago: University of Chicago Press): 219 50. Being and Becoming Hausa: Interdisciplinary Perspectives (Leiden: Brill): 235 56. Linda Herrera and Asef Bayat (eds.), Being Young and Muslim: New Cultural Politics in the Global South and North (New York: Oxford University Press): 225 39. African Dress: Fashion, Agency, Performance (London and New York: Bloomsbury Academ ic): 138 52. Africa: The Journal of the International African Institute 83.3: 385 402. Newell, Sasha. 2012. ire Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press. Social Text 97 26.4: 1 29. Savan, Vieux, and Baye Makb Sarr. 2012. au Sngal Soares, Benj Herrera and Asef Bayat (eds.), Being Young and Muslim: New Cultural Politics in the Global South and North (New York: Oxford University Press): 241 57.



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African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14 Issue 3 | March 201 4 http://www.africa.ufl.edu /asq/pdfs/v14i3a7.pdf University of Florida Board of Trustees, a public corporation of the State of Florida; permission is hereby granted for ind ividuals to download articles for their own personal use. Published by the Center for African Studies, Univer sity of Florida. ISSN: 2152 2448 BOOK REVIEWS Large Scale Colonial Era Dams in Southern Africa Allen Isaacman and Barbara Isaacman. 2013. Dams, Displacement, and the Delusion of Development: Cahora Bassa and Its Legacies in Mozambique, 1965 2007 Athens, OH: Ohio University Press. but rather have caused serious social and ecological damage in different parts of the world. Nonetheless, after some 50,000 large dams were built in the name of modernization in the previous century, the dam euphoria continues to haunt the twenty first century. 1 Allen and Barbara Isaacman oppose this trend with a piece of critically engaged research, offering ly ) development project. The authors aim to recover the silenced voices of those who had to pay for assive disturbances in their livelihoods. This piece of encompassed archival research in Mozambique and Portugal and, especially, an impressive feat of oral histor y. The study rests on over 300 interviews, the bulk of which were conducted by the f of the twentieth century was none too glorious in the first place, the case of Cahora Bassa is particularly extreme, the Introduction explains. Built in the early 1970s during the final years of Portuguese rule and against the backdrop of increasing secu rity problems and economic stimulating economic activity, including within the Zambezi valley, as planners had originally neighbor and ally, apartheid South Africa. The project attracted harsh criticism from Frelimo ( Frente de Libertao de Moambiqu e) and other anti colonial groups. After independence in 1975, however, it was easily frustratingly easily accommodated in the postcolonial socialist and later neoliberal agendas. uma for Zambezi valley there are strong links between the colonial past and the postcolonial p. 6) p resent. While the monograph focuses on th e period from the 1960s to 2007, the authors also sketch the long history of planning rhetoric centered on the Zambezi. While similar tropes the sixteenth century, l ocal representations were radically different (Chapter 2). Valley residents predominantly depicted the pre dam Zambezi as a source of life, although many also referred env

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114 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf socio chapter examines the building of the dam, highlighting the many aspects of coercion and exploitation that it involved. The authors also draw out the strictly hierarchical and racialized labor process, whereby remuneration, work types and general treatment differed immensely Whil scale dam projects, the displacements for Cahora Bassa were particularly violent (Chapter 4). As part of a larger counterinsurgency strategy, men and women were herded into barbed wire encampment s ( aldeamentos ), where they came under constant surveillance and suffered from hunger and disease. Moreover, the valley became a site of combat for Frelimo guerillas, colonial forces and later Renamo ( Resistncia Nacional Moambicana ) fighters trying to destabilize the area after radically altered flood regime upset the complex social ecological organization of riparian communities, disrupting fa health, social institutions, and cultural repertoires. The sixth chapter explains how Cahora a nd, in terms of revenue, Portugal. It was only in 2007 that Mozambique was finally able to acquire main ownership of the installation. Despite this recent achievement in terms of optimistic. As current plans to build a second dam further down the Zambezi at Mphanda Nkuwa demonstrate, there are disillusioning parallels between the colonial and postcolonial e of the rural poor and the river ecology. The authors achieve thier intention of bringing the perspectives of those who Cahora Bassa marginalized to the fore through rigorous research, careful analysis, and convincing arguments. limitation. While readers learn much about the suffering of the affected communities, dam nostalgia, the approa ch to higher level stakeholders or intermediaries is rather broad brush by comparison. Without wanting to suggest any form of whitewashing, I would argue that it is the t ims, affected peasants trying to wrest some benefits from the project that help to explain why the idea of development still holds such power. Regardless of this, the book is exceptional in the way in which it brings out local perspectives and overcomes archival silences. Equally analysis. The monograph is bound to become a cla ssic in the literature on dams and large scale development schemes and deserves a wide readership, including beyond academic circles. Notes: A German version of this review appears in H Soz u Kult (Copyright (c) 2014 by H Net, Clio online, geschichte.tran snational and the author, all rights reserved. This work may be copied and

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BOOK REVIEWS | 115 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf redistributed for non commercial, educational purposes, if permission is granted by the author and usage right holders. For permission please contact geschichte.transnational@uni leipzig.de or h soz u kult@h net.msu.edu ." 1 http://www.internationalrivers.org/problems with big dams Julia Tischler, Humboldt University in Berlin, Germany Julia Tischler. 2013. Light and Power for a Multiracial Nation The Kariba Dam Scheme in the Central African Federation Cambridge Imperial and Post Colonial Studies Series. Houndsmills, Basinstroke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan. 336 pp. Th e dam revolution, which dates back to the completion of the Hoover hydroelectric project in 1939, has generated a voluminous body of literature. Engineers, economists, developmental proje cts. They stressed that dams provided a cheap energy that would simulate industrial development, promote rural electrification, increase irrigated farming and flood control and insure a secure supply of clean ogists concerned about the social costs of dislocation and the troubling environmental effects of recently constructed dams challenged this develop mentalist narrative. Africanists, most notably Elizabeth Colson, questioned the dam building frenzy that was sweeping across Africa 1 Light and Power for a Multiracial Nation is a significant additional to this scholarly literature. Based on her award perspective accounts of Kariba's con struction and planning process and seeks to explore the links between modernization and (p. 3). The book is organized chronologically into five chapters. The first documents the planning process surrounding the dam and the s hifting, and at times, politically charged negotiations between British officials, settlers interests in Southern Rhodesia, foreign donors and development experts who promoted this high modernist project. Chapter two shifts the angle of vision to explore h project in which the interests of poor Gwembe Tonga peasants were ignored in favor of the need to maximize energy for settler plantations, industry and mining. The Third chapter documents the actual resettlement of 30,000 Gwembe Tonga who were removed from their fertile homeland to harsh backwater regions. Tischler also examine how nationalists and anti colonial forces in England used the force removal of the Gwembe Tonga to atta ck the white supr emacist policies of the settler based Southern Rhodesian government and to promote the cause of the Northern Rhodesian African National Congress. Chapter 4 focuses on the building of the dam. Colonial authorities claimed that the work sit es would promote racial harmony and instill a work ethic among Africans by emulating the behavior of their European colleagues. was the belief that the relativ brokers in this civilizing project. The author demonstrates that the colonial discourse bore no relationship to reality in the highly segregated labor process at Kariba. The final chapter

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116 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf examines t he competing and hardening interests of the various protagonists, which helped to undermine the Central African Federation. The great strength of this study is the author Kariba which emphasizes the ways tha t the ideas, practices, strategies and understandings of the competing protagonist s are constructed as part of a set cross cultural interactions located broad r eadin g of post colonial and sub altern studies, allows Tischler to moved beyond the colonial analysis of the ambiguous, and at times, contradictory, roles which many of the principal pro tagon ists played in the unfolding drama of national building and modernization at both the local, national and resettlement and rehabilitation program, the Gwembe To nga re inscribed themselves into the (p. 17). In her creative hands we follow the efforts of Chief Habanyama, the first Native Authority to learn about the proposed resettlement scheme, as he tried to m editate between his displaced followers who experienced hardships and misery and the colonial authorities in Northern Rhodesia : (p. 99). In a similar vein Tischler demon strates how Harry Nkumbula, the leader of the Northern Rhodesian African Nationalist Congress and supported by anti colonial interests in London, first champione d the cause of the Gwembe Tonga. He lost interest in their plight however, when it became clea r that his n ationalist agenda was not congruent with that of the Gweba Tonga. Light and Power is an extremely important book, which opens up new areas of scholarly inquiry. The study could have been even richer if Tischler had paid as much attention to the voices and memories of the displaced Gwembe Tonga and the workers who built the dam as to the documenta t ion written primarily by colo n ial authorities and development experts. While she acknowledges that life histories can contribute to an agency center ed account (which is one of her objectives) she uses the oral accounts of workers almost as an afterthought at the end of the chapter on the building of Kariba dam and made no effort to interview displaced peasants. Her justification for not giving more pr ominence to these accounts is that she is not confident riences in a representative way (p. 203). This argument strikes me as flawed in two respects. There is never any authentic voice or voices that can capture th e complex lived experiences of workers or displaced peasants. All such account s are only partial and must be interrogated as such. Moreover Tischler is not reluctant to rely on written accounts, produced primarily by Europeans, with all their race, class and cultural biases. This reservation not withstanding, Tischler has written a major study of Kariba both as a source of cheap energy for the ill fated Central African Confederation and as a symbol of the ill that underpinned the idea of the Central African Federation.

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BOOK REVIEWS | 117 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf Notes 1 Elizabeth Colson. 1971 The Social Consequences of Resettlement: The Impact of the Kariba Resettlement on the Gwemba Tonga Manchester: Manchester University Press; William Adams. 1992 Wasting the Rain: Rivers, People and Planning in Africa Minneapolis : University of Minnesota Press; Allen Isaacman and Barbara Isaacman 2013. Dams, Displacement and the Delusion of Development: Cahora Bassa and Its Legacies in Mozambique, 1965 200 7 2013. Athens : Ohio University Press ; JoAnn McGregor 2009. Crossing the Zambezi: The Politics of Landscape on A Central African Frontier Cambridge: James Curry ; Thayer Scudder 2005. The Future of Large Dams: Dealing with Social Environmental, Insti tutional and Political Costs London : Earthscan ; Dodzi Tsikata 2006. Living in the Shadows Volta River Project Leiden : Brill, 2006 Allen Isaacman, University of M innesota Additional Reviews Wale Adebanwi and Ebenezer Obadare, eds. 2013. Democracy and Prebendalism in Nigeria: Critical Interpretations New York: Palgrave Macmillan. 300 pp. This book is a critical engagement with the t heoretical formulation that Ric hard Joseph articulated in his seminal 1987 book, Democracy and Prebendal Politics: The Rise and the Fall of The book creatively re engages with the central issues Joseph raised on the trajectories of governance, primitive accumu lation and under development in Nigeria. The editors divided the book into three parts : governance and the political economy of prebendalism; prebendalism and identity politics; and reconsiderations. In part one, several scholars on Nigeria examine the his torical, sociological, political and economic factors that foster prebendalism in the country. The contributors were able to capture which predisposed it t o such destructive level of corruption through primitive accumulation of which this volume elaborate s, is the conti nuity ( or, at the wors t degree) of prebendalism in Nigeria. In o ther words, more than a quarter of a century after the seminal work was published, Nigeria continue s to reel under the burden of endemic corruption, with inevitable attendant consequences such as poverty, inequality, non inclusivity, conflict and a perpet ual threat of disintegration. In their introduction, editors Ebenezer Obadare and Wale Adebanwi under score the where for an illustrative example, the political leadership took a decision on January 1, 2012 to rem ove the subsidy on fuel, a decision that gravely affected the very livelihood of the majority of the citizens when consultation was still ongoing. The edi tors clearly

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118 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf understand the nature of the fundamental processes of Nigerian political life a prior appreciation of the nature, extent and persi stence of a certain mode of political behavior and of its social and economic ramificat ions (p. 5, quoting Joseph 1987, p. 1). They then went further to provide a summary of each contributors and how their views feed into the propensity toward prebendalis m in contemporary Nigeria. The general summary that the editors provide to the book constituted one of the major strengths of the volume as it gave any potential reader an insight to what the book contains. The contribution by Leena Hoffmann and Insa Nolte was significant as they identify the pull and push factors of neopatrimonialism, such as survival and adaptation into the modern state of networks based on reciprocity and mutual organization which dates back to pre colonial and colonial periods. Using the South Western Nigeria as their point of entry, they narrate how influential Yoruba political leaders such as Obafemi Awolowo, Lamidi Adedibu, Olusegun Obsanjo, Gbenga Daniel and Bola Tinubu creatively played either mainstream or opposi tion politics within the context of a rich and powerful central government and a politically savvy local populace, who maintain confidence in the local base of neopartrimonialism. In a more sector specific approach, Jane Guyer and LaRay Denzer examine preb endalism and the people through the prism of the vexed issue of the price of petrol. After tracing the history of increases in the price of petrol and the regular discontent that accompanied them, they place the debate around appropriate petroleum pricing within the context of the international pricing system. This is the weakest part of the chapter as local conditions in terms of wages and infrastructure deficits prevent such comparis on Rotimi the inscrutable problem of individualism on which federalism is anchored in United States of America. Even though there are constitutional means such as the federal ch a racter principle of addressing communa l contention over resources in power at the cent er to argue that politica l choices of political actors in post independence Nigeria and other African countries are products of elite competition and these define and determine their level of political responsibility to the people. Other contributors to this book share similar p erspective and decadent bureaucracy, sustained culture of entitlement and rent seeking; class interests, media and global consumerism as contributory factors to continuing prebendalism in Nigeria. The epilogue by Richard Joseph on the Logic and Legacy of Prebendalism not only show ed the current relevance of p but also utilize s similar words such a s patrimonialism and predation to explain the phenomenon of using official position s to appropriate state resources for personal ends Samuel Ojo Oloruntoba, University of South Africa

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BOOK REVIEWS | 119 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf Afe Adogame, Ezra Chitando, and Bolaji Bateye, eds. 2013. African Tra ditions in the Study of Religion, Diaspora and Gendered Societies Burlington, VT: Ashgate. 192 pp. For a long time the academy of religious studies has lacked scholarly writings with a multidisciplinary approach about religion in Africa. As prominent sch olars have alluded to, religion in Africa permeates all the departments of life so it is not easy or possible to isolate it 1 For this unique nature of African societies, some attempts at studying a phenomenon called religion has been a superficial descrip tion of its resemblance and often misleading. African Traditions in the Study of Religion, Diaspora and Gendered Societies is a welcome intervention in a field dominated by misrepresentations, miscategorizations and bias. It assembles a group of African sc holars from varied disciplines whose writings connect all the dots that are missing in ar, Jacob Olupona, the thirteen chapter book is divided into two sections. My initial skepticism of the broadened geographical contexts of the book disappeared a few pages into the first chapter. The blend of vivid descriptions about religious practices of Africans in Africa, Africans in the diaspora, and Caribbeans in the diaspora leaves no doubt about the peculiar sameness of people from African descent, regardless of their present domiciles. This is rare in some writings that often situate their central arguments in one context and make generalizing assumptions that often tend to be far from the reality. I commend and encourage such collaborative adventures as a new way for Africans to tell our stories in a communal way. I could not agree more with the authors that Eurocentric theories are inadequate in explaining religion in Africa. Fo r instance, Shamala suggests that peace in the Eurocentric sense is the absence of strife but to Africans, it is the ability to live in harmony (p. 17) Similarly, according to Laguda, theories that see modernization and secularization as going hand in hand do not hold true in the African context (p. 261) That is why modernized Ghana describes itself trump card to winning political power. Moreover, the be lief that Indigenous religions have been forced into oblivion by western religions and modernization is according to Chitando et al., an inaccurate description of a religious syncretic marketplace (p. 4) With a widespread belief that no religion possesse s all the answers to the myriad of problems in Africa, individuals shop for, and adopt multi religious solutions to their spiritual and material problems. Indigenous religion is still very prominent and has been appropriated for use by Pentecostal and Char ismatic Christians 2 It is therefore imperative for scholars to formulate Afrocentric theories and not wait for readymade ones from the west. The call by Chitando for life saving research and knowledge on masculinities and HIV in Africa (p. 139) is therefo re in the right direction. Scholarship in religious studies in Africa need to move towards multivariate research linking religion with other social problems in a bid to generate workable theories that have relevance for the socio economic development of th e continent. religion. With gender discussions assuming political dimensions, it becomes even more complicated for fair opinion to be assessed on its own merit. I do share the view of Bateye (p. 147) that theories that view women as temptress, destroyers and people who should be subordinated, arrived with colonialism and western religions. For this reason, it becomes

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120 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf counterproductive to adopt and adapt western f eminist theories in Africa. The call by the writers for an increase in the number of women scholars in Africa did not go far enough. In fact we should begin to critique male centric scholarship of African religion regardless of the gender of the writers. W omen are key to religions in Africa and any research that neglects such vital source of information cannot be credible. While commending the scholars for such a great work, I would advocate for a more inclusive array of writers in subsequent editions and similar ventures that are being nursed. The dominance of Nigerian writers casts a slur on its comprehensive nature and plays into the naive western perception that Africa is one country. I believe widespread solicitation from different parts of Africa wou ld have enriched the book. Relatedly, subsequent editions would benefit from some proofreading to avoid some minor, yet embarrassing typogra phical and grammatical errors (s ee p p 14 ln 30, 55 ln32, and 123 ln 18). T hese issues notwithstanding, African Tr aditions in the S tudy of Religion, Diaspora and Gendered Societies is a must read for scholars of African studies, scholars in other fields with Africa as their context as well as for reading pleasure. Its simplified appeal with short articles written in c lear and concise language makes it an easy read for any reader. Notes 1 Mbiti 1969 p 1. 2 Asamoah Gyadu 2010 References Asamoah Gyadu, J. K. 2010. Religious Education and Religious P luralism in the N ew Africa. Religious Education 105 3 : 238 44. Mbit i, J. S. 1990 African Religions and Philosophy 2nd edition Portsmouth, N.H.: Heinemann. Richardson Addai Mununkum, University of Wisconsin Madison Peter Alexander, Thapelo Lekgowa, Botsang Mmope, Luke Sinwell, and Bongani Xezwi. 2013. Marikana: Athens: Ohio University Press. 165 pp. Written by both academics and political activists, the book captured my interest from the first page. It attempts to understand the massacre at the South African Marikana mine on 16 August 2012, in which the police intervened against three thousand miners on strike, killed thirty four of them, injured about one hundred and arrested two hundred and fifty nine The book is a narrative through the lens of the workers and cre media reports, which depicted the striking miners as unruly and dangerous mob, Alexander claimed that they remained disciplined and peaceful. Marikana is based on qualitative research, with interviews conducte d with striking miners, their wives, community leaders and rival

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BOOK REVIEWS | 121 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf union leaders in the two months after the intervention, completed by newspaper reports. Displaying original interview transcripts, the book offers more data than many dissertations. It claims organi z ernment, the mining company units and the use of sharp ammunition were not justified consi dering that miners did not attack the police and carried only traditional sticks, spears and machetes. He further speculated that insurgence as a rank and fil e rebellion against mine owners and the dominant union, and indicated that the union has lost all credibility in the eyes of the mineworkers. Suspecting labor leaders of corruption, miners had rejected their representation, elected their own strike committ ees, and demanded higher wage outside the bargaining unit. The descriptions are quite normative, depicting the workers as remarkably brave, mine accounts w ere frequently taken as the truth, rather than constructions of meaning. The goal of accomplished, considering that the Commission of Inquiry is still on going Furthermore, th e speculations about the suspected mastermind behind the massacre should not be taken as conclusions based on evidence, especially since interviews were limited to workers and disregard further parties involved. After reading the book, the mystery remains un solved. I asked myself why during the first six days of the strike, no union branch leader, no company official and no politician spoke to President Ramaphosa of the ruling African National Congress party) and the union leadership pressuring the police to understand the strike not as labor dispute, but as criminal act. In fact, after having listened only to the company reports, not even talking to his local branches, the p resident o f the National Union of Mine Workers, Zokwana, had asked the Police Minister for more special forces, believing that, it was no longer a situation where you needed negotiations. It was a situation where you needed trained personnel to play their role to r estore law and order 1 It was only after continuous meetings with the company security and the police that a g eneral managed to persuade the union President to talk to the workers. bility. From the onset of the strike, the National Union of Mine Workers had appealed to members to resume work and asked the police to protect them from being assaulted as strikebreakers. The distance of the union from the miners became clearer than ever when a branch secretary distributed knobkerries, sticks and spears among his stewards, ready to defend their office against an apparent attack by striking miners. After a union representative had even fired shots at these, in the bush 2

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122 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf The raw data provided by the book makes it not only recommendable for labor scholars and African studies, but also a thrilling read for social movement activists. Marikana leaves room for more inquiries, which should contribute to conceptua l debates. Expanding on classic socialist approaches, research on the (failed) production of legitimacy in organizations, the bases for and the rejection of authority and the formation of criticism seem promising. Notes 1 Zokwana, S. at the Commission: 31 January 2013, p. 4442. 2 Setelele, M. at the Commission: 28 January 2013, p. 4105. References The Marikana Commission of Inquiry (Commission). 2013. T ranscripts of the Marikana Commission H earings http://www.marikanacomm.org.za/transcripts.html Esther Uzar, University of Basel Johan Brosche and Daniel Rothbart. 2013. Violent Conflict and Peacebuilding: The Continuing Crisis in Darfur Lo ndon and New York: Routledge. 175 pp. The Darfur crisis in Sudan has receive d considerable attention concerning the prospects for peace, conflict and humanitarian aid Different articles reports, and analyses have been published since the crisis. All ha d different targets. There have been d ifferent interventions but they seem to have had limited succes s because the crisis continues. Interventions have ranged from international peacekeeping to mediation efforts. Some explain the crisis as a mere climate change conflict. Others see it as ethnic conflict between Black Africans and Arabs. The reality on the ground is that whatever analysis or angle people u se, the crisis continues. And the question we ought to ask is why? Fortunately, Johan Brosche and Daniel Rothbart present a solid analysis of the Darfur crisis. In Violent Conflict and Peacebuilding, the two remind us and argue that the crisis is greatly p roblematic. Darfur is a continuing crisis, so they say. Brosche and Daniel employed a framework of complementarity in explaining complex conflict dynamics like the Darfur crisis. It is a complex perspective. Four different conflict types identified wer e exposed. First, they argue that it is long standing disputes between farmers and herders and between different herder communities. The second is political struggles between local elite leaders or resistance and between traditional leaders as well as youn g leaders in the Darfur region. The third conflict is long standing grievances of marginalized groups at the periphery against the national center of power due to the disparity of power, among other factors The forth conflict type observed using this comp limentarity framework consists of cross border conflicts. This particularly includes the proxy war waged between Chad and Sudan, and sometimes with South Sudan. The argument of the book is well presented. It has two parts. Part 1 with seven chapters, de tails the framework of conflict complimentarity Chapter 1 uniquely and summarizes the nature, scope, dynamics and scale of violence in Darfur. The book proceeds with establishing

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BOOK REVIEWS | 123 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf the theoretical framework in Chapter 2. The framework provides vital connec tions with findings from social identity theory. Chapter 3 presents communal conflicts. T his entails struggles among so called identity groups ethni Chapter 4 highlights the local elite confli cts. Among others, it i power struggles among selected individuals within the group The center periphery conflict type is developed well in Chapter 5. Powerful elites at state level control multiple societal sectors at the marginalized periphery groups. The fourth conf lict type of cross border conflict is illustrated by the proxy wars between Sudan and Chad in Chapter 6. The authors points out the cross border dimen sion of the conflict. The last c hapter finishes Part 1 with an examination of South Sudan, a new nation ca rved out from Sudan, using this complimentarity conflict perspective. Part 2 consists of three chapters presenting peace building in Darfur. Chapter 8 highlights the strengths and pitfalls of peace building through the international response to the crisis It focuses on key actors like United States, China, the International Criminal Court, Russia, the African Union (AU) the United Nations, and the European Union. Although the authors did not dwell much on the role of NGOs and civil society role in peace building, their emphasis on the influence of international actors in relation to other actors clearly shows the challenge of confronting the continuing crisis. Chapter 9 highlights the fruits and challenges of major peace initiatives. The authors note some pros and cons effects of these initiatives on the dynamics of the crisis using the complimentarity framework. The last chapter is the conclusion. The authors used a variety of sources. The information gathered is f rom both primary and secondary sources. Field visits for interviews to Sudan and South Sudan plus wide participation of the authors in conferences on Sudan and Darfur provided insightful information. The book also shows a wide and deep desk review of materials on Darfur such as journals, magazin es, newsletters, organizational reports, and analyses by other scholars. These sources coupled with deep conflict analysis, social identity theory, social psychology, international relations and African studies make this b ook a hot cake for many potential readers given the ongoing crisis in Darfur. The book is potentially marketable to policy makers in North Africa, East Africa and the Great Lakes Region, INGOs working in Africa, and researchers and academicians and their students. It is very useful for multilateral institutions and Inter governmental organizations like the UN and AU among others. It is also highly useful for those involved with armed and civilian peacekeeping in Africa. The subject areas for this book in clude but are not limited to: international relations, African studies, international peace studies, diplomacy, conflict resolution, justice and transformation, war studies and development studies. Hope Tichaenzana Chichaya, Alumni of Catholic Universit y of Easter n Africa

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124 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf J. J. Carney. 2014. Rwanda Before the Genocide: Catholic Politics and Ethnic Discourse in the Late Colonial Era New York: Oxford University Press. 343 pp. In the hills of Rwanda, Christianity is known both as a centerpiece of Rwandan culture and as a great divider that led to violence, murder, rape and ultimately the 1994 Rwanda Tutsi Genocide. Many well known Rwanda based authors have written on the connection between the Catholic Church and ethnic hatreds between the Hutu, T utsi and Twa. Carney adds to this literature by providing an in depth historical narrative of the Catholic Church, specifically the book makes a significant contrib ution to understanding Rwandan history, Catholic missionary work in Africa and the formation of ethnic identity during and after colonization. Carney describes Rwandan colonial and post colonial history in the context of four influential and controversia l figures. The first is Leon Paul Classe who introduced Christianity to Rwanda and developed the strategic relationship between the White Fathers and the Rwandan monarchy. This close church state relationship provided the Mwami the (usually Tutsi) King o f Rwanda, with the full support of the Catholic Church. In addition, Classe established the segregation of Tutsi political elites from the poorer Tutsis and from the majority of the Hutu population in church related institutions such as education. It was u nder Class The next and very controversial figure is Andre Perraudin, who led the Catholic Church in Rwanda after the death of Classe. Perraudin is often criticized for the formation of ethnic i dentities through the publication of Super Omni Caritas, away from the Tutsi political order and towards the Hutu peasants; and which reconfigured socioeconomic classes as ethnicities with Hutus needing to raise themselves above Tutsis. Many scholars and the current Rwanda Patriotic Front led Rwandan government see this important factors that ultim ately led to the 1994 genocide. Carney disputes this zero sum belief that Perraudin should be solely held responsible for ethnic violence in Rwanda, by stating that cern himself with the growing ethnic question between Tutsis vs. Hutus. While he did go on later to support the pro Hutu political party, Parmehutu, he did so not because of belief in Hutu power, but because of his fears of opposition parties, specifically the Union National Rwandaise (UNAR), spreading communism in the region. Overall, Carney describes the former controversial religious figure as a complex individual who made serious mistakes while in Rwanda. Aloys Bigirumwami is the next major figure that Carney describes. Compared to Perraudin, Bigirumwami was able to foresee the future ethnic problems that the Church was propagating. Throughout his tenure as a bishop, he tried to push for national unity and prophetic of the coming genocide, but he is tainted by the fact that when he could have acted eutrality in political matters. Gregoire Kayibanda is the last major individual

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BOOK REVIEWS | 125 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf Carney deals with. Kayibanda is depicted sporadically until he creates the Parmehutu political party and then becomes President of the newly independent Rwanda, at which point he is elevated to a person of major interest in the book. Carney is clever in only mentioning the other historical figures. Carney assigns these four people as the and post independence with great success. Even though each chapter focuses on a specific time period, it is described through the writings, speeches and actions of these very important historical figures. Carn ey briefly describes Church related events after the 1973 military coup the period between 1950 and 1962. The author is able through very detailed historical resea rch to depict the lives and choices of the people who shaped ethnicity, Catholic growth and ethnic politics in Rwanda. Most importantly, Carney is able to execute this sizeable task without submitting to the common narratives that are found among Rwandan b ased scholars and the current Rwandan government. In effect, he depicts people as individuals who cannot be put into simple categories of good or ad. Even though scholars and students who focus on Rwanda will most likely read this book, it may be inte resting for academics who are interested in missionary work in Africa or on how ethnic categories were created and reinforced by colonization and Christianity. Jonathan R. Beloff, School of Oriental and African Studies Karen E. Ferree. 2011. Framing the R ace in South Africa: The Political Origins of Racial Census Elections Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 291 pp. Framing the Race in South Africa, The Political Origins of Racial Census Elections is an easy book to read, and understand, written with moderate language, good prints, and illustrative examples that are clear and relevant to the concepts presented in the book. The author presents a robust tabular data presentation, which was collected largely through survey at relevant sections of the text and well analyzed using both descriptive and inferential statistics. Comprehensive footnotes also add to the features of the book with a view to buttressing and expatiating on the claims and position of the author. It is a well researched, 291 paged boo k, with nine chapters chronologically and logically voting decision s, which are better determined by party image other than identity considerations, policy pref erence or performance evaluation. Chapter three to five present campaign efforts of major political parties ANC, DA, and NNP in South Africa in 1994, 1999 and 2004 that focused on the struggle to retain and change party label/image using persuasion characteristics with a view to changing their party label in order to convince the voters of their inclusiveness. Efforts and difficulties in recruiting high quality c andidates were addressed in chapter seven. Chapter eight analyses how the ANC uses its negative framing strategy against

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126 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf its black opposition parties IFP, UDM and Cope while chapter nine is a comparative analys i s of negative framing strategies experiences in South Africa, Israel and El Salvador. The book is rich in content and quite insightful. It gives a vivid account and a peep into post apartheid South African democratic experiments with robust empirical data presentation, largely sourced through surv ey method and analyzed with recourse to works of different scholars. Experiences of different countries such Sweden, Italy Japan, Israel, El Salvador, and Mexico were also alluded to. Hence, the book is scholarly and has good theoretical grounding. It is characterized by comprehensive footnotes to elucidate views expressed and has a good reference style. Also, the book presents a lucid and novel account of how race and identity described as errings ) power dominance since the end of apartheid in South Africa to the disadvantage of its main opposition parties, the NNP and the DP through its campaign strategy and retention of most black African talents elite recruitment. Contrary to general belief, am ong political observers, the author shows that the racial census election in South Africa is politically engendered rather than socially evolved. It is the intention of the author to show that a coherent and credible opposition is central to the ability o f election s to generate accountability. In this connection, Ferree states thus: when oppositions lack credibility voters are stranded on the shores of the dominant party Understanding when and how oppositions win this battle is crucial to our underst anding how democracy consol idates, for without a coherent, credible opposition, elections lose their ability to generate accountability. It is to this and I write this book. (p p 29 30). This purpose was achieved by the author, as she was able to convince the readers that coherent and credible opposition is essential for elections to generate accountability thereby consolidating democracy. This was done through extensive and comparative analyses of how ruling parties use negative image campaign strategy to discredit their opponents so as not to provide alternative choice for the voters in spite of the ruling parties poor performances. In was used to discredit its ma in opponents white and linking them to apartheid rule in the mind of the voters instead of being new or rainbow and Africanizing as they claimed. This, she argued, has increased Africans uncertainty about opposition parties (tab les 1.1 and 1.2) thereby maintaining parties image s /label s that has not enabled the opposition parties to win voters (chapter 3 5). The book has some areas of strength. There is robust data presentation and analysis. It also presents in depth analyses a nd historical account of issues/events. However, the author used not too robust and inconclusive data (tables 6.5 and 6.10). Nevertheless, the book is a good piece suitable for whoever wants to understand the dynamics of elections and how democracy works i n any political system and especially for its target audience politicians, scholars and students. Olugbemiga Samuel Afolabi Obafemi Awolowo University

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BOOK REVIEWS | 127 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf David Francis, ed. 2012. When War Ends: Building Peace in Divided Communities Burlington, VT: Ashgate Publishing Company. 217 pp. This multi authored volume offers the opportunity to comprehend the whole process of reconstructing post conflict war torn societies. It is an important volume, which besides capturing problems, challenges and opportun ities associated w ith the reconstruction process, offers in depth analyses of the nature, dynamics and complexity of the process. Contributions in this volume reveal the lack of consensus on the definition of peacebuilding. Some authors show preference fo r a narrow definition whilst others opt for an all inclusive, broad conceptualization. However, one characterization that in my view comes close to providing a close description of the process holds that in effect, though peacebuilding has a normative ori entation, i.e. reconstructing a secure, peaceful and developed society, it is a largely value laden project that apportions disproportionate powers to those who prescribe, fund and implement peacebuilding programmes (p.5). The volume adopts the label Lib eral Peacebuilding because of the predominant emphasis on neoliberal political and economic principles. The West African country of Sierra Leone that has had a significant share of peacebuilding programmes, is covered in great detail. Some comparative an alyses of peacebuilding in Liberia and Sierra Leone also feature in the final chapter. Those keen on grasping both the virtues and vices of liberal peacebuilding project in Africa will find the volume very useful as it offers both accounts, even though on the balance, the critical chapters outnumber those in defense of liberal peacebuilding. Arguably, a robust defense of liberal peacebuilding is provided in chapter 2. The chapter attacks the so called hyper critical school of scholars and commentators, branding their claims as exaggerated (p.28). The chapter finds alternative strategies proposed by the critical school, insightful as they are, are not markedly detached from liberal principles but rather espousing variation s within liberal peacebuilding. The verdict here is that some criticisms have gone too far and offer no convincing rationale for abandoning liberal peacebuilding. Those adopting a critical position raise doubts on the selective nature of liberal peacebuild ing interventions : excessive focus on state reconstruction; scanty attention on the trade off between peace and justice; and placing too much of a premium on economic growth as the most reliable means that can propel the success of peacebuilding. Others ri ghtly observe that economic aspects of post conflict reconstruction still have been accorded relatively little attention. Critics also maintain that insulating the local market from the perils of neoliberal policies is necessary because economic inequality is often at the roots of conflicts in countries emerging from violence. Several conclusions can be drawn from the nine chapter volume. First, an altruistic mission does not drive ongoing liberal peacebuilding around the world. Strategic economic and polit ical interests of the external actors, who are intimately engaged in the whole peacebuilding enterprise, cannot be ruled out of the equation. Second, the major concern remains to be the quality of the peace achieved. Branding Sierra Leone as a successful m odel while the potential for a relapse into violence exists, and where people's welfare and well being are marginal concerns, ought to be seriously questioned. Third, evaluation on the continent's experience that

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128 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf the balance of the results of peacebuildin g in Africa, is ambiguous, uncertain and very subjective (p. 87), is spot on. The volume's last chapter provides a conclusive assessment of the discussion stating that in short, similar to Liberia, Sierra Leone's peacebuilding and reconstruction efforts have made the social subservient to the liberal, with major deficiencies in responding to the social problems which contributed to war in the first place (p. 181). With regard to the organization of the contents, one may find the volume repetitive in som e chapters especially where authors begin their discussions with historical accounts of the civil wars in Sierra Leone and Liberia. Historical accounts could have been presented at the beginning of the book instead of being repeated in the last chapter. On the topic of public health and peacebuilding in Sierra Leone (chapter 7), the author cites a local newspaper story in Uganda to illustrate medical malfeasance in developing countries, especially in Africa! Proper citation of a researched and documented re port could convey the message better. Moreover, depicting the decision by the Blair administration to deploy six hundred British troops as demonstration of the international community will and capacity to act effectively goes a long way to portray the g rowing tradition of overemphasizing the impact of external actors' engagement. It, henceforth, comes as no surprise that the real motive of the initial British troops deployment in Freetown to protect British nationals, is taken for granted. Rasul Ahmed Mi nja, University of Dar es Salaam Carmela Garritano. 2013. African Video Movies and Global Desires: A Ghanaian History Athens: Ohio University Press. 246 pp. Carmela Garritano's African Video Movies and Global Desires: A Ghanaian History is a captivating, well researched and written first book arguing that Ghanaians refashioned their moral and national identities while engaging in globalization (1987 2000) through video movie making. It offers a welcomed conceptual departure from Birgit Meyer's work, which primarily sees Ghanaian video movies through the eyes of pentecostalism modernity. Instead, Garritano argues that Ghanaian video movie production and consumption suggests shifting conceptions of dominant discourses concerning globalization, gender and sexu ality, neoliberalism, and consumerism in Ghana (p 23). Garritano's methodological approach is innovative and multi faceted. Rather than analyzing and understanding video movies by locating meaning within the movies, Garritano utilizes "contextual criticism" as a n approach. Borrowing from Julianne Burton, she examines video movies by understanding the dialectical relationship between the movie, its many contexts, and how the relation ship affects the other (p. 8). Furthermore, beyond simply media analysis, Garritan o conducted extensive ethnographic research over a ten year period during numerous visits to Ghana. Each chapter is constructed around an argument building upon a close analysis of two to three Ghanaian video films, and substantiated by ethnographic interv iews with the producers and people responsible for the distribution, production and filming of the video movies. The book is divided into five chapters, excluding the introduction and conclusion. Ultimately, each chapter reveals the historical circumstance s that shape present

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BOOK REVIEWS | 129 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf day economic, moral, and social anxieties within the spectators' consciousness and how the movies address those. Chapter one, "Mapping the Modern," based on the study of two films: The Boy Kumasenu (1952) and A Debut for Dede (1992) argues against the grain by not seeing the birth of a national Ghanaian cinema as a complete turning away from colonial influence. Instead, Garritano insists that there is continuous "connection and disconnection" between the feature films of the Ghanaia n Film Industry Corporation ( Ghanaian film productions) and the Gold Coast Film Unit (British colonial film productions) (p. 26). Chapter two, "Work, Women, and Worldly Wealth," presents the case that video movies attempted to a) normalize the fantasy of middle class comfort; b) conceive of the female body as a metaphor for "pure consumption;" and c) being producers to consumers in the global economy (pp. 63, 90). Chapter three, "Professional Movies and Their Global Aspirations," raises two important points. Firstly, the author maintains that video movie directors shifted their movie plots from "poverty and economic decline," which were central to the first wave of video movies (1987 1992), to their characters' individual choices, unconstrained by fate or wealth. Secondly, she contends that the second wave of video movies (1992 2000) gestured toward global fantasies, ons (p. 93). In this shift, Garritano asserts that female Ghanaian movie directors inserted themselves into broader, global gender debates through the use of female centric actresses and scripts. In chapter four, "Tourism and Trafficking," Garritano examin es Ghanaians in the diaspora attempts to locate a better life in their new surroundings and their shifting moral and social obligations to their relatives in Ghana. Finally, chapter five, "Transcultural Encounters and Local Imaginaries," argues that there should be a shift from viewing African films as an aligned force against a Western center. Instead, Garritano purposes adopting a view point that accounts for the heterogenous competitions and tensions between multiple national African video movie industri es. Thus, the a both a hinderance and help to the Ghanaian video movie industry. Thinkers such as Simon Gikandi, James Ferguson, Jonathan Haynes, Brian Larkin, Joh n McCall, Birgit Meyer, and Terrence Turner inform Garritano's analysis, but they never overwhelm her own voice. One of the most striking feats of African Video Movies and Global Desires is Garritano's ability to seamlessly weave sets of heterogeneous theo retical frameworks from various continents and people into a Ghana centric, ideological conception of Ghanaian video movies (pp. 34, 59, 77, 125). This book is a forerunner in the excavation and understanding of the Ghanaian video movie industry's emerg ence out of neoliberal economic policies over the past two decades. It video movie industries. Garritano brings to light the contemporary paradoxical struggle of Gh frame and confront "the grand narratives of modernity and globalization" while simultaneously often being complicit to such forces (p. 9). I have already highly recommended this book to colleagues, friends, an d famil y members, and I do so again.

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130 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf Nana Osei Opare, University of California of Los Angeles Trevor Getz ed. 2014. African Voices of the Global Past: 1500 to the Present Boulder: Westview Press. 223 pp The Atlantic slave trade, the industrial revolu tion, formal colonialism, World Wars I and II, world history textbooks today. They mostly tell the narrative of Western Europe and North America and how these events, trends, developments and realities have shaped the world since 1500 and have established an almost unique perspective, which makes these two regions the major agents of change in the period historians term modern history. This, however, is a partial globa l perspective, which overlooked others not less significant for the telling and writing of a compelling world history. One of these concealed if not untold perspectives is the African. Yet, as this book clearly shows, Africa and Africans were at the core o f this global history not as victims, casualties or scapegoats but as potential and dynamic participants. This book covers the period from the fifteenth century to the late twentieth century chronologically by looking at each of the six world episodes, s etting them first in their global context, then looking at the African experience and finally offering the African perspective in the form of primary source material ranging from stories, poems, diaries, speeches to newspaper articles and police reports an d written by different Africans including South Africans, Nigerians and others of Afro Caribbean descent. I ndividual Africans relate their own stories of how they lived specific experiences, which directly affected their lives and how they responded to th em and in so doing, they unconsciously played a role in significant global events and contributed to their unfolding. The transatlantic slave system was bound to disappear, not because European slave traders decided so, but because resistance to the syste m by slaves, which took the form of attacks on ships, European forts, the burning of factories, the building of fortresses and the diversion of rivers among other strategies of resistance, were so costly, that it ultimately led to its demise. This is not to suggest that other Africans did not accommodate or t ake part in the system. Over the long term and of greater significance, the transatlantic slave system thoroughly impacted central African societies by changing sex ratios, leading to depopulation, cre ating social hierarchies and political fragmentation, and introducing new forms of domestic enslavement and encouraging materialist values in societies that value people above everything. Similarly, the industrial revolution, which is exclusively associat ed with Britain, Europe and the western world in general and which generated the unprecedented wealth of these societies and made them leading economic powers, would not have occurred without the vast amounts of resources carried to Britain from the colon ies, in addition to African partnership and African labor. These resources helped to improve the living standards of the British and funded innovation a n d development in Britain and later in other parts of Europe and the world. The reputed Oxford and Cambr idge universities, to cite but one example, were indeed endowed with money deriving from the slave trade. Africans were fully involved in the various global trade networks since the fifteenth century and this is a component of world history.

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BOOK REVIEWS | 131 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf In the same v ein, the two world wars were partly about the African colonies. Yet, Africans had no story to tell, perceptions to develop or experiences to live in these world events. World history has so far silenced them. A close look at these global events reveals a r adically different narrative. The African continent was an integral component of the global economic and political system in both wars. Both world wars were almost felt everywhere in the continent and had dramatic impact on Africans, who supplied raw mate rials and soldiers, many of whom lost their lives in two conflicts which were not theirs. In addition, many African regions were theaters of conflict and actually helped determine the final outcome of the war. For those Africans who were not directly invol ved in the conflicts, the imperial powers made them pay more taxes and restricted their consumption to support the war efforts. Africans contributed in other ways, not less crucial. In Nigeria, the newspaper press, which since the late nineteenth century, was culturally nationalist and which shifted its focus on the ills of foreign domination and the need for self determination after W orld W ar II, sided with colonial Britain in the war, and launched a campaign to encourage Nigerians to join the colonial arm y not only to fight against Nazi Germany but also to train for the sake of the future development of an independent Nigeria. These are samples of how Africans largely and effectively contributed to key global events and patterns since the fifteenth centur y and legitimately invite historians to give them and the continent of Africa the floor in their world history writing, that is why this book is a significant addition to this history and is very likely to be a popular textbook and a companion to the exist ing history. Mohamed Adel Manai, Qatar University Clive Glaser 2013. The ANC Youth League Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Press. 168 pp. protesting inferior education t o resisting apartheid, from nurturing new leaders to developing new ideologies. In this study, historian Clive Glaser reflects on the history of the African National Congress Youth League on the seventieth anniversary of its founding. His book is part of t he Ohio Short Histories of Africa series, which has provided brief introductions on mostly South African topics to a broad audience. Glaser is supremely qualified for the task, having written extensively on black politics in South Africa and the role of bl ack youth in particular. accomplishments, limitations, and historical significance. In so doing, he has produced a concise book that is unusually engaging and well written. the Youth League in the 1940s, showing how young intellectuals became increasingly frustrated lity to stop it. He explores Leaguers a nd their collea gues Tambo, Mandela, and Sisulu d he fight against apartheid. With

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132 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf action a nd civil disobedience had begun p. 40) From that moment onward, several Youth Leaguers assumed leadership positions i n the ANC as a whole. They put the ANC on a more defiant course, but also began to engage in a broader set of alliances that included communists Africanist ideology, ultimately breaking away from the ANC to form the Pan Africanist Congress. As he tells this story, Glaser interweaves important contextual material on the increasing state repression of the 1950s, culminating in the shootings at Sharpeville in 19 60 and the banning of the ANC and PAC. Between 1960 and 1990, the Youth League was effectively defunct, so Glaser shifts his focus to black youth without direct ties to the ANC. He charts the growth of the black consciousness movement and shows how its i deas spread among black high school students, leading to a reemergence of internal black protest from the 1976 Soweto unrest onward. He describes the As he demonstr ates how the youth regained the political initiative, Glaser touches upon many new organizations that rose to prominence, including SASM, SASO, COSAS, and SAYCO. that a high ly politicized youth subculture had emerged by the 1980s, a subculture that would play a Once the ANC was unbanned in 1990, it sought to incorporate disparate internal youth organizations into a reconstituted Y outh League, which was officially re launched in 1991. As he describes the turbulent transition period, Glaser discusses the rise of Peter Mokaba, the dominant figure in Youth League politics in the early 1990s. He documents the rift between the older ANC leaders and the Youth League over the abandonment of the armed struggle. He later asserts that Thabo Mbeki triumphed over Cyril Ramaphosa in the contest to succeed Mandela n deposing Mbeki and supporting Jacob Zuma, showing that it could be an important pressure group in the ANC, just as it had been decades earlier. controversial po liticians. After he became Youth League president in 2008, Malema called for owned land in is but he remains judicious in his observations. He predicts that as long as poverty and youth unemployment fester in South Africa, Malema will have a following even with his recent expulsion from the ANC. Glaser concludes his study by comparing the Youth League of the 1940s with its more modern counterpart. He argues that despite some ideological similarities, a key difference ( p.

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BOOK REVIEWS | 133 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf Authoritative, streamlined, and highly readable, this book deserves a wide readership. Steven Gish, Auburn University at Montgomery Richard Gray 2012. Christianity, The Papa cy and Mission in Africa (Lamin Sanneh editor ). Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis. 197pp. Richard Gray (d.2005), known for his text titled Black Christians and White Missionaries (Yale ies with the various orders, such as the Jesuits, presence among African communities. Gray was enthusiastically engrossed with the way the Ethiopian Church, and the Kongo Catholics, made constant overtures to cement connections with the papacy and how these unfurled since the fifteenth century; a period during which the RCC was challenged by the influence of the Ottoman Empire that controlled large swat h s of the North African geographical spaces that blocked it from maintaining close links with the mentioned African Christian denominations. tputs appeared in reputable journals between 1967 and 2001 as noted from the list of sources given on pp.177 these together in an edited publication. The family thus approached Lamin Sanneh, the well known African professor of Church History at the Yale Divinity School, to execute this assignment. undertake this editorial task was clearly observed in his informative introductory e ssay titled 1 26); herein Sanneh contextualized the collection of eleven essays interventions. Sanneh opined that the essays illu was initiated by i t, or its European missionaries (p. 4), and this was a point that he repeated in each of the first five chapters (pp. 27 115). Speaking about repetitive facts, one wonders why the editor did not employ his editorial skills to weed out some of the superfluo us overlaps so that Christians pro actively dispatched delegations to Rome since 1402 with the intention of forging ties (pp. 28 29). All of these diplomatic devel opments were partly spurred on by socio religious that ultimately succeeded by 1453 in wresting the heavily fortified city of Constantinople from Byzantine contr ol (p. 29). historical developments and familiar with Bengt Sundkler rs (Chapter 11 pp. 171 75), was keenly interested in The African Origin s of the Missio Antiqu

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134 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf (Chapter 1 pp. 27 47). Gray observed that the papacy pursued this mission at the behest of overseas missionary win g baptiz ed as the Sacred Congregation of Propaganda Fide during 1622, it was surprising to learn from Gray that this body did not have Africa in mind when Francesco Ingoli, its first secretary, drafted the guidelines (Chapter 3; see pp.69 71 and p.80). N onetheless, this essay was complemented by A Kongo Princess, the Kongo Ambassadors and the Papacy (Chapter 2) and (Chapter 4); whilst the former briefly narrated, among others, the story of a little known Kongolese princess who requested permission from the Lisbon based Mother Maria de San Jose to join the Carmelite order (p p 51 e m o randum as well as one that unhesitan tly condemned the ongoing slave trade; a trade that enormously benefitted the Spanish rulers (pp. 71 72). Gray further discussed the unfolding relations between The Papacy and Africa in the Seventeenth Century (Chapter 4) in which he showed to what exten identified with the Catholic Church (pp. 82 86), and he elaborated more on related Come Vero Prencipe Catolico (Chapter 5). Turning to the next five chapters, one questions why Chapter 8, T that was published previously in the Journal of Contemporary History in 1971, was included since pol itical developments did Christian Traces and a Franciscan Mission in the Central Sudan, 1700 1711 and Chapter 7 that explored The Catholic Church and National Stat es in Western Europe during the Nineteenth and T wentieth centuries, from a Perspective of Africa At the end of Chapter 7 Gray once again underline revolutionary change initiated (p. 140). And Chapter 7 and not Chapter 8 acted as an appropriate backdrop for Chapters 9, Christia nity, Colonialism and Communications in Sub Saharan Africa, and 10 Popular Theologies in Africa, respectively. In these two essays Gray reflected upon the importance of communication and he reported upon a timely Speaking for Ourselves 1984 document th African Affairs during January 1986, one would like to know why he did not also offer h is scholarly insights into the 1985 Kairos Document that was co drafted by the ICT and others such as the Dominican priest Albert Nolan. In conclusion it may be stated that these, previously published, Gray essays, which were competently introduced by San neh, will remain an important contribution to both African historical studies and Christian studies I t may also be added that the collection underlined the Muhammed Haron, University of Botswa na

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BOOK REVIEWS | 135 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf Gerald Horne. 2012 Mau Mau in Harlem? The U.S. and the Liberation of Kenya Reprint Edition New York: Palgrave Macmillan. 334 pp. In th is Mau Mau in Harlem? Gerald Horne provided an examination of the relationship between th e United States, Kenya, and Great Britain beginning with the early the context of the struggle against white supremacy in both nations and in the context of the str p. 3). This is neither a history of US intervention nor Kenyan responses; instead, it is a recounting of the interactions between US and Kenyan leaders, politicians, activists, and common citizens to demonstra te how the fight for African and African American equality became intersected in the 1950s. Relying heavily on the Kenyan National Archives in Nairobi to recount the internal struggles within Kenya, Horne also utilized the National Archives and Records Adm inistration in its College Park, Maryland and Washington, D.C. locations. Through the use of documents from the United Automobile Workers union and media depictions of Kenya, he strengthened his source base by examining its, often sensationalized, image in the United States. This allowed Horne to provide p. 15). This two between Kenyan and American, especially African American, communities Horne began his work in the early twentieth century when adventurous Americans exchanged a closed Western frontier for a new one in Kenya. The colonial government welcomed these European Americans in order to maintain control over a much larger indigenous population ( pp. 26 27). This led to the growth of a quasi partnership between the US and Britain in order to maintain their respective racial hierarchie s ( pp. 31, 41). Thus, Kenya became a nexus point and a symbol for the two powers as they attempted to justify their control over the African American and African populations. Horne revealed how the relationship fragmented with the onset of World War II sin p. 70). The use of black soldiers by both powers in the war also weakened white control in both Kenya and the US while simultaneous ly pushing African and African American agendas together ( pp. 67, 77). The onset of the Cold War drastically complicated matters amongst the US, Britain, and Kenya. d between the influence of the Soviet Union and the US. Horne attributed this breakdown to pp. 81, 74). However, the rise of the Kenyan anti colonial Mau Mau forces in 1952 sustained the increasingly uneasy alliance between the US and Britain. Due to the culture of the Cold War and the sensationalized image of Mau Mau as a violent African movement, the US perceived Mau Mau a nd native Kenyans as underneath communist sway ( p. 108). Horne credited the influence of Cold War blinders for the failure of the US to land, white supremacy, colonialism, p. 111). This led the US to side with the settler class as they violently oppressed the indigenous Kenyans. Yet, along with growing domestic pressure from African

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136 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf Americans, the Bandung Conference in 1955 and the Suez Crisis in 1956 shifted the Cold War land scape since the former demonstrated the growing political clout of the Third World while the latter firmly established the Cold War as a struggle dominated by the US and the Soviet Union I n Africa, this meant the US began looking for options in Kenya beyo nd the colonial governments ( pp. 140 41, 143 47). Communist ties. Mboya oppos ed the settler regime and his ethnic identity was Luo which distanced him from the mainly Kikuyu appeal crossed ideological lines in the US as he gained the support of the John F. Kennedy and Richard Nixon ( p p. 165, 172). Mboya was also responsible for spearheading one of most significant attacks on the colonial government: the 1959 airlift of Kenyan and other African students to the United States for an education long denied to them by the settler class. The US took part as a way to sway the young Kenyans away from the perceived danger of Communism ( pp. 193 95, 204 05). However, Mboya encountered the criticism often attributed to moderates. He was too liberal to be embraced by the colonial government. On the o ther hand, he was tainted by his ties to the US due to the practice of Jim Crow and the assassination of Patrice Lumumba. This led to many criticisms from his political left by Kenyan leaders such as Oginga Odinga and Jomo Kenyatta ( pp. 177 79, 213 15). T hose seeking a play by look elsewhere. Instead, Horne sought to write a transnational study and succeeded. He mainly rating the two way current between the US and Kenya. Horne also intended to explain the, to some, puzzling ties between the African American community and East Africa since the rise of Mau Mau and the civil rights movement in the 1950s created a level of u nity between the two communities ( pp. 237 38). Richard M. Mares, Michigan State University Hamid Irbouh. 2005. Art in the Service of Colonialism: French Art Education in Morocco, 1912 1956 New York: I.B. Tauris. 280 pp. Recent international scholarship h as focused on the role of colonialism in visual culture, as well Art in the Service of Colonialism is a valuable source for readers interested in art education, colonialism, gender, and the social role of arts and crafts. It also challenges traditional scholarship on modern artistic production in North Africa by focusing on the Irbouh argues that French art education in craft industries in the Protectorate of Morocco played a major role in supporting the colonial agenda there. The author pulls from colonial accounts, aesthetic and political theory, administrative correspondence, art journals, and contemporary scholarship to illustrate how French educational reform shifted control from

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BOOK REVIEWS | 137 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf Moroccan guilds to French authorities, and, furthermore, formed generations of Moroccan craftsmen and women trained with French techniques. Colonial administrato rs promoted these craft schools as a way for Moroccans to develop their own economic sector in the medinas (traditionally Muslim quarters of cities) and gain economic independence. As Irbouh demonstrates, however, these schools accentuated unequal educatio n based on French misconceptions of racial and ethnic divisions in Morocco, and produced a subordinate work force for the development of European occupied villes nouvelles in cities such as Rabat and Fez. In dealing with art education reform and challenge assumptions about colonialism, women, and agency in Morocco. He demonstrates that Moroccan craftsmen and wom en either adopted or rejected visual practices developed by the Protectorate. The Moroccan elite, for example, supported the French educational project as educ ation and physical fitness. Irbouh also responds to scholarly claims that European women played inconsequential or subordinate roles in the colonial project. As demonstrated in Chapter Five, French female educators were key players in managing craft schools and constructing visual culture in the lonial reform, yet fails to Nevertheless, Irbouh takes a critical approach to the ethnogra phic observations of French textile patterns. It is sometimes difficult to tel l whether qualitative observations on Moroccan craft production are those of the author or of the colonial adminstrators, as Irbouh cites similar French texts to demonstrate the harmonious and independent nature of pre guilds. Considering I Art in the Service of Colonialism is a historical analysis, rather than an art historical one. The black and white photographs of craft workshops and ironworking diagrams are valuable and intriguing, yet they lack capt ions and formal analysis in Chapters Five and Seven, where he discusses the symbolism of Rabat l student. enriching. In Chapter One Irbouh describes the organization of pre where building construction professions derived their high social rank from the wealth amassed through these crafts. The author also highlights the role of drawing and vocational education in late nineteenth century France. Thes e nationalist and industrial developments in the mtropole

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138 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf transmitted to Moroccan craft schools, where drawing became a manual exercise in visual memory and dexterity for students. scholarship and the West. Art in the Service of Colonialism thus raises pertinent questions about gender and rts and crafts in Morocco: what did it mean for male Arab artists at the Casablanca School of Fine Arts to appropriate the arts and techniques of in the 1960s, when art Lara Ayad Boston University Daniel Mains. 2012. Hope is Cut: Youth, Unemployment, and the Future in Urban Ethiopia Pennsylvania: Temple University Press. 193 pp. Youth unemployment has become one of the most pressing development issues in contemporary Africa. With the youth being the majority of citizens in Africa, there is a growing concern that if this group of people is not catered for in all as pects of human existence, the stability and subsequent positive continuity of society will be ostracized. It is upon this justification that there is need for scholars to unpack the dynamics surrounding youth unemployment. There is a genuine need to concep tualize the terms youth and unemployment: unearth the causes of unemployment: the coping strategies employed by the youth: as well as understand the stratification dynamics surrounding youth unemployment. It is only when this is done that we can proffer so lutions to this arduous problem of youth unemployment. This is exactly what Daniel Mains does in this book in a brilliant manner. The book starts with a radiant introduction that sets the basis for later chapters by giving a luminous conceptualization of t he terms youth, hope and unemployment. The definition of youth as not being modeled on age but on relations of reciprocity is of major interest in the introduction. The author, states that an individual stops being a youth when they can be relied upon by t largely phenomenological and ethnography centered approach, as the author spent over eightee n months living and interacting with the youth of Jimma. Of interest however, is the fact that the author decided to specifically focus on youthful men only and not women. Chapter one introduces readers to an intrinsic understanding of the carving of the present outlook of unemployment in urban Jimma. The writer gives a beautiful hi storical analysis dating back to the 1800s where chief occupations were modeled on trade and religion. With the Ethiopian revolution in 1974, the government became the apex employer, providing employees with prestige and material benefit. Secondary educat ion became a ticket to wealth and prestige as a qualification for government employment. With the inception of the Structural Adjustment Programs the requirement for government employment increased, but government employment still remains the symbol of suc cess for the youth of Jimma.

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BOOK REVIEWS | 139 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf Chapter two elaborates a high quality conceptualization of time, where time is unstructured and is in abundance for the unemployed youth. In essence, unemployment was not simply the absence of work but a problem of time. Unempl This is a great chapter with various new angles on the concepts of youth, hope and time. In chapter three the author comes up with an amu sing theory that contradicts itself the lives of the youth). On the other hand however, education has stopped most youth from settle for jobs that are not equivalent with the status of their education. They therefore rather choose to remain unemployed but upholding their prestige which i s an important part of relationships. Chapter four examines the social aspects attached to u nemployment. The author produces a handsome elaboration that communal values have a bearing on unemployment. Those young men that ignored communal evaluations of status managed to seek employment in the dreaded low status occupations and created their own reality of progress different from that of society. Those who remained wary of societal status evaluations remained largely unemployed. In chapter five, the author challenges the mainstream ideology of material rationalism, by unearthing new status hierarc hies existing in urban Ethiopia. The author brings out the notion that material accumulation is used to create new relationships and networks. On the other hand, the unemployed used gifts to strengthen their social relationships with existing peers. To thi s end, the author argues that the state of relationships must complement the materialistic conceptions of inequality. In chapter six and the conclusion, the author comes up with possible solutions to the problem of unemployment. These solutions include mig ration (in and out of Ethiopia) to modern spaces developed by the free market, entrepreneurial brilliance and a return to education. An obvious change in culture is required as well to restructure social evaluations of status, which obviously restrict many young men from venturing into different professions. This is a book that students and teachers of Anthropology, Development Studies, African Studies and African Literature should get their hands on. The major pro of this boo k is the conceptualize key concepts of youth, progress and unemployment. Ramphal Sillah, Midlands State University Richard C. Marback 2012. Rhetoric Columbia: University of South Carolina Press. 138 pp. The book opens up a vista of rethinking vulnerability in the South African social space; it equally calibrates the long struggle for freedom, democracy and reconciliation, which apartheid South African framed and sustained via its variegated tend ency to exclude coloured and black folks to the margins. In this wavelength, Marback, reasons with Nelson Mandela in his autobiography Long Walk to Freedom which is appositely parallel to Managing Vulnerability: oric. The essence of the book resounds with

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140 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf transcending the shenanigans, atrophy and social backwater occasioned and underwritten by the Western attempt to perpetually stifle alternative discourse. It equally dramatizes the attempt to rupture the dynami cs of disempowering the marginalized by envisioning democratic culture and rhetorical artifact that is tempered with equality, social justice and inclusiveness. materi al, emotional, psychological and cultural vulnerability that detonates with democratic rhetoric, freedom and sovereignty (p. 22). The book, therefore, finds timbre in questioning the very logic of vulnerability as well as marginalization of the vulnerable in society the South African social space. To this end, We best respond to the suffering of others by giving expression to vulnerability in our aspirations for common good. Being vulnerable is fundamental to the human condition. We can never eliminate i t. We must try to not ignore it in (p.131). This book eight chapters coalesce to give an imprimatur of critical terms on vulnerability and sovereignty observed by the author. The first chapter The Promise of Participation Rhetoric as Vulnerability presents the dual move by Salazar that depicts the vulnerability, which animates the pursuit for rhetoric of sovereignty and the vu lnerability that takes account of inclusion. Chapter three titled The Dangerous Rhetoric of Robert Sobukwe, brings to mind S obukwe, the first president of the Pan Afri can Congress, in jail three years beyond his sentence. Chapter four well titled On the Fragile Memories of Robben Island, reconstructs the issues surrounding the small house in the Island where Sobukwe was imprisoned. This little house has now become a historic tourist attraction. Chapter five Compromised Gesture and the clenched fist that symbolizes uncompromising monumental commitment to the struggle against apa from jail. Chapter six Handedness portrays Tutu as the pioneer of the conciliation and open handedness extended to another in the entire democratic processes spanning from 1967 to the 1980s. Chapter seven Tsotsi, District 9, and the Visualisation of Vulnerable Rhetoric dramatizes the admission of past injustices meted against the South African people, while equally promot ing positive dialogue. The last chapter The Prospects of R hetoric as V ulnerability takes further the inner workings of vulnerability orchestrated via sad experiences by the likes of David and Wilkus van der Merve. No doubt, the book has strengths N ev ertheless, it suffers from sanctimonious preachment, as well as near pseudo vision of democratizing South African society by ignoring the perils and challenges that lie ahead. Although the book challenges our collective conscience to t ake the path of conci liation, sovereignty, justice and equality, if you like, nonetheless, it is tinkered with an idealized view of change in the way vulnerability and democratic rhetoric is being managed in South Africa. Put simply and tersely, it would be more appropriate fo r the author to anchor his philosophy of democratic rhetoric in a more pragmatic approach. Emeka Smart Oruh, Brunel University

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BOOK REVIEWS | 141 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf Barbaro Martinez Ruiz. 2013. Kongo Graphic Writing and Other Narratives of the Sign Philadelphia: Temple University Press. 228 pp. In a focused study of Central Africa and Cuba, Kongo Graphic Writing and Other Narratives of the Sign succinctly and precisely dismantles several old school paradigms of Africa. The most pernicious, of course, was that the continent lacked writing (wit h the exception of Egypt, which comparable written documents led scholars, from Hegel to Hugh Trevor Roper, to insist that it was as a place of historical darkne ss. Many have worked to disprove such fallacies, shifting focus to oral or visual sources as empirical records of the African past, but research into manifold African scripts is more scant. Where it exists, Barbaro Martinez Ruiz argues in his Introduction, it often reinforces the divide between two and three dimensional forms of communication ( p. 6). Martinez Ruiz boldly insists that, in Kongo culture at least, writing t he systematic making visible of language is not restricted to the flat arrangement of l ines and dots, but extends to expressive gestures and the construction of religious objects, in particular Minkisi figures and their Cuban Palo Monte counterpart, Prendas The product of not just several years of academic research, but a lifetime of invo lvement in Afro Cuban religion, Palo Monte, Kongo Graphic Writing is a rare, ambitious scholarly work. Its chapters expound the spread of Kongo belief systems from Africa across the Atlantic, Kongo cosmology and cosmogony, pictographic and ideographic writ ing used for religious and other societal purposes, and the physical manifestations of these constructions. Kongo graphic writing, although deployed by experts conversant in its myriad forms, is not rarified communication; it is inextricably bound to daily practices, from the devotional to the memorial to the medicinal. Martinez between signs and symbols across vast swathes of history and geography. He examines ancient rupestrian markings, mapping their recurrence across a number of sites and recording how they are understood within the context of living, local proverbs and practices. He scours illustrations from seventeenth century European travel writing, exposing within them do cumentation of religious practices that have stood the test of time. The methodology is rich and unconventional, mobilizing fieldwork, interviews and archival research, along unique personal insights from within Palo Monte. The cruciform Almighty Dikenga the ur graphic of Kongo cosmology, is the single greatest example of continuity between ancient and contemporary Bakongo culture ( p. 68). Further, the appearance of the dikenga as nkuyu or lucero in Cuban Palo Monte evidences the fundamental connective tissue between the Caribbean and Central Africa, and insists upon the resilience of African religious practice despite the horrors of the Middle Passage. Indeed, another paradigm that Martinez an unquestionably horrendous trauma, equates to a total loss of culture. As he writes, his book desires to demonstrate the fundamental and rich continuity between Africa and the diaspora ( p. 11). That he is a student of Robert Farris Thompson, who Flas h of the Spirit (1983) is regularly referenced, should come as no surprise.

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142 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf Martinez Ruiz offers not just an academic explication of the history and the mechanics of Afro chapter arrangement is telling, with approximately half of the pages contained in Chapter 4. Here, Martinez Ruiz not only discusses in depth the variety of two dimensional graphic forms that constitute the communication systems of the Kongo ( bidimbu and bi sinsu ) and Palo Monte ( firmas ), but illustrates his text with extensive tables of signs collected from both historic sites and contemporary informants, typically local priests. Hand drawn by the author, these signs and symbols, presented in table format to allow comparisons of recurre nt forms and their varied interpretations, equip the reader with an invaluable Kongo lexicon. The author puts this to work, using it, for example to decode the composite complexity of certain Palo Monte signatures known as firmas Kongo Graphic Writing d efies categorization, for its findings spanning African and Afro Cuban history, linguistics, religious studies, archaeology and art history. While written by an a rt h istorian, its Library of Congress catalogue number places it in Language and Literature. This speaks directly to its multi disciplinary appeal. That the author simultaneously published the book in Spanish further evidences his commitment to pushing the boundaries of the American academy. The opportunities for future research, from African gr aphic writing beyond the Kongo to linguistic/artistic/cultural connections between the continent and the diaspora are teasingly inferred in the Conclusion. Martinez eight related lines of inquiry; the generati ve potential of this text is vast. Kate Cowcher, Stanford University Niq Mhlongo. 2012. Dog Eat Dog: A Novel Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Press. 222pp. Dog Eat Dog is a work of fiction by Niq Mhlongo, a South African writer and is part of Ohio Universi Dog Eat Dog is part of this series, the intended audience is college students in African Studies or world literature classes. Mhlongo has also written two other novels, After Tears (2010) and Way Back Home (2013) The setting is Johannesburg and Soweto, South Africa. The book mostly takes place in the year 1994. Various flashbacks in the novel describe stories from childhood such as the death of his father, getting beaten in school for being abs ent, and the police searching his home and taking away his uncle for political reasons. an average college student at the University of Witwatersrand. Each chapter discus ses some of struggles are sometimes overshadowed by a larger political backdrop. In 1994, the South African general elections marked the end of the apartheid system. Dingz and his friends were excited to be part of the election and eagerly waited in the queue. A few memorable lines reflect election would reshape our live A nd

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BOOK REVIEWS | 143 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf at home and I guessed that they were still trying to vote at the nearest polling station. My s hi fi speakers were pumping out some fat k waito beats outside on the lawn Despite the end of apartheid, Dingz has several encounters with racism such as corrupt police officers, classmates, and the school dean. r this book because all of the chapters deal with the apartheid South Africa. In each chapter the reader senses how Early o n, we learn Dingz was denied financial aid from the University. He in this South Africa of ours you have to master the art of lying in or With the help of his friends, Dingz manages to stay ahead or at least survive his troubles. Dingz is usually a likeable character who the reader can empathize with, but sometimes Dingz could have easily avoided many of his problem s. For example, he could have studied harder for his exams and then he would not have worry about getting an exemption to take the test again later. love interest Nk woman. Their relationship moves very quickly. Within days they have already s lept together some details of what she looks like. Nkanyezi is the reason Dingz gets kicked out of his temporary housing arrangement and even contracts an STD from Nkanyezi. Yet, there is no discussion of how she got the STD and what either of these events means for the relationship. Another critique is that the novel contains excessive harsh profanity and explicit sexual content. On the one hand, the dialogue betw een characters contains so much profanity that it can be off gritty, and raucous. Although it could be considered witty, the jarring profanity can also distract from the sub stantive content of the writing. Overall, the book is easy to read, but by no means a light read. Dog Eat Dog is an entertaining set of stories about the kwaito generation and life in South Africa during the 1994 elections, a transition of government, and the end of apartheid. Rebecca Steiner, University of Florida Sasha Newell. 2012. The Modernity Bluff: Crime, Consumption, and Citizenship in Cte Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press. 305 pp. The Modernity Bluff s outdoor bars where, around tables fully covered with bottles, groups of young men lavishly outspend each other. They flash rolls of money, prominently display their cell phones, and exhibit thei r prestigious US brand name clothing in the most refined ways. We witness a bluff:

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144 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf rdinary account of how such bluffing makes sense in the Ivoirian context. Newell delineates in its most intricate details how the fakery of being wealthy and the performance of being modern (i.e. Westernized ) are of constitutive importance to such diverse phenomena as street language (chapter 1), the illicit urban economy (chapter 2), masculinity and social cohesion (chapter 3), consumption (chapter 4), migration (chapter 5) and the Ivoirian political crisis (chapter 6). Newell does not discard bl uffing as unauthentic. He seeks to analyze the relations between the bluffer and the audience to show how the bluff intertwines the real and the imaginary. Through the copious use of rich ethnographic data, he hopes to demonstrate that appearances of mode rn real success, and that the quest for appearing modern and successful has replaced the quest for being successful ion, Newell challenges the normative differentiation between the real and the fake and argues that neither fake nor real, but rather the ability to produce the re al through manipulation of the What deserves particular acknowledgement is, maybe unsurprisingly, the form argumentation throughout the book. First and foremost, the author develops a captivating proximity to the people, p laces, and phenomena under study, which he conveys through detailed anecdotes, extensive and intriguing quotations of his friends and acquaintances in Abidjan, pop song lyrics, Ivoirian cartoons, and expressive photographs. Secondly, as much as Newell obvi ously immersed himself in the milieu he studies, he consistently steps back to situate his ethnographic accounts carefully within their larger context, tracing the history of the phenomena and the etymology of the concepts he studies, critically cross chec king different narratives and addressing their contradictions, and ordering the diversity and ambivalence of his topic through lists, typologies, and comparisons. Third and finally, Newell is a stunningly skillful theorist, opening up new perspectives on t transnationalism, brands and consumption, to name but a few issues at stake. And while his cross referencing between empirical and theoretical observations and between social theory classics and contemporary Africanist writing can be dazzling at times, it never appears heavy or lofty. Persuasively, The Modernity B luff thus creates a suspicion against itself: could the reader not be duped by a brilliant bluffeur ? The suspicion surfaces in sections where the author seems to his diverse conceptualizations of modernity that are not acc ordingly mirrored in his empirical power through their ideas about cosmology, consumption, and fakery; modernity is considered a culturally specific construction. While he also emphasizes the ideological, exclusive character of modernity ( the West is modern, the rest is not ), his descriptions of Ivoirian modern youth one sidedly concentrate on the situational inclusion and creative appropriation of

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BOOK REVIEWS | 145 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf modernity, an few methodological remarks and interes ting anecdotes, the author never really harnesses the empirical data of his experiences as a white, American researcher (who was, for instance, often perceived as a modern accessory to his Ivoirian friends). In many ways, a more reflexive elaboration on th e intercultural aspects of fieldwork could have been helpful to empirically the reader is left wanting a conclusion about the epistemological consequences o findings. In fact, if culture and modernity are based on bluff, what about anthropology? Whatever the answer to this question may be and despite the ambiguity that it might intend to Modernity Bluff is clearly a magnificently written, and thoroughly researched continue to spark new debates in anthr opological and Africani st circles for quite a while. Joschka Philipps, Centre for African Studies Basel, Switzerland David P. Sandgren 2012. Mau Mau's Children: The Making of Kenya's Postcolonial Elite Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. 185 pp. D avid P. Sandgren, a professor of African history at Concordia College Moorhead in Minnesota, taught from 1963 on for four years as a young college graduate at a s econdary s chool in Giakanja, Kenya. In this work he explores significant elements of the dail y life of seventy five of his pupils over a fifty members of their families held in 1995. In seven chapters the life histories of these men, which can be characterized today as while adding some crucial information about the general situation they ha d to face in their country at that time. The result is a refreshing mixture of individual histories and historical facts. But for this reason the reader has to keep in mind that he is not dealing with a historical work about Kenya, but with information fro m a unique point of view about a limited group of men raised in Central Province near Nyeri belonging without exception to the tribe of the Gikuyu. T he first chapter illustrates the difficult situation of the Gikuyu in the colonial society and especially childhood in the time of the Mau Mau rebellion. He enables the reader to see the conflict from the point of view of normal people being confronted with cruelties not only from the government but also from Mau Mau. It becomes clear that they could not see e verything in black and white and were either loyalists or rebels but that they simply struggled to survive and to escape the blood thirst of that time. The second chapter explains the great need for education after independence and the difficulties the Gia kanja Secondary School and its first students had

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146 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf to face. The start was especially problematic because Giakanja was one of the first day schools in the country and most people at that time were convinced that only boarding school education could be succe ssful. The following sections deal with the importance and difficulties of achieving a pass on career afterwards. It is summarized that after all the majority of this so gener university took place entered the wealthy middle class. Showing generational conflicts and the differences between the traditions and the new lifestyle in a wealthy enviro nment the final two chapters display figuratively the dramatic change of the society in just fifty years. The fact alone that the book is based on interviews and the personal experience of the author makes the work worth reading. Besides Sandgren shows on ce more his detailed knowledge about the Gikuyu society before and after independence already displayed in his 1989 work Christianity and the Kikuyu : Religious Divisions and Social Conflict Furthermore he combines the facts and the individual stories in a brilliant style and achieves a figurative description of the situation, which is unique in the historical literature about Kenya so far. A lthough an overview was not the aim of the work, some more explanations and a more detailed description of the present day political and economical situation of the country would have enriched the study. In addition the author could have made even clearer especially in the last two chapters that the si tuation of his former scholars has nothing to do with the reality of the majority of Kenyan people today. They are the wealthy and extraordinar il y educated exception. Particularly the optimistic view that the tensions between the tribes belong to the past and the impression that all Kenyans are on their way to a lifestyle on a Western level being conveyed on the last pages can be questioned. It should have been mentioned at that point that the majority of people all over the country are still living under v ery poor conditions and that Nairobi is somehow another world in comparison to rural areas. M any young people s till have to quit their education before achieving their secondary leaving certificate in order to go work and help their families to survive. Ne vertheless the work can be recommended as an extraordinary and vital contribution to the scientific discussion about the history of Kenya and of the Gikuyu. Frederik Sonner, Institute of Philo sophy and Leadership in Munich Elizabeth Schmidt. 2013. Foreign Intervention in Africa: From the Cold War to the War on Terror New York: Cambridge University Press. 267 pp. constantly changing with new perspectives/explanatio Foreign Intervention in Africa: From the Cold War to the War on Terror is another valuable addition to the literature. The book is unique in terms of its intellectual rigor and continental coverage. Unl ike the practice where some scholars select few countries in Africa as case studies and generalize their findings for the entire continent with little/no regard for the

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BOOK REVIEWS | 147 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf divergent issues (cultural, historical, political and socio economic), this book is qu ite different from the norm. Grounded on a qualitative research method, the book investigates the root causes of confront Africa are multifaceted, the dominant explanat ions tend to over emphasize the internally driven factors like dictatorship, corruption and inactions of political elites at the expense of the externally driven factors. While the centrality of the internally driven factors cannot be ignored, the author also reminds readers not to forget the impact of foreign the consequences of foreign interventions (political and military) across the continent (p. 1). The book is categorized into phases of decolonization (1956 75), the Cold War (1945 91), state collapse (1991 2001), and the global war on terror (2001 10). Within the context of this categorization, the author sets forth four central assumptions/propositions as gu iding tenets for investigation (pp. 1 3). The first assumption underscores the fact that imperialist and Cold War powers hijacked the decolonization process in Africa for their economic and political interests, to the extent that the continent became the b attleground for imperialist influences and East West ideological proxy wars. Second, the author posits that Africa became strategically less important to Cold War allies after the demise of communism. Third, like the Cold War, the global war on terror incr eased foreign military presence in Africa with support for authoritarian regimes. Fourth, the author theorizes that foreign intervention tended to increase rather than decrease conflicts on the continent (p. 2). The author examines these assumptions wi th other topics like radical nationalism, decolonization and the Cold War. In chapter one, for example, the author constructs a compelling narrative/argument to help readers understand the motives/tactics of these foreign actors (imperial and Cold War) on the continent. While major European countries (Britain, France, Portugal and Belgium) occupied the top group of imperial powers during the colonial and post colonial eras, the United States and the former Soviet Union were undoubtedly the Cold War giants on the continent. The roles of China and Cuba as Cold War actors were also addressed (pp. 18 32). With the propositions clearly outlined in chapter one, the author shifted the focus (chapters two to seven) to case study analysis of African countries that were deeply affected by these interventions (pp. 35 189). For instance, the author has systematically discussed interventions by neo colonial and Cold War actors in Northern Africa (Egypt and Algeria), Central and Southern Africa (Congo, Angola, Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa) and East Africa (Ethiopia, Somalia and Eritrea). The colonial/post colonial relations between France struggle and the Cold War power politics that occurred in the Congo and Somalia are few examples to highlight. The eighth and l ast chapter explores the so called global war on terrorism (pp. 193 222) and rorism replaced attack on the US (p. 195). Clearly, the book appears to have accomplished its stated

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148 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf goals/pr opositions. Not only is it well researched and logica lly argued, but the author has demonstrated outstanding knowledge an d an in political complexities. The analyses and the persuasive arguments attest to this claim. examine the current intervention in Africa by China in search for economic resources/political influence. Although the author touches on China as a Cold War actor (pp. 27 29) and again mentions China with other emerging powers in Africa (p.221), the author was unable to discuss involvement on the continent. I also find the broad categorization of the period of state collapse (1991 2001) somehow problematic, especially from a continental perspective, since this was the sam e era that many authoritarian regimes in Africa transitioned quite well to democratic/semi democratic forms of government. Notwithstanding, this book is an excellent resource for the academia, policymakers/researchers and anyone interested in African Affai rs. Felix Kumah Abiwu, Eastern Illinois University Jesse Weaver Shipley 2013. Living The Hiplife: Celebrity and Entrepreneurship in Ghanaian Popular Music Durham: Duke University Press. 344 pp. The book is an in depth look at the hiplife scene in Ghana. Jesse Shipley has years of experience researching popular culture in Ghana, and it comes through in this text. He provides a detailed account of the history of hiplife and some of incorporated local cultural values and the use of proverbs. In comparing hiplife to highlife, he says the former has exp life centered approach emergence. He details a post Rawlings Ghana, the various figures that pioneered hiplife music, and stories of second generation hiplife artists. Chapter six, one of the strongest, is an important examination of attempts to control female public shaming of women as a means of control and discouraging deviation. The chapter focuses on assaults committed against hiplife artist Mzbel and the subsequent onslaught of comments that the artists brought on the attacks due to her provocative perform ances. Shipley addresses cultural autonomy poses to public morality and male sexual dominance. The research represents some of the only work on the reinforcement of gendered spaces in urban youth music in Africa. perspectives on what hiplife actually is, Shipley includes this discussion briefly towards the end of chapter four. Discussing it earlier could prevent readers from getting the impression that

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BOOK REVIEWS | 1 49 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf hiplife is Ghanaian hip hop. Hiplife is more its own genre. Shipley alludes to this. His analysis of hiplife suggests a genre that stands alone, but that incorporates eleme nts from other genres, namely highlife and hip hop. An aspect of the text that stood out was the placing of hiplife within neoliberal ideals, hip hop culture, and Pan Africanism. While hiplife borrows heavily from hip hop, and may espouse Pan African sent iments, hip hop, as well as Pan Africanism, is extremely critical of neoliberalism. While few hip hop artists call neoliberalism out by name, hip hop often addresses the devastating results of neoliberalism on the urban poor. The contradictions inherent in an embrace of both neoliberalism and hip hop further distinguish hiplife as its own consumption and accumulation, though it does so through Black images of protest and neoliberal, and while not socialist, is very critical of capitalism. Finally, it would have been good to see information on other genres of urban youth music chapter on M3nsa and his discussion of Blitz the Ambassador were important, as neither is classified as hiplife. Both perform hip hop music (Blitz, almost exclusively) and their inclusion in the text provided an opportunity to explore the relationship between hiplif e and hip hop. In addition, the emergence of azonto music in Ghana has further diversified the urban youth music scene in Ghana. As the azonto scene grows, what will be the impact on hiplife? the key figures that most influence the genre. The incorporation of both local and foreign sounds in the creation popular music genre in Ghana was well reviewed. In addition, the look on the intersections of gender, sexuality and aspects. Msia Kibona Clark, California State University, Los Angeles James Howard Smith and Rosalind I. J. Hackett, eds. 2012. Displacing the State: Religion and Conflict in Neoliberal Africa South Bend, I nd : University of Notre Dame Press. 299 pp Many interpretations of religion and conflict in Africa are too simplistic. The book under review, therefore, seeks to deviate from those interpretations and provide a more detailed perspective. A collection of essays edited by James Howard Smith and Rosalind I. J. Hackett, the book is touted as an introductory text to key themes with regard to religion and conflict in Africa. Most of the chapters in the volume are historical and ethnographic in method and scale and focus on the everyday activities, processes and structures that engender conflict and peace: liturgical verse, mov i es and street pamphlets, church services, secret societies, legal debates surrounding domestic arrangements, and so on. In this way, the volume pull s focus away from dramatic and highly mediated violent conflicts by examining the role of religious practices in

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150 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf the making and unmaking of social orders from the bottom up, in stark contrast to conventional top down approaches. The first part of three, Historical Sources of examines how aspects of African history have laid the foundation for very divergent models of peace: one stressing reconciliation and cooperation between formerly opposed parties, and another relying on the ongoing pe rpetuation of conflict and the persistent demonization of others, especially the Restorative Justice in Nineteenth Century Ethiopia histori an Charles Schaefer delineates a tradition of restorative justice in Ethiopia that extends back to the medieval period, elements of which can be found in Ethiopian political thought and practice in the twenty first century. He also argues that Ethiopian re storative justice has allowed for forgiveness of vanquished parties, accountable for future actions; in other words, to correct their criminal ways dwells at length on the peaceful potential of religion and religious discourse, and argues that these aspects of religious belief and practice should develop so that rel igion can contribute effectively to peace building. In contrast, in the chapter entitled The Political Life of Devil Worship Rumors in Kenya James Howard Smith focuses on the productive dimensions of the concept of evil, epi t omized by the idea of the devil. H e argues that specific, culturally nuanced ideas about the devil and devil worshippers have been central to governance in Kenya from the colonial period, and that diverse Kenyan groups have tried to use these concepts to t he fact that real world peace often involves scapegoating and the perpetration of tension. The second part, entitle comprises three chapters. T he first Grace Nyatugah Wamue Ngare The Mungiki Movement: A Source of Religio Political Conflict in Kenya traditionalist religious and political m ovement whose members and leadership have struggled to retain their original utopian religious foundations at the same time as the organization has morphed into a powerful shadow state and mafia. Wamue Ngare eventually emphasizes the religious dimensions o f Mungiki in reaction to those who have portrayed the movement as a mafia organization with no redeeming moral virtues. In contrast, Koen Maker: Conflict and Militia Formation in Eastern Congo occult dimensions of a similar, equally heterogeneous, youth based movement in the eastern Congo in an effort to draw out their often unrecognized political and sociological motivations and historical underpinnings. Both Wamue Ngare and Vlassenroot draw at tention to an even more fundamental issue: mainly, that the new religious movements at work in African challenge entrenched Western understandings of religion as belief in a transcendental truth above and beyond political realities. Rather, these religious /political movements are firmly grounded in real world struggles and transformations and are the principal mechanism through which people try to bend overarching structures to their wills. Isabel Mukonyora confronts this issue igion, Politics, and Gender in Zimbabwe: The Masowe Apostles and

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BOOK REVIEWS | 151 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf Chimurega Religion social functions including those formerly reserved for states, while in some ways echoing Zimbabwean state demonstrates a profound ambivalence about tradition among Masowe Apostles: while they incorporate many elements of Shona culture into their rituals,and emphasize the symbolic significance o f land, Masowe religious ritual is ultimately aimed at curtailing the power of ancestors, and hence the past, over living populations in the present (and thus shares much in common with other popular religious movements such as Pentecostalism). While t he s econd part emphasized how religion engenders new forms of social and political identification in the wake of state transformation and in many instances, decline and collapse the final part, ighlight s the conflict between state structures and the new ideologies and institutions associated with neoliberal globalization (international religious nongovernmental organizations, new forms of media, and discourses of human rights, for example). Rosal argues that, contrary to all expectations that a liberalized print and electronic media would engender peaceful, open public discussi on and dialogue among religions, the recent Azonzeh F. K. Ukah Popular Christian Video Fi lms as a examines the popular and legal controversy surrounding the release of the Nigerian Pentecostal film Rapture. His theme expands upon the themes that Hackett introduced by examining a single example of antagonistic r eligious imagery made possible by a newly liberalized media A nd to sum it up, Religious Conflict in Uganda: a more complex relationship between the state and religion in contemporary Africa. This book adds to the growing literature about religion and conflic t in Africa; it documents important traditional African responses to conflicts from a religion and conflict studies dimension; and it offers a different conceptualization of religion and conflict. T here is a weakness however Some of the articles need to be reviewed. Lastly, while Religion and C onflict in Neoliberal Africa can indeed serve as an introduction to key themes revolving around Displacing the State in Africa, it obviously can not stand on its own as a foundation tex t in this field. Ibukun Ajayi, University of Ibadan Hakeem Ibikunle Tijani 2012. Union Education in Nigeria: Labor, Empire, and Decolonization since 1945 New York: Palgrave MacMillian. 176 pp. Union Education i n Nigeria: Labor, Empire, and Decolonization since 1945 is an ambitious attempt to contextualize Nigerian labor union

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152 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf education during British decolonization. Tijani threads multiple theses throughout the work, but his central project is an emphasis on th e pre and post colonial struggle to shape union leftist colonial state at odds with leftist unions and the leftist intelligentsia, arguing that the colonial government established the 1950s (p. 46). This in turn assured more conservative government influence over union education curriculums and institutions in post colonial Nigeria. In Chapter One, T ijani explores labor unions in Africa prior to Nigerian independence in 1960. Central to his analysis is an overview of the six major communist front organizations operating during the period that, to varying degrees, used clandestine means to further thei r agendas within Africa. He also draws warranted attention to non communist international CIO, and African labor unions and officials in the 1950s. The chapter, which finishes with an introductory summation and with passing commentary on Nigerian specifics (p. 1). Chapter Two examines the role of post their influence in forming alliances during the colonial period, were unable to survive the odel of unionism and the Nigerianization process. Tijani paints a broad picture, from a sweeping description of Nigerian labor union history in the twentieth century, to the influence of the Cold War on local labor groups. Unfortunately, this wide stance l eaves the chapter feeling wispy and un substantial as Tijani attempts to cover so much background and context that he gives too little attention to his greater argument and purpose. P roceeding to Chapter Three, Tijani alters course, reconsidering European c olonialism and adaptations in colonial policy in West Africa in contrast and complement ary nd methods aimed at persuading conservative African nationalists to become involved in a peaceful T he most promising, though short, tenet of the monograph comes in Chapter Four. Tijani se of formal and informal labor education programs during the colonial jani prematurely shifts focus, leaving the threads of his argument dangling behind him. Chapters five and eight provide respective overviews of labor union education in Nigeria pre and post education to confront the communist threat and create an enduring environment of anti leftist unionism (pp. 53, 71). Tijani also elaborates on his definition of labor union education, which though varied in association between union education programs and postcolonial nation building, including international dynamics and the natio nal institute of labor education. Meanwhile, Chapters six

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BOOK REVIEWS | 153 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf and seven focus on specific individuals and strikes: namely, Marxist publisher and activist independence. Unfo rtunately, the caveats for problematic. The book is more than simply repetitious. Entire sentences, and on occasion, entire paragraphs are repeated verbatim (sometimes within a matter of pages) (pp. 16, 20). Larger structure that leaves the argument out of focus and ill proven. Key terms also go undefined. lef individuals and groups identifying with, and sympathetic to, general Communist and Marxist ideologies, while also holding an opposition to the colonial state. But this is not always clear. This lack of nuance is concerning given the extreme weight these terms carry in labor and union describ interpretation. 1 the institutional and state history of an understudied region. Historians of Africa and abroad can gleam much the burgeoning field of labor and empire. Notes 1 Joseph Agbowuro 1976. Comparativ e Education 12 .3 : 243 54. Ryan Driskell Tate, Rutgers University Torrent Mlanie 2012. Diplomacy and Nation Building in Africa: Franco British Relations and Cameroon at the End of Empire London: I.B. Tauris. 409 pp. Diplomacy and Nation Building march towards independence and its subsequent nation building process. Drawing upon extensive archival material colle cted in France, Great Britain, Canada, Cameroon, and the US, the author adopts an actor the international system from the perspectives of British, French, Cameroonian, and Canadian state l and the late 1970s, triangular diplomacy among France, Britain, and Cameroon substantially formation processes. Concurre ntly, Cameroon is described as central to the histories of French and British decolonization processes and foreign policy choices ( p. ix).

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154 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf diplomatic struggles to safeguard their influence over a territory, which constituted a colonial boundary line between the French and the British zones of influence. The first chapter shows emerged a regarding Cameroon as unpredictable francophone state ( pp. 16 23 39 68 72). Following this argument, the second chapter demonstrates how close relations with France made C ameroon become a strange hybrid in British eyes, neither truly foreign nor fully integrated within the Commonwealth scheme. The early post independence years were marked by an increasing alienation of British diplomats and Cameroonian officials, who to Bri tish diplomats were often, in effect, Frenchmen with black skins ( p. 77). Chapter Three, dedicated to the early post predominant influence in many sectors of the Cameroonian state and society, before attent ion is given to the 1967 Nigerian civil war over the Biafra region. Torrent illustrates how the Nigerian civil war revealed essential antagonisms between French and British diplomats. The latter held de Gaulle and Foccart rian civil war going for its last year p. 144 quoting Jean Pierre Bat, Le syndrome Foccart ). Fearing that the Igbo movement could prompt secessionist tendencies in reunified Cameroon itself ( p. 141), President Ahidjo supported the central government in Lagos, a move, which improved relations between Cameroon and Britain ( p. 145). The remainder of the chapter is dedicated to an issue that otherwise runs like a thread through the whole volume: the struggle for linguistic predominance in a formally bi li ngual state. While French had already become the dominant language in the political capital, Yaound, as well as in the economic cent e r, Douala ( p. 150), Ahidjo initially remained opposed to the Francophonie organization, which he deemed to be a revival of the French Community and as such being dominated by the former colonizer ( p. 162). Against the backdrop of the referendum in May 1972 regarding the transformation of the Cameroonian Federation into a Four examines French and British efforts to bury old rivalries and their limits. Finally, chapter Five asserts that Britain, by then, had become disinterested in Cameroon ( pp. 226 dominant influence over the whole francophone African region ( p. 246). Overall, Britain is portrayed as the more reluctant of the two former colonial powers, always a nxious that its foreign policy towards Cameroon could corrupt its relations with France or the Commonwealth. France, on the other hand, driven by its quest for grandeur considers close ties with Cameroon and the whole francophone region as an indispensable factor of its foreign policy ( p. 248). Cameroon itself is said to have emerged from the double rejection of the Commonwealth and the French Community; but subsequently little space was left for balanced relations with both European powers or for other mul tilateral alternatives. In the end, Cameroon always had to side with either Britain or France when it came to important issues ( pp. 271 2). ion process. The mainly descriptive text would have benefitted

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BOOK REVIEWS | 155 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf from a more clearly formulated central argument, which would in turn have helped the reader intentio n to speak as a n hi storian to an IR community. Some confusion emerges from the fact that the book does not limit itself to the triangular relationship among Britain, Cameroon, and France, and its impact on the nation building process in Cameroon, but also engages with the inverse impact of Cameroonian foreign policy decisions on the Franco British relationship and Francophonie Organisations. The very interesting agent cen tered approach to foreign policymaking might have been elaborated further in theoretical terms, in particular with reference to the pertinent literature in the field of foreign policy analysis. Regarding the examined decision units, the plethora of officia ls and diplomats cited throughout the work is evidence of a meticulous research, but also confronts the reader with a cast of Tolstoyesque dimensions without always qualifying the relative importance of the different decision making units involved. Despi te the criticisms listed above, the study remains a valuable contribution to the fields of i nternational h out due to the subtle style in which it brings the archives to life. The b ook can be recommended to history students engaging with the notion of Empire or post colonial Africa. For pundits of description of patterns of state behavior th at emerged at the end of the colonial period but which can be observed until the present day. Benedikt Erforth, University of Trento Bernard Waites. 2012. South Asia and Africa: Post colonialism in Historical Perspective New York: Palgrave Macmillan. 45 6 pp. At 456 pages (excluding the contents pages, acknowledgements, list of tables and list of maps, and abbreviations, but including the bibliography and index page), this is a content rich text that grapples with a difficult type of historical analysis. It is a comparative history of South Asia and Africa, with the notion of post colonialism as its main historical theme. The author states economic factors affected the h fact or endowments, natural resource wealth and resource penury, climate and disease ecology. measurable indices such as the prevalence of subsistence agriculture and high infant and p 3) The use of maps, colonial records and studies, World Bank and United Nations reports, government surveys, texts and articles endows this book with a variety of facts that, at times,

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156 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i3a7 .pdf absorb the reader. To synthesize this wealth of information, the author refers to Partha general form of the transition from colonial to post colonial national states 8) This, in essence, was is an popular radicalism and the forms of social relations that developed between ruling classes and are not exact but they are sufficiently close to underline the usefulness of the concept for comparative analysis. This must begin, however, with those historical and structural constraints to which I p 9) This idea serves as the narra and contrasts the various political personalities, their ideologies, and their actions in the two regions. As his narrative proceeds into in depth political and economic surveys and analyses of South Asia and Afr Zaire Rwanda, Burundi, Angola, and Mozambique), it becomes evident that despite the range of p urpose, being to provide an account of post colonialism as an idiographic expression, rather than a nomothetic idea within a linear historical narrative, is over shadowed by un warranted or ill informed assertions and judgments throughout the text. This th en obscures what he co 34, 99 100, 142 44, 179 85, 215 16, 223 25 etc.) Indeed, if historical perspective inevitably elicits a degree of bias, it is always necessary to be acutely aware of the balance in perspecti ves, regarding the subject under investigation. Nevertheless, the multi ability to arrange and analyze the vast volume of information found in this study. This works in research credentials, but at the same time, forces a seasoned reader in histories of Africa and South Asia to question some of the premises for his arguments. Although need to be heavily scrutinized; a process which would require prior historical knowledge of the regions under investigation. More specifically, this text needs careful intellectual scrutiny, which senior scholars, or post graduate students will be be tter equipped to perform. It is Kwesi D. L. S. Prah, East China Normal University



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University of Florida Board of Trustees, a public corporation of the Sta te of Florida; permission is hereby granted for individuals to download articles for their own personal use. Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Flori da. ISSN: 2152 2448 MOLLY KRUEGER ENZ Abstract: Nafissatou Dia Diouf is a Senegalese author who has garnered recogni tion both in her home country and internationally since she began publishing in the 1990s. portrays diverse topics as they relate to her country such as education, marriage, polygamy, maternity/paternity, the influence of the West, the roles of business and governmen t, and the power of the media. Diouf provides her reader with a com prehensive yet critical view of Senegal and shows how her homeland is affected by and reacts to the changes it currently faces In a recent interview, Diouf stated: such as in the case of writers, is to take a critical look (a constructive critique, of course) at on author and textual analysis of her work, I explore how Nafissatou Dia Diouf critically examines contemporary Senegalese society and portrays a country in the process of transition and t ransformation. Through her visionary writing, Diouf works to construct a new type of Senegalese society and identity of which she and her fellow citizens can be proud. Senegalese author Nafissatou Dia Diouf has garnered acclaim both in Senegal and internat ionally since she began publishing in the 1990s. She won several noteworthy awards early in her literary career including the following: Prix du Jeune crivain Francophone (France; 1999), Prix Francomania sponsored by Radio Canada (Canada; 1999), and Pri x de la Fondation Lopold Sdar Senghor (Senegal; 2000). Diouf was featured by the journal Notre Librairie as an emerging writer of African literature in 2005 The same year, she represented Senegal at the Francophone Games in Niamey, Niger and won the ju ry prize in the literary category. studies on her are very limited with the exception of a handful of articles in various Senegalese newspapers and magazines 1 Nafissatou where she attended primary and secondary school. She then went on to complete university studies in degree in applied foreign languages as well as a degree in industrial systems management. 2 cole

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58 | Enz Suprieure Multinationale des Tlcommunications in Dakar. Although she did not pursue fo rmal literary studies during her career in higher education, she was always passionate about reading, manipulating words, and writing. 3 In an article for the online newspaper Dakarvoice.com was 12 years old, I described the scene of a birth with so much precision that my mother 4 lished in Amina and she has since written and published a wide variety of texts including short stories, poetry, ch 5 In her work, she examines diverse topics as they relate to her country suc h as education, marriage, polygamy, maternity/paternity, the influence of the West, the role of business, and the power of the media. Diouf provides her reader with a comprehensive view of contemporary Senegalese society and depicts how Senegal is affecte d by and reacts to the changes it faces. has the power of influence such as in the case of writers, is to take a critical look (a constructive critique, of cour 6 C ombining an interview with the author and textual analysis of her work, I explore in this article how Nafissatou Dia Diouf critically examines contemporary Senegalese society and portrays a country in the midst of transformatio n. 7 A New African Image and Identity In a 2007 interview with Amina Diouf posits that the youth in her country must be able to speak about their society in a critical manner reoccupy them, situations that touch them or make 8 These e veryday situations are what she explores in her writing and argues that African literature must be reenergized. In my recent interview with Diouf, she describes the potential impact authors can have in forging a new African image an d identity. Molly Krueger Enz (MKE): What is the role of writers in creating a new and positive image of Africa? Nafissatou Dia Diouf (NDD): Writers are observers by definition, those that sense the weakest of signals who have perhaps this particular sen sibility that allows them to perceive social and political happenings well before the public at large. Or else, they place themselves at a sufficient distance to analyze the facts removed from their immediate dimension and their social urgency. Writers a re those that witness their time and era in a more critical and analytical way than journalists, for example. Their role is also to highlight the beautiful potential or virtues of their continent so that the entire world has a more just vision of who we a re. For that matter, the best writers among us, through their talent, creativity, and art, are true ambassadors of our cultures and values. Thanks to the cultural mixings that allow for exchanges and voyages, literature from Africa and about Africans is fruitful elsewhere. The world of ideas only has borders f or those who are narrow minded! MKE: You pay homage to the great political and literary figure Lopold Sdar Senghor in 9 ghor is 10 In your opinion, how has Senegalese literature changed NDD: Senghor marked the country with his political but even moreso his cultural footprint. His influence as a poet and man of culture permitted our country to shine in all four corners

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on Senegal in Transformation | 59 of the earth. Inside our borders, a true cultural policy was carried out. Since his retreat from Senegalese, b ut it is true that culture has been brutally marginalized. Great writers linked to this cultural movement emerged in the 60s and 70s such as Cheikh Hamidou Kane, Cheikh Aliou Ndao, Birago Diop, Mariama B, Aminata Sow Fall, Ousmane Sembne, Boubacar Boris Diop. However, since then one can argue that inspiration has given way. Even if a few writers emerge in the new generation, we are far from the golden age that constituted the Senghorian years. MKE: 1981, Mariama B says that the African woman writer has a particularly critical mission and that her literary presence must be seen and recognized in order for Africa to develop and ine co authors, paint a picture of the condition of 11 In your opinion, must the African woman writer have a particular mission? What is your mission as a Senegalese woman writer? NDD: Personally, I do not write with a mission in mind or a particular objective. That said, my concerns as a writer are never far fro m the concerns of the society of my countrymen and women, and of the women who still today suf fer every sort of social wei ght. I realize that we have a real combat to undertake because we are leaders of opinion and our ideas are driven by our books, read and debated. As a woman, I realize also that I am more sensitive to the condition of my sisters, knowing that many of the m cannot e xpress themselves, denounce oppression and injustice, or even defend t hemselves or make their opinion heard. So, whether one wants it or not, this mission imposes itself on us, as women but also spokespeople MKE: I have recently read your shor t story collections (2000) and Cirque de Missira (2010). What were your goals in writing these stories? What image of Senegalese or African women did you want to show to your readers? NDD: Through my short stories, I try to describe situations lived by women, but not only women. I am against all forms of inequality, especially when it is linked to gender. We, woman and men, are all people with the same base value. The only difference is in the capacity for some to distinguish themselves by their own merit and value. My short stories recount the paths, sometimes difficult, of ordinary people who are heroes of resistance and struggle. Resistance and Cultural Changes exil The compilation aptly opens with an epigraph by Omar Khayyam, an eleventh century P 12 Diouf alerts her reader to the rapidity as well as the fragility of life as a sort of c arpe diem the stories that follow, as it recounts the experience of a young woman who returns to her native village after spending time abroad to pursue her university studies In the first paragraph, the narrator is happy to return hom e but she notic es some unpleasant transformations that ha ve occurred since her departure. Two central themes of movement and change are highlighted:

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60 | Enz I returned from my too long exile. This land that I had not tread upon for five years appeared to me today hotter an d more arid than in my memory. Its skin was cracked, its body lapidated, its complexion naturally dark had taken on brown and ocher colors, its gaping wounds were thirsty for rain. But I found it just as I loved it 13 while living abroad. Diouf equates the young y to an aging and wounded person who has been beaten down by its harsh climate. Despite the fact that This wounded and thirsty place that begs for love is an apt me taphor for Africa as a whole. colonization, it is a beautiful place that should instill pride in its inhabitants rather than shame or the desire to flee. The narrato r has been gone for a considerable amount of time, but she insists that she would recognize her country no matter how many changes it has 14 Although the symbolic baobab trees are still as beautiful and imposing as when she left, she quickly realizes that many things are no longer the same ow in jeopardy of extinction. 15 She understands these differences 16 She is disappointed to no longer be able to see the water, as toubabs or white Westerners have invaded the village and built large multi story buildin gs that block the displacement due to societal and cultural changes in her country. Although autobiographical at first glance Diou f claims that this is not entirely true. She explains her reaction to these cultural changes that she witnessed upon her return to Senegal after co mpleting her studies in France. MKE: The narrator of the first short story in d escribes her return Is this story autobiographical? NDD: Not exactly. It is true that I lived several years outside of Senegal and upon my ecause of the desire to imitate the West, we were losing our sou home country is often dreamed about and idealized when one is far away and choked by come more attached to something when one no longer has a point of reference. 17 We often forget that time passes and societies evolve. Yes for progress, but we must pay attention to not lose our specificities and values. Destroying the Myth of Omnipotence Through her work, Diouf champions progress and positive change in order to create a stronger society. One such example can be found in the story featured in Diouf breaks the stereotype of the omnip otent male who is not allowed to show signs of perceived weakness or emotions through the character of Souleymane. He struggles to come to terms with the impending birth of his first child

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on Senegal in Transformation | 61 and his role as a father. However, for his wife Awa, motherhood i s not simply the ability to 18 While she courageously embraces this new role, her husband is not as excite d or confident. As Awa is in the hospital with uneven contractions, he becomes anxious about how he will handle caring for a newborn. Unable to concentrate at work, he decides to leave early and go to the cinema followed by a bar. He asks himself the fo 19 In the meantime, Awa faces complications and a severe hemorrhage. After looking at her chart, the doctor notices that her husband absence not only hurts Awa emotionally but also physically. Fortunately, she survives the ordeal and gives birth to a healthy baby girl via cesarean section. She is greatly disappointed and saddened b now she must focus on her child her daughter. Her daughter needed her. She glanced around the room but Souleymane still 20 When he finally does arrive at the hospital with red lipstick stains on his the wall, and begins to cry. 21 Awa battles for her own life, showing her strength and dedication to her daughter. Souleymane on the other hand, lacks courag e and fears that he cannot the responsibilities of fatherhood. He is a character who questions his paternal role and openly displays his vulnerability. MKE: I have the impression that the male characters in your short stories are often e as a result, his wife leaves without him. Could you spe ak a bit about this portrayal? NDD: In my writing, I speak in general about human weakness, sometimes ab out the lack of courage or on the contrary, the extraordinary courage of certain people. My goal is not to caricaturize one or the other of the sexes, but perhaps I attempt to reestablish an equilibrium in the perception that we have of men in Africa: al l powerful, without emotion, required to excel in society, in particular in front of their family and loved ones, and to create admiration. Yet, these are people made of skin and blood, who anguish over things, their faults, their temporary weaknesses, so metimes their lack of courage, even their defects. To and finally render them as humans. It is without a doubt a way for me to invite men to accept their fallibility w ithout it being an apology for weakness. This helps also with the deconstruction of the myth of omnipotence that has contributed to creating a chauvinistic society. Critique of Polygamy One way in which Diouf criticizes chauvinism is through her depicti on of polygamy and the disastrous results it can have on the women it affects. In La Parole aux ngresses ( Speak Out, Black Sisters ), considered by some critics as the seminal book on African feminism, author Awa Thiam intermingles her own reflections with personal testimonies of African women. She writes:

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62 | Enz Black women have been silent for too long. Are they now b eginning to find their voices? Are they claiming the right to speak for themselves? Is it not high time that they discovered their own voices, that even if they are unused to speaking for themselves they now take the floor, if only to say that they exist, they are human beings something that is not always immediately obvious and that, as such they have a right to liberty, respect, and dignity? 22 N those of Thiam. She advocates for women to make their own decisions, express themselves freely, and pose questions rather than accept societal roles dictated to them. In Malick loses interest in his wife when she has difficulty concei ving. feels s o alone and guilty him to sleep next to me again. No, I was not proud of myself. All of my convictions that I thought were uns hakeable particularly by a man -were smashed today like that, like the snap of a dish 23 The pressure she feels to conceive and the guilt a fter not being able to are common seen as an end in itself anymore than it is considered for love or the notion of sharing that it may entail. Children and the offi cial recognition that it gives women are what justify 24 The narrator could not have predicted how inviting a young university student to live friend, is moving to the capital from the countryside to study history and is fourteen years younger than the narrator. With Assa to help with domestic tasks e end of the day. However, he has simply lost interest despite all her efforts After the narrator returns from the hospital where she has had an operation to help her conceive, Malick announces that he will be sleeping in r his second wife in a private ceremony a day ago. The narrator deserve respect, tha 25 Instead of quietly decision to marry a second wife the narrator reacts viscerally and openly displays her emotions After crying endlessly, the narrator admits 26 The which sh e feels her husband is guilty. MKE: Many Senegalese women writers such as Mariama B, Aminata Sow F all, Ken Bugul, and Fatou Diome treat the controversial subject of polygamy in their work. It is a recurring trope in and Cirque de Missira as well. What is your opinion about polygamy in Senegal? Does it represent the same v alues and objectives as in the past? NDD: In our societies, one often frames polygamy in religion in order to make those who s uffer the most accept it : women. Thus, these are moralizing and guilt creating disc ourses, even sometimes menacing. A woman sho uld not mention her feelings and should hold

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on Senegal in Transformation | 63 them back for the good of her children. It is more of a tradition than a divine commandment: a societal tradition where men make the decisions and women do not have a voice. However, while on the surface they show dignity, most women who are in polygamous households (not all, I recognize) suffer fr om sharing their husband, tensions and unavoidable rivalries. Our former generation of female authors courageously spoke up, particularly to describe the disarray it caused these women. We should dare to go further and to refuse. I, for one, make no apologies in assuming this. Reconceptualizing Marriage, Maternity, and Femininity Diouf routinely features female characters that courageously work to create their own the eponymous heroine refuses to be confined to a polygamous marriage. After two years of marriage to Alioune, a tree without fruit, an 27 In Wolof society, a woman must bea r h er first child 28 or inability to conce ive, her husband Alioune decided to take a second, third, and finally a fourth wife. 29 of forty four she experiences what she describes as a miracle and becom es pregnan t. When Alioune does not fulfill his re peated promises to leave his younger wives, she divorces him and raises her son without his support. Sagar is thankful for the close relationship she shares with her son and does not carry any regrets despite the sadness she felt in her gan to live at the moment where this embryo became attached to the hollow of her belly. This embryo that was today a father and that made her become reborn 30 Sagar represents the courageous women who refuse her husband, she refuses to acc ept this definition. She becomes a ray of light for her son and 31 In her book Francophone African Women Writers: Destroying the Emptiness of Silence Irne Assiba hat contemporary African women wri ters have begun to challenge knowledge has led African women to begin representing themselves in fiction, and to gradually call i nto question the male view of themselves as mythical and symbolic 32 Sagar does not represent the mythical figure of the African woman, but rather a mother who rejects po lygamy and subsequently raises her son independently. Diouf helps to create a new image of the contemporary Senegalese woman who chooses her own destiny without relying on the moral, familial, or financial support of her husband. MKE: It seems that an im portant and recurring theme in your short stories is conjugal relationships and marital problems. Could you speak about the role of marriage in Senegal? NDD: Marriage has an extremely social role, even more in Senegal where religion carries considerable weight in the life of an individual. When one marries, one does not marry a man or a woman but a family with an initial decision and decisions throughout the marriage that exceed the narrow setting of the couple. At this level, one could consider that th e family, the oldest members and parents in particular, play an intrusive role, especially in the

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64 | Enz eyes of foreigners. However, traditionally it is a system that worked well, indeed it even functioned as a regulator. Things change in modern and urban soci eties under the influence of international media that present us with other management methods for families and couples. Therefore, that which was accepted, perhaps tolerated (polygamy, levirate marriage, t have a child, etc.) can seem today inconceivable or at least not compatible with our current way of life. 33 Furthermore, the fact that women never participated in decisions that concerned her did not mean that she was consenting. Today, women have been uninhibited, liberated, and even if they pay a steep price, they do not hesitate to refuse and denounce. MKE: The famous the stereotypical image of the woman as a mythical symbol of 34 Mariama 35 Do you agree with this statement? Maternity is an important theme in your fiction In your opinion, what is the role of the mother in Senegalese society? NDD: In Africa, beyond the very important biological role (for the survival of the human race ), women play a social role linked to their status as women, a role that holds real power, as long as it does not confine them uniquely to this role. I am not the type to reject this somewhat clich side of the African woma n, a mother who reigns over her family and offspring. On the contrary, she ensures the equilibrium and develo pment of her family members. In fact, many African societies are matrilineal, which grants significant power in terms of the transmission of ancestry, patrimony, heritage, etc. For me, it is about preserving all of this and conquering new territories, p articularly in the public domain. It is important that women are citizens in their own right, that they can publicly defend their ideas and fight their own battles without complexes or obstacles not necessarily or exclusively feminist but for the betterme nt of their society. We should refuse to be confined to familial and private spheres but rather conquer spaces of public expression and contribution without denying that which creates our specificity of being women (femininity, maternity, protection of fa mily interests). MKE: What is the current reality of Senegalese women and the role of Senegalese women in contemporary society? NDD: Senegalese women, African in general, have power but it is traditionally confined to familial and social circles. Concer ning the economic sphere, they were either in the productive sector (agriculture, for example) or in small business. Things have changed enormously in the past thirty years. More and more go to school, pursue thei r education, and obtain good degrees The y naturally claim their place in society through their roles in business, administration, and in the political sphere as well. For this, they must fight two times harder for a result that is not even guaranteed. Unfortunately, we still live in a chauvini stic society with men who are still not ready, because of their education, to make space for us. I have to admit that President Abdoulaye Wade very much believed in and encouraged women. 36 It is thanks to him that the system of parity for all elective and semi elective functions (National Assembly) was integrated. It was under his presidency that Senegal saw its first female Prime Minister and more women in important governmental roles. The change in mentalities will be made at the institutional level and in the familial sphere notably with an indispensible change in the education of our girls and boys!

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on Senegal in Transformation | 65 Changing Mentalities Diouf firmly believes in the power of education and that young Senegalese children should be proud of their country and gain the esse ntial tools to make it better. It is this image that she attempts to portray in her writing has faith in the future, that invests in its children while wanting to give them all the tools to live and in 37 Diouf criticizes the tendency to do things only for the sake of appearances and shows how certain traditions have the potential to generate feelings of shame. In the final story in a Dakarois taxi driver named Modou Ciss warns the reader that in order to understand in Senegal, everything is a matter of dignity. A question of sutura One cannot get enough 38 In this story, Diouf critically examines the role of young talib s who are sent to live with a serigne in Dakar to learn the teachings of Islam. 39 Instead of being nurtured by their teachers, the talibs are often required to beg in the streets to support themselves. Moudou notices a young boy walking with bare feet along the cold asphalt one night well p ast midnight. When Moudou asks him what he is doing out alone so late, the boy responds that he had not collected the sum of money that his serigne this money, he would homeless, the drugged, and the crazy, he was the only innocent one trying to survive in the 40 After the taxi driver feeds t he boy, he discovers that the boy left his village of Lingure for Dakar because he was the oldest child and his father wanted him to become a scholar of Islam. Moudou convinces the boy to be driven home, and his parents barely recognize their son upon arr ival. They are ecstatic that he has returned but surprised by his appearance and mistreatment. Diouf paints a clear picture of the exploitation of talibs who are sent to Dakar under the auspices of learning the teachings and practices of Islam. 41 MKE: C ould you elaborate NDD: A society does not define itself uniquely by rules and laws that must be respected. The real revolution will be the work that we do ourselves. I dream of an egalitarian society where it is guaranteed that everyone will thrive, men as well as women, each according to the personal investment that he or she makes. We still suffer too much from pseudo religious obstacles or those linked to traditi ons The world is evolving. We no longer live like we did 200 years ago; we no longer have the same way of life. We have accepted to open ourselves up to the world. We should agree to hold up a mirror and take a look at ourselves without indulgence, although of course without renouncing who we are intrinsically: our values, our culture, and our historical heritage. An unequal society is a fragile society. Senegal in the Midst of Transformation In her recent books Sociobiz (2010) and Sociobiz 2 (2013) Diouf features chronicles focused on themes related to contemporary Senegalese culture and society that juxtapose profound philosophical analysis with humor and illustrations by Samba Ndar Ciss. In the first work

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66 | Enz Sociobi z, Diouf highlights the economic and b usiness practices in her country, depicting an 42 Sociobiz 2 follows the same format evoked in the first book but focuses on societal and cultural practices in contemporary Sen egal. In his preface, Cheikh Tidiane Mbaye, former President 43 message can be taken from these thirty chronicles, beyond the caricatures and exaggerations, it is the 44 her fellow citizens to inven through civic action. 45 MKE: Cheikh Tidiane Mbaye poses some essential questions in his preface to Sociobiz 2 He ly evolved? What lessons from h istory has he retained in order to improve his way of life, performance of his ent events of the country awoken the civic responsibility that was dormant in each Senegalese and succeeded in uniting the society in a u 46 What were your objectives in writing Sociobiz 2 and do you feel that Senegalese society is united after the recent political events? 47 NDD: We saw the Senegalese mobilize, come together, and block against arbitrariness. It is said that there is strength in numbers, and the last elections showed that. However, with danger in the past, we feel this solidarity relapse and the fight fragment, at the very least weaken. Sociobiz 2 was written in the context of strong political and social t ensions, at a moment awoke to its citizen consciousness thanks to a spontaneous but beneficial movement. These are the great moments of a nation that I was lucky to witness and most of all to retell and attempt to analyze by stepping back. The q uestion is : what did we do with this momentum? Did it fundamentally change our capacity to take destiny into our own hands? I fear that the answer is no, and this makes me sad. Should we only mobilize ourselves when faced with imminent danger or should we be vigilant citizens at all times and in all places in order to construct our society together? MKE: What circumstances provoked the birth of the movement and what is your opinion of it? NDD: Those that I evoked earlier. The feelings of irreparable danger, fragility, lack of frame of reference for our youth, and the bleak future paved the way for the movement. Moreover, the name of the movement is very eloquent. It is a cry of It does not imply construction but rejection. The challenge now is to transform this rejection, this rage, this beneficial energy into something positive, proactive, a project for our society to construct and then to maint ain. MKE: In your fiction as well as your recent essays Sociobiz and Sociobiz 2 you criticize certain aspects of Senegalese society while simultaneously showing the beauty of your country. What is your image of contemporary Senegal an d how do your tex ts reflect it? NDD: We live in a Senegal that is in the midst of transformation. 48 I love my country and I chose to live here despite the fact that I had career possibilities elsewhere. For me, it was

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on Senegal in Transformation | 67 important to play a role in building this country, to being close to my family, to seeing my children grow up and that all together we would work to construct our social project. It is true that sometimes my analyses are rather severe, but they are not unfair. The last thing we need is indulgence. It is b ecause we love our country, for its virtues, for its values, for its resistance and the optimism of its people, that we should not let things that are not going well continue or keep quiet about them. MKE: And what is not going well at this point in tim e? In your opinion, which problems are the most urgent to resolve? NDD: I think that there is a crisis of values, a loss of reference points for t he youth who no longer believe in the future, who no longer think they have a place or utility in society T hey are growing up spontaneously, really without much support (with parents who have often resigned their roles). Consequently, they are in survival mode and potentially aggressive because they feel unappreciated. Some take refuge in artificial paradises or religious extremism. We must restore ho pe for our youth and give them high quality education, jobs, and a real place and use in our society. At the institutional level, one of the ills that poisons us is poor governance and its corollary in the vic Visions for the Future and Visionary Writing MKE: texts. I noticed that you have a Sociobiz 2 Which mutations are positive, which are negative, and what is your vision for the future of Senegal? NDD: The chr in the text you cite makes reference to modernity and the manner in which it is lived by our societies. I pay special attention to that which involves technologies and the virtual world that now blurs th e boundaries of information, knowledge, cultures and people. At the same time, geographical boundaries have never been so rigid. The cultural question therefore becomes essential: what do we have to win and lose in opening up to the world? How can we enrich ourselves with new ideas and practices, expand our mental horizons all the while keeping and sharing our cult ure, our values, and in short our essence with the world? How can we ensure that these exchanges are balanced, based on give gi ve and not a culture (dominant W estern) that imposes itself on us and drives us to deny who we are? You see that the question i s complex and that the answer cannot be definitive. Our role as writers is more to pose questions, bring light to and raise awareness about issues rather than give answers. There is not a positive or negative transformation in itself. Everything is in t he manner in which we integrate progress, as a necessity in the evolution of people and their societies, all the while being careful to stay true to ourselves and to take and give our best. Conclusion Through her writing, Nafissatou Dia Diouf does not perpetuate stereotypes but rather critically examines the ills her country faces and encourages her compatriots to co construct a better society. In Rebellious Women: The New Generation of Female African Novelists Odile Cazenave argues that wr

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68 | Enz male and female narrative voices, these writers allow us to look toward the future. Her description o as well. This new writing is truly visionary, as it offers us an alternative vision, one of a better Africa. In their prise de parole these women strive to establish a more ac tive interaction between writer and readers in order to call on them directly and bring them into the quest for a new social and political balance. Both men and women are forced to conduct their own individual reassessments of their participation in the c onstruction of the African continent. 49 her work innovative and representative of the society in which she lives. Through her rks to create a new type of Senegal of which she and her fellow citizens can be proud. Notes 1 I am not aware of any scholarly journal articles th at have been published on the author. http://www.nafidiadiouf.net/ t here is a section entitled magazines such as Amina Sud Quotidien and Le Matin Diouf is featured in James La Nouvelle sngalaise: texte et contexte (2000) that includes an interview w Neuf Nouvelles: Hommage aux Sngalaises published in 2008. This collection is intended for use in the advanced French lite rature and culture classroom and features both an interview with the author 2 Mikolo 2006, p. 57. 3 Bikindou 2007, p. 102. 4 Laye 2012, no pagination. rit la scne 5 Amina is my first publication experience and I thank M. Michel de Breteuil to have given me this opportunity ten ye ars ago! I was already writing short stories on diverse topics that touche n d me, and this was like a helium balloon. To know that my short stories could attract a larger public audience was the first encouraging Amina est ma p remire exp rience de publication et je remercie M. nouvelles sur divers sujets qui me touchaient et ce fut pour moi comme un ballon de sonde. Savoir que mes nouve lles pouvaient plaire un large public a t le premier 6 Diouf 2013, interview with author. 7 The interview remarks prese nted in this article come from questions posed via e mail between June and December 2013 and a personal interview with Diouf on June 22, 2013 in Dakar The interviews were conducted in French, and all translation s to English are

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on Senegal in Transformation | 69 8 Bikindou 2007, ccupent, des situations qui les touchent ou 9 Primeur Lopold Sdar Senghor was a co founder of the literary and intellectual Negritude movement. 1960 1980 and was the first African elected to the Acadmie Franaise in 1983. 10 s la 11 B 1981, p. 6. 12 Diouf 2000, p. 13 Ibid. souvenir. Sa peau tait craquele, sa chair lapide, son teint naturellement sombre avait pris des couleurs brunes et ocres, ses plaies bantes taient assoiffes de pluie. Mais je 14 15 Ibid., p. 16. cette oasis dans le d 16 17 Ariadne is a Greek mythological figure She was the daughter of Minos and Pasipha from Crete who gave Theseus the thread with which he found his way out of the Minotaur's labyrinth. exhausts all available routes of logic in order to determine a solution. It is often used 18 19 ns? Avaient ils tous en 20 Ibid., p. 48. 21 22 Thiam 1986, p. 15. 23 Ibid., pensais inbranlables surtout par un homme c 24 Cazenave 2000, p. 108. 25 26

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70 | Enz 27 e mer sans poisson, un arbre sans fruit, une terre infertile. Elle 28 For more background on how African women writers since the 1980s have transformed 29 For a detailed study on polygamy as it relates to Wolof society see Abdoulaye Bara Diop La socit wolof: tradition et changement 30 Ibid., p. 118. quand elle ne croyait plus l 31 Ibid., p. 118. 32 33 Levirate marriage is an ancient Hebrew tradition that allows a man to marry his dead ilial line. It is permitted under article 110 of the Senegalese Family Code created in 1972 and put into effect on January 1, 1973 that regulates marriage, divorce, succession, and custody. The Code can be accessed online through the Senegalese Ministry of Justice at the link provided in the bibliography. 34 For a detailed analysis of the Mother Africa trope in male authored African literature, Contemporary African Literature and the Politics of Gender She of its defining 35 B 1981, p p 6 Les ch ants nostalgiques ddis la m re africaine confondue dans les mme la Mre Afrique ne nous suffisent plus." 36 issue as well as Momar Senegal (2000 2012): Les institutions et une gouvernance librale. Wade was first elected President of Senegal in 2000 an d won reelection for a second term in 2007. 37 Bikindou sur ses enfants en voulant leur donn 38 Question de sutura On peut ne pas manger sa faim mais il est toujours trs important In a footnote, Diouf defines sutura as the preservation of honor. 39 The Arabic word talib refers to a student of Islam who is taught by a serigne 40 Diouf 2000, p. 147. s et des fous, il tait le seul innocent essayer de survivre dans la jungle de la nuit, livr toutes les frayeurs et 41 UNICEF estimates that there are 100,000 talibs in Senegal today, and there is no shortage of media coverage on their exploitation. Most of these young boys are under the age of thirteen and come from low income families. For an analysis of the role of begging in the Islamic context Child Labor in Sub Saharan Africa She explains the vulnerability of the talib children

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on Senegal in Transformation | 71 exploitation for obvious reasons. They are children, separated from their immediate and extended families, who spend considerable ti me on the stre et begging for food and money. They are in the exclusive custody of one person, their teacher, for long periods of time. Talibes are generally no longer a part of the household strategy of their parents. The marabout is expected to pr ovide the basic needs of the child food, an Islamic education, and housing. Generally, an urban marabout provides one or just a few cooked meals per week for his talibes. Likewise, the quality of housing provided by marabouts varies widely, and the Bass 2004, p. 26. 42 Diouf 2010, p. 6. This quotation is preface, written by Babacar Ndiaye, former President of the African Development Bank. performances et consciente de ses 43 Sonatel stands for Socit Nation ale des Tlcommunications du Sn gal premiere telecommunications provider Sonatel became one of the most competitive companies in Africa. 44 Diouf chroniques, au n r 45 46 do n t il a tant t question dans le premier volume a t t il retenues pour ants? La rcente actualit politique du pays a t elle rveill la fibre citoyenne qui so m meillait en chaque Sngalais et a t elle russi unir la socit 47 The recent political events to which Mbaye and Diouf refer a re related to former Senegalese President Abdoulaye constitution and seize a third term in office. As a result many young protestors took to the streets and voiced their opposition. It was at this time that the ( Fed Up ) youth movement was formed by several Senegalese journalists and hip hop artists. leaders vociferously encouraged young people to cast their vo te against Wade. knew how to present a clear and simple message. Positioning itself at equidistance from political parties, it knew how to unite a community of young people who had been broken by the stea mroller of unemployment. Young dynamic man a gers, journalists, the unemployed, workers, a su drouler un message c lair et simple. Se positionnant quidistance des partis politiques, il a su fdrer toute une jeunesse broy e par le rouleau compresseur du chmage. Jeunes cadres dynamiques, journalist e s, chmeurs, ouvriers, tudiants, musiciens, bref toutes les cat gories sociales 48 I have used in the English translation. However, the expression employed by Diouf in French is h as a more nuan ced meaning. It reinforces the process of change or mutation

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72 | Enz 49 Cazenave 2000, p. 242 243. References Francophone African Women Writers: Destroying the Emptiness of Silence Gainesville: University Press of Florida. criture franaise dans le monde 5.3: 3 7. Bass, Loretta Elizabeth. 2004. Child Labor in Sub Saharan Africa Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers. Bikindou, Franois. 2 Amina 451: 102. Notre librairie 117: 66 71. Cazenave, Odile. 2000. Rebellious Women: The New Generation of Female African Novelists Boulder, Colorado : Lynne Rienner Publishers Code de la famille sngalais. 1972. www.justice.gouv.sn/droitp/ CODE %20 FAMILLE .PDF Davies, Carole Boyce, et al. 1986. Ngambika: Studies of Women in African Literature Trenton, New Jersey: Africa World Press. Diop, Abdoulaye Bara. 1981. La Socit wolof: tradition et changement Paris: Karthala. Diop, Momar Coumba, ed. 2013. Sngal (2000 2012): Les institutions et politiques pu bliques Dakar: CRES. Diouf, Nafissatou Dia. 2010. Cirque de Missira Paris: Prsence Africaine. _____ 2003. Primeur Dakar: ditions Le ngre international. _____ 2000. Dakar: Nouvelles ditions Africaines du Sngal. _____ 2010. SocioBiz Dakar: TML ditions. _____ 2013. SocioBiz 2 Dakar: TML ditions. _____ 2013. Personal interview with author via e mail and in Dakar, Senegal. 22 June (transcrip Gaash, James, ed. 2000. La Nouvelle sngalaise: texte et contexte Saint Louis, Senegal: Xamal. Dakarvoice.com http://dakarvoice.com/2012/06/nafissatou dia diouf 38 ans ecrivaine la belle et la plume/ Madigan, Kathleen. 2008. Neuf nouvelles: Hommage aux Sngalaises Eatontown, New Jersey: Academic Press ENE. Amina 435: 57 58. Savan, Vieux and Baye Makb Sarr. 2012. au Sngal

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on Senegal in Transformation | 73 Stratton, Florence. 1994. Contemporary African Literature and the Politics of Gender London: Routledge. Thiam, Awa. 1978. La Parole aux ngres ses. Paris: Denol. _____. 1986. Speak Out, Black Sisters: Feminism and Oppression in Black Africa London: Pluto Press.



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University of Florida Board of Trustees, a public corporation of the State of Florida; permission is hereby granted for individuals to download articles for their own personal use. Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Flori da. ISSN: 2152 2448 Introduction Fed Up: Creating a New Type of Senegal Through the Arts MOLLY KRUEGER ENZ and DEVIN BRYSON Present day Senegal is home to a vibrant cultural milieu that in many respects, is reflective of that which its first president, Lopold Sdar Senghor, and the Senegalese cultural eminences grises endeavored to promote during the early postcolonial period. As Elizabeth m of change a tool that could be used to advance his cultural, political, and economic development plans. Consequently, he 1 T oday, t here exists a burgeoning sc ene of young authors, art ists, actors and musicians who are continuing in this Senghorian cultural tradition by envisioning art as the means to produce social change, but who are also rethinking the type of nation and citizen that would be formed through this intersection of cult ure and politics T however 63 percent of the population is under the age of twenty five. Furthermore, w hereas Senghor generously supported the arts and successfully channeled them to further political stability, Senegal in the twenty first century has been marked by a more overt tension between politics and the arts. In fact, y oung Senegalese artists, authors, filmmakers, and musicians are reworking the relationship between politics and the arts to strike against the injustices and indifference they see as endemic to the social and political norms of contemporary Senegalese society. Nowhere was the rise of young, politically engaged Senegalese artist s more evident who initially served as an important figure of change from the prevailing political paradigm in post independence Senegal Wade was first elected in 2000 thanks to the Sopi (Wolof for Parti Dmocratique Sngalais and several other smaller political parties T his was the first time that the country had seen a unified political op position. After four unsuccessful runs for president, he was finally able to win in 2000 by garnering the support and endorsement of all the other opposition candidates. Furthermore, Wade maintained this coalition of opposition parties through the 2001

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2 | Enz and Bryson par liamentary elections, giving the Sopi Coalition a majority in the legislature and Wade full control of the government. participated in 2000 to bring to power the champion of S opi 2 Their excitement for change, understand and to translate into a type of program, especially in a popular and accessible manner, the daily and ordinary demands of the immense majority of the population in terms 3 By the time that Wade attempted to rewrite the Senegalese constitution to gain a third term in office in 2011, the circumstances and prospects for young Senegalese caused them to become fed Consequently, many of these young people took part in the third term. This m ovement, in particular, provided the means for young Senegalese to traditional form of political opposition, seeking to create a new type of Senegal in the process. The primary objective of this collection of essays is to present the shifting political and social landscape in contemporary Senegal led by artists/activists, to introduce new and innovative forms of musical, literary, theatrical, and artistic expression existing in Senegal today, and to analyze the intersections between the political and the arts in the attempts by artistic creators to transform Senegalese culture, society, and politics. We believe that the articles demonstrate that contemporary Senegales e artists are working through their artistic and cultural creations to empower ordinary citizens who are fed up with the calcification of conventional political avenues to create a new type of Senegal. Furthermore, this guest edited issue of the African S tudies Quarterly will show that the mentality among these artists to reform Senegalese society through the arts is a uniquely Senegalese philosophy that can Intersection Among Culture, Society, and Politics international prominence due to Lopold Sdar Seng hor. A well respected poet, a member of the French colonial government, and one of the founders of the literary, in tellectual, and political Ngritude movement, Senghor understood the need and had the means to strengthen the global image of Senegal. One of the principal ways in which he was able to accomplish this feat was via the arts. Souleyman Bachir Diagne describ c 4 president placed the arts at the center of his attempt to craft a salient nationalist narrative 5 two decades long presidency, Senegale se society enjoyed relative prosperity while rising to the fore of West African literature, art, cinema, and music. Senghor held office from 1960 until 1980, and his successor Abdo u Diouf, also a member of the Parti Socialiste du Sngal (PS) was in power from 1981 through 2000. Diouf faced more dire economic circumstances than his predecessor but maintained a political commitment to the arts, although it was more rhetorical than financial. During the forty years that Senghor and Diouf held the

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Creating a New Type of Senegal Through the Arts | 3 presidency the PS also maintained a majority in the legislature This political homogeneity led to legislative stagnation and disillusionment among the citizenry, setting the stage for When Wade was first elected president in 2000 breaking forty years of one party rule there was much enthusiasm and hope for improvements in the country especially among young voters, who strongly supported him However, d change and overt courting of young voters during the 2000 cam paign, these same young citizens were the ones who eventually turned on him just over ten years later them who, at his invitation, raised their arms in the air to testify to the unemployment in which they lived and to nourish the hope of a ch ange of direction with the arrival of their 6 Young Senegalese were especially frustrated by the inertia of the bleak social circumstances in which they now found themselves. According to the Agence nat ionale de la statistique et de la dmographie six out of every ten unemployed Senegalese were young citizens between the ages of fifteen and thirty four government agencies that were intended to create employment for the youth, the high level of unemployment among young Senegalese only increased under Wade. Understandably, by 2012, young people across the country held a grim outlook toward Wade, politics in general, and the capital area of Dakar, This, Kaolack, Ziguinchor, Tambacounda, Saint Louis, just like those 7 Senegalese citizens w ere as dismayed with policy throughout his tenure in office as they were with his failures in the economic realm. From the beginning of his presidency, Wade was conscientious of the need to reinforce how he differe d from his predecessor Diouf. One of the principal ways he did this was to affirm his commitment to the arts since governmental funding and support for the arts had notoriously diminished under Diouf. However, instead of concretely supporting the arts, Wad e used hollow rhetorical maneuvers and unfeasible plans of cultural construction to consolidate his power and to enlarge his personal coffers. Early in his first term he announced seven grands projets culturels of which only two were ever completed during his twelve years in office. He constructed the massive and controversial Monument de la Renaissance africaine for twenty seve n million US dollars using the s tate revenues H e owns the copyright for this gigantesque statue, however, which allows him to tak e a hefty slice of whatever profits it might bring in. Faced with his inability to decrease the unemployment to create jobs by promoting wrestling, dance, and music, wh ich are extremely popular, 8 Throughout his presidency, Wade manipulated for his self interests the unique relationship in S enegal between artists and the s tate that was first instituted by Senghor. By the time he left office, t plan to stabilize the country and make it a player on the international stage through the arts were left dilapidated, at best One recent example of this transition in Senegalese arts from Senghor to Wade c an be found at Les Manufactures sngalaises des arts dcoratifs a tapestry school instituted by Papa Ibra Tall under the behest of Senghor in 1965. At its peak under the Senghor government, the Manufacture s produced a number of annual graduates who went on to gain employment in government ministries Additionally, it provided an artists in residence program for future renowned painters and generated up to one hundred

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4 | Enz and Bryson tapestries a year These works of art were primarily purchased by the presidential and m inisterial offices in order to display them publicly in governmental buildings or to give them as gifts to visiting foreign dignitaries as demonstrations of Senegalese culture. When we visited the site in June of 2012, a neglected, unfinished tapestry rest ed on a deserted loom Alon gside the rolled up tapestry was a dusty sign indicating that this particular product of the Manufacture s his eminency Pre A guide explained that after Wade lo st the presidency in the heated election earlier that year he abandoned completion of the tapestry as well as its payment. Unlike post independence Senegal under Senghor, culture and the arts under Wade became one more tool for self gain and self aggrandi zement, no longer one of the means to move Senegal forward. The Birth and Rise of attempt ed to rewrite the constitution a nd seize a third term in office, young Senegalese responded from a rtistic and cultural positions rather than from the traditional political opposition. They were able to of the country. The diverse groups of protestors were m ade up of: messages) who took over public space to craft demands that were tied up with wants of the garde was built from the arts, but also from a radical critique of society that had been voiced for years by Senegalese rap music. 9 Hip hop culture and rap music played a key role in these protests and many activist collectives were formed around hip hop. Longtime Senegalese hip hop scene stalwart DJ Awadi formed a collective named Yewoulen started NON ( Nouvelle orientation nationale Among the man y actors protesting against Wade through the arts, the most visible group was the youth movement formed when several Senegalese journalists and hip hop artists banded together. Using music, written manifestoes, oratory, and striking visual im agery, quickly garnered the support of Senegalese youth from various walks of life and successfully prevented Wad e from regaining office. According to Savan broken by the steamroller of unemployment. Young dynamic managers, journalists, the unemployed, workers, students, musicians, basically all social categories were part of their 10 urge d their countrymen and women to become a Nouveau Type de Sngalais catalysts for social and political reform Savan and Sarr highlight the goals of the Marre er itself in the service of the people, notably the disenfranchised, by helping them to help themselves, by rendering them capable of 11 The founders of understood how they could use their cel ebrity in order to convince their compatriots to arre is in having succeeded in breaking the inertia, the indifference, and the inaction of Senegalese. Having understood very early on that a soc ial movement needed visibility and concrete action on the ground, it

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Creating a New Type of Senegal Through the Arts | 5 initiated a program to make its cause understood and to make it heard by those who held 12 Building upon the socially engaged music many of the members had already created, Y protests against Wade and his election campaign was essential. This strategy allowed the members to connect with the populace on a personal, intimate level and to encourage individ 13 The arts stood at the heart of the movement and its success, which exemplified the shifting identity between various artistic communities and politics in contempo rary Senegal. Social Engagement Beyond Young a uthors, visual artists, actors, directors and musicians of all genres are also rethinking traditional models of artistic creation in order to examine the Senegal in which they live and inspire so cial engagement among their audience. While Senegal has a strong tradition of socially aware writers like Aminata Sow Fall and Ousmane Sembne, contemporary authors are reworking this lineage for the twenth first century. Felwine Sarr is an author and prof essor at Gaston Berger University in Saint Louis who organized a group of university instructors and researchers called Devoir de rsistance In an essay published in the dail y Senegalese newspaper le Populaire There are moments in the life of a nation when silence is complicit and inaction is guilty. Senegal is faced with an 14 Si nce 2012, the association has remained active by proposing citizen led solutions to public issues. Nafissatou Dia Diouf is another socially engaged author who does not hesitate to her most recent publication Sociobiz 2 which includes a postface by Felwine Sarr, Diouf campaigns for a new type of Senegalese citizen who takes pride in his or her country. She argues that if every Senegalese citizen worked to better his or her homeland, Dakar would be comparable to New York, but without violence or indifference. Her vision for the future is one of optimism: human resources (and God knows we have som e), but also our mineral, water, agricultural, 15 Like their literary counterparts, visual artists are extending the traditions inherited from their forebears into more socially engaged spheres. Amadou Kane Sy, known as Kan Si, has been a very active leader and organizer of socially conscious art both in urban and rural areas of Senegal. In 1996, he was one of the founding members of the Senegalese Artist Association Huit Facettes (Eight Facets). The Association is known for its socially interactive work and has organized international artist workshops in Senega l, the United States, and Europe Since 1999, Kan Si has led the Gore Institute Printmaking Workshop, which has brought together artists and instructed them in the practices of etching, lithography, and woodcut, and then allowed them to produce work s around a single social issue, including HIV/AIDS, peace and conflict resolution, and gender and sexual freedom. Another socially engaged artist working in a visual medium is the young filmmaker Adams Sie. Faced with the deteriorating Senegalese cinema in dustry, Sie has begun his own production company through which he has written, directed, and produced a number of short films focused on important social issues such as albino social integration, homeless children, sexual abuse,

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6 | Enz and Bryson female genital mutilation, alcoholism, and gender parity in politics. Confronting a stagnant political culture, young Senegalese are engaging with their society and expressing their concerns with social ills through artistic mediums. As a result, they are refiguring the role of the arts from their traditional antecedents. These socially engaged Senegalese artists show that their work has not been confined to Marre whose initial objective was to remove Wade from office, has worked diligently to expand its perspective to include a range of social problems. Therefore, the election of Macky Sall, the presidential candidate who defeated Wade in 2012, is simply a by product of a far reaching intersection of the arts an d politics in contemporary Senegal. 16 Many Senegalese viewed Sall as nothing more than the lesser of two evils upon his election Nevertheless, he now stands as the most public representation of the flashpoint at which coalesced and rose to pro minence, at which Senegalese society took to protest, and at which contemporary politicized art reached its apotheosis. 17 Consequently, it is important in this introduction to survey the artists/activists and their communities two years after the election o f President Sall. Macky Sall and the Continued Relevance of Socially Engaged Artists presidency serves to outline the consolidated strength and permanence of socially engaged art among young Senegalese as well as its growth beyond simplistic politic al denunciation. Many of these artists/activists speak plainly about vigilance toward its president and its readiness to remove him if he has not provided the desired societal changes. They are ready to do this either by revolts in th e street or through the electoral process at the end of his first term. 18 W hen asked to iterate their opinion on the h owever, these same artists/activists quickly dismiss him as irrelevant and just another politician who will see his time end one way or another Furthermore, they prefer to speak of the ways they and their communities are using their own art, means, intelligence, and self reliance to improve Senegalese society. In the wake of their efforts to bring about the pea ceful removal of Wade from the presidency, young artists in Senegal have taken on a confidence in their ability to engage the public and to critique political malfeasance effectively and quickly, freeing them to focus on deploying their art to build substa ntial social change. remains an active, engaged collective that continues to draw the attention of both the public and the government. The movement still hold s its weekly Tuesday meetings in the old apartment owned by Fadel Barro, a journalis t and one of the founders of the group, in the Parcelles Assainies neighborhood of Dakar. The door remains open throughout the day for groups and individuals to come, share ideas, and benefit from Marre came to the headquarters to hear Fadel Barro and fellow journalist and founder r participation and ensuring fair results. Marre has become an example of social engagement to citizens of other African nations, but is still focused primarily on Senegalese issues. In August 2013 the group announced the launch of its Observatory o f Democracy and Good Governance ( Dox Ak Sa Gox ), which will initially function in areas outside of Dakar, such as Saint Louis, Zuiguinchor, and This. Its primary goal is to provide citizens with a means both to express their own local concerns to

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Creating a New Type of Senegal Through the Arts | 7 politici ans and to monitor the efficacy of how politicians address those issues. Not surprisingly, released a new group CD Dox Ak Sa Gox Observatory. I ndividual members of the movement remain active in endeavors outside of th e confines of official programs. Foumalade, one of the founding rap artists of the collective, engages with social issues both through his music and social organizing. His D, was the first affiliated rap g roup to release an album after the protests with its 2012 release Rsista NTS Even before the release of that album, Foumalade and his group were active in the area of prison reform. In 2005, they toured prisons and heard from prisoners after the concerts that they needed help beyond musical distraction, that they needed assistance to improve their living conditions and the D followed this tour by publicly speaking out against excessively long detentions, overcrowding in prisons, unequal sentencing dependent upon the social backgrounds of defendants, and for the need for alternative forms of rehabilitation for non dangerous prisoners, such as job training. Foumalade says of thi hop can express it. 19 In 2013, Foumalade established a youth center called G Hip Hop in the Dakar suburb of Gudiawaye whose mai n purpose is to provide a location for at risk youth to expend their energies on hip hop creation, rather than on criminal activities that will lead to imprisonment hop and the activities a they [inhabitants of Gudiawaye] encounter drugs, prostitution, delinquency. But they also encounter hip hop. How can we use the hip hop that they encounter in the streets? Because what hip hop shares with delinquency is language. Also, this contesting, revolutionary 20 In addition, the center has also served as a site for forums on poverty and illiteracy among women. Thiat, perhaps the most outspoken member of a Marre continues to perform with his hip hop group Keur Gui, which is in the process of recording a double album in Dakar, Paris, and New York. This album will make the case for the diasporic, cross cultural nature a Marre Thiat was selected as a Reagan Fascell Democracy Fellow by the National Endowment for Democracy in Washington, D.C. This fellowship, which took place from October 2013 February 2014, supports his work works to transmit his message wherever he goes and has a multifaceted identity as an artist, activist, and mi Activism is inside of me, in my blood. For me, the message is the hop, to give a message. My mission is 21 Despite the success of and its founding members, not all Senegalese are enamored by the movement rhetoric and tactics. Some young people express doubts about are convinced that the members are being paid for their acti vism, and Many of them were even active participants and members of during the presidential campaign of Wade, but have come to disagree with the direction the group has taken si nce then. However, these same young people who oppose tactics and

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8 | Enz and Bryson disrespect of Wade are themselves engaged in thoughtful activism to improve their country, often through artistic mediums. Those ex members of acknowledge the power and inspiration that they took from the initial stages of the movement and that they are applying to new endeavors. Thus, they prove that while an influential turning point, is just one iteration of a widespread current running thr ough contemporary Senegal that unites the arts and politics. One such group, Eaux secours works in the Pikine/Thiaroye region of the greater Dakar area and uses rap music, video clips, on line interactions, and social gatherings to promote the need for a greater consciousness and a stronger infrastructure towards flood prevention and relief. 22 Ka z, a member of the rap group Flamm J that is at the center of Eaux s ecours The problem of water is eternal. Without water there is no life. Water is our aid. In these areas where water is lacking, we are 23 The group recently created a compilation of hip hop songs called Zero Mbeund with contributions from rappers such as Xuman, Matador, and Foumalade. On the back cover of the CD, the group articulates its view regarding the unnatural disaster: 24 Pr ofits from the CD will go toward raising awareness about water issues in Thiaroye and Pikine and ideally finding a solution to the problems. Of course, all of these actions need to be promoted to the public in order to have a real impact. While the indiv iduals and organizations themselves take on this task, they are still extremely reliant upon traditional media since digital technology and media are not widespread in Senegal. The artist/activists themselves have thus attempted to intervene in mainstream media outlets as much as possible. If one turns on the local television news in Dakar on a Friday evening, the viewer might come across the Journal rapp a news segment during which two rappers present the most important news items from the past week by r apping them: one in French, one in Wolof. Rappers Xuman and Keyti are dressed in suits, seated behind a news desk, and the segment is obviously produced and presented with high quality production techniques. Clearly, the Journal rapp is not an ironic curi o but rather a genuine attempt to keep young Senegalese informed of current events through an original, engaging format. Both the organizers of Eaux secours and the rappers of the Journal rapp speak about receiving inspiration for their work from the soci al engagement of through hip hop. All of these artists continue to remain active and engaged because they believe in the emergence of a new generation and the importance of profound change in Senegal. Intersection of the Arts and Politics in Contemporary Senegal The five articles in this special issue of the African Studies Quarterly examine the ways in which diverse musical, literary, theatrical, and visual artists use their work as a medium to a historical, political, and cultural context for the recent movement from varying perspectives: one dealing with the principle spokesmen and writers of the group, the other concerned with the hi In her article The New Type of Senegalese under Construction: Fadel Barro and Aliou San on Yenamarrism after Wade journalists of t he movemen t, Fidel Barro and Aliou San. In it, they discuss the formation and the evolution of since the 2012 presidential election as well as their vision for the future of the movement, Senegal, and Africa as a continent In the second

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Creating a New Type of Senegal Through the Arts | 9 contribution devoted to Cultural Philosophy? Devin Bryson begins by questioning the tendency of observers to focus on the newness of the group and then proceeds to place the movement in a Senegalese historical c ontext. He argues that the collective uses cultural interventions in Senegalese society in a manner that is consistent with the cultural continuum that was first con jured under Senghor but that the Yenamarristes also render this cultural philosophy more i nclusive of and useful for the people of Senegal T he remaining articles expand our point of view from to other socially y Krueger Enz combines an interview with Nafissatou Dia Diouf and textual analysis of her writing in order to show how the internationally acclaimed author provides her readers with a com prehensive yet critical view of Senegal Through her work that inclu des fiction, poetry, and philosophical essays, Diouf examines contemporary Senegalese society and portrays a country in the process of transition and transformation. The next contribution centering Theatrical Heritage: Forum Theater in Contemporary S that has developed into a glob al phenomenon since the 1970s. Brian Quinn posits that its prominence in Senegal has led to its role as an adopted form of traditional performance in the country that presents an alternative, decentralized model directly opposed to the permanent structure of the Grand Thtre National The final article in this special issue offers a unique perspective on the artistic scene in Senegal to day ethnographic research and astutely examines how graffiti artists conceive of their identity and community, and then express these idea ls through their murals, transforming urban landscape and engaging with global hip hop dialogues in the process. It is our hope that Fed Up: Creating a New Type of Senegal Through the Arts will make a significant contribution to current debates a bout contemporary Senegalese culture and society and shed light on the movement that emerged in 2011 as a political force in Senegal. Within all of the articles contained in this issue, readers will find evidence of the way in which the citize nry of Senegal, frustrated with its economic, political, and cultural marginalization, has wrested the postcolonial tradition of social engagement through the arts from the control of the cultural and political elite to use as a tool to render its society more just, more democratic, and more inclusive. Beyond those discussions specific to Senegal, we believe that this collection of essays will provide readers with galvanizing examples of the possibilities in the intermingling of the arts and politics and w ill demonstrate that Senegal has, in ways its first president could not have envisioned, fulfilled Notes 1 Harney 2004, p. 5. 2 Sopi by the authors 3 gramme, et surtout

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10 | Enz and Bryson de manire accessible et populaire, les revendications ordinaires et quotidiennes de 4 volontarisme de la construction nationale 5 Harney 2004, p. 49. 6 Copans 2013 7 Savan and Sarr 201 capitales r gionales de Dakar, This, Kaolack, Ziguinchor, Tambacounda, Saint Louis, tout comme ceux des campagnes, sont dans leur grande majorit en proie une certaine 8 promotion de la lutte, de la danse et de la musique qui suscitent beaucoup 9 gar de se construit partir des arts, mais aussi de la critique radicale de la socit vhicule pendant des annes par le rap 10 compresseur du chmage. Jeunes cadres dynamiques, journalistes, chmeurs, ouvriers, tudiants, musiciens, bref toutes les catgories sociales se sont identifies leur coup de 11 e des gens, notamment les mmes, en les rendant capables de saisir les 12 Le mrite de comprendre sa cause et se faire entendre par les pouvoirs publics 13 Ibid., p. Previous socially engaged work from the members of include Thiat and to its v 14 ce et 15 Diouf 2013, p p. 127 transformer no minires, aurifres, agricoles etc..Nous aurons somme toute invent notre propre modle de dveloppement. Bas sur nos valeurs et pour socle notre Histoire, nos civilisations riches

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Creating a New Type of Senegal Through the Arts | 11 16 refused to support any of the opposition candidates in the first round of until the second round of voting that the group finally end significant qualifications, in order to ensure that Wade was not reelected. The members of the group have said that they have refused multiple offers from Sall to join his administration since his election. 17 Wade administration: Prime Minister from 2004 until 2007 and President of the N ational Assembly from 2007 until 2008. He played a major role in the regime against which a Marre and others protested. 18 Removal of Sall from office through either revolt or the electoral process are both equally evoked by Senegalese, often by the same person. After campaign promises and continuing public pressure from and others to reduce the presidential term from seven to five years, Sall has confirmed that his term will end in 2017, though this still needs to be officiall y ratified, whether by referendum or the National Assembly. 19 hop qui peut le dire. hop est un pouvoir 20 Nous voulons que le hip hop et les activits mnes dans ce centre impactent sur prostitution, la dlinquance. Mais ils rencontrent le hip hop. Comment uti liser le hip hop partage avec le milieu 21 Thiat 2013. Interview with authors (in English). 22 The on expressio someone is in danger or needs help quickly. 23 Eaux secours collective is led by the rap group Flamm J which i ncludes 24 References Momar Coumba Diop (ed.), Sngal (2000 librale (Paris: Karthala): 11 21. Coumba Diop (ed.), Le Sngal contemporain (Paris: Karthala): 243 59.

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12 | Enz and Bryson Diop, Momar Coumba Diop (ed.), Sngal (2000 2012): ibrale (Paris: Karthala): 50 84. Diouf, Nafissatou Dia. 2013. Sociobiz 2. Dakar: TML Editions. Flamm J. 2013. Personal interview with authors in Pikine, Senegal. 25 June. Transcripts in Foumalade. 2013. Personal interview wit h authors in Gudiawaye, Senegal. 2 July. Harney, Elizabeth. 2004. Garde in Senegal, 1960 1995 Durham: Duke University Press. Le Populaire http://www.popxibaar.com/Devoir de Resistance_a10998.html Savan, Vieux, and Baye Makb Sarr. 2012. au Sngal Thiat. 2013. Personal interview with authors in Dakar, Senegal 30 June T ra nscripts in