African studies quarterly

http://web.africa.ufl.edu/asq/ ( African Studies Quarterly Website )
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Title:
African studies quarterly
Uniform Title:
African studies quarterly (Online)
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ASQ
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Serial
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English
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University of Florida -- Center for African Studies
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University of Florida, Center for African Studies,
University of Florida, Center for African Studies
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Gainesville, Fla
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quarterly
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Electronic journals
Study and teaching -- Periodicals -- Africa   ( lcsh )
Gainesville (Fla.)
Florida
African studies -- Periodicals
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Electronic journals   ( lcsh )
Electronic journals.
serial   ( sobekcm )
periodical   ( marcgt )

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Abstract:
Presents "African Studies Quarterly," an electronic journal published quarterly by the Center for African Studies at the University of Florida in Gainesville. Posts contact information for the editorial office via street address, telephone number, and e-mail. Lists advisory board and staff members. Offers access to the current issue, as well as to previous issues. Contains articles and related book reviews. Provides information on submissions and links to "African Anthropology."
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Mode of access: World Wide Web.
Dates or Sequential Designation:
Vol. 1, issue 1 (May 1997)-
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Title from title screen (viewed Aug. 6, 1999).
General Note:
An online journal of African studies.
General Note:
Latest issue consulted: Vol. 7, issue 4 (spring 2004) (viewed at publisher's Web site, Aug. 19, 2004).

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University of Florida
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University of Florida
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All applicable rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
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alephbibnum - 003331589
oclc - 40217685
issn - 2152-2448
lccn - 99030079
lccn - sn 99030079
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lcc - DT19.8
ddc - 960.0705
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UF00091747:00044

Full Text

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University of Florida Board of Trustees, a public corporation of the State of Florida; permission is hereby granted for individuals to download articles for their o wn personal use. Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Florida. ISSN: 2152 2448 What is in a Coconut? An Ethnoecological Analysis of Mining, Social Displacement, Vulnerability, and Development in Rural Kenya WILLICE O. ABUYA Abstract : Studies have shown that corporate community and state community conflict in mining communities in Africa revolves around at least four issues: land ownership, environmental degradati on. These issues underpin conventional discourses on equity and compensational justice. A relatively obscure line of analysis concerns the meanings that communities attach to the biogeophysical environment, whether this can be fairly compensated how thes e intersect with local experiences of natural resource extraction and how they structure conflict. This relatively obscure theme is at the heart of ethnoecology t he interdisciplinary study of how nature is perceived by human beings and how the screen of b eliefs, culture and knowledge defines the community environment nexus. Based on a deconstruction of local cultural intricate web of attachment that the local residents o f Kwale District, a titanium rich their ancestral land to make way for titanium mining. The article shows why local residents remain unappeased and agitated, and, more importantly, how ethnoecological insights could help leverage rich rural communities. This article is based on field research carried out in 2009 2010 among the displaced community members in Kwale, Kenya. Introduction The residents of Kwale, a tiny village tucked away in the southeastern part of Kenya, lost their homes and lands in 2007 when Tiomin Kenya began ti tanium mining operations The l ocal residents however, resisted the seizure of their land right from its inception in 1995 whe n prospecting on their land began They filed several cases in court in which they questioned the legality of the forceful acquisition of their land (by the state), and the however and on a rainy night of 25 th April, 2007, the farmers were bulldozed off their land. 1 The official basis for the forceful acquisition of land in Kwale District, situated about 65 km south of Mombasa, was the provision in the Kenyan Mining Act that all subterranean minerals belong to the government (Cap 306) and the Land Acquisition Act (Cap 295, Section 6 (1) (a)) that provides for government acquisitio n of private land for public good. 2 Over three thousand residents were consequently displaced to make way for titanium mining. To mitigate the impact of displacement, the Kenyan government offered a compensation package (to be paid by the extractive compa ny, which included monetary

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2 | Abuya payments for land, crops and physical structures lost, plus compensatory land, among others) to the local Kwale community. The compensation offered did little to appease the community, who resisted the displacement through a s eries of court cases from 2001 (when Tiomin beg a n prospecting for titanium in Kwale) un til 2008. 3 led to a lengthy suspension of the mining project. 4 The fate of Kwale that pitted the company and/or the state on one side and the local community on the other, is similar to conflicts that can be found elsewhere around the world. Examples abound: in Colombia, oil and diamond mining in Angola and gold mining in Per u. 5 T hese studies have shown that such conflict s revolve around at least four issues. The first, land ownership, involves the conflict over who is the rightful owner of the land from which the minerals will be extracted. 6 ancestral land belong to the community or does it bel ong to the state? compensation practices that is, contestations over the issue of fair market value vis vis lost subjective value and aspirations. 7 The third is over inequitable resource distribution in particular, feelings among cheated in the sharing of mining benefits and burdens. 8 The fourth is conflict over environmental degradation, as communities are often exasperated by the da mage inflicted on the environment by the on going extractive processes. 9 These issues underpin conventional discourses on equity and compensational justice. enterprise conflicts is largely not offered. Th e meanings that communities attach to the biogeophysical environment, how these intersect with local experiences of natural resource extraction, and how they structure conflict generally is not analyzed This relatively obscure theme is at the heart of eth noecology t he interdisciplinary study of how human beings perceive nature and how the screen of beliefs, culture and knowledge defines the community environment nexus. 10 Literature on mining related conflict in Kenya is scanty. Existing studies do not pro vide a clear understanding of the fuller dynamics of conflict. Abuodha and Hayombe (2006) for instance, focused more on the environmental risks around the titanium project, but they did not touch on th e inadequacy of the Mining Act ( Cap 306 ) of Kenya, whi ch vests all mineral rights in the state and links land compensation to the original agr icultural value of the land before the discovery of the mineral. The study though, did recommend that valuation of assets should consider structures, trees, and other viable land use systems to calculate correct compensation rates. However, what these structures represented to the local communities was not considered. Another study on a displaced dam community in Kenya focused more on the negative effects of social displacement. 11 It, however, acknowledged that compensation practices perception of the value of their land. 12 This recognition may have led to better management of the conflict that arose. Another study examines the rona mining conflict between the local Maasai community and the extractive company (Magadi Soda ). H owever, this study only highlighted the fraudulent acquisition of land from the Maasai by the British. It nonetheless noted that lack of payment of mining royalties to the community was of particular concern to the local community. 13 However, the deeper ethnograp hic meaning of land for the Maasai community which trigger ed a conflict that would last an entire century was not considered. From the above, it is clear that studies in Kenya (and others around the world) on mineral related conflict or social displaceme nt have not explored important issues for

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What is in a Coconut? | 3 understanding such conflict. What is called for is an approach that would move beyond mining related social displacement and con flict, such as why communities may harbor animosity towards the government and mining corporations even when they have ostensibly been compensated. Thus the central focus of this article is to examine through an ethnoecologial approach, the meanings that displacement, and how these meanings are constructed and mobilized in the face of major economic/industrial projects. This article therefore brings into focus the meanings that communities attach to the biogeophysi cal e nvironment (otherwise known as e thnoecology) and how such meanings intersect with local experiences of resource extraction and social displacement The loss of these resources that bear meanings for displaced communities leads to community vulnerabil ity as individuals or social groupings are unable to respond to, recover from or adapt to external stress as a result of this loss 14 C ompensation programs that do not take into cognizance ble assets run the risk of not meeting the desired objective, as the community may consider the compensation paid as unfair. Ethnoecology, Social Displacement and Vulnerability As an interdisciplinary method focusing on how human beings perceive nature through a screen of beliefs, culture and knowledge, and how humans, through their symbolic meanings and representations use and manage resources, ethnoecology is especially pertinent to the issues that this article addresses An e thnoecological approach will, through the various use s that that particular aspe cts of the environment are put to demonstrate the value attached to these aspects of the environment. Insights from various studies indicate that the environment bears meanings that provide identity, continuity and fulfillment to individuals and groups, and alienation of these spaces can disorient and make inhabitants vulnerable. 15 The power of the state to take over land for public good (also known as eminent domain) often ignores such meanings. 16 This then raises the following question: can people be adequately compensated in the event of displacement? The emergence of land compensation can be traced to feudal England. 17 In more recent times c ompensation is normally considered in anticipation of the negative effects that social displacement portends. T he issue of land compensation, especially in Africa, has become quite contentious, as communities have been disaffected mainly by what may be termed as these practices do not include lost subje ctive value and aspirations. 18 In the case of the community in Kwale, cash and compensatory land w ere extended to the residents (t his is sometimes referred to as environm ental compensation, complex issue, as it is always viewed differently by the provider and the recipient). 19 However, this was insufficient to douse disaffection among local residents, hence the continuing conflict between the community and the government. The conflict goes to the heart of the question: can loss of land ever be justly compensated? Some authors do not think so. 20 It is argued that this may be difficult to achieve as adopted economic compensation criteria normally do not take into cognizance the intergenerational economic and cultural importance of the socio ecolog ical resources for which compensation is paid. 21 It is against this background that the present research examines the ethnoecological narratives in Kwale, with specific regard to titanium mining and social displacement. Based

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4 | Abuya palm, this article unveils the intricate web of attachment that the residents of Kwale District, a titanium the environment. Though unappeased and agitated, and, more importantly, how ethnoecological insights could pinpoint the inherent problems of such compensation. Compensati on that fails to address the risks associated with displacement thus runs the risk of making a community vulnerable. 22 As stated earlier, vulnerability emerges when individuals or social groups are unable to respond to, recover from or adapt to external st ress exerted upon them. Vulnerability thus describes states of susceptibility to harm. 23 Among the various strands of vulnerability (the biophysical, human ecological, political economy, constructivist, and political ecology perspectives on vulnerability) the constructivist view offers a relatively higher potential in analyzing community vulnerability in instances of displacement. The constructivist perspective focuses on the role of human agency and culture and emphasizes the role that culture plays in sha ping definitions of and exposure to risk. 24 The special appeal it had was that it enabled the researcher to assess local constructions of the environment and local narratives about vulnerability to socio ecological risks in the face of titanium mining. Study M ethods This study was carried out among the displaced residents of the condemned villages of Maumba and Nguluku. 25 These respondents were now scattered all over the district and could be found in any of the five Divisions (Matuga, Kubo, Msambweni, K inango and Samburu). 26 Those who had opted to settle at the host site at Mrima Bwiti were also interviewed. Kwale District was the main site where titanium mining would take place. In addition, it was chosen for the reason that this is the site of the first anti commons act (large scale social displacement) in the post independent Kenyan mining industry. Social displacement had yet to take place in Mambrui, Sokoke and Vipingo, for which Tiomin (K) was issued a mining license, but beyond prospecting no thing tangible has taken place at these sites. For these reasons, these sites were left out. The first study technique used was i n depth i nterviews. This technique was used to coconut tree) and how such meanings relate to mining and social displacement. A total of seventy one in depth interviews were conducted. S now scattered all over Kwale District with most still in a state of transition between their condemned land and their new areas of reset tlement. To elicit ethnoecological narratives in the displaced communities with regard to the compensation practices, forty seven in depth interviews were carried out among a purposive sample of household heads ( who had not yet received compensation). In both cases, an interview schedule was used to lead the discussions. Key informants interview s constituted another technique It was used to examine the dominant community through key informants Environment and Natural Resources (three in total). Focus Group Discussions (FGD) were also used to collect data. Eight FGDs, two each at Mwaluvanga, Kikoneni, and Ukunda Locations, and one F GD in Mrima Bwiti of

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What is in a Coconut? | 5 Msambweni Division and another at Mvumoni Location, comprising of between nine to twelve participants, were conducted in the study site to collect data. Snow ball and convenience sampling were used to select participants. Ethnography was also adopted as it allowed the researcher to immerse himsel f in the insider s view of the issues under study. Ethnographic data was collected over a period of five months in Kwale District. Finally, ethnoecology was adopted as case the coconut tree) were obtained. 27 These meanings were derived from the multiple uses of the coconut tree. The worth of the compensation offered was thereafter mea sured against these constructed meanings. The research took cognizance of the fact that working with vulnerable communities bears inherent dangers. One such danger is the possibility that the affected persons may exaggerate their present circumstances in an attempt to seek sympathy and/or support. To mitigate th is, the researcher, from the on set made it clear to the displaced that he was not holding brief for any party; but rather, his motive was to unveil the social dynamics relating to the displacement. Further, triangulation of methods, conducting of several repeated interviews with the same respondents, post field checking of interview transcripts with respondents and constant peer consultation ensured that the data collected was both valid and relia ble. The Very Essence of Life It was once argued that for people living in tropical Africa, the most valuable tree would unanimously be the coconut tree. 28 This view is justified by its numerous uses, making it the most important member of the palm family. 29 This is further justified by the fact that it fulfills five of the principal requirements of human existence that is starch, sugar, oil, fiber and building materials 30 The coconut palm has a long history with the coastal people of Kenya, especially th e Mijikenda (the main community living in Kwale), who planted the first coconut tree s in the mid 18 th century. 31 In fact there was a time in Mikjikenda history when the coconut trees were of more value than the land on which they grew. 32 The coconut palm is extensively used in Kwale. Given the long association with this tree, it was not surprising that people had an established close relationship with the tree and now made extensive use of it (see Table 1). As the table demonstrates, the coconut is no ordinary tree in Kwale. A fifty four year old farmer described it as follows: Mnazi ndiye baba na mama ya jamii Bila mnazi hakuna maisha (The coconut tree is the father and mother of the community. Without the coconut tree, there is no life). Anoth er sixty year old farmer described the tree as follows: Mnazi ndiyo maisha Hakuna mtiyeyote (sic!) mwengine ilio na umuhimu kama mnazi (Coconut tree is the giver of life. No other tree is as important as the coconut tree!) The se two statements essentially summarize the ethnoecological importance bestowed on the coconut tree, which has been noted over time. 33 In sum, it was the very essence of life, the giver and sustenance of life and was embraced as the most important tree in th e community.

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6 | Abuya TABLE 1: PARTS OF TH E COCONUT PALM TREE AND THEIR USES AMONG T HE KWALE COMMUNITY Roots M edicinal purposes ( e.g., to ease stomach pains). A nimal feed. Trunk B uilding huts, storage facilities and other physical structures. Furniture construction, coffin making and canoe building. Branches C onstruction purposes. Fronds House roofing material ( makuti ); m attress and pillow stuffing; can be used to weave mat s, make brooms, make fish traps. Fruits The sap is used to make a local brew for domestic and cultural practices such as marriage gifts and negotiations, and ceremonies such as funerals, births, and offerings to ancestors. Shells used for cups, plates and ash trays; f ib er for cloth making. Coconut milk ( madafu ) as a soft drink and is believed to cleanse the stomach of its impurities. Coconut fiber is used as spice for the making of practically all foodstuffs, such as rice, beef, vegetables and chicken. Coconut fiber are squeezed and turned i nto milk for a baby supplement. Residents believed that sap from the fruit can also be used to cure respondent explained). Tree Planted in homesteads to mark the beginning of the homestead and therefore serves as a marker of history. Planted as a sign/symbol of good luck, and to ward off evil spirits from the homestead. T runk is used to make wood products, such as timber for domestic and commercial purpose, tables, chairs, bracelets, and ash trays. Marking of boundaries between homes/property; also used for aesthetic purposes. Used for crafting of grave posts ( kigango ), an important cultural practice. Others Coconut oil can be used as oil for the skin and for the hair. S ap can be used to make mosquito repellent. Bathing soap and cooking oil is obtainable from the coconut tree Source : Field data (2009) The coconut palm also bore important social significance as providing the traditional drink, mnazi which was derived from it and served several cultural purposes. For instance,

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What is in a Coconut? | 7 a man has to deliver at least a drum of mnazi to his in laws as part of bride wealth. For it to essential to serve mnazi during funerals and on other important ceremonies such as the birth of a new baby. For some families, planting of a coconut tree to symbolize such events (death and birth) was equally important. One is also expected to use his own coconut palm trees to tr Coconut fiber is used in the cooking of practically all types of foodstuffs : rice (popularly referred to as wali ), maize and beans, vegetables and various meat and chicken dishes ( ugali ) A meal is therefore never complete without having been spiced with coconut fiber Anothe r thing that makes the coconut tree very important is the fact that it is an intergenerational tree may look ordinary literally. Kwa sisi watu wa pwani, mnazi una umuhimu kibwa sana! (to us people living in the Coast, the coconut tree is very important). Mnazi is very important be cause it very many uses It is said to have over one hundred uses! If you have mnazi then you are secure in life because mnazi provides one with food, income, and shelter among other things. That was the reason why when we were first informed that we wer e to be relocated I asked if there were mnazi where we were going. This is because I know the difficulties we would face if we have no mnazi 34 Coconut trees were also used to craft grave posts ( kigango ) which bore important cultural value. 35 A widow would remarry only after rots and falls. S ocial displacement alienated the community from this giver of life and therefore, individuals and communities were left vulnerable as it denied them th e relationship that the two entities have enjoyed over generations. One respondent remarked in a focus group mnazi is a difficult land coconut trees was la When com munity members were asked to state what th e coconut trees, now abandoned o n the condemned land, meant or represented, many were visibly angry. One forty seven year old farmer, after carefully lighting a cigarette, commented as follows: I feel very bad ab I hate looking at those trees. How would you feel when you see your trees just standing there in the wilderness, heavy with fruits, and yet you are not allowed to harvest! I feel very very bad. A farmer, who also happened to be an opinion leader in the community, captured the mood of the community on what the coconut trees now represented. The respondent remarked that the abandoned coconut trees now only served a s a source of wivu (which literally means ; but the manner in which it was expres sed the feeling was equated to jealousy the kind that a protective husband would have over his wife). In other words, they now envy the new (which to them meant the illegal conut trees, who

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8 | Abuya eloped with their beloved wife The loss of this tree and its associated meanings left the community feeling rather vulnerable. The constructed meaning (that has been derived through the ethno Compensational P T itanium M ining I L C oconut Palm T rees Kw ale community residents received compensation for their land and other assets within a framework largely e stablished by three government a cts 36 These are: The Minin g Act (Cap 306): Section 4 of the Act makes the government the owner of all minerals, inclu ding minerals discovered during the process of prospecting (this is covered in Section 24 (1) (a)). This Act has been in existence since colonial times and minerals to the Crown for ease of exploitation and repatriation to the 37 It was only in 2011 that the government contemplated redrafting the Mining Act, a process that is still ongoing. The amendment however will not affect the Kwale relocatees as they were compensated under the old a ct. The Land Acquisition Act (Cap 295) : S ections 6 (1) (a) and (b) of the Act give the Minister of Lands the power to compulsorily acquire land for public good (and commercial mining of minerals is considered as one such act of public good). Section 8 of the sa me Act provides for full and hold interest in the land. The Agriculture Act (Cap 318) : The Act determines compensation rates for crops. Section 7 of the Act gives the Minister for Ag riculture the listed under this category), which are crops recognized to be of economic value. The Forest Act (Cap 7) : The Department of Forestry enforces this Act and is charged with the rational utilization of forest resources for the socio economic development of the country, including determining the compensation rates for trees and tree products. In the Kwale case, t he Department came up with the compensation rates for the various indigenous and exotic trees. While there are several other a cts that one would need to take into account when considering the compensating for expropriated assets t he above four a cts were the those directly relevant to compensation for the coconut tree. The Ministry of Lands was charged with coordinating the relocation and compensation program in Kwale after the extractive company and local residents failed to reach a compromise. The g overnment formed the Compensation and Resettlement Committee to manage the compensation process, and to come up with rates acceptable to the farmers. In order to ensure the acceptability of the proposal, the committee included farmers. With specific ref erence to plants (and this is where the compensation of the coconut palm tree was affected), the Compensation and Resettlement Committee first recommended that annual crops (such as maize, legumes, rice, sorghum, millet, vegetables, etc.) would not

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What is in a Coconut? | 9 be comp ensated as the farmers would be allowed time to harvest them. Compensation for perennial and tree crops (such as coconuts, citrus, mangoes, cashew nuts etc.) would be compensated on the basis of the report provided by the Director of Agriculture (see Tab le 2), , th the modification that the rate to be used for purposes of compensation would be the average of the recommended rates for the three categories. It was decided that the value of palms and other related species (such as bamboo and sisal) would be based on their uses as these fruits, boundary marking 38 TABLE 2 N RATES FOR SELECTED C ROPS Crops Young (in Kshs) Medium (in Kshs) Old (in Kshs) Cabinet Approved (in Ksh) Coconut 242 400 255 299 Cashewnut 104 150 100 118 Mangoes Apple Ngowe Dodo Exotic 2,927 2,927 2,927 2,927 3,165 3,165 3,165 3,165 2,665 2,665 2,665 2,665 2,919 2,919 2,919 2,919 Mangoes (Local) 50 300 720* 356 Oranges 1,816 2,286 1462 1,854 Lemons 1,816 2,286 1462 1,854 Lime 1,816 2,286 1462 1,854 Note : In 2005, US$1= approx. Ksh79. Source : DCRC (2005) D espite the fact that farmers were represented in the national Compensation and Resettlement Committee, h owever some farmers were still dissatisfied with the various compensation awards and in 2004 challenged the matter in court. T he farmers were convince d that they were the true owners of the condemned land and he nce the government had no right to acquire it by force Studies show that communities all over the world, and especially those in Africa, are uniquely attached to their land as these spaces bea r multiple meanings to them. 39 Evicting them from these spaces is therefore usually a traumatic experience. The farmers also saw little evidence that the rates (especially with respect to the coconut tree which elicited the greatest indignation) were base d on the multiple ethnoecological uses of the tree as promised in the DRCC report. Community Response t o Company/Government Compensation Award the rates offered were very abusive malipo ya mnazi haikuridhisha kamwe (compensation for the Residents were incensed that the its value

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10 | Abuya must be based on its multiple ethnoecological uses, as illustrated in Table 1. The cultural importance of the tree (which included it being used for birth, wedding and burial purposes, among others) not only gave it its cultural value, but also determined its economic worth. 40 In their eyes, the failure to adopt this ethnoecological approach was what triggered the conflict. To begin with, the rates made little sense from an economic perspective. Many were baffled by the compensation offered, which they felt was unfair as it was below market value. Said one resident: The compensation rate for the coconut tree was very bad! Ksh299 [ ca. US$3.80] per tree? That was very bad. This is an intergenerational plant, and it can grow for up to a hundred years! And look here, e very three weeks, from the sale of the fruits per tree, one can get Ksh300. How can one then peg be fair, per tree, they should actually have paid us at the minimum, Ksh3,000! 41 The displaced residents indicated that they were amazed at the compensation paid for the coconut, and wondered whether government valuers were indeed qualified ted that even when one simply cuts down the branches of the coconut tree and burns them into charcoal, one would earn much more than the Ksh299 paid out as compensation. Indeed, the undervaluation of the coconut tree was surprising given that in its own a ssessment, the Forest Department had indicated that its value would be based on its numerous uses. From an economic perspective, it was doubtful if the culturally insensitive rates did satisfy fered, which are arguably the aims of compensation. 42 C ommunity m embers further contended that as an intergenerational plant, the coconut tree should have been awarded a reasonably higher value; and that ought to have then been multiplied by the lifetime of the tree to obtain a realistic compensation since in losing the tree, one loses a lifetime of sustenance from it. One resident declared that the compensation unfair : Compensation for coconut was very annoying! We all had these trees but we received very little money as compensation. The coconut has many ly worth Ksh400 as its maximum offer? Now that I have to purchase coconuts at Ksh20 per fruit, I feel very infuriated because my own coconuts were poorly paid. If I had been fairly paid I would not be feeling as bad as I now do. I now have to wait for f ive years before I can have my own coconuts (lamented a 49 year old displaced woman). mangoes, oranges and passion fruits fetched a higher compensation rate than the coconut tree. For instance, exotic mangoes were valued at Ksh2,919 ( ca. US$37) per tree, while a coconut tree was valued at Ksh299. Respondents said they were at a loss on how these rates were arrived at. The only explanation they could come up with was that t he company and the government were out to unfairly compensate them for the coconut, as they stood the risk

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What is in a Coconut? | 11 of running out of money were they to offer competitive rates for the coconut trees which dotted every homestead. One forty seven year old displaced farmer reasoned as follows: The company and the government are not stupid. During the time that we were haggling over appropriate compensation, they flew all over our farms in their helicopters and I believe all they saw were coconut trees. They therefor e figured out that if they were to compensate us fairly for this, this would hence their decision to pay us ridiculously low rates for our coconut trees. What they did not see in plenty were other crops such as oranges, for which they decided to give premium value. I wish I knew this would happen. I would then have only cultivated mangoes and oranges on my farm. Had I done that, I would now still be collecting my compensation money from the bank in a wheel barrow. This is not to sa y that all were satisfied with the rates paid for cashew nuts, mangoes, passion fruits, oranges and other crops Though most of these crops were compensated at a higher rate than the coconut, 92 percent of those interviewed were of the view that these cr ops were equally under compensated. A sixty five year old displaced resident who was a community leader during the time of the displacement remark ed : The company and the government paid us very poorly for our coconut trees. This mistreatment was extended to other crops. Look at the payment for cashew nuts for instance, which they approved at Ksh118. Yet from November to March of every year, one can get Ksh1,000 [ ca. US$13] per tree every month. Why then should one compensate it at Ksh118 per tree? Same w ith oranges which was approved at Ksh1,854 per tree and yet yearly one can get Ksh5,000 [ ca. US$63] per tree. The compensation paid out was simply fraudulent. C ommunity members were also quite incensed by the manner in which their most valued tree was cate gorized young, medium and old. This categorization made little sense to a community in which a coconut tree was a coconut tree. In their view, this categorization was a ploy to undercompensate them for their trees. One displaced resident cap tured the mood of the community with the following remark: A tree is a tree, and as such there was no reason for the government and the company to categorize our crops, especially the coconut tree, in the manner that they did. Since most of us had old coconut trees on account of the fact that we had lived in this environment for a long time, we obtained very little compensation as these old trees were given t he lowest values. This categorization meant that we therefore received pittance for our trees. I see this as just a grand plan by the government and the company to defraud us. Who says that an old tree produces less coconut yield? In fact, the older th e tree, the better the mnazi it produces! The government and the company used semantics to con us of our rightful dues. This was just a ploy to pay us less money! Another respondent, a fifty two year old farmer, remarked thus: The manner in which they categorized coconuts into young, medium and ol d was akin to categorizing children. Would anyone in his proper mind undervalue his last born [child] on the basis of roductive?

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12 | Abuya That is what they did to our coconut trees. In the eyes o f the community, the tree is a being, one that has to be nurtured and respected So in cases of compensation, it must be given its true value, which must be based on its cultural and ec onomic uses, an approach that T he categorization simply ensure d the company made a saving. Since most had old trees, the farmers received very little compensation. Another respondent questioned the ration ale of compensating below market value: mangoes and yet in a year one can collect Ksh3,000 from the same tree. This categorization s was just another way of cheating us from obtaining a fair compensation for our crops. A mango is a mango! Why did they place a higher value on categorization not extended to other crops? other varieties? Yet a nother respondent added a twist to this argument, emphasizing that in matters of forced displacement, compensation should not be pegged at market value: There must be a difference between compensating at market rate, that is, the price I would get when I sell my goods for profit, and compensating because you are evi cting me from my land! This is because when I sell for profit I retain my trees, but when you evict me from my land, I lose not only the fruits, but the entire tree. You are therefore driving me into poverty and because of that, you need to pay me more! From a cultural perspective, the displaced residents were equally displeased with the compensation offered. Indeed in one FGD, participants initially angrily remarked that we could talk about everyt One participant afterwards wondered aloud how a government could pay Ksh400 (the highest amount recommended for the categories given) for a tree that not only feeds an entire family, and one that has immense cultural values. Many weighed the compensati on paid out against the cultural effects of not having coconut trees, which affected much of their socio cultural practices. The farmers were forced to buy coconuts at the market and this was mnazi to meet cultural needs, they were now forced to buy the same mnazi from the market as if they were tourists in the area. Not only was this shameful, but it also made the particular solemn cu ltural occasion lose much of its color This negatively affected their social status as they mnazi status, they now took a back seat in social functions. This kind of di sruption of socio cultural activities is also documented among the communities Huli and Paiela in mining areas of Papua New Guinea. 43 One resident remarked that although his daughter had now come of age (eligible for marriage), he was forced to keep postpon ing the bride wealth discussions as he awaited the maturity of his new trees. This titanium project has really strained relations between me and my daughter and her in laws. As per our Mijikenda tradition, I am expected to

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What is in a Coconut? | 13 serve foodstuff made from coco nut products and serve mnazi tapped from my own trees to my in laws. Afterwards, I am expected to give them fruits from my farm as presents. Now, with this displacement, I cannot provide these things and am forced to postpone bride wealth discussions as I wait for my trees to mature which will take five years! My daughter does not talk to me anymore because of this; but how can I go against tradition and serve mnazi bought at Ukunda [shopping center ]? Do you know what that will do to my social status? W hat about that of my daughter? He could not envisage serving wine bought from the market to his future in laws as this was his conscience could not bear this. Theref ore, although people may drink traditional beverage for pleasure, as and as a social beverage at funerals, initiation rituals and indigenous festivals, the beverage cannot be substituted in matters of bride wealth. Hence economic worth is tied to cultural values. 44 The displaced residents painfully narrated how they were now unable to offer agricultural presents (at weddings, funerals, or to visiting relations) consisting of bananas, local mangoes, and coconut fruits, as they presently h ad none of these in their fields. Consequently, they felt completely vulnerable not only physically in terms of unavailability of food, but socially as well. This reinforced the observation that displaced persons slip into a lower socio economic status. 45 This may then lead them to alter their cultural behavior and/or practices, and even alter the way they interact with the environment. 46 The community read mischief in the entire compensation process. This was further evidenced by the fact that the approv ed document reflected the same rates that the on compensation matters. The residents wondered how these rates found their way back into the final document. Foll owing the displacement, many viewed their now abandoned crops wasting away in the fields as source of anguish to them. This was the new cultural meaning that the trees now assumed Commenting on how the compensation framework affected community state/co mpany relations, one interviewee remarked: Look, in the past when I would go home after a long day, I would settle down under the shade of the coconut tree and drink madafu to quench my thirst. This action would take me to another state of being to a highe r level of nourished? Now with this displacement I will never again enjoy this! And then the government came along and rubbished this tree and paid us coins for it. Do you think I will e ver be happy again? (bangs his fist on the table) Clearly, the residents harbored immense animosity against the company and the government. The researcher thus sought to know from the company representatives why these crops were undervalued. Their respon se was that they paid rates as presented to them by the government. Indeed, the displaced wondered why the government would want to undercompensate while the cost of displacement was being borne by the company. One official in the Ministry of Lands, disc losed to the researcher that the agriculture rates employed in the Kwale compensation program were admittedly low, and should have been first revised before compensation was determined.

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14 | Abuya displaced were also quick to blame the company for paying rates which they (the company) knew were faulty, or so they claimed. In their considered opinion, the compensation for the ould determine compensation in line with the varied ethnoecological uses of the plants. Discussion and Conclusion The fi ndings in this article provide useful insights on matters relating to social construction and social displacement as well as resource conflict. First, the results highlight the realization that indigenous communities develop and maintain close ties with the environment within which they subsist, and in so doing, develop an intricate web of relationships, ties and attachment that characterize them as a component of a dynamic and socio cultural an d environmental system. 47 As observed, the study community had developed close ties with the environment (in this case the coconut tree) and now largely depended on it for sustenance. The land was their wealth from which they derived oranges, mangoes, mai ze, pawpaw and especially the coconut on which they became heavily dependent. The coconut tree was referred to as the can be argued that in the long run, mining activities are short l ived with shorter lifespan compared to the lifespan of the sustainable economy that it dismantles 48 For instance, a coconut tree, as one respondent said, could last for over a hundred years, while the titanium project is projected to last a mere twenty on e years. But since governments will continue to permit mining, there is a need to draw a delicate balance between the two economies. states of vulnerability. Vulnerab ility comes about when individuals or social groupings are unable to respond to, recover from or adapt to external stress plac ed on their livelihood and well being. 49 Social displacement was the external stress that was placed on the community, and this ma de them vulnerable for they were now unable to cope with the attendant consequences arising from the displacement The loss of their land, their crops (especially the coconut trees), and their graves through the act of eminent domain left them helpless an d shock. Many were living in poverty following their inability to adapt to the new circumstances in which they now found themselves. This study thus highlights the relation between ethno ecology, displacement and vulnerab ility. created by human acts of conferring meaning to nature and environment, of giving the environment definition and form from a particular angle and vision and throug h a special 50 Communities then go about giving meaning to nature and cultural artifacts through the management and use of these assets (which is defined as ethno ecology) as can be seen in the K wale case and the coconut palm. It has been demonstrated how a community attached to its landscape becomes vulnerable when this landscape is suddenly absent. 51 Similarly, the deep attachment that the community had with its environment is what led to their vul nerability. The sudden absence of this landscape which bore meanings to the community left them disoriented and vulnerable, and barely able to face up to the perturbation (social displacement).

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What is in a Coconut? | 15 Similarly, we have observed how the lack of coconut trees w as a cause of concern to the community. Through the ethnoecology approach, it is observed that a sudden alienation from the landscape that a community is attached to can lead to community vulnerability. C ompensation failed to cushion community members ag ainst the effect of displacement, mainly because it was viewed as inadequate, as an ethnoecological approach in this process compensation could not be achieved. Further, as demonstrated, compensation was 52 Third, this study offers insights in community enterprise/state resource conflict. At the beginning of this article, it was indicated that conf lict between communities and extractive practices, land ownership, inequitable resource distribution or in other words the unequal sharing of benefits, environmental degradation and abuse of human rights. This article progressed beyond these prevailing notions and examined the roots of such conflict, by research should go bey ond the economic considerations that dominate such studies and take into account the idiographic narratives of the affected communities. 53 This article adopted this approach. Local narratives revealed that indeed, the ethnoecological meanings that are att artifacts do play a crucial role in these conflicts. As observed in the Kwale titanium mining conflict, the community failed to see the correlation between the compensation offered by the company/government and the ethnoe cological value of the social reality being compensated. This disconnect stoked the conflict. Fourth, this article observed that the meanings attached to the various representations gram that does not take into cognizance compensated is bound to fail. The overarching protest of a displaced community in Muranga ( ) was because non quantifiable or intangible assets were not compensated. 54 55 Finally, the findings suggest that the titanium conflict in Kwale has more to do with from their cultural abodes (such as land, crops, graves and residential structures, among others). The findings indicate that the community in Kwale w as However, the findings appear to indicate that at a fair cost, people are willing to be cultural anim als, but that they are also economic beings. It appears that at the right price, everything, including things sacred or culturally revered is compensatable, albeit for only a brief period (things such as the coconut tree and also graves). 56 Weighed again against cultural attachment and loss of their cocon the compensation. This again shows the contradictions that arise when people who uphold or proclaim certain cultural values and attachments are faced with speci fic economic choices under particular circumstances. For fear of losing it all, residents accepted compensation; but assent was never fully present to justify just compensation. 57 In any case, fair market value was in the first place never met, hence comp never met. 58 Residents are therefore expected to go on demanding for a fair compensation.

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16 | Abuya In conclusion, this article demonstrates that government action can lead to or exacerbate vulnerability among rural commu nities, hence the need for appropriate mining policy frameworks that would minimize vulnerability and conflict. It is now possible, on the basis of the findings of this study, to argue with greater confidence that vulnerability is as much an objective rea lity as it is constructed experience that is mediated by socially held meanings. Specific development interventions can eventuate vulnerability in local communities in so far as such interventions impinge upon and specific cultural objects that co mmunities hold dear. However, the experience of vulnerability is dependent on what subjective meanings are attached to such assets. An ethnoecological approach stands a better chance of highlighting these meanings and minimizing the conflict that may aris e. N otes 1 Mines and Communities 2007 2 Soft Law Ltd. 2008 3 Daily Nation 2001. 4 Tiomin Resources (operating through its local subsidiary, Tiomin (K)) was the leading titanium mining firm in the region at the time of the displacement, that is, between 2002 and 2010. It changed its name to Vaaldiam Resources in early 2010 following a series of bad publicity and withdrawal of financial suppo rt from investor s, which also led to suspension of the Kwale operations. Its operations in Kwale have since been acquired by Base Iron Ltd of Australia, who bought this concern on 30th July, 2010. 5 For the Niger Delta, see Bob 2002 and Akpan 2006, 2007; for Japan, see Martinez Alier 2001; for Colombia see Richani 2004; for Angola, see Frynas and Wood 2001; for Peru, see Haarstad and Floysand 2007. 6 Akpan 2005. 7 Hilson 2002a. 8 Frynas and Wood 2001; Turner and Brownhill 2004. 9 Turner and Brownhill 2004; Eccarius Kelly 2006; Muradian et al. 2003. 10 Barrera Bassols and Toledo 2005. 11 Syagga and Olima 1996. 12 Ibid. p. 68. 13 Hughes 2008. 14 Kelly and Adger 2006 15 See Syagga and Olima 1996; Pedroso Junior and Sato 2005; Howard and Nabanoga 2007 16 Heller and Hills 2008. 17 Benson 2008. 18 Beideman 2007, p. 280. 19 Cowell 1997. 20 For instance, Hilson 2002b, p. 68 and de Wet 2002. 21 Akpan 2005, p. 143. 22 See Cernea 1988 for a discussion on these risks. 23 Rygel et al 2006 p. 743; Adger 2006

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What is in a Coconut? | 17 24 See McLaughlin and Dietz 2008, and Greider and Garkovich 1994, for this discussion 25 Following the promulgation of a new constitution in August 2010, p rovinces were done away with and d istricts were converted to c ounties. Districts (previously referred to as d ivisions) were created under c ounties but l were retained as they previously appeared in the old constitution. Kwale District is now known as Kwale County, with three new d istricts (Kwale, Msambweni and Kinago) under it. However, for the sake of clarity and for ease of reference, and in view that these were the administrative units that existed during the time of the field study, the study site will be refe rred to as Coast Province, and Kwale District, as the case may be. 26 S ee GoK 2002. 27 See earlier discussion on ethnoecology and how it was used in this study 28 Searles 1928. 29 Moore 1948 and Weiss 1973. 30 Cook 1946. 31 Herlehy 1984. 32 1997, p. 63. 33 See Moore 1948 and Weiss 1973 for earlier writings on the coconut palm. 34 Comments from a displaced person who declined to relocate to the identified host area as the land had few scattered palm trees Mnazi is the Swahili term for coconut tree. The same term is also used to refer to the wine derived from; one has therefore to be aware of the context within which it is used. 35 S ee Brown 1980. 36 The various a cts mentioned here are available at http://www.kenyalaws.org/klr/index.php?id=7. 37 Ojiambo 2002, p. 12. 38 DRCC 2005, p. 5. 39 For discussion on African communities attachment to land, see Abuya 2010 p p 60 63 40 Akpan 2009, p. 114 also makes the same argument that the economic value of a coconut palm is tied to its cultural values 41 In 2005, the exchange rate was US$1=approx. Ksh79. 42 Nosal 2001; Goodin 1989. 43 Biersack 1999 44 Akpan 2009, p. 114. 45 Downing 2002. 46 See Moretti 2007 on how mining operations affected the cultural patterns of the Urapmin and Hamtai peoples of Papau New Guinea. 47 Pedroso and Sato 2005. 48 Downing 2002. 49 Kelly and Adger 2006. 50 Greider and Garkovich 1994, p.1. 51 Murphy 2001. 52 F or elaboration s ee Cernea 2002, p. 28. 53 Akpan 2008, 2009. 54 Syagga and Olima 1996. 55 Haarstad and Floysand 2007, p. 304.

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18 | Abuya 56 This author examines this issue in an article under preparation, entitled Disturbs t he Dead b e Responsible f or t he Consequences: An Ethnoecology o f Graves a nd the Matter of Pecuniary a nd Non Pecuniary Compensation in a Kenyan Mining Rural Community. 57 given freely by the affecte as unachievable in instances of takings (eminent domain), primarily because in cases assent is never present. 58 Radin (1993 pp. 56 86) contributed to the discussion on compensation by introducing oring the status to the status quo ante in this sense, pecuniary interest, such as attachment to land, houses, graves etc. In the former sense, harm to a pe rson is equated with a dollar value and thus can be compensated at market value, while in the latter sense, dollars and commensurability (which compensation aims to achieve) are incompatible. Simply put, one can compensate harm resulting from loss of a car, for instance, but one cannot compensate a loss of an ancestral grave, or in this case, an intergenerational and culturally significant plant. R eferences Abuodha, J.Z. and Patrick O. Hayombe. 2006. Protracted E nvironmental I ssues and a P roposed T itanium M inerals D Marine Georesources and Geotechnology 24 2 : 63 75. Abuya, W illice O. 2010. Back to Land? A Socio Ecological Perspective o n t he 2008 Election Violence i n Kenya In Heinecken, L. and H Prozesky (eds ) Society in Focus: Reflections from South Africa and Beyond Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Adger, W.N eil 2006. Vulnerability Global Environment Change 16: 268 81. Akpan, W ilson 2005. Putting Oil First? Some Ethnographic Aspe cts o f Petroleum Related Land Use Controversies in Nigeria African Sociological Review 9.2: 134 52. _____ 2007. onflict in Nigeria: Lessons from the Niger Delta African Journal on Conflict Resolution 7.2: 161 91. _____ 2008. Corporate Citizenship in t he Nigerian Petroleum Industry: A Beneficiary Perspective Development Southern Africa 25.5: 497 511. _____ 2009. ional Citizens: The Antinomies o f Corporat e Mediated Social Provisionin g i Journal o f Contemporary African Studies 27.1: 105 18. Asthana, R oli 1996. esettlement: Survey of International Experience Economic and Political Weekly 31.24: 1468 475.

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What is in a Coconut? | 19 Barrera Bassols, N arciso and Victor M. T oledo 2005. Ethno ecology of the Yucatec Maya: Symbolism, Knowledge and Management o f Natural Resources Journal of Latin American Geography 4.1: 9 41. Beideman, C atherine E. 2007. Eminent Domain a nd Environmental Justice: A New Standard of Review i n D iscrimination Cases Environmenta l Affairs 34: 273 302. Benson, B ruce L 2008. he Evolution of Eminent Domain The Independent Review XII.3: 1086 653. and Ecology in the American Anthropologist 101.1: 68 87. Bob, C lifford 2002. Political Process Theory a nd Transnational Movements: Dialectics of Protest a Social Problems 49.3: 395 415. Brtla nd, J ohn 2006. An Ethical And Epistemic Inquiry Working Paper. Washington, DC: U.S Department of the Interior. Brown, J ean L. 1980. iji Kenda Grave and Memorial African Arts 13.4: 36 39 88. Cernea, M ichael M. 1988. Involuntary Resettlement in Development Projects: Policy Guidelines in World Bank Financed Projects Washington, DC: The World Bank. _____ 2002. For a New Economics of Resettlement: A Sociological Critique of the Compensation Principle In Cernea, M icahel M. and R avi K anbur (eds ) An Exchange on the Compensation Principle in Resettlement Ithaca: Cornel l Uni versity Press. http://dyson.cornell.edu/research/researchpdf/wp/2002/Cornell_Dyson_wp0233.pdf ( accessed 13/5/2009). D istrict C ompensation and R esettlement C ommittee (DRCC) 2004. The Compensation and Resettlement Issues of t he Titanium Mining Project in Kwale District A Report Submitted to the Cabinet Committee of the Titanium Mining Project in Kwale District. Cook, O rator F. 1946. Africa Needs Palms As Tree Crop The Scientific Monthly 62.2: 131 39. Cowell, R ichard 1997. Stretching the Limits: Environm ental Compensation, Habitat Creation and Sustainable Development Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, New Series, Vol.22.3: 292 306. Daily Nation ( Nairobi ) 22 September 2001. De Wet, C hris 2002. Can Everybody Win? Economic Developmen t a nd Population Displacement Anthropology Southern Africa 36.50: 4637 646. Downing, T heodore E. 2002. Avoiding New Poverty: Mining Induced Displacement and Resettlement London: International Institute for Environment and Development. Eccarius Kelly, V era 2006. Deep and Ragged Scars in Guatemala Peace Review: A Journal of Social Justice 19: 51 58. Frynas, J edrzej G. and Geoffrey Wood 2001. Oil and W ar in Angola Review of African Political Economy 28.90: 587 606.

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20 | Abuya Goodin, R obert E. 1989. Theories of Compensation Oxford Journal of Legal Studies 9.1: 56 75. Government of Kenya ( GoK ) 2002. Kwale District Development Plan 2002 2008 (Nairobi, Government Press) Greider, T. and L. Garkovich 1994. Landscapes: The Social Construction of Nature and the Environment Rural Sociology 59.1: 1 24. Haarstad, Hvard and Arnt Flysand 2007. Globalisation and the Power o f Rescaled Narratives: A Case of Opposition To Mining in Tambogrande, Peru Political Geography 26: 289 308. Heller, M ichael and Rick Hills. 2008. Land Assembly Districts The Harvard Law Review 121 : 1467 1527. Herlehy, T homas J. 1984. Ties t hat Bind: Palm Wine a nd Blood Brotherhood a t t he Kenya Coast During the 19 th Century The International Journal of African Historical Studi es 17.2: 285 308. Hilson, G avin 2002a. An Overview of Land Use Conflicts i n Mining Communities Land Use Policy 1: 65 73. _____ 2002b. Small scale Mining i n Africa: Tackling P ressing Environmental Problems w ith Improved Strategy The Journal of Enviro nmental Development 11: 149 174. Howard, P atricia L. and Gorettie Nabanoga 2007. Are There Customary Rights t o Plants? An Inquiry among t he Baganda (Uganda ), with Special Attention t o Gender World Development 35.9: 1542 563. Hughes, L otte 2008. Mining the Maasai Reserve: The Story of Magadi Journal of Eastern Africa Studies 2.1: 134 64. Kelly, P. Mick and W. Neil Adger 2006. Theory and Practice in Assessing Vulnerability to Climate Change a nd Facilitating Adaptation Climate Change 47: 325 5 2. Martinez Alier, J oan 2001. Mining Co nflicts, Environmental Justice a nd Valuation Journal of Hazardous Materials 86: 153 70. Mburugu, E. K eren 1994. Dislocation of Settled Communities in t he Development Process: The Case o f Kiambere Hydroelectric P roject In Cook, C.C. (ed.) Involuntary Resettlement in Africa Washington, DC: The World Bank. Mines and Communities. 2007. Titanium: Farmers N ow E victed http://www.Minesandcommunities.Org/article. php? a=3951 ( accessed 22/10/2008 ) Moore, O.K. 1948. The Coconut Pal n t he Tropics Economic Botany 2.2: 119 44. Ethnolog y 46.4: 305 28.

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What is in a Coconut? | 21 Muradian, Roldan J oan Mar tinez Alier, and Humberto Correa 2003. International Capital Versus Local Population. The Environmental Conflict of the Tambogrande Mining Project, Peru Society & Natural Resources 16.9: 775 792. ettina 1997. Inheriting Disputes: The Digo N egotiation of Meaning and Power through Land African Economic History 25: 59 77. Nosal, E d 2001. The Taking o f Land: Ma rket Value Compensation Should b e Paid. Journal of Public Economics 82: 431 43. Ojiambo, E.V. 2002. Battling for Corporate Ac count ability: Experiences from Titanium Mining C ampaigns A paper presented at the Institute of Development Studies, University of Sussex, S eminar on Linking Rights and Par t icipation: Sh aring Experiences and O pportunity, 29 May. Pedroso Jnior, Nelson N. and Michle T. ecology and Conservation In Protected Natural Areas: Incorporating Local Knowledge In Superagui National Park Brazilian Journal of Biology 65.1: 117 25. Radin, M argaret J. 1993. ommensurability. Duke Law Journal 43 .1: 56 86. Richani, N azih 2004. Multinational Cor porations, Rentier Capitalism, and t he War System in Colombia. Latin American Politics and Society 47 3 : 113 44. Constructing a Social 64. Searles, P.J. 1928. The Most Valuable Tree in t he World. The Scientific Monthly 27.3: 271 80. Soft Law Ltd. 2008. Laws of Kenya http://www.law sofkenya.com ( accessed 18/10/2008 ) Syagga, P aul M and Washington Asembo Olima 1996. The Impact of Compulsory Land Acquisitio n on Displaced Households: The Case of the T hird Nairobi Water Supply Project, Kenya. Habitat International 20.1: 61 75. Turner, Terisa E and Leigh S. Brownhill 2004. Why Woman are at War with Chevron: Nigeria Subsistence Struggles Against t he International Oil Industry. Journal of Asian and African Studies 39: 63 93. Weiss, Edward .A. 1973. Some Indigenous Trees and Shrubs Used b y Local Fishermen on the East African Coast. Economic Botany 27.2: 174 92.



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University of Florida Board of Trustees, a public corporation of the State of Florida; permission is hereby granted for individuals to download articles for their own personal use. Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Florida. ISSN: 2152 2448 A Critique o f t he Concept o f Quasi Physicalism i n Akan Philosophy MOHAMMED MAJEED Abstract : One important feature of recent African philosophical works is the attempt by writers to interpret some key concepts from within the context of specific African cultures. T he interpretations of such writers, h owever, particularly in connection with Akan t hought, have not been without problems. One such concept is the concept of a person. From the largely general position that a completely physical conception of the person is inconsistent with Akan cultural beliefs, the precise characterization of the non p hysical constituent of the human being has been a source of great controversy. An expression that has of recent times been put forward as descript ive quasi physical The notion of quasi physicalism is the brainchild of an Akan philosopher, Kwasi Wiredu, and is strongly held also by Safro Kwame, another Akan philosopher. This article attempts an explanation of the notion and argues that it is conceptually flawed in diverse ways, and as such philosophically indefensible Introduc tion The philosophical ideas of any culture, including the Akan, may be obtained from the language, beliefs and practices of that culture. In this regard, an examination of some Akan cultural beliefs and language should aid in the understanding of the Aka n concept of a person. In Akan language, th e human body is referred to as honam but there are two other expressions and sunsum which, together with honam seem to suggest belief in the existence of two distinct components of the human being These expressio ns are sometimes soul or mind and Akan thinkers who hold spiritual conceptions of these entities include Asare Opoku, Peter Sarpong and Kwame Gyekye. 1 Even though Sarpong, f or instance, correctly translates sunsum a n error that Gyekye points out. 2 It is also held in Akan thought that the does not, just like the sunsum form part of the brain or the body beca use of its complete spirituality. It is nonetheless believed to attributes. It is these spiritual conceptions of and sunsum that Kwasi Wiredu and Safro Kwa me reject. They argue for reasons that I will explai n in detail in the next section t hat and sunsum are not spiritual but are rather quasi physical. The assessment of beliefs as evidence for the existence of these spiritual entities by contemporary A kan philosophers has chiefly been based on the logical implications of

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24 | Majeed specific cultural beliefs regarding the activities of those entities. But, it is these same sources of evidence (language, beliefs and the practices that those beliefs underlie) that h ave ironically led some to argue against the metaphysical conceptions of and sunsum Wiredu and Kwame, to be specific, explain that these entities are spoken of in physical terms and are capable of partially assuming spatial properties. 3 Thus, a nd sunsum should This article aims at resolving the controversy surrounding the interpretations offered by the metaphysical theorists and the quasi physicalists in connection with and sunsum. The article is a sustained critique of the doctrine of quasi physicalism which it considers seriously blemished. Ultimately, it affirms the metaphysical in an indirect manner. The article, therefore, rejects the quasi especially, cannot be regarded as spiritual because (i) it falls in realms and is closer to the physical (ii) it is believed to accept offerings, (iii) it is capable of rendering itself visible to medicine men, (iv) medicine men use physical or partially physical means to reach to the and that (v) the 4 The arti cle finally argues that aspects of the doctrine of quasi physicalism itself are utterly inconsistent with some basic Akan beliefs. Hence, the spiritual conception of is not wrong. The multidisciplinary appeal of the subject matter of this article is n ot surprising at all. Matters regarding the constitution of the human being have not only been explored by thinkers of varied cultures, but also are a subject of study across a number of academic disciplines s uch as phi losophy, religion, psychology, anthro pology, and comparative cultural studies. This article intends to influence contemporary debates about African or Akan thought, thereby providing possible ways of enhancing the understandings (in the academic fields mentioned above) of the constitution of the human being. It corrects the misinterpretations of the quasi physicalist, highlighting the part spirituality of the human being. The spiritual aspect of the person which is also believed to survive death (that is, the ) is the subject often menti oned in the traditional Akan religious practice of libation pouring It is also believed to be capable of enforcing morality in the physical human community. Also, the clarity that this article gives to the concept of the (mind) provides useful infor mation for scholars interested in (i) the question of whether or not (mind) differs from adwene (thought) and amene (brain), and (ii) the issue of whether or not any relationships exist among the three It could, for instance, be observed that the art icle does not point in the direction of the mind being part of the body or the brain; nor is the mind shown to be physical or quasi physical. Studies of Akan psychology and culture, and indeed African studies, could thus benefit from the philosophical anal ysis embarked upon in this article. Finally, the postulation of quasi physicalism, amidst its many problems, is an interesting exercise in contemporary Akan philosophy. It even offers some ideas that compare with aspects of Western philosophy. Its rejecti on of the spirituality or, rather, part spirituality of the human being is, in some respects, consistent with the conventional attitude toward the metaphysical in some Western conceptions. In modern Western philosophy, discussions on personal identity ofte n go back to Descartes who, in his Meditations on First Philosophy postulated a metaphysical mind in addition to the body. Yet, the mind is seen by anti metaphysians such as D.M. Armstrong and U.T. Place as not different from brain processes which to the m is quite empirical. 5 D.M. Armstrong notes,

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Quasi physicalism in Akan Philosophy | 25 6 7 What distinguishes Wiredu and Kwame from the Western anti metaphysians, however, is their apparent admission that the for instance, is indeed an entity distinguishable from the body and capable of existing after death. But, while Gyekye accepts the idea of the immortality of the he seems to suggest that at death, the surviving entity is a union of and sunsum which, together, constitute one spiritual component of the human being. 8 tic; and I am more inclined toward it than toward Wiredu Some conceptual clarifications, however, have to be made now. It can be drawn from the above criticisms, first, that Armstrong and Place reduce the mind to the physical or material. An d, that the mind is seen by them as fundamentally bodily and perceptible. But it is instructive to note that materialism may not mean the same as physicalism. Thus, conscious efforts must always be made not to conflate them. Before I explain why, however, I should acknowledge that even though Armstrong does not make any careful distinction between materialism and physicalism in the preceding paragraph, he calls elsewhere for such a distinction. 9 It is consistent with the doctrine of physicalism to affirm a s an existent 10 This implies that in certain cases an intangible object would pass for the physical provided what is said about it is compatible with the laws of phy sics. Materialism, on the other hand, 11 That account admits of attracts matter. Materialism and physical ism are, therefore, not the same. Quasi physicalism: A Critique Quasi physicalism category between the realm of the obviously physical, i.e. those objects that obey the known laws of physics, and the realm of the so called spiritual or completely immaterial objects 12 In line with this philosophy, therefore, the of a living or dead person is deemed to be quasi physical. 13 For, that is the form in which the (of a dead person for instance), when it reveals itself to the living, is thought to be. On the contrar y, John Mbiti and Gyekye would consider such perceptions of the (of the dead) as quasi physical at all. 14 For instance, even though Mbiti reports people seeing and hearing certain figures (such as mizimu t he living dead among the Baganda), he sti that even though such spiritual beings ther physical nor quasi physical. The object of this article, then, is to examine this controversy about the spirituality or otherwise of the in particular. It focuses, nonetheless, on establishing whether the arguments advanced by the quasi physical ist are defensible. Unlike Mbiti and Gyekye, strength of the fact that 15 Secondly, he also maintains that there are several other qualities often attributed to some parts of a person that stand those parts out as quasi physical. He cites the instance of the common Akan belief that when someone eats a

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26 | Majeed kr a kra may need to be 16 He suggests that the is portrayed to have some amount of physical desire, the ability to choose and enjoy food, and the a bility to receive. But if his evidence is granted, his conclusion can, with some reflection, is believed to be linked or subsumed with his body, and the person lives in a world which is both physical and spiritual, he or she is possibly not prevented in the physical realm from reaching to the nonphysical side. The problem probably is how this reaching is done. Indeed, it would be difficult not to start with or, at least, include the most obvious (i.e. the physical realm) in the exploration or explanation of the spiritual realm, if the explanation is to convince anybody of the existence of a spiritual entity or event. In any such case where the metaphysical is postulated, the rationality or acceptability of the post ulation would most likely be based on the possibility of a mutual, cross realm affectation or causation. That is, the strength of the evidence for a causal relation between the physical and the purported metaphysical realms would be crucial for a possible understanding of the metaphysical. But this role played by the physical does not in any way call for the description of a metaphysical entity itself as para physical. If it is granted, for the sake of argumentation, that an illness originates from the or that the is badly affected by the eating of food, it appears that only a cross realm causation is implied, not necessarily the quasi physicality of the Again, assuming that a spiritual being could be made perceptible with some invocation don e with the aid of material objects, or that certain physical effects can be predicted with some degree of certainty whenever some items are allegedly offered to spirits then, those objects would rather become just channels of interaction. The lack of understanding regarding the last point has led to the situation where the wrong sorts of questions are sometimes asked in the analysis of traditional African beliefs. It is a bit easy, for instance, to ask and stop at the question whether some material object has explanation of a spiritual event or experience. Such a question is often asked with the one sided hope that an affirmative response to the question woul d make unlikely the existence of the supernatural. It is then assumed to be awkward why everything cannot be regarded as physical or potentially physical, since even the alleged metaphysical realm cannot be explored without any aid at all from the physical world. This attitude tends not only to deprives him or her of the opportunity to develop any interest in investigating the reality or otherwise of the spiritual itself The right questions to ask, then, would be whether there is anything beyond the phenomenal world, and whether and how such realities may connect with the physical ( especially, to produce some effect ). This way, the researcher shows his or her readiness to accept the spiritual if it can be or is found. With any alleged cross realm generated effect, for example, it would have to be examined whether one specific situation obtains: i.e. whether the effect is radically different from what the physical object s used in the process can produce on their own both individually and collectively. If it is, then the bringing into being of the effect would understandably be traced to the (other) nonphysical component. Indeed, this is a rational approach. It is an app method of difference and, more specifically, method of residues. Such an attribution to the nonphysical might not mean that the physical objects were not part of the set of things that were considered to be the cause of the effe ct, except that they were not the probable cause. To test the existence

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Quasi physicalism in Akan Philosophy | 27 or non existence of completely non physical entities and methods, the traditional African healers would have to be b arred from employing any physical entities or methods in their therapies and procedures. They never are. 17 In the first place, it has been indicated already how of little value it is to ignore the claim of a cross realm effect or interaction, only to confirm the obvious fact that (i) the metaphysical and material are completely different in constitution, and (ii) some amount of the physical is involved at some stages in the art of reaching to the spiritual realm. Secondly, it is a portrayal of lack o f understanding of the worldview of medicine men to suggest that they do not understand that the concept of the spiritual, by definition, completely excludes anything physical. For if an object is believed by them to be capable of being inhabited by an i nvoked spirit, for example, the object is not misunderstood to be the spirit itself at all. Nor is the spirit believed to have become material. Thirdly, the medicine men believe, instead, that the spiritual and the physical do interact, or that events in o ne realm can affect the other. This is evidenced in their use of objects in many of their healing techniques. It is thus possible, they would agree with John Perry, for the material world to something 18 Indeed, finally, the belief that a person has a spiritual component and that this component can affect body problem does not arise at all in the Akan concept of the p erson. 19 The seeming near physicality of the merely on the basis of the offering of sacrifice of food and other items, and even the pouring of libation to the living dead (an act which Wiredu regards as utterly irrational), would be difficult to deny o nly if it is understood within the ordinary context that these offerings are meant for the consumption of the spirits. 20 It would be irrational indeed for a traditional Akan thinker to believe that a drink just poured on the ground, food placed at a section of the house or an object left on a crossroad have actually been eaten or taken by the spirits. For, the items offered do not necessarily vanish at all. The drink sinks into the ground and dries out; the food stays in the bowl until it is taken away or replaced by humans; and, the item left on the crossroads remains there and gets rotten, eaten by insects, or just displaced through some unintended human or natural action. The significance of such sacrifices could only be to show human attempt to commune with the spirits. Such that, they (the spiritual entities) would be willing to return some favors as they witness the premium human beings place on the items in memo ry of the former. In the case of the pacification of the it still does not appear there is any basis to suggest that it engages in any physical or quasi physical act of eating any portion of the food and drinks that are allegedly offered to it. The a lleged pacification sometimes involves nothing but the eating of a particular food by the individual to correct some imbalance in his system. Usually the imbalance is believed to be between his and honam caused originally by the ingestant that was bo und to disturb the body and the harmony between it and the 21 But t inaccurate. He seems to have been misled by the personal or rationalistic terms in which the is described to conclude that it has the same parts as the physical person. But this notion is completely absent in Akan language. It makes no sense to use phrases like my s leg, my head ; her s chin is like this or that his Simply put, the has no such parts as

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28 | Majeed claimed by Debrunner. It only makes sense to conceive of the it is interpreted as a spiritual aspect of an individual who has a particular physical shape. This is far from saying that the has that same shape. In cases where, as Wiredu suggests, the is seen by medicine men, there is still the question of whether the is seen in human form. While Wiredu seems to hold that this is the case, it is not quite clear whether the shape is the actual shape of the itself. Given the absence of expressions in the Akan idiom compart mentalizing the it is quite doubtful whether Akan thinkers would actually consider any such shape, assuming the is indeed seen, to be its own shape. It is conceivable that it takes on the shape of the person it was known to inhabit just for the purposes of easy identification of its bearer. Wiredu, in denying the spirituality of the can be given, the question whether such things actually exist can only be answered by 22 I have already conceded some role for the empirical in the study of metaphysics, but only because such a role is a matter of procedural aid. The concession is also to show h ow inadequate the empirical is in explaining certain phenomena. This is not to suggest, as Wiredu does now, that only purely empirical research can confirm the reality of en if only ultimately, is to advance a wild empirical claim which any slight empirical reflection must 23 I question why spirits cannot be conceived to exist as essentially nonphysical beings, or why a theory of spirits is thus an empirical t heory. He seems to put the method of investigation ahead of the object to be investigated, because he chooses a method of investigation and intends to make the object of investigation take on the core feature of the method. But the method of investigation cannot determine for a researcher the nature of what it is that he or she wants to investigate. This is because any object of human enquiry is investigation or it does not. Indeed, the existence of a thing is not only independent of its being an object of investigation, but also of any chosen method of investigation. In the case of the essential nature of 24 Empirical means is not the sole or permanently exhaustive medium for humans to acquire knowledge because there are other credible ways of knowing. These include logical deductions (from self evident propositions) and paranormal cognition. To proclaim panps ychism is to induce everybody, the empirically and metaphysically inclined, to some sort of investigation. It is to make an open claim that is to be investigated by any philosophically acceptable method, except that different success rates are to be expec ted whenever largely different methods are employed. To say, therefore, that everything is (or contains) spirit or is ultimately spirit is not necessarily to advance any empirical claim, let alone a wild one. There are obvious difficulties with the notion of quasi physicalism itself. I must admit, however, that the difficulties are mainly as a result of the complex nature of the notion of personal identity in general, and the challenge this presents to anyone attempting to give a comprehensive account of th e identity of persons. This is shown clearly when (i) quasi physicalists are compelled to recognize that certain existents (such as ) do not yield fully to physical laws, which they regard as the sole arbiter of truth, and (ii) dualists also admit that the spiritual can be physically perceived. Why then, one would ask, does the quasi physicalist not prefer to be called a quasi metaphysian, and the metaphysian to be called a physicalist of some sort? There are no indications that the two groups of philos ophers

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Quasi physicalism in Akan Philosophy | 29 actually characterize themselves in the manner just suggested. I will now go ahead to make a few remarks bearing this in mind. According to Wiredu, the is believed to be capable of rendering itself visible to some medicine men although it is not material or tangible. 25 Assuming this is true, the resort to it by Safro Kwame and Kwasi Wiredu to claim that it is quasi physical makes their interpretation appear to ignore the essential quality of spirits. It is not clear why, for instance, from the occasional visibility of spirits quasi physicalists describe them only in terms of features exhibited on those occasions. Again, with the traditional Akan belief in the potential visibility of spirits and possibly on multiple occasions it is only fai r to ask what the identity of those spirits are when they have not allegedly revealed or are not revealing themselves to human beings? Are they nonexistent? If they are, how possible is it for nonentities to know when and who to appear (or even reappear) t o? How can medicine men, for instance, receive inspiration from and be able to invoke nonentities in their practices? The very ideas of the occasional exposure and visibility of particular spirits (as held by quasi physicalists), the invoking or re invok ing of specific spirits in various cultural contexts, and the very concept of the living dead suggest that spirits are always existent. They are believed to exist whether or not they are being felt by humans. I do not dispute that at the very moment when a spirit is believed to have revealed itself, it is most probably quasi physical. After all, it can, at least, be seen ( by whatever means ). But sight alone does not define the physical; so, the cannot be regarded as quasi physical based on fleeting v isibility alone. Whereas a hologram can be described as quasi physical, the same description cannot be given of because its category of existence does not by nature admit of physical attributes. For it is non physically natured and remains so at most of its normal times. And, given the belief that spirits do not die, one more thing can be said. That, there might not be strong reasons to deny that what comes to be quasi physical occasionally would ceteris paribus relapse to its original state, anytime t he quasi physical manifestation ends. It appears more acceptable then that spirits, including the are essentially metaphysical in nature, even though they have some capacity for quasi physical manifestation. The difference between the essential natur e of spirits and their capacity to be quasi physical can be likened to water and ice. Water is essentially liquid but it also has the capacity to turn to ice under certain conditions. It will be most inappropriate to claim that water is solid or half solid just because the ice which it occasionally turns to is solid. 26 The quasi physicalist is a physicalist in disguise. His claim to allow for things that are not entirely subject to the laws of physics is misleading. This claim initially seems as if it recognizes metaphysical realities which many Akan thinkers actually see to fall within. 27 But, in realit y, what the quasi physicalist means by something not being entirely subject to the laws of science is that it is something which current laws of physics do not explain, but might be proved by physics in future. For instance, S. Kwame, who can be called a modern quasi physicalist, declares that: the modern or contemporary quasi physicalist does not deny that as our discovery of physical laws proceeds and our scientific knowledge increases, we may come to accept some or all the quasi physical objects as bona fide physical objects. The quasi physicalism of today may then turn out to be the materialism or physicalism of tomorrow. 28 There is every indication in the preceding quotation that the purported quasi physical entities would not have been affirmed as real if they were not capable of becoming (known as) physical objects in future. So, given that all physicalists, quasi or not, already affirm the reality of physical objects, the quasi physicalist becomes alist today. That is, he is a physicalist today

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30 | Majeed who has the foresight of knowing what might become physical tomorrow. He therefore becomes somebody like a prophet who hopes that his predictions come true in future. But, like any act of prophesy, failure is an important possibility. Even the statement that the is a quasi physical object is one which the quasi physicalist would regard as confirmable on physical or empirical grounds. Otherwise, how else can he claim to know such an object, since the cla im is not a priori and, also, metaphysics is a taboo word for him. This confirms he is a physicalist today, not only tomorrow. It can therefore be said that the empirical criterion of knowledge, whether with regard to entities perceived today or ultimately in future (or to objects scientifically explicable today or in future) is quite useful to the quasi physicalist. But this may not be construed to mean that the quasi physicalist would want to be seen as an empiricist. For being someone who brings to bear the empirical character of (especially) the Akan belief system, Wiredu, for instance, would prefer t 29 The quasi what defies the laws of science cannot also be seen as consistent with the Akan conception on the because it ( ) is regarded as incapable of scientific proof. In future, therefore, the (which the quasi physicalist admits is incapable of proof only for today) will not cease to be metaphysical. It is very much doubtful if the will ever be subject to the physical laws which the quasi physicalist su 30 The tensi on between metaphysics and science, seen essentially as between the belief in the reality of spiritual entities and the requirement of scientific proof, is of such a nature that one of them cannot be expected to collapse into the other. It is, however, pos sible to have a little bit of both, as found in such experience as the manifestation of the It would thus be beneficial to recognize that the existence of spirits (such as the soul or God) as held in Akan and other religions does not take away anythi ng from the distinct role and importance of science itself. 31 Reality should not just be explored f 32 These approaches include the physical, metaphysical or a combination of both. Conclusion The notion of quas i physicalism has been examined from the Akan philosophical perspective. The idea held by Wiredu and Kwame that the is quasi physical (but not spiritual) has been found not to possess enough logical grounds for its postulation. Indeed, the very nature of as this article has attempted to explain, appears rather spiritual. It has also been pointed out that even though the spiritual realm in Akan thought is difficult to explain, it is, just like the physical, true to the Akan. Thus, the spiritual is relevant to the understanding of Akan cosmology and person which are both not entirely physical. The Akan expression and translate respectively former is used in reference to questions of metaphysical concern, while the latter is used in connection with the esoteric nature of the objects and happenings of the metaphysical realm. In both there is some evidence for the Akan belief in the existence of a spiritual realm. What

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Quasi physicalism in Akan Philosophy | 31 requires to be noted, also, is the Akan belief that the human being ( onipa ) has sunsum (spirit), and that suns also involve him or her. Some of the difficulties inherent in quasi physicalism results from the failure of its advocates to recognize this aspect of Akan thought. The is deemed in Akan thought as a spiritual entity. As such, the capacity o f the medicine men to it as a result of their spiritual potency does not negate the conception that it is fundamentally spirit. The quasi is not spiritual is therefore not quite defensible. In any case, it is sur prising how the quasi claim of a possible perception of the by the medicine man whose capacities were in the first place developed by spiritual means. The spir ituality of the also suggests that it cannot accept and eat offerings as the quasi physicalist suggests. Although, finally, the double has been proven mistaken because of the complete nonexistence of any references to parts of the in Akan language. Quasi physicalism, therefore, does not appear to get it right on such areas of Akan thought as discussed in this essay. Notes 1 See Opoku 1978, pp. 94 95; Gyekye 1995, pp. 93 9 4; Sarpong 1974, pp. 37 38. 2 Gyekye 1995 pp. 89 94 ) argues that it derives from God. 3 Kwame 2004, pp. 345 36; Wiredu 1983, p. 120. 4 For the sources of these five claims, see respectively K wame 2004, pp. 345 46; Wiredu 1983, p. 120; Wiredu ibid, pp. 119 20; Kwame ibid, p. 348; Wiredu ibid, p. 120. 5 Armstrong 1970, p. 70; and Place 1970, p. 86. 6 Armstrong 1970 p. 70. 7 Ibid p. 73. 8 Gyekye 1995, p. 98. 9 Armstrong (in Gregory ed.) 1987, p. 491. 10 Kwame 2004, pp. 343 p. 267) idea that statements constituting such a language are those that can be formulated as statements about publicly observable 11 Kwame ibid p. 348. 12 I bid pp. 345 46 limited version of physicalism, comparing objects he fields, energies, sets and numbers 13 Wiredu 1983, p. 120. 14 See Mbiti 1997, p. 86 and Gyekye 1995, p. 93. It is important to note that Gyekye is also Akan and carries out his analysis from an Akan cultural perspective. 15 Even when the kra is se en through some medicinally heightened perception, that does not impa However heightened, he remarks, the powers of an eye may become, if it sees something, that thing will have to be in space. In regard to any claim to (See Gbadegesin 2002, p. 183). 16 Wiredu 1983, p. 120.

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32 | Majeed 17 Kwame 2004 p. 348 18 Perry 1975, p. 153. 19 Kwame 2004 p. 349. 20 Wiredu 1980, p. 42. 21 Wiredu 1983, p. 120. 22 I bid p. 127. 23 Ibid p. 129. 24 The essential nature of spirit beings, in general, is discussed shortly. 25 Ibid pp. 119 120. 26 turn to ice, all there is, is just ice. The point then, might be made that such a person is not wrong in stopping at ice. My response is two fold. First, since that person knows no connection between water and ice, he is not in the position to assert that water is solid or semi solid. He would not be party to our current debate which requires knowledge of the connection between water and ice. All he knows is that ice exists. In any case, we also do not deny that there is ice; the point is, we are simp ly not interested in whether or not there is ice. Secondly, if he insists that, because he knows of no such connection, there is not any between water and ice, he would be doing something inappropriate. His ignorance of the connection does not make i t right for him to deny the connection. His position would be uninformed and wrong, although his ignorance of the connection is pardonable. 27 See Wiredu 1983, pp.119 120, and also in Gbadegesin 2002, p. 183. There are some traditional African thinke rs, however, who reject God, deities, and generally, spirits. They think that these entities are a figment of human imagination but not, most importantly, because of the physical or paraphysical nature of those entities (see, for instance, Gyekye 199 5, p. 48). 28 Kwame, p. 346. He refers to Gregory. 29 30 Teffo and Roux 2002, [w]ith more knowledge of anatomy, and particularly neurology, these views [that is, the metaphysical related] will change or 31 Gyekye, 2008, unpublished. 32 I bid. Wiredu argues that traditional Akan religion is empirically oriented (Wiredu P hilosophy, Mysticism and Rationality ) This means that religion would not necessarily be opposed to (empirical) science. His interpretation of Akan religion, nonetheless, is not in complete agreement with the sense in which religion is generally discussed here. References ( ed.), The Mind Brain Identity Theory ( London: MacMillan) : 67 79.

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Quasi physicalism in Akan Philosophy | 33 Descartes, Ren Cottingham, Robert Stoothoff, et al. (trans.), The Philosophical Writings of Descartes. Vo l II. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press): 12 60. Flew, Anthony. 1984. A Dictionary of Philosophy. Gbadegesin, Segun A.P.J. Roux (eds.), Philosophy from Africa 2 nd ed (Cape Town: Oxford Universi ty Press Southern Africa): 175 91. Gregory, Richard (ed ) 1987. The Oxford Companion to the Mind. New York: Oxford Un iversity Press. Gyekye, Kwame 1995. An Essay on African Philosophical Thought: The Akan Conceptual Scheme (revised ed .) Philadelphia: Temple University Press. ________ 2008. Presented at Kwame Nkrumah Univer A Conference on Interrelationship between Religion and Science in the 21 st (Kumasi, Ghana). Kwame, Safro Kwasi Wiredu (ed.), A Companion to African Philosophy (Oxford: Blackwell): 343 51. Mbiti, John S. 1997. African Religions and Philosophy. 2 nd revised and enlarged ed. Oxford: Heinemann. Opoku, Asare K. 1978. West African Traditional Religion Accra: F .E. P. International Private Limited. Perry, John In J. Perry (ed.), Personal Identity. ( London: University of California Press): 135 155. The Mind Brain Identity Theory (London: MacMillan): 83 86. Sarpong, Peter 1974. Ghana in Retrospect: Some Aspects of Ghanaian Culture. Tema: Ghana Publishing Corporation. Teffo, Lebisa J. and Abraham P. Roux Coetzee and A.P.J. Roux (eds.), Philosophy from Africa 2 nd edn. (Cape Town: Oxford Universi ty Press Southern Africa): 161 74. Ibadan Journal of Human istic Studies. 3: 113 134. ________ 1980. Philosophy and an African Culture. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ________ 2009. Empiricalism: The Empirical Character of an African Thought Presented th



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University of Florida Board of T rustees, a public corporation of the State of Florida; permission is hereby granted for individuals to download articles for their own personal use. Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Flori da. ISSN: 2152 2448 195 5 1991 BELETE BELACHEW YIHUN Abstract: The historical processes leading to the emergence of the states of Eritrea (1991) and South Sudan (2011) ha ve yet to be satisfactorily reconstructed. The extended conflict between Ethiopia and Sudan since the late 1950s and the resultant war of attrition and vengeance they have waged against each other is considered among the primary facto rs. Allying with regional and global powers to be, the two states engaged extensively in actions designed to bring about the disintegration of the other. This article attempts to recount the retaliatory measures both the imperial regime and the Derg have e policy lines persistently adopted by Ethiopian governments reveal the fact that if Sudan could not refrain from meddling in the Eritrea n conflict, then they had to respond in kind. Introduction The exis this development to the internal problems in the Sudan and successive rebellions of the subjugated southerners. Power politics at the regional and global level s often associated with the Cold War interplay, assume d a crucial role in the progression of the turmoil in the Sudan. Departing from this customary trend, this article attempts to analyze the situation in the context of the conflict between Ethiopia and the Sudan and how the process ult imately led to the disintegration of the two major states in northeast Africa. Both the imperial regime and the military junta (the Derg) have accused Sudan of intervening in the internal affairs of Ethiopia by sponsoring the cause of Eritrean seces sionism. Various steps were taken to persuade successive Sudanese governments to refrain from supporting the cause of the rebels. When this approach failed to bear fruit, then a progressive action plan was envisaged and put in place to respond in kind. T hi s article seeks existing unrest in South Sudan. The two neighbors have sustained an extended period of animosity and mutual suspicion since Sudan independence in 1956. The nature and extent of the conflict is not well recorded, primarily because of the absence of first hand information on the behind the scene developments. At some point the tension escalated to the level where Ethiopia labeled the Sudan its number one enemy in the region. The archives in the Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs shed a new light on the actual conflict and the role each country played in pro The major foreign policy th rust of p ost 1941 Ethiopia had been the reinstatement of Eritrea into its domain. Diplomatic missions launched to realize this agenda often resulted in

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36 | Yihun headlong co nfrontation with the outside world. In this regard, Cold War powers, the Arab world, and particularly immediate neighbors had posed the ultimate challenge. S uccessive Ethiopian governments perceived Sudan as a frontline state representing the Arab/Islam ic goal of controlling the Red Sea region and thus as a primary policy issue that required careful handling This article argue s that the Eritrean question is behind the tumultuous relationship between Ethiopia and Sudan in the period under discussion. The dispute beg a n in earnest soon after the federation formula, which had created the basis of Ethio Eritrean union, was abrogated in 1962. This year marked the beginning of armed resistance in Eritrea, which later evolved into the creation of var ious rebel groups including the Eritrean People Liberation Front (EPLF). ntervention can be traced back to early 1963, as can states, wh ich had failed to address meaningfully the ir respective local pr oblems, then started to seek solutions on the other side of the ir border s This article outline s the progression of events leading to the fateful partial disintegration of Ethiopia and the Sudan. lvement in South Sudan situation in South Sudan can be traced back to the August 1955 Torit mutiny that heralded the beginning of armed rebellion in the Sudan. The i mperial regime was sympath etic toward the government of Sud principle and in fact, opposed to any kind of fragmentation of a national territory on the 1 Accordingly, with the outbreak of the rebellion a set of measures were taken. When the Sou th Sudan army mutinied in Juba in August 1955 the imperial government provided aircraft to transport northern troops to the area to suppress the rebellion. Similarly, prevent armed fugitives from coming in and to drive those who had already entered back to their arms to Uganda, Congo and Kenya. Those who came to settle in Ethiopia as refugees 2 The apparent cordial relations between Ethiopia and the U mma Party and military governments from mid 1956 to early 1964 led to their collaboration against southern Sudan rebels. This was particularly true during the govern ments of Sayid Abdulla Kahlil ( 1956 1 958) and even more so under Maj. Gen. Abboud (1958 1964). A set of agreements aimed at strengthening mutual economic and political/defense ties were signed at the time. The major ones were the Treaty of Brotherhood and Alliance (August 1957), the non ratified Trade and Commerce Agreement and the Cultural Agreement (Ja nuary 1960), and the Extradition Treaty ( March 1964 ) 3 To this end, Imperial Ethiopia pursued a policy of unconditional support of Sudanese regimes till late 1964. In January 1964, for example, soon after the beginning of the Anya Nya guerilla move ment, a Sudanese delegation came to Ethiopia and requested that when Sudanese troops undert ook mopping up operations in the coming months, Ethiopia should close her borders with the Sudan along the Nasir Pochalla line. In addition to sealing the border Et hiopia sent the governor of Gambella, Col. Lemma Gebre Maryam, to Khartoum. In company with high ranking Sudanese military officials, the colonel proceeded to the area

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| 37 of conflict and rendered his services in an advisory capacity in the mopping up operatio ns undertaken by Sudanese troops. 4 when, under the pretext of undertaking hot pursuit operations, Sudan ese government troops, aided by heavy artillery and military a ircraft, penetrated deep into Ethiopian territory and indiscriminately inflicted heavy damage upon the lives and property of Ethiopian nationals. Similarly, Ethiopia rejected the offer of assistance and service by the UN High Commissioner for Refugees in J une 1963 with respect to South Sudan refugees in its relations with the S 5 In spite of the above developments, Ethiopian authorities were increasingly becoming apprehensive of the South Sudan situation They were closely monitoring the establishment in exile of the Sudan African Closed Districts National Union (SACD NU), and the extensive campaign of its chief officers, J.H. Oduho (President) and William Deng (Secretary General), to bring Southern Sudanese grievances to the attention of the world by way of submitting memoranda to the UN, to the Pan African Freedom Mov ement of Eastern, Central and Southern Africa (PAFMECSA) and to African political associations. 6 A range of factors caused Ethiopia to monitor closely the situation in Southern Sudan. These included the 194 5 Fabian Colonial Bureau report ( The Sudan: The Road Ahead ) that came out strongly in favor of Southern Sudan as a separate entity from the north; the subsequent debate in the UN and widespread press coverage of the matter particularly after the summer of 1962; and the establishment in Britain of an unofficial organization called the consideration of the demands of Southern Sudan. In addition, the apprehension that the issue would be discussed in private an d/or public during the May 1963 OAU Summit contributed to the policy reorientation. More importantly, the deteriorating bilateral relations after the October 1964 popular e Sudan in general and the South in particular. With the termination of the federal arrangement in Eritrea (1962) afterwards, the shift in the Ethio Sudan political equation le d to the commencement of the latter entertaining secessionist elements particularly from Eritrea. Troubled and murky episodes started to emerge under the pro Egyptian and pro Arab governments of Sir Katim Khalifa (1964 1965), Ismail El Azhari (1965 1969), and Gen. Nimeiri (1969 1985). The call for reprisal measures against Sudan for its assistance to secessionist elements was intensifying within Ethiopia. The government of Katim Khalifa had officially announced its sympathy and support for the rebel groups, released all Eritrean prisoners and agreed to allow Eritrean Liberation Front ( ELF ) cadres freedom of movement in the Sudan. It had also facilitated the delivery of material and financial shipments from the Arab/Islam ic states in the Mi ddle East to the rebel groups in Eritrea. 7 A set of proposals outlined a list of measures to be taken. These ranged from approaching rebel groups in South Sudan to discreetly preparing the UMMA party for acts of sabotage within the north. The 1963 proposed plan of action, for example, considered the case of South Sudan as a

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38 | Yihun 8 occu rred in December 1963 following the request of the representative of the Kampala based Sudan African National Union (SANU the new version of SACDNU), William Deng, to the emperor for financial assistance. The fact that the 1964 Extradition Treaty re mained on paper, and more specifically Sudanese refugees demonstrated the imperial regime intentions goodwill mission to the Sudan that would disc uss the deteriorating relations (November 1964) authorized the delegation to imply that, unless the latter refrain ed from supporting Eritrean secessionist elements, thereby intervening in the internal affairs of the country, it would be obliged to respond in kind. 9 Accordingly, memos submitted to the emperor and the state minister for foreign affairs, Ketema Yifru, designed the aggressive policy that Ethiopia should assume in the process. This included sponsoring the South Sudan rebels through supply ing arms to the fighters and financial assistance to the leaders in their propaganda campaign within the continent and the wider world. The strategy stipulated the condition that Ethiopia could easily use the southern problem as a counter measu re against S udan if the latter w ould not desist from sponsoring the Eritrean rebels. 10 The contact with South Sudan factions became more frequent after 1965. In February, the secretary general of the Nairobi based Sudan African Freedom Fighters Union of Conservat ives (SAFFUC), Alphonse Malek Pajok, discussed a previously arranged plan him, f or he was mandated by the party, or by the president and chairman of SAFFUC, Dominic Muorwel. Pajok also requested urgent financial and military assistance as well as 11 The vice president of SANU, Ph ilip Pedak Lieth, similarly underlined the need to maintain friendship and cooperation between his faction and Ethiopia; and requested around five thousand arms to be secretly delivered via Gambella and financial assistance to the amount of US$ 120,000 Ped ak was invited to come to Ethiopia, and he convinced the Ethiopia. He was instructed to bring all the military and political leaders of his faction to Addis Ababa for implementation talks, which he did by June 1965. In addition, Ethiopia arranged for Pedak to meet higher officials of the OAU. In spite of the split within SANU and the subsequent creation of the Anya Nya Liberation Front (Azania) around June 1965, Ethiop ia decided to continue supporting the faction militarily and financially. 12 on the return of refugees in June 1965. Following the failure of the March 1965 Round Tab le Conference (RTC) sponsored by the central government and the subsequent escalation of the war in the south, Sudanese rulers issued a general amnesty declaration in June. Subsequently, they approached Ethiopia to repatriate all refugees currently present in its territories. The Ethiopian response was a categorical denial of the presence of southern 13 Nonetheless, the two countries managed temporarily to resolve the matte r after the July 1965 talks in Addis Ababa. In the Memorandum of Agreement that was signed, they agreed

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| 39 party or any foreign state or any other person or institut ion within its jurisdiction to engage in any type of activities that are harmful or designed to harm the national interests of the 14 Using the lull, the two parties exchanged the list of refugees cum rebels to be expelled; this, however, was n ot implemented. The accord between the two governments coincided with the internal political divide within SANU and its apparent weakness in 1966. Ethiopian authorities were troubled by the dismissal of Philip Pedak from his vice presidency in April decision to go to Khartoum for peace talks without prior consultation. The report prepared on the matter specially advised caution on the possibility that Pedak and his close allies were spies of the government of the Sudan. I n the meantime, Ethiopia was strengthening its contact with the Azania Liberation Front. In a letter addressed to the emperor, the faction representative in Congo, Akuot Atem de Mayen, appealed for secret aid in arms that could be channeled through its b ranch office in Addis Ababa. 15 300,000 ) in its territory and its appeal to the UN High Commission for Refugees for assistance since March 1967 (which Ethiopia considered was an intentional act to internationalize the cause government of Sudan and the UN, the former had received funding to the amount of 1,000,000 dollars for 1967 and 2,1 rule of reciprocity guiding the conduct between the two countries had for long angered the imperial government. As a result, a policy directive was issued whereby Ethiopia would publicize the is sue of around twenty thousand South Sudanese refugees in its territory and seek assistance from the international community. The ministry of interior was instructed to prepare their list and gather them in refugee camps along the Ethio Sudanese border. 16 Following the executive decision regarding reprisal measures against Sudan, Ethiopia intensified its assistance to South Sudan rebels. The nature of support was so visible that the embassy of Sudan could easily trace the activities of prominent rebel l eaders, including Philip Pedak, Steven Lam and David Goak. These included the attack they launched on Pochalla and Tedo districts from their bases in Gambella and the involvement of the embassy of Israel and British journalist s in the process. The response of the Ethiopian M inistry of Foreign Affairs the other party. It claimed of not knowing the whereabouts of Pedak and his friends requested the copy of The Daily Telegraph in which the British journalists published malicious anti Sudan propaganda and Tedo emanating from inside Ethiopian territory. 17 engthened after the May 1969 coup that brought Nimeiri to power and the status of first rate enemy was accorded to Sudan soon afterwards. A range of measures taken by Ethiopia facilitated t he clandestine mission of the rebels. These included the establishm ent in 1969/70 of Gambella refugee camps for about twenty thousand South Sudanese; the UN aid Ethiopia secured (not only for the period stated above, but the back payment to the amount of one million US dollars for earlier dates); and the creation of provi sional secretariat for South Sudan refugees that would coordinate security issues and aid distribution. 18 Through a joint Ethio Israeli venture, selected South Sudanese refugees were sent to Israel for special military training. After completion, they were deployed into South Sudan via the Gambella refugee camps. On one occasion, for example, the government of Sudan discovered the presence in the refugee camps of ten returnees Ethiopian officials had to

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40 | Yihun relocate them before the joint investigation com mittee arrived in the designated area. The fact that the Sudanese side knew about the presence of Israeli trainers in rebel training camps inside Ethiopia and rebel held Sudan and that they found out about the military operation plans that designated May 1971 as the starting date of a general attack against government forces made the Ethiopian authorities equally nervous. 19 The November 1970 military incursions of Sudan into the Akobo district (Gambella) under the pretext of hot pursuit of the rebels further aggravated the situation. Outraged by the resulting attacks on its nationals, the imperial government sanctioned the deployment of a special army unit to secure the frontier region in addition to issuing a formal diplomatic protest The Ansar revo lt of 1969/70 and the intensification of southern rebel military considered as synchronized measures target ing the Nimeiri regime. The truce the two countries made fo llowing the March 1971 agreement and the reciprocal state visits of Nimeiri and Hayla Selassie, in November 1971 and January 1972, respectively, temporarily cooled tension s 20 The Addis Ababa Accord of March 1972 between the Nimeiri government and the Anya Nya, also known as the South Sudan Liberation Movement (SSLM), has to be viewed within pressure on the negotiating parties. In this regard, Emperor Hayla Selas diplomacy deserves special credit. The Ethiopian sovereign employed his aura and the respect he enjoyed within African circles (as was manifested during the mediation efforts of the Algeria Morocco boundary conflict of 1964 and the Nigerian Civil War of 1969). The emperor particularly the World Council of Churches, the All African Council of Churches and the Sudan Council of Churches. 21 A part from the presence of For eign M inister Menasie Haile and respresentative Nebiye in the formal procedures and the emperor on the occasion of the signing of the agreement, together with the separate audience he gave the two sides, however, Ethiop Hayla Selassie had arranged for the peace deal beforehand, the talking points prepared for the state visits did not in any way refer to the upcoming negotiation. The premonition that the semi a utonomous arrangement between north and south Sudan might reflect negatively the emperor and his government from taking an active part in the negotiation proces s. One the national unity of the Sudan, comparable to its contributions to the independence of that country and the 1958 mediation role in the boundary conflict be tween Egypt and the Sudan. 22 Within two years of the signing of the Addis Ababa Accord, signs started to emerge indicating the crumbling of the deal. According to Ethiopian authorities, the continuing backwardness of the south, the indifference of the central government at a time of massive flooding the disarmament of the South Sudan Liberation Army (SSLA) army without integration into the national force as was promised by the 1972 Accord, the unilateral benefit reaped by SSLM leaders like Joseph Lagu in the process and the rejection of the Addis Ababa agreement by some rebel factions in the South were among the reasons for the ineffectiveness of the accord.

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| 41 The reaction in the south against the joint Egyptian Sudanese plan to construct the Jon glei Canal in October 1974 was considered by the Ethiopian side as the immediate cause for the bloody student uprising in Juba (14 16 October 1974) and the army mutiny in Akobo, Upper Nile State (March 1975). The harsh reprisal measures of the central gove rnmen t against the mutinous Anya Nya and the subsequent mass exodus into Ethiopia revived the old tension between the two countries. 23 considered by the government of Sudan as an act intended to international ize the incident. The February 1976 mutiny in the town of Wau (Bahr al Gazel), the assassination of northern officers and the subsequent desertion of one hundred fifty South Sudanese members of the army was, according to Ethiopian sources, the turn ing point in the relation between the north and the south. Simultaneously, the growing association between Sudan and Egypt as was manifested by the Mutual Defense Agreement (July 1976), the deployment of huge Sudanese military force along its frontiers wit h Ethiopia and the increasing bilateral relations between the two countries. 24 The Derg and South Sudan The conflict between Ethiopia and Sudan first flared up following the antagonistic stance that rebels and the Ethiopian government together with his integration plan with Egypt alarmed members of the Derg. Soon afterwards, Nimeiri started to court, train and arm anti revolutionary Nine Point Peace Initia tive on Eritrea (issued in May 1976) assistance. In addition he launched an intensive propaganda campaign via the state media Radio Omdurman. 25 The Derg started to organize politically South Sudanese refugees in Gambella and Addis Ababa as early as April 1975. But no meaningful operation was planned and staged for the coming couple of years. 26 The Ethio Sudan rapprochement from the late 1970s to the early 1980s seemingly contributed to the lack of joint ventures with southern r ebels. F ollowing the decline of friendly relations between the two governments, h owever, Ethiopia continued openly to from the mid 1980s on. In fact, it had a role in the creation o f the Movement in June 1983 and significantly contributed towards its crystallization thereafter. Under the general supervision of the Ministry of Defense, Ethiopia rendered material, financial an d moral assistance to what it du ect trained the military wing of the Movement, fully equipped it and supervised military operations conducted in Sudan. 27 Ethiopian officials equally monitored the propaganda campaign of SPLM/A. In a bid to pressur ar position in relation to its contact with Eritrean rebels, the policy of SPLM was designed to emphasize its commitment towards the national unity of Sudan. Through such assistance, the rebels managed to stage an all front attack on arly1984, to the delight of Ethiopian officials, SPLA intensified its attacks and managed to disrupt crucial projects like the construction of the Jonglei Canal invo lvement in the conflict increased. The growing presence of the US in the Sudan and the commitment of the Re agan A

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42 | Yihun permission to allow the form er to use its air o intensify its assistance to SPLA. 28 was the alarm felt at the discovery of Col. John Garang and his followers while they were in Addis Ababa in March 1984 talks with a SPLM/A splinter group, Anya Nya 2, in October of the same year and the establishment of a Peace Committee (with thirty members both from north and south) in March 1985. The assurance that came from its embassy in Khartoum dismissing the latter measures as insignificant and as acts of desperation on the part of Nimeiri came as a relief to the officials. Ethiopia thereafter increased its involvement in the south. It commenced an open propaganda mi ssion through Radio Ethiopia in support of the rebels and contributed its share in the release of West German, French and Swiss nationals kidnapped by the SPLA. 29 The downfall of the Nimeiri regime in April 1985, however, failed to alter the equation of rulers for rapprochement talks and proposed the immediate reactivation of all joint ministerial commissions. The vice chairman of the Tr failure to take its own steps to set right their troubled relations. The foreign affairs division of the central committee of the Ethiopian Workers Party (EWP) came out with a strong response to this accusation. Ethiopia insisted that the above measures were futile unless Sudan took the initiative to set the record straight and revise its anti Ethiopian position (i.e., recognition of the cause of Eritrean secessionists). Sudan was requested to initiate policy lines to this effect as well as fully implement them in order to resolve the existing problem between the two. 30 The military solution the TMC preferred to solve the South Sudan problem and the anti SPLM/A rally in Khartoum, allegedly co sponsored by the TMC and the National Islamic Front (NIF) in a bid to isolate the former and its supporters in the north as w ell as to bolster the morale of the disillusioned national army, were indicative of the upcoming relation between Ethiopia and the Sudan. The establishment by the TMC (October 1985) of the Ministerial Committee on Southern Sudan that would organize a natio nal reconciliation conference on Southern Sudan, as a result, was interpreted among Ethiopian circles as a futile gesture. 31 Likewise, the January 1986 proposal of Sadiq al Mahdi, head of the UMMA party, to the government of Ethiopia to amend the trou bled relations and enter into dialogue with SPLM/A was dismissed as political manipulation on the part of the former in light of the upcoming general elections in April. In the mean time, Ethiopia intensified its logistic and propaganda assistance to SPLA, its planes parachuting deliveries and conducting air surveillance deep inside southern Sudan. 32 Regarding the reconciliation talks, relatively better attention was given to the initiative of the National Alliance for Dialogue with SPLM/A with the aim of negotiating a ceasefire in the civil war ahead of the April elections. The delegation of aro und twenty members assembled from various northern parties was allowed to come to Ethiopia for the talks scheduled for mid March 1986. Ambassador Yelma Tadese, Acting Foreign Minister, heralded the beginning of the Koka Dam Talks (19 24 March), named aft er the lakeside resort where they were held After applauding the first formal meeting between the

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| 43 representatives of SPLM/A and the National Alliance for the Salvation of Sudan, Ambassador Yelma went on recounting the essence of the occasion: The gatherin g is historic in that it brings together the popular and patriotic forces of the Sudan who had the courage not only to resist the now defunct regime of Gaafar Nimeiri but also to go beyond and challenge that dictatorial and oppressive system to the very en d. Some had no option but to take up regime while others had to resort to tactics of protest in order to paralyze and dismantle the machineries of the Government presided over by Gaafar Nimeiri. One fact is clear to us here that without the courageous, combined and selfless struggle of the popular and democratic forces in the Sudan, its people would no doubt have continued to languish in deprivation and instability and our region would also have continued to suffer from the absence of peace and harmony therein 33 T he Koka Dam Meeting got off to a poor start however, when Col. Garang questioned the credentials of the informal alliance to negotiate such a deal, and accused the government of Gen. Abdul Rahman Swar al Dahab of escalating the fighting in the south to coincide with the talks. The rebel leader presented conditions to be met for the meeting and any future reconciliation talks to succeed. These included terms that the leadership in Khartoum, present and future, should recognize that the SPLM rebellion was not a southern problem but a national one that it lift the current state of emergency ah ead of any talks on a ceasefire, and that it repeal all defense agreements wi th foreign nations. The remaining two conditions demanded the abrogation of the Islamic Sharia laws introduced under Nimeiri and that the TMC led by Gen. Dahab commit itself to the convening of a national constitutional conference prior to relinquis hing power. When Sudan was supporting the Eritreans, thank you for the inf the genesis of the SPLM insurgency, Garang again elusively denied any involvement on the part of Ethiopia at any level in the evolution of the movement. On the other hand, the inclusion in the SPLM delegation of Dr. Mansur Kahlid ( a prominent northern politician and former member of the Nimeiri cabinet) angered members of the National Alliance, resulting Revolutionary Committee. 34 In sp ite of the murky start, the negotiating parties, the SPLM and the National Alliance for Salvation (NAS), agreed to hold a constitutional conference in Khartoum the following June and formed a follow up committee that would oversee matters un til the confere nce took place The ir joint communiqu called on the political forces and the TMC to take into consideration that the objective of the constitutional conference was to discuss the main problems of the Sudan and not the so called southern problem. The SPLM/ A, in return, agreed that even though it would not contest in the upcoming general election it would recognize the government to be electe d and continue the reconciliation talks afterwa rd 35 Ethiopian authorities deemed the occasion historic and a huge succ ess irrespective of the mixed reaction it faced among the leading political parties in Sudan. Particularly, the confused position displayed by the UMMA party, which was the major proponent of the

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44 | Yihun Koka declaration but chose to assume a nonchalant position i n its official statements afterwards, was considered typical of Sudanese unpredictability. 36 general election and the talks between Prime Minister Sadiq al Mahdi and Col. Garang in April and July 1986 were perceived by Ethiopian officials as constructive steps to resolve the civil war. The al Mahdi government dispatched successive delegations to the region as well as other parts of the continent and the world in an effort to find a peaceful solution to the conflict. One document reveals that in all of these missions, Ethiopia was referred to as the prominent actor in the civil war and that al not accept its involvement in the negotiation process. This was interpreted as a strategy to isolate Ethiopia and wrench Col. Garang from support to SPLA in its drive to control the territories of the south vis vis the growing military missions of the central government was intensified. The resultant conflict between the two countries continued to further afflict their relations so much that Sudan decided to recall its ambassador in November 1986. 37 In the face of the growing discord between the two governments, the Ethi opian side a pparently preferred pressuring the SPLM/A into continuing its dialogue with the National Alliance for Salvation ( NAS ) on the proposed constitutional conference. The attempt on the part of Sudan to drag President Mubarak of Egypt into the confli foreign minister, Sharif Zein al isgusted over the recent Ethiopian violations taking into consideration that the strategic threat of rebellion in Southern Sudan 38 In April 1987 Sudan took the initiative to mend its troubled relations with Ethiopia and proposed a set of measures to be taken by both sides. The proposal, among others, required that the two assert their respect for the unit y and sovereignty of each other and abide by the principle of non respective of its assurance for its offensive towards the towns of Akobo and Kurmuk in Upper Nile region. In July 1987 Sudanese authorities again extended their readine ss for peace talks with Ethiopia through their ambassador in Nairobi. In particular, they proposed face to face talks between Mengistu and al Mahdi. 39 In September, the SPLM/A leader expressed his readiness for a ceasefire and rec onciliation talks if the Sudanese government showed a willingness to implement the Koka Declaration of March 1986. The Ethiopian government similarly agreed to facilitate a meeting between the two leaders during an upcoming OAU summit in Addis Ababa in Oct ober. Mengistu and al Mahdi met for the first time in Kampala, Uganda, on the sidelines of the East and Central African Countries Preferential Trade Area (PTA) summit conference. could easily lead to war between them and decided to focus on peaceful means to resolve their differences and to contain the problems that confront ed them on their common borders. The two leaders also entrusted the Joint Ministerial Committee with the ta sk of identifying the root cause of the existing problems between Ethiopia and Sudan and recommending solutions. 40 In the meantime, the effort to reconcile SPLM/A and Anya Nya II in a meeting held in Gambella in mid November 1987 had failed, allegedly preconditions, including the merger of the two movements under the leadership o f John

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| 45 Garang. The intense battle between the SPLA and the central army in early December 1987 and the alleged involvement of Ethiopia (and Cuba) on the side of the SPLA continued to mar the possibility of restoration of good relations between the two countries. 41 In spite of the above setbacks, the leaders of the two countries again met in Djibouti on 22 March 1988 during the second summit of the In ter Governmental Authority on Drought and Development (IGADD). Even if no substantial agreement was concluded, the fact that they did manage to affirm their commitment towards peaceful coexistence and to exchange views on possible items that could be inclu ded in the agenda of the next meeting (scheduled to be held in Addis Ababa in April) was considered promising. 42 peace effort to solve the civil war in the south, as was demonstrated by the Harare and Nairobi missions (February 1988), and even more significantly the shuttle diplomacy of Gen. Obasanjo and Francis Deng (March 198 8) were not accepted by Ethiopian officials. The Harare inter governmental forum on African problems, in its discussion on Sudan, failed to bring about any result other than urging the warring parties to find immediate peaceful solution to the confl ict and facilitate the efforts of Obasanjo and Deng. Rather, the occasion was exploited by the warring parties to propagate their political agenda; as was demonstrated by the composition of their carefully assembled delegation. The SPLM/A was represented b y Mansur Khalid, a northern Muslim and a high level official during the Nimeiri regime, while the central government chose the southern Christian, Mathew Obur. 43 Ethiopia particularly rejected the mediation efforts of Obasanjo and Deng based on a numb er of considerations. First, the initiative was originally forwarded by the Woodrow Wilson Center (which Ethiopia considered was a CIA affiliate) with the aim of resolving the crisis in the Sudan independent of the secessionist struggle in Northern Ethiopi a. Obasanjo confided to Ethiopian diplomats that the purpose of his mission was to personally reconcile Garang and al Mahdi. Thus the authorities perceived the effort to be detrimental to Ethiopia national interests. Second, the selection of Deng itself was not accepted. According to the document, during the Freetown Talks of December 1977, for example, argued that Ethiopia should not use the case of Southern Su dan to resolve the war in Eritrea. The Ethiopian side in turn claimed that he was a CIA operative disguised under his current position as a research associate at the Wilson Center. As a counter measure, Ethiopia hosted a meeting in Addis Ababa between the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) and SPLM/A from18 to 20 August 1988. The DUP was represented by its deputy secretary general, Sayid Ahmed el Hussein, and the SPLM/A by Dr. Lam Akol Ajawin, alternate member of the political military high command. Discus sions were held on Sudan problem) and possible practical solutions to push forward the peace process. They agreed to arrange a meeting in the near future between Sayid M ohamed Osman el Mirghani, the patron of the DUP, and Dr. John Garang. 44 The meeting took place in a cordial atmosphere in Addis Ababa in November 1988. Ethiopian officials were delighted and, to the dismay of religious hard liners in Sudan both parties deemed the occasion a success. They signed an agreement the Sudanese Peace Initiative which include d terms like the convocation of the proposed constitutional conference and all the related articles of the September 1983 laws, cancellation of military a greements signed between Sudanese governments and other countries, lifting the state of emergency and imposition of a ceasefire between the warring sides in the south.

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46 | Yihun Irrespective of the opposition the agreement met from the National Islamic Front (NIF) and other hardliners, Ethiopia continued to pressur e Sudanese officials, including the UMMA leader and Prime Minister, al Mahdi, into adopting it. 45 A high level delegation led by Fekre Selassie Wegderes, the prime minister, was dispatched to Khartoum in a bid to further capitalize on the positive developments. The Sudanese premier promised to convince the Eritrean rebels to open dialogue with the delegation without any precondition and requested an audience for a high level Sudanese delegation with Me ngistu and Garang regarding the designated constitutional conference to be conducted well before December 1988. The response given tacitly declined arranging any contact with the Ethiopian leader and Garang, apparently to pressur e the Sudan ese side into fu lly committing to the reconciliation process. 46 The latter were fully disadvantaged following the withdrawal of the DUP from the coalition government in late December and the growing political isolation it subsequently faced. The prime minister confid accept the Addis Ababa Agreement (Sudanese Peace Initiative) of November 1988 as well as the commitment to convene all Eritrean factions for peace talks under the principle of l unity. According to al Mahdi, all of them accepted the proposal except Isaias Afwerki, the Eritrean Peoples Liberation Front ( EPLF ) leader T he Sudanese premier promised to take strong measures against him and his faction unless he accepted the offer imm ediately. Al Fadil al Mahdi, reaffirmed these points in his meeting with Mengistu and the Ethiopian foreign minister in early January 1989. 47 The intensification by the SPLA of its military offensive and its apparent success in controlling strategic towns such as Nasser around January 1989, however, distracted the two states from the positive course of reconciliation. Soon, the Sudanese side resumed its accusation of Ethiopia regarding its involvement in the civil war and meddling in party politics, particularly in favor of the DUP. The Ethiopian side, however, continued to host reconciliation talks among the Sudanese parties. In early February, for examp le, it organized the Ambo consultative conference composed of the SPLM/A as well as academics and intellectuals drawn from the northern part of the country. This conference ended up calling for the convocation of a constitutional conference, observance of immediate ceasefire and justice and equality for all the people of the country. 48 Ethiopia hosted yet another peace talks between the Peace Ministerial Committee of the central government and the SPLM/A in Addis Ababa (10 1 1 June 1989). The major obje ctive 49 In a parallel development, Prime Minister Fekre Selassie Wegderes visited Sudan in June 1989 A fterward, the two countries strove to improve their relations. As was always the case in the region, the new regime of Omar Hassan al Bashir (June 1989) pushed towards an immediate resolution of the common problems in Ethio Sudan relations. The two leaders met for the first time during the 2 5 th OAU Summit in Addis Ababa and decided to negotiate immediately with all the rebel groups in their territories. The letters they exchanged showed their eagerness for such an undertaking in the near future. 50 Nevertheless, they soon returned to the old practice of destabilization missions as the the unsuccessful efforts of the steering peace committee he established failed to convince the Ethiopian side. Rather, the latter perceived them as a deceptive strategy designed to camouflage the opening of comprehensive military missions against the SPLM/A and the

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| 47 understanding was the intensification of SPLA military attacks on the army of the central government. One intelligence report, for example, requested the destruction of the vital bridge leading to Juba town; and instruction for the immediate execution of the mission was passed to concerned Ethiopian authorities. 51 The customary accusations started to flare up from both sides. To the frustration of the Ethiopian authorities, though, Sudan resorted to its original claim that the problem in Eritrea was different from t he one in their southern region Ethiopia began to indifferently follow up the US sponsored mediation talks between the SPLM/A and the central government held in Nairobi from 30 November to 5 December 1989. The fact that the two parties failed to reach a c onsensus on most of the talking points must have come as a relief to over was conveyed to Al Bashir on December 1989, and the latter at the same time condemned s involvement in the SPLA offensive that ended up capturing the strategic town of Kurmuk. 52 In the following years, till the fall of the military regime in Ethiopia (May 1991), relations between the two countries remained at their lowest level. They continu ed to Conclusion The imperial regime and the Derg mostly felt that their counterparts in the Sudan were intent on destabilizing Ethiopia and were readily cooperating with forces having a similar agenda. Suda government forces remained the central points of disagreement between the two countries. The understanding that the Sudanese regimes willingly avail ed their services to the traditional enemies of Ethiopia in North Africa and the Middle East further aggravated the situation. In a bid to appease Sudanese rulers and to discourage their negative activities, the imperial regime went as far as collaborating in the mopping up missions of South Sudanese rebels. The Derg equally sought the mediation role of the Nimeiri regime, which it believed was one of the major sponsors of Eritrean rebels. t support of the Eritrean rebels, the two successive regimes engaged in ac Apart from labeling the Sudan the number one enemy of the state, the imperial regime went by way of giving unconditional support to the SPLM/A. The end result was the chronic internal turmoil in the two countries and their ultimate partial disintegration, as was witnessed by the birth of the states of Eritrea and South Sudan. In retrospect, wh at has happened in the region, specifically, the independ ence of Eritrea and South Sudan ( May 1991 and July 2011 respectively) was in part the result of this extended conflict and had the blessing of the two states. Notes 1 Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Folder Number: Sudan, File Number: 36 D2 (Hear afterwards, MoFA Sudan 36 D2). Memorandum to Sudan: 19 April 1967. See also Poggo 2009, pp. 40 47. 2 MoFA Sudan 29 D2 5. Report on the Realities of South Sudan: 3 F ebruary 1963. MoFA

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48 | Yihun Sudan 36 D2. Memorandum to Sudan: 19 April 1967. For the nature of Sudanese regimes in this period and their policy towards the South see Poggo 2002, pp. 67 101. 3 MoFA Sudan 26 D2 11. Treaty of Brotherhood and Alliance: 1 August 19 57 and the Cultural Agreement of 6 February 1960. MoFA Sudan 1 B and Sudan 26 D2 11. Extradition Agreement of 29 March 1964. 4 MoFA Sudan 36 D2. Memorandum to Sudan: 19 April 1967. 5 Ibid Felix Schnyder (High Commissioner for Refugees) to MoFA : 27 June 1963; Berhanu Bahta (Director General, MoFA) to Felix Schnyder: 8 July 1963. 6 MoFA Sudan 29 D2 5. Report on the Realities of South Sudan: 3 February 1963. See also Poggo 2009, pp. 113 19. 7 MoFA Ertra 68 he Eritrean Rebel groups. Dej. Kefle Ergetu (Chief of Public Security) to the Emperor: 18 & 20 January and 12 April 1965; MoFA Sudan 28 D2 130. Memo to Ketema Yifru (Foreign Minister) on Rebel Activities in the Sudan: 24 April 1965. 8 MoFA Sudan 28 D2 148. Proposed Plan of Action Against Sudan and Somalia: 1955 E.C (1962); William Deng to Emperor Hayla Selassie: 16 December 1963. Hamid 1986, pp. 165 17 6. See also Voll 1985, pp. 138 41. 9 MoFA Sudan 28 D2 1. Memo on Ethio Sudan Relations and Ethio Measures: 8 December 1964; Talking Points Prepared by Sudan: November 1964. 10 MoFA Sudan 29 D2 4. Memo to the Emperor on Ethio Sudan Relations: November 1964. MoFA Sudan 28 D2 1. Memo to Ketema on Possible Counter Measures against Sudan: 5 April 1965. 11 MoFA Sudan 28 D2 112. Alphonse Malek Pajok (SAFFUC Secretary General) to Ketema: 2 February 1965. 12 Ibid Philip Pedak Lieth to Ketema: 5 April 1965. Memo to Ketema on relations with SANU : 17 June 1965; Memo to Ketema on SANU: 28 June 1965; Memo to Ketema on Helping SANU: 30 June 1965. 13 Ibid Memo Regarding Talks with Sudan official on South Sudan Refugees in Ethiopia: 30 June 1965. The RTC had played its role in the split of SANU, f or some southern politicians like Philip Pedak had succumbed to the ploy of the government. See below. 14 MoFA Sudan 38 D2.Record of Agreements, Meetings and Communiqus. Joint Communiqu: 28 July 1965; Memorandum of Agreement between the Government s of Sudan and Ethiopia: 28 July 1965. MoFA Sudan 34 D2. Instructions Limiting the Actions of South Sudan Refugees in Ethiopia: 10 March 1966. 15 MoFA Sudan 29 D2 5. Report on the Leaders of SANU: 29 July 1966. MoFA Sudan 28 D2 180. Akuot Atem de M ayen to Hayla Selassie: 17 November 1966. 16 MoFA Sudan 28 D2 1. Memo on actions to be taken against Sudan: 27 December 1966. 17 MoFA Sudan 28 D2 129. Intelligence Report from Within Sudan Embassy: 15 June 1968. MoFA Sudan 23 Involvement in South Sudan: 25 June 1968. 18 MoFA Sudan 27 D2 teraz [archive] 2. Memo on South Sudan rebels: 29 October 1969; Report on D 2 teraz 1. Aid Plan for South Sudan Refugees in Gambella: 6 November 1970). MoFA S udan 27 D2 teraz 5. Report on South Sudan Rebels in Ethiopia: 10 April 1970. See also Poggo 2009, pp. 155 61.

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| 49 19 MoFA Sudan 26 D2. Ketema Yifru to Bitweded Zewde Gebre Heywot: 1 August 1970. Also see Johnson 2003, pp. 36 37. MoFA Sudan 27 20 MoFA ye etiyo sudan wesen guday [Ethio Sudanese boundary affa ir] 3 285. Ke tema to Maj. Gen. Yelma Shibeshi (Commander of the P olice Force): 10 January 1971. MoFA Sudan 29 D2 2. Memo on E thio Sudan Relations: September 1971. 21 Regassa 2010, pp. 100 08. Badal 1972. Informant: Ambassador Berhanu Dinqa. 22 MoFA ye etiyo sudan wesen guday 1 teraz 1. Report on Ethio Sudan Relations: 18 October 1982. MoFA Sudan 29 D2 4. Memo to the Emperor on Ethio Sudan Relations: September 1971. MoFA Sudan 29 D2 6. Talking points with Nimeiri on his Visit to Addis Ababa: September 1971 Regassa 2010, pp. 100 108; Wai 1981, p. 154; Alier 2003, pp. 91 95, 106 108, 113 114.; Deng 1991, pp. 24 31; Poggo 2009, pp. 184 192. 23 MoFA Sudan 24 D2 23. Memo on Sudan Political Situation: 1967 E.C (1975). MoFA ye sudan teqawami hayloch [oppos ition power] 1 teraz 1. Ambassador Yelma Tadese (Khartoum) to Kefle Wodajo (Minister of Foreign Affairs). On Crumbling Pease Deal: 21 February 1976. See also Wakoson 1989, pp. 8 18; Johnson 2003, pp. 39 50.MoFA etiyo sudan 3 teraz 1. Taye Reta (Mini stry of Interior, Director of Border Administration Division) to MoFA. On S sudan teqawami hayloch 1 teraz 1. Taye Reta to UN High Commission for Refugees: 7 July 1975; Asfaw Legese (Assistant Min ister, MoFA) to Ministry of Interior. On Sudan Government Statement on South Sudan Refugees: 11 July 1975. 24 MoFA ye sudan teqawami hayloch 1 teraz 1. Ambassador Yelma Tadese (Khartoum) to Kefle Wodajo (Minister of Foreign Affairs). On Crumbling Pease Deal: 21 February 1976; Ambassador Yelma to Kefle: 15 April 1976. MoFA Sudan 31 D2 5. Report on Ethio Sudan Relations: 26 April 1977. MoFA Sudan 31 D2 4. Brief Memorandum on the Ethio Sudan Conflict : 2 December 1977. MoFA ye etiyo sudan genegunet [relationship] 3 teraz 1. Study Report on Ethiopia and i ts Neighbors: 19 October 1979. 25 MoFA Sudan 24 Regarding the Eritrean Situation, 27 May 1975; MoFA etiyo sudan wesen [boundary] 3 March 1976. A lso Erlich 2012, 107 115. MoFA ye etiyo sudan ye wesen guday 1 teraz 1. Ambassador Yelma Tadese (Khartoum) to Tibebu Beqele (Permanent Representative of the Derg in MoFA). Study Report on Ethio Sudan Relations: 18 October 1982. 26 MoFA Sudan 31 D2 2. Ambassador Yelma to Col. Telahun Sahele (Head, Public Security Department): 6 June 1979; Col. Telahun Sahele to Lt. Col. Habte Maryam Seyoum (Head, Border Administration Division, Ministry of Interior): 25 June 1979. 27 Ragassa, 120 25, 120 126, 144. MoFA ye sudan teqawami hayloch 1 teraz 2. Telegram on (Tripoli) to Goshu: 8 February 1985. See also Metelits 2004, pp. 65 82; Ronen 2002, pp. 103 26; Igga 2008, p. 19; Shimanyula 2005, pp. 15 20, 34; Malok 2009, p. 143; Gibia 2008, pp. 12 27; Johns on 1998, pp. 53 72; Johnson 2003, pp. 60 65. 28 MoFA ye sudan teqawami hayloch 1 teraz 1. Wendwesen Habte Selassie (Charge de Affairs, Sudan) to African and Middle East Directorate (MoFA): 9 March 1984. See also Field 2000, 7. MoFA ye sudan teqawami hayloch 1 teraz 2. Ambassador Yelma (Khartoum) to Goshu Wolde (Minister of Foreign Affairs). On SPLM/A Appeal to the

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50 | Yihun People of Sudan and Its Political Program: 15 February 1984; Report on Proposed US Military Support to Sudan: 6 March 1984; Report on US Offer to Solve the Conflict in Sudan: 7 March 1984. Also see Akol 2009, pp. 16 21. 29 MoFA ye sudan teqawami hayloch 1 teraz 2. Ambassador Yelma to Goshu Wolde: 29 March 1984; Ambassador Yelma (Director, African and Middle East Directorate) to Selassie (Charge de Affairs, Khartoum) to African and Middle East Directorate: 2 November and 14 December 1984; Analysis Report on the Sudan Peace Committee: 21 March 1985; Report on W est German Hostages Hijacked by SPLA: 9 March 1984; West German Embassy to MoFA on its Citizens Hijacked by SPLA: 1 June 1984; Complaint from the Government SPLM/A Propaganda: 1 November 1984; Engeda Gebre Medhen (Charge de Affairs, Paris) to Tibebu Beqele (MoFA). On French Citizens Hijacked by SPLA: 15 November 1984. Ambassador Yelma (African Directorate) to Ambassador Kassa Kebede (Genve). On Freed Swiss Nationals: 8 February 1985. 30 MoFA ye etiyo sudan ye wese n guday 1 teraz 1. Getachew (Charge de Affairs, Khartoum) to Yelma Tadese (MoFA): 29 July 1985; Yelma to Getachew (Khartoum). On 1985. MoFA ye etiyo sudan genegunet 3 teraz 2. Embassy of Sudan to MoFA: 1 August 1985; Foreign Affairs Section of the EWP to MoFA. On Response to the Government of Sudan and Measures to be taken: 13 August 1985; Ambassador Yelma to Wendwesen (Khartoum): 19 August 1985. 31 MoFA ye su dan teqawami hayloch 1 teraz 2. Analysis Reports on Anti SPLM/A Policy of the TMC and the Mass Rally in Khartoum: 20 and 23 September 1985; Wendwesen (Khartoum) to African Directorate: 25 October 1985. 32 MoFA ye etiyo sudan genegunet 3 teraz 2. Wendwe sen (Khartoum) to Goshu. On His Talk with al Mahdi: 24 January 1986. MoFA ye sudan teqawami hayloch 1 teraz 3. On Helping SPLM/A: 26 March 1986. 33 Ibid. Ambassador Y Nayo was a local Sudanese rendition of the May Revolution that brought Nimeiri to power in 1969. Informant: Ambassador Yelma Tadese. 34 Ibid Yelma (Acting Foreign Minister) to Wendwesen (Khartoum): 21 March 1986. 35 Ibid SPLM NAS Joint Communiqu: 26 March 1986; Ambassador Yelma (Acting Foreign Minister) to Wendwes en (Khartoum): 27 March 1986. 36 Ibid Getachew Yesuf (Charge de Affairs, Khartoum) to Ambassador Yelma: 6 April 1986; Ambassador Yelma to Getachew Yesuf (Khartoum): 12 April 1986. Also see Akol 2009, pp. 54 58; Bechtold 1991, pp. 14 15. 37 MoFA ye etiyo 26 November 1986. MoFA ye sudan teqawami hayloch 1 teraz 4. Report on the New Military Assault by Sudanese Government: 13 November & 5 December 1986); Ambassador Yelma to Ethiopian Accusation of Helping SPLM/A and Not Wanting to participate in the Peace Process: 10 December 1986.

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| 51 38 African Directorate: 25 Dec For the ongoing peace initiatives see Malwal 1994, pp. 90 104; Gurdon 1994, pp. 105 114; Wai 1982, pp. 20 30. 39 MoFA ye etiyo sudan genegunet 3 teraz 2. Sudan MoFA to Embassy of Ethiopia: 11 April 1987; Andargachew Abegaz (Charge de Affairs, Khartoum) to African Directorate: Mahdi: 5 May sudan teqawami hayloch 1 teraz 4. Reports on the Escalating SPLA Offensive and and 7 May 1987 and 26 June 1987. 40 Reconciliation Offer : 27 September 1987. MoFA ye etiyo sudan genegunet 3 teraz 2. Telegram on the Intended Meeting: 22 September 1987; Reports on Kampala Talks between Mengistu and al Mahdi: 4 & 6 December 1987. 41 MoFA ye sudan teqawami hayloch 1 teraz 4. Telegram on th e Gambella Talks: 22 November 1987; Telegrams and Reports on the Battle of Kurmuk: 11, 13, 17, 19 & 21 December 1987. 42 MoFA IGADD 1 teraz 4. Joint Press Release on the Djibouti Talks: 22 March 1988; MoFA to Ethiopian Embassies: 24 March 1988. 43 MoFA ye sudan teqawami hayloch 2 teraz 5. Analysis Reports on the Harare Conference and the Mediation Efforts of Obasanjo and Deng: 25 March 1988. 44 Ibid Joint Statement: 20 August 1988. Akol 200 9, pp. 119 21. 45 Ibid Report on the Addis Ababa Meeti ng: 12 November 1988; Telegrams from Ethio Embassy (Khartoum) to MoFA: 14 & 15 November 1988; Ambassador Brig. Gen. Feleqe Tabor (Khartoum) to Berhanu Bayeh: 22, 23 & 25 November 1988; 22 December 1988. See also Akol 2009, pp. 128 124. 46 Ibid Alemayehu (MoFA) to Ambassador Feleqe (Khartoum): 9 December 1988; Ambassador Feleqe to Berhanu Bayeh: 9 December 1988; Alemayehu (MoFA) to Ambassador Feleqe (Khartoum): 11 December 1988; Ambassador Feleqe to Berhanu Bayeh: 27 December 1988. 47 Ibid Ambassador Feleqe to Berhanu Bayeh. Report on Talk with Al Mahdi: 13 January 1989. MoFA ye etiyo sudan genegunet 3 teraz 2. Report on Points Raised during Fadil al 89. 48 of Meddling in its party Politics: 4 February 1989; Ambassador Feleqe (Khartoum) to February 1989; MoFA to All Ethiopian Embassies: 9 and 10 February 1989. See Also Nyaba 1997. 49 Ibid On the June 1989 Addis Ababa Meeting: 19 June 1989. 50 Ibid On Feqre sudan genegunet 3 teraz 2. Mengistu to Bashir: 12 August 1989; Ambassador Feleqe (Khartoum) to Berhanu Bayeh. On His Talk with Al Bashir: 21 August 1989. MoFA ye sudan teqawami hayloch 2 teraz 94, pp. 76 89; Malwal 1990, pp 75 80; De Waal 2001, pp. 117 32; Lesch 1991, pp. 63 65. 51 MoFA ye sudan teqawami hayloch 2 teraz 7. Ambassador Feleqe to Berhanu Bayeh.

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52 | Yihun and 27 October 1989; Ambassador Feleqe to Berhanu Bayeh: 26 October 1989; Berhanu to Ministry of Defense: 27 October 1989. 52 Ibid, Telegrams from Khartoum Embassy to African Directorate: 4 and 10 November 1989 and 11, 12 & 13 November 1989; Telegrams on Nairobi Talks: 23 & 30 November and 2 and 7 December 1989. MoFA ye etiyo sudan genegunet 3 teraz 2. Ambassador Feleqe to Tesfaye Dinqa (Minister of Foreign Affairs). On His Talk With President Bashir: 20 December 1989. References Primary Sources: Ethio pian Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MoFA) On Sudan: Sudan 1 A; Sudan 23 D2, 24 D2, 26 D2, 27 D2, 28 D2, 29 D2, 31 D2, 34 D2, 36 D2, 38 D2, 42 D2, 45 D2; etiyo sudan wesen guday [Ethio Sudanese boundary affair] 1, ye etiyo sudan ye wesen guday 2, ye etiyo s udan ye wesen guday 3, ye etiyo sudan ye wesen sememenetoch [Ethio Sudanese internal agreement] 1; ye etiyo sudan genegunet [Ethio Sudanese relationship] 3; etiyo sudan 3; etiyo sudan ye ministroch sebseba [Ethio Sudanese ministerial meeting ] 1; ye sudan t eqawami hayloch [Sudan ese opposition power] 1, ye sudan teqawami hayloch 2; Ertra 68 D5; IGADD 1. Secondary Sources Akol, Lam. 2009. SPLM/SPLA: Inside an African Revolution Khartoum : Khartoum University Printing Press. Alier, Abel. 2003. Southern Sudan: Too Many Agreements Dishonored. Reading, UK: Ithac a Press. Badal, Raphael Koba. 1988. Benaiah Yongo Bure ( eds. ) Proceedings of the Conference on North South Relations si nce the Addis Ababa Agreement ( Khartoum : Institute of African and Asian Studies, University of Khartoum ) Voll ( ed. ) Sudan: State and Society in Crisis (Bloomington and India na polis: Indiana University Press ): 1 23 the War of the Nuba, Sudan. SAIS Review 21. 2 : 117 32 ( ed. ) Sudan: State and Society in Crisis (Bloomington and India na polis: Indiana University Press ): 24 42 Erlich, Haggai. 2010. Islam and Christianity in the Horn of Africa: Somalia, Ethiopia and Sudan. Boulder, CO : Lynne Rienner Publishers Inc. Field, Sha nnon. 2000. The Civil War in Sudan: the Role of the Oil Industry IGD Occasional P aper No. 23 Pretoria: International Global Dialogue Instiute.

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| 53 Gibia, Roba. 2008. John Garang and the Vision of New Sudan. Toronto: The Key Publishing House Inc. Gurdon, Char ( ed. ) Horn of Africa (London: UCL Press). Rahim et al, ( eds. ) Sudan Since Independence (Woodward, Dorset, UK: Gower Publishing Company Ltd. ): 122 39. Igga, Wani (Lt. Gen). 2008. Southern Sudan: Battles Fought and the Secrecy of Diplomacy. 2 nd Edition. Kampala: Roberts and Brothers General Printers. Johnson, Douglas H. 2009. The First Sudanese Civil War: Africans, Arabs, and Israelis in the Southern Sudan, 1955 1972. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. _______. 2003. Bloomington and India na polis: Indiana University Press. _____ Christopher Clapham ( ed. ) African Guer r illas ( Oxford: James Currey Ltd. ): 53 72. Lesch, Ann Mosely John O. Voll ( ed. ) Sudan: State and Society in Crisis (Bloomington and India na polis: Indiana University Press ): 43 70 Malok, Eliyah. 2009. The Southern Sudan: Struggle for Liberty. Nairobi, Kampala and Dar es Salaam: Kenway Publishers. In Charles Gurdon ( ed. ) Horn of Africa (London: UCL Press): 90 105. Jo urnal of Democracy 1 .2: 75 86. Journal of Modern African Studies 4 2 : 135 53 Africa Today 51. 1 : 65 82 Nyaba, Peter Adwok. 1997. Kampala: Fountain Publishers. 1958 1964: Implementation of the Programs of Islamization and Arabi zation in the Southern Northeast African Studies 9. 1 : 67 101 ________. 2009. The First Sudanese Civil War: Africans, Arabs, and Israelis in the Southern Sudan, 1955 1972. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Sudan and Its Impact on Ethiopia: the Case of Gambella, 1955 D d issertation, Addis Ababa University. Northeast African Studies 9. 1 : 103 26

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54 | Yihun Shimanyula, James Bandi. 2005. John Garang and the SPLA. Nairobi: Africawide Network Voll, John Obert and Sarah Potts Voll. 1985. The Sudan: Unity and Diversity in a Multicultural State. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. Wai, Dustan M. 1982 Africa Report March April: 20 26. ________. 1981. The African Arab Conflict in the Sudan. New York and London: Africana Publishing Company. Wakoson, Elias Nyamlell. 1990 Liberation Proceedings of the 4 th International Conference on the Horn of Africa ( New York : City College of CUNY and Teachers College of Columbia University) A Ne In Charles Gurdon ( ed. ) Horn of Africa (London: UCL Press): 76 89.



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University of Florida Board of Trustees, a public corporation of the State of Florida; permission is hereby granted for individuals to download articles for their own personal use. Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Florida. ISSN: 2152 2448 Prognosis of Land Title Formalization in Urban Ghana: The Myth and Reality of Awareness and Relevance KWASI GYAU BAFFOUR AWUAH and FELIX NIKOI HAMMOND Abstract: While land title formalization is still useful in sub Saharan Africa, Ghana like many other countries in the sub region continues to experience low rate of compliance with the legal title formalization requirement. This is in spite of over a century and half duration of i ts practices. Administrative inertia, complex title formalization procedures and the high cost of formalization are usually adduced for this low compliance rate. That notwithstanding, it is suggested that lack of awareness of the legal title formalization requirement and poor perception of relevance for formalization are additional major determinants. Yet the relationship between these factors and compliance with the requirement still begs empirical examination. This study examines the link between awarene ss of the requirement and relevance for formalization on one hand, and compliance with the requirement on the other. The primary aim is to establish the extent to which these independent variables determine compliance with the title formalization requireme nt. Data was collected from residential property owners in Kwabenya, a suburb of Accra, Ghana. The study established that awareness of the requirement and relevance for title formalization are not strong predictors of compliance with the requirement. It a lso found that low compliance with the requirement stems from the fact that the current title formalization system favors the highly educated formal sector employees who can manipulate the system. As such, it is recommended that the on going Land Administr ation Project should seek to review the system to make it effective and efficient, and ultimately receptive to all and sundry. Introduction Following the economic crises in the mid 1970s various alternatives to economic development have engaged the attention of national governments and international development agencies. For example, extensive interest has been shown in informal economic activities with huge volumes of literature on their appropriateness to economic development compared to orthodox models. 1 The role of land policy and management in development has also engaged the attention of national governments and international development agencies in the last two decades or more. 2 As such, they have in the course of this period instituted a num ber of initiatives in this regard. These include: Land Policy Report in 2003; the promulgation of European Union Guide Lines on Land

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56 | Baffour and Hammond Policy (2004) ; the FAO Agrarian Reform and Rural Development International Conference (ICARRD) o for International Development (DFID) Land Policy in 2007; the launch of Natural Resources Tenure Policy of the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency in 2007; an d passage of the new Global Land Policy of the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD) in 2008. 3 In sub Saharan Africa (SSA), a number of countries like Ghana, Uganda, Tanzania, and Niger, among others have also embarked on land tenure reforms under the auspices of the World Bank. 4 These initiatives have stemmed from the need for efficient use of land along with other factors of production to promote development as postulated long ago by economists suc h as Malthus (1798), Ricardo (1817), Ratcliff (1949), Alonso (1964), and Muth (1969). Additionally, there has been a need to address issues of land scarcity, land conflicts, excessive pressure on land caused by rapid urbaniz ation and land grabbing. 5 Given the foregoing imperatives, land tenure reforms over the years in the sub region have among other things sought to vigorously promote land title formalization as a means to secure titles, stimulate land markets and motivate investment. 6 To date title for malization in SSA is still very low. 7 This is generally attributed to high cost of title formalization and complex procedures for implementation of its processes. 8 However, in Ghana the literature further suggests that it has been partly determined by lack of awareness of the legal requirement for property owne rs to formaliz e their titles and poor perception of relevance for title formalization 9 Yet there has been little or no empirical work on the relationship between these factors and compliance with the requirement. This study employs empirical evidence from urban Ghana to examine the link between awareness of the legal title formalization requirement and relevance for formalization and compliance with the requirement. The primary aim is to establish t he extent to which these independent variables predict compliance with the requirement. The study uses residential property owners as a unit of analysis. It proceeds on the argument that though awareness of the legal title formalization requirement and rel evance for formalization are important they are not enough to promote title formalization in Ghana. The second section examines the basis for the promotion of land title formalization in SSA. The following s ection discusses title formalization in Ghana w hile the fourth outlines the research methodology. The fifth s ection 5 presents the study results and their discussion. The final section draws the conclusions of the study. Promotion of Title Formalization The Arguments Official registration including issuance of title certificates over tenure in housing and other land related assets is said to reduce poverty and promote economic development. 10 This 11 Howev er, following de Soto (2000) there has been a recent burgeoning interest in land title formalization particularly in developing economies such as those of SSA. 12 This interest in title formalization is premised on several assumptions and implied predictions Initially, it was argued that landholding systems in SSA, which were often termed not responsive to changing economic condition s as development unfolds. The changi ng economic condition was conceived as the need to sustain larger populations or make use of economic opportunities associated with trade. This required investment in land that

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Land Title Formalization in Urban Ghana | 57 cultivators were prepared to make only if they had secured land rights. 13 Connec ted to this was the need for smallholder farmers to have sufficient access to land and control over it. 14 It was explained further that one of the characteristics of landholding arrangements in SSA was the imposition of property rights by outside forces an d local over lords However, this arrangement tends to affect the nature of such rights. To the extent that the rationale was to gain surpluses from local smallholder populations or force independent smallholders into wage labor it prevented them from havi ng independent land rights. Consequently, landholding arrangement in the sub region was said to create disincentive for investment. Therefore, there was a need for change in tenure arrangements to provide incentives for investment particularly for farmers to permanently cultivate their lands and make conveyances. Title formalization was perceived to ensure security of tenure and provide an answer to the incentives question. 15 Following the abandonment of the initial thesis a new orthodoxy which somewhat re sonates with the old order emerged. This orthodoxy sometimes referred to as the evolutionary thesis contrary to earlier claims suggests that landholding systems in SSA are not static and inflexible. Rather, it is presumed that these traditional forms of land arrangements undergo transformation to modern landholding systems as dictated by market conditions. 16 This transformation is said to associate ultimately with assertion of more individualized rights in land by landholders as land values appreciate. Ho wever, they are not protected under the customary system. As such, disputes over land and huge cost of litigation arise resulting in production inefficiency Title formalization is seen to protect these emerging individualized land rights and put to rest c ostly litigation. Thus, title formalization provides incentive to invest in land, transfer of same and stimulate land market for improvement in production. 17 Beside this argument is the claim that title formalization enhances access to credit from financial institutions u sing titles as collateral to secure loans for several outcomes such as commencing a new business. 18 Theoretically, this title formalization thesis is inspired by property rig hts economics think ing populariz ed by economists such as Coase (1960), Demsetz (1967), Alchian and Demsetz (1973), North (1981), Barzel (1997) and more recently de Soto (2000). The underpinning tenets of this economic thinking suggest that the market as an institution fails a lack of clearly defined property rights and it s associated high transaction cost. Thus, a lack of well defined land and property rights hinders the efficient use of land and property. To advocates of this economic scholarship, there is a need to fix what is broken with the market to allow it to do the magic of ensuring development. 19 It is in this vein that de Soto (2000) suggests that the lack of systems of property rights and information on property, which have national application and are understood by outsiders, explains why non w estern economies have not benefited from capitalism. D e Soto reiterates further that these economies are sitting on dead capital and the answer to resurrecting such dead capital is formal title. Aside from this intuitive argument, there is empirical evidence in the developed capitalist economies to support the claim. For example, in the United States it is estimated that up to abou t 70 percent of the credit new businesses obtain results from using formal titles as collateral for mortgage. 20 Even in Asia and Latin America some evidence point s to a correlation between formal title and higher productivity. The famous study by Feder et al. (1988) in rural Thailand, for instance, established that farmers with formal titles are offered

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58 | Baffour and Hammond more institutional credit (50 percent 52 percent ), invested more in land, used more inputs and generated higher output. In SSA there have been mixe d suggestions and outcomes regarding the functions of title formalization It has been argued by some scholars that title formalization does not provide secur ity of tenure in the sub region but may instead create insecurity of title. Atwood (1990) notes th at indigenous land tenure systems in SSA by themselves offer some form of tenure security. However, the introduction of modern property rights regimes promoted by title formalization without recognizing traditional or informal land rights increase s the extent of rent seeking activities by outsiders. As such, members of an indigenous community comparatively are liable to fewer risks of losing their lands under an indigenous land tenure system than are outsiders while title formalization increases th e risks of these indigenes and reduces those of outsiders. Thus, title formalization could be an anathema. Platteau (1996) also observes that under indigenous land tenure systems, several distinct claims can co exist for the same parcel of land. However, the focus of title formalization on registration of exclusive individual rights can create uncertainties for people who depend on the indigenous system to protect their land claims. Additionally, Abdulai (2006) addressin g the question as to whether land title registration is an answer to insecure and uncertain property rights in SSA concluded that title formalization per se does not confer certain and secure land rights in the sub region. Some empirical studies also further question the functions title formalization is claimed to perform. Roth et al. (1993) established that only about 6.6 percent of 228 household s surveyed in a study of a pilot land registration scheme in Rukungiri District ( Uganda ) had acquired loans from commercial banks in the previous five years. Abdulai and Hammond (2010) in their study on Ghana also found that land registration is not a pre requisite in mortgage transactions, but rather a post requirement. Payne et al. (2008) also establishe d in both Senegal and South Africa that formal title does not ensure access to credit and has no effect on land transferability, government revenue and investment in land. Furthermore, Jacoby and Minten (2007) found similar results regarding access to cre dit by rice farmers and land transferability in Lac Alaotra Region of Madagascar. The foregoing notwithstanding, Payne et al. (2008) reported that though most of the residents in informal settlements already enjoyed de facto tenure security title f ormalization had positive impact on tenure security particularly for women. Also, the findings in Senegal established that tenure regularization impact s the improvement of prope rties. In the Dalifort neighbo rhood of Dakar it was found that 90 percent of d wellings of respondents were shacks built with non permanent materials prior to regularization in 2000. However, after regularization 48 percent of the houses were reconstructed with permanent building materials. This figure increased to 68 percent in 2007 albeit 70 percent of the respondents indicated they would have done the improvements even without formalized titles. In the same vein, Jacoby and Minten (2007) established that of the 1,700 household s surveyed 90 percent indicated that title form alization provides security against the risk of land expropriation. Besides, it marginally increases land values, productivity, and promotes investment. Again, in a study on economic impact of real estate policies in SSA, Hammond (2006) established a posit ive correlation between title formalization and land value appreciation in urban Ghana. Beyond that title formalization is a source of valuable land records, which can be used to reduce transaction cost in the property market and address land conflicts. 21 For example, Musembi (2007) observed that title formalization experience in e astern Kenya, which dwells on local practices to establish and record land ownership

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Land Title Formalization in Urban Ghana | 59 boundaries help in addressing land ownership conflicts. Thus, land ownership or title as a s ocial fact can be certain and secured through combination of practices such as formalization and attestation by community members especially adjoining land owners. 22 Given these discussions, it can be surmised that title formalization is still usefu l in the context of SSA particularly where program s to that effect are carefully designed and executed in an appropriate manner. Perhaps it is in the light of this that the World Bank (2006) submitted that title formalization has potential benefits. Yet t itle formalization in the sub region continues to be low despite over three decades of World Bank promotion of such policy under land tenure reforms. Available statistics show that title formalization in SSA is between 15 percent and 20 percent 23 With the exception of East and Southern Africa where title formalization is comparatively higher due to the long history of occupation of land by large commercial farmers, the situation is disappointing in other areas of the sub region. The rate of title formaliza tion in West Africa is, for example, estimated at 2 3 percent 24 This rather low title formalization rate is usually attributed to high cost of formalization complex procedures associated with its implementation and anticipation of not receiving th e desired benefits. 25 land administration system Jacoby and Minten (2007) further established that the marginal cost for formalizing a medium sized plot of land would have to fall by a fact or of six to make economic sense. Land Title Formalization in Ghana It is imperative as a starting point to state that land registration system in general can be categorized into two. These are deeds registration and land title registration systems. Perhaps the main difference with registration under the two systems is that while the deed system registers an instrument affecting land, title registration system registers actua l title (ownership) to land with state guarantee of indefeasible title. 26 The two systems operate in Ghana. According to Asiama (2008) formal land registration in Ghana dates back to 1843 when the country was then known as Gold Coast. This was based on English conveyance laws and practices though it is unclear where the early registered documents were kept. However, in 1883 the Land Registration Ordinance (No. 8) was passed by the then British c olonial g overnment to superintend the formal registratio n system. This was succeeded by the Land Registry Ordinance 1895 (Cap 133), which was also revised in 1951. All these legislations established deeds registration system. The rationale was to reduce land ownership disputes and ensure security of title. After independence, a Land Registry Act (Act 122) was promulgated in 1962 to replace Cap (133). Act (122) also prescribed a deed registration system. The Deeds Registry which had been established to register deeds was formally connected to the Lands D epartment. This was the main department for administration of land resources carved out from the Survey Department as Boundaries Section in the mid 1920s. The mechanics of land registration was such that applicants submitted their deeds prepared by a soli citor or a conveyance, at the Lands Department for plotting (recording) and stamp duty. Subsequently, they were sent to the Deeds Registry for registration. However, some land documents also some how found their way directly to the Deeds Registry for regis tration. In 1986, a compulsory land title registration system was introduced pursuant to the promulgation of Land Title Registration Law (Provisional National Defence Council Law

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60 | Baffour and Hammond (PNDCL 152)). This meant that the operation of the deeds registration system should automatically cease in declared title registration districts. The rationale for title registration was to address the inadequacies of Act (122) noted as its inability to grant certainty and security of title. 27 Currently, the title registrati on system operates in two regions of the country G reater Accra and Ashanti. What is noteworthy is that the Lands Department was extinguished in 1986 after a split of the Department into Lands Commission (LC) and Land Valuation Board (LVB) by virtue of PNDCL (42). A Land Title Registry (LTR) was also established in pursuance to PNDCL (152). However, the practices relating to deeds registration (at least up to the plotting stage) that w ere executed by the defunct Lands Department and taken o ver by the Lands Commission operated side by side with or served as a starting point to the title registration system in declared title registration areas. This practice continued until halted by a g overnment m inisterial d irective in 2006. Thus, registrati on under the deeds system required plotting at LC, noting of the transaction and payment of outstanding rent at the Office of the Administrator of Stool Lands (OASL) if it is a stool /skin land transaction, and stamp duty at LVB. 28 Apart from stool/skin l and transactions, which require concurrence or consent of the Lands Commission, a deed for title registration also requires stamp duty at LVB, cadastral or parcel plan from Survey Department and title search at the LC. In addition to this are the usual ad ministrative protocols at LTR. Despite over a century and half practice of land registration in Ghana, land registration is low. 29 In fact, land registration rate in the country is estimated at about 5 percent 30 The percentage (8 percent ) land regi stration rate in the country estimated by the World Bank, though comparatively higher, is still not encouraging. 31 Several studies on land policies and land administration in Ghana have one way or the other attributed this to dysfunctional land administrat ion system. 32 These studies identify factors such as: weak public land sector institutions; duplication of functions among these institutions and lack of logistics; and high cost of registration in terms of statutory fees, delays, travel time and co st, and extra out of pocket payment made towards facilitation of registration as part of the causes. The World Bank (2005) estimates that on average it takes 382 days for registration to be completed in Ghana with a cost of 4.1 percent of the value of the property. A more recent study by Hammond and Antwi (2010) also established that the social cost of land title regulative policies on 0.23 acre residential plot of land in Ghana is $US 5 320. Studies like Kuntu Mensah (2006) and Sittie (2006), and some anecdotal evidence have also suggested that lack of awareness of the legal requirement for land title formalization and poor perception of relevance for formalization are also major determinants of the low title formalization rate. It is in recogn ition of the foregoing and other land tenure related problems that the country adopted the land tenure reform program under the National Land Administration Project (LAP) in 2003. The land reform program has led to the merger of LC, LVB, LTR and the Survey Department into a new Lands Commission following the passage of the new Lands Commission Act 2008 (Act 767). These departments as per the dictates of Act (767) have been reconstituted as divisions under the new Commission. However, virtually nothing has c hanged with respect to the procedures for title formalization Of grave interest is that the link between awareness of the legal title formalization requirement and relevance for title formalization and compliance with the requirement to date has r eceived little or no empirical examination. T he whole land tenure reform taking

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Land Title Formalization in Urban Ghana | 61 place in the country is not predicated on empirical baseline studies. It is to this end of examining this relationship that the study is set. Research Methodology A quantitati ve research methodology was used with cross sectional survey strategy. Data for the study was collected between September and November 2011. Residential property owners were used as a unit of analysis. Given that Accra, the capital city together with its s urrounding areas referred to as the Greater Accra Metropolitan Area (GAMA) is the largest urban agglomeration in Ghana, it was purposively selected for the research. Within Accra, the research focused on Kwabenya, a community on the eastern fringes of th e city. The community is located within Ga East Municipality, one of the municipal/metropolitan areas that constitute GAMA. The others are Accra Metropolitan Area, Tema Metropolitan Area and Adentan, Ashaiman, Ga South, Ga West and Ledzokoku Municipal Are as. It is also abo ut 25km north east of Accra Central. Kwabenya was selected because it aptly mirrors the current urban growth and transition that is taking place in Accra, which has a direct wth and expansion is manifested by rapid development of residential properties m ainly two to four bedroom single stor y buildings on the fringes of the city majority of which are not covered by formalized titles. These developments, also a characteristic of most communities in Accra ( except prime government residential areas such as Airport and Cantonments ), are common in Kwabenya. The developments in the prime government residential area which are by far in the minority, are predominantly plush properties covered by some form of formalized titles. Developments in Kwabenya therefore mirror most developments in Accra and as such, the community passes the test as a case study for the research. The choice of Kwabenya was reinforced by the ready accessibilit y of requisite data in the community, time and resource constraints and the in depth knowledge of the researcher pertaining to the urban development processes in the area. For example, unlike accessing data on properties in areas developed long ago such d ata can comparatively be easily accessed in Kwabenya where developments occurred not long ago or are currently taking place. The data was obtained using questionnaire instruments. The total number of residential property owners residing in the community was not known. However, administration of the questionnaires was undertaken by face to face interview s and dwelt on insi ghts from systematic sampling procedure s Two research teams undertook t he administration of the questionnaires from two key points of the main Dome Kwabenya Brekuso Road, which divides Kwabenya A tomic and Abuom Junctions (see Figure 1). At these junctions each team was split into two and from their starting points each splinter group used branch roads along the main artery road as a guide to administer the questionnaire instruments. At a branch road, which usually has developments on both sides of the roa d, the first residential property of one side of the road was selected and the instrument administered upon the availability of the property owner. Subsequently, every third residential property was selected. In the event that an instrument could not be ad ministered (e.g., the owner was not available or the property was not owner occupie d) then the property became the reference point for the selection of the next property. This administration procedure continued until the end of the road after which propert ies on the other side were accessed backwards to the main artery road and then to the next branch road. The administration of the instruments

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62 | Baffour and Hammond continued until the two teams met at a common point. The questionnaires solicited er, educational level, occupation and awareness of the legal title formalization requirement. The remainder was their perception of relevance for title formalization and compliance status with the legal title formalization requirement. Drawing on Hammond (2006) title formalization was taken to mean registration of title at the LTR or plotting at the LC. To prevent confounding variables, properties in the indigenous part of the study area, which were known to have no formal titles, were excluded from the s urvey. Similarly, two gated communities (Kwabenya Housing Estate and Balloon Gate Estate developed by Regimanuel Gray Estate Limited, a private real estate company) covered by omnibus formal titles were excluded. Data Analysi s The data obtained was coded and entered in a computer. Subsequently, it was cleaned an d analyzed. Firstly, the analysi s examined the numerical tendencies of the responses obtained. Secondly, relationships were tracked between the independent and dependent variables using cross tabul ations. Finally, the strength of the independent variables in predicting compliance with the legal title formalization requirement was ascertained by means of binary logistic regression (the logit model see Appendix 1 for details). The logit model was us ed because the responses elicited from respondents were nominal and categorical. Therefore, it required a model fitting known as maximum likelihood since linear regression models usually give misleading outcome for such variables. 33 Though often used in th e field of medicine, logistic regression has also seen tremendous application in the field of social policy. 34 Winter and May (2001), for example, used it to analyze compliance with agro environmental regulation by Danish farmers while Boohene and Agyepong (2011) recently

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Land Title Formalization in Urban Ghana | 63 Figure 1. Sketch Plan o f Kwabenya Community Results and Discussions Background Characteristics of Respondents One hundred residential property owners were surveyed. This sample size was enough to undertake the required analysis and more so, under the circumstance where there was no Sixty n ine percent of the respondents were males and 31 percent females. This finding is not ownership estimated at about 1 percent and in SSA for that matter. 35 The r elative major ity of the respondents (34 percent ) had received a tertiary level of education while 2 percent had no formal education 4 percent a primary education 11 percent a junior secondary/elementary education 22 percent a post secondary education and 27 percent a s econdary/technical/vocational education

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64 | Baffour and Hammond Sixty percent of the respondents were enga ged in formal sector employment, and 40 percent were in informal sector employment. Again, 56 percent of the respondents were aware of the requirement to formali z e titles to their properties while 44 percent were un aware of such requirement. Moreover, an overwhelming number of the respondents (87 percent ) perceived title formalization as relevant compared to 13 percent who indicated that title formalization is ir r elevant. As to the question of why title formalization was perceived as relevant, 82.3 percent of the respondents who perceived formalization as relevant reported that title formalization assist ed in prevent ing future disputes over property ownership. This finding reinforces findings from the study by Jacoby and Minten (2007) for Madagascar which reported that 90 percent of respondents surveyed indicated that title formalization enhance d title security. More importantly the findings reaffirm the argument that security of title may also be enhanced through formalization 36 Conversely, it appears to beg the claim that title formalization i nsure s access to credit and leads to investment in land. Title Formalization Requirement It was established that 35 percent of the respondents had complied with the title formalization requirement compared to 65 percent who had no formal titles and were not even in the process of formalizing titles to their properties. The large number of respondents who had not compli ed with the requirement and the equally substantial variance (30 percent ) between non compl ia nt and compliant respondents appear to support the view that title formalization is low in Ghana. Besides, the finding questions the claim that title formalization promotes investment in land given that majority of the respondents (65 percent ) invested in their land without formal titles. What is even more compelling is that 91 percent of the 35 percent who had formal titles obtained them subsequent to construction of their properties. Tables 1 and 2 display the cross tabulation results on compliance with the title formalization requirement and the independent variables. Within the variable groups, more of the male respondents had received a tertiary level o f education, engaged in formal sector employment, were aware of the title formalization requirement and perceived formalization as relevant complied with the requirement. This is in comparison with their female counterparts who had obtained below tertiary level of education or without formal education, engaged in informal sector employment, were unaware of the title formalization requirement and perceived formalization as irrelevant respectively (Tables 1 and 2). The reverse of the above was the situatio n for non compliance with the requirement except for gender and perception of relevance for formalization Male respondents and those who perceived formalization as irrelevant within their variable categories instead constituted the larger proportions of t he non compliant respondents. Even so, expressed in terms of percentages more of the female respondents (74.2 percent as against 60.9 percent of the males ) and the respondents who perceived title formalization as irrelevant (100 percent as against 59.8 percent ) had no formal titles to their properties.

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Land Title Formalization in Urban Ghana | 65 Table 1: Cross Tabulation Results o n Gender, Educational Level, Occupation, and Compliance o f Title Formalization Gender Educational Level Occupation Male Female Total Tertiary Below Tertiary Total Formal Informal Total Compliance 27 (39.1%) 8 (25.8%) 35 18 (52.9%) 17 (25.8%) 35 30 (50%) 5 (12.5%) 35 % of Compliant Population 77.1 22.9 100 51.4 48.6 100 85.7 14.3 100 % of Surveyed Population 27 8 35 18 17 35 30 5 35 Non Compliance 42 (60.9%) 23 (74.2%) 65 16 (47.1%) 49 (74.2%) 65 30 (50%) 35 (87.5%) 65 % of Non Compliant Population 64.6 35.4 100 24.6 75.4 100 46.2 53.8 100 % of Surveyed Population 42 23 65 16 49 65 30 35 65 Total of Compliant & Non Compliant Populations 69 (100%) 31 (100%) 100 34 (100%) 66 (100%) 100 60 (100%) 40 (100%) 100 Source: Field survey (September November 2011) Again, within the variable groups the male, tertiary level educated, and formal sector employed constituted the larger proportions of the compliant respondents compared to their opposite counterparts. Such was the situation with respondents who were aware of the requirement and perceived formalization as relevant. Similarly, within their variable groups, the below tertiary level educated, informal sector employed, and those who were unaware of the title formalization requirement respondents constituted the larger proportions of the non compliant respondents. Conversely, the male and the respondents who perceived title formalization as relevant accounted for the larger percentages of the non compliant respondents within their variable groups (Table 1 and 2). Finally, 53 percent of the respondents were aware of the title formalization requirement and perceived formalization as relevant. Of this grouping, 50.9 percent had complied with the requirement compared to 49.1 percent who had not complied with it. The c ompliant respondents within this category constituted 77.1 percent of the compliant population while those who had not complied accounted for 40 percent of the non compliant respondents.

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66 | Baffour and Hammond Table 2: Cross Tabulation Results o n Awareness, Relevance, and Title Formalization Compliance Awareness Relevance Aware Unaware Total Relevant Not Relevant Total Compliance 27(48.2%) 8(27.2%) 35 35(40.2%) 0 35 % of Compliant Population 77.1 22.9 100 100 0 100 % of Surveyed Population 27 8 35 35 0 35 Non Compliance 29 (51.8%) 36 (81.8%) 65 52 (59.8%) 13 (100%) 65 % of Non Compliant Population 44.6 55.4 100 80 20 100 % of Surveyed Population 29 36 65 52 13 65 Total of Compliant & Non Compliant Populations 56 (100%) 44 (100%) 100 87 (100%) 13 (100%) 100 Source: Field survey (September November 2011) A number of possible reasons can be inferred for comparatively high compliance level among the respondents with a high level of education and who enga ged in formal sector employment who were aware of the requirement, and who perceived title formalization as relevant. First, title formalization is a formal sector activity. As such, people in formal sector employment are comparatively expected to be aware of the legal title formali zation requirement and ascertain its relevance all things being equal. Secondly, highly educated persons in formal sector employment usually occupy managerial and sensitive positions at their workplace and in the Ghanaian society in general. Therefore, such people may have influence and connections at title formalization institutions, which could have ensured facilitation of formalization of titles to their properties. Strength of Independent Variables as Correlates of Title Formalization T he logit model determined t he strength of the independent v ariables in predicting compliance with the title formalization requirement. Tables 3 and 4 give summary statistics of the model and its results respectively. The 2Log Likelihood of the model, which provides indication as to how accurate the model predicts compliance with a title formalization square, which determines this accuracy or potency of the model, is an analogue of the F test of the linear regression sum of squares was 24.32. The chi square figure w as also statistically significant at 5 percent ( X 2 =24.32, p=0.000 ). This means that the model predicts the outcome variable fairly well. The overall

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Land Title Formalization in Urban Ghana | 67 percentage prediction of the model was 69 percent indicating that the model classifie d 69 of the cases corr ectly. Table 3: Summary Statistics of t he Logit Model Items Statistics 2Log Likelihood 105.17 Cox and Snell R 2 0.22 Nagelkerke R 2 0.30 Over all percentage prediction 69.0 Model Chi square 24.32* (* for p<0.05) Source: Field survey (September November, 2011) From Table 4, property owners who had knowledge of the title formalization requirement were 2.01 times more likely to comply with the requirement while those who perceived title formalization as relevant were 3.86 more likely to comply w ith the requirement. However, both cases were not statistically significant at 5 percent This the title formalization requirement and formalization of titles to t heir properties such relationship is not more than what could have happened by chance. Therefore, property compliance with the title formalization requirement. The possible reason for this finding is the comparatively high level of non compliance with the requirement among the respondents who were aware of the requirement compared to those who were aware and complied with it (48.2 percent against 51.8 percent ). Similarly, per ception of title formalization as relevant per se is not a strong determinant of compliance with the requirement. This finding is also not strange given that 80 percent of the respondents who perceived title formalization as relevant had not complied with the requirement. In general, these findings controvert the literature, which suggest that awareness of the title formalization requirement and relevance for formalization are some of the major determinants of low title formalization rate in Ghana. Table 4 further shows that m ale property owners were 1.16 times more likely to comply with the requirement while property owners who had attained tertiary level of education were 1.02 times more likely to comply with it. Both results were also not statistically s ignificant at 5 percent This suggests that both factors are not strong predictors or determinants of compliance with the title formalization requirement. These findings may be attributed to the comparatively high level of non compliance with the requireme nt among these groups of respondents (60.9 percent as against 39.1 percent for male property owners and 47.1 percent as against 52.9 percent for tertiary educated respondents). Strikingly, formal sector employment had a strong positive association with co mpliance with the requirement. Formal sector employed property owners were 3.81 times more likely to comply with the formalization requirement. This result was statistically significant at 5 percent meaning formal sector employment is a strong predictor of compliance with the legal land title formalization requirement. The possible reason for this finding is the substantial number of property owners within this variable group who complied with the requirement (50 percent ), which also constituted 85.7 perce nt of the compliant population.

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68 | Baffour and Hammond Table 4: Summary Results of the Logit o f Compliance o f Title Formalization Requirement B S.E. Exp(B) 95.0% C.I. for EXP(B) Variables Lower Upper Male Property Owner .147 .550 1.16 .394 3.406 Tertiary Level Educated Property Owner .020 .548 1.02 .349 2.985 Property Owner engaged in formal sector employment 1.337 .675 3.81* 1.015 14.283 Property Owner Awareness of Formalization Requirement .699 .537 2.01 .702 5.766 Perception of Title Formalization as relevant 19.771 1.090E4 3.86 .000 Constant 21.699 1.090E4 .000 Statistical significance is between property owners who comply with Title Formalization Requirement and those who do not (* for p<0.05) Source: Field survey (September November, 2011) Conclusion Over the past three decades or more, there has been a vigorous promotion of land title formalization in SSA. The rationale is to ensure tenure security, stimulate the land market, enhance access to credit, motivate investment and reduce poverty, among others. Though some evidence, both theoretical and empirical, suggests that land title formalization per se in the sub Saharan r egion does not accomplish the above goals it is still useful. For example, it serves as a source of land records, which can help reduce transaction cost s in the property market and address land ownership conflicts. However, in Ghana and many other SSA countries land title formalization is very low despite the duration of over a century and a half of its practice in the country. While this is attributed to administrative inertia including complex formalization procedures and the high cost of formalization it is also suggested that a lack of awaren ess and poor perception of relevance for formalization are major determinants. This study examined the link between awareness of the legal title formalization requirement and relevance for formalization on one hand, and compliance with the requirement on the other in urban Ghana. Based on empirical evidence from Kwabenya, a suburb of Accra as the case study, the study found that awareness of title formalization requirement and relevance for formalization are not strong predictors of compliance with the leg al title formalization requirement. It further established that low compliance with the requirement stems from the fact that the existing land title formalization system favors the highly educated formal sector employees who for one reason or the other have what it takes to manipulate the system. This means that the current system serves only a small minority in society. Based on the forego ing, there is a need for the on going La nd Administration Project in the country to review the existing system to make it more effective and efficient, and ultimately receptive to all and sundry. In so doing, the project should not place too much emphasis on promoting awareness of the legal titl e formalization requirement and relevance

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Land Title Formalization in Urban Ghana | 69 of land title formalization Rather, attention should be focused on the fundamental issues identified in the literature such as weak public land title formalization agencies and the high cost of formalization due t o an excessive time lag for undertaking formalization activities and extra out of pocket payments at formalization agencies for facilitating these activities among others. It is therefore suggested that to ensure widespread land title formalization in both urban and rural Ghana, the project should ensure survey and mapping of the whole country. Land title formalization should also be decentraliz ed and formalization agencies strengthened in terms of human and material resources while streamlining their activ ities to eliminate duplication of functions. For example, the extensive use of modern technology to fast track processing of land title documentations by public land title formalization agencies should be promoted. Upon implementation of these measures, it is expected that the title formalization cost will be reduce d drastically through a reduction in time and extra out of pocket payments. Inconveniences associated with the procedures for undertaking formalization will also be reduced making it friendlier to undertake. This will then provide incentives for land and propert y owners to formaliz e their titles. Furthermore given that the fundamental issues that underlie the low land title formalization rate in Ghana are similar to most SSA countries, the recom mendations offered in the case of Ghana may be useful for these countries as well Appendix 1 : Details of the Logit Model Adopted for the Study The logit model as applied to this research was based on the idea that a property owner with a certain charact eristic complies with the title formalization requirement Therefore, the probability that a property owner with that characteristic complies with title formalization requirement can be written as: Equation 1 Where This can be written as: Equation 2 Where This means is the probability that a property owner will not comply with the title formalization requirement if he or she has the same characteristic. This can be written as: Equation 3 Where

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70 | Baffour and Hammond Since a linear equation model is unable to estimate the parameters in the ratio of the probability that a property owner complies with title formalization requirement to the probability that he or she will not comply with the title formalization requirement is used to achieve an estimate of the parameters in This is the odd ratio and is denoted as follows: Equation 4 Where The natural log of the odd ratio is the logit model and constitutes an estimate of and can be written as: Equation 5 Where The compliance with the title formalization requirement status of property owners was where there is compliance and otherwise resp ectively. This was subsequently dummied as Yes=1 and No=0. The independent va riables were also dummied as 1 and 2. That is, where property owners are aware of the title formalization requirement, it is noted as 1 otherwise 2. Similarly, if a property owner perceives title formalization as relevant it is dummied as 1 otherwise 2. T he other independent variables namely gender, education and occupation were added to the model. These additional variables were categorized as: gender; male =1, female=2; educati on; tertiary level of education =1, be low tertiary level of education =2; and occ upation; formal occupation = 1, informal occupation =2. Formal occupation was defined as white collar jobs while informal occupation was interpreted as blue collar jobs. Based on the foregoing, prediction of the dependent variable by the indepen dent variables was modeled as: Equation 6 Where is the condition that a property owner with a particular characteristic complies with the title formalization requirement; is the condition that a property owner with the same characteristic does not comply with the requirement; is the normal regression intercept; are the coefficients; are property owners; and is the stochastic error term. Therefore, based on the literature review, it was expected that awareness of the title formalization requirement and perception of title formalization as relevant will predict compliance with the requirement; title formalization Notes 1 See Diamond 1988; de Soto 1989; Meagher 1995; Heinonen 2008; Gnther and Launov

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Land Title Formalization in Urban Ghana | 71 2012. 2 See Whitehead and Tsikata 2003; Larbi et al. 2004; Borras Jnr. and Franco 2010. 3 Borras Jnr. and Franco 2010. 4 Yngstrom 2002; Whitehead and Tsikata 2003; Hammond 2006; Joireman 2008; Toulmin 2008. 5 Whitehead and Tsikata 2003; FMECD 2009. 6 Abdulai 2006; Jacoby and Minten 2007; Musembi 2007; Bromley 2008; Payne et al. 2008; Toulmin 2008; Abdulai and Hammond 2010. 7 See Fourie 1998; Toulmin, 2008. 8 See Deininger 2003; Hammond 2006; Toulmin 2008. 9 See GoG 1999, 2003; Kuntu Mensah 2006. 10 See Deininger 2003; Asiama 2008; Bromley 2008. 11 See World Bank 1989, 2003; Deininger and Binswanger 1999; Yngstrom 2002; Mus embi 2007. 12 Jacoby and Minten 2007; Asiama 2008; Bromley 2008; Toulmin, 2008. 13 World Bank 1989; Deininger 2003. 14 World Bank 1989; Deininger 2003; see also Yngstrom 2002; Platteau 1992. 15 World Bank 1989; Deininger 2003; Yngstrom 2002. 16 See Bruce and Migot Adholla 1994; Platteau 1996; Yngstrom 2002; World Bank 2003; Hammond 2006; Hammond and Antwi 2010. 17 World Bank 1989; Deininger 2003; see also Platteau 1996; Yngstrom 2002. 18 de Soto 2000; Deininger 2003; see also Bromley 2008; Abdul ai and Hammond 2010. 19 Joireman 2008. 20 d e Soto 2000. 21 Abdulai 2006; Abdulai and Hammond 2010. 22 Bromley 2008; Toulmin 2008. 23 Fourie 1998. 24 Toulmin 2008. 25 Atwood 1990; Jacoby and Minten 2007; Payne et al. 2008; Toulmin, 2008. 26 For detailed di scussions on deeds and land title registration systems see Simpson 1978; Larsson 1991 and Abdulai 2006. 27 See Memorandum of PNDCL 152. 28 Article 267(1) of es stool/skin land s as community lands that are e appropriate stool [the physical symbol of chiefly authority] on behalf of, and in trust for the subjects of the stool in accordance with customary law and usage 29 See Kuntu Mensah 2006. 30 The statistics on land title formalization was obtained from the records at Land Administration Project (LAP) Office in Accra, Ghana. 31 See Hammond and Abdulai 2011. 32 See Brobby 1991 Larbi 1994 Kasanga and Kotey 2001 Kuntu Mensah 2006, Sittie 2006 Asiama 2008, Arko Adjei 2011, and Ham mond and Abdulai 2011 33 Winship and Mare 1984; Mathews, 2005. 34 Field 2005

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72 | Baffour and Hammond 35 See Gray and Kevane 1999; Bugri 2008. 36 Toulmin 2008. References Abdulai, Raymond Talinbe Uncertain Property Rights in sub RICS Research Paper Series 6.6: 3 27. _____ and Felix Nikoi Property Management 28.4: 228 44. Alchian, Armen Journal of Economic History 33.1: 16 27. Alonso, William. 1 964. Location and Land Use Cambr idge: Harvard University Press. Arko Adjei, Anthony. 2011. Adapting Land Administration to the Institutional Framework of Customary Tenure: The Case of Peri Urban Ghana Amsterdam: Iso Press Inc. Asiama, Seth Opuni. 2008. a T he The Ghana Surveyor 1.1: 76 85. World Development 18.5: 659 71. Barzel, Yoram. 1997. Eco nomic Analysis of Property Rights: Political Economy of Institutions and Decisions New York: Cambridge University Press. Boohene, Rosemond and Gloria K.Q. Agyepong. Customer Loyalty of Telecommunication Industry in Gh ana: The Case of Vodafone International Business Research 4.1: 229 40. Borras Jnr., Saturnino M. and Jennifer C. Franco 2010 Contestations around Pro Journal of Agrarian Chan ge 10.1: 1 32. Brobby, Kofi Werreko. 1991. Improving Land Delivery System for Shelter Kumasi: University of Science and Technology, Ghana. Formalizing Property Relations in the Developing World: The Wrong Prescription for the Land Use Policy 26:20 27. Bruce, John and Migot Adholla, Shem E. (eds.) 1994. Searching for Land Tenure Security in Africa Iowa: Kendall Hunt Publishing Company. Study of North The Ghana Surveyor 1.1: 21 35. Journal of Law and Economics 3: 1 44. Deininger, Klaus. 2003. World Bank Land Policies for Growth and Poverty Reduction Washington D.C.: Worl d Bank. _____ and Hans Binswanger The World Bank Researcher Observer 14: 247 76.

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Land Title Formalization in Urban Ghana | 73 American Econo mic Review 57.2: 347 59. de Soto, Hernando. 1989. The Other Path New York: Harper and Row. _____ 2000. The Mystery of Capital: Why Capitalism Triumph s in the West and Fails Everywhere Else New York: Basic Books. Diamond, Larry (ed.) 1988. Democracy in Developing Countries Boulder C O : Lynne Rienner. Feder, Onchan, et al. 1988. Land Policies and Farm Productivity in Thailand Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press. Field, Andy. 2005. Discovering Statistics Using SPSS (2 nd ed.). London: Sage Publications. Urban Land Use Policy 15.1: 55 56. German Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (FMECD). 2009. nd and the Phenomenon of Land Grabbing. Challenges for Development http://www.bmz.de/en/publications/type_of_publication/strateg ies/strategiepapier2009.pdf Government of Ghana. 1992. The Fourth Republican Constitution of Ghana Accra: Ghana Publishing Corporation (Assembly Press). _____ 1999. National Land Policy Document Accra: Ghana Publishing Corporation. _____ 2003. Land Ad ministration Project Document Accra: Ministry of Lands, Forestry and Mines. Gray, Leslie and Michael Kevane and Land Tenure in Sub African Studies Review 42.2: 15 39. Gnther, Isabel a Journal of Development Economics 97.1: 88 98. Hammond, Felix Nikoi. Saharan Africa Urban Real Estate Policies Ph.D. diss ertation. University of Wolverhampton, UK. _____ and Raymond Talinbe Abdulai. 2011. The Costs of Land Registration in Ghana (Countries, Regional Studies, Trading Blocks, Unions, World Organisations). Hauppauge, NY : Nova Science Publishers. _____ and Adarkwa Yaw Antwi 2010. Economic Analysis of Sub Saharan Africa Real Estate Policies London: Palgrave Macmillan. Heinonen, Ulla. 2008. The Hidden Role of Informal Economy: Is Informal Insignificant for Water and Development Pu blications, Helsinki University of Technology, 4 September http//:www.tkk.fi/English/wr/research/global/myth/10_Heinonen_Informal_Myths of Mekong.pdf Jacoby, Hanan and Bart Minten Saharan Africa Cost Effective? Evidence fr The World Bank Economic Review 21.3: 461 85.

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74 | Baffour and Hammond Saharan Africa: World Development 36.7: 1233 1 246. Kasanga, Kasim and Nii Ashie Kot ey 2001. Land Management in Ghana: Building on Tradition and Modernity London: International Institute for Environment and Development. Kuntu Presented at 5 th FIG Regional Larbi, Wordsworth Odame University of Reading, UK. _____ Adarkwa Antwi, and Paul Olomolaiye Ghana Land Use Policy 21: 115 27. Larsson, Gerhard. 1991. Land Registration and Cadastral Systems Tools for Land Information and Manageme nt UK: Longman Group. http://www.esp.org/bo oks/malthus/population/malthus.pdf http://www.mmbstatistical.com Meagher, ation and the Urban Informal Sector in Sub Saharan Development and Change 26: 259 284. Third World Quarterly 28.8: 1457 478. Muth, Richard F. 1969. Cities and Housing Chicago: University of Chicago Press. North, Douglas C. 1981. Structure and Change in Economic History London: W.W. Norton and Company. Payne, Durand Lasserve et al. 2008. Social and Economic Impacts of Land Titling Programs in Urban and Peri Urban Areas: International Experience and Case Studies of Senegal and South Africa Final Report submitted to Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Government of Norway, Swedish International De velopment Agency (SIDA) and Global Land Tools Network, UN Habitat. Platteau, Jean Philippe. 1992. Land Reform and Structural Adjustment in Sub Saharan Africa: Controversies and Guidelines Rome: FAO. _____ as Applied to Sub Saharan Africa: A Development and Change 27.1: 29 86. Ratcliff, Richard U. 1949. Urban Land Economics New York: McGraw Hill Book Company. Ricardo, David. 1817. On the Principles of Political Economy and Taxation Canada: McMaster University.

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Land Title Formalization in Urban Ghana | 75 Roth, Cochrane et al. 1993. Tenure Security, Credit Use and Farm Investment in Rujumbura Pilot Land Registration Scheme, Rukungiri District, Uganda Ma dison: University of Wisconsin. Simpson, Rowton S. 1978. Land Law and Regist ration (Book 1). London: Surveyors Publication Sub Saharan Africa: The Land Use Policy 26: 10 19. Whitehead, Ann and Dzodzi Tsikata Sub Saharan Africa: The Implications of the Re Journal of Agraria n Change 3.1 2: 67 112. Winship, Christopher and Robert D. Mare 1984. Regression Models with Ordinal Variables London: Institute of Research on Poverty. Winter, Sren C. and Peter J. May Regulation Journal of Policy Analysis and Management 20.4: 67 5 98. World Bank. 1989. Sub Saharan Africa: From Crises to Sustainable Growth Washington DC: World Bank. _____ 2005. Doing Business in 2005, Removing Obstacles to Growth. Washington DC: Oxford Un iversity Press. _____ (World Development Report). 2006. Equity and Development Washington DC: World Bank. Beyond the Household in the Debate over Land Policy and Changing Te Oxford Development Studies 30.1: 21 40.



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University of Florida Board of Trustees, a public corporation of the State of Florida; permission is hereby granted for individuals to download articles for their own personal use. Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Flori da. ISSN: 2152 2448 Global Opening for Hungary : A New Beginning for Hungarian Africa Policy ? ISTV N TARR SY AND P TER MORENTH Abstract: Following the rotating Presidency of the Council of the European Union it held between January and June 2011, the Hungarian government introduced a new g As part of this strategic concept, Hungary intends to revit al ize linkages with countries of sub Saharan Africa with which it once had intensive relations in particular during the bipolar era. For the first time since the change of the political system in 1989, Africa related concepts also have been included in pl ans fostered by the government that has held office since 2010. As one of the very few scholarly articles addressing the issue of relations between Hungary and Africa, the present paper aims first of all to give an overview of historic ties S econd, it ana lyze s the current potential for Hungarian involvement in Africa, especially after the Budapest Africa Forum of June 2013, with a fuller insight into Hung arian South African relations as the most thriving framework of cooperation. Finally, it touches upon i ssues of a long term strategic Hungarian policy towards Africa. Introduction Hungary as a c entral European country with out a record of having colonized territory in the Global South but as a member of the European Union with an extended history of research across countries of the developing world formulated a global foreign policy strategy in 2011. While keeping a strong Euro Atlantic orientation at the heart of its diplomacy, the ernment ( led by the party Fidesz Hungarian Civic U nion since the 2010 elections ) declared its firm intention to intensify relations with countries and regions beyond the European continent This intent seems to be a first pragmatic step considering that after the change of the system in 1989 rst non communist government led by Prime Minister Jzsef Antall clearly set the foreign policy agenda: the country top priority was to integrate into the European and Atlantic organizations. Therefore, gaining full membership in the European Union (EU) and in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) represented the unanimous aspirations, as well as the related tasks. In addition, major attention was paid to the bigger Hungarian diaspora community in the Carpathian Basin and beyond (in a non revision ist but undoubt edly cultural nationalist way). 1 A third pillar of Hungarian foreign policy and a high priority has been improving relations with neighboring countries, in particular with Slovakia and Romania where large Hungarian speaking populations ha v e

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78 | Trrsy and Morenth been living for a long time, together with strengthening good neighbor relations with all the countries sharing borders with Hungary. In the official approach not much was talked about the rest of the world, including mention of the African continent. Fur thermore, as far as Africa was concerned, one thing was for certain : not to continue supporting countries from the con tinent, which had been on friendship localized foreign policy was beginning to em erge, which did not really mention the significance of a more globally involved national participation In 2010, however, the second Orbn government established an individual deputy state secretariat for global affairs within the Ministry for Foreign Affa irs. The concept of has unquestionably gained momentum since 2010 2 A previous government led by Ferenc Gyurcsny of the Hungarian Socialist Party however and the 3 Th is article has four main aims. It first intends to offer an overview of earlier Hungarian Africanists, their and their significance for present day foreign policy aspirations. Second, Soviet bloc era linkages and their implications will be discussed to provide a better understanding of the political heritage of the bipolar era. Third, the article will look at what has happened since the change of the system, which, then, in 2011 resulted in an expanded foreign policy that includes Africa. In particular, i t will provide a detailed discussion of Hungarian South African bilateral relations because the Republic market outside Europe after the United States, China and the Arab Emirates. Finally, it will critically examine whether or not all the efforts the government has made so far can present a real hope for a (new) Africa policy for the country. In the Footsteps of M ajor Hungarian Africanists : The Revival of Past Achievements and the Launch of New Types o f Cooperation S everal Hungarians (or people of Hungarian descent) are known for their contribution to the global corpus on African studies, which in fact resulted in a wider and better understanding on the flora, fauna and peoples of different parts of the continent. S ome of them left a legacy revisited, as we will see in the case of some fieldwork and expeditions in the recent decade. Emil Torday (1875 1931) was among the few H ungarians with a significant international reputation He first moved to Belgian Congo in 1900 as a bank clerk and spent four years there devoting substantial time to study ing the local cultures and to collect cultural objects. When he returned to Congo h e was working for the British Museum and continued visiting different ethnic groups and collecting thousands of objects and photos, which was relatively easy for him as he spoke fifteen languages, among them eight African. 4 Torday was a l eading scholar of the Congo River B asin His scholarly stature is due to his ex tensive work among the Bushongo in the capital of the Kuba Kingdom and among the Bangongo on the east side of th at kingdom. 5 His works included sixty articles nine books, and more than three thousand material objects and photos, all of which were featured in a 1990 British Museum exhibit en title d 1909 6 Torday and his fundamental work in the Congo have been experiencing a revival in Hungarian public dialogue thanks to the efforts of young Hungarian Africanists and the African Hungarian Union (AHU) Their efforts led to financing major chunks of the 2009

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Hungarian Africa Policy | 79 expedition of the centenary 7 The younger generation of Africanists in Hungary tries to draw on the works of the ir predecessors and by revitalizing the legacy to get closer again to Africa and to the mainstream of international scholarly research. Another major representative of Hungarian involv ement with Africa was Lszl Magyar (1818 1864), who was originally trained as a naval officer who then became intrigued with Africa and lived for seventeen years in Angola He made important contributions to the study of the geography and ethnography of equatorial Africa. 8 He was the first European to travel through and describe some southern African areas namely the borderland of present day Angola and the Democratic Republic of Congo (1850 1851) and in southeastern Angola (1852 1854) at the divide of the Zambezi and Congo basins. 9 not only explore one area, but also described the life of the people living there. He r 10 His legacy also stimulated renewed interest in this part of the A frican continent. In June 2012 two young Hungarian as they stated it discover Angola month, 7,000 kilometre long journey was to commemorate the great Hungarian traveller promote Angolan tourism and develop Angolan Hungarian bilateral relations. 11 It was well received on the Angolan side, too, and helped raise awareness ab out the potentials of a reconfirmed co operation between the two countries. Angola has an emb assy in Hungary, and the first resident Angolan ambassador to Hungary also wanted to use the expedition to develop economic co operation. 12 Count Smuel Teleki (1845 1916) and his expeditions across East African regions during the late 1880s in particular into the Rift Valley, and was the first European together with his travel mate Ludwig von Hhnel to set foot on Mount Kenya or to reach Lake Turkana, meeting with various Maasai and the Kikuyu entities in the process This constituted yet another major Hun garian individual presence in Africa. Others on a relatively long list would includ e influential figures such as Gbor Pcsvrady, Mric Benyovszky, Anne Baker alias Flra Sass, Aurl Trk, Istvn Czmermann to Ferenc Hopp, and Lszl Almsy t o name a f ew. 13 that encouraged a group of scholars (geographers, ethnographers, geologists, philologists, and economists) to pay tribute to his decisive works while following the routes he had taken in 1887 1888 thus contributing to widening the knowledge about Africa as seen from Hungary. The Hungarian Scientific Africa Expedition of 1987 1988 then offered a solid ground for researchers at Etvs Lornd University in Budapest (ELTE) to la unch an Africa Studies Program. 14 Bantu philologist Gza Fssi Nagy (1946 2008) gradually became the engine behind the scenes until his sudden death in 2008 at the age of sixty expected Hungarian research center or other kind of academic program, even institution on Africa as did some of his predecessors, especially Endre Sk, influential [and rather controversial] Africanist of Hungary [whose] greatest mistake was that he failed to established his own 15 Gza Fssi Nagy did several study and research tours to East, Cdntral and West Africa, and as a linguist anthropologist he translated many local ethnic tales, collected stories, and after his visiting professorship at t he University of Dar es Salaam during 1986 87, wrote the first Hungarian Swahili grammar book and compiled the first Hungarian Swahili dictionary. He always devoted himself to t o his colleag ues. 16 At present, the Africa Studies Program at ELTE itself has ceased to exist, while

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80 | Trrsy and Morenth the Hungarian Accreditation Board has been accredited Studies which still awaits its official launch in the course of 2014 In the meantime another group of young Africanists started establishing their base at oldest university (dating from 1367 ) the University of Pcs. In cooperation with Publikon Publishers they found ed the second Hungarian scientific journal on Af rican Studies Afrika Tanulmnyok (African Studies), which is in its seventh volume in 2013 and provides a national forum for African issues four times a year. 17 Pcs has also established an Africa Research Center at its Humanities School 18 It is an interdisciplinary unit with the potential to launch BA degree p rogram in International Studies The program has been launched but does not yet have a specialization in African Studies. T he center in the meantime organized its second international Africa conference in June 2012 with the participation of scholars from the Visegrad region (Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary) and beyond. The rica Old Friends, New Partnerships and Perspectives Central and Eastern Europe and Russia along with with Africanists from Western Europe. 19 Pcs clearly wishes to foster and therefore to partic ipate actively in a new type of regional networking among Africanists. One set of the results is manifested in the first ever Central European African Studies Network (CEASN) with its permanent seat at the West Bohemian University in Plzen and two other fo unding institutions from Cracow and Pcs. The network will hold its first international conference in May 2014. Another output of this initial networking is the formulation of the potential involvement of research centers in think tank activities that amon g other activities provides advice for the respective ministries of foreign affairs of the Visegrad countries. The Pcs center was able new Hungarian Africa concept. 20 The cent er cooperated with NGOs and played an active rol e in compiling some fundamental strategic recommendations for the Hungarian government. It held workshops and conferences ( two in the fall 2010, first in Pcs and then in collaboration with the Hungarian Institute of International Affairs in Budapest, and a third one in spring 2011 again in Budapest ) which were followed by some additional meetings coordinated by the Ministry for Foreign Affairs. The government subsequently channeled the contributions of these scholarly exchanges in to its foreign policy str ategy document acknowledging that the existence of academic Africa programs are important for the re designe d African engagement of Hungary and maps. 21 Is Africa B ack on Hungarian M aps? As member of the Soviet bloc until 1989 partnerships with then third world countries along ideological lines determined by Moscow. Attention needs to be drawn here to the practice that did not offer the newly independe nt African countries much in real support beyond rhetoric. 22 Hungary later on programmed an ai d policy in its five year plans and drew the circle of target countries. In 1962 an operative unit under the name Tesco ( International Technical and Scientific Coo peration and Trading Office ) was set up with the aim of managing bilateral intergovernment al technical agreements, receiving students holding state scholarships, send ing national experts abroad as part of technical assistance, and organiz ing aid activities in the fields of education, healthcare, agriculture and water management. 23

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Hungarian Africa Policy | 81 After the democratic transformation in 1989 1990 Hun gary practically withdrew from sub Saharan Africa (among many other parts of the increasingly global world) and focused on its new concerns with European and t rans Atlantic integration. This seemed an obvious rope and became the country top foreign affairs priority. Nowadays it is mostly the civil organizations that give substance to the relation with Africa instead of the official presence of the state. NGOs working with African issues in differe nt parts o f the continent (e.g., the African Hungarian Union, the Foundation for Africa and the Taita Foundation) try to fill the void left by Hungarian foreign policy. An example is the humanitarian involvement of the Foundation for Africa in Kinshasa, Congo Its long term humanitarian education focused project C ollege Othniel and a recently acquired orphanage, provides schooling and vocational training for about five hundred children of poor families. 24 n inevitable turning point in its international relations. While joining the commun ity of fellow member states in playing the game of the European Union the country has been trying to pursue its interests in the most effective way possible. In addition t o its pursuit of a national interest based foreign policy, the country must endorse the Whole of the Union approach to a common development policy. Although harmonization is still difficult among all its members, the EU cannot do anything else but foster its presence in the international arena as global actor. and who [was itself a arrived at a historic moment. 25 D ue to the Joint Africa EU s trategy (JAES) adopted at the second Africa EU Summit in Lisbon in December 2007 a new scope of involvement with Africa became olicy at hand: a network of connections, well defined interests, clear goals, ideas on development policy, and based on all these, firm Bokor, Chief Coordinator of the Buda pest Africa Forum. 26 international in this case pointedly African relationships. Hungary has the chance to participate more intensively in the C as since January 1, 2010 Hungary has had This means that the country can and is expected to play an active role in EDF programs. This is also an alternative opportunity for Hungarian enterprises to di versify beyond the European markets. For some Hungarian companies, the sub Saharan region can be a take off point to boost Hungarian ideas regarding economic development. The region offers a new market and an investment target for large, small and medium s ize Hungarian enterprises. For example, a n entrepreneur might prosper i n some East African countries selling ( under a revitalized brand name ) Hungarian Hajdu washing machines with a rotating disc, a very popular household item across the Eastern Bloc durin g Soviet times. T here has been a boost in Hungarian economic activism in other parts of sub Saharan Africa s ince April 2013 The Hungarian Trade and Cultural Center s (HTCC) in Accra and Kampala were created for interested businessmen, investors and entrepreneurs from Hungary in hope of launching business projects all across the region. 27 Parallel to developing foreign markets and increasing Hungarian expor ts sub Saharan cooperation can signify multilateral political successes for Hungary g over nment This bids several new economic possibilities that would not be feasible i n the Asian or European markets. One good example

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82 | Trrsy and Morenth is the Economic Cooperation Agreement with the Republic of South Africa (RSA) signed on 26 November 2009. A lmost 50 percent of n export s are with the RSA Hunga A mong all of Hungarian sub Saharan relations hips the South African partnership is the most extensive up to the present day. The Hungarian South African bilateral conte xt will be discussed more fully later in the paper. As Gyrgy Suha, President of the Honorary Consular Corps Accredited in the Republic of Hungary noted sub Saharan involvement in Africa was still confined to passively support or even contemplate from a distance the Africa policy determined by the former colonial states across Africa. At the same time political and economic relations with North African states show an explicitly developing 28 This statement has chronological importance, for although Hungary joined the EU in 2004, as of 2007 there was only a passive government approach to Africa. The shift to a more active approach started in 2010, when governmental ideas regarding Africa slightly shifted towards a positive direction S everal events and exchanges of ideas furnished the necessary background. This can be explained by the fact that Africa has become a central target for the ng the EU ACP partnership and international development cooperation. Hungary has several direct serious security policy and geopolitical concerns and interests, for instance, with migration, peacekeeping and NATO commitments. Events of the Arab Spring and the revolution in Libya proved how successfully such a c entral European state (i.e. Hungary) can act on behalf of the entire C ommunity by keeping its embassy working as the key diplomatic mission in Tripoli during the conflict. Maja Kociancic, spokesperso n for EU foreign policy chief Catherine Ashton said at a press conference that the Hungarian embassy was the only diplomatic mission of an EU country still open in Tripoli and still providing official information during the conflict. 29 In economic terms Hungary is not present on the African continent and above all not in the sub Saharan region to the extent it was in the decades preceding the political transformation out of the Soviet bloc. With the lack of active governmental activity at the moment it i s often that the Hungarian African relationship is divided between alleged or real representatives of particular individual, economic and civil interests. Taking into account the geopolitical reality of a country in c entral Europe, the government of Hunga ry acknowledges that any Hungarian strategy should encourage territorial attitude to prevail. After having looked at Hungary Africa relations on a national basis, one should also look at them in the regional context of the Visegrad Group of countries as a further way of gauging the potential for a fuller engagement with Africa. It is not new for the Visegrad Group to play a role in African development because under communism all of these countries provided substantial support to African states under the clo ak of solidarity and ideology. In the course of political transformations these relationships were immediately curtailed and they often precipitated setbacks, which have even caused long term disadvantages for grad country. What we see today is the reduction of the ir diplomatic presence and the lack of promoting other kinds of presence. There is a perceptibly increasing rhetorical tendency to speak of the commitment of the countries of the region to aim at reali zing the Millennium Development Goals of the United Nations and reducing poverty in general terms across ies both in intensifying bilateral ties and contributing to the international agenda within the United Nations. As a member of the European Union Hungary has taken part in European policies and schemes, but each member state can foster its own external affairs aspirations in

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Hungarian Africa Policy | 83 bilateral terms. This is what has been reduced to a minim um since the change of the political system in 1989. frica we recognize a completely different picture: the question of Africa has been marginal, and there does not seem to be a serious chance for it to be come a priority in the near future. 30 The scope of diplomatic presence varies in the Visegrad group: Poland maintains five embassies (Angola, Ethiopia, Kenya, Nigeria, and South Africa), the Czech Republic seven (Ethiopia, Ghana Kenya, Congo, Nigeria, South Africa, and Zimbabwe), Slovakia four (Ethiopia, Kenya, Nigeria, and South Africa), and Hungary only two (Kenya and South Africa) 31 I t is beyond doubt that re establishing diplomatic posts will not be enough to spur more Hungarian official interest; some political or economic incentives are needed to get more involved in Africa. Economic activities from the private sector can offer good ground for a new phase of building relations. In a geopolitically changing transnationa l world the mutual political trust of the past regimes does not have much significance. New channels of collaboration can be formed on the ground of economic activities, first and foremost, and Hungary has the potential to re formulate its past image as an exporter of technolog ies, in particular in the fields of agriculture, water purification and management, and cartography. 32 In addition, as Suha colonial power and the good experience of Africans with former Hungarian products s uch as the Ikarus buses or the already mentioned Hajdu washing machines, and even the Elzett locks and Globus meat cans h old extra credits for fostering and refining relations. 33 Up until 1935 Ganz and Company of Budapest built several streamline d d iesel rail cars for the Egyptian State Railways, which carried passengers between Cairo and Suez. 34 From the MV M40 series (nicknamed as Humpback) built between 1966 70 thirty were sold to Egypt 35 Still today many people refer to the older type of rail cars as magari which in Hungarian also indicating a nostalgic feeling and sense of reliability. 36 Since 2010 some diplomatic developments have occurred and others have been promised b y the government (for instance, opening and/or re opening embassies in West Africa and at the headquarters of the African Union in Addis Ababa), but so far there is limited coherent thinking about where to foster what type of presence, and for what reasons T with quite different tones. First of all, we can Africa policy as it is s till in the making and not yet Hungarian involvement in Africa A lthough the Ministry for Foreign Affairs has published its document on Hungarian foreign policy after the Hungarian EU Presidency, which contains sections on Africa, it is still a foreign policy approach, not a coherent government policy about the continent and related Hungarian presence I n the last couple of years Hungarian economic figures worsened undoubtedly partly due to the g lobal fin ancial turmoil and the ongoing e uro crisis resulting in a more u nstable environment, for instance, in terms of foreign investments. Therefore, other c entral and e astern European c ountries (CEECs) seem to be more competitive than Hungary in a number of ways, including making themselves attractive for African partnerships. Today, other c entral Europe an countries might seem to offer better solutions and frameworks for colla boration wi th African entities compared with Hungary. Second, Hungary is advised to learn from its past achievements on the continent,

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84 | Trrsy and Morenth development. But the major task is to define what i t wishes to engage with as far as African cooperation is concerned. As mentioned in the introduction, the first government since the change of the system in 1989 1990 role in the global arena is the current one, which is rather an inevitable step as long as the world is concerned. Third, Hungarian civil organizations ( b oth NGOs and NGDOs ) active in Africa agree t hat the country needs to learn more about Africa and African ways of thinking about their needs a nd aspirations for cooperation. 37 approach, which rests upon the activism of civil society and the business community, is an appropriate one for a successful Hungarian involvement in the long run. Building B ridges : Africans in Hungary To be able to understand more of African everyday life, Africa and the Africans themselves need to be part of public discourse. This can be supported by those African immigrants who f or various reasons cho se Hungary as their second home and settled in the country. F or almost ten years, African immigrants have been seen among Hungarian intellectuals as potential b ridges between Hungary and African states. Setting up a database of the Africans who earned their university degree in Hungary during the 1970s and 1980s has been defined as a central task for any government wishing to foster African relations. So far, no such database exists. During the course of 2011 the Pcs based think tank ID Research realized a Fund, conducting a survey about the legal African communities in Hungar y. 38 The project ha d its fourth phase between March and July 2013 with a special summer school designed for university students aiming at meeting with African migrants (and others of other cultural and ethnic backgrounds) in Budapest. These legal African mi grants are active in the cultural and NGO sectors as well as tak ing part in humanitarian and philanthropic activities for instance, try ing to collect money and in kind support for schools and orphanages in different African countries (mostly their countrie s of origin). Most of them arrived in Hungary as students with state scholarships during the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s, married Hungarians, and established their families in Hungary T heir children refer to white coffee half blood. few in number (less than 3,000 in a total population of about ten million), their partial Hungarian identity and commitment toward their new home country serves as a good ground for fostering bilateral ties between H thousands of African professionals who graduated from Hungarian universities in the 1970s Budapest Africa Forum. 39 According t o the data of the last two years published by the Central Statistics Authority the number of the African immigrants to Hungary has considerably increased. The number of African citizens having a permit to stay or establish themselves in Hungary reached 2,5 13 persons on January 1, 2010, showing an increase of. 26 percent compared to 2009 (1 998 persons according to the then statistics) ; 1,080 persons, 43 percent of the African migra nts, came to Hungary from North African countries. As for the regions south o f the Sahara 739 persons migrated from Nigeria to Hungary this is more than half (51.6 percent) of the entire sub Saharan migrant community. In 2011 the total number increased to 2,779 acco rding to the latest census from 40

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Hungarian Africa Policy | 85 Tendencies show that t he majority of the immigrants ca me to Hungary with the which does not mean settling down definitively, but results in a stay for a long time, which also supposes get language and/or feel comfortable in other domains, compare the possibilities of his actual and earlier domicile, it increases the intention to definitively migrate and the person might 41 From this point of view a clear governmental concept, intention and strategy is even more necessary person about to settle, along with the interests of the receptive nation. Foste ring such bilateral links is crucial for policy making, as bilateral links in general or targeted to specific countries are in line with other policy and business goals and objectives. These days one of the most heated debates in the European institutions is the issue of migrant communities, the diaspora and their active contributions to economic development of the rece iving countries, in particular where migrant entrepreneurs are concerned. In Hungary the debate is not yet heated, but the issue has been p ut on the political agenda. A future Hungar ian Africa policy can surely utilize these diaspora related ties. Hungary Africa Relations: Tasks, O bligations and P ossibilities T his section turn s attention to Hungary Africa relations from the Soviet Bloc per iod onward, discussing some important moments during the political regime change at the end of the 1980s. Today, Hungary as a donor country gives money to international organizations as well as for humanitarian purposes. The European Union and the Organiza tion for Economic Cooperati on and Development (OECD) then disburse this money to states in need in Africa, Asia and the Caribbean (ACP countries). H ungary also needs to align it self with regime 42 B etween 2008 and 2013 Hungary has contributed 125 million Euros to the 10 th Development Program of the European Development Fund, with the expect ation that a considerable part of this amount would go to Africa. All this is not only important from the aid point of view T hanks to this program Hungarian civil associations have opportunities to participate in EU projects in Africa, the Caribbean and Pacific regions. However, as members of the roundtable debates held in Pcs and Budapest between Sept ember 2010 and June 2011 pointed out, the and civil organizations actually apply for ACP EU programs that joining the EU. 43 Participation in ind ustry related developments relevant to Hungarian engineering skills and expertise is an option for Hungarian associations. It has potential today, though after the political transformation Hungarian missions in Angola and Mozambique were closed, and the in tensity of bilateral relations has decreased accordingly, which makes it hard to encourage participation. In the last few years, however, Angolan Hungarian relations have developed, and the aforementioned Magyar expedition could also contribute to further expansion. According to the first Angolan ambassador to Hungary, Joo Miguel Vahekeni, areas of interest [in 2010] were civil engineering, railway, energy, agriculture, and air iture built ties with Angolan counterparts in the course of 2010. 44 All these efforts are also supported by the Angolan Hungarian Economic Association established in Hungary.

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86 | Trrsy and Morenth International aid programs are coordinated in the Department for International Development Cooperation of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, established in November 2002. According to the ministry, OECD and EU conform ing donor activities began in 2003. Quite independently, there were international development and support programs earlier, which were not handled uniformly, and for which Hungary spent between USD 17.8 million to USD de velopme nt funds, including Asia, South America and Africa, amounted to only (about USD 391,000 As noted earlier, before the political transformation Hungary used to take a considerable share of Soviet Bloc development cooperation, providing technical pro fessional support mainly through the Hungarian Tesco C ompany. By the 1980s it was present (therefore, Hungary was present) in fifty seven third world countries. This is also an asset in terms of redefining potential future co operation. Thanks to active ci vil organizations and individual initiatives, Africa is on th e way to be (positively) ree valu at ed in the coming years, mention ing i.e. the latest worldwide trend in which the leading Asian powers (China, Japan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia) as well as Russia Brazil, and other emerging economies ( e.g., Turkey) have become the most serious challengers of the EU and the USA First and foremost, this is a race for natural resources, the ir locations, and the exploitation rights of raw materials. Comparing investment portfolios it leaps to attention that while, for example, China participates in African development and investment in a much more diversified way and in several different regions, Europe keeps speculating on investments in connection with the natural resources In the course of investigating a potential and viable Hungarian Africa policy in the making, there is yet another dimension to examine : educating society about Africa. It seems a prerequisite to speak more sensibl y and with out bias about Africa to Hungarian society at l understanding of Africa Presidency of the European Council of the EU NGOs the umbrella organization HAND ( Hungarian Association of NGOs for Development and Humanitarian Aid ) compiled a package of strategic recommendations for reconsider ing and reshaping Hungarian foreign political and economic st rategy and development policy and to, lay the foundation of an e ffective and proactive Hungarian contributi on to the EU Development Policy. 45 For t he first time since the change of the system these recommendations were channeled into a new government approach, which includes a separate chapter on African relations. 46 Th e and security policy, as well as the EU programs for cooperation and humanitarian aid. Hungary can only participate actively and take initiatives in these, however, if we have our Africa policy at hand: a network of connections, well defined interests, clear goals, ideas on development policy, and based on all these, firm positions that we can harmonize 47 This constitutes a substantive basis for an emerging view that Hungary is indeed increasing attention on Africa. African issue is not merely a foreign relations or a foreign economic question but rather a complex government mission for Hungary. In the las t few years among other instances the 2004 Africa Conference held in Budapest the idea originally formulated by former State Secretary of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs Lszl Vrkonyi has been repeated objectives and interests concerning the

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Hungarian Africa Policy | 87 African continent and give new perspectives to our endeavors. We have to situate Africa in should point out why a relative ly small Central European country with practically no colonial background needs an Africa 48 At the same time Hungary cannot isolate itself from the problems of the sub Saharan region. For the economic and political refugees streaming from this region, Hungary is about to gradually become a target country instead of a transit country. Parts of Africa have faced continued crise s for several years and are not exempt from pr oblems with international impact. Organized crime, international terrorism, AIDS, etc ., all reach Hungary too. To reduce poverty and create political stability is in is also a moral obligation. A 200 7 document of the former African Research Unit of the Hungarian Geopolitical Council highlighted four areas were as important items to be considered wh en drawing up a national Africa policy: a id programs linked to econ omic activities (investment); c lose work ing relationship s with the scientific professi onal network of the country; m aintaining constant contact with voluntary and civil organizations; and l aunching social awareness programs. 49 The current strategic app roach i n foreign affairs builds upon these an d states including food aid, along with agricultural, environmental, water management and health issues, and to assess the needs for sharing [Hungarian] experie nces related to democratic transition, if possible, in connection with involvement in relevant international projects. 50 While opening windows to various parts of the world as part of a global approach (in Hunga rian globlis nyits ), the Ministry of Foreig n Affairs offers some examples of Hungarian African co operation to be considered for repositioning itself South Africa seems to be the best example from a number of angles. Twenty Years o f Diplomatic Relations: South Africa a nd Hungary Hungary and South Africa have had diplomatic relations for more than twenty years. 51 most important commercial partner in Africa is the Republic of South Africa. 52 It is not surprising therefore that as part of the new strategy backed by the Hungarian Mi nistry for Foreign Affairs the position of Ec onomic and Commercial Counselor at the Embassy of of 2012 points to a stable increase in trade with a gradually diverg ing interest in bilateral cooperation from actors in various sectors including environmental protection, medical equipment and pharmaceuticals, financial solutions, cars and car parts. 53 South Africa has e after the USA, China and the United Arab Emirates. The volume of exports in 2011 was USD 840 million, with USD 186 million in the first qu arter of 2012. F ormer South African Ambassador to Hungar y, Esther Takalani Netshitenzhe, noted that trade between t he two countries has increased over the years and the percentage annual average growth rate indicates that exports from South Africa to Hungary increased by about 54 percent per annum compared to imports at around 19 percent per annum over the last ten yea rs. 54 medical sectors. In order to widen and stabilize trade relations and to boost contacts among SMEs [small business ente rprises], business networks were launched in the second half of 2011 in both countries. By now monthly [there are] 20 25 business offers, projects are

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88 | Trrsy and Morenth intermediated primarily in the ITC, medical, bio health, energy efficiency, clean tech and 55 Ambassador Netshitenzhe also underlined the importance of the Hungarian diaspora that settled in South Africa after 1956 in terms of contributing to the economi es of both countries. Hungarian Ambassador to South Africa Bla Lszl considers the Hungarian Several South African Hungarian businessmen are active in the Hungarian m with their active involvement the South Africa Hungary Joint Economic Commission was established on May 13, 2013 56 In the protocol of the inaugural session of the commission the parties identified the fields and sectors of mutual interest to de velop and diversify bilateral relations ranging from industrial automation, machine tools, and safety and security equipment to the exchange of experience and technology in the field of coal, copper and uranium mining, to waste and water management and tou rism. 57 Not only Hungary but other c entral and e astern European countries (CEEC) were 58 Hungary in particular becam e a significant scene for South African direct investment. SABMiller, for instance, has become a success story for both countries. The first major RSA Brewery for some USD 100 million. 59 According to management est imates, SABMiller has 30 percent of the total share of the Hungarian beer market and has a steady presence in c entral Europe. 60 As long as South Africa h as a regional approach in its foreign policy toward c entral Europe, it makes more sense to compare the Visegrad states from the point of view of 61 In the field of education and research, Ambassador Netshitenzhe contributed to African Studies programs to be launched in the near future at universities in Budapest and Pcs with public lectures and book donations to new sub libraries on African topics. 62 There is unanimous agreement within government, business and academic circles about the chan ged situation, within which Hungary can foster its relations with the world after its EU Presidency period in the first six months of 2011. As is stated in the foreign policy document netheless strengthened during [the] EU presidency, as a result of staging many joint events with the 63 In terms of further events, a clear commitment is seen i n the government sponsored ( Jun e 6 7, 2013 ) Events are important tools for a successful foreign policy but not sufficient on their own to argue that a country has an individual policy for any of its relations in this case, African relations. It is too early to state anything about what the Africa Forum can bring to revitalizing Hungary particular. What then to expect from 2013 on as far as a potential Africa policy is concerned? After t he Bu dapest Africa Forum: Real H ope for a N ew Africa P olicy ? There is an obvious change in the communication s of the Ministry for Foreign Affairs about Africa and other parts of the world suggesting that Hungary has tasks, duties and opportunities in these realms. Beyond official rhetoric, however, steps of action will be tested from 2013 onwards, and even with the new EU planning period, the Multiannual Financial Framework 2014 2020, not to mention the result s of national electio ns scheduled

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Hungarian Africa Policy | 89 for spring 2014. Will there be more Hungarian diplomatic posts across sub Saharan Africa or not ? This i consulates and their personnel do play a strategic role in develo pment cooperation across the world. It is infinitely more difficult to coordinate and implement aid, particularly project 64 Hungary only current sub Saharan Africa n embass ies are in K enya and South Africa T here is however, a strong likelihood of reopen ing the embassy in Nigeria which according to former Deputy State Secretary for Global Affairs Szabolcs Takcs. 65 Building and maintaining trust is ever so crucial, and rebuilding trust is alw ays more difficult in diplomacy. T herefore, more efforts and financial means need to be mobilized. The present paper gi ve s an overview of what Hungary has as a pool of academic assets from previous centuries of A frican contacts and involvement, which can support its current up more globally, including also the African continent. In the course of 2010 and 2011, following a joint initiative of the academic and ci vic circles having an interest in African engagement and the Ministry for Foreign Affairs, more workshops and conferences were organized in Pcs and Budapest with the aim o f encourag ing nation wide discour policy. As of December 18, 2012 when another important roundtable was held in the Ministry for Foreign become a global player, and therefore, needs flexible and innovative thinking. 66 To construct a functioning Africa policy, the ministry decided to organize a milestone international event the in early June 2013, which was planned to channel all documents, thoughts and plans in to a coherent strategic documen t for the long run. S ince its political transition Hungary had never hosted such a forum, with more than two hundred delegates representing governments, academics, civil society and businesses from over twenty five African countries. The main speaker of the Forum A frican U nion C ommission (AUC) C hairperson Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma, was the first to call for closer cooperation and collaboration a litany of challenges she a dvocated for renewed engagement for Hungary. She also spoke at the e ducation panel stating that countries played an important role during our anti colonial struggles and our early years of nation formation a nd state building in the development of African human capital, with 67 Concurring with the AUC Chairperson, Hungarian Minister of Foreign Affairs Jnos Martonyi said that 68 prosperity, peace and security in Africa through multilateral and bilateral relations and coop eration. As an EU member state, Hungary ac cording to Martonyi w ill actively participate in reshaping relations with Africa and will increase its role in education by increasing the number of African students wishing to study in Hungary. He also promised increase d potential for sports diplomacy and academic and business forums as well. 69 ffairs, Hanna Tetteh, the child of a Ghanaian father and a Hungarian mother born in Hungary, and a graduate of the Medical University in Szege d, She noted that what local Africanists repeatedly say: Hungarian trade with Africa has more potential than trade with other regions. She called on the Hungarian g overnment to open all

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90 | Trrsy and Morenth doors to students again as it did in the 1960 80s. 70 Alongside the Forum there were about thirty related events such as film show s art exhibitions, receptions etc. The Budapest Declaration read out and approved by acclamation at the end of the Forum charts the way forward to enhance new engagement between Hun gary and the African continent. 71 In conclusion, the present analysis showed that since the change of the political regime in 1989 90 Hungary has the intention and at the appropri ate level of the government to implement an expanded foreign policy that includes Africa. To do this the country already th largest market beyond Europe, following the USA, China and the Arab Emirates. The most recent developments of Hungarian South African bilateral ties signal a mutually growing interest in further expansion. When discussing what assets Hungary has for the construction of an Africa policy, human relations and the network of Africans with a Hungarian university degree is pertinent Many of the former students are in leading political or business positions thus providing considerable social capital for Hungar y to foster its Africa the country. the development of the educational cultural relations, scientific technological co operation, and the enlargement of the institutional network into a position to represent Hungary and make it (more) attractive seem fundamental task s 72 Should these factors be of great(er) importance in a prospective Africa strategy / policy, Hungary will certainly be able to brin g other, more specific areas ( e.g. those of the economy, trade, security policy, etc ., and their Hungarian actors ) in to a more Although there are perceptibly more and more young Africans (better still their parents and family) who are able to study paying students it is of relevance for the Hungarian Africa policy that the government draw s up and offers a new Hungarian State scholarship program focusing on Africa. The emerging economies of our global world annually offer an increasing number of state grants to young Africans With this kind of support Africans can gain professional trainin g and knowledge, in possession of which and this is supported by the most recent research and surveys they establish contacts with the state that provided the grant for them plus business and other The result is that they join intensively in the long term development of bilateral cooperation s ince they have the necessary qualifications and correctly speak the language of the state providing the grant, which has crucial importance in the development of relations in general terms. All these are to be coupled with high level (President of State, Head of Government, implement a relevant Africa policy Hungary should take a more efficient part in the activiti es of the African Union Furthermore, in overall terms, Hungary needs to become more attractive for African investors, since by now they exist in an increasing number. Ad hoc policies and policy formulation need to be avoided, and a strategic planning with long term efforts and developments must take over. There are obvious resources available but these need to be channeled into a coherent and visionary national policy that is in line with the long term strategic interests of Hungary in Africa This also m akes sense in the closer vicinity of Hungary, in the Visegrad region, as well as in a broader context of EU common foreign security opening is timely and the reformulation of an Africa n s trategy makes sense, especially in a broader European context. To stay critical in a constructive way about the implementation

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Hungarian Africa Policy | 91 and how this new approach of repositioning the country on the world map will actually happen however, is crucial for success. N otes 1 Non rev way. The Treaty of Versailles sig ned with Hungary in the Grand Trianon Palace of Versailles (called there fore the Trianon Treaty) on 4 June 1920 resulted in the loss of more than two thirds of its original territories (72 percent ) and 64 percent of the total population of the country (21 million) which was for aligning with the defeated A xis ( Central) P owers led by Germany. The total number of Hungarians living beyond the borders of the Republic of Hungary (today Magyarorszg ) is about 5.2 million out of which 2.6 million ethnic Hungarians can be found in present day neighbo ring countries (about 1.5 million in Romania), 1.8 million in North America ( about 1.5 million in the USA), and the rest all across the world. 2 For more on this topic, see Tarrsy and Vrs 2013. 3 Rcz 2012, p. 6. 4 Br 2007, p. 161. 5 More on his life and research can be read at the 2009 Torday website: http://kongoexpedicio.hu/torday/index.php/en/who was emil torday 6 This was organized by social anthropologist professor J ohn Mack, University of East Anglia, UK. 7 About the expedition: http://www.kongoexpedicio.hu/. See also: Szilasi 2010. 8 For more see World Digital Library, http://www.wdl.org/en/item/2925/ ( accessed June 15, 2012 ) 9 Bartos Elek and Nemerknyi 2009. 10 Br 2007, p. 157. 11 The field trip is documented in the magazine Fldgmb 2012/9 pp. 18 31. 12 In an interview Vahekeni talked about his focus on his mission to encourage more Hungarian economic actors to get engaged with Angola in a number of ways. See the interview at : http://africannewshungary.blogspot.com/2010/12/i want more hungarian economic actors.html 13 For more see Rgi 2007a, pp. 147 156 and Vidacs 1984, pp. 119 129. Count Mric in addition to his numerous commitments such as military officer, adventurer and born aristocrat, through his diary of his years in Madagascar between 1772 and 1776 contributed to the understanding of the island people. For more on him and other Hungarian Africanists, travellers and scholars see Br 2007, pp. 157 62. 14 It may seem interesting that this took place during the last years of the Soviet backed one party system. However, it was the 100th anniversary that motivated all the See: Vojnits 2013a and 2013b. 15 Br, 2007. pp. 165 166. See also: Darch Littlejohn 1983 16 More on him at: http://old.integralakademia.hu/en/school of integral psychology/faculty/geza fuessi nagy/

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92 | Trrsy and Morenth 17 The first journal was Africana Hungarica the journal of the then Hungarian Africa S ociety, and was published only twice in ten years 18 Szab 2013. 19 Its official homepage is: http://www.africa.pte.hu/?page_id=1057 20 Morenth and Tarrsy 2011. 21 Hungarian Ministr y of Foreign Affairs 2011, p. 49. Available at : http://www.kulugyiintezet.hu/default_eng.asp ( accessed June 4, 2012 ) 22 Paragi 2007, pp. 145 46. 23 Ibid. pp. 1 46 47. 24 For more, see Tarrsy 2013. 25 Mangala 2013, pp. 124 25. 26 Interview wi th Balzs Bokor April 14, 2013, http://budapestafricaforum.kormany.hu ( accessed May 9, 2013 ) 27 as the Ghanaian participants, among them Dr. LaurenceTete, Anglican clergy man, Mr. Francis Kwasnyi, doctor colonel, Mr. Benjamin Dagadoo, deputy minister for the oil Available at : http://afriport.hu/index.php/angol nyelv hirek/17463 the opening ceremony of the hungarian trade center in ghana -in hungarian .html ( accessed May 25, 2013 ) 28 Suha 2007, p. 8. 29 http://www.acus.org/natosource/hungary has eus last functioning embassy tripoli accessed on May 28, 2013 30 See also Kopinski 2012, pp. 33 49. 31 The third one Greg Mills mentions in Abuja in his 2006 article closed after his a rticle appeared, but the Hungarian government stated in early 2013 that it would in 2013. 32 Interview with Gyrgy Suha about the system of Hungarian African relations. See Fldi 2010, pp. 69 75. 33 Ibid. p. 71. 34 http://mikes.railhistory.railfan.net/r 050.html ( accessed May 30, 2013 ). 35 See www.railroadforums.com ( accessed September 10, 2013 ). 36 of the Hungarian Embassy in Cairo at : http://www.mfa.gov.hu/kulkepvise let/EG/en/en_Koszonto/welcome.htm ; and http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2010/1008/sk4.htm ( accessed September 5, 2013 ). 37 Their opinion was elaborated upon during the series of workshops and conferences organized partly by the Africa Research Center of the University of Pcs in co operation with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs between September 2010 and April 2011, as documented in the minutes of the meetings. Source: Africa Research Center, University of Pcs. 38 More on the project an d its results can be found at www.ittvagyunk.eu 39 ge of the Budapest Africa Forum at : http://budapestafricaforum.kormany.hu accessed May 9, 2013. 40 Data obtained from: http://www.ksh.hu/docs/hun/xstadat/xstadat_eves/i_wnvn001b.html ( ac cessed May 4, 2012 )

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Hungarian Africa Policy | 93 41 L. Rdei 2007, p. 11. 42 Szent Ivnyi 2012, p. 65. 43 From the records of the roundtables. Notes were taken by the authors. 44 Interview with Joao Miguel Vahekeni. Source: http://africannewshungary.blogspot.com/2010/12/i want more hungarian economic actors.html ( accessed May 20, 2013 ) 45 See Morenth and Tarrsy 2012. 46 Hungarian Ministr y of Foreign Affairs 2011, pp. 4 7 49 47 Ibid. p. 48. 48 Vrkonyi 2004, p. 5. 49 For more see Rgi 2007b, pp. 13 16. 50 Hungarian Ministr y of Foreign Affairs 2011, p. 49. 51 South Africa n Ministry of International Relations and Cooperation 2011 pp. 12 13. 52 It is worth noting that other Visegrad countries also nurture flourishing ties with South Africa. With Poland, which was the fastest growing member state of the European million in 2011, an increase of 27% over for more see : http://www.bdlive.co.za/business/trade/2012/12/02/pr osperous poland boosts ties with south africa [ accessed May 28, 2013 ] .) In its 2012 2020 Export Strategy, the Czech Republic considers South Africa as one with which the Czech Republic intends to develop bilateral ties in the long run. ( For more see : http://oldsanews.gcis.gov.za/rss/12/12092612251001 [ accessed May 28, 2013 ] .) 53 Received in an electronic circular on June 26, 2012. 54 The interview was made on September 10, 2012 with the involvement of Judit Bagi, res earch assistant. 55 Interview with Ambassador Bla Lszl, May 29, 2013. 56 The interview was on May 29, 2013. More about the joint economic commission at : http://www.hungarianambiance.com/2013/05/closer economic and trade relations.html ( accessed May 28, 2013 ) 57 Protocol of the First Session of the South Africa Hungary Joint Economic Commission ( May 13, 2013 ), pp. 1 4. 58 Mills 2006, p. 171. 59 South African R 2005, p. 1. 60 Data accessed June 22, 2012from http://www.sabmill er.com/index.asp?pageid=1065. 61 Interview with Ambassador Bla Lszl, May 29, 2013. 62 See the program of the conference at which the South African Ambassador gave an opening speech and presented a book donation to the Africa Research Center of the U niversity of Pcs: http://www.africa.pte.hu/?page_id=543 63 Hungarian Ministr y of Foreign Affairs 2011, p. 47. 64 Kopinski 2012, p. 44. 65 http://www.dteurope.com/politics/non eu countries/opening towards sub saharan africa.html ( accessed May 30, 2013 ) 66 From the official notes of the rou ndtable taken by Ildik Szilasi (a ccessed 25 December 25, 2012 ) On October 29, 2013, State Secretary Pter Szijrt informed the Hungarian News Agency MTI that Hungary reopened its embassy in Abuja. See:

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94 | Trrsy and Morenth http://www.kormany.hu/en/prime minister s of fice/news/hungary reopened its embassy in abuja accessed November 6, 2013. 67 Notes taken by Pter Morenth 68 Ibid. 69 Ibid. 70 Ibid 71 See : http://budapestafricaforum.kormany.hu/download/e/61/70000/BAF Declaration.pdf 72 Nye 2011. Good examples come from various different parts of the world: the German Goethe Institute, the French Alliance Franaise (AF) network the Chinese Confucius In stitutes worldwide, and of Russian Centers. This means that it can have relevance that the network of the Hungarian cultural institutes should be enlarged and could be widened by incorporating civil actors on the model of AF. References Bartos Elek, Zsombor and Zsombor Nemerknyi 24th International Cartographic Conference (Santiago, Chile). http:// icaci.org/files/documents/ICC_proceedings/ICC2009/html/refer/7_1.pdf ( accessed June 15, 2012 ) Br, Gbor. 2007 Chubu International Review 2: 155 69. dre Sik and the Development of African Studies History in Africa 10: 79 108. afrikai kapcsolatrendszer sajtossgai. Beszlgets dr. Suha [The unique features of Hungarian African relations. Interview with Dr. Gyrgy Suha, Consul General of The Gambia] Afrika Tanulmnyok 4.1: 69 75. Hungarian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 2011. Presidency of the Council of the European Union Budapest : 47 49. http://www.kulugyiintezet.hu/default_eng.asp ( accessed June 4, 2012 ) South African R elations 2005. Budapest Analyses No. 79. http://www.budapestanalyses.hu/docs/En/Analyses_Archive/analysys_79_en.html ( accessed May 9, 2013 ) Kopinski, Dominik. 2012 Perspectives on European Politics and Society 13.1: 33 49. Mangala, Jack (ed). 2013. Africa and the European Union : A Strategic Partnership New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Mills, Greg. 2006 South African Journal of International Affair s 13.1: 169 74.

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Hungarian Africa Policy | 95 Morenth, Pter and Istvn Tarrsy fejlesztsi stratgijhoz [Strategic recommendations for a future Hungarian African Pcs: HAND Szvetsg. Accessibl e at: http://www.afrikatanulmanyok.hu/userfiles/File/fajlok/afrikai%20stratgiai.pdf. _____ 2012 ve African Development Strategy A Tradecraft Review Special Issue: 24 54. Nye, Joseph S ., Jr. 2011. The Future of Power New Yor k: Public A ffairs. sub Diplomacy and Trade O nline March 7 http://w ww.dteurope.com/politics/non eu countries/opening towards sub saharan africa.html accessed May 30, 2013. Paragi, Beta. 2007. [ ] In Beta Paragi, Balzs Szent Ivnyi and Sra Vri (eds.), Nemzetkzi fejlesztsi seglyezs. Tanknyv [ International development aid textbook ] (Budapest: TTT Consult): 145 63. Rcz, Andrs http://www.uaces.org/documents/papers/1201/racz.pdf ( accessed July 9, 2013 ) R dei, Mria L. 2007. A tanulmnyi cl mozgs [ Study driven migration ] Budapest: REG INFO. kutats tudomnytrtnetnek trtnete [The history of the history of Africa research in Hungary ]. Africana Hungarica 2.1 2: 14 7 156. _____ politikjnak kialaktshoz [ Recommendations for the creation of an Africa policy for Hungarian organizations ] Africana Hungarica 2.1 2: 13 16. South African Ministry of International Relation s and Cooperation. 2011. 20 Years of Diplomatic Relations, South Africa and Hungary Pretoria: pp. 12 13. Suha, Gyrgy. 2007. [Opportunity and chance: Hungarian Sub Saharan economic cooperation ] Afrika Tanulmnyok 1.2: 7 11. 8. http://budapestafricaforum.kormany.hu /docu ments ( accessed September 7 2013 ) Szent Ivnyi, Balzs. 2012 Journal of International Relations and Development 15: 65 89. Magyar Lszl trkpvel [ A map A Fldgmb 14. (30.) 9: 18 31. _____ and Attila Lrnt. 2010. Kong. Torday Emil nyomban [ Congo: in trail of Emil Torday ] Budapest: Afrikai Magyar Egyeslet.

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96 | Trrsy and Morenth Tarrsy, Istvn. 2013 'It Can Also Be Done from Central Europe' H ungarian Humanitarian Involvement in the Democratic Republic of Congo." The CIHA Blog ( May 4 ) http://www.cihablog.com/it can also be done from central europe hungarian humanitarian involvement in the democratic republic of t he congo/ ( accessed May 30, 2013 0 Politeja Special Issue (forthcoming) http://www.wsmip.uj.edu.pl/en_GB/politeja tag Magyarorszg s a szubszaharai Afrika [ The EU member Hungary and Sub Saharan Africa ] politikja c. 5. Artes Populares 10 11.1: 119 29. expedci [ 125 and 25 years (1/2). The 125 year old Teleki expedition ] Afrika Tanulmnyok 7.2: 117 144. _____ 25 ves a Magyar Tudomnyos Afrika expedci [ 125 and 25 years (1/2). The 125 year old Teleki expedition ] Afrika Tanulmnyok 7.3 (forthcoming).



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Henk Mutsaers holds a PhD degree in tropical agronomy. He has been based in several developing Farm Research. As a consultant for R&D he has carried out assignments in many African and Asian countries. Paul Kleene is an agricultural economist trained at Wageningen University. He worked for KIT and CIRAD mainly in francophone West Africa, where he continues to live. His fieldwork, former and University of Florida Board of Trustees, a public corporation of the State of Florida; permission is hereby granted for individuals to download articles for the ir own personal use. Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Florida. ISSN: 2152 2448 AT ISSUE What is the Matter with African Agriculture ? H ENK J.W. MUTSAERS AND PAUL W.M. KLEENE Abstract: The views of forty veterans on sixty years of African agricultural development, published recently in book form, are analyzed against the background id, it is striking how many of them are as relevant today as they were fifty years ago. This paper reviews those of the veterans from a number of angles, viz. the all important i ssue of the strengths and weaknesses of subsistence and family farming, the development pathways of the forest and savannah zones, and the disappointing adoption record of new technology during the past fifty years. Next, future prospects are reviewed, as well as the conditions for significant progress, in respect of land ownership, farmer organization education in the widest sense, chain development and, perhaps most importantly, dedication, honesty and discipline at all levels. Finally, the often unfav orable role of international aid is reviewed and recent developments are highlighted, in particular the dangerous trend of massive land acquisition by outside parties. Introduction This paper was motivated by two seemingly disparate events, which turn out to be closely related: the celebration of the fiftieth anniversary of Ren Dumont's 1962 mal partie and the appearance of our collection of forty African agriculture (Mutsaers and Kleene 2012 ) in w hich they describe what they see as the causes and possible solutions for the apparent stagnation of smallholder and family farming These two events respectively deal with the beginning and the end of an era, that of heavily western dominated agricultura l development approaches in Africa, the main roots of which extend into the end of the colonial and the beginning of the post colonial eras. The forty veteran authors in our collection, twenty two anglophones and eighteen francophones were asked to addre ss three questions: W hy have we not been more successful in our attempts to help agriculture in sub Saharan Africa move forward?

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98 | Mutsaers and Kleene W hat are essential social, economic, political and technical changes needed for farmers to become more efficient and more pros perous producers ? W hat kind of external assistance and changes in international policy could help? development approaches that the veterans, including ourselves, have been involved in during the past fifty years, as reflected in their answers to these questions. We will also examine whether their experiences can explain why so little of the grand visions of the 1950s and 1960s o f which Dumont was one of the most outspoken protagonists, has been realised, and to what extent these visions have weathered the storms and remain valid today, half a c ontributions, to convey the flavor of their wide ranging views. The Key Ques tion: Does Family Farming Have a Future ? and medium size (family ) farms or rather with large scale farming enterprises. This dilemma has arisen (again ) at the end of a fifty year process, during which practically all attention has authors show. Neve rtheless, a majority of them still consider a vitalize d and suitably enlarged family farm as the only real option, because of its accumulated experience, its resilience to the vagaries of the climate and the fragility of the soil, and the vast numbers of r ural dwellers ( and their town relatives ) depending on it. The only way to feed the ever growing urban populations, compete with cheap imports, penetrate regional and international markets and, very importantly, retain young people on the land, will be fo r family farming to evo lve into small and medium scale suitably mechanize d and diversified farming ( i f that happens, the fate of the remaining subsistence farmers will become a major concern, unless alternative employment becomes available ). Land and labor productivity must increase steeply, while safeguarding the production base, by integrating trees and cover crops as well as livestock, efficient fertility management, and ns the unfulfilled ideal of most of the present authors. Some significant modernization has taken place in the savannah areas, driven by cotton and maize and in some irrigated rice/vegetable schemes, notably the Office du Niger in Mali. In the forest zone, however, smallholder farming has stagnated, in some areas to a near comatose state, with the notable exception of cocoa farmers in Ivory Coast and to a lesser extent Ghana. Dumont thought that the opportunities were much better in the forest zone due of i ts potential for industrial crops such as cocoa, oil palm and rubber, but the opposite has happened. We will come back to that contrast later. Meanwhile, recent developments seem to run counter to the strengthening of smallholder farming, viz. the acquisit ion of large stretches of African land by foreign and local investors (called land grabbers by some ). for large scale production of fo od and biofuel. Apart from the nefarious effect on land security of the African family farmer and other societal implications, the lessons from the bad experiences with large scale arable farms in the late colonial and early post colonial days are being forgotten. They succumbed to a combination of poor agronomy, poor management and above all unawareness of the

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African Agriculture | 99 deva stating effects of temperate zone farming methods, when applied on a large scale under African conditions. That is not to say that none of our authors see a future role for large arable farms, in particular in the savannah zones. Even if they do, they str ess the need for caution to avoid the considerable damage which will result from injudicious land use through massive erosion and soil degradation and from pest and disease outbreaks. Medium and large scale farming must mimic the adaptation, resilience an d sustainability of small scale farming, which is often less vulnerable to such calamities. That means, for example, that it should use effective means of soil conservation and improvement, with appropriate tools, equipment and soil amendments, including o rganic manure produced on the farm or obtained from elsewhere. Even though the principles are well known, there is yet very little experience in their application on a larger scale. Forest and Savannah Farming in the early sixties were highly relevant, his elements for a balanced development appropriate, but his blueprint for the 1980s ( twenty years from today ) have turned out to be an illusion. Like many workers with him, he envisaged an ideal division of ta sks between forest and savannah, each according to its ecological potential, whereby the forest zone would speciali z e in tree crops (cocoa, oil palm, rubber, bananas ) while the savannah would produce food as well as arable cash crops such as cotton. He tho ught that it would be relatively straightforward to develop forest zone agriculture, while addressing the challenges of the savannah would need more time. The opposite has been the case. The few success stories are all from the wet savannah ( francophone cotton, maize in West and East Africa, to some extent irrigated rice ) while smallholder tree crops in the forest zone, with the exception of Ivory Coast, have at best remained where they were, with little effort to raise them to a higher level of organiza tion and production. While the Consultative Group for International Agricultural Research ( CGIAR ) with its research centers on four continents has paid little or no attention to them, French research institutes in several countries have continued to work on the physiology, breeding and agronomy of coffee, cocoa, rubber and fruits. However, no tight organization s were set up around these crops, in support of the entire product chains, comparable to those for cotton. The semi autonomous Marketing Boards, set up in the fifties and sixties in anglophone countries for several commercial crops (e.g. coffee, cocoa, cotton ) could have played that role (they were much admired by Dumont ) but eventually they succumbed to state intervention and usurpation after independence. Generally, aid agencies have also shown little interest in forest zone industrial crops, perhaps with the exception of coffee, which Dumont considered the least promising. Aid has been extremely skewed towards small subsistence food crop producers, perhaps due to ideologically motivated predilection for poverty alleviation, with severe neglect of the potential of cash earning crops for that same purpose. Another reason was probably the lack of expertise among western development workers, who would rather direct their attention to easier commodities. The Wet Savannah and t he Case o f Cotton If anywhere, then things have been happening in the wet savannah zone, exemplified by successful intensive smallholder cotton and maize and irrigated rice, especially in some of

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100 | Mutsaers and Kleene the francophone countries, and more recently fruit and vegetable production for the local, regional and international mark ets. Let us look at the cotton sector for clues about the factors which condition agricultural development, as several of our francophone authors have done. economic developme nt in francophone West Africa which has contributed to the emergence of quite prosperous medium size farms. The successes have been conditioned by three factors: a complete set of services provided by a dedicated and uncorrupted organization cost recover y through deduction on delivered cotton, and vertical integration, all the way from production, through processing to marketing by a French organization the Compagnie Franaise pour le Dveloppement des fibres Textiles ( CFDT ) and its affiliates, such as the Compagnie Malienne pour le Dveloppement des F ibres Textiles (CMDT ) in Mali whose roots extend into the colonial era. In other words, it has resulted from solid chain mont called a disciplined crop sector, where everything was done more or less by the book, at the price of strong regimentation by a monopolistic CFDT. In the 1980s the World Bank pushed some of these national cotto n parastatals, such as the CMDT ( one o f the largest ) to extend services to cover other commodities in the cotton based system as well, in particular maize and livestock. While t his was perhaps an understandable move considering their success and the inefficiency of the state run extension s ervices, it was also bad policy because it burdened commercially successful organization s with unprofitable tasks. Before it could have destroyed them, the policy was reversed again in the present century, by the same World Bank, that master of grand but i ll conceived ideas carried out on a grandiose scale with The Cotton Marketing Boards of a nglophone Africa, set up before independence as semi autonomous bodies in support of the cotton sector initially were also quite successful. Aft er independence, however, they rapid ly degenerated under state control into exploitation mechanisms, serving the interests of politicians rather than of the farmers, which eventually left them in a semi comatose state. Are the farmers in the francophone co untries better off then, because of the continuity provided by French dominated parastatals? That remains to be seen. Several of our authors, some of them looking back with critical pride at a life long career in cotton, express grave concern about the sec tor. Erstwhile successful parastatals, after having been drained of their resources by the politicians and further weakened by low cotton prices, are being dismantled in favor of yet hardly existing private enterprise, as stipulated by the same World Bank. It is hard to predict where this will take the sector in the next ten years and what structures will emerge in replacement of the moribund parastatals. The Forest Zone and i ts Unfulfilled Promises Around 1960 West African cocoa was booming and Ghana became independent with an impressive current account surplus thanks to its cocoa export s Successes like this suggested to Dumont that progress in the forest zone would be easier than in the savannah, because of very well adapted perennial crops such as c ocoa, oil palm, rubber and bananas. He hoped that tree crops would become the engines of development in the forest zone, with the savannah supplyi ng the food for the industrializing urban cent e r s. It did not happen. Cocoa is still a major cash crop in the West African cocoa belt in particular in Ivory Coast and

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African Agriculture | 101 Ghana but it has declined in Cameroo, producer, to a pitiful level of yield and production volume. And even in Ivory Coast and Ghana it is fa r from the disciplined sector envisaged by Dumont, because of the absence of strong, uncorrupted, producer oriented support organization expectations, coffee has continued to do fairly well as a smallholder crop in the highlands ac ross the African continent, even without dedicated support structures or producer organization s, but other perennials (rubber, oil palm, sugar cane, bananas ). have essentially remained plantation crops (o il palm is also an important smallholder crop in Wes t Africa, with an elaborate village processing industry but it plays only a minor role in the palm oil trade ). So, the promise of the forest zone has only been partly fulfilled, to say the least ; a nd not for lack of potential. Traditionally, bilateral a id has had little interest in export crops, for one thing because there were few experts around who could have staffed development projects dealing with commercial tree crops, and perhaps also because of some anti capitalist tendencies in development circl es. Contrary to cotton there were no strong organization s with activities extending all the way from the production sites to the European trade and processing industry in support of these crops. It is telling that perennial crops are rarely mentioned by the veterans for their development potential. Some of them instead mention a recent shift away from industrial crops to food crops, because under the circumstances the latter are more profitable. Cassava for example has become a major traded commodity in N igeria, with a fairly efficient indigenous processing industry developed around it, and good potential for further development. Production Systems, Production Technology, a nd Processing There has been a steady flow of new varieties of the major (arable ) cr ops coming out of international and to a lesser extent national research institutes, and the adoption of several of them are counted among the scarce successes by many of our authors. Otherwise the take up of new production technology (fertiliz er, pest co ntrol, animal traction ) has largely been limited to cotton and (intensive ) maize based systems. The highly regimented cotton schemes in some francophone countries also stand out because of the diversified farming systems which have evolved around them, in cluding (beef ) cattle, grain legumes and various crops besides cotton and maize. In the early sixties Dumont was lyrical about potential new crops for the savannah like Jatropha (an industrial oil producing crop of the Euphorbiaceae family, supposedly su itable for marginal soils ) fodder species and jute like fiber crops. He also had high hopes for a host of new technology which was already available or being elaborated and which would be needed for peasants to become efficient middle class farmers. In f act, he predicted an agricultural revolution, which eventually did happen, in Asia that is, but not in Africa, unless you want to see the advances of intensive maize production (in systems with or without cotton ). in the West African savannah as a mini rev olution. ist is repeated by our authors fifty years on: integrated management of the fragile soil resources; abolition, replacement or improvement of the fallow; integration of crop growing and livest ock, light mechaniz ation, efficient use of scarce water; and introduction of new crops. Jatropha also features in both lists, which may be an example of what Richard Lowe (see Appendix ) said about failed development approaches

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102 | Mutsaers and Kleene after 25 years It is not as if no innovation had been happening, though. It has, for instance in some cotton growing areas as already mentioned and in intensive and innovative small scale vegeta ble gardens and poultry farms that have sprung up around and within several urban areas for decades, albeit largely unaided. The concern is about the traditional smallholder subsistence sector where innovation has not occurred at the scale and the rate w e would like to see. The bulk of aid has gone to that sector, which is lacking in dynamism and has progressed but little and in many cases not at all. Finding out why that is so and why so little of the shopping lists of agricul tural development has materi aliz ed was one of our motivations to solicit the views of forty veterans on the matter. A remarkable favorable development has been the emergence of small and medium scale agricultural processing, mostly autonomous and unburdened by development aid, as obs evolved from traditional village processing, like gari production in Nigeria and oil extraction from a range of crops in several countries. Others have risen from the as hes of large state run enterprises (tomato paste and fruit juice factories, rice mills, cashew processing plants, and many others ) which collapsed due to illusory expectations or mismanagement, and usually both. The urban demand for convenience food is st imulating the development of small production units for dry instant foodstuffs derived from local products (cassava, sorghum and millet flours, dried fruits and nuts, etc. ). However, the traditional export crops coffee, cocoa, timber, cotton and more re cently mangoes continue to What Future f or Family Farming ? Generally, the veterans hardly venture into speculation about what the future will have in store, as Dumont wo uld probably have done, but they do point out some elements that a viable smallholder agriculture would need. Many are disappointed about the lack of progress and the poor adoption of innovation s, while at the same time realiz ing that wide spread innovatio n is unlikely unless profound changes take place in the farming environment first: appropriate land laws, strong farmer organization s, quality agricultural education, effective linkages along the entire production chains and a profound change in mentality A gain, it is a list that The Land Rights Dilemma The importance of the land rights issue has recently come to a head with the appearance on scene of the land grabbers while a reform of land ownership laws, n ow more urgently needed than ever, has kept receding. Dumont stressed that land laws should ensure that farmers begin to see investment in the land as a profitable option and feel confident that the land will not revert back to the common pool after a few years, as was the case in most traditional societies, especially in the savannah. He is very critical, however, about undiluted private ownership, based on what he calls Roman land laws because it would involve the jus uten di et abutendi that is the right to use or abuse the land. The argument of its advocates, which include a minority among our authors, is that full ownership will allow farmers to convert a rock into a garden as Dumont quoted from the 1793 tract The Exa mple of France a Warning to England by Arthur Young the influential English writer on agriculture, economics, and social statistics. The full quotation is : "Give a man the secure possession of a bleak rock, and he will turn it into a garden; give him a nine

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African Agriculture | 103 years' lease of a garden, and he will convert it into a desert While it is true that no farmer, whether in Africa or elsewhere, will invest in genuine land improvement unless he is convinced that the gains will not be taken away from him or his children, things are not so straightforward in Africa. Dumont saw two dangers facing agricultur al land use in Africa, which turned out to be only too real by 20 12. The first, already apparent in the sixties and more so today, is over exploitation of the land in many areas, by smallholder farmers who do not invest in land improvement and fail to transform into efficient market producers. In fact, the common attitu de of farmers in many areas is still one of exploiting natural fertility and leaving its restoration to nature. This will not change easily, even with better land laws. The second danger is appropriation and abuse of land by powerful parties which may result from full liberalization. This started to happen as early as the sixties, subsided for a few decades and recently has again picked up serious momentum. Under the easi ly corruptible circumstances found in many African countries the people who will gain most from freely tradable land rights may be powerful parties intent on appropriating large tracts of land for productive or speculative purposes. The stagnation of small holder farming may even be serving as an argument in favor of land acquisition by indigenous and foreign investors as the road to modernization Farmer O rganization The cooperative movement in Africa of the early post independence period quickly lost its c redibility as it degenerated into a tool for governments to control and extract wealth from llusion. In spite of the tarnished image of the cooperative concept, many of the authors have come to the conclusion that without strong self governed farmer organization s significant progress will not be possible. Weak governments have turned out to be in capable to provide essential services such as input supply, meaningful extension, credit, vocational training etc. in spite of massive external aid with which many veterans have been associated. Farmer organization s are now looked to as potential future providers or contractors of fa rm services, as well as power houses to advocate did in Europe in the twentieth century. Although many farmer organization s have emerged in recent times, most of them have very limited capabilities, but hopes are for them to rise to the challenge of playing such roles as the state withdraws from service provision. The relative success of semi commercial farming in the disciplined environment created by parastatals around cotto n and other crops testifies to the potential for progress of the African family farm. It is to be expected that effective farmer organization s will also have the best chance when associated with marketable commodities such as cotton, cocoa, coffee, oil pal m, fruit crops, dairy, vegetables and cut flowers (for the European market ) etc much like their counterparts in Europe. Broad, general purpose cooperatives are unlikely to be viable in the near future. One essential ingredient needed for a successful fa rmer organization movement will be education. Since strong farmer organization s need well educated farmers (or at least farmer leaders ) good primary and vocational schooling is a crucial requirement. Several of the veterans make a strong plea for good voc ational education, whereas surprisingly few of them have been actually involved in such education.

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104 | Mutsaers and Kleene Education, Training, and Extension A large part of the agricultural development effort of the last 50 years can be labeled as capacity building: training and coaching of farmers, extension workers, ministry staff, and more recently NGO staff, traders, and would be entrepreneurs. Much of that has been done through large state run dinosaurs, in which massive amounts of aid money were idly invested, and which hav e since collapsed or are on the verge of collapse. The exception are the strong organization s around successful crops like cotton mentioned earlier, with extension embedded in a disciplined environment, as Dumont called it. These paratstatals are now also in danger of disintegration with national governments and donors distancing themselves from the kind of services they used to provide. In spite of the overall dismal record of state run capacity building, many of the authors remain strong b elievers in the power of education and good vocational training. Successful entrepreneurship requires a literate, numerate, hardworking, and honest workforce. Effective farmer organization s need young well educated leaders and future extension personnel m ust be oriented to the realities of the existing, not an imaginary, farm and taught respect for local farmers. Several authors also argue that agricultural training institutions should associate themselves with research and extension to form an integrated training/extension/research system in order to mend the present weak linkages among the three, improve the often very poor knowledge of extension personnel and reorient the entire research, extension and education system to address the real development c hallenges. This is all easier said than done. The traditional state run extension services are a lost cause, vocational training has degenerated into a theoretical textbook affair (usually without the textbook ) and research pursues academic rather than de velopment targets. And, with the bankruptcy of Training and Visit Extension ( T&V ) and the decline of Farming Systems Research ( FSR ) the links between the three have again been broken. A thorough shake up and new thinking at all levels will therefore be nee ded. Chain D evelopment Chain development a relatively new basket term in development speak, is rarely used by the veterans T hey still use the old sub categories, subsumed under chain development: input supply, credit, processing, quality control, marketing, etc. But the term is indeed useful as shorthand for the idea that one cannot stop at one element of the production chain i n isolation if progress is to be made. Many of the veterans are of course keenly aware of this, as was Dumont, but few can claim to have successfully used an integrated production chain approach. What conditions need to be satisfied for chain development t o stand a chance of success? It is clear that the best chances are for programs set up around a major commercial commodity, with a strong disciplined and non corrupted organization and a reliable mechanism to recover credit and costs, as testified by the few success stories: cotton and irrigated rice and vegetables in Mali, small scale dairy farming in several countries, and perhaps vegetable production under contract for the international market, where the contractor intervenes in (or controls ) all stage s of the production, conservation, transport and marketing process (and perhaps smallholder coffee in Eastern Africa, although none of the authors mention this ) Smallholder commodities which could benefit from the approach are for example cocoa, coffee, oil palm and export fruit, but also cassava for industrial flour production as

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African Agriculture | 105 some of the authors describe. Nor does the organization necessarily have to be a parastatal or a foreign company. The cocoa and cotton Marketing Boards set up as semi autonomo us bodies after the war in most anglophone countries played that role effectively, until politicians pillaged them. Well organized farmer organization s or cooperatives around specific commodities could in the future play that role, but hardly any are in si ght yet which possess the necessary capacities. Societal V alues and G overnance At a higher level of abstraction, agriculture as much as with any other productive activity can only flourish in an environment where all actors play their roles more or less effectively and with dedication, not just to their own personal interest, but also to their organization goals, or those of their societies at large. In the final accounting, as some of our authors argue, real development needs good governance, eradication of state corruption and strengthening of moral and civil values, which Ren Dumont and several of the veterans have variously called dedication, entrepreneurial drive, perseverance, work ethics, political will and assertiveness of local farmers and their leaders. These are more important than external ass istance and can only be brought about by a new breed of African leaders at all levels. Dumont was particularly exasperated by the decline in moral values, the increase in alcoholism in the coastal states, and the corruption and selfishness of politicians a nd civil servants at all levels so early after independence. Many of the veterans point to the same problems, but less forcefully than did Dumont. One wonders to what extent that is due to their perception of actual improvement, false hope, or politeness a nd political correctness. The former can hardly be the case, since the scale of corruption and other abuses now exceeds the value of all development funds taken together many times. Has A id H elped? Many of the authors are extremely critical of bilateral an d international aid, the fickleness of aid policies and the frequent incompetence of aid administrations and personnel. They also point out that donors vainly tend to counter the corrupt practices of often dictatorial regimes by complex bureaucratic contr ol mechanisms. Apart from this, many interventions in agriculture are considered failures for a range of other reasons and the relatively small successes as not commensurate with the sums spent. It is sobering to look at the list of complaints: unrealistic timeframes, with the time estimated by politicians almost always being far shorter than what field workers consider feasible rather than the interests of the aid country that disrupt momentum in the field short memories (or no memory at all ) leading to a replay of the same mistakes lack of continuity, with each administrator wanting to plant his own flag rather than s trengthen existing projects rigidity and therefore poor adaptation to changing conditions

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106 | Mutsaers and Kleene poor judgment and inability to distinguish the good from the poorly performing projects loss of donor interest in agriculture around 2000 and sudden discontinuation of projects unilateralism of donor policies, and absence of a real dev elopment debate and policy formulation in the recipient countries lack of professionalism of donor personnel and field staff poor donor coordination prejudiced or ill informed attitudes towards farmers and failure to involve them in policy debate on matter s that affect them favoring cronies, who know how to manipulate donors There are also concerns that aid has perpetuated the dependency syndrome ; interfered with the development of national capacities by enticing the best people to come and work for the m ; hindered market and enterprise development, private initiatives and farmer organization ; and allowed local elites to dodge their responsibilities. In spite of all this, only a minority reject the idea of aid entirely, while a surprising number still se e a potential role, although there is no clear consensus about the fields where aid would be most needed. The ideas range widely, from functional and integrated research, extension, training and agricultural education, through rural infrastructure, includi ng irrigation works, dams and reservoirs, to affordable credit for farmers and agricultural entrepreneurs. If aid is provided there should be real long term commitment ( fifteen to twenty years or even longer is mentioned ). agreed between well coordinated donors and local institutions, with budgets allocated for the whole life span of the collaboration, funds spent flexibly at the right time and knowledgeable staff kept on the job for many years, while avoiding the pitfalls of the past. Two recent trends in international aid are worth mentioning, the first one unfavorable in our opinion, while the second potentially favorable The former is the choice which bilateral donors are increasingly making for international aid delivery channels such as the World B ank. This seems to be motivated more by convenience than by the proven competence of international organization s. In fact, their record has been even more dismal than that of bilateral donors. A (potentially ) more favorable trend is the growing aid flow th rough NGOs, western farmer unions, charities, immigrants (the African diaspora ) and western private citizens and some of the direct investments made by commercial parties. Such community to community flow may eventually help build more equal relations, b ecause it involves a rapprochement between cultures. It is, however, also not free of the paternalism and cultural arrogance that has characterized conventional aid. Conclusion Sixty years ago African agriculture had two faces. One was essentially that of peasant or subsistence farming, which in some cases included commercial crops like cocoa or coffee in the wet zones and groundnuts and cotton in the drier zones. The other sector was highly successful European plantation agriculture, with oil palm rubber tea, and sugarcane. The hopes which most of us shared with Dumont were for the subsistence sector to evolve towards middle class commercialized and semi mechanize d farming, which would ensure p sectors as well. The stories told by many of the veterans are an illustration of the failure of development aid to help this

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African Agriculture | 107 come about. It is obvious that the failure cannot really be explained from technological shortcomings. As Felix Nweke remarked, s why African agr iculture remains undeveloped is part of a bigger question namely why is Africa undeveloped bigger question but rather with the phenomenology of the underdevelopment of agriculture. This of course does not make the bigger question go away, but elaborating on it exceeds the boundaries which most contributors have set for themselves. In the current euphoria about what is see off, especially among economists the the almost complete absence of non extractive industrial development. It is beyond the scope of this paper and the skills of its authors to analyze this situation adequately but we do wish to make a few cautionary remarks on the matter, which reflect the concerns of several of the veteran authors. The first is that without solid industrial development the current and future outflow of people from the rural areas cannot be absorbed and will lead to further swelling of the ranks of unemployed urban youths, with all its concomitant s (mineral ) riches will also want to penetrate the agricultural sectors and try to industrialize agriculture on a large scale. The industrial exploitation of mineral resources may not be much affected by the physical conditions in Africa (it is by societal conditions, though, see for example the French concern about the safety of West African uranium mining ). But attempts at the transformation of farming into large scale production ha ve l eft a legacy of costly failures that are financial, ecological and so cial. It is clear that African family based agriculture has not been and will not be developed through a succession of fads, fashions and miraculous innovations. Nor will rapid industrial development of agriculture be the panacea in which many politician s seem to put their hope s of African agriculture will have to pass through the emergence of suitably commercialized small and medium scale family farming rather than a quantum jump into big industrialized farms. Bringing about a balanced development based on dynamic family farms requires the vision, self criticism severely lacking. The picture is not ent irely bleak, though. There are examples of successful development, in particular in the wetter parts of the savannah. The forest zone has clearly because of the potentia l for smallholder tree crops like cocoa, rubber and oil palm In fact these crop s have been shamefully neglected, a situation that call s for vigorous catch up programs Strong farmer organization s, considered essential by many, stand the best chances when built around marketable crops, as exemplified by cotton. They should also play a key role in product chain development and extension. Quality vocational training, oriented towards the real, ins tead of an imaginary modern farm, has too long been neglected by governments and donors alike. It will be an essential ingredient for future development. Several authors are hopeful that modern communication technology will bring a new dynamism to agric ulture. It may, however, also discourage the younger generation, when they compare their conditions with those in the outside world, and reinforce their drive to escape. This will be unstoppable unless really significant improvement is made in economic and living conditions in the rural areas, which can only come about if African leaders start to

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108 | Mutsaers and Kleene take a genuine interest in the advancement of their communities, rather than just pursuing their own narrow interests. Perhaps Ren Dumont would turn in his grave if he found out what little has been achieved. Should we perhaps admit that he may have to rest for another fifty years before Africa and its agriculture really take off? References Dumont, Ren 1962. Paris : Editions du Seu il. Mutsaers, H enk J.W. and Paul W.M. Kleene (e ds. ). 2012 What i s t he Matter w ith African Agriculture? Veterans' Visions between Past a nd Future Amsterdam : KIT Publishing. APPENDIX Quot ations The following are quot ations are from the contributions to a collection of essays by forty authors on which the present paper is based (Mutsaers and Kleene, 2012 ) The page numbers expect our District Officer to create quoting a local leader p. 39 ). countries must re p. 318 ). due to corruption, a significant portion should go to agricultural and social development, thus preventing its (Facho Balaam p. 265 ). (Herv Bichat p. 98 ). (Ren Billaz 324 ). Bol p. 73 ). p. 207 ). systems based on farmer to farmer p. 290 ). one does not win p. 185 ). Agricultur ( Dominique de la Croix p. 245 ).

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African Agriculture | 109 this socio Pierre Derlon p. 247 ). p. 220 ). p.227 ). (Marc Dufumier p. 112 ). p. 179 ). p. 303 ). Due to factors external to the farm] agricultural extension professionals, in spite of their closeness to researchers and technicians, have rarely succeeded in their own personal (Hubert Guerin p. 271 ). ummarizing African agriculture as stagnant and backward is encouraging the alienation of large stretches of African land to forei foreign investment (Jane Guyer p. 189 ). r more complex and insensitive to our methods of technical and socio p. 204 ). Youba Kon p. 257 ). ability of "mixed systems" combining livestock and crop production (Philippe Lhoste p. 283 ). publicised (nobody wants to publicise their mistakes ) and, if their logic is appealing, tend to be from an e mail commenting on farm settlements in Nigeria ). in Tanzania should be encouraged to emerge with little state p. 137 ). p. 151 ). p. 122 ). Saharan Africa cannot feed present, let alone future, generati p. 84 ). p. 9 4 ). ckers, driven by the (Marieke Mutsaers p. 280 ).

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110 | Mutsaers and Kleene scale agriculture may increase agricultural production but it will not contribute d Norman p. 145 ). p. 152 ). p. 297 ). The introduction and the widespread use of animal traction have increased cu ltivated area, yields, and incomes ( Amadou Sow and Abdoulaye Traor p. 233 ). p. 333 ). force (Franois Traor p. 161 ). not (Brian Van Arkadie p. 67 ). ev Arkadie on the Tanganyika Groundnuts Scheme p. 48 ). Verdurmen p. 107 ). It was a serious mistake to deploy so much scarce manpower in extension, instead of Ed Verheij p. 310 ). lopment only starts once farmers have means of transportation, p. 170 ). p. 19 7 ). services and even co p. 79 ).



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University of Florida Board of Trustees, a public corporation of the State of Florida; permission is hereby granted for individuals to download articles for their own personal use. Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Florida. ISSN: 2152 2448 REVIEW ESSAY Hues May Apply WILLIAM F.S. MILES Edith Bruder and Tudor Parfitt, eds. 2012. African Zion: Studies in Black Judaism Newcastle upon Tyne, UK: Cambridge Scholars Publishing 368 p p. Tudor Parfitt. 2013 Black Jews in Africa and the Americas Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University 238 p p. There is an ancient ivory manor, sturdy in structure but with some weather beaten faades. It is occupied by several branches of a venerable family who get along fitfully but co exist nevertheless. But now new folk are clamoring at the gates for entry. They claim that the property belongs to them, too. They also say t hat the walls are in need of repair, and they are prepared to undertake the renovations. Some of them are clutching newly printed deeds; others say they are previous occupants, about whom the current dwellers have either forgotten or pretend to have forgo tten. The befuddled gatekeepers of the house need to decide whom of these claimants if any to admit. from Ultraorthodox to Secular Humanist residents) have overwhel mingly, if unconsciously, shared one epidermal trait: whether Ashkenazi, Sephardi or Mizrachi, they are on the pallid side of the pigmentation spectrum. Increasingly, however, tenancy rights to the ancestral Jewish abode are being claimed by new Jews of color. As for the gatekeepers who Each of the two books under review constitutes an essential contribution to two complementary streams of scholarship that previously have been advanced with relatively little overlap: the one on established and emerging Jewish communities in Sub Saharan Africa, the other on Black American Jews, Hebrews, and Israelites. Constituted from different types of building blocks th e 2012 book is an edite d collection of papers, the 2013 one a compilation from a lecture series t ogether the two books significantly advance and reinforce the budding literature on the growing importance of Judaism among various African peoples and within a small but noteworthy segment of the African American African Zion and the integration of their previous findings in Black Jews in Africa and the Americas C u African studies and religious studies, both of which appear slow to acknowledge African

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112 | Miles 2012 Roundtable at the Centre of African Studies conference at the University of Edinburgh made no mention whatsoever of any Jewish phenomenon on the continent. When I tried in the Q & A to elicit some such acknowledgment or discussion, the effort was me t with as much enthusiasm as a plate of pork chops served up on Yom Kippur. The major aim of African Zion is two fold: to provide an historical (two century) overview of the evolving representation, conceptualization, and reconfiguration of black Jews i n both Africa and the United States, and to explicate how a distinct black Jewish Jewishness in the African and African diaspora contexts. To do this, editors Bruder and P arfitt provide a three part structure for the wide ranging essays of their book. Part I, after African Jewish identities from the peak of the African slave trade in about 1800 to the genetic testing of the Lemba in the mid 1990s), focuses on West Africa: three chapters on Nigerian Igbos who have adopted Judaism or have otherwise identified with the Jewish state of Israel, and one on an even newer community of Afri can Jews in Ghana. Part II is the most wide century attempts to retrospectively create a trans African Jewish proto empire in antiquity, and equally creative (albeit more scho larly based) arguments for an Israelite tradition of origin for the otherwise emphatically non Hebraic (not to mention non Zionist) cradle of the Hausa people of northern Nigeria and Niger Republic. (Given the virulently violent nature of the Hausa domina ted Boko Haram movement, in league with Al Qaeda and currently wreaking havoc in Nigeria, the putative Israelite Hausa myth of origin is bitterly ironic if not outright provocative.) This middle section of African Zion also contains chapters on Judaic scr iptural, liturgical and cultural practices among the Beta Israel of Ethiopia and the Lemba of Zimbabwe and South Africa. The final section of African Zion presents the most challenges for actual Africanists, at least as narrowly defined. Here we shift hy bridic gears to delve into the otherwise fascinating communities of Jewish, Israelite, and Hebrew identifying descendants of African slaves (each with its own nuances) from New York City to Dimona in the Negev Desert (with a welcome stopover in the Caribbe an, courtesy of Marla Brettschneider, for post colonial and diaspora studies novelist Jamaica Kincaid.) The If by the very nature of an edited collection, the constituent parts of African Zion vary by tone, length and quality, Black Jews in Africa and the Americas is uniformly exemplary in its evenness of form and excellence in substance. Originally conceived a s a series of presentations at Harvard University (the 2011Nathan I. Huggins Lectures), the book mid 1990s, into Jews in sub Saharan Africa and the African diaspora in the U.S. and West Indies. (Parfitt is Emeritus Professor of Modern Jewish Studies at the University of London School of Oriental and African Studies [SOAS]. Edith Bruder, who under P dissertation [later published as Black Jews of Africa and reviewed in this journal in volume 11:2 affords a contextualized understa nding of the sensitive topic of race in Judaism, beginning with post Biblical interpretations (Christian as well as Jewish) of the story of Ham, the son of Noah who was (somewhat inexplicably) punished by having his descendants (later identified as African black skin. By the nineteenth century proto

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| 113 anthropology had transformed this myth into the pseudo scientific Hamitic hypothesis, From there, it was a short theo historical hop to discovering Lost Tribes of Israel in the most unexpected corners of Saharan, Sahelian exposition is as much about the internalization by (some) Africans of this belief in Je wish origins as it is about the projection of the construct by (mostly) European missionaries and early ethnologists. In the context of descendants of black Africans in the New World, appropriation of Chosen People and Zionistic paradigms vied with Hamit ic internalizations to give rise to self identifying Black Jewish, Israelite, and Hebrew communities and synagogues in America. What remains inexplicable is why the common nineteenth century ross the African continent Parfitt gamely moves in his book from colonial Africa to contemporary Ghana, Nigeria and Zimbabwe where (some) Sefwi, Igbo ,, and Lemba emph atically claim Jewish ancestry. Why are these communities so energetic today? Given what Parfitt has documented about real and imagined African Israelites from time immemorial, why do students of Africa, Jewish and not, learn of them today with de novo s urprise? We are living in an era in which the color of Catholicism has been turning steadily darker. I n Europe, for example, priests are increasingly being recruited from Africa, Asia and Latin America. Evangelical Protestantism is also expanding mightily in these regions. Is the darkening complexion of Western Christianity a precursor to the future of Judaism? The two books under review do not raise the question directly, but do provide incontrovertible elements to engage it. At the very least, the gro wing phenomena of black African Jews and Jews of African descent ought to be considered through comparative religious studies lens as NRMs (New Religious Movements). the dec iders of admission to Jewry and Judaism h ave been the rabbis. Yet of all the diverse perspectives honored through publication in these otherwise inclusive treatments of Jewish identity, it is the rabbinic voice which is most conspicuous in its absence. It is as if the authors provocatively (if not problematically) answered in the affirmative. Not that there will ever be inter denominational rabbinic consensus on the content ious neither necessary nor sufficient to practice Judaism in order for the Chief Rabbinate of Israel the single most influential rabbinic authority that does exist to con sider somebody as Jewish. A vociferously anti rabbinic overt American atheist is still considered a Jew if her mother was Jewish; a Judaism devout African who regularly prays, in Hebrew, in a minyan (Jewish prayer quorum) would not be considered a Jew by that same Rabbinate, absent maternal lineage or formal conversion. For sure, different rabbis of different denominations will apply different standards and come to different conclusions. Still, the unmediated voice is relevant, even if disagreement among them emerging African and African diasporic communities provide room for rabbinic voices as well. In the meantime, African Zion and Black Jews in Africa and the Americas represent significant additions both to the longstanding fields of African studies, Jewish studies, and religious studies, as well as to the budding one of diaspora studies.



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African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.a frica.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v14i1 2a8 .pdf University of Florida B oard of Trustees, a public corporation of the State of Florida; permission is hereby granted for individuals to download articles for their own personal use. Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Florida. ISSN: 2152 2448 BOOK REVIEWS Akin Adesokan. 2011. Postcolonial Artists and Global Aesthetics Bloomington: Indiana University Press. xix, 230 pp. In Postcolonial Artists and Global Aesthetics Akin Adesokan considers how the processes of writers; and Ousmane Sembene, Tunde Kelani, and Jean Pierre Bekolo, known mostly for filmmaking. In the preface and introduction, Adesokan makes the case that analysis of art in beyond to consid er how genres are contoured by global forces. He suggests the West African marketplace as a model: the marketplace is a social space where people and ideas mingle, a crossroads where the trajectories of locals and outsiders intersect and drift apart, and a site where commerce thrives. Conceived broadly, the marketplace brings artists of all stripes into a worldwide conversation with other artists, with political actors, and with larger publics. Yet, these actors must also attend to economic considerations t hat color the motives of creators and expectations and force artists to make do with disparate local realities. Each of the remaining chapters considers the work of one artist intellectual, melding careful readings of key works into discussions of the postcolonial contexts that shaped them The Pan African Congress Past, Present and Future (1984) and other works of writer/activist C. L. R. James, Adesokan sees a call for a broader concept of Pan Africanism that targets not only discrimination based on race but also class and gender. In contrast, Adesokan argues that ue of power in the novel and film versions of Xala (1973 and 1975 respectively) paradoxically segregates middle class women from the poor and thus fails to see the groups as potential allies. In chapters on Tunde Kelani and Jean Pierre Bekolo, Adesokan sho ws how both filmmakers negotiate local expectations and global financial forces. While Thunderbolt: Magun (2001) adheres to Nollywood genre expectations of moral didacticism, it also became the first Nigerian video film to play the international f ilm circuit and of the assumption that commercial entrepreneurialism is incompatible with auteur cinema. (1996), in contrast, presents the director in multiples: expatriate and urbanite, African filmmaker and dependent of the European art film system that funds him. Finally, Adesokan considers the non The Atlantic Sound (2000) a nd other works, Adesokan sees a paradox; Phillips leaves Europe for the United States, which he finds more welcoming to a minority expatriate, yet he eschews association with the African Americans whose struggles made that environment possible. Adesokan th laden attacks on globalization in An Ordinary (2004) help her navigate her complex position within both the commercial realm of book publishing and the global network of anti capitalist activism. As th e

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116 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf ranging Pan Africanism la James, one that recognizes its debts to the anti imperialist project of tric ontinentalism as well as the political work of contemporary cosmopolitan aesthetics, extending its purview to anywhere suffering from the inequalities of globalization. A short conclusion recapitulates his broader theoretical claims. Readers interested in only some of the artist intellectuals Adesokan treats may be tempted to read those selected chapters alone. However, to not consider the whole book is to miss the intellectuals are subject to the same forces of globalization and decolonization, forces that have shaped the very genres in which they work and made them critics of the postcolonial condition. The resulting admixture of writers with filmmakers can prove jarring at first, but Adesokan is right to point out that such segregation is an academic convenience, and juxtaposing them better conveys how postcoloniality allies these artist also allow a comparison of the projects and genres of two generations of postcolonial artists, from James and Sembene during the transition from colonial rule, to the others, who more directly confront the neoliberal reforms of post omission is any considera tion of other types of artists: musicians, dancers, painters, and instead, it calls for his approach to be extended. In sum, Postcolonial Artists and Global Aesthetic s makes a much needed contribution to conversations in comparative literature, film studies, and African Studies. Brian C. Smithson, Duke University Allan Aubrey Boesak and Curtiss Paul DeYoung. 2012. Radical Reconciliation: Beyond Political Pietism and Ch ristian Quietism Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books. x, 196 pp. Alan Boesak, a theologian and former leader of the United Democratic Front in South Africa, joins Curtiss DeYoung, professor at Reconciliation Studies at Bethel University in Minnesota, as co a uthor of Radical Reconciliation: Beyond Political Pietism and Christian Quietism. For Boesak and DeYoung, "reconciliation" is often eq uated with political expediency s ome limited accommodation by the rich and powerful who accept only cosmetic changes that do not touch at the deeper issue of justice. They call this "political pietism." When Christians buy into this superficial reconciliation, or cheap grace, denying the demands of the gospel for solidarity with the powerless and oppressed, they fall prey t o "Christian quietism." The eight chapters that comprise the book develop this theme, with examples from both South Africa and the United States, and a conclusion charts the path toward radical reconciliation. The authors analyze reconciliation from a Bi blical point of view, drawing from the Old Testament scriptures about the prophets, the New Testament verses about the life and ministry of Jesus, and the record of the first century Church. The Hebrew prophets were called by God to chastise the powerful who deprived the poor of justice and a dignified life. Like the prophet Isaiah, Jesus also puts the poor at the center of God's concern. For these authors, reconciliation

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BOOK REVIEWS | 117 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf is inextricably linked with justice for the downtrodden. True reconciliation requi res not assimilation of the underclass with the powers that be, the lifting up of the weak, but rather the casting down of the mighty. They argue that the first century Church understood the radical challenge of the gospel. The story from the book of L uke about tax collector Zacchaeus is instructive. Viewed as instruments of exploitation and collabor ators with the occupying Roman E mpire, tax collectors were roundly despised in Jericho where Jesus was preaching. Though rich, Zacchaeus knew he was aliena ted from God and his neighbors. When he encountered the preaching of Jesus, without prompting he offered half of all his wealth to the poor, and to those he had defrauded, he promised to pay four times the amount he had taken. Zacchaeus was willing to "g ive up his status" in order to "do restitution, to make right what he has done wrong, in order to restore his relationship with his neighbors" (p. 67). The example of Zacchaeus could have been a model, Boesak argues, for the Truth and Reconciliation Commi ssion which operated in the 1990s to deal with apartheid era crimes. Led by Anglican Archbishop Desmond Tutu, the proceedings relied on Christian notions about forgiveness, and victims were offered the chance to forgive their oppressors as God has forgiv en them. Boesak takes issue with the fact that the TRC did not go far enough: "Why is the biblical demand for forgiveness, because it is a demand set for the victims, welcomed and praised, if not to say demanded, but the biblical demands for justice, beca use they are set for the beneficiaries of apartheid, are 'setting the standard too high?' If one says 'forgiveness,' one must also say 'justice'" (p. 63). He does not fault Tutu. He says that white South Africans "hear only 'forgiveness,' [but] Tutu spea ks of conversion, repentance, and change" (p. 136). Inversion of status is a theme taken up by DeYoung in his chapter on American churches. Contrasting the first century church with the twenty first century churches in the United States, he finds the latt er lacking. The strategy of the apostle Paul was to set up Jewish communities, an oppressed minority within the Empire, who then invited Romans and Greeks, members of the dominant culture, to join them as co worshipers in Christ. When the privileged Roma ns and Greeks joined these congregations, they became identified with a socially stigmatized group. Since Jews were in leadership, status inversion invariably took place, and the result of reconciliation between Jews and Gentiles was both healing and rede mptive. (DeYoung notes also that status inversion occurred for men, as women took positions of leadership, challenging sexism and furthering reconciliation.) In the twenty first century American churches, a very different model prevails. Congregatio ns are defined by race and ethnicity: "Rather than transforming society through a process of reconciliation, congregations have overwhelmingly conformed to a racialized, patriarchical, and class based society" (p. 85). DeYoung laments that the church refl ects a "white, male, middle class, able bodied, heterosexual, exclusive viewpoint. Too many congregations are fashioned on a model of privilege, exclusion, and prosperity" (p. 86). Even multicultural churches that are committed to reconciliation "find t heir vision and ministry shaped by a dominant culture perspective" (p. 86). Whereas the first century churches aimed, first, to make the oppressed communities comfortable, the exact opposite takes place in the twenty first century churches which aim to ma ke whites comfortable in attending. Black

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118 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf members are asked to participate in a process of assimilation, not reconciliation, and certainly not the inversion of status we saw in the early church. This book is well written and accessible to the general rea der. Despite being the work of two writers, it flows seamlessly from one chapter to another. It would be of particular interest to theology students and scholars of transitional justice. Lyn S. Graybill, Independent Scholar, Atlanta, Georgia Sakhela Buhlungu. 2010. A Paradox of Victory: COSATU and the Democratic Transformation in South Africa Scottsville: Un iversity of KwaZulu Natal Press. xii, 210 p p. Trade unions have actively participated as social movements in processes of regime change throughou t the continent of Africa, which have, in some cases, resulted in more democratic societies (Kraus 2007) However, because of the dual transitions of political and economic liberalization that became common in transitioning states, trade unions have incre asingly been faced with what Buhlungu calls a paradox of victory whereby the new institutional framework that trade unions create through popular mobilization in a transitioning state latterly serves to weaken them and often results in fractured and dis solved unions. This phenomenon has occurred in many late developing states and Buhlungu argues that the factors observed in his study can be applied to a range of states across Africa. In order to explore this issue, Buhlungu examines the case of COSATU, the largest trade documented (Adler and Webster 2000) and Buhlungu focuses on the factors that contributed to the formidable nature of trade unions in this period, and the factors that led to its decline since the formation of a democratic state in South Africa. In this sense, a tale of two unions is forged a successf ul union and a union in decline. In the first part of the book, a positive depiction of the manner in which trade unions became strong and contributed to the decline of the apartheid state is portrayed. From chapter four however a grim picture of the sta te of unions is depicted, as he illustrates the impact of the double transition of political and economic liberali zation on ed workers. Chapters five, six and seven give a damning indictment of the manner in which COSATU has develope d since the transition through an examination of its rank and file membership as well as the changing composition of its leadership in the context of shifted from one bas ed on worker solidarity to individualism that fails to leaving it either unwilling or unable to engage with other types of workers, as well as with the consolidates the argument and contends that COSATU has become a victim of its own success in the post apartheid era with fault lines appearing across the federati on. The strength of the book l ie s in the rich empirical data throughout which is broken into thematic areas that explore the development and demise of COSATU including global economic restructuring, generation al change of membership, leadership and race. As a sociological analysis it offers insights into the new institutional framework of COSATU in the post

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BOOK REVIEWS | 119 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf transitional society that might be difficult through other disciplines as it attempts to pull these diverse themes together in order to paint a coher ent picture of the paradoxical nature of trade union power. The book sets out to explore the political nature of trade union organi z ation in explaining why these on is not interrogated to a great extent throughout the second part of the book, which focuses more on the factors that contributed to the decline of unions. In chapter one Buhlungu seeks to locate COSATU within the broader sphere of trade union organizat ion in Africa in order to show that the paradox of victory could be transposed to other countries in the region H owever this comparative point is not returned to at all, a regrettable move, as it may have offered a way to evaluate the post transitional a ccounts of other African countries. Despite these critiques, the book is well thought out and brings together a wide range of themes that one should bear in mind when analy z ing the modern development of trade unions. Because of its accessible style, this book would be of equal use to an academic audience as well as trade unionists, activists and those from civil society groups as well as the interested lay person. References Adler, G lenn and Eddie Webster eds. 2000 Trade Unions and Democratization in South Africa, 1985 199 7. Basingstoke, Hampshire: Macmillan. Kraus, J on. 2007 Trade Unions and th e Coming of Democracy in Africa Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Ciara McCorley, University of Limerick Eric Charry ed. 2012. Hip Hop Africa: New African Music in a Globalizing World Bloomington: Indiana University Press. 390 pp. The second major publication to take a continental approach to African hip hop brings in some well known scholars on the topic from diverse disciplines; with music, ethnomusicolog y, and Africa via Europe and the United States. The volume presents import ant arguments in African debates over authenticity and imitation. Several authors present strong evidence of African hip Debates over hip h argue both sides of the debate. Charry, Schulz, and Watkins argue the former. While both Shonekan and Kidula present evidence of the latter, defining hip hop as having definite African origins.

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120 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf There is also a discussion over African identities. Dorothea Schulz puts forth that African hip hop artists claim a more authentic African identity tha n African Americans. This topic is controversial the topic of the chapter, it would have been better served in a separate work that could adequately discuss this complex de bate. Similarly, Schulz and Watkins examination of race v. economics, and linkages between Africans and African Americans is misplaced. Both discredit racial linkages, arguing that economic ties are more appropriate. By divorcing race from economics, they discredit links between racism and poverty, links that bind people of color. asporic music and highlife, and some of the criticisms that highlife faced. He connects that to contemporary criticisms of hiplife. John Collins includes a section that combines Ghanaian hiplife and Ghanaian hip hop, acknowledging that Ghanaian hip hop is its own distinct genre. breakdancing, steps outside of Cape Town and takes a broader examination of hip hop in South Africa, going from Cape Town to Johannesburg, to Durban, Grahamstown and Port Elizabeth. Watkins addresses the direction of South African hip hop and the debates over authenticity that label English speaking and commercial artists as unauthentic, while artists that rap in vernacular are seen as authentic. Steph anie Shonekan provides an excellent look at Nigerian hip hop as a product of both African American hip hop and Afrobeat. While some of the artists, such as 2face, may not be classified as hip hop, she effectively links Nigerian hip hop to urban, inner city Black hip hop culture in America and the Caribbean as well as to urban, post colonial realities and experiences expressed in highlife and Afrobeat music This volume looks primarily at hip hop, but five of the twelve chapters focus on other genres. These chapters (by Reed, Perullo, Collins, Seebode, and Polak) cover African pop, o exist. Reed only mentions one parallel in the area of sampling. The chapter would have been better served if it had included a more extensive discussion of the links with hip hop. Both Alex Perullo and Jean Ngoya Kidula focus on pop music in Tanzania and Kenya, respectively. While Kidula offers a simplistic breakdown of the different rap genres in Kenya, and inaccurately categorizes pop music as hip hop, his inclusion of the Kenyan Diaspora provides information on an often overlooked phenomenon: the relat ionship between African artists and t heir Diasporas. Perullo, a well known scholar of Tanzanian hip hop, examines Bongo Flava in Tanzania. Perullo provides an account of the evolution of Bongo Flava, its innovations in production and fashion, and a discuss which urban youth can improve their skills and share advice. As a growing sub field of research, African hip hop scholarship is still finding its way and defining its parameters. The authors in the volume provide extensive background information examination of local hip hop scenes. While there are some concerns regarding some of the

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BOOK REVIEWS | 121 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf provides a good look urban music in Africa. The book is also a solid contribution to scholarship on African hip hop. Msia Kibona Clark, California State University Los Angeles Robert Crawfo rd. 2011. Bye the Beloved Country? South Africans in the UK, 1994 2009 Johannesb urg: UNISA Press 182 p p Bye the Beloved Country? discusses South African immigration to England, primarily using information from newspapers and databases. This work may contribute to general knowledge on both why South Africans leave home and why they re home in the UK. Crawford begins his Introduction by highlighting the problem of numbers in South African migration. Scholars have widely debated and disagreed as to just how many South Africans are leaving the country, as well as how many are entering the UK. This is du e, in part, to discrepancies between the numbers of people who leave on tourist visas and stay out p ermanently, those who intend to emigrate permanently but return to South Africa, and a number of other factors. Additionally, Crawford points out, the numb er of South Africans arriving with their UK citizenship papers in hand as a result of having forebears from the a figure which could be off on either side by about a h alf million people. Africa, with a focus on the usual suspects: high crime rates, affirmative action/black economic empowerment schemes, family issues, and relocatin g for employment opportunities. Crawford emotions that both people who choose to leave and people who choose to stay in the New South Africa experience. Chapter T for immigration into the UK, including ancestry visas and temporary work permits. It assesses the attitudes of South Africans in the UK toward their country of origin and ultimately concludes that most South Africans chose to relocate out of a desire to improve their (usually financial) lot in life. Chapter Three expands upon a theme mentioned in previous chapters: the Brain Drain. After mentioning the effects of a mass exodus of skilled workers on South Africa, Crawford discusses here the skills that South Africans bring to the UK. Unsurprisingly, most settle in London, particularly its leafy southern reaches. By 2008, Crawford argues, new visa schemes began making the UK less accessible for So uth Africans, though the longer term implications of that are of course presently unclear. Chapters Four and Five focus more on South African life in the UK finding community and forging identity, respectively. Crawford focuses on categories of identity, including race, that have been important to immigrating South Africans and discusses how those play into the search for community and belonging in the United Kingdom. In Chapter Six, Crawford discusses how South Africans abroad view the possibilities of r eturning home. He discusses various efforts, including the Coming Home campaign, to draw expatriates back and engages in investigating how returning citizens may view themselves or how what views they might elicit from stayers. Crawford concludes by assessing

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122 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf the views South Africans both in and outside of the Diaspora hold toward their country and it not suffered the br ain drain. He notes that the tightening up of visa laws and regulations may soon stem immigration to the United Kingdom. Bye the Beloved Country is an impressive qualitative work. Crawford presents a good amount of survey information and assessments on the demographics of South Africans who are emigrating. Most of his quantitative data, however, comes from newspapers or secondary works rather than from interviews, making it a little difficult to assess how representative the included comments are. Perh aps a future study could work to expand upon this and to evaluate some of the claims Crawford makes regarding the demographics of those emigrating, including that large numbers are young people who leave to travel or see the world rather than to leave home generalities about chicken runners, but Crawford does not fully distinguish between white flight in the early 1990s and the adventures of youth fifteen years later, and it woul d have been helpful to see him engage more with comparative migration studies or analyses of other countries/regions, in order to wholly contextualize patterns of South African movement. Myra Ann Houser, Howard University Ashley Currier. 2012. Out in Afric a: LGBT Organizing in Namibia and South Africa. Minneapolis: Univ ersity of Minnesota Press 255 pp. In the last two decades, international debates over the rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) individuals have led to fierce political c lashes. In sub Saharan Africa, local LGBT activists draw on universal human rights claims in their appeals for civil liberties, while opponents invoke tropes of tradition and frame calls for international LGBT rights as neocolonial impositions. Despite abu ndant media, academic and political attention paid to these debates and their sometime violent outcomes, little attention has been paid to the specific strategies that African LGBT activists employ when navigating this complex ideological field. They make strategic choices that impact their organizations and the lives of their constituents, but their actions remain under researched. analysis. She delivers a well craf ted ethnography of activists in four NGOs in Namibia and South Africa, focusing on the strategic choices they make concerning the public visibility of their organizations and their constituents. Supplementing extensive participant observation and interview s with archival research, about organizational membership, donor relationships, lobbying efforts, and who can access the NGO headquarters. She also draws attention to the ways in which race, class and gender shape access to and experience of LGBT organizations, drawing attention to internal debates surrounding identity and belonging. social movement s. Rather than seeing visibility and invisibility as beyond the control of activists, she discusses them as context driven strategies. She argues, for example, that the

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BOOK REVIEWS | 123 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf persistent association of invisibility with a lack of power offers little in the way of analysis of moments in which organizations choose organizational visibility within the historical and political economic contexts of South Africa and Namibia. In South Africa, decisions about LGBT visibility have been shaped by the legacy of apartheid and constitutional equality, and more recently, by violence against lesbians. LGBT organizing in Namibia, on the other hand, emerged in response to outspoken political homophobia. Currier sheds light o n the ways in which sociopolitical fields shape, but do not determine, organizational visibility. Rather, she shows how activists deftly negotiate competing expectations, values and norms in their advocacy. Throughout the second and third chapters, Currier examines visibility strategies that organizations in Johannesburg and Windhoek employed when faced with moments of both political hostility and opportunity. Lesbian activists at a South African NGO adopted an intentional invisibility in the wake of a stri ng of corrective rapes and maintained this discretion through intensely monitoring membership and access to the organization. When faced with LGBT political stances, lesbian activists in Namibia adopted a strategy of public visib ility and became fierce critics of such rhetoric. Currier argues that such strategic orientations must be analyzed with other factors in mind, including interruptions in funding and internal debates about organizational priorities. Challenging the notion t hat organizational invisibility is always forced on activists, Currier argues that researchers of social movements, particularly those engaging vulnerable populations such as LGBT individuals, must exercise care to avoid deploying assumptions about what in visibility says about organizational development. African funding from Northern donors. Thus, while funding enables continued programming it which activists seek to counter, thereby shaping decisions that they make about organizational visibility. The book concludes with a n argument for a nuanced and human centered approach to research on LGBT organizing, suggesting that visibility strategies offer insight into how and why social movements make seemingly contradictory decisions about their public visibility. Visibility, she placed on LGBT mobilization in various contexts. Ultimately, Out in Africa reminds us that nonprofit organizing is comprised of individuals and groups situate d within shifting political and historical contexts that shape their work. By power within the hands of those driving LGBT organizing without overlooking the stru ctural and scholars of sexuality and post colonial studies. It is particularly well suited for graduate level seminars in the social sciences focused on the comp lexity of sexuality, globalization and activism. Matthew Thomann, American University

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124 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf Souleymane Bachir Diagne. 2011. African Art as Philosophy: Senghor, Bergson and the Idea of Negritude Calcutta: Seagull Books. vi, 210pp. Souleymane Bachir Diagne explo as a product of Africa and its diaspora in an important historical period of transition marked by the questioning of Western values and the breakdown of colonial rule. Negritude is presented in the wider context of resistance to colonialism and affirmation of difference influenced by philosophical exploration of what he calls Africanity, within universal question s of what it means to be human, drawing from diverse sources of inspiration from Jean Paul Sartre, Henri Bergson, Lucien Lvy Brhl, Karl Marx and Friendrich Engels, to Ferdinand Georg Frobenius, Pablo Picasso and Pierre Teilhard de Chardin among others. art as a form of philosophy to reject contemporary colonial views of Africa as a cultural tabula rasa, void of civilization. As Senghor is a Nietzs chean philosopher: like the of truth. More precisely, he claims that we have the truth of African art, of what was called of a narrow and reductive rationalism. And, even before 6) Senghor (1906 2001) was indeed part of an elite group of African students who lived in Paris in the twenties and thirties at the height of colonialism when African art was beginning to Art, galvanizing the movements of Primitivism and Modern art. Lopold Seghor, Aim Csaire and Lon Damas began by writing mainly poetry as a form of self expression and assertion of dif ference as blacks. It was Jean Paul Sartre who in 1948 wrote the essay Black Orpheus Anthology of New Negro and Malagasy Poetry identifying Negritude as a major political movement and a philosophical criticism of colonialism But Diagne also suggests that Sartre criticized Negritude by denounci ng it as a that its idea of African philosophy amounts to an essentialist racialism employing a process of invention (from the whiteness of Being to the Negritude o f Being, from (p 41). philosophers develop their thoughts. Diagne writes : that what permitted the multifarious undertaking of bringing to light an alternative African Essai sur les donn es immdiates de la coscience (1889), which revealed an alternative way of seeing, a direction for philosophy radically alternative to that which, until then, in order to save reason from the p p 5 6). initial intuition was that there is a truth in African art which is itself a form of philosophy. intuitive, at best highlight the sources of Sengho African art to a mythical and exotic past. What Diagne excludes from his analysis, is the fact that the influx of African art (which was almost exclusively sculpture) in the late 19 th and early 20 th c enturies in Europe, was selected to perpetuate colonial ideas of Africa as primitive. The

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BOOK REVIEWS | 125 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf putting into question their African origin. It is within this context that Senghors ideas inspired by African art needs to be historically read. Diagne nevertheless preludes t hat African art is a philosophy and a humanist one S enghor never stopped expressing throughout his life in his theoretical texts, most times successfully, sometimes in ways that proved to go nowhere or with formulations xplorations in the wider theoretical context of philosophy, it is less analytical within the field of African art history. criticism, contradiction, and misunderstanding. D espite this challenge, Souleymane Bachir Diagne achieves a quality analysis in the field of philosophy where perhaps he lacks in expertise in African art discourses. The book is an inspiring read with excellent bibliographical references and notes for read ings on Negritude that will attract a wide audience of readers. As such, African Art as Philosophy makes an important contribution to African studies from a multidisciplinary perspective. Helena Cantone, School of Oriental and African Studies, University o f London Martin Evans. 2012. Algeria: France's Undeclared War. Oxford: Oxford University Press. x xxv, 457 pp. Martin Evans structures Algeria around three "analytical threads" : long simmering hatred engendered by colonization beginning in the 1830s, the rise of Algerian nationalism from the 1920s, and third way reformism leading to the failed reforms of the 1930s and culminating in the Special Powers Act of 1956. Evans argues the se set the stage for the Algerian War, contextualizing the legitimization of violence on both sides as well as the global political enjeux that make the war not just a chapter in Franco Algerian history but a turning point in the break up of empires and th e emergence of new transnational alliances like pan Islamism and pan Arabism. It is a clear thesis well supported by this weighty tome's persuasive arguments and wealth of evidence. These three factors are largely chronological in nature, and the book foll ows a linear structure through the first century of colonization, the onset of conflict in the postwar era, and the dramatic apogee of the war in the period 1959 1962. With regard to why the French lost the war, Evans argues it was due to the strength of A lgerian nationalism. This was a phenomenon he traces to a variety of Islamic and secular movements developing from the 1920s, and thus he suggests it owed little to the FLN. This organization's success was instead due to its ability to capitalize on existi ng nationalist sentiment, a force that had its ultimate roots in widespread land dispossession and the social, political, and economic marginalization of Muslim Algerians during the first century of the colonial project. Consequently the book decentres the FLN's role in the conflict while simultaneously explaining its political legitimacy as an organization with its finger on the popular pulse. Evans also contends that the events of 1956 are central to understanding the immediate causes of the war, as the c onflicting forces of reform and

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126 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf repression embodied in the Special Powers Act greatly aggravated Algerian grievances and at the same time testified to the Fourth Republic's paternalistic folly and global aspirations. The book s strength lies in its methodi cal, detailed, and comprehensive treatment of the conflict, and in its even handed appraisal of all parties. Making use of a great variety of French and British archival sources, newspapers, interviews, and secondary literature, Evans marshals a compelling account that transcends the war per se and serves as a history of the Algerian colonial undertaking as a whole. And with its balanced and nuanced treatment of the forces involved in the complex history of the war r unning the full spectrum from pro French Algerians to pro Algerian French A lgeria will serve as a reference for those with an interest in Algeria in its own right as well as its influence on France and beyond in the 20th century. While the book is eminently fair to Algerians, this is a work focu sed on "France's undeclared war." Consequently, those seeking an account of the conflict squarely centere d in Algerian points of view will need to look elsewhere. This, however, is not a fault per se, and is in keeping with the book's aim. If the work does have a weakness, on the other hand, it might be a tendency for undue charity toward certain Algerian actors who are at times undeserving of it, and a concomitant willingness to lay unrestricted blame at the feet of the French for evils new and old. Evans seems ready to accept, for example, that the FLN's ethos of violence only had the momentum it did in postcolonial Algeria because the French drew the conflict out for so many years ( p. 335). This allows the FLN to avoid responsibility for the prevalence of violence in the postcolony a phenomenon for which it was surely a partial cause. There is equally tension between Evans's argument that "in resorting to torture and summary executions, the Algerian army was modeling its counter insurgency tactics on thos e of its erstwhile enemy" ( p. 358), and his characterization of pre colonial Algerian society as being oriented toward the cult of the violent warrior and "highly dictatorial" ( p. 230). These, however, are minor points. Generally the work is unflinching in identifying hypocrisy on both sides of the Mediterranean, and in holding violent parties, whatever their provenance, accountable for their actions. Algeria combines excellent scholarship with crossover appeal for a general audience. While preserving acade mic rigor, the book has the clarity and narrative force to draw in general readers as well as lower level students. Featuring biographies of key players, a wealth of maps and images, and a comprehensive bibliography and index, this work will serve as an au thoritative source for students and scholars alike. A fine example of academic work with ambitious scope and a robust allegiance to historical justice, the only thing left to hope for is that other historians of Africa will follow in Evans's footsteps and create such engaging reference works for their own areas of study. Robert Nathan Dalhousie University Sandra J.T.M. Evers, Catrien Notermans and Erik van Ommering eds 2011. Not Just a Victim: The Child as Catalyst and Witness of Contemporary Africa Le iden: Brill. 275 pp. Not Just a Victim: The Child as Catalyst and Witness of Contemporary Africa is a collection of ten qualitative studies based on a selection of papers presented at the conference, African Children in Focus: A Paradigm Shift in Methodo logy and Theory organized by the Netherlands African

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BOOK REVIEWS | 127 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf Studies Association in 2008. Acknowledging as its starting point that children s perceptions and ideas are often considered to be unreliable or insignificant, and that therefore African children have historically remained on the margins of social and anthropological studies, this edited collection sets out to challenge the establishe d view of children as victims. However, it is Kinning in the Imagination: Perceptions of Kinship and Family History among Chagossian Children in Mauritius the focus of the contributions is not st rictly anthropological. The volume largely focuses on the methodological implications of a child oriented approach to social sciences research, varied and complex role s and responsibilities that children play in contemporary Africa. As editors Evers, Notermans and van Ommering make clear in their introduction, the concept of a child should be defined within specific relational, cultural and local contexts, wherein ca tegories such as age, gender and the criteria for defining a child vary considerably (p.3). Contributors thus examine the experiences of children in challenging circumstances that range from being orphaned, abandonment, experiencing war, and living on the streets or in exile, in African nations including South Africa, Namibia, Ethiopia, Mauritius, Cape Verde, Morocco, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and Kenya. While this might at first sight appear rather a negative approach, questions of agency are cent ral to many of the essays in the collection. needs and wishes should alwa ys be the starting point for those working with these children. ward migration in Cape Verde argues that while it is important to recogni z e the agency of working street children or independent child migrant s, it is also essential to acknowledge the social and economic constraints that limit this Gendered Work and Schooling in Rural engages in debates a round child labor, but also recogni z es the multiple roles of children as producers, entrepreneurs, care e rs, and decision makers. Abebe contends that paternalistic approaches that view working children solely as victims are not only problematic analyticall y, but also from a policy point of view [as] they denigrate the capacities and meaningful contributions children make in their families (p. 168). The evaluation of different research methods with children is an important focus of the collection, and contr ibutors highlight their use of a range of different approaches, from observations to interviews, focus group discussions and questionnaires, to photo essays and the development of board games. In Chapter Two, Mienke van der Brug describes how a Kids Club was used to talk with Namibian children orphaned by AIDS about the sensitive issues surrounding their circumstances, which was evaluated positively in a follow up study six years later. June de Bree, Oka Storms and Edien Bartels also raise the question of methodology in their Return Migrant and Abandoned Children in Northeast Morocco finding the oral life history research method of particular relevance for their work with ret urning adolescents.

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128 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf The range of perspectives offered in this volume is impressive and a firm editorial hand has ensured that the quality of the chapters is consistently high. It is striking that African scholars based on the continent contributed none of the essays However, t he volume will be of interest to social scientists and development agencies working with children in different African contexts, and will also be of more general appeal to anyone intere sted in what the editors term, the emerging Afr ica of tomorrow. Charlotte Baker, Lancaster University Zygmunt Frajzyngier and Erin Shay, eds. 2012. The Afroasiatic Languages. Cambridge: Cambridge University P ress. xix, 687 pp. Frajzyngier and The Afroasiatic Languages is an im portant contribution to linguistic typology and an invaluable reference book on a major language phylum. Afroasiatic consisting of more than three hundred living languages, including an important world language, Arabi c, and a West African lingua franca, Hausa. Afroasiatic languages are spoken across an extensive range of North and Central Africa, the Horn of Africa, and on into the Arabian peninsula and other regions of the Middle East, with Arabic continuing as far a s Central Asia. The volume includes eight chapters, six of which are devoted to profiles of the individual families that compose Afroasiatic, as well as an introduction, and a substantial 120 page final chapter by Frajzyngier that provides an extensive ty pological outline of the Afroasiatic phylum. history of scholarship on the phylum. Particularly useful is the section on the state of the art in Afroasiatic sc holarship, which together with the extensive bibliography provides a useful starting point for linguists and others interested in pursuing research on these languages. As a typological study, the book aims to inventory the linguistic forms in Afroasiatic languages and the functions these forms encode, and to compare these across families. For example, gemination is a frequent type of morphological exponence in many Afroasiatic languages and can encode nominal or verbal plurality, derive causative or trans itive forms from intransitive ones, and mark perfective aspect. It should be noted that this is not a historical study (although the volume will, of course, be useful to historical linguists) and that Frajzyngier and Shay do not enter into debates about t he classification of Afroasiatic languages. They see no compelling reason to contest the generally accepted six family makeup of the phylum, and they accept the inclusion of Omotic as a separate family from Cushitic, the only real area of controversy with in the overall classification of Afroasiatic languages. The chapters profiling the six Afroasiatic language families, each of which includes a useful map, are written by noted scholars and experts in their respective fields. These include both eminent sc holars as well as younger researchers, many of whom contribute important insights on under documented Afroasiatic languages. Maarten Kossmann writes on Berber, Antonio Loprieno and Matthias Mller on Ancient Egyptian and Coptic, Gene Gragg and Robert Hobe rman on Semitic, the editors themselves on Chadic, Maarten Mous on Cushitic, and finally Azeb Amha on Omotic. The focus of the volume is on typology, and four of the six

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BOOK REVIEWS | 129 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf chapters constitute a first typological study of the family under consideration, contributing substantially to the originality of the volume. Each chapter provides a survey of the phonetics, phonology, morphology and syntax of the individual family, highlighting the characteristics that are typologically important and those that make the family particularly interesting. The chapters are replete with well chosen linguistic examples from multiple languages, many of The Afroasiatic phylum is characterized above all by its rich typological di versity. Thus it commonalities between languages and language families and to show places where they differ. In addition to the generally well known similarities between Afroasiatic languages, such as the fact that all language families have some analog of the familiar pharyngealized or emphatic consonant series in Arabic, manifested elsewhere as either ejectives, implosives, glottalized or pharyngealized consonant s, Frajzyngier presents us with some lesser known commonalities. The clustering of typological features, however, is most generally restricted to languages in fewer than the six Afroasiatic families. For example, Chadic, Cushitic, and Omotic languages a re generally tonal, while the others are not, and Frajzyngier provides a plausible scenario for tonogenesis in the former; in Semitic, Egyptian, Berber, and some Chadic languages nouns have underlying vowels while verbs do not, but in Cushitic and Omotic l anguages both verbs and nouns have underlying vowels; Egyptian, Semitic, and some Chadic languages are verb initial in pragmatically neutral clauses, but Cushitic and Omotic are verb final; Cushitic and Semitic have an extensive system of case marking, and they also have the construct state, both of which are absent in other families; and finally, in Cushitic and Chadic the phonological reduction of the word u sually t he reduction of the final vowel c orrelates with phrase internal position. Within his surve y, Frajzyngier also offers some tantalizing hypotheses for the correlation of features across language families, which will no doubt encourage new research on the Afroasiatic phylum. His hypothesis on the relationship between tone and the neutralization o f syllable codas to sonorants in Chadic languages and syllable reduction in Omotic languages, for example, opens up new areas of investigation in the historical phonology of the Afroasiatic languages. Given the wealth of information within its pages, and the many inviting areas of research that Frajzyngier points the reader to, this volume will surely stand as the seminal work on Afroasiatic languages for quite some time to come. Fiona Mc Laughlin, University of Florida and Universit Cheikh Anta Diop Diane Frost. 2012. From the Pit to the Market : Politics and the Diamond Economy in Sierra Leone Oxford: James Curry. 226 pp. From the Pit to the Market: Politics and the Diamond Economy sta tes that it is going to examine social, economic and politica p. 1) Diamonds are a part of the popular imagery and analysis of a ten year civil war that devastated Sierra Leone from 1991 to 2001. Much of the blood diamonds and the transnational role they played contributing to conflict(s), the role of disenfranchised youths in

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130 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf mining and conflict, patrimonial politics, limitations of the Kimberley Process Certification Scheme (2003), and diversification of mining. The popular imagery in films or songs, by performers like Kanye West and Frank Ocean, leans more towards the human bodily cost of diamonds and inequalities that still structure young peopl to weave these two strands together to give an understanding why such global resources have not benefited the local communities in which they are found. The book is thus split into two sections. T he first part deal Colonialism, Post c The Global Context. In the first part, a historical overview is given explaining the links between colonialism and resource predation. This is where the strengths of the book lie and the reader get s a sense of how social life, economics and politics intersected in the colonial and post colonial creation of diamond hubs like Bo, Kenema and Kono. These intricacies still ring true today as African resources are still h ighly sought international commo dities, inclusive of new actors such as the Chinese. I did expect more analysis of the institutional structures behind the Structural Adjustment Policies and continuity to Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers and what that says about resources and development priorities That would have explained the strong debt Frost owes to Collier in explaining the role of global capitalism, link to conflict, and dependency of the economy on resources and aid today. In part 1, I really enjoye d chapters 3 and 4 because this is where the voices, materiality and histories of the workers and grass roots organi z ations are illustrated. Frost did her fieldwork in which would be marginali z ed groups such as sex workers or those disabled by the conflict and diamond mining. She admits she stays on the articulate politici z ed elites, especially in Kono ( p. 199). They stay on message looking at communal loss, suffering, environmental degradation, and human rights violati ons like child labo r in the mines but also sex work and its consequences for girls. Like talk about rebuilding the road to Kono, people agree that these are issues that are cogent and urgently need attention but the political will is no t always there. One need s to question why and who benefits When she does that, in questioning the gender dynamics of the pits, you see that Frost has some really interesting fieldwork data. I wished she had looked around the pit and the city. The complexi ty of the fluid gendered and ex combatants, migrants, multinationals, increased blasting and interactions with the differing members of the Kono community, Lebanese and other diamond dealers is not explored. Likewis e, if one want s to track the move from pit to market and use qualitative methods you also need to interview who controls the market and ask why This book would have been stronger if Frost had done some follow up interviews with this cast and tracked the diamonds to Antwerp and the newer hubs like Dubai. Part 2 deals with this wheeling and dealing of diamonds and also the parallel economies. Much of the work about the connections of diamonds to international terrorism, arms, laundering, drugs and traffic king was published after Farah but is an open secret in Sierra Leone. Depending on who m you talk to, you the system. In effect, this book brings it together in an easily read summary that should appeal to students. However, I d o think there a re some generaliz ( p. 172) which Gberie has noted is not homogenous. Ultimately, I agree we are in the midst of a scramble for African resources and

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BOOK REVIEWS | 131 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf the diamond industry is now changing with the incre ased role of multinationals, deep mining and private security companies. With the increased power of civil society organi z ations and the presence of activist elites in positions of political power, not tokenism but real corporate social responsibility sho uld be high on the agenda i nclusive of past and present abuses. Maria Berghs, University of York Kobena T. Hanson, George Kararach and Timothy M. Shaw eds. 2012 Rethink ing Development Challenges for Public Policy : I nsights from Contemporary Africa Hampshire, England: Palgrav e Macmillan. xviii, 293 pp. The global financial crisis that began in late 2007 brought serious development challenges to African economies. Hence, recovery, amongst other challenges necessitated that the spotlight be brought to bear upon governance and leadership which Nelson Mandela, the former South African president, once stated were problematic in Africa. Similarly on 11 July 2 009, US Presiden it needs strong Hence, any book that refracts developmental issues through the governance and leadership prism is a welcome addition to the development debate. The eight chapter book (plus a conclusion) is a collection of essays on a number of public policy issues that Africa contends with in its quest for sustainable human development and human security in the 21st century. In essence, the book catalogues development issues and offer s a potpourri of solutions that African governments must adopt as they seek to claim the 21st century. Thus, the introductory chapter is a call to action; it urges African governments to develop capacity for strategic thinking and leadership la European Union (EU) and Organi z ation for Economic Co operation and Development (OECD) countries as they seek to reinvent themselves. In chapter 1, Tettey discusses the leadership deficit and proposes the path to good governance and transformative politics. While Te governance record has improved during the last decade, he argues that the improvement is unsatisfactory as to necessitate transformative leadership that has a zero tolerance for mediocrity, if not total failure as ins tanced by failed states. In chapter 2, Makinda continues in solution, Makinda proposes the following: establishing a Pan African leadership institute (to grow and nurtu re leaders); enhancing democracy institutions; improving access to health care facilities; and strengthening critical infrastructure. Ayee ( chapter 3) and Owusu and Ohemeng ( chapter 4) discuss the role of public administration in the development process. Ayee argues that all African governments have experimented with varieties of public sector reforms, particularly, New Public Management (NPM). He argues that NPM failed because of its one size fits all orienta tion and, thus, recommends that: public adminis tration reforms must be context aware; public administration reforms must be part of broader public sector reforms; and that there must be a move away from NPM to New Public Service. Similarly, Owusu and Ohemeng advocate for a developmental public administ ration that entails some of the following: flexible but competent

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132 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf public service; strong government business civil society relationships; meritocratic and career building public service; and high ethical standards. Using various case studies, Chikozho ( cha pter 5) and Oyama et al. ( chapter 6) discuss trans boundary water governance and water crisis management respectively. Chikozho concedes that there is no one best method of trans boundary water governance but, nonetheless, argues that there should be devel oped mechanisms that would, amongst others, address conflict avoidance, conflict management and inter state cooperation. Oyama et al contend that the solution to the water crisis could be found in suitable water management processes and technologies, stake holder inclusiveness etc. Arthur ( chapter 7 ) argues the case for Small and Medium scale Enterprises (SMEs) as engines of growth and catalysts of socio economic transformation in Africa. Arthur uses case studies to showcase the resilience of SMEs. Based on challenges and problems that they face, he recommends that African governments must harness the potential of SMEs by creating an environment that will facilitate their operation. Sy ( chapter 8) discusses climate financing in uncertain periods, particularl y fiscal stress. He ends the chapter by proposing a raft of financing options. Lastly, chapter 9, by the editors, wraps us issues discussed in the book and proposes ways to take the development agenda forward. The book has a number of strengths: important ly, the authors are qualified to talk to the subject because there are specialists in the subject areas. Arising from this, the book is endowed with high scholarship and, consequently, it is extensively researched. Finally, the book is a valuable addition to the literature because it discusses a topical issue; development, and it refracts it through the governance and leadership prism. Notwithstanding the above positives, the book could do with fewer in text references because they tend to crowd out the nar rative. Ending, did the book successfully achieve its overarching aim; discuss development challenges and recommend public policy solutions? Yes, it did. Emmanuel Bo tlhale, University of Botswana David Harris. 2012. Civil War and Democracy in West Africa. Conflict Resolution, Elections and Justice in Sierra Leone and Liberia London, New York: IB Tauris. 300 pp. In light of geographical proximity and cultural similarities as well as prolonged civil conflict within overlapping time periods, Liberia and Sier ra Leone are favored cases for comparative politics and there have been a number of books and articles examining the roots and trajectory of conflict, as well as prospects for sustainable peace in the aftermath of conflict. The recent book by David Harris falls in the latter category. However, contrary to much of the literature on these two countries that has focused on causes of war, this book takes as its starting point one of the hallmarks of peace processes in recent years, the conduct of post conflict elections, and examines the effectiveness of the electoral process as a mechanism to promote reconciliation and lasting peace. In what is perhaps the book's greatest contribution, the author seeks to address a heretofore under researched aspect of internat ional conflict resolution initiatives: the nexus between liberal traditions of justice that have increasingly come to dominate post conflict

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BOOK REVIEWS | 133 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf reconstruction debates, replacing realist, more inclusive approaches, and the political capacity of former rebel gr oups. The author argues that legal and moral imperatives have replaced political considerations in conflict resolution interventions, with a new emphasis on seeking justice for perpetrators through means like special courts and truth commissions, rather than former practices of including belligerents in peace deals. Furthermore, the inability of rebel groups to transform into viable political groups or parties also contributes to the determination of electoral outcomes and ultimately, peace and stabilit and approaches to conflict coupled with the political inefficacy of rebel movements have To build his case, Harri s examines four elections in Liberia and Sierra Leone (the 1996 and 2002 elections in Sierra Leone, and the 1997 and 2005 elections in Liberia). In the 1996 and 1997 elections, conflict soon resumed in both countries. The two later elections have ushered i n a period of relative peace, although he queries the sustainability of this peace in the Sierra Leone case. The question he then seeks to answer is why the difference in outcomes between the two sets of elections. While acknowledging that explanation res ts on a variety of factors including electoral context and arrangements as well as ethnicity and security, Harris includes what he believes are crucial heretofore under explored explanations: international discourse surrounding belligerents and political c apacity of rebel actors. On first glance, Harris makes a compelling case. His detailed description of actors, events and circumstances surrounding all four elections reveal a great depth of knowledge and intimate familiarity with the details of the cases in question. He does an excellent job demonstrating how both the international community and the political fortunes of the involved rebel groups contributed to their variable showing in all four respective elections. Less convincing however, is the link age between shifting international discourses and the question of sustainable peace. A central claim is that more punitively oriented discourses have made peace following elections more problematic, yet the cases do not seem to fully fit the analyses. For example, in Liberia, although Harris points to the late nineties as the harbinger of changing discou rses (albeit intensified following September 11) he himself notes that Charles Taylor was unaffected by calls for a judicial process in 1997, and in fact w ent on to win by a landslide in the elections of that year. To the contrary, it would appear that a more inclusive perspective actually hindered lasting peace given the predatory and violent nature of the Taylor regime, and contributed to the return to civ il war. In 2005, when punitive discourses were arguably stronger, they again made little headway in Liberia. For example, Liberian Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) recommendations for the prosecution of those deemed responsible for gross human rights violations have been largely ignored. Additionally, rather than facing criminal charges, former rebel actors were able to take part in the interim government following Taylor's exit from the country in 2003, and voluntarily disbanded prior to the 20 05 elections. While the author links Liberia's positive electoral outcome in 2005 to the country's non implementation of the more punitive discourses in place, it is not implausible that other causal factors may be in play.

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134 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf In the Sierra Leone case, the author appears to find problematic the Revolutionary United Front's (RUF) marginalization from the 2002 elections, a result of disapprobation from an international community that now advocated punishment rather than inclusion, as well as the poor politica l organization capabilities of the group itself. However, the RUF's mandated presence in government under the 1999 Lome Peace Accords, including four cabinet posts and four deputy ministerial positions, accomplished little by way of reconciliation or peace Concerns that RUF marginalization contributed to SLPP's landslide victory in 2002 which made to be a little out of place as RUF inclusion might not necessarily have resulted in a more amenable result. Moreover, Sierra Leone's two subsequent peaceful elections of August 2007 and November 2012 also seem to indicate that the absence of significant RUF participation has not been a cause for concern. In the 2007 elections, the All People's Congress (APC) unseated the Sierra Leone People's Party (SLPP), and it was re elected in 2012. In the latter elections, APC success has been attributed not just to incumbency advantage but also a reflection on party performance: an acknowledgement that the party has tried to address some of the grievance related issues that gave rise to the conflict, including infrastructural development, health care and education, a lthough the problem of youth unemployment that Harris rightly points to as a potential destabilizing issue, continues to loom large. Finally, as the author himself points out, there are potential problems in the inclusion of rebels in post the institution, legitimizes the warring parties and allows impun benefits outweigh the costs of inclusion is difficult, and determining the credibility of the warring faction, the legitimacy of grievances, and its motives for power is not an easy task. Thus, while the premise of inclusion is theoretically appealing, there are a number of practicalities in implementation that could have been considered in greater depth. Aside from these issues, the book provides many useful insights, serving as a check on both the global move to indict reb els as well as the assumption that elections in and of themselves are an indicator of peace. Additionally, the book provides an excellent comparative overview of the history of both Sierra Leone and Liberia, the onset of conflict and the various arguments and theories proposed to understand its progression and eventual conclusion. Furthermore, Harris comprehensively examines the complexities of the various relationships among political parties, rebel groups and the international community within the two co untries, and his description and analysis of the intricacies of the electoral processes, the actors and the elections themselves provide a valuable insight into the various issues associated with post conflict elections. The book will be of interest not j ust to scholars of these two countries, but more generally to policy makers and scholars of conflict resolution, post conflict reconciliation, democratization, and development. Fredline A. O. M'Cormack Hale, Seton Hall University

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BOOK REVIEWS | 135 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf William J. Hemminger.201 2. The African Son Lanham: University Press of America. 94 pp As George Bernard Shaw wrote, All Autobiographies are lies similarly most of the memoires or travelogues are mere exaggerations and hardly regulate imagination by reality. However, Hemminge doing job(s) merely at different places in different capacities in Africa. His description is also not for the amusement but to present a thick description of the soc ial, cultural, spiritual and economic landscape of Africa. The author very exquisitely presents the interplay of cultures, communities, life ways that govern their lives. The book is not too extensive however; thematically thorough, giving a succinct understanding of nature and life in Africa and perhaps this feature of the book best It is also an eye catcher because of its colorfu l look, fine printing and paper quality, besides the depth of the work reflects even the unsaid, not discussed and unwritten aspects of African life as well. field description (view) to his various field trips. He hits the pressing African issue in his very first chapter, amily describing the death of a boy and expressing his grief, reflecting his humane concern and the absence of the proper healt h care and above all poverty in Africa. In the same chapter, he turns sociologist though indirectly by mentioning the status she had told me that she was about 28 years old a poverty. The succeeding chapters describe his deep knowledge about African geography, socio biology, agriculture, food culture, hospitality, rural life style, urban delight and even faith and spirituality. His interest in describing the social and physical landscapes of different African countries opens up lots of intellectual discourses about African life itself be tha t social and economic inequalities, rich African geography and landscapes, etc and their religiosity and draws inspiration from their abstinence from material lust. To add spice to his work, he pastes the whole amusing curri culum vita of a Cameroonian man (chapter 11), who became his guide driver, by referring to his bizarre skills. Heputs himself as the cent er of narration however, but indirectly tells a detailed story of the holistic, diverse and pluralistic African nature and life and masses. His clearly written but artistic description reflects more the socio cultural landscape and his style churned with literary and academic flavors makes it inviting for the potential readership. The author like an expert fieldworker or a trained anthropologist studied African life in certain roles as a Peace Corps Volunteer, a Fulbright scholar or as a visiting academician. He is a man of compassion and love and not a hallow tricky author, who j ust plays with words and jargon but narr ates honestly without caring whether his description is reflecting positive, appalling, significant or insignificant findings. He seems eager to report the pain and suffering of his fellow human beings. He does not sound a slave of his mere perception but reports the context exactly as he witnesses it. He does not even care about garnishing his deliberations or jargonizing his prose; he only speaks to his heart and wants to spread the message about Africa and life within.

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136 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf I view The African Son as Hemminge the Africa he saw on his journeys from Senegal to Malawi, Cameroon Zimbabwe and Madagascar. Hemminger like a true social worker feels responsible to society and aspires for change. While he lives the title he chose for his memoire simult aneously he leaves a message to the world about ignored Africa. The only minor flaw of the book is the lack of images/travel photographs that could have added to the account presentation and beautify the book. The A frican S on deserves a patient reader who can immerse himself/herself deep ly in the context of the book and conceptualize the pain and suffering that Hemminger has plainly narrated with empathy. The beauty of the book is that it does not impose perceptions but leaves the reader free to conceptuali L ike a social anthropologist Hemminger acts as a field researcher in the African context and meets different people like Muslims, missionaries, clergyme n and common people to gain insight s and kno w about the real Africa. The social but peppery content of the book will attract all except speculative fiction readers for the book presents culture and life style s as witnessed by the a uthor as a participant observer The book should attract students of all disciplines especially from the social sciences and researchers on Africa and above all Africa lovers. Moreover, the book can act as a valuable travel book on Africa. Adfer Rashid Shah Centr al University, New Delhi Catherine Higgs. 2012. Chocolate Islands: Cocoa, Slavery, and Colonial Africa Athens: Ohio University Press. 230 p p Catherine Higgs gives us a thoughtful narrative history of how chocolate production on So Tom and Prncipe relied upon slave labor during the late nineteenth and early t wentieth commitment to social justice, shows how a nascent desire for ethical business practices exposed slavery, disease, and the abuses of Portuguese colonial rule in Africa. In 1905 Cadbury called upon Joseph Burtt, fellow Quaker and former utopianist, to spend eighteen months in island colony of So Tom and Prncipe were t evolution from a paternalist who argued the labor system of the roas rather they affirmed the article written for by Henry Nevinson, whom Burtt met while visiting t he roa Boa Entrada in June 1905 (p. 39). Nevinson was a staunch abolitionist who spent four months tracing the slave routes in Angola, whereas Burtt would stay for nearly Burtt such flagrant abuse of international and Portuguese law continued. Despite what he heard and saw, Burtt maintained an air of detachment. While sharing breakfa st with two missionaries in

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BOOK REVIEWS | 137 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf ruitment practices and labor abuse were too evident to deny. Chocolate Islands takes the reader on a fascinating tour of Portuguese Africa, from the offshore islands of So Tom and Prncipe, to Angola, and then to Mozambique where Burtt studied labor rec Loureno Marques, 1907, Burtt was so charmed by Alfredo Augusto de Andrade, the governor general of Mozambique, that he wrote a praise poem about the man. In the poem, Burtt extolled And pragmatic rule as love because it required African men to engage in wage labor or cash crop production to pay their hut taxes. The Quaker emphasis on personal liberty led Burtt to conclude that mine recruitment practices were superior to roa methods because workers left the mines to return to Mozambique once their contracts were completed. The great benefit here ney provides a window to explore multiple forms of labor and social injustice across a wide region. Burtt, like E.D. Morel, used his experiences to lobby for better working conditions and eventually, by 1909 to encourage American chocolatiers to follow the European boycott of So Toman cocoa (p. 150). Higgs gives us a solid history, but one that concerns itself with European attitudes about Africans rather than focused on African views on their forced servitude to colonial economies. While wholly sympathet way view reveals how human rights histories (or even movements for that matter) fall prey to one sided narratives. This presents a distinct challenge, but one that can be addressed within the classroom setting teaching students how to analyze historical photographs and how these photos helped stimulate social awareness. As the history of a commodity and social movement, Chocolate Islands is useful because it pulls together so many important narratives within African history. It is a worthwhile companion for multiple university applications, from modern Africa courses to w orld history, or as an excellent example of narrat ive historical techniques for graduate students. Chau Johnsen Kelly, University of North Florida Charles Hornsby. 2012. Kenya: A History Since Independence London/New York: I.B. Tauris. xviii, 958 pp. There have been many books, papers, monographs and other history. Most of focused on the colonial era or on sp ecific post (p.1). None has successfully treated the post independent era of Kenya in its wholeness. This is exactly what Charles Hornsby has accomplished As Kenya celebrates its fiftieth year of political independence in 2013, this book questions all the political paths that Kenya has taken since its independence in 1963. It does this by presenting a historical narrative of sequential and connected socioeconomic and political events

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138 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf twelve parts beginning with an introduction and ending with a well written conclusion. One of the major goals ach ieved by the author is that readers would compare this account of Kenya wit h those of other African states rayed the pe riod 1964 1965. He refer struggle for the state. This chapter 93 155). The fourth chapter describes the 1966 1969 period. It interestingly re fers to this period as a time of mu lti party non (pp. 156 219). During this period, Kenyans witnessed undemocratic experiences in the country, despite that the government was considered a democratic one by the international community. D uring these years, state abolition, detentions without trial, restrictions on public meetings and ethnic preferential policy treatments became a culture of the then government of Kenya. T golden years of Kenya (pp. 220 278 ). This period, 1970 when the growth and instability of the 1960s (p. 220). The book reveals that hidden in this period was the kikuyuisation of Kenya. the state continued to talk of Kenya as one the entrenchment of Kikuyu power through its formal and informal networks (p. 254). period of 1975 1978 (pp. 279 330). This period saw crises along political, economic, sectoral and reg ional lines. The seventh to thirteenth chapters chronicle the periods from 1978 to 2010. The author notes that a lot economy remains structured along colonial line s up till today (p. 787). The author passed what could b e a damning judgment on Kenyans that by most Kenyans (p. 787). How true is this statement? People may have divided opinions on this assertion. Only Kenyans and keen observers of Kenya would, maybe, have strong opinions on this assertion. What the book has successfully done by making this assertion is to encourage Kenyans to study their own history better. From the diction and tone of the book, the author appears intensely and has authentic views on situations in the country. Without doubt, it presents an encyclopedic knowledge of post independence Kenya with so much clarity that any researcher, historian, political scientist and literary enthusiast would understand it. It gives compelling evidences that a minority of people own and drive the political vehicle of Kenya. It provides a background for understanding the run up to the highly contentious 2013 presidential elections. The book used authenticated documented evidences to support its message. Newspaper articles, books, journals and official government publications are some of the evidences the author used to back up his messages. The book includes detailed charts, graphs, maps, tables, photographs must read for all those interested in the general poli tical evolution of African countries, in particular, Kenya. It will be captivating for readers who appreciate social and political history of nations. Uchendu Eugene Chigbu, Technische Universitt Mnchen

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BOOK REVIEWS | 139 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf Abdourahmane Idrissa and Samuel Decalo. 2012. Hist orical Dictionary of Niger 4th edition. Lanham, Maryland and London: The Scarecrow Press. 541 pp. The Historical Dictionary of Niger Abdourahmane Idrissa significantly contributes to this invaluable r esource. The reference volume begins with a chronology of major events dating back to 2000 3000 BCE, reviewing in detail the political events of the twentieth century through 2011. Following this section, the authors provide an introduction to the volume t hat serves as a country profile. These sections focus especially on the political developments of the country, but given the volatile political history of Niger, this seems warranted and the expertise of both authors assures that the pithy account is wort h reading. The final two sections of the book consist of a 459 page dictionary and a 58 page bibliography. The bibliography has undergone a transformation in this latest edition, becoming more concise and efficient. Whereas the authors and texts in previo us editions often received more than one entry when relevant to multiple sections, this edition only includes single entries for authors and texts. Consequently, the task of perusing sections for new sources is much less daunting and the shortened size h elps one to find particular citations quickly. Further, references to the burgeoning body of Nigerien produced works that emerged during the 1990s and 2000s are an admirable addition to the bibliography. Particularly, the effort to record various dissertat ions defended by Nigeriens at both French and American institutions is laudable, considering that this reviewer is unaware of any other comprehensive source. Perhaps the most useful part of the bibliography is the list of online resources. This section inc ludes a variety of sources of statistics, economic data, regularly updated compilations of current Nigerien media, and the arts, all of which are accessible online at no cost. tions to greater comprehensiveness. Other entries underscore for Islam country. Moreover, some entries have been added or amended in accordance with past criticisms. For instance, the entry on Wo men in Niger now includes references to separate entries on the Association des Femmes Juristes du Niger and the Rassemblement Dmocratique des Femmes du Niger, two organizations created in the early 1990s but missing from the previous edition. Idrissa, ra ised in Niger, demonstrates an in depth personal knowledge of daily life in Niger through the new entries T hey thus warrant attention as this reference volume continues to be one of the few resources available in English concerned with this understudied c ountry. For example, the intriguing discussion of the Alhazai merchants of Maradi and their development as an economic power that remains relevant today emphasizes the contributions of the new author to the project. Finally, within the dictionary are a num ber of entries pertaining to research centers and other pertinent resources of information for the researcher. There are a few minor errors and omissions to the edition. Noticeably absent is an entry on the Niamey based research organization, Laboratoire d Dynamiques Sociales et le Dveloppement Local (LASDEL). Its only mention comes in the online resources section of the bibliography, despite facilitating the development of numerous

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140 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf academic networks and research teams acros s Africa and Europe for over a decade. Additionally, Dioulde Laya continues to be noted as the former director of the Institut National par la Tradition Orale (CELH TO), an error noted in the previous edition by Roberta Dunbar. Regardless of such minor faults, this edition of the Historical Dictionary of Niger stands as a noteworthy reference work for students, scholars and researchers seeking to establish, develop or enhance their expertise on the country. The work of any author in producing such a tome requires that delicate judgments about balance and selection be made with regard to the content. The decisions of Idri ssa on such matters ensure that this reference work will remain a worthy investment for those with little knowledge of the country and those seeking to further their own expertise. Daniel Eizenga, University of Florida Eldred Durosimi Jones. 2012. The F reetown Bond: A Life U nder Two Flags James Curry. 174 pp. consuming what he knew as home. It goes back exploring the inhabitants in a well knit multi ethnic comm unity and his weekly forays to his matrilineal lineage in the West. But nostalgia for thrill: marching past the Governor and joyously saluting the British flag. The ten chapters cover his early life, schooling, university studies, work and life after returning home from lecturer to Fourah Bay College Principal and community activit foreword, an index, and an appendix, seventeen black and white pictures an d a map of Free town are added value. This colo education, influences and works. Structured in a fragmentary pattern, the book foregrounds the author recalling the past, reminiscing whilst foreshadowing coming events conversationally. The historical pageant on memory to the next one in 1977 depicting Fourah Bay College history. The varying writing styles give this book wide appeal. Students, communicators, and English scholars should find it absorbing. The first chapter tracing the challenges and excitement of educating in Africa is of general interest. The title mirrors his British colonial education and upbringing and working during post independence disillusions under the Sierra Leone flag. The author absorbed e very positive situation into mo lding himself into a transformative figur e of the African cultural landscape. The ravels no atmosphere. The memory of time and place resurrects memory of such great friendships as his h osts, the Contons. In exploring Nigeria, the author details places, melding modern and traditional art, interacting with Nigerian authors and familiari z ing himself with the Nigerian literary industry. He studied various art forms, visited

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BOOK REVIEWS | 141 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf art cent e rs and a rtists, which provided him with a rich experience that informs his critical works on African l narrative and descriptive prose blossoms into great vitality, capturing the eloqu ence of Nigerian art. The ease with which he understood it and his freely moving across the country dropping in to shrines and meeting traditional authorities who he accords the appropriate decorum is admirable. Jos via Kaduna to Kano. The Jos plateau continued the feature of bare outcrops of rock and gradually gave way to the water shed which fed the Kaduna River (p 126 ). Chapter Nine, an Literature Today first gives a concise background to its establishment, its purpose, its organi z ation, the hazards of editing it from Africa, resolving such challenges and the interests and resources generated. That on the Noma Award for Publishing in Africa, structured similarly, describes its establishment, the process for final selections, administrative support, key presentations and how greatly reading expert reports on varying subjects and books scene. This memoir, in spite of some repeated episodes and printing errors is a compulsive read from an author who is a consummate connoisseur of good literature and art and a master communicator. So when he writes about his life and shares his thoughts on education, broadcasting and governance he does so with a wealth of passio n and insight. It is peopled with almost everyone he has met on his way up, particularly great scholars. He has in spite of so many in his canvas gleaned and transmitted telling aspects of their personalities. The work, however, has an overwhelming number of episodes and characters that could have been The book has a relaxed conversational style l ucid, clear and witty with a rich stock of images. Some sections soar to almost poetic lyricism getting us enchanted with the subject and matches the lyrical rhythm of this chapter with its symbolism of their life ebbing. Jone s simulates them contemplating winding down their lives in the smaller but even more charming cottage that had lured them into acquiring that property but the arty things they might have to leave behind for lack of space makes them irresolute. Arthur Edgar E. Smith, Fourah Bay College, University of Sierra Leone James Kilgore. 2011. We A re A ll Zimbabweans Now Athens: Ohio University Press. 259 pp. To under stand post 1980 Zimbabwe through a novel is of course impossible. The author of We are all Zimbaweans N ow is specifically focusing in the early rain which washes away the chaff n the Shona language) time. It was the civil war that broke out in 1982 soon after the defeat of white rule and the election of Robert Mugabe as Prime Mnister. The Gukurahundi W ar ended with the mergin g of the two clashing parties, ZANU (Zimbabwe African National Union) and ZAPU (Z imbabwe African People Union), in ZANU PF and the beginning imbabwe is landlocked and border s Zambia, Mozambique, Botswana and South Africa. Some neighbor ing

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142 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf nations played a specific role in Zimbabwe politics Tanzania and Mozambique for example, offered military training camps for the guerilla fighters or a log istic base as in Zambia where Herbert Chipeto, the first leader of ZANU and a black barrister in Zimbabwe, in 1975 met his death in a car explosion in Lusaka. Zimbabwe northern region is Mashonaland with the capital Harare in the Shona language), Chinguwitza and Mbare as the main cities where the novel is predominantly set. Mashonaland is inhabited by people from the Shona ethnic group. Part of the no vel is also set in Matebeleland a southwestern macroregion inhabited by the Ndebele ethnic group. Ndebele, Shona and English are then the official languages of Zimbabwe. More over, the Ndebele and Shona h ave a different pre colonial history and mythology. During the liberation war against Ian Smith and in the ea rly 1980 s, Mashonaland was predominantly aligned with ZANU with Robert Mugabe as the leader while Matebeleland was ZAPU with Joshua Nkomo as the leader If the main white character of this f antapolitics novel, Ben Dabney (a U.S. Ph D candidate researching for his thesis in Zimbabwe), has any prejudices about the black Zimbabweans, they are on the reverse: he is blindly enthusiast about system of government of Robert Mugabe, just elected Prime Minister of the Republic of Zimbabwe in 1980. This character is presumably autobiographic al since James Kilgore himself is an American scholar of Africa and with a past as a r adical leftist. Kilgore, as Dabney, also lived in Zimbabwe working as a teacher at high school during the 19 80s. Ben Dabney, as James sometime s called which has engaged in a war against th e Z imababwean people through the killing of civilians and mass grave s : an ethnic and racist war against the Nd e bele tribe in Matebeleland to destroy any hating his comr Florence, a former Z ANLA (Zimbabwe African National Liberation A rmy) guerril l a fighter, Fifth Brigade (trained by North Korea ns ) in a rural school suspected of hiding Super Z APU members, the organization of dissidents presumably supported by South Africa. During his stay in Harare, Ben is also approached by an eccentric P rofessor Dlamini who suggests to him that he investigate the death of a liberation leader, Elias Tichasara, who died in a mysteriou s car accident some days after the end of the second Chimurenga, the war against the white Rhodesians e Manyeche M woman, of having been himself the real and hidden driver Apparently he committed suicide for a sex ual scandal but his death to the readers of the novel sounds a Apart from Robert Mugabe, most of the c haracters are fictional except for Tichasara and P rofessor Callistus Dlamini. As the author has rev ealed Elias Tichasara is Josiah Tongogara, the commander of Z ANLA who in actuality died in a car accident in 1979 in Mozambique six day after the Lancaster H ouse Agreement leading to the ceasefire that ended the war of liberation According t o a 1979 CIA

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BOOK REVIEWS | 143 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf rival to Mugabe US agency suspected a murder rather than believing to the accidental car crash of the ife never s aw his corpse and no autopsy was ever con ducted or pictures released. He has also been defined by Lord Carrington, chairman of the Lancaster H ouse talks meetings, the Z ANLA commander favored agreement with the unity of ZANU and ZAPU a solution that Robert Mugabe opposed The character of Prof. Dlamini is based on Stanlake Samkange, a prominent Zimbabwean historian who also wrote novels set in the liberation wars. As did Samkange, Dlamini lives in a re al English castle in Harare and Susanna Iacona Salafi a Fatih University Linda Kreitzer 2012. Social Work in Africa: Exploring Culturally Relevant Education and Practice in Ghana Calgary, Alberta, Ca nada: University of Calgary Press. 242 pp. Social Work in Africa: Exploring Culturally Relevant Education and Practice in Ghana provides a strong case study exploring the challenges and failings of social work education in Ghana. This te xt, one of only a few that looks specifically at West Africa, provides a compelling case study specific to Ghana. While it may be argued that the dearth of scholarly work in the area pertaining to the African context makes for broader application, readers should use caution, as Kreitzer warns briefly in the introduction, against assuming African universality. Kreitzer expresses two purposes for publishing this book. One expressed purpose is the thoughts and ideas expressed ( p. xix), is achieved brilliantly throughout the text. Most chapters are laden with more questions than answers work successfully launches a thought provoking reflection on institutions of social work education in Ghana. However, the second evaluate its pertinence to African culture and society ( p. xix), seems to be only be partially achieved. The complexity of education and policy in Africa, African social wor change by being aimed at a different, and arguably more mislead, audience. analysis of the problems of African social work education. Kreitzer uses the engaging Participatory Action Research (PAR) method in conducting research and attempting to inspire grassroots results, however, it is important to note that this text is better suited for Western Africa. While Chapter 6 offers recommended cours es for a revised social work curriculum ( pp. 154 65), these courses are specific to the Ghanaian case study and should be used as just this a single case study. The power of this work lies in challenging Western students of social work to recognize the p rejudices, misconceptions, and ignorance that are often carried by foreigners into

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144 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf Africa. With engagement in non profit work in Africa ablaze, especially among Western s Dead Aid. After a Preface, Introduction, and Prologue where Kreitzer briefly describes the research, methods, and purpose of the book, she launches into Chapter 1. Each chapter is beautifully represented by an Adinkra symbol, and the meaning of Chapter The text challenges African inst itutions of social work to move away from the traditional European centered social work curriculum and define an African centric one rich in indigenous case studies and culturally relevant teachings. The literature review in Chapter 1 highlights the absen ce of an organized and accessible database documenting African social work activities, despite the fact that social work has been practiced in Africa for over half a century. social work within a uniquely Ghanaian identity. While short, this chapter is important in challenging p. 49). Once again, the colo nial past is blamed for stripping Africans of their history and pride in their heritage. In conjunction with redefining and reconnecting th e lack of pride and respe ct for social work in Africa. Kreitzer presents a battery of reasons for this distaste towards social work, most of which center around insufficient training, lack of ty that does not necessarily want to be changed. This chapter brings up important questions, especially for Western social workers, about the appropriateness of social work methodology, definitions of modernity, and the applicability of the social work in stitution in the African context. Chapter 3 and 4 discuss the overwhelming presence of Western knowledge in social work curricul a and the challenges that African states face in a rapidly globalizing and interconnected world. Kreitzer delves more deeply into the problems of higher education in Africa where a degree is often sought to allow a student to work in the Western world ( p. 79). Furthermore, the institutions of social work in Ghana are almost solely reliant on Western texts, failing to provide s tudents the resources to engage appropriately with African communities. While it is not explicitly stated, this chapter reflects deeply on the failure of African education systems. Hopefully, this chapter stimulates reflection by administrators and staff both foreign and domestic, about where education fits in the complex political and social landscape. It is worth questioning if social work education is more applicable at primary or secondary levels, and further, if the current structure of social work in Ghana is even appropriate. In this vein, Kreitzer reflects upon the global problems of Neo liberal policy. Due to low salaries and lack of pride in the social work institution, there is little incentive for social workers to engage politicians to add ress international inequalities. This chapter challenges social workers to consider how to participate at national and international levels to begin crafting a solution to the ruinous global economic order. It is worth considering that the immediate role of social

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BOOK REVIEWS | 145 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf workers in Ghana might only be at the national level, where a focus on crafting policy that makes social work at community and local levels feasible is paramount. Presenting a well recognized argument, Chapter 5 decomposes the current model of i nternational aid, exposing the frequently crippling effects of misdirected money. In this chapter Kreitzer inspires Western students to reflect on how culture powerfully influences behavior. As non profit work has become popular and Western w orld, it is critical that Western scholars understand the failures of past aid efforts and use innovation in crafting new and more effective models to empower communities. Domestic and foreign administrators of aid must recognize effective means of working with traditional authorities to achieve community driven solutions. This chapter, rich in analysis of aid efforts in a globalizing world, offers powerful discussion points that challenge and de romanticize NGO and IGO efforts. reating Culturally Relevant Education a nd Practice work. Part fieldwork manual and part research analysis, this chapter, if nothing else, should be read by students of social work, development, and anthropology as they prepare to engage in field work. The PAR research method is discussed in more depth along with the practical challenges of doing fieldwork in Africa where communities usually expect research to result in action (although often hard to express, this is not necessa rily the purpose of fieldwork). Kreitzer details the way she and her research group worked in the field and offers the strategy she used summary apply mainly to t he Ghanaian case study, students can learn from the methods and begin to grapple with the realities of working in both urban and rural settings in Africa. Finally, Chapter 7 concludes the book with a reiteration of major themes. The themes of creating a proud African identity, a curriculum based on African case studies, and a uniquely African style of social work training and practice provide a spark for discussions of social work ing a more textured view of the value and possibility of integrating rich African case studies into the global study of social work. While most African students will likely never read this text, its importance in Western universities must not be overlooke d. Brittany Morreale, Lopez Lomong Foundation and 4 South Sudan. Carol Magee. 2012. Africa in the American Imagination: Popular Culture, Racialized Identities, and African Visual Culture Jackson: University Press of Mississippi. 263 pp. nations and peoples are represented in American popular culture and how such imaginations reflect ideological standpoints. Magee selects four case studies to highli ght the normalization of American understandings of Africa created and promoted by enterprises of Western popular culture. Magee also considers the degree to which American representations of African visual culture mediate American self understandings with respect to black and white racialized identities. Magee eliminates a surprising gap in the literature on the topic within visual culture studies in an engaging, jargon free, and critical manner.

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146 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf Although the introduction identifies the audience as person s who engage with Africa passively, through popular cultural, the book is quite relevant for specialists. Indeed, many specialists are aware of the misguided assumptions about Africa that result from media presentations and other popular culture imaginatio ns, but fewer may give critical thought to how those ideas are generated. Magee puts a spotlight on these mechanisms and thus serves both Africanists and students beginning to think critically about representations of Africa. Magee uses four cases to ad vance her thesis: the 1996 Sports Illustrated swimsuit issue, only did the 1996 Sports Illustrated swimsuit issue feature the first cover image of an African America n model, it included a feature shoot at an Ndebele village in South Africa. Magee argues that the magazine offers insight into a nexus of ideological positions fantasy, desire, and race that ultimately asserts the superiority of white skin over black. Mage e considers the representational conventions of the swimsuit issue in relation to those germane to the photogra phic essay in popular magazines and compares the power relationships and ideological positions that are subsequently conveyed. Regarding the Ndeb ele village in South Africa, Magee considers both what the photos communicate to an American audience touristic travel and its attendant associations of Western superiority and to the Ndebele viewers, who may and did perceive a positive representation, on e that speaks to cultural pride, autonomy provides for a richer discussion than this reviewer anticipated from an analysis of the iconic swimsuit issue. Magee Considers t he Ghanaian Barbie as a representative instance wherein an imagined Africa, though positively intended, ultimately reveals the cultural biases of its maker. Magee wonderfully picks up on this te nsion and analyzes the doll as an expression of nostalgia for an earlier era, one marked by American hegemony and stable cultural identities. Unfortunately, Mattel withheld permission to reproduce images of the doll for the book; Magee provides a detailed description of Ghanaian Barbie in her text, but the lack of visuals unnecessarily hinders the effectiveness of this chapter. to the Disney Animal Kingdom Lodge. Magee draws on a discussion of Orientalism to argue Kingdom Lodge (D AKL) is perhaps the most interesting in the book, and it is here that the ways that cultural producers such as Disney generate imaginations of Africa that are at onc e productive and restrictive. The DAKL aims to re create an African environment, wherein visitors can eat African food, view African art and artifacts, interact with African citizens that eveals that the park ultimately presents a colonial representation of Africa to its American audience. Each time the reader might ask for contextual information regarding the objects under discussion, Magee quickly answers, often using unlikely sources who knew the Sports Illustrated models kept diaries? While i n the end the reader better understands how American

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BOOK REVIEWS | 147 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf perceptions of Africa are generated, the reader is less informed about how Americans actually perceive Africa and African visual culture following their interactions with these objects and the conditioning of perceptions feels disproportionately represented to the realization of them within the American pu blic. Overall, however, the text is an engaging and informative read, and a very welcome addition to the field. Meghan Kirkwood, University of Florida Mahmood Mamdani. 2012. Define and Rule: Native as Political Identity Cambridge, Massachusetts : Harvard University Press. 154 pp. The World and Africa ( 194 7) and from his realization that he had given an inadequate answer to an important question posed at one of the lecture events about how British indirect rule was different from previous empires (including the Roman Empire). Mamdani explores the dichotomy between settler and native as separate political identities and shows how this new politics of identity laid the basis of British indirect rule and native administration in British colonies worldwide. He argues that the crisis of the British Empire in the mid nineteenth c entury starting with a mutiny in India in 1857 attracted the attention of British intellectuals, especially Sir Henry Maine, who claimed that natives were bound by geography and custom rather than history and law. This view not only led to the re examinati on of the colonial identities and to the establishment of administrative reforms starting in India and spreading to other British colonies in Africa and elsewhere The author then analyzes the intellectual and political dimensions of the decolonization and nationalist movements in Africa. T he introduction contends that indirect rule was a form of governance considered the holy grail of managing pluralism and diff erence in modern statecraft. He argues that it was different from modes of rule in previous western empire s (including Roman and British direct rule before mid 19 th century) in two important ways: first, previous empires focused on conquered elites rathe r than masses of the colonized; and second, they sought to eliminate difference through a policy of cultural or political assimilation of colonized elites (pp. 1 2). The British empire in crisis. Furthermore, Mamdani analyzes the distinction between settler and native and between natives on the basis of tribe, and the creation of indirect rule. He argues that the indirect rule state governed natives under the native author ity and restricted their rights to land and power on the basis of native tribe or tribal identity designated by the colonial regime. Finally, while citizenship was accorded to the colonial settler, the native was denied the same. only emancipation possible for the settler and native is for both to achiev ed in Tanzania under its first p resident, Julius Nyerere.

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148 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf In Chapter One, Ma mdani explores how Sir Henry Maine, using a theory of history and of law, distinguished the settler from the native by asserting that the former was guided by universal civilization, while the latter was influenced by local customs that were fixed and unch intellectual ideas were incorporated into colonial policies and native administrative practices as his important books, such as Ancient Law were required reading fo r new and prospective colonial adminis to rs in Asia and Africa. Mamdani argues that the transition from direct to indirect rule was precipitated by the dual crises faced by the British Empire (between 1857 and 1865): crises of mission and legitimacy. Acco western societies in terms of types of laws, identities and political societies was to highlight his desire to slow down any meaningful change in colonies. He saw such change s in c olonies not only as undesirable but as potentially fomenting anti colonialism as had been the case in interference in certain domains of colonial societies (such as religion) was contradictory. For the colonial indirect rule state gave itself vast powers over natives (pp. 26 30). Mamdani observes that in the final analysis, ha d vast ambitions; to remake subjectivities so as to realign its bearers. This was no longer just divide and rule; it was define s the practice of such nativism. In particular, Mamdani views indirect rule as a new and modern method of governance aimed at understanding and managing differences in British colonies. He believes that the primary focus of colonial power (especially after the 1857 mutiny in colonial India) was defining colonial subjectivity. Colonial civil law was seen as central to managing and reproducing difference s in the indirect rule state. It not only reco gnized systems of customary law but also defined traditional societies as tribes under the jurisdictions of tribal authorities with rights of power and access to tribal lands. The law used the census as a tool of intentionally dividing the population into two politic ized identities; race and tribe (rather than the kernel of native administration and indirect rule (p. 71). The focus on race tribe distinctions obscured the pre colonial history of native migrations and effectively portrayed natives and non natives alike were influenced by both residence (geography) and origin (history), as Mamdani so clearly de monstrates. Furthermore, the race tribe dichotomy laid the basis for discrimination and inequality during the indirect rule state and in some situations continued during the post colonial era. Indirect rule and its system of native administration instituti onalized tribal discrimination under the guise of cultural diversity and the so called doctrine of non interference. Mamdani contends that British less to civilize the elites than to shape popula r subjectivities. In this sens indirect rule was vastly more ambitious than what the

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BOOK REVIEWS | 149 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf Mamdani observes i n the final chapter that the intelligentsia and the political class the two key groups preoccupied with decolonization were propelled t o create a nationalist movement with the goal of establishing an independent post colonial nation state. He argues that during the struggle for state formation, the intelligentsia sought to give the independent state a history it had been denied while the political class worked hard to create a shared citizenship within an independent and sovereign state. Among the intelligentsia, the famous Nigerian historian, Yusuf Bala Usman, argued for an alternative approach of understanding the historical movement of political communities in pre colonial Africa by using multiple sources to deconstruct key ethnic and racial categories starting with Hausa and Fulani speaking peoples in Nigeria. The challenge he set for historians was to locate the development of politica l identities in an historical context of internal migrations and state formation prior to colonialism. In post colonial Tanzania, President Julius Nyerere and TANU peacefully dismantled the 107). During the first phase of nation building, Nyerere not only rejected indirect rule and its racialist policies but relied heavily on the single party system to create a national language (Swahili) and a national army, and sought to detribalize the Tanzanian society. And during the second phase (1967 to 1977), Nyerere used the Arusha Declaration to intervene in the economy peasant s to form Ujamaa villages and to increase their productivity and welfare through collective self to the use of coercion to settle peasants in Ujamaa villages and partitione d the country among s of empire re examined their own hegemony in the face of the divisions within their own camp and the challenges from the tensions among colonizers meant that e fforts to define natives as political identities in order to govern them using indirect rule were not always eas problema tic, bid.). This implies there was a constant struggle to define and manage di fference in colonial states. The decolonization era clearly underscores the tensions and struggles between the colonizer and the colonized. Overall, the book represents a carefully argued and insightful analysis of the intellectual origins and contextual p ractices of indirect rule as a new and modern strategy of governance aimed at understanding and managing difference in British colonies worldwide. The book is a must read not only for students of colonial government policies and history but also for contem porary scholars preoccupied with understanding the challenges facing the post colonial state in Africa and Asia. References : Frederick Cooper and Ann L. Stoler. 1989. Rule American Ethnologist 16 4 : 61 7 21. Johnson W. Makoba, University of Nevada, Reno

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150 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf Jack Mangala ed. 2013. Africa and the European Union: A Strategic Partnership New York: Palgrave Macmillan. 257 pp. While the European Union has been struggling with numerous internal challenges, such as institutional reforms, the Euro crisis, a new self definition about its global (stronger) actorness, just to name a few critical issues, the increasingly interpolar env ironment with a signaling the slow dislocation of the West as the epicentre of world politics (p. xi) demands that the EU redefines its positions in a broader sense of interregional relations. Among these, Euro needs to be restructured, as politicians on both continents voiced in the middle of the first decade of the twenty first century. They felt that a moment of great historical significance (p. 3.) ar rived in December 2007 with the Lisbon EU Africa Summit and by adopting the Joint Africa EU Strategy (JAES), which is supposed to deepen the political dialogue with the aim of making the implementation of actions more efficient in a refined strategic frame work. With the rise of emerging actors including Brazil, Turkey, India and the seemingly most fearful of all (to the West), China, and calculating with the positive economic trends across the African continent in the longer run, the EU has to consider an additional dimension: to stay competitive and reaffirm its positions with Africa. On the African side, in the meantime, for political and economic reasons mainly, but also for historic and cultural accounts, a more mature and post donor client approach hopelessness behind for good. The ambitious joint strategy certainly speaks to the resilience and adaptive nature of historical, economic, cultural, and political ties that so complex ly bind Europe to Africa (pp. 41 42), but it is evidently process with all its institutional and non herefore, one must stay critical (even if optimistic) about its future. Jack M angala manages to stay sufficiently critical, which is indeed welcomed in such a comprehensive scholarly volume. He is not only the editor of the book, but also author of five chapters out of a collection of eleven. His arguments are clear, solid and easy to follow, avoiding overstatements and sentimentality. Although the book undoubtedly acknowledges the positive developments in African European relations in the past years, and is in favo r of the Lisbon strategy, throughout its discussion it thoroughly pre sents all the pros and cons, thus intends to provide the necessary critical analysis so that the reader understands both the obstacles and opportunities. The volume stems from a panel at the fourth European Conference on African Studies (ECAS) held in 2011 at Uppsala University, Sweden, and the follow up debates. It is structured along the eight thematic partnerships of the Africa EU Strategic Partnership, and seven chapters are devoted respectively to peace and security, democratic governance and human rig hts, trade and regional integration, the Millennium Development Goals, climate change and the environment, energy, migration, and mobility and employment. Although the themes science, information society and space are scarcely dealt with (no separate chapt er looks at them in detail), they appear in a number of instances, in particular, connected with migration, which, both historically and politically, represents one of the most important questions in EU Africa relations (p. 217). The first of the three p art structure sets the context of investigation by the editor himself: he introduces us to the historical background, the institutional architecture, the

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BOOK REVIEWS | 151 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf underlying (and sometimes conflicting) theoretical considerations, as well as the significance of the reconfigured strategic partnership. In the largest second section seven scholars analyze the thematic partnerships, then, a neatly formulated closing section of the last two chapters summarize s the major conclusions and encourage the reader to think furthe r about the perspectives and prospects of the partnership. These last pieces can be rightly considered as the most critical sets of opinions, underpinning the fact that a five year timeframe is too short to fully assess its substantive impact on Africa EU relations (p. 243), also admitted by the editor himself. The Africa and the European Union: A Strategic Partnership accomplishes its stated goals with keeping to a disciplined and well researched analysis of an evolving European African context (in light of an even more evolving global setting). Apart from some minor inconsistencies and repetitions (especially with abbreviations and their full meanings keeping returning all over again), Mangala and his fellow authors created a basic timely reading for any one s tudents, researchers and policy makers at the same time wishing to look into the processes that influence one of the major frameworks of interregional ties in our transnational global world. It is particularly recommended to those who developed an int erest in the relatively rapidly changing context of the international relations of Africa. Istvn Tarrsy, University of Pcs, Hungary Norman N. Miller. 2012. Encounters with Witchcraft: Field Notes from Africa Albany NY: State University of New York Pres s in cooperation with African Caribbean Institute, Hanover NH. 232 pp. This is not your usual academic treatise yet it is full of valuable insights for anybody interested in doing field research in Africa. More specifically, Miller takes the reader on a r ide through the complex field of witchcraft in Africa discussing his experience of living with witches, his encounters with witch hunters and witch cleaners, the Christian campaigns to eliminate witchcraft, the commercialization of witchcraft in urban cont exts, the use of witchcraft in politics, its role in business, and its symbolic use and power as expressed through the arts. Very few could have produced this very readable book. Miller is an old generation Africanist having begun his research however tent ative at that time in the late 1950s eventually leading to a Ph.D. in political science from Michigan State University. In 1970, he published a seminal piece in the American Political Science Review on political participation in rural Tanzania. Being as mu ch a journalist and photographer interested in reporting as a serious academic, however, Miller never landed a tenured university job but continued to operate as a freelancer taking on consultancies for African governments and U.N. organizations and, at on e by the National Science Foundation. interacted with Africa and its peoples for m ore than fifty years. He is full of respect for the many interesting persons he meets, for example Mohammadi, a woman accused of witchcraft, Chief Mwansasu who initially denied the existence of witchcraft in his area but later became a

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152 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf most valuable source of information, Edom Mwasanguti, the witch cleaner, and Chief Mturu Mdeka and his descendants of Usagara Chiefdom in central Tanzania, to mention some of those who feature in great detail in the book. Miller treats every one of them with integrity, and th ere is never an attempt on his part to take the moral high ground. The central theme in his field notes and in the book is to gain understanding of a complex phenomenon that people, both past and present, relate to on a daily basis but few talk about or di scuss in public. I like the way Miller approaches the subject. He never sees the people he writes about as he fully knows the way they live in it. Perhaps bec ause he is at the bottom a political scientist with an interest in current affairs, Miller sees witchcraft as a human rights issue of growing significance in Africa. He realizes that witchcraft, including witch cleaning, can easily encourage mob justice, a s the case has been in Tanzania and other countries where, for example, old women become innocent victims. As Miller together with other prominent persons like Professor Amina Mama, with interest in witchcraft as a human right issue argued at a Roundtable at the 2012 ASA Annual Meeting, the assaults of witchcraft on African health, safety, and human rights have reached epidemic, crisis proportions in many areas and are the cause of thousands of deaths, mutilations, and much family strife. Readers who approa ch the book from a strictly academic perspective may complain about the lack of a coherent theory or generous references to the literature whether in anthropology or other disciplines. Miller is pragmatic: he uses theory in a parsimonious and instrumental manner to make his points, not really to test data or inform it using a case study approach. The number of references is accordingly also limited. The book is well written and the material organized in an easily accessible manner. There are unfortunately a number of misspelled names. For instance, Clyde Kluckhohn becomes Kluckholm, David Livingstone becomes Livingston, and the town of Nyeri becomes Nyere. There are also a few factual mistakes. For example, the Ankole people are not cousins of the Hima peopl e; the Hima are the upper caste among the Ankole, Toro, Banyoro and Haya peoples. He also puts the Swahili words malaya kidogo in the mouth of a Swahili speaking person when it should have been malaya mdogo (little prostitute). These few blemishes, however do not take away the pleasure of reading this very informative book. Goran Hyden, University of Florida Laura T. Murphy. 2012. Metaphor and the Slave Trade in West African Literature Athens: Ohio University Press. 243 pp. The transatlantic slave trade t hat was responsible for the great dispersal of African people to the Americas had a profound effect on both the enslaved and those who were left behind. But more often than not the literature on the transatlantic slave trade deals with the experiences of t hose who embarked on the ships, who experienced the Middle P assage, and who were enslaved in the Americas. Metaphor and the Slave Trade in West African Literature seeks to bridge the gap between those who went before and those who were left by examining ho w the memory of the former is kept alive in the minds of the latter.

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BOOK REVIEWS | 153 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf In this groundbreaking work, Laura Murphy argues that memories of the slave trade are present in African literature but tend to be overlooked because these memories are not revealed in th e forms of overt narrativization that is often found in African American l iterature. Largely focusing on four canonical Anglophone writers from West Africa Am os Tutuola, Ben Okri, Ayi Kwei Armah, and Ama Ata Aidoo Murphy explores how the distant past is re presented such as tragic repetition, fear and gossip, and tropes of suffering, bondage, and impotent sexuality. The book is organized into six main chapters with an introduction and an epilogue. Each chapter discusses a metaphor associated with the slave trade in the novels. She also references letters, diaries and autobiographies of the 18 th and 19 th century witnesses to the transatlantic slave trade. In chapter one, she argues that the literature, histories and criticism of the transatlantic slave trade have been dominated by African Americans whose lives were defined by the diaspora experience of t he trade. She contends that a reading of West African literature will engender a different system of tropes, figures and images that represents both the horrors and the cultures produced by the slave trade. My Li fe in the Bush of Ghosts (1954) and examines metaphors of captivity and enslavement in the landscape of the bush; as well as the body in the bag to represent the enduring legacy and memory of the slave trade in West African culture and psychology. In the third chapter Ben The Famished Road (1993) global capitalism is discussed. In this chapter, the writer indicates how the narrative of the slave trade erupt s onto the narrative of independence era Nigeria to show how memory of the past can always be found in the present. Fragments (1969) with its focus on the African complicity in the slave trade. Murphy discusses how A rmah traces the contemporary materialism in the society to the slave trade where vicious and deadly consumption of human lives were acted out. The impotent body as metaphor for the effects of the slave trade on the African continent is the subject of analy sis in chapter five which focuses on two of Ama Ata Anowa (1965) and Our Sister Killjoy (1979) The memory of the slave trade is depicted as the debasement of the human body as a commodity and the desecration of intimacy. The last chapter explores the long term effects on the communities that were left behind on Horseman (1975), Arrow of God (1964), I S aw the Sk y Catch t Fire (1992) are used in the discussion. Finally, the epilogue turns to more contemporary writings of the historical novel on the slave trade from West Africa, and the potential for the emergence of an African historical novel tradition. Metaphor and the Slave Trade is a book that is long overdue in African literary studies. Using many of the literary canon most read texts, the author has presented a new perspective in the reading of these and other texts of African literature, opening the way fo rward for readers to the slave trade.

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154 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf One drawback to this book may lie in the inadequacy of literary texts from many countries on the West African Coast beyond Ghana and Nigeria ; a shortfall which the writer attributes to the lack of literary texts from these countries. Regardless of this, the book will serve as a great resource for students and scholars of African literature, African cultural studies and the tra nsatlantic slave trade. Its simple and straightforward language would also make it useful for non academics who are interested in the slave trade and its effects on the African Continent. T heresah P. E nnin, University of Wisconsin Madison Beatrice Nicolini 2012. The First Sultan of Zanzibar: Scrambling for Trade in the Nineteenth Century Indian Ocean Princeton, NJ: Markus Wiener Press. xxvii, 179 pp. For Africanists, the innovation in The First Sultan of Zanzibar account of the political relationships established in Zanzibar at that time. This is different than more traditional accounts, which place the European colonial powers, be they Britain, Portugal, or France, at the center o f the colonial story. When Nicolini puts Oman at the center of her narrative hub, the relationships between Zanzibar, Oman, and Makran in Baluchistan are highlighted, rather than the European capitals. Ironically, Nicolini does this by using the familiar sources of the British English language colonial archives. Thus, although, the story is indeed, as she intended about the Oman centric trade through the eyes of the British colonial servants who directed The Great C olonial Game. As is well known, when the Europeans arrived in East Africa in the nineteenth century, they encountered merchant based trading networks based in Zanzibar that reached deep into the Tanzanian interior. Merchants had by that time established interior trading posts in Tabora, Ujiji, and eventually on into what is now the eastern Congo using the trade organizations of Oman based Arabs. These Arabs operated from fortresses staffed by their Baluchi soldiers, African allies, and slaves. From the se stations the merchants not only received British explorers like Burton and Livingstone, they also exported slaves and ivory to their plantations on the Indian Ocean islands. Indeed, this trade proved so lucrative that Sultan 1856), the Sultan of Oman, in 1840 moved his capital from Muscat to Zanzibar from whence he continued to rule enterprises extending into central Africa, Zanzibar, the Persian Gulf, and into Baluchistan. she emphasizes the Oman Zanzibar Mekara relationship and its role in the Indian Ocean world of the nineteenth century. based relationships, rather than Westfalian style sovereignt argument that European concepts of sovereignty, with its emphasis on formal boundaries, citizenship based loyalties, and non interference are a poor fit for the Oman centric world relationship she describes. Sulta flung relationships, not a sovereign maintaining a monopoly over the use of military force in a particular territory. She explores this thesis well in the first half of the book. ond half focuses on the British and French struggles for influence in the Indian Ocean world with each other and in the context of later British opposition to the slave

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BOOK REVIEWS | 155 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf trade. This half will be of interest to historians studying more traditional colonial relationships, and it is quite different from the first half, which is about relationships between Makran, Oman, and the east African coast. intriguing book. In part icular, I want to know more about the role of Baluchi military who supported the Arab Sultans of Oman and Zanzibar. As Nicolini describes, they made their way into the Tanzanian interior probably in the 1830s and 1840s, extending Omani thallosocratic styl e sovereignty into unexpected places. I also was curious about what Arab sources, including those in Omani archives, have to say about these events. Indeed, Nicolini cites interviews with the descendants of the Arab trader Tippu Tib, who, lived in Muscat as recently as 1993. What else might be available in Oman for linguistically sophisticated historians interested in nineteenth century east African exploration? Finally, I wanted to know more about the relationships within the Zanzibar court; despite t indicate that a full scale biography of a man who ruled over such an intriguing socio political arrangement is needed. Tony Waters, California State Univer sity, Chico Mojbol Olfnk Okome and Olufemi Vaughan. 2012. West African Migrations: Transnational and Global Pathways in New Century Child Migration in Africa New York: Palgrave Macmillan 280 pp. West African Migrations : Transnational and Global Pat hways in New Century Child Migration in Africa examines various avenues by which West African immigrants, specifically in the United States, negotiate their multiple identities in the context of transnational ties. Mojbol Olfnk Okome and Olufemi Vaug han are the editors of this book of ten chapters In chapter and Vaughan, the authors used this platform to offer insight into how the book came to life, discussed the conceptual and theoretical frameworks that are used in the book, as well as gave synopses of each chapters. They note that this book is one of a two part volume from papers presented at a symposium, which they organized, on transnational Africa and glo balization in examined how African migration to various parts of the world after the neoliberal economic reforms of the 1980s transformed African states and their new U tilizing a form of personal narrative and/or autoethnography, the authors used their personal experiences to highlight their lived transnationalism. Chapter two, by Okome, is titled : argues that African immigrants can only pay a visit t o Africa but cannot go back to live there in the era of globalization. She uses her lived experiences to support her claim, touching on a variety of topics, including how she uses her primordial experiences of Yoruba and the

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156 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf language to negotiate her trans national and diasporic life experiences. Her constant usage of colonial hangover of British and Euro Caucasoid colonial miseducation, misrepresentations, and (mis) pronunciation preference 1 Chapter three, Zalanga critically investigates the process of his transnationalism in the context o f identity formation, which commenced from his youthful days. Even though he relives his transnational identity formation in the United States, he also claims that ethnic identity is stronger than religious identity based on his experiences in Nigeria. Thi s chapter is a reminder that there are other minority ethnic groups that exist in the northern part of Nigeria who have been living marginalized because of their socio religi ous identities. Chapter four by Elisha P. Renne Identity articulates that as opposed to what is the norm in the Western domina ted culture as related to dress, Africans who are not influenced by Western culture blend in with their environment ethnically, as Africans and as nationalists. She says that a choice on how to dress could depend on if the individual is residing in a rura l or an urban area as well what the occasion calls for. This chapter is significant especially because the forces of globalization, including those that influence social behavior, do not provide equal platforms for the Global North and Global South. C hapt er five, Peyi Soyinka aud iences. The industry has generated fresh methods of imagining Africa, as well as becoming a fresh avenue of interpreting Pan Africanism as it continues to create space that exhibits African identities. She notes that collaborations for film production have become a new trend of Nollywood. This chapter is relevant, articulating Nollywood discourse in the light of transnationalsim. ( chapter 6) engages ethnographic fieldwork to explore an African community known as Togotala of Mali, which has a population of 8,000, in the context of transnational migration. Whitehouse found that Togotalan migrants establish transnational ties through t he remittance of money to their homes in support of relatives. They also finance the building of mosques and public works, observe town politics and send their children back to their ancestral homeland. The practice of sending children back home is dwindli challenges us to think about transnationalism, especially a onal globalization. He notes that Cheikh Ahmadou Bamba (1853 1927), who is from Senegal, founded the Murid Sufi Brotherhood during the end of the nineteenth century. Even though the

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BOOK REVIEWS | 157 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf chapter is about how African Sufis negotiate their multiple identities, including Black, African, and Muslim, it also addresses the effects of gender and class. T his transnational engagement allows not only Senegalese but other Blacks in New York City to come together and celebrate as brothers and sisters. Contracting and Independent Wo how Francophone West African deliverymen, primarily undocumented immigrants, were formation of the African Worke rs Association, there were several attempts by some of the deliverymen to call attention to the October 27 29, 1999 strike which was carried out by the New York Times Manhattan weekly newspapers and other local publications. This chapter encourages Afri can immigrants to articulate their rights, especially when oppressed in Africa and in the Diaspora. Highlighting transnational memories and identities, Ufomata disc usses ambulatory and with multiple identities in their new enviro nment. In the United States, the identities include African, African American, and Black. This well articulated chapter deals with identity negotiation in the context of transnationalism. the African about African writers, specifically Nigerians who are in the Diaspora and the ancestral homeland. He talks about the tensions that exist at every level of their works, including the tension between African writers in Africa and their overseas counterparts. He shows his disappointment with African writers in the Diaspora who are hesitant to claim their Africaness. This chapter challenges not just African wri ters in the Diaspora but also Africans in other parts of the world to embrace and take pride in their Africaness as they negotiate their transnational lives. In summation, West African Migrations : Transnational and Global Pathways in New Century Child Mig ration in Africa examines challenges and progress made by African immigrants both in Africa and in the Diaspora as they negotiate their multiple identities in the context of transnational lives. Overall, the chapters are personal narrative and/or autoethno graphical. The authors share their lived experiences and define who they are instead of letting others define them. This book encourages us to tell our own stories especially in relation to transnationalism. I highly recommend this essay collection becaus e they share the stories of understudied groups, particularly as related to transnationalism. Beneficiaries of this book include students, scholars, policymakers and those interested in African migration and transnationalism. As a scholar who is intereste d in the second generation African immigrants in the Diaspora, I personally found this edited collection helpful for my current research: second generation Igbo in the United States and their negotiation of ethnic and transnational identities.

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158 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf Notes: 1 Chido Nwangwu. 2001. http://www.usafricaonline.com/chido.igbosoribos.html Other ongoing debates can be found at http://www.naira land.com/595859/igbo ibo Uchenna Onuzulike, Howard University M. Anne Pitcher. 2012. New York: Cambridge University Press. 328 pp. How do we understand the varied reform trajectories of African s tates? Why have some undertaken comprehensive privatization efforts and developed institutional arrangements to consolidate such efforts, while others have lagged in these respects? And why do we witness varied patterns in the character of government com mitments to privatization programs? These are the questions that M. Anne Pitcher seeks to answer in Party Politics and Economic Reform in In addressing them Pitcher adopts a novel theoretical framework that focuses on the structurin g power of institutions, the role of party politics, and the impact of regime characteristics on reform processes. Employing cross national quantitative analysis and three meticulous case studies, the book offers important new insights into the varied ext ent and character of privatization efforts by African states. of institutions in helping to solidify state efforts to enact and commit to reform processes. Drawin g on the insights of Kenneth Shepsle, Pitcher argues that states that exhibited substantial reforms, were more likely at later points in time to display commitments to private sector support a market economy, states structure the preferences and interests of key actors in a manner that contributes to the later consolidati on of reform programs. The second argument seeks to account for the varied character of private sector development among democracies that expressed initially high levels of motivational commitments to privatization. Here, Pitcher argues that the quality of democracy and stability of the party system shape the ways that governments behave in the context of privatization pressures and conflicts. This in turn has consequences for the nature of private sector development. sework offer support for these arguments. In her second chapter, focused on the importance of institutions, she uses a dataset of 27 countries to examine the extent to which greater motivational commitments by states facilitated more far reaching reform pr ocesses. Using an innovative index to measure such motivational commitments, Pitcher finds a statistically significant relationship between those commitments and sales of state owned enterprises (SOEs). More importantly, she finds a clear relationship b etween such commitments and the subsequent strength and effectiveness of institutions to support a private sector. This indicates that even in contexts where institutions have been perceived as weak, formal institutional changes can increase the likelihoo d that commitments to reform will become more durable over time.

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BOOK REVIEWS | 159 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf The insights on party politics and the quality of democracy are developed in the third chapter as well as the three that follow providing case studies. In the former, Pitcher examines the t rajectories of countries that initially made high motivational commitments to reform, but then varied in their subsequent implementation of privatization programs. The character of state behavior, she argues, reflected different political dynamics engende red by the character of party system and level of democracy in different countries. In liberal democratic countries, greater transparency and rule of law inhibited the arbitrary use of discretionary authority to bend or break the rules of privatization. A t the same time, greater democratic openness facilitated the articulation of interests by actors affected by privatization. This led to a policy trajectory characterized by compromise over and modification of privatization measures, while retaining the br oader policy commitment. In more limited democracies, leaders were less constrained in their use of discretionary authority to interfere with the privatization process for political ends. But how they used it depended substantially on the character of th e party system. In situations where the party system was stable, leaders interfered with the privatization process to direct benefits to supporters. The result has been the development of partisan private sectors. Where party systems were fluid and volati le, leaders faced situations where their bases of support were ambiguous, opportunities for elite fragmentation were greater, and particularistic demands more acute. Thus leaders tended to opportunistically use their discretionary authority to change or s tall privatization to benefit allies and punish enemies. They also abandoned certain reform measures by embracing populist polices designed to shore up their bases of support. To illuminate these dynamics, Pitcher offers case studies that trace the reform experiences of Zambia, Mozambique and South Africa. Zambia serves to illustrate the dynamics of reform in limited democracies with fluid party systems. Here, leaders facing shifting constituencies and volatile elite coalitions engaged in repeated arbitr ary interventions in privatization processes to serve their political needs. This included circumventing the state privatization agency to ensure that allies benefitted from the sale of SOEs. This led to ad hoc private sector development. In Mozambique, a limited democracy with a stable party system, governments used their discretion to steer privatization benefits to ruling party supporters. The fact that this occurred early in the reform process was also important as it allowed the creation of a busine ss class that was connected to the ruling party and state. This in turn led to greater policy coordination and continuity. Finally, the South Africa case illuminates the ways that a democratic context can enable the articulation of challenges and pressur es by interests affected by privatization processes. State responses entailed compromises on key elements of reforms, while still retaining the institutional arrangements that were at their foundation. pects. The research is exceptionally meticulous and creative. For her cross national quantitative analysis, Pitcher develops new indexes to effectively capture and measure different dimensions of the reform process. These effectively animate the theoret ical constructs that inform her study and help to illuminate the very real differences among countries in terms of the extent and character of their reform efforts. Her conceptual choices and their operationalization are carefully undertaken with detailed justification grounded in the literature from political science and inst itutional economics. The case work is also notable in this regard. Using existing scholarly and

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160 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf journalistic accounts, government and policy documents, and material from interviews c onducted during fieldwork, Pitcher offers finely detailed descriptions and analyses of reform experiences in her three case countries. effectively demonstrates, first, that institutions matter. Progress with privatization occurred in countries that developed initial institutional building blocks for reform. This insight serves to reinforce an emerging perspective on the importance of formal institutions for African go vernance and development trajectories. Second, Pitcher highlights the important political variables that shape government choices in privatization processes and the patterns of private sector development that ensue. And in bringing attention to regime and party system attributes she challenges scholars to move beyond earlier understandings that connected African reform processes to state weakness and neo patrimonial politics. In so doing, she effectively shifts the conversation about African reform experi ences to a terrain that allows for more effective comparison with experiences in other regions. more forcefully considered such existing and alternative frameworks to explain privatization processes. This is especially the case with respect to the scholarship that has brought attention to the ways that state weakness and neo patrimonial tendencies have interfered with development and reform processes in Africa. The w ork of Nicolas van de Walle stands out in this regard. In this view, limited state legitimacy and capacity generate peculiar political constraints, needs and strategies all of which have implications for economic reform efforts. From this perspective, l imited and ad hoc privatization reforms in places such as Malawi, Zambia or Mali might be tied to factors other than the party system per se, even if that system might reflect such factors. This is all the more pertinent when one considers that the choice s of leaders have been the central mechanisms undermining privatization reforms. While party systems in places like Zambia and Malawi did little to enhance the security, support base, and operational latitude of leaders, those leaders also faced threats of extra legal displacement and very high costs of leaving power b oth of which operated independently of the party system. Might these also account for some of the attributes of the reform processes observed in those countries? Some attention to questions This notwithstanding, Pitcher deserves high marks for producing an excellent book. She provides a model for research and theoretical innovation and offers insights that dramatically enrich understanding s of reform trajectories in Africa. There is little question that her work will inform much of the future discourse on privatization and private sector development. In this regard, it represents necessary reading for those concerned with reform and devel opment on the African continent. Peter VonDoepp, University of Vermont

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BOOK REVIEWS | 161 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf Paul D. Williams. 2011. War and Conflict in Africa. The book has a useful purpose to bring to fore the dynamics of war and clonflict mostly rel ying on case studies from countries in various regions of Africa. War and Conflict in Africa aims, first, to introduce the reader to try and understand why Africa experienced so many armed conflicts after the Cold War, and, secondly, to stress how internat ional society tried to end those wars and reduce the risk of future conflicts on the continent. In order to do this, Williams addresses Cold War (1990 2009)? Se cond, what accounts for those armed conflicts? And third, how did international society try and bring them to an end? Thus, the book is divided into three parts. The first part has two chapters while the second part has five chapters and deals mostly with concepts and the discourse of peace and conflict in Africa. Part three has four chapters and deals with issues in peace and conflict. Contexts provides an overview of t he statistical, conceptual and political background on which the author bases the subsequent analysis of the key ingredients in and international provides an overview of the patterns of armed conflict in Africa, thereby providing a broader historical context of warfare in post colonial Africa in which to situate the analysis that follows in parts II and III and also analyses several attempts to cou armed conflicts, focusing particularly on the post Cold War period. Chapter two The Terrain of Struggle provides a conceptual and political sketch of the terrain of struggle upon which they were waged. Conceptuality, it concentrates on social forces and state society complexes of analysis problem. This chapter then summarizes and Cold War conflict zones. Part II, Ingredients reflects upon the period between 1990 and 2009 in order to not provide an exhaustive list of ingredients, but the author believes they address the most resources, sovereignty, ethnicity and religion. Chapter three Neopatrimonialism es the by focusing on dynamics within the neo C hapter four Resources assesses the extent to which so called natural resources were a key ingredient in Sovereignty tackles the key issues related to statehood and armed conflict, namely sovereignty and the associated concept of self determination. In chapter six, Ethnicity the author examines the construction and manipulation of ethnic identities as an ingredient i n warfare, while chapter seven Religion discusses the relationship between warfare and one of the most powerful belief systems known to humans and religion. Part III, Responses, also reflects on the two decades since the end of the Cold War but this Organization Building examines international efforts to build a new African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), which despite its title was a collaborative enterpris e between African and non African states and organizations. After providing an overview of this architecture and some of its limitations, the focus of chapters nine Peacemaking

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162 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf is on its two main policy instruments: peacemaking initiatives and peacekeeping operations. The former discusses international attempts to build stable peace through mediation, while the latter examines the major challenges that confronted the scores of peace operations that were deployed to the same end. C hapter eleven Aid analy z es the main humanitarian relief and development assistance. The conclusion briefly summariz es the main findings from parts II and III and refle cts upon what they might mean for designing more effective responses to warfare in the future. The book adds to the growing literature about war and c onflict in Africa; it documents important contemporary African responses to conflicts from a war and conf lict studies dimension; and it offers a different conceptualization of war and conflict. War and C onflict in Africa can indeed serve as an introduction to key themes in war and conflict in Africa, but obviously can not stand by itself as a foundation text i n this field. Oluwaseun Bamidele, Faith Academy, Canaanland Ota, Nigeria



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African Studies Quarterly Volume 1 4 Issue s 1 & 2 November 20 1 3 Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Florida ISSN: 2152 2448

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African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq African Studies Quarterly Executive Staff R Hunt Davis, Jr. Editor in Chief Todd H. Leedy Associate Editor Emily Hauser Managing Editor Corinna Greene Production Editor Anna Mwaba Book Review Editor Editorial Committee Oumar Ba Maia Bass Lina Benabdallah Mamadou Bodian Jennifer Boylan Renee Bullock Erin Bunting Ben Burgen Leandra Clough Nicole C. D'Errico Amanda Edgell Dan Eizenga Timothy Fullman Ramin Gillett Ryan Good Victoria Gorham Cari Beth Head Ibrahim Yahaya Ibrahim Merise Jalalal Aaron King Meghan Kirkwood Nicholas Knowlton Chesney McOmber Asmeret G. Mehari Jessica Morey McKenzie Moon Ryan Stuart Mueller Anna Mwaba Moise C. Ngwa Collins R. Nu nyonameh Levy Odera Winifred Pankani Lindberg Sam Schramski Abiyot Seifu Rebecca Steiner Donald Underwood Carrie Vath Sheldon Wardwell Joel O. Wao A manda Weibel Advisory Board Adlk Adko Ohio State University Timothy Ajani Fayetteville State University Abubakar Alhassan Bayero University John W. Arthur University of South Florida, St. Petersburg Nanette Barkey Plan International USA Susan Cooksey University of Florida Mark Davidheiser Nova Southeastern University Kristin Davis International Food Policy Research Institute Parakh Hoon Virginia Tech Andrew Lepp Kent State University

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African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq Richard Marcus California State University, Long Beach Kelli Moore James Madison University Mantoa Rose Motinyane University of Cape T own James T. Murphy Clark University Lilian Temu Osaki University of Dar es Salaam Dianne White Oyler Fayetteville State University Alex Rdlach Creighton University Jan Shetler Goshen College Roos Willems Catholic University of Leuven Peter VonDoepp University of Vermont University of Florida Board of Trustees, a public corporation of the State of Florida; permission is hereby granted for individuals to download articles for their own personal use. Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Flori da.

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African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq Table of Contents What is in a Coconut? An Ethnoecological Analysis of Mining, Social Displacement, Vulnerability, and Development in Rural Kenya Willice Abuya ( 1 21 ) A Critique of the Concept of Quasi Physicalism in Akan Philosophy Mohammed Majeed ( 23 33 ) 1955 1991 Belete Belachew Yihun (35 54 ) Prognosis of Land Title Formalization in Urban Ghana: The Myth and Reality of Awareness and Relevance Kwasi Gyau Baffour Awuah and Felix Nikoi Hammond (55 75 ) Global Opening for Hungary New Beginning for Hungarian Africa Policy Istvn Tarr sy and Peter Morenth ( 77 96 ) At Issue: What is the Matter with African Agriculture? Henk J.W. Mutsaers and Paul W.M. Kleene (97 110 ) Review Essays William F.S. Miles ( 111 113 ) Book Reviews Akin Adesokan. 2011. Postcolonial Artists and Global Aesthetics Bloomington: Indiana University Press. xix, 230 pp. Review by Brian C. Smithson ( 115 116 ) Allan Aubrey Boesak and Curtiss Paul DeYoung. 2012. Radical Reconciliation: Beyond Political Pietism and Christian Quietism Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books. x, 196 pp. Review by Lyn S. Graybill ( 116 118 ) Sakhela Buhlungu. 2010. A Paradox of Victory: COSATU and the Democratic Transformation in South Africa. Scottsville: University of KwaZulu Natal Press. xii, 210 pp. Review by Ciara McCorley ( 118 1 19 ) Eric Charry, ed. 2012. Hip Hop Africa: New African Music in a Globalizing World. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. 390 pp. Review by Msia Kibona Clark ( 1 19 121 )

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African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq Robert Crawford. 2011. Bye the Beloved Country? South Africans in the UK, 1994 2009 Johannesburg: UNISA Press. 182 pp. Review by Myra Ann Houser ( 121 122 ) Ashley Currier. 2012. Out in Africa: LGBT Organizing in Namibia and South Africa. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. 255 pp. Review by Matthew Thomann ( 122 123 ) Souleymane Bachir Diagne. 2011. African Art as Philosophy: Senghor, Bergson and the Id ea of Negritude. Calcutta: Seagull Books. vi, 210pp. Review by Helena Cantone ( 124 125 ) Martin Evans. 2012. Algeria: France's Undeclared War Oxford: Oxford University Press. xxxv, 457 pp. Review by Robert Nathan ( 12 5 126 ) Sandra J.T.M. Evers, Catrien Notermans and Erik van Ommering, eds. 2011. Not Just a Victim: The Child as Catalyst and Witness of Contemporary Africa Leiden: Brill. 275 pp. Review by Charlotte Baker ( 126 1 28 ) Zygmunt Frajzyngier and Erin Shay, eds. 2012. The Afroasiatic Languages Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. xix, 687 pp. Review by Fiona Mc Laughlin ( 1 28 1 29 ) Diane Frost. 2012. From the Pit to the Market: Politics and the Diamond Economy in Sierra Leone. Oxford: James Curry. 226 pp. Review by Maria Berghs ( 1 29 13 1 ) Kobena T. Hanson, George Kararach, and Timothy M. Shaw, eds. 2012. Rethinking Development Challenges for Public Policy: Insights from Contemporary Africa. Hampshire, England: Palgrave Macmillan. xviii, 293 pp. Review by Emmanuel Botlhale ( 131 13 2 ) David Harris. 2012. Civil War and Democracy in West Africa. Conflict Resolution, Elections and Justice in Sierra Leone and Liberia. London, New York: IB Tauris. 300 pp. Review by Fredline A. O. M'Cormack Hale ( 132 13 4 ) William J. Hemminger.2012. The African Son. Lanham: University Press of America. 94 pp. Review by Adfer Rashid Shah ( 135 13 6 ) Catherine Higgs. 2012. Chocolate Islands: Cocoa, Slavery, and Colonial Africa. Athens: Ohio University Press. 230 pp. Review by Chau Johnsen Kelly ( 136 13 7 ) Charles Hornsby. 2012. Kenya: A History Since Independence. London/New York: I.B. Tauris. xviii, 958 pp. Review by Uchendu Eugene Chigbu ( 137 1 38 )

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African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq Abdourahmane Idrissa and Samuel Decalo. 2012. Historical Dictionary of Niger. 4th edition. Lanham, Maryland and London: The Scarecrow Press. 541 pp. Review by Daniel Eizenga ( 139 140 ) Eldred Durosimi Jones. 2012. The Freetown Bond: A Life Under Two Flags James Curry. 174 pp. Review by Arthur Edgar E. Smith ( 140 141 ) James Kilgore. 2011. We Are A ll Zimbabweans Now Athens: Ohio University Press. 259 pp. Review by Susanna I acona Salafi a ( 141 14 3 ) Linda Kreitzer. 2012. Social Work in Africa: Exploring Culturally Relevant Education and Practice in Ghana. Calgary, Alberta, Canada: University of Calgary Press. 242 pp. Review by Brittany Morreale ( 143 14 5 ) Carol Magee. 2012. Africa in the American Imagination: Popular Culture, Racialized Identities, and African Visual Culture. Jackson: University Press of Mississippi. 263 pp. Review by Meghan Kirkwood ( 145 14 7 ) Mahmood Mamdani. 2012. Define and Rule: Native as Political Identity Cambridge, Massachuset ts: Harvard University Press. 154 pp. Review by Johnson W. Makoba ( 147 1 49 ) Jack Mangala, ed. 2013. Africa and the European Union: A Strategic Partnership. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. 257 pp. Review by Istvn Tarrsy ( 150 15 1 ) Norman N. Miller. 2012. Encounters with Witchcraft: Field Notes from Africa. Albany NY: State University of New York Press in cooperation with African Caribbean Institute, Hanover NH. 232 pp. Review by Goran Hyden ( 151 15 2 ) Laura T. Murphy. 2012. Metaphor and the Slave Trade in West African Literature. Athens: Ohio University Press. 243 pp. Review by Theresah P. Ennin ( 152 15 4 ) Beatrice Nicolini. 2012. The First Sultan of Zanzibar: Scrambling for Trade in the Nineteenth Century Indian Ocean Princeton, NJ: Markus Wiener Press. xxvii, 179 pp. Review by Tony Waters ( 154 15 5 ) Mojbol Olfnk Okome and Olufemi Vaughan. 2012. West African Migrations: Transnational and Global Pathways in New Century Child Migration in Africa. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. 280 pp. Review by Uchenna Onuzulike ( 155 1 58 )

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African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq M. Anne Pitcher. 2012. New York: Cambridge University Press. 328 pp. Review by Peter VonDoepp ( 158 16 0 ) Paul D. Williams. 2011. War and Conflict in Africa Cambridge: Polity Press. x iv, 306 pp. Review by Oluwaseun Bamidele ( 161 16 2 )

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University of Florida Board of Trustees, a public corporation of the State of Florida; permission is hereby granted for individuals to download articles for their o wn personal use. Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Florida. ISSN: 2152 2448 What is in a Coconut? An Ethnoecological Analysis of Mining, Social Displacement, Vulnerability, and Development in Rural Kenya WILLICE O. ABUYA Abstract : Studies have shown that corporate community and state community conflict in mining communities in Africa revolves around at least four issues: land ownership, environmental degradati on. These issues underpin conventional discourses on equity and compensational justice. A relatively obscure line of analysis concerns the meanings that communities attach to the biogeophysical environment, whether this can be fairly compensated how thes e intersect with local experiences of natural resource extraction and how they structure conflict. This relatively obscure theme is at the heart of ethnoecology t he interdisciplinary study of how nature is perceived by human beings and how the screen of b eliefs, culture and knowledge defines the community environment nexus. Based on a deconstruction of local cultural intricate web of attachment that the local residents o f Kwale District, a titanium rich their ancestral land to make way for titanium mining. The article shows why local residents remain unappeased and agitated, and, more importantly, how ethnoecological insights could help leverage rich rural communities. This article is based on field research carried out in 2009 2010 among the displaced community members in Kwale, Kenya. Introduction The residents of Kwale, a tiny village tucked away in the southeastern part of Kenya, lost their homes and lands in 2007 when Tiomin Kenya began ti tanium mining operations The l ocal residents however, resisted the seizure of their land right from its inception in 1995 whe n prospecting on their land began They filed several cases in court in which they questioned the legality of the forceful acquisition of their land (by the state), and the however and on a rainy night of 25 th April, 2007, the farmers were bulldozed off their land. 1 The official basis for the forceful acquisition of land in Kwale District, situated about 65 km south of Mombasa, was the provision in the Kenyan Mining Act that all subterranean minerals belong to the government (Cap 306) and the Land Acquisition Act (Cap 295, Section 6 (1) (a)) that provides for government acquisitio n of private land for public good. 2 Over three thousand residents were consequently displaced to make way for titanium mining. To mitigate the impact of displacement, the Kenyan government offered a compensation package (to be paid by the extractive compa ny, which included monetary

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2 | Abuya payments for land, crops and physical structures lost, plus compensatory land, among others) to the local Kwale community. The compensation offered did little to appease the community, who resisted the displacement through a s eries of court cases from 2001 (when Tiomin beg a n prospecting for titanium in Kwale) un til 2008. 3 led to a lengthy suspension of the mining project. 4 The fate of Kwale that pitted the company and/or the state on one side and the local community on the other, is similar to conflicts that can be found elsewhere around the world. Examples abound: in Colombia, oil and diamond mining in Angola and gold mining in Per u. 5 T hese studies have shown that such conflict s revolve around at least four issues. The first, land ownership, involves the conflict over who is the rightful owner of the land from which the minerals will be extracted. 6 ancestral land belong to the community or does it bel ong to the state? compensation practices that is, contestations over the issue of fair market value vis vis lost subjective value and aspirations. 7 The third is over inequitable resource distribution in particular, feelings among cheated in the sharing of mining benefits and burdens. 8 The fourth is conflict over environmental degradation, as communities are often exasperated by the da mage inflicted on the environment by the on going extractive processes. 9 These issues underpin conventional discourses on equity and compensational justice. enterprise conflicts is largely not offered. Th e meanings that communities attach to the biogeophysical environment, how these intersect with local experiences of natural resource extraction, and how they structure conflict generally is not analyzed This relatively obscure theme is at the heart of eth noecology t he interdisciplinary study of how human beings perceive nature and how the screen of beliefs, culture and knowledge defines the community environment nexus. 10 Literature on mining related conflict in Kenya is scanty. Existing studies do not pro vide a clear understanding of the fuller dynamics of conflict. Abuodha and Hayombe (2006) for instance, focused more on the environmental risks around the titanium project, but they did not touch on th e inadequacy of the Mining Act ( Cap 306 ) of Kenya, whi ch vests all mineral rights in the state and links land compensation to the original agr icultural value of the land before the discovery of the mineral. The study though, did recommend that valuation of assets should consider structures, trees, and other viable land use systems to calculate correct compensation rates. However, what these structures represented to the local communities was not considered. Another study on a displaced dam community in Kenya focused more on the negative effects of social displacement. 11 It, however, acknowledged that compensation practices perception of the value of their land. 12 This recognition may have led to better management of the conflict that arose. Another study examines the rona mining conflict between the local Maasai community and the extractive company (Magadi Soda ). H owever, this study only highlighted the fraudulent acquisition of land from the Maasai by the British. It nonetheless noted that lack of payment of mining royalties to the community was of particular concern to the local community. 13 However, the deeper ethnograp hic meaning of land for the Maasai community which trigger ed a conflict that would last an entire century was not considered. From the above, it is clear that studies in Kenya (and others around the world) on mineral related conflict or social displaceme nt have not explored important issues for

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What is in a Coconut? | 3 understanding such conflict. What is called for is an approach that would move beyond mining related social displacement and con flict, such as why communities may harbor animosity towards the government and mining corporations even when they have ostensibly been compensated. Thus the central focus of this article is to examine through an ethnoecologial approach, the meanings that displacement, and how these meanings are constructed and mobilized in the face of major economic/industrial projects. This article therefore brings into focus the meanings that communities attach to the biogeophysi cal e nvironment (otherwise known as e thnoecology) and how such meanings intersect with local experiences of resource extraction and social displacement The loss of these resources that bear meanings for displaced communities leads to community vulnerabil ity as individuals or social groupings are unable to respond to, recover from or adapt to external stress as a result of this loss 14 C ompensation programs that do not take into cognizance ble assets run the risk of not meeting the desired objective, as the community may consider the compensation paid as unfair. Ethnoecology, Social Displacement and Vulnerability As an interdisciplinary method focusing on how human beings perceive nature through a screen of beliefs, culture and knowledge, and how humans, through their symbolic meanings and representations use and manage resources, ethnoecology is especially pertinent to the issues that this article addresses An e thnoecological approach will, through the various use s that that particular aspe cts of the environment are put to demonstrate the value attached to these aspects of the environment. Insights from various studies indicate that the environment bears meanings that provide identity, continuity and fulfillment to individuals and groups, and alienation of these spaces can disorient and make inhabitants vulnerable. 15 The power of the state to take over land for public good (also known as eminent domain) often ignores such meanings. 16 This then raises the following question: can people be adequately compensated in the event of displacement? The emergence of land compensation can be traced to feudal England. 17 In more recent times c ompensation is normally considered in anticipation of the negative effects that social displacement portends. T he issue of land compensation, especially in Africa, has become quite contentious, as communities have been disaffected mainly by what may be termed as these practices do not include lost subje ctive value and aspirations. 18 In the case of the community in Kwale, cash and compensatory land w ere extended to the residents (t his is sometimes referred to as environm ental compensation, complex issue, as it is always viewed differently by the provider and the recipient). 19 However, this was insufficient to douse disaffection among local residents, hence the continuing conflict between the community and the government. The conflict goes to the heart of the question: can loss of land ever be justly compensated? Some authors do not think so. 20 It is argued that this may be difficult to achieve as adopted economic compensation criteria normally do not take into cognizance the intergenerational economic and cultural importance of the socio ecolog ical resources for which compensation is paid. 21 It is against this background that the present research examines the ethnoecological narratives in Kwale, with specific regard to titanium mining and social displacement. Based

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4 | Abuya palm, this article unveils the intricate web of attachment that the residents of Kwale District, a titanium the environment. Though unappeased and agitated, and, more importantly, how ethnoecological insights could pinpoint the inherent problems of such compensation. Compensati on that fails to address the risks associated with displacement thus runs the risk of making a community vulnerable. 22 As stated earlier, vulnerability emerges when individuals or social groups are unable to respond to, recover from or adapt to external st ress exerted upon them. Vulnerability thus describes states of susceptibility to harm. 23 Among the various strands of vulnerability (the biophysical, human ecological, political economy, constructivist, and political ecology perspectives on vulnerability) the constructivist view offers a relatively higher potential in analyzing community vulnerability in instances of displacement. The constructivist perspective focuses on the role of human agency and culture and emphasizes the role that culture plays in sha ping definitions of and exposure to risk. 24 The special appeal it had was that it enabled the researcher to assess local constructions of the environment and local narratives about vulnerability to socio ecological risks in the face of titanium mining. Study M ethods This study was carried out among the displaced residents of the condemned villages of Maumba and Nguluku. 25 These respondents were now scattered all over the district and could be found in any of the five Divisions (Matuga, Kubo, Msambweni, K inango and Samburu). 26 Those who had opted to settle at the host site at Mrima Bwiti were also interviewed. Kwale District was the main site where titanium mining would take place. In addition, it was chosen for the reason that this is the site of the first anti commons act (large scale social displacement) in the post independent Kenyan mining industry. Social displacement had yet to take place in Mambrui, Sokoke and Vipingo, for which Tiomin (K) was issued a mining license, but beyond prospecting no thing tangible has taken place at these sites. For these reasons, these sites were left out. The first study technique used was i n depth i nterviews. This technique was used to coconut tree) and how such meanings relate to mining and social displacement. A total of seventy one in depth interviews were conducted. S now scattered all over Kwale District with most still in a state of transition between their condemned land and their new areas of reset tlement. To elicit ethnoecological narratives in the displaced communities with regard to the compensation practices, forty seven in depth interviews were carried out among a purposive sample of household heads ( who had not yet received compensation). In both cases, an interview schedule was used to lead the discussions. Key informants interview s constituted another technique It was used to examine the dominant community through key informants Environment and Natural Resources (three in total). Focus Group Discussions (FGD) were also used to collect data. Eight FGDs, two each at Mwaluvanga, Kikoneni, and Ukunda Locations, and one F GD in Mrima Bwiti of

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What is in a Coconut? | 5 Msambweni Division and another at Mvumoni Location, comprising of between nine to twelve participants, were conducted in the study site to collect data. Snow ball and convenience sampling were used to select participants. Ethnography was also adopted as it allowed the researcher to immerse himsel f in the insider s view of the issues under study. Ethnographic data was collected over a period of five months in Kwale District. Finally, ethnoecology was adopted as case the coconut tree) were obtained. 27 These meanings were derived from the multiple uses of the coconut tree. The worth of the compensation offered was thereafter mea sured against these constructed meanings. The research took cognizance of the fact that working with vulnerable communities bears inherent dangers. One such danger is the possibility that the affected persons may exaggerate their present circumstances in an attempt to seek sympathy and/or support. To mitigate th is, the researcher, from the on set made it clear to the displaced that he was not holding brief for any party; but rather, his motive was to unveil the social dynamics relating to the displacement. Further, triangulation of methods, conducting of several repeated interviews with the same respondents, post field checking of interview transcripts with respondents and constant peer consultation ensured that the data collected was both valid and relia ble. The Very Essence of Life It was once argued that for people living in tropical Africa, the most valuable tree would unanimously be the coconut tree. 28 This view is justified by its numerous uses, making it the most important member of the palm family. 29 This is further justified by the fact that it fulfills five of the principal requirements of human existence that is starch, sugar, oil, fiber and building materials 30 The coconut palm has a long history with the coastal people of Kenya, especially th e Mijikenda (the main community living in Kwale), who planted the first coconut tree s in the mid 18 th century. 31 In fact there was a time in Mikjikenda history when the coconut trees were of more value than the land on which they grew. 32 The coconut palm is extensively used in Kwale. Given the long association with this tree, it was not surprising that people had an established close relationship with the tree and now made extensive use of it (see Table 1). As the table demonstrates, the coconut is no ordinary tree in Kwale. A fifty four year old farmer described it as follows: Mnazi ndiye baba na mama ya jamii Bila mnazi hakuna maisha (The coconut tree is the father and mother of the community. Without the coconut tree, there is no life). Anoth er sixty year old farmer described the tree as follows: Mnazi ndiyo maisha Hakuna mtiyeyote (sic!) mwengine ilio na umuhimu kama mnazi (Coconut tree is the giver of life. No other tree is as important as the coconut tree!) The se two statements essentially summarize the ethnoecological importance bestowed on the coconut tree, which has been noted over time. 33 In sum, it was the very essence of life, the giver and sustenance of life and was embraced as the most important tree in th e community.

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6 | Abuya TABLE 1: PARTS OF TH E COCONUT PALM TREE AND THEIR USES AMONG T HE KWALE COMMUNITY Roots M edicinal purposes ( e.g., to ease stomach pains). A nimal feed. Trunk B uilding huts, storage facilities and other physical structures. Furniture construction, coffin making and canoe building. Branches C onstruction purposes. Fronds House roofing material ( makuti ); m attress and pillow stuffing; can be used to weave mat s, make brooms, make fish traps. Fruits The sap is used to make a local brew for domestic and cultural practices such as marriage gifts and negotiations, and ceremonies such as funerals, births, and offerings to ancestors. Shells used for cups, plates and ash trays; f ib er for cloth making. Coconut milk ( madafu ) as a soft drink and is believed to cleanse the stomach of its impurities. Coconut fiber is used as spice for the making of practically all foodstuffs, such as rice, beef, vegetables and chicken. Coconut fiber are squeezed and turned i nto milk for a baby supplement. Residents believed that sap from the fruit can also be used to cure respondent explained). Tree Planted in homesteads to mark the beginning of the homestead and therefore serves as a marker of history. Planted as a sign/symbol of good luck, and to ward off evil spirits from the homestead. T runk is used to make wood products, such as timber for domestic and commercial purpose, tables, chairs, bracelets, and ash trays. Marking of boundaries between homes/property; also used for aesthetic purposes. Used for crafting of grave posts ( kigango ), an important cultural practice. Others Coconut oil can be used as oil for the skin and for the hair. S ap can be used to make mosquito repellent. Bathing soap and cooking oil is obtainable from the coconut tree Source : Field data (2009) The coconut palm also bore important social significance as providing the traditional drink, mnazi which was derived from it and served several cultural purposes. For instance,

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What is in a Coconut? | 7 a man has to deliver at least a drum of mnazi to his in laws as part of bride wealth. For it to essential to serve mnazi during funerals and on other important ceremonies such as the birth of a new baby. For some families, planting of a coconut tree to symbolize such events (death and birth) was equally important. One is also expected to use his own coconut palm trees to tr Coconut fiber is used in the cooking of practically all types of foodstuffs : rice (popularly referred to as wali ), maize and beans, vegetables and various meat and chicken dishes ( ugali ) A meal is therefore never complete without having been spiced with coconut fiber Anothe r thing that makes the coconut tree very important is the fact that it is an intergenerational tree may look ordinary literally. Kwa sisi watu wa pwani, mnazi una umuhimu kibwa sana! (to us people living in the Coast, the coconut tree is very important). Mnazi is very important be cause it very many uses It is said to have over one hundred uses! If you have mnazi then you are secure in life because mnazi provides one with food, income, and shelter among other things. That was the reason why when we were first informed that we wer e to be relocated I asked if there were mnazi where we were going. This is because I know the difficulties we would face if we have no mnazi 34 Coconut trees were also used to craft grave posts ( kigango ) which bore important cultural value. 35 A widow would remarry only after rots and falls. S ocial displacement alienated the community from this giver of life and therefore, individuals and communities were left vulnerable as it denied them th e relationship that the two entities have enjoyed over generations. One respondent remarked in a focus group mnazi is a difficult land coconut trees was la When com munity members were asked to state what th e coconut trees, now abandoned o n the condemned land, meant or represented, many were visibly angry. One forty seven year old farmer, after carefully lighting a cigarette, commented as follows: I feel very bad ab I hate looking at those trees. How would you feel when you see your trees just standing there in the wilderness, heavy with fruits, and yet you are not allowed to harvest! I feel very very bad. A farmer, who also happened to be an opinion leader in the community, captured the mood of the community on what the coconut trees now represented. The respondent remarked that the abandoned coconut trees now only served a s a source of wivu (which literally means ; but the manner in which it was expres sed the feeling was equated to jealousy the kind that a protective husband would have over his wife). In other words, they now envy the new (which to them meant the illegal conut trees, who

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8 | Abuya eloped with their beloved wife The loss of this tree and its associated meanings left the community feeling rather vulnerable. The constructed meaning (that has been derived through the ethno Compensational P T itanium M ining I L C oconut Palm T rees Kw ale community residents received compensation for their land and other assets within a framework largely e stablished by three government a cts 36 These are: The Minin g Act (Cap 306): Section 4 of the Act makes the government the owner of all minerals, inclu ding minerals discovered during the process of prospecting (this is covered in Section 24 (1) (a)). This Act has been in existence since colonial times and minerals to the Crown for ease of exploitation and repatriation to the 37 It was only in 2011 that the government contemplated redrafting the Mining Act, a process that is still ongoing. The amendment however will not affect the Kwale relocatees as they were compensated under the old a ct. The Land Acquisition Act (Cap 295) : S ections 6 (1) (a) and (b) of the Act give the Minister of Lands the power to compulsorily acquire land for public good (and commercial mining of minerals is considered as one such act of public good). Section 8 of the sa me Act provides for full and hold interest in the land. The Agriculture Act (Cap 318) : The Act determines compensation rates for crops. Section 7 of the Act gives the Minister for Ag riculture the listed under this category), which are crops recognized to be of economic value. The Forest Act (Cap 7) : The Department of Forestry enforces this Act and is charged with the rational utilization of forest resources for the socio economic development of the country, including determining the compensation rates for trees and tree products. In the Kwale case, t he Department came up with the compensation rates for the various indigenous and exotic trees. While there are several other a cts that one would need to take into account when considering the compensating for expropriated assets t he above four a cts were the those directly relevant to compensation for the coconut tree. The Ministry of Lands was charged with coordinating the relocation and compensation program in Kwale after the extractive company and local residents failed to reach a compromise. The g overnment formed the Compensation and Resettlement Committee to manage the compensation process, and to come up with rates acceptable to the farmers. In order to ensure the acceptability of the proposal, the committee included farmers. With specific ref erence to plants (and this is where the compensation of the coconut palm tree was affected), the Compensation and Resettlement Committee first recommended that annual crops (such as maize, legumes, rice, sorghum, millet, vegetables, etc.) would not

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What is in a Coconut? | 9 be comp ensated as the farmers would be allowed time to harvest them. Compensation for perennial and tree crops (such as coconuts, citrus, mangoes, cashew nuts etc.) would be compensated on the basis of the report provided by the Director of Agriculture (see Tab le 2), , th the modification that the rate to be used for purposes of compensation would be the average of the recommended rates for the three categories. It was decided that the value of palms and other related species (such as bamboo and sisal) would be based on their uses as these fruits, boundary marking 38 TABLE 2 N RATES FOR SELECTED C ROPS Crops Young (in Kshs) Medium (in Kshs) Old (in Kshs) Cabinet Approved (in Ksh) Coconut 242 400 255 299 Cashewnut 104 150 100 118 Mangoes Apple Ngowe Dodo Exotic 2,927 2,927 2,927 2,927 3,165 3,165 3,165 3,165 2,665 2,665 2,665 2,665 2,919 2,919 2,919 2,919 Mangoes (Local) 50 300 720* 356 Oranges 1,816 2,286 1462 1,854 Lemons 1,816 2,286 1462 1,854 Lime 1,816 2,286 1462 1,854 Note : In 2005, US$1= approx. Ksh79. Source : DCRC (2005) D espite the fact that farmers were represented in the national Compensation and Resettlement Committee, h owever some farmers were still dissatisfied with the various compensation awards and in 2004 challenged the matter in court. T he farmers were convince d that they were the true owners of the condemned land and he nce the government had no right to acquire it by force Studies show that communities all over the world, and especially those in Africa, are uniquely attached to their land as these spaces bea r multiple meanings to them. 39 Evicting them from these spaces is therefore usually a traumatic experience. The farmers also saw little evidence that the rates (especially with respect to the coconut tree which elicited the greatest indignation) were base d on the multiple ethnoecological uses of the tree as promised in the DRCC report. Community Response t o Company/Government Compensation Award the rates offered were very abusive malipo ya mnazi haikuridhisha kamwe (compensation for the Residents were incensed that the its value

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10 | Abuya must be based on its multiple ethnoecological uses, as illustrated in Table 1. The cultural importance of the tree (which included it being used for birth, wedding and burial purposes, among others) not only gave it its cultural value, but also determined its economic worth. 40 In their eyes, the failure to adopt this ethnoecological approach was what triggered the conflict. To begin with, the rates made little sense from an economic perspective. Many were baffled by the compensation offered, which they felt was unfair as it was below market value. Said one resident: The compensation rate for the coconut tree was very bad! Ksh299 [ ca. US$3.80] per tree? That was very bad. This is an intergenerational plant, and it can grow for up to a hundred years! And look here, e very three weeks, from the sale of the fruits per tree, one can get Ksh300. How can one then peg be fair, per tree, they should actually have paid us at the minimum, Ksh3,000! 41 The displaced residents indicated that they were amazed at the compensation paid for the coconut, and wondered whether government valuers were indeed qualified ted that even when one simply cuts down the branches of the coconut tree and burns them into charcoal, one would earn much more than the Ksh299 paid out as compensation. Indeed, the undervaluation of the coconut tree was surprising given that in its own a ssessment, the Forest Department had indicated that its value would be based on its numerous uses. From an economic perspective, it was doubtful if the culturally insensitive rates did satisfy fered, which are arguably the aims of compensation. 42 C ommunity m embers further contended that as an intergenerational plant, the coconut tree should have been awarded a reasonably higher value; and that ought to have then been multiplied by the lifetime of the tree to obtain a realistic compensation since in losing the tree, one loses a lifetime of sustenance from it. One resident declared that the compensation unfair : Compensation for coconut was very annoying! We all had these trees but we received very little money as compensation. The coconut has many ly worth Ksh400 as its maximum offer? Now that I have to purchase coconuts at Ksh20 per fruit, I feel very infuriated because my own coconuts were poorly paid. If I had been fairly paid I would not be feeling as bad as I now do. I now have to wait for f ive years before I can have my own coconuts (lamented a 49 year old displaced woman). mangoes, oranges and passion fruits fetched a higher compensation rate than the coconut tree. For instance, exotic mangoes were valued at Ksh2,919 ( ca. US$37) per tree, while a coconut tree was valued at Ksh299. Respondents said they were at a loss on how these rates were arrived at. The only explanation they could come up with was that t he company and the government were out to unfairly compensate them for the coconut, as they stood the risk

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What is in a Coconut? | 11 of running out of money were they to offer competitive rates for the coconut trees which dotted every homestead. One forty seven year old displaced farmer reasoned as follows: The company and the government are not stupid. During the time that we were haggling over appropriate compensation, they flew all over our farms in their helicopters and I believe all they saw were coconut trees. They therefor e figured out that if they were to compensate us fairly for this, this would hence their decision to pay us ridiculously low rates for our coconut trees. What they did not see in plenty were other crops such as oranges, for which they decided to give premium value. I wish I knew this would happen. I would then have only cultivated mangoes and oranges on my farm. Had I done that, I would now still be collecting my compensation money from the bank in a wheel barrow. This is not to sa y that all were satisfied with the rates paid for cashew nuts, mangoes, passion fruits, oranges and other crops Though most of these crops were compensated at a higher rate than the coconut, 92 percent of those interviewed were of the view that these cr ops were equally under compensated. A sixty five year old displaced resident who was a community leader during the time of the displacement remark ed : The company and the government paid us very poorly for our coconut trees. This mistreatment was extended to other crops. Look at the payment for cashew nuts for instance, which they approved at Ksh118. Yet from November to March of every year, one can get Ksh1,000 [ ca. US$13] per tree every month. Why then should one compensate it at Ksh118 per tree? Same w ith oranges which was approved at Ksh1,854 per tree and yet yearly one can get Ksh5,000 [ ca. US$63] per tree. The compensation paid out was simply fraudulent. C ommunity members were also quite incensed by the manner in which their most valued tree was cate gorized young, medium and old. This categorization made little sense to a community in which a coconut tree was a coconut tree. In their view, this categorization was a ploy to undercompensate them for their trees. One displaced resident cap tured the mood of the community with the following remark: A tree is a tree, and as such there was no reason for the government and the company to categorize our crops, especially the coconut tree, in the manner that they did. Since most of us had old coconut trees on account of the fact that we had lived in this environment for a long time, we obtained very little compensation as these old trees were given t he lowest values. This categorization meant that we therefore received pittance for our trees. I see this as just a grand plan by the government and the company to defraud us. Who says that an old tree produces less coconut yield? In fact, the older th e tree, the better the mnazi it produces! The government and the company used semantics to con us of our rightful dues. This was just a ploy to pay us less money! Another respondent, a fifty two year old farmer, remarked thus: The manner in which they categorized coconuts into young, medium and ol d was akin to categorizing children. Would anyone in his proper mind undervalue his last born [child] on the basis of roductive?

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12 | Abuya That is what they did to our coconut trees. In the eyes o f the community, the tree is a being, one that has to be nurtured and respected So in cases of compensation, it must be given its true value, which must be based on its cultural and ec onomic uses, an approach that T he categorization simply ensure d the company made a saving. Since most had old trees, the farmers received very little compensation. Another respondent questioned the ration ale of compensating below market value: mangoes and yet in a year one can collect Ksh3,000 from the same tree. This categorization s was just another way of cheating us from obtaining a fair compensation for our crops. A mango is a mango! Why did they place a higher value on categorization not extended to other crops? other varieties? Yet a nother respondent added a twist to this argument, emphasizing that in matters of forced displacement, compensation should not be pegged at market value: There must be a difference between compensating at market rate, that is, the price I would get when I sell my goods for profit, and compensating because you are evi cting me from my land! This is because when I sell for profit I retain my trees, but when you evict me from my land, I lose not only the fruits, but the entire tree. You are therefore driving me into poverty and because of that, you need to pay me more! From a cultural perspective, the displaced residents were equally displeased with the compensation offered. Indeed in one FGD, participants initially angrily remarked that we could talk about everyt One participant afterwards wondered aloud how a government could pay Ksh400 (the highest amount recommended for the categories given) for a tree that not only feeds an entire family, and one that has immense cultural values. Many weighed the compensati on paid out against the cultural effects of not having coconut trees, which affected much of their socio cultural practices. The farmers were forced to buy coconuts at the market and this was mnazi to meet cultural needs, they were now forced to buy the same mnazi from the market as if they were tourists in the area. Not only was this shameful, but it also made the particular solemn cu ltural occasion lose much of its color This negatively affected their social status as they mnazi status, they now took a back seat in social functions. This kind of di sruption of socio cultural activities is also documented among the communities Huli and Paiela in mining areas of Papua New Guinea. 43 One resident remarked that although his daughter had now come of age (eligible for marriage), he was forced to keep postpon ing the bride wealth discussions as he awaited the maturity of his new trees. This titanium project has really strained relations between me and my daughter and her in laws. As per our Mijikenda tradition, I am expected to

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What is in a Coconut? | 13 serve foodstuff made from coco nut products and serve mnazi tapped from my own trees to my in laws. Afterwards, I am expected to give them fruits from my farm as presents. Now, with this displacement, I cannot provide these things and am forced to postpone bride wealth discussions as I wait for my trees to mature which will take five years! My daughter does not talk to me anymore because of this; but how can I go against tradition and serve mnazi bought at Ukunda [shopping center ]? Do you know what that will do to my social status? W hat about that of my daughter? He could not envisage serving wine bought from the market to his future in laws as this was his conscience could not bear this. Theref ore, although people may drink traditional beverage for pleasure, as and as a social beverage at funerals, initiation rituals and indigenous festivals, the beverage cannot be substituted in matters of bride wealth. Hence economic worth is tied to cultural values. 44 The displaced residents painfully narrated how they were now unable to offer agricultural presents (at weddings, funerals, or to visiting relations) consisting of bananas, local mangoes, and coconut fruits, as they presently h ad none of these in their fields. Consequently, they felt completely vulnerable not only physically in terms of unavailability of food, but socially as well. This reinforced the observation that displaced persons slip into a lower socio economic status. 45 This may then lead them to alter their cultural behavior and/or practices, and even alter the way they interact with the environment. 46 The community read mischief in the entire compensation process. This was further evidenced by the fact that the approv ed document reflected the same rates that the on compensation matters. The residents wondered how these rates found their way back into the final document. Foll owing the displacement, many viewed their now abandoned crops wasting away in the fields as source of anguish to them. This was the new cultural meaning that the trees now assumed Commenting on how the compensation framework affected community state/co mpany relations, one interviewee remarked: Look, in the past when I would go home after a long day, I would settle down under the shade of the coconut tree and drink madafu to quench my thirst. This action would take me to another state of being to a highe r level of nourished? Now with this displacement I will never again enjoy this! And then the government came along and rubbished this tree and paid us coins for it. Do you think I will e ver be happy again? (bangs his fist on the table) Clearly, the residents harbored immense animosity against the company and the government. The researcher thus sought to know from the company representatives why these crops were undervalued. Their respon se was that they paid rates as presented to them by the government. Indeed, the displaced wondered why the government would want to undercompensate while the cost of displacement was being borne by the company. One official in the Ministry of Lands, disc losed to the researcher that the agriculture rates employed in the Kwale compensation program were admittedly low, and should have been first revised before compensation was determined.

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14 | Abuya displaced were also quick to blame the company for paying rates which they (the company) knew were faulty, or so they claimed. In their considered opinion, the compensation for the ould determine compensation in line with the varied ethnoecological uses of the plants. Discussion and Conclusion The fi ndings in this article provide useful insights on matters relating to social construction and social displacement as well as resource conflict. First, the results highlight the realization that indigenous communities develop and maintain close ties with the environment within which they subsist, and in so doing, develop an intricate web of relationships, ties and attachment that characterize them as a component of a dynamic and socio cultural an d environmental system. 47 As observed, the study community had developed close ties with the environment (in this case the coconut tree) and now largely depended on it for sustenance. The land was their wealth from which they derived oranges, mangoes, mai ze, pawpaw and especially the coconut on which they became heavily dependent. The coconut tree was referred to as the can be argued that in the long run, mining activities are short l ived with shorter lifespan compared to the lifespan of the sustainable economy that it dismantles 48 For instance, a coconut tree, as one respondent said, could last for over a hundred years, while the titanium project is projected to last a mere twenty on e years. But since governments will continue to permit mining, there is a need to draw a delicate balance between the two economies. states of vulnerability. Vulnerab ility comes about when individuals or social groupings are unable to respond to, recover from or adapt to external stress plac ed on their livelihood and well being. 49 Social displacement was the external stress that was placed on the community, and this ma de them vulnerable for they were now unable to cope with the attendant consequences arising from the displacement The loss of their land, their crops (especially the coconut trees), and their graves through the act of eminent domain left them helpless an d shock. Many were living in poverty following their inability to adapt to the new circumstances in which they now found themselves. This study thus highlights the relation between ethno ecology, displacement and vulnerab ility. created by human acts of conferring meaning to nature and environment, of giving the environment definition and form from a particular angle and vision and throug h a special 50 Communities then go about giving meaning to nature and cultural artifacts through the management and use of these assets (which is defined as ethno ecology) as can be seen in the K wale case and the coconut palm. It has been demonstrated how a community attached to its landscape becomes vulnerable when this landscape is suddenly absent. 51 Similarly, the deep attachment that the community had with its environment is what led to their vul nerability. The sudden absence of this landscape which bore meanings to the community left them disoriented and vulnerable, and barely able to face up to the perturbation (social displacement).

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What is in a Coconut? | 15 Similarly, we have observed how the lack of coconut trees w as a cause of concern to the community. Through the ethnoecology approach, it is observed that a sudden alienation from the landscape that a community is attached to can lead to community vulnerability. C ompensation failed to cushion community members ag ainst the effect of displacement, mainly because it was viewed as inadequate, as an ethnoecological approach in this process compensation could not be achieved. Further, as demonstrated, compensation was 52 Third, this study offers insights in community enterprise/state resource conflict. At the beginning of this article, it was indicated that conf lict between communities and extractive practices, land ownership, inequitable resource distribution or in other words the unequal sharing of benefits, environmental degradation and abuse of human rights. This article progressed beyond these prevailing notions and examined the roots of such conflict, by research should go bey ond the economic considerations that dominate such studies and take into account the idiographic narratives of the affected communities. 53 This article adopted this approach. Local narratives revealed that indeed, the ethnoecological meanings that are att artifacts do play a crucial role in these conflicts. As observed in the Kwale titanium mining conflict, the community failed to see the correlation between the compensation offered by the company/government and the ethnoe cological value of the social reality being compensated. This disconnect stoked the conflict. Fourth, this article observed that the meanings attached to the various representations gram that does not take into cognizance compensated is bound to fail. The overarching protest of a displaced community in Muranga ( ) was because non quantifiable or intangible assets were not compensated. 54 55 Finally, the findings suggest that the titanium conflict in Kwale has more to do with from their cultural abodes (such as land, crops, graves and residential structures, among others). The findings indicate that the community in Kwale w as However, the findings appear to indicate that at a fair cost, people are willing to be cultural anim als, but that they are also economic beings. It appears that at the right price, everything, including things sacred or culturally revered is compensatable, albeit for only a brief period (things such as the coconut tree and also graves). 56 Weighed again against cultural attachment and loss of their cocon the compensation. This again shows the contradictions that arise when people who uphold or proclaim certain cultural values and attachments are faced with speci fic economic choices under particular circumstances. For fear of losing it all, residents accepted compensation; but assent was never fully present to justify just compensation. 57 In any case, fair market value was in the first place never met, hence comp never met. 58 Residents are therefore expected to go on demanding for a fair compensation.

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16 | Abuya In conclusion, this article demonstrates that government action can lead to or exacerbate vulnerability among rural commu nities, hence the need for appropriate mining policy frameworks that would minimize vulnerability and conflict. It is now possible, on the basis of the findings of this study, to argue with greater confidence that vulnerability is as much an objective rea lity as it is constructed experience that is mediated by socially held meanings. Specific development interventions can eventuate vulnerability in local communities in so far as such interventions impinge upon and specific cultural objects that co mmunities hold dear. However, the experience of vulnerability is dependent on what subjective meanings are attached to such assets. An ethnoecological approach stands a better chance of highlighting these meanings and minimizing the conflict that may aris e. N otes 1 Mines and Communities 2007 2 Soft Law Ltd. 2008 3 Daily Nation 2001. 4 Tiomin Resources (operating through its local subsidiary, Tiomin (K)) was the leading titanium mining firm in the region at the time of the displacement, that is, between 2002 and 2010. It changed its name to Vaaldiam Resources in early 2010 following a series of bad publicity and withdrawal of financial suppo rt from investor s, which also led to suspension of the Kwale operations. Its operations in Kwale have since been acquired by Base Iron Ltd of Australia, who bought this concern on 30th July, 2010. 5 For the Niger Delta, see Bob 2002 and Akpan 2006, 2007; for Japan, see Martinez Alier 2001; for Colombia see Richani 2004; for Angola, see Frynas and Wood 2001; for Peru, see Haarstad and Floysand 2007. 6 Akpan 2005. 7 Hilson 2002a. 8 Frynas and Wood 2001; Turner and Brownhill 2004. 9 Turner and Brownhill 2004; Eccarius Kelly 2006; Muradian et al. 2003. 10 Barrera Bassols and Toledo 2005. 11 Syagga and Olima 1996. 12 Ibid. p. 68. 13 Hughes 2008. 14 Kelly and Adger 2006 15 See Syagga and Olima 1996; Pedroso Junior and Sato 2005; Howard and Nabanoga 2007 16 Heller and Hills 2008. 17 Benson 2008. 18 Beideman 2007, p. 280. 19 Cowell 1997. 20 For instance, Hilson 2002b, p. 68 and de Wet 2002. 21 Akpan 2005, p. 143. 22 See Cernea 1988 for a discussion on these risks. 23 Rygel et al 2006 p. 743; Adger 2006

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What is in a Coconut? | 17 24 See McLaughlin and Dietz 2008, and Greider and Garkovich 1994, for this discussion 25 Following the promulgation of a new constitution in August 2010, p rovinces were done away with and d istricts were converted to c ounties. Districts (previously referred to as d ivisions) were created under c ounties but l were retained as they previously appeared in the old constitution. Kwale District is now known as Kwale County, with three new d istricts (Kwale, Msambweni and Kinago) under it. However, for the sake of clarity and for ease of reference, and in view that these were the administrative units that existed during the time of the field study, the study site will be refe rred to as Coast Province, and Kwale District, as the case may be. 26 S ee GoK 2002. 27 See earlier discussion on ethnoecology and how it was used in this study 28 Searles 1928. 29 Moore 1948 and Weiss 1973. 30 Cook 1946. 31 Herlehy 1984. 32 1997, p. 63. 33 See Moore 1948 and Weiss 1973 for earlier writings on the coconut palm. 34 Comments from a displaced person who declined to relocate to the identified host area as the land had few scattered palm trees Mnazi is the Swahili term for coconut tree. The same term is also used to refer to the wine derived from; one has therefore to be aware of the context within which it is used. 35 S ee Brown 1980. 36 The various a cts mentioned here are available at http://www.kenyalaws.org/klr/index.php?id=7. 37 Ojiambo 2002, p. 12. 38 DRCC 2005, p. 5. 39 For discussion on African communities attachment to land, see Abuya 2010 p p 60 63 40 Akpan 2009, p. 114 also makes the same argument that the economic value of a coconut palm is tied to its cultural values 41 In 2005, the exchange rate was US$1=approx. Ksh79. 42 Nosal 2001; Goodin 1989. 43 Biersack 1999 44 Akpan 2009, p. 114. 45 Downing 2002. 46 See Moretti 2007 on how mining operations affected the cultural patterns of the Urapmin and Hamtai peoples of Papau New Guinea. 47 Pedroso and Sato 2005. 48 Downing 2002. 49 Kelly and Adger 2006. 50 Greider and Garkovich 1994, p.1. 51 Murphy 2001. 52 F or elaboration s ee Cernea 2002, p. 28. 53 Akpan 2008, 2009. 54 Syagga and Olima 1996. 55 Haarstad and Floysand 2007, p. 304.

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18 | Abuya 56 This author examines this issue in an article under preparation, entitled Disturbs t he Dead b e Responsible f or t he Consequences: An Ethnoecology o f Graves a nd the Matter of Pecuniary a nd Non Pecuniary Compensation in a Kenyan Mining Rural Community. 57 given freely by the affecte as unachievable in instances of takings (eminent domain), primarily because in cases assent is never present. 58 Radin (1993 pp. 56 86) contributed to the discussion on compensation by introducing oring the status to the status quo ante in this sense, pecuniary interest, such as attachment to land, houses, graves etc. In the former sense, harm to a pe rson is equated with a dollar value and thus can be compensated at market value, while in the latter sense, dollars and commensurability (which compensation aims to achieve) are incompatible. Simply put, one can compensate harm resulting from loss of a car, for instance, but one cannot compensate a loss of an ancestral grave, or in this case, an intergenerational and culturally significant plant. R eferences Abuodha, J.Z. and Patrick O. Hayombe. 2006. Protracted E nvironmental I ssues and a P roposed T itanium M inerals D Marine Georesources and Geotechnology 24 2 : 63 75. Abuya, W illice O. 2010. Back to Land? A Socio Ecological Perspective o n t he 2008 Election Violence i n Kenya In Heinecken, L. and H Prozesky (eds ) Society in Focus: Reflections from South Africa and Beyond Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Adger, W.N eil 2006. Vulnerability Global Environment Change 16: 268 81. Akpan, W ilson 2005. Putting Oil First? Some Ethnographic Aspe cts o f Petroleum Related Land Use Controversies in Nigeria African Sociological Review 9.2: 134 52. _____ 2007. onflict in Nigeria: Lessons from the Niger Delta African Journal on Conflict Resolution 7.2: 161 91. _____ 2008. Corporate Citizenship in t he Nigerian Petroleum Industry: A Beneficiary Perspective Development Southern Africa 25.5: 497 511. _____ 2009. ional Citizens: The Antinomies o f Corporat e Mediated Social Provisionin g i Journal o f Contemporary African Studies 27.1: 105 18. Asthana, R oli 1996. esettlement: Survey of International Experience Economic and Political Weekly 31.24: 1468 475.

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What is in a Coconut? | 19 Barrera Bassols, N arciso and Victor M. T oledo 2005. Ethno ecology of the Yucatec Maya: Symbolism, Knowledge and Management o f Natural Resources Journal of Latin American Geography 4.1: 9 41. Beideman, C atherine E. 2007. Eminent Domain a nd Environmental Justice: A New Standard of Review i n D iscrimination Cases Environmenta l Affairs 34: 273 302. Benson, B ruce L 2008. he Evolution of Eminent Domain The Independent Review XII.3: 1086 653. and Ecology in the American Anthropologist 101.1: 68 87. Bob, C lifford 2002. Political Process Theory a nd Transnational Movements: Dialectics of Protest a Social Problems 49.3: 395 415. Brtla nd, J ohn 2006. An Ethical And Epistemic Inquiry Working Paper. Washington, DC: U.S Department of the Interior. Brown, J ean L. 1980. iji Kenda Grave and Memorial African Arts 13.4: 36 39 88. Cernea, M ichael M. 1988. Involuntary Resettlement in Development Projects: Policy Guidelines in World Bank Financed Projects Washington, DC: The World Bank. _____ 2002. For a New Economics of Resettlement: A Sociological Critique of the Compensation Principle In Cernea, M icahel M. and R avi K anbur (eds ) An Exchange on the Compensation Principle in Resettlement Ithaca: Cornel l Uni versity Press. http://dyson.cornell.edu/research/researchpdf/wp/2002/Cornell_Dyson_wp0233.pdf ( accessed 13/5/2009). D istrict C ompensation and R esettlement C ommittee (DRCC) 2004. The Compensation and Resettlement Issues of t he Titanium Mining Project in Kwale District A Report Submitted to the Cabinet Committee of the Titanium Mining Project in Kwale District. Cook, O rator F. 1946. Africa Needs Palms As Tree Crop The Scientific Monthly 62.2: 131 39. Cowell, R ichard 1997. Stretching the Limits: Environm ental Compensation, Habitat Creation and Sustainable Development Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, New Series, Vol.22.3: 292 306. Daily Nation ( Nairobi ) 22 September 2001. De Wet, C hris 2002. Can Everybody Win? Economic Developmen t a nd Population Displacement Anthropology Southern Africa 36.50: 4637 646. Downing, T heodore E. 2002. Avoiding New Poverty: Mining Induced Displacement and Resettlement London: International Institute for Environment and Development. Eccarius Kelly, V era 2006. Deep and Ragged Scars in Guatemala Peace Review: A Journal of Social Justice 19: 51 58. Frynas, J edrzej G. and Geoffrey Wood 2001. Oil and W ar in Angola Review of African Political Economy 28.90: 587 606.

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20 | Abuya Goodin, R obert E. 1989. Theories of Compensation Oxford Journal of Legal Studies 9.1: 56 75. Government of Kenya ( GoK ) 2002. Kwale District Development Plan 2002 2008 (Nairobi, Government Press) Greider, T. and L. Garkovich 1994. Landscapes: The Social Construction of Nature and the Environment Rural Sociology 59.1: 1 24. Haarstad, Hvard and Arnt Flysand 2007. Globalisation and the Power o f Rescaled Narratives: A Case of Opposition To Mining in Tambogrande, Peru Political Geography 26: 289 308. Heller, M ichael and Rick Hills. 2008. Land Assembly Districts The Harvard Law Review 121 : 1467 1527. Herlehy, T homas J. 1984. Ties t hat Bind: Palm Wine a nd Blood Brotherhood a t t he Kenya Coast During the 19 th Century The International Journal of African Historical Studi es 17.2: 285 308. Hilson, G avin 2002a. An Overview of Land Use Conflicts i n Mining Communities Land Use Policy 1: 65 73. _____ 2002b. Small scale Mining i n Africa: Tackling P ressing Environmental Problems w ith Improved Strategy The Journal of Enviro nmental Development 11: 149 174. Howard, P atricia L. and Gorettie Nabanoga 2007. Are There Customary Rights t o Plants? An Inquiry among t he Baganda (Uganda ), with Special Attention t o Gender World Development 35.9: 1542 563. Hughes, L otte 2008. Mining the Maasai Reserve: The Story of Magadi Journal of Eastern Africa Studies 2.1: 134 64. Kelly, P. Mick and W. Neil Adger 2006. Theory and Practice in Assessing Vulnerability to Climate Change a nd Facilitating Adaptation Climate Change 47: 325 5 2. Martinez Alier, J oan 2001. Mining Co nflicts, Environmental Justice a nd Valuation Journal of Hazardous Materials 86: 153 70. Mburugu, E. K eren 1994. Dislocation of Settled Communities in t he Development Process: The Case o f Kiambere Hydroelectric P roject In Cook, C.C. (ed.) Involuntary Resettlement in Africa Washington, DC: The World Bank. Mines and Communities. 2007. Titanium: Farmers N ow E victed http://www.Minesandcommunities.Org/article. php? a=3951 ( accessed 22/10/2008 ) Moore, O.K. 1948. The Coconut Pal n t he Tropics Economic Botany 2.2: 119 44. Ethnolog y 46.4: 305 28.

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What is in a Coconut? | 21 Muradian, Roldan J oan Mar tinez Alier, and Humberto Correa 2003. International Capital Versus Local Population. The Environmental Conflict of the Tambogrande Mining Project, Peru Society & Natural Resources 16.9: 775 792. ettina 1997. Inheriting Disputes: The Digo N egotiation of Meaning and Power through Land African Economic History 25: 59 77. Nosal, E d 2001. The Taking o f Land: Ma rket Value Compensation Should b e Paid. Journal of Public Economics 82: 431 43. Ojiambo, E.V. 2002. Battling for Corporate Ac count ability: Experiences from Titanium Mining C ampaigns A paper presented at the Institute of Development Studies, University of Sussex, S eminar on Linking Rights and Par t icipation: Sh aring Experiences and O pportunity, 29 May. Pedroso Jnior, Nelson N. and Michle T. ecology and Conservation In Protected Natural Areas: Incorporating Local Knowledge In Superagui National Park Brazilian Journal of Biology 65.1: 117 25. Radin, M argaret J. 1993. ommensurability. Duke Law Journal 43 .1: 56 86. Richani, N azih 2004. Multinational Cor porations, Rentier Capitalism, and t he War System in Colombia. Latin American Politics and Society 47 3 : 113 44. Constructing a Social 64. Searles, P.J. 1928. The Most Valuable Tree in t he World. The Scientific Monthly 27.3: 271 80. Soft Law Ltd. 2008. Laws of Kenya http://www.law sofkenya.com ( accessed 18/10/2008 ) Syagga, P aul M and Washington Asembo Olima 1996. The Impact of Compulsory Land Acquisitio n on Displaced Households: The Case of the T hird Nairobi Water Supply Project, Kenya. Habitat International 20.1: 61 75. Turner, Terisa E and Leigh S. Brownhill 2004. Why Woman are at War with Chevron: Nigeria Subsistence Struggles Against t he International Oil Industry. Journal of Asian and African Studies 39: 63 93. Weiss, Edward .A. 1973. Some Indigenous Trees and Shrubs Used b y Local Fishermen on the East African Coast. Economic Botany 27.2: 174 92.

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University of Florida Board of Trustees, a public corporation of the State of Florida; permission is hereby granted for individuals to download articles for their own personal use. Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Florida. ISSN: 2152 2448 A Critique o f t he Concept o f Quasi Physicalism i n Akan Philosophy MOHAMMED MAJEED Abstract : One important feature of recent African philosophical works is the attempt by writers to interpret some key concepts from within the context of specific African cultures. T he interpretations of such writers, h owever, particularly in connection with Akan t hought, have not been without problems. One such concept is the concept of a person. From the largely general position that a completely physical conception of the person is inconsistent with Akan cultural beliefs, the precise characterization of the non p hysical constituent of the human being has been a source of great controversy. An expression that has of recent times been put forward as descript ive quasi physical The notion of quasi physicalism is the brainchild of an Akan philosopher, Kwasi Wiredu, and is strongly held also by Safro Kwame, another Akan philosopher. This article attempts an explanation of the notion and argues that it is conceptually flawed in diverse ways, and as such philosophically indefensible Introduc tion The philosophical ideas of any culture, including the Akan, may be obtained from the language, beliefs and practices of that culture. In this regard, an examination of some Akan cultural beliefs and language should aid in the understanding of the Aka n concept of a person. In Akan language, th e human body is referred to as honam but there are two other expressions and sunsum which, together with honam seem to suggest belief in the existence of two distinct components of the human being These expressio ns are sometimes soul or mind and Akan thinkers who hold spiritual conceptions of these entities include Asare Opoku, Peter Sarpong and Kwame Gyekye. 1 Even though Sarpong, f or instance, correctly translates sunsum a n error that Gyekye points out. 2 It is also held in Akan thought that the does not, just like the sunsum form part of the brain or the body beca use of its complete spirituality. It is nonetheless believed to attributes. It is these spiritual conceptions of and sunsum that Kwasi Wiredu and Safro Kwa me reject. They argue for reasons that I will explai n in detail in the next section t hat and sunsum are not spiritual but are rather quasi physical. The assessment of beliefs as evidence for the existence of these spiritual entities by contemporary A kan philosophers has chiefly been based on the logical implications of

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24 | Majeed specific cultural beliefs regarding the activities of those entities. But, it is these same sources of evidence (language, beliefs and the practices that those beliefs underlie) that h ave ironically led some to argue against the metaphysical conceptions of and sunsum Wiredu and Kwame, to be specific, explain that these entities are spoken of in physical terms and are capable of partially assuming spatial properties. 3 Thus, a nd sunsum should This article aims at resolving the controversy surrounding the interpretations offered by the metaphysical theorists and the quasi physicalists in connection with and sunsum. The article is a sustained critique of the doctrine of quasi physicalism which it considers seriously blemished. Ultimately, it affirms the metaphysical in an indirect manner. The article, therefore, rejects the quasi especially, cannot be regarded as spiritual because (i) it falls in realms and is closer to the physical (ii) it is believed to accept offerings, (iii) it is capable of rendering itself visible to medicine men, (iv) medicine men use physical or partially physical means to reach to the and that (v) the 4 The arti cle finally argues that aspects of the doctrine of quasi physicalism itself are utterly inconsistent with some basic Akan beliefs. Hence, the spiritual conception of is not wrong. The multidisciplinary appeal of the subject matter of this article is n ot surprising at all. Matters regarding the constitution of the human being have not only been explored by thinkers of varied cultures, but also are a subject of study across a number of academic disciplines s uch as phi losophy, religion, psychology, anthro pology, and comparative cultural studies. This article intends to influence contemporary debates about African or Akan thought, thereby providing possible ways of enhancing the understandings (in the academic fields mentioned above) of the constitution of the human being. It corrects the misinterpretations of the quasi physicalist, highlighting the part spirituality of the human being. The spiritual aspect of the person which is also believed to survive death (that is, the ) is the subject often menti oned in the traditional Akan religious practice of libation pouring It is also believed to be capable of enforcing morality in the physical human community. Also, the clarity that this article gives to the concept of the (mind) provides useful infor mation for scholars interested in (i) the question of whether or not (mind) differs from adwene (thought) and amene (brain), and (ii) the issue of whether or not any relationships exist among the three It could, for instance, be observed that the art icle does not point in the direction of the mind being part of the body or the brain; nor is the mind shown to be physical or quasi physical. Studies of Akan psychology and culture, and indeed African studies, could thus benefit from the philosophical anal ysis embarked upon in this article. Finally, the postulation of quasi physicalism, amidst its many problems, is an interesting exercise in contemporary Akan philosophy. It even offers some ideas that compare with aspects of Western philosophy. Its rejecti on of the spirituality or, rather, part spirituality of the human being is, in some respects, consistent with the conventional attitude toward the metaphysical in some Western conceptions. In modern Western philosophy, discussions on personal identity ofte n go back to Descartes who, in his Meditations on First Philosophy postulated a metaphysical mind in addition to the body. Yet, the mind is seen by anti metaphysians such as D.M. Armstrong and U.T. Place as not different from brain processes which to the m is quite empirical. 5 D.M. Armstrong notes,

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Quasi physicalism in Akan Philosophy | 25 6 7 What distinguishes Wiredu and Kwame from the Western anti metaphysians, however, is their apparent admission that the for instance, is indeed an entity distinguishable from the body and capable of existing after death. But, while Gyekye accepts the idea of the immortality of the he seems to suggest that at death, the surviving entity is a union of and sunsum which, together, constitute one spiritual component of the human being. 8 tic; and I am more inclined toward it than toward Wiredu Some conceptual clarifications, however, have to be made now. It can be drawn from the above criticisms, first, that Armstrong and Place reduce the mind to the physical or material. An d, that the mind is seen by them as fundamentally bodily and perceptible. But it is instructive to note that materialism may not mean the same as physicalism. Thus, conscious efforts must always be made not to conflate them. Before I explain why, however, I should acknowledge that even though Armstrong does not make any careful distinction between materialism and physicalism in the preceding paragraph, he calls elsewhere for such a distinction. 9 It is consistent with the doctrine of physicalism to affirm a s an existent 10 This implies that in certain cases an intangible object would pass for the physical provided what is said about it is compatible with the laws of phy sics. Materialism, on the other hand, 11 That account admits of attracts matter. Materialism and physical ism are, therefore, not the same. Quasi physicalism: A Critique Quasi physicalism category between the realm of the obviously physical, i.e. those objects that obey the known laws of physics, and the realm of the so called spiritual or completely immaterial objects 12 In line with this philosophy, therefore, the of a living or dead person is deemed to be quasi physical. 13 For, that is the form in which the (of a dead person for instance), when it reveals itself to the living, is thought to be. On the contrar y, John Mbiti and Gyekye would consider such perceptions of the (of the dead) as quasi physical at all. 14 For instance, even though Mbiti reports people seeing and hearing certain figures (such as mizimu t he living dead among the Baganda), he sti that even though such spiritual beings ther physical nor quasi physical. The object of this article, then, is to examine this controversy about the spirituality or otherwise of the in particular. It focuses, nonetheless, on establishing whether the arguments advanced by the quasi physical ist are defensible. Unlike Mbiti and Gyekye, strength of the fact that 15 Secondly, he also maintains that there are several other qualities often attributed to some parts of a person that stand those parts out as quasi physical. He cites the instance of the common Akan belief that when someone eats a

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26 | Majeed kr a kra may need to be 16 He suggests that the is portrayed to have some amount of physical desire, the ability to choose and enjoy food, and the a bility to receive. But if his evidence is granted, his conclusion can, with some reflection, is believed to be linked or subsumed with his body, and the person lives in a world which is both physical and spiritual, he or she is possibly not prevented in the physical realm from reaching to the nonphysical side. The problem probably is how this reaching is done. Indeed, it would be difficult not to start with or, at least, include the most obvious (i.e. the physical realm) in the exploration or explanation of the spiritual realm, if the explanation is to convince anybody of the existence of a spiritual entity or event. In any such case where the metaphysical is postulated, the rationality or acceptability of the post ulation would most likely be based on the possibility of a mutual, cross realm affectation or causation. That is, the strength of the evidence for a causal relation between the physical and the purported metaphysical realms would be crucial for a possible understanding of the metaphysical. But this role played by the physical does not in any way call for the description of a metaphysical entity itself as para physical. If it is granted, for the sake of argumentation, that an illness originates from the or that the is badly affected by the eating of food, it appears that only a cross realm causation is implied, not necessarily the quasi physicality of the Again, assuming that a spiritual being could be made perceptible with some invocation don e with the aid of material objects, or that certain physical effects can be predicted with some degree of certainty whenever some items are allegedly offered to spirits then, those objects would rather become just channels of interaction. The lack of understanding regarding the last point has led to the situation where the wrong sorts of questions are sometimes asked in the analysis of traditional African beliefs. It is a bit easy, for instance, to ask and stop at the question whether some material object has explanation of a spiritual event or experience. Such a question is often asked with the one sided hope that an affirmative response to the question woul d make unlikely the existence of the supernatural. It is then assumed to be awkward why everything cannot be regarded as physical or potentially physical, since even the alleged metaphysical realm cannot be explored without any aid at all from the physical world. This attitude tends not only to deprives him or her of the opportunity to develop any interest in investigating the reality or otherwise of the spiritual itself The right questions to ask, then, would be whether there is anything beyond the phenomenal world, and whether and how such realities may connect with the physical ( especially, to produce some effect ). This way, the researcher shows his or her readiness to accept the spiritual if it can be or is found. With any alleged cross realm generated effect, for example, it would have to be examined whether one specific situation obtains: i.e. whether the effect is radically different from what the physical object s used in the process can produce on their own both individually and collectively. If it is, then the bringing into being of the effect would understandably be traced to the (other) nonphysical component. Indeed, this is a rational approach. It is an app method of difference and, more specifically, method of residues. Such an attribution to the nonphysical might not mean that the physical objects were not part of the set of things that were considered to be the cause of the effe ct, except that they were not the probable cause. To test the existence

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Quasi physicalism in Akan Philosophy | 27 or non existence of completely non physical entities and methods, the traditional African healers would have to be b arred from employing any physical entities or methods in their therapies and procedures. They never are. 17 In the first place, it has been indicated already how of little value it is to ignore the claim of a cross realm effect or interaction, only to confirm the obvious fact that (i) the metaphysical and material are completely different in constitution, and (ii) some amount of the physical is involved at some stages in the art of reaching to the spiritual realm. Secondly, it is a portrayal of lack o f understanding of the worldview of medicine men to suggest that they do not understand that the concept of the spiritual, by definition, completely excludes anything physical. For if an object is believed by them to be capable of being inhabited by an i nvoked spirit, for example, the object is not misunderstood to be the spirit itself at all. Nor is the spirit believed to have become material. Thirdly, the medicine men believe, instead, that the spiritual and the physical do interact, or that events in o ne realm can affect the other. This is evidenced in their use of objects in many of their healing techniques. It is thus possible, they would agree with John Perry, for the material world to something 18 Indeed, finally, the belief that a person has a spiritual component and that this component can affect body problem does not arise at all in the Akan concept of the p erson. 19 The seeming near physicality of the merely on the basis of the offering of sacrifice of food and other items, and even the pouring of libation to the living dead (an act which Wiredu regards as utterly irrational), would be difficult to deny o nly if it is understood within the ordinary context that these offerings are meant for the consumption of the spirits. 20 It would be irrational indeed for a traditional Akan thinker to believe that a drink just poured on the ground, food placed at a section of the house or an object left on a crossroad have actually been eaten or taken by the spirits. For, the items offered do not necessarily vanish at all. The drink sinks into the ground and dries out; the food stays in the bowl until it is taken away or replaced by humans; and, the item left on the crossroads remains there and gets rotten, eaten by insects, or just displaced through some unintended human or natural action. The significance of such sacrifices could only be to show human attempt to commune with the spirits. Such that, they (the spiritual entities) would be willing to return some favors as they witness the premium human beings place on the items in memo ry of the former. In the case of the pacification of the it still does not appear there is any basis to suggest that it engages in any physical or quasi physical act of eating any portion of the food and drinks that are allegedly offered to it. The a lleged pacification sometimes involves nothing but the eating of a particular food by the individual to correct some imbalance in his system. Usually the imbalance is believed to be between his and honam caused originally by the ingestant that was bo und to disturb the body and the harmony between it and the 21 But t inaccurate. He seems to have been misled by the personal or rationalistic terms in which the is described to conclude that it has the same parts as the physical person. But this notion is completely absent in Akan language. It makes no sense to use phrases like my s leg, my head ; her s chin is like this or that his Simply put, the has no such parts as

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28 | Majeed claimed by Debrunner. It only makes sense to conceive of the it is interpreted as a spiritual aspect of an individual who has a particular physical shape. This is far from saying that the has that same shape. In cases where, as Wiredu suggests, the is seen by medicine men, there is still the question of whether the is seen in human form. While Wiredu seems to hold that this is the case, it is not quite clear whether the shape is the actual shape of the itself. Given the absence of expressions in the Akan idiom compart mentalizing the it is quite doubtful whether Akan thinkers would actually consider any such shape, assuming the is indeed seen, to be its own shape. It is conceivable that it takes on the shape of the person it was known to inhabit just for the purposes of easy identification of its bearer. Wiredu, in denying the spirituality of the can be given, the question whether such things actually exist can only be answered by 22 I have already conceded some role for the empirical in the study of metaphysics, but only because such a role is a matter of procedural aid. The concession is also to show h ow inadequate the empirical is in explaining certain phenomena. This is not to suggest, as Wiredu does now, that only purely empirical research can confirm the reality of en if only ultimately, is to advance a wild empirical claim which any slight empirical reflection must 23 I question why spirits cannot be conceived to exist as essentially nonphysical beings, or why a theory of spirits is thus an empirical t heory. He seems to put the method of investigation ahead of the object to be investigated, because he chooses a method of investigation and intends to make the object of investigation take on the core feature of the method. But the method of investigation cannot determine for a researcher the nature of what it is that he or she wants to investigate. This is because any object of human enquiry is investigation or it does not. Indeed, the existence of a thing is not only independent of its being an object of investigation, but also of any chosen method of investigation. In the case of the essential nature of 24 Empirical means is not the sole or permanently exhaustive medium for humans to acquire knowledge because there are other credible ways of knowing. These include logical deductions (from self evident propositions) and paranormal cognition. To proclaim panps ychism is to induce everybody, the empirically and metaphysically inclined, to some sort of investigation. It is to make an open claim that is to be investigated by any philosophically acceptable method, except that different success rates are to be expec ted whenever largely different methods are employed. To say, therefore, that everything is (or contains) spirit or is ultimately spirit is not necessarily to advance any empirical claim, let alone a wild one. There are obvious difficulties with the notion of quasi physicalism itself. I must admit, however, that the difficulties are mainly as a result of the complex nature of the notion of personal identity in general, and the challenge this presents to anyone attempting to give a comprehensive account of th e identity of persons. This is shown clearly when (i) quasi physicalists are compelled to recognize that certain existents (such as ) do not yield fully to physical laws, which they regard as the sole arbiter of truth, and (ii) dualists also admit that the spiritual can be physically perceived. Why then, one would ask, does the quasi physicalist not prefer to be called a quasi metaphysian, and the metaphysian to be called a physicalist of some sort? There are no indications that the two groups of philos ophers

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Quasi physicalism in Akan Philosophy | 29 actually characterize themselves in the manner just suggested. I will now go ahead to make a few remarks bearing this in mind. According to Wiredu, the is believed to be capable of rendering itself visible to some medicine men although it is not material or tangible. 25 Assuming this is true, the resort to it by Safro Kwame and Kwasi Wiredu to claim that it is quasi physical makes their interpretation appear to ignore the essential quality of spirits. It is not clear why, for instance, from the occasional visibility of spirits quasi physicalists describe them only in terms of features exhibited on those occasions. Again, with the traditional Akan belief in the potential visibility of spirits and possibly on multiple occasions it is only fai r to ask what the identity of those spirits are when they have not allegedly revealed or are not revealing themselves to human beings? Are they nonexistent? If they are, how possible is it for nonentities to know when and who to appear (or even reappear) t o? How can medicine men, for instance, receive inspiration from and be able to invoke nonentities in their practices? The very ideas of the occasional exposure and visibility of particular spirits (as held by quasi physicalists), the invoking or re invok ing of specific spirits in various cultural contexts, and the very concept of the living dead suggest that spirits are always existent. They are believed to exist whether or not they are being felt by humans. I do not dispute that at the very moment when a spirit is believed to have revealed itself, it is most probably quasi physical. After all, it can, at least, be seen ( by whatever means ). But sight alone does not define the physical; so, the cannot be regarded as quasi physical based on fleeting v isibility alone. Whereas a hologram can be described as quasi physical, the same description cannot be given of because its category of existence does not by nature admit of physical attributes. For it is non physically natured and remains so at most of its normal times. And, given the belief that spirits do not die, one more thing can be said. That, there might not be strong reasons to deny that what comes to be quasi physical occasionally would ceteris paribus relapse to its original state, anytime t he quasi physical manifestation ends. It appears more acceptable then that spirits, including the are essentially metaphysical in nature, even though they have some capacity for quasi physical manifestation. The difference between the essential natur e of spirits and their capacity to be quasi physical can be likened to water and ice. Water is essentially liquid but it also has the capacity to turn to ice under certain conditions. It will be most inappropriate to claim that water is solid or half solid just because the ice which it occasionally turns to is solid. 26 The quasi physicalist is a physicalist in disguise. His claim to allow for things that are not entirely subject to the laws of physics is misleading. This claim initially seems as if it recognizes metaphysical realities which many Akan thinkers actually see to fall within. 27 But, in realit y, what the quasi physicalist means by something not being entirely subject to the laws of science is that it is something which current laws of physics do not explain, but might be proved by physics in future. For instance, S. Kwame, who can be called a modern quasi physicalist, declares that: the modern or contemporary quasi physicalist does not deny that as our discovery of physical laws proceeds and our scientific knowledge increases, we may come to accept some or all the quasi physical objects as bona fide physical objects. The quasi physicalism of today may then turn out to be the materialism or physicalism of tomorrow. 28 There is every indication in the preceding quotation that the purported quasi physical entities would not have been affirmed as real if they were not capable of becoming (known as) physical objects in future. So, given that all physicalists, quasi or not, already affirm the reality of physical objects, the quasi physicalist becomes alist today. That is, he is a physicalist today

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30 | Majeed who has the foresight of knowing what might become physical tomorrow. He therefore becomes somebody like a prophet who hopes that his predictions come true in future. But, like any act of prophesy, failure is an important possibility. Even the statement that the is a quasi physical object is one which the quasi physicalist would regard as confirmable on physical or empirical grounds. Otherwise, how else can he claim to know such an object, since the cla im is not a priori and, also, metaphysics is a taboo word for him. This confirms he is a physicalist today, not only tomorrow. It can therefore be said that the empirical criterion of knowledge, whether with regard to entities perceived today or ultimately in future (or to objects scientifically explicable today or in future) is quite useful to the quasi physicalist. But this may not be construed to mean that the quasi physicalist would want to be seen as an empiricist. For being someone who brings to bear the empirical character of (especially) the Akan belief system, Wiredu, for instance, would prefer t 29 The quasi what defies the laws of science cannot also be seen as consistent with the Akan conception on the because it ( ) is regarded as incapable of scientific proof. In future, therefore, the (which the quasi physicalist admits is incapable of proof only for today) will not cease to be metaphysical. It is very much doubtful if the will ever be subject to the physical laws which the quasi physicalist su 30 The tensi on between metaphysics and science, seen essentially as between the belief in the reality of spiritual entities and the requirement of scientific proof, is of such a nature that one of them cannot be expected to collapse into the other. It is, however, pos sible to have a little bit of both, as found in such experience as the manifestation of the It would thus be beneficial to recognize that the existence of spirits (such as the soul or God) as held in Akan and other religions does not take away anythi ng from the distinct role and importance of science itself. 31 Reality should not just be explored f 32 These approaches include the physical, metaphysical or a combination of both. Conclusion The notion of quas i physicalism has been examined from the Akan philosophical perspective. The idea held by Wiredu and Kwame that the is quasi physical (but not spiritual) has been found not to possess enough logical grounds for its postulation. Indeed, the very nature of as this article has attempted to explain, appears rather spiritual. It has also been pointed out that even though the spiritual realm in Akan thought is difficult to explain, it is, just like the physical, true to the Akan. Thus, the spiritual is relevant to the understanding of Akan cosmology and person which are both not entirely physical. The Akan expression and translate respectively former is used in reference to questions of metaphysical concern, while the latter is used in connection with the esoteric nature of the objects and happenings of the metaphysical realm. In both there is some evidence for the Akan belief in the existence of a spiritual realm. What

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Quasi physicalism in Akan Philosophy | 31 requires to be noted, also, is the Akan belief that the human being ( onipa ) has sunsum (spirit), and that suns also involve him or her. Some of the difficulties inherent in quasi physicalism results from the failure of its advocates to recognize this aspect of Akan thought. The is deemed in Akan thought as a spiritual entity. As such, the capacity o f the medicine men to it as a result of their spiritual potency does not negate the conception that it is fundamentally spirit. The quasi is not spiritual is therefore not quite defensible. In any case, it is sur prising how the quasi claim of a possible perception of the by the medicine man whose capacities were in the first place developed by spiritual means. The spir ituality of the also suggests that it cannot accept and eat offerings as the quasi physicalist suggests. Although, finally, the double has been proven mistaken because of the complete nonexistence of any references to parts of the in Akan language. Quasi physicalism, therefore, does not appear to get it right on such areas of Akan thought as discussed in this essay. Notes 1 See Opoku 1978, pp. 94 95; Gyekye 1995, pp. 93 9 4; Sarpong 1974, pp. 37 38. 2 Gyekye 1995 pp. 89 94 ) argues that it derives from God. 3 Kwame 2004, pp. 345 36; Wiredu 1983, p. 120. 4 For the sources of these five claims, see respectively K wame 2004, pp. 345 46; Wiredu 1983, p. 120; Wiredu ibid, pp. 119 20; Kwame ibid, p. 348; Wiredu ibid, p. 120. 5 Armstrong 1970, p. 70; and Place 1970, p. 86. 6 Armstrong 1970 p. 70. 7 Ibid p. 73. 8 Gyekye 1995, p. 98. 9 Armstrong (in Gregory ed.) 1987, p. 491. 10 Kwame 2004, pp. 343 p. 267) idea that statements constituting such a language are those that can be formulated as statements about publicly observable 11 Kwame ibid p. 348. 12 I bid pp. 345 46 limited version of physicalism, comparing objects he fields, energies, sets and numbers 13 Wiredu 1983, p. 120. 14 See Mbiti 1997, p. 86 and Gyekye 1995, p. 93. It is important to note that Gyekye is also Akan and carries out his analysis from an Akan cultural perspective. 15 Even when the kra is se en through some medicinally heightened perception, that does not impa However heightened, he remarks, the powers of an eye may become, if it sees something, that thing will have to be in space. In regard to any claim to (See Gbadegesin 2002, p. 183). 16 Wiredu 1983, p. 120.

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32 | Majeed 17 Kwame 2004 p. 348 18 Perry 1975, p. 153. 19 Kwame 2004 p. 349. 20 Wiredu 1980, p. 42. 21 Wiredu 1983, p. 120. 22 I bid p. 127. 23 Ibid p. 129. 24 The essential nature of spirit beings, in general, is discussed shortly. 25 Ibid pp. 119 120. 26 turn to ice, all there is, is just ice. The point then, might be made that such a person is not wrong in stopping at ice. My response is two fold. First, since that person knows no connection between water and ice, he is not in the position to assert that water is solid or semi solid. He would not be party to our current debate which requires knowledge of the connection between water and ice. All he knows is that ice exists. In any case, we also do not deny that there is ice; the point is, we are simp ly not interested in whether or not there is ice. Secondly, if he insists that, because he knows of no such connection, there is not any between water and ice, he would be doing something inappropriate. His ignorance of the connection does not make i t right for him to deny the connection. His position would be uninformed and wrong, although his ignorance of the connection is pardonable. 27 See Wiredu 1983, pp.119 120, and also in Gbadegesin 2002, p. 183. There are some traditional African thinke rs, however, who reject God, deities, and generally, spirits. They think that these entities are a figment of human imagination but not, most importantly, because of the physical or paraphysical nature of those entities (see, for instance, Gyekye 199 5, p. 48). 28 Kwame, p. 346. He refers to Gregory. 29 30 Teffo and Roux 2002, [w]ith more knowledge of anatomy, and particularly neurology, these views [that is, the metaphysical related] will change or 31 Gyekye, 2008, unpublished. 32 I bid. Wiredu argues that traditional Akan religion is empirically oriented (Wiredu P hilosophy, Mysticism and Rationality ) This means that religion would not necessarily be opposed to (empirical) science. His interpretation of Akan religion, nonetheless, is not in complete agreement with the sense in which religion is generally discussed here. References ( ed.), The Mind Brain Identity Theory ( London: MacMillan) : 67 79.

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Quasi physicalism in Akan Philosophy | 33 Descartes, Ren Cottingham, Robert Stoothoff, et al. (trans.), The Philosophical Writings of Descartes. Vo l II. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press): 12 60. Flew, Anthony. 1984. A Dictionary of Philosophy. Gbadegesin, Segun A.P.J. Roux (eds.), Philosophy from Africa 2 nd ed (Cape Town: Oxford Universi ty Press Southern Africa): 175 91. Gregory, Richard (ed ) 1987. The Oxford Companion to the Mind. New York: Oxford Un iversity Press. Gyekye, Kwame 1995. An Essay on African Philosophical Thought: The Akan Conceptual Scheme (revised ed .) Philadelphia: Temple University Press. ________ 2008. Presented at Kwame Nkrumah Univer A Conference on Interrelationship between Religion and Science in the 21 st (Kumasi, Ghana). Kwame, Safro Kwasi Wiredu (ed.), A Companion to African Philosophy (Oxford: Blackwell): 343 51. Mbiti, John S. 1997. African Religions and Philosophy. 2 nd revised and enlarged ed. Oxford: Heinemann. Opoku, Asare K. 1978. West African Traditional Religion Accra: F .E. P. International Private Limited. Perry, John In J. Perry (ed.), Personal Identity. ( London: University of California Press): 135 155. The Mind Brain Identity Theory (London: MacMillan): 83 86. Sarpong, Peter 1974. Ghana in Retrospect: Some Aspects of Ghanaian Culture. Tema: Ghana Publishing Corporation. Teffo, Lebisa J. and Abraham P. Roux Coetzee and A.P.J. Roux (eds.), Philosophy from Africa 2 nd edn. (Cape Town: Oxford Universi ty Press Southern Africa): 161 74. Ibadan Journal of Human istic Studies. 3: 113 134. ________ 1980. Philosophy and an African Culture. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ________ 2009. Empiricalism: The Empirical Character of an African Thought Presented th

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University of Florida Board of T rustees, a public corporation of the State of Florida; permission is hereby granted for individuals to download articles for their own personal use. Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Flori da. ISSN: 2152 2448 195 5 1991 BELETE BELACHEW YIHUN Abstract: The historical processes leading to the emergence of the states of Eritrea (1991) and South Sudan (2011) ha ve yet to be satisfactorily reconstructed. The extended conflict between Ethiopia and Sudan since the late 1950s and the resultant war of attrition and vengeance they have waged against each other is considered among the primary facto rs. Allying with regional and global powers to be, the two states engaged extensively in actions designed to bring about the disintegration of the other. This article attempts to recount the retaliatory measures both the imperial regime and the Derg have e policy lines persistently adopted by Ethiopian governments reveal the fact that if Sudan could not refrain from meddling in the Eritrea n conflict, then they had to respond in kind. Introduction The exis this development to the internal problems in the Sudan and successive rebellions of the subjugated southerners. Power politics at the regional and global level s often associated with the Cold War interplay, assume d a crucial role in the progression of the turmoil in the Sudan. Departing from this customary trend, this article attempts to analyze the situation in the context of the conflict between Ethiopia and the Sudan and how the process ult imately led to the disintegration of the two major states in northeast Africa. Both the imperial regime and the military junta (the Derg) have accused Sudan of intervening in the internal affairs of Ethiopia by sponsoring the cause of Eritrean seces sionism. Various steps were taken to persuade successive Sudanese governments to refrain from supporting the cause of the rebels. When this approach failed to bear fruit, then a progressive action plan was envisaged and put in place to respond in kind. T hi s article seeks existing unrest in South Sudan. The two neighbors have sustained an extended period of animosity and mutual suspicion since Sudan independence in 1956. The nature and extent of the conflict is not well recorded, primarily because of the absence of first hand information on the behind the scene developments. At some point the tension escalated to the level where Ethiopia labeled the Sudan its number one enemy in the region. The archives in the Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs shed a new light on the actual conflict and the role each country played in pro The major foreign policy th rust of p ost 1941 Ethiopia had been the reinstatement of Eritrea into its domain. Diplomatic missions launched to realize this agenda often resulted in

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36 | Yihun headlong co nfrontation with the outside world. In this regard, Cold War powers, the Arab world, and particularly immediate neighbors had posed the ultimate challenge. S uccessive Ethiopian governments perceived Sudan as a frontline state representing the Arab/Islam ic goal of controlling the Red Sea region and thus as a primary policy issue that required careful handling This article argue s that the Eritrean question is behind the tumultuous relationship between Ethiopia and Sudan in the period under discussion. The dispute beg a n in earnest soon after the federation formula, which had created the basis of Ethio Eritrean union, was abrogated in 1962. This year marked the beginning of armed resistance in Eritrea, which later evolved into the creation of var ious rebel groups including the Eritrean People Liberation Front (EPLF). ntervention can be traced back to early 1963, as can states, wh ich had failed to address meaningfully the ir respective local pr oblems, then started to seek solutions on the other side of the ir border s This article outline s the progression of events leading to the fateful partial disintegration of Ethiopia and the Sudan. lvement in South Sudan situation in South Sudan can be traced back to the August 1955 Torit mutiny that heralded the beginning of armed rebellion in the Sudan. The i mperial regime was sympath etic toward the government of Sud principle and in fact, opposed to any kind of fragmentation of a national territory on the 1 Accordingly, with the outbreak of the rebellion a set of measures were taken. When the Sou th Sudan army mutinied in Juba in August 1955 the imperial government provided aircraft to transport northern troops to the area to suppress the rebellion. Similarly, prevent armed fugitives from coming in and to drive those who had already entered back to their arms to Uganda, Congo and Kenya. Those who came to settle in Ethiopia as refugees 2 The apparent cordial relations between Ethiopia and the U mma Party and military governments from mid 1956 to early 1964 led to their collaboration against southern Sudan rebels. This was particularly true during the govern ments of Sayid Abdulla Kahlil ( 1956 1 958) and even more so under Maj. Gen. Abboud (1958 1964). A set of agreements aimed at strengthening mutual economic and political/defense ties were signed at the time. The major ones were the Treaty of Brotherhood and Alliance (August 1957), the non ratified Trade and Commerce Agreement and the Cultural Agreement (Ja nuary 1960), and the Extradition Treaty ( March 1964 ) 3 To this end, Imperial Ethiopia pursued a policy of unconditional support of Sudanese regimes till late 1964. In January 1964, for example, soon after the beginning of the Anya Nya guerilla move ment, a Sudanese delegation came to Ethiopia and requested that when Sudanese troops undert ook mopping up operations in the coming months, Ethiopia should close her borders with the Sudan along the Nasir Pochalla line. In addition to sealing the border Et hiopia sent the governor of Gambella, Col. Lemma Gebre Maryam, to Khartoum. In company with high ranking Sudanese military officials, the colonel proceeded to the area

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| 37 of conflict and rendered his services in an advisory capacity in the mopping up operatio ns undertaken by Sudanese troops. 4 when, under the pretext of undertaking hot pursuit operations, Sudan ese government troops, aided by heavy artillery and military a ircraft, penetrated deep into Ethiopian territory and indiscriminately inflicted heavy damage upon the lives and property of Ethiopian nationals. Similarly, Ethiopia rejected the offer of assistance and service by the UN High Commissioner for Refugees in J une 1963 with respect to South Sudan refugees in its relations with the S 5 In spite of the above developments, Ethiopian authorities were increasingly becoming apprehensive of the South Sudan situation They were closely monitoring the establishment in exile of the Sudan African Closed Districts National Union (SACD NU), and the extensive campaign of its chief officers, J.H. Oduho (President) and William Deng (Secretary General), to bring Southern Sudanese grievances to the attention of the world by way of submitting memoranda to the UN, to the Pan African Freedom Mov ement of Eastern, Central and Southern Africa (PAFMECSA) and to African political associations. 6 A range of factors caused Ethiopia to monitor closely the situation in Southern Sudan. These included the 194 5 Fabian Colonial Bureau report ( The Sudan: The Road Ahead ) that came out strongly in favor of Southern Sudan as a separate entity from the north; the subsequent debate in the UN and widespread press coverage of the matter particularly after the summer of 1962; and the establishment in Britain of an unofficial organization called the consideration of the demands of Southern Sudan. In addition, the apprehension that the issue would be discussed in private an d/or public during the May 1963 OAU Summit contributed to the policy reorientation. More importantly, the deteriorating bilateral relations after the October 1964 popular e Sudan in general and the South in particular. With the termination of the federal arrangement in Eritrea (1962) afterwards, the shift in the Ethio Sudan political equation le d to the commencement of the latter entertaining secessionist elements particularly from Eritrea. Troubled and murky episodes started to emerge under the pro Egyptian and pro Arab governments of Sir Katim Khalifa (1964 1965), Ismail El Azhari (1965 1969), and Gen. Nimeiri (1969 1985). The call for reprisal measures against Sudan for its assistance to secessionist elements was intensifying within Ethiopia. The government of Katim Khalifa had officially announced its sympathy and support for the rebel groups, released all Eritrean prisoners and agreed to allow Eritrean Liberation Front ( ELF ) cadres freedom of movement in the Sudan. It had also facilitated the delivery of material and financial shipments from the Arab/Islam ic states in the Mi ddle East to the rebel groups in Eritrea. 7 A set of proposals outlined a list of measures to be taken. These ranged from approaching rebel groups in South Sudan to discreetly preparing the UMMA party for acts of sabotage within the north. The 1963 proposed plan of action, for example, considered the case of South Sudan as a

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38 | Yihun 8 occu rred in December 1963 following the request of the representative of the Kampala based Sudan African National Union (SANU the new version of SACDNU), William Deng, to the emperor for financial assistance. The fact that the 1964 Extradition Treaty re mained on paper, and more specifically Sudanese refugees demonstrated the imperial regime intentions goodwill mission to the Sudan that would disc uss the deteriorating relations (November 1964) authorized the delegation to imply that, unless the latter refrain ed from supporting Eritrean secessionist elements, thereby intervening in the internal affairs of the country, it would be obliged to respond in kind. 9 Accordingly, memos submitted to the emperor and the state minister for foreign affairs, Ketema Yifru, designed the aggressive policy that Ethiopia should assume in the process. This included sponsoring the South Sudan rebels through supply ing arms to the fighters and financial assistance to the leaders in their propaganda campaign within the continent and the wider world. The strategy stipulated the condition that Ethiopia could easily use the southern problem as a counter measu re against S udan if the latter w ould not desist from sponsoring the Eritrean rebels. 10 The contact with South Sudan factions became more frequent after 1965. In February, the secretary general of the Nairobi based Sudan African Freedom Fighters Union of Conservat ives (SAFFUC), Alphonse Malek Pajok, discussed a previously arranged plan him, f or he was mandated by the party, or by the president and chairman of SAFFUC, Dominic Muorwel. Pajok also requested urgent financial and military assistance as well as 11 The vice president of SANU, Ph ilip Pedak Lieth, similarly underlined the need to maintain friendship and cooperation between his faction and Ethiopia; and requested around five thousand arms to be secretly delivered via Gambella and financial assistance to the amount of US$ 120,000 Ped ak was invited to come to Ethiopia, and he convinced the Ethiopia. He was instructed to bring all the military and political leaders of his faction to Addis Ababa for implementation talks, which he did by June 1965. In addition, Ethiopia arranged for Pedak to meet higher officials of the OAU. In spite of the split within SANU and the subsequent creation of the Anya Nya Liberation Front (Azania) around June 1965, Ethiop ia decided to continue supporting the faction militarily and financially. 12 on the return of refugees in June 1965. Following the failure of the March 1965 Round Tab le Conference (RTC) sponsored by the central government and the subsequent escalation of the war in the south, Sudanese rulers issued a general amnesty declaration in June. Subsequently, they approached Ethiopia to repatriate all refugees currently present in its territories. The Ethiopian response was a categorical denial of the presence of southern 13 Nonetheless, the two countries managed temporarily to resolve the matte r after the July 1965 talks in Addis Ababa. In the Memorandum of Agreement that was signed, they agreed

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| 39 party or any foreign state or any other person or institut ion within its jurisdiction to engage in any type of activities that are harmful or designed to harm the national interests of the 14 Using the lull, the two parties exchanged the list of refugees cum rebels to be expelled; this, however, was n ot implemented. The accord between the two governments coincided with the internal political divide within SANU and its apparent weakness in 1966. Ethiopian authorities were troubled by the dismissal of Philip Pedak from his vice presidency in April decision to go to Khartoum for peace talks without prior consultation. The report prepared on the matter specially advised caution on the possibility that Pedak and his close allies were spies of the government of the Sudan. I n the meantime, Ethiopia was strengthening its contact with the Azania Liberation Front. In a letter addressed to the emperor, the faction representative in Congo, Akuot Atem de Mayen, appealed for secret aid in arms that could be channeled through its b ranch office in Addis Ababa. 15 300,000 ) in its territory and its appeal to the UN High Commission for Refugees for assistance since March 1967 (which Ethiopia considered was an intentional act to internationalize the cause government of Sudan and the UN, the former had received funding to the amount of 1,000,000 dollars for 1967 and 2,1 rule of reciprocity guiding the conduct between the two countries had for long angered the imperial government. As a result, a policy directive was issued whereby Ethiopia would publicize the is sue of around twenty thousand South Sudanese refugees in its territory and seek assistance from the international community. The ministry of interior was instructed to prepare their list and gather them in refugee camps along the Ethio Sudanese border. 16 Following the executive decision regarding reprisal measures against Sudan, Ethiopia intensified its assistance to South Sudan rebels. The nature of support was so visible that the embassy of Sudan could easily trace the activities of prominent rebel l eaders, including Philip Pedak, Steven Lam and David Goak. These included the attack they launched on Pochalla and Tedo districts from their bases in Gambella and the involvement of the embassy of Israel and British journalist s in the process. The response of the Ethiopian M inistry of Foreign Affairs the other party. It claimed of not knowing the whereabouts of Pedak and his friends requested the copy of The Daily Telegraph in which the British journalists published malicious anti Sudan propaganda and Tedo emanating from inside Ethiopian territory. 17 engthened after the May 1969 coup that brought Nimeiri to power and the status of first rate enemy was accorded to Sudan soon afterwards. A range of measures taken by Ethiopia facilitated t he clandestine mission of the rebels. These included the establishm ent in 1969/70 of Gambella refugee camps for about twenty thousand South Sudanese; the UN aid Ethiopia secured (not only for the period stated above, but the back payment to the amount of one million US dollars for earlier dates); and the creation of provi sional secretariat for South Sudan refugees that would coordinate security issues and aid distribution. 18 Through a joint Ethio Israeli venture, selected South Sudanese refugees were sent to Israel for special military training. After completion, they were deployed into South Sudan via the Gambella refugee camps. On one occasion, for example, the government of Sudan discovered the presence in the refugee camps of ten returnees Ethiopian officials had to

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40 | Yihun relocate them before the joint investigation com mittee arrived in the designated area. The fact that the Sudanese side knew about the presence of Israeli trainers in rebel training camps inside Ethiopia and rebel held Sudan and that they found out about the military operation plans that designated May 1971 as the starting date of a general attack against government forces made the Ethiopian authorities equally nervous. 19 The November 1970 military incursions of Sudan into the Akobo district (Gambella) under the pretext of hot pursuit of the rebels further aggravated the situation. Outraged by the resulting attacks on its nationals, the imperial government sanctioned the deployment of a special army unit to secure the frontier region in addition to issuing a formal diplomatic protest The Ansar revo lt of 1969/70 and the intensification of southern rebel military considered as synchronized measures target ing the Nimeiri regime. The truce the two countries made fo llowing the March 1971 agreement and the reciprocal state visits of Nimeiri and Hayla Selassie, in November 1971 and January 1972, respectively, temporarily cooled tension s 20 The Addis Ababa Accord of March 1972 between the Nimeiri government and the Anya Nya, also known as the South Sudan Liberation Movement (SSLM), has to be viewed within pressure on the negotiating parties. In this regard, Emperor Hayla Selas diplomacy deserves special credit. The Ethiopian sovereign employed his aura and the respect he enjoyed within African circles (as was manifested during the mediation efforts of the Algeria Morocco boundary conflict of 1964 and the Nigerian Civil War of 1969). The emperor particularly the World Council of Churches, the All African Council of Churches and the Sudan Council of Churches. 21 A part from the presence of For eign M inister Menasie Haile and respresentative Nebiye in the formal procedures and the emperor on the occasion of the signing of the agreement, together with the separate audience he gave the two sides, however, Ethiop Hayla Selassie had arranged for the peace deal beforehand, the talking points prepared for the state visits did not in any way refer to the upcoming negotiation. The premonition that the semi a utonomous arrangement between north and south Sudan might reflect negatively the emperor and his government from taking an active part in the negotiation proces s. One the national unity of the Sudan, comparable to its contributions to the independence of that country and the 1958 mediation role in the boundary conflict be tween Egypt and the Sudan. 22 Within two years of the signing of the Addis Ababa Accord, signs started to emerge indicating the crumbling of the deal. According to Ethiopian authorities, the continuing backwardness of the south, the indifference of the central government at a time of massive flooding the disarmament of the South Sudan Liberation Army (SSLA) army without integration into the national force as was promised by the 1972 Accord, the unilateral benefit reaped by SSLM leaders like Joseph Lagu in the process and the rejection of the Addis Ababa agreement by some rebel factions in the South were among the reasons for the ineffectiveness of the accord.

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| 41 The reaction in the south against the joint Egyptian Sudanese plan to construct the Jon glei Canal in October 1974 was considered by the Ethiopian side as the immediate cause for the bloody student uprising in Juba (14 16 October 1974) and the army mutiny in Akobo, Upper Nile State (March 1975). The harsh reprisal measures of the central gove rnmen t against the mutinous Anya Nya and the subsequent mass exodus into Ethiopia revived the old tension between the two countries. 23 considered by the government of Sudan as an act intended to international ize the incident. The February 1976 mutiny in the town of Wau (Bahr al Gazel), the assassination of northern officers and the subsequent desertion of one hundred fifty South Sudanese members of the army was, according to Ethiopian sources, the turn ing point in the relation between the north and the south. Simultaneously, the growing association between Sudan and Egypt as was manifested by the Mutual Defense Agreement (July 1976), the deployment of huge Sudanese military force along its frontiers wit h Ethiopia and the increasing bilateral relations between the two countries. 24 The Derg and South Sudan The conflict between Ethiopia and Sudan first flared up following the antagonistic stance that rebels and the Ethiopian government together with his integration plan with Egypt alarmed members of the Derg. Soon afterwards, Nimeiri started to court, train and arm anti revolutionary Nine Point Peace Initia tive on Eritrea (issued in May 1976) assistance. In addition he launched an intensive propaganda campaign via the state media Radio Omdurman. 25 The Derg started to organize politically South Sudanese refugees in Gambella and Addis Ababa as early as April 1975. But no meaningful operation was planned and staged for the coming couple of years. 26 The Ethio Sudan rapprochement from the late 1970s to the early 1980s seemingly contributed to the lack of joint ventures with southern r ebels. F ollowing the decline of friendly relations between the two governments, h owever, Ethiopia continued openly to from the mid 1980s on. In fact, it had a role in the creation o f the Movement in June 1983 and significantly contributed towards its crystallization thereafter. Under the general supervision of the Ministry of Defense, Ethiopia rendered material, financial an d moral assistance to what it du ect trained the military wing of the Movement, fully equipped it and supervised military operations conducted in Sudan. 27 Ethiopian officials equally monitored the propaganda campaign of SPLM/A. In a bid to pressur ar position in relation to its contact with Eritrean rebels, the policy of SPLM was designed to emphasize its commitment towards the national unity of Sudan. Through such assistance, the rebels managed to stage an all front attack on arly1984, to the delight of Ethiopian officials, SPLA intensified its attacks and managed to disrupt crucial projects like the construction of the Jonglei Canal invo lvement in the conflict increased. The growing presence of the US in the Sudan and the commitment of the Re agan A

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42 | Yihun permission to allow the form er to use its air o intensify its assistance to SPLA. 28 was the alarm felt at the discovery of Col. John Garang and his followers while they were in Addis Ababa in March 1984 talks with a SPLM/A splinter group, Anya Nya 2, in October of the same year and the establishment of a Peace Committee (with thirty members both from north and south) in March 1985. The assurance that came from its embassy in Khartoum dismissing the latter measures as insignificant and as acts of desperation on the part of Nimeiri came as a relief to the officials. Ethiopia thereafter increased its involvement in the south. It commenced an open propaganda mi ssion through Radio Ethiopia in support of the rebels and contributed its share in the release of West German, French and Swiss nationals kidnapped by the SPLA. 29 The downfall of the Nimeiri regime in April 1985, however, failed to alter the equation of rulers for rapprochement talks and proposed the immediate reactivation of all joint ministerial commissions. The vice chairman of the Tr failure to take its own steps to set right their troubled relations. The foreign affairs division of the central committee of the Ethiopian Workers Party (EWP) came out with a strong response to this accusation. Ethiopia insisted that the above measures were futile unless Sudan took the initiative to set the record straight and revise its anti Ethiopian position (i.e., recognition of the cause of Eritrean secessionists). Sudan was requested to initiate policy lines to this effect as well as fully implement them in order to resolve the existing problem between the two. 30 The military solution the TMC preferred to solve the South Sudan problem and the anti SPLM/A rally in Khartoum, allegedly co sponsored by the TMC and the National Islamic Front (NIF) in a bid to isolate the former and its supporters in the north as w ell as to bolster the morale of the disillusioned national army, were indicative of the upcoming relation between Ethiopia and the Sudan. The establishment by the TMC (October 1985) of the Ministerial Committee on Southern Sudan that would organize a natio nal reconciliation conference on Southern Sudan, as a result, was interpreted among Ethiopian circles as a futile gesture. 31 Likewise, the January 1986 proposal of Sadiq al Mahdi, head of the UMMA party, to the government of Ethiopia to amend the trou bled relations and enter into dialogue with SPLM/A was dismissed as political manipulation on the part of the former in light of the upcoming general elections in April. In the mean time, Ethiopia intensified its logistic and propaganda assistance to SPLA, its planes parachuting deliveries and conducting air surveillance deep inside southern Sudan. 32 Regarding the reconciliation talks, relatively better attention was given to the initiative of the National Alliance for Dialogue with SPLM/A with the aim of negotiating a ceasefire in the civil war ahead of the April elections. The delegation of aro und twenty members assembled from various northern parties was allowed to come to Ethiopia for the talks scheduled for mid March 1986. Ambassador Yelma Tadese, Acting Foreign Minister, heralded the beginning of the Koka Dam Talks (19 24 March), named aft er the lakeside resort where they were held After applauding the first formal meeting between the

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| 43 representatives of SPLM/A and the National Alliance for the Salvation of Sudan, Ambassador Yelma went on recounting the essence of the occasion: The gatherin g is historic in that it brings together the popular and patriotic forces of the Sudan who had the courage not only to resist the now defunct regime of Gaafar Nimeiri but also to go beyond and challenge that dictatorial and oppressive system to the very en d. Some had no option but to take up regime while others had to resort to tactics of protest in order to paralyze and dismantle the machineries of the Government presided over by Gaafar Nimeiri. One fact is clear to us here that without the courageous, combined and selfless struggle of the popular and democratic forces in the Sudan, its people would no doubt have continued to languish in deprivation and instability and our region would also have continued to suffer from the absence of peace and harmony therein 33 T he Koka Dam Meeting got off to a poor start however, when Col. Garang questioned the credentials of the informal alliance to negotiate such a deal, and accused the government of Gen. Abdul Rahman Swar al Dahab of escalating the fighting in the south to coincide with the talks. The rebel leader presented conditions to be met for the meeting and any future reconciliation talks to succeed. These included terms that the leadership in Khartoum, present and future, should recognize that the SPLM rebellion was not a southern problem but a national one that it lift the current state of emergency ah ead of any talks on a ceasefire, and that it repeal all defense agreements wi th foreign nations. The remaining two conditions demanded the abrogation of the Islamic Sharia laws introduced under Nimeiri and that the TMC led by Gen. Dahab commit itself to the convening of a national constitutional conference prior to relinquis hing power. When Sudan was supporting the Eritreans, thank you for the inf the genesis of the SPLM insurgency, Garang again elusively denied any involvement on the part of Ethiopia at any level in the evolution of the movement. On the other hand, the inclusion in the SPLM delegation of Dr. Mansur Kahlid ( a prominent northern politician and former member of the Nimeiri cabinet) angered members of the National Alliance, resulting Revolutionary Committee. 34 In sp ite of the murky start, the negotiating parties, the SPLM and the National Alliance for Salvation (NAS), agreed to hold a constitutional conference in Khartoum the following June and formed a follow up committee that would oversee matters un til the confere nce took place The ir joint communiqu called on the political forces and the TMC to take into consideration that the objective of the constitutional conference was to discuss the main problems of the Sudan and not the so called southern problem. The SPLM/ A, in return, agreed that even though it would not contest in the upcoming general election it would recognize the government to be electe d and continue the reconciliation talks afterwa rd 35 Ethiopian authorities deemed the occasion historic and a huge succ ess irrespective of the mixed reaction it faced among the leading political parties in Sudan. Particularly, the confused position displayed by the UMMA party, which was the major proponent of the

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44 | Yihun Koka declaration but chose to assume a nonchalant position i n its official statements afterwards, was considered typical of Sudanese unpredictability. 36 general election and the talks between Prime Minister Sadiq al Mahdi and Col. Garang in April and July 1986 were perceived by Ethiopian officials as constructive steps to resolve the civil war. The al Mahdi government dispatched successive delegations to the region as well as other parts of the continent and the world in an effort to find a peaceful solution to the conflict. One document reveals that in all of these missions, Ethiopia was referred to as the prominent actor in the civil war and that al not accept its involvement in the negotiation process. This was interpreted as a strategy to isolate Ethiopia and wrench Col. Garang from support to SPLA in its drive to control the territories of the south vis vis the growing military missions of the central government was intensified. The resultant conflict between the two countries continued to further afflict their relations so much that Sudan decided to recall its ambassador in November 1986. 37 In the face of the growing discord between the two governments, the Ethi opian side a pparently preferred pressuring the SPLM/A into continuing its dialogue with the National Alliance for Salvation ( NAS ) on the proposed constitutional conference. The attempt on the part of Sudan to drag President Mubarak of Egypt into the confli foreign minister, Sharif Zein al isgusted over the recent Ethiopian violations taking into consideration that the strategic threat of rebellion in Southern Sudan 38 In April 1987 Sudan took the initiative to mend its troubled relations with Ethiopia and proposed a set of measures to be taken by both sides. The proposal, among others, required that the two assert their respect for the unit y and sovereignty of each other and abide by the principle of non respective of its assurance for its offensive towards the towns of Akobo and Kurmuk in Upper Nile region. In July 1987 Sudanese authorities again extended their readine ss for peace talks with Ethiopia through their ambassador in Nairobi. In particular, they proposed face to face talks between Mengistu and al Mahdi. 39 In September, the SPLM/A leader expressed his readiness for a ceasefire and rec onciliation talks if the Sudanese government showed a willingness to implement the Koka Declaration of March 1986. The Ethiopian government similarly agreed to facilitate a meeting between the two leaders during an upcoming OAU summit in Addis Ababa in Oct ober. Mengistu and al Mahdi met for the first time in Kampala, Uganda, on the sidelines of the East and Central African Countries Preferential Trade Area (PTA) summit conference. could easily lead to war between them and decided to focus on peaceful means to resolve their differences and to contain the problems that confront ed them on their common borders. The two leaders also entrusted the Joint Ministerial Committee with the ta sk of identifying the root cause of the existing problems between Ethiopia and Sudan and recommending solutions. 40 In the meantime, the effort to reconcile SPLM/A and Anya Nya II in a meeting held in Gambella in mid November 1987 had failed, allegedly preconditions, including the merger of the two movements under the leadership o f John

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| 45 Garang. The intense battle between the SPLA and the central army in early December 1987 and the alleged involvement of Ethiopia (and Cuba) on the side of the SPLA continued to mar the possibility of restoration of good relations between the two countries. 41 In spite of the above setbacks, the leaders of the two countries again met in Djibouti on 22 March 1988 during the second summit of the In ter Governmental Authority on Drought and Development (IGADD). Even if no substantial agreement was concluded, the fact that they did manage to affirm their commitment towards peaceful coexistence and to exchange views on possible items that could be inclu ded in the agenda of the next meeting (scheduled to be held in Addis Ababa in April) was considered promising. 42 peace effort to solve the civil war in the south, as was demonstrated by the Harare and Nairobi missions (February 1988), and even more significantly the shuttle diplomacy of Gen. Obasanjo and Francis Deng (March 198 8) were not accepted by Ethiopian officials. The Harare inter governmental forum on African problems, in its discussion on Sudan, failed to bring about any result other than urging the warring parties to find immediate peaceful solution to the confl ict and facilitate the efforts of Obasanjo and Deng. Rather, the occasion was exploited by the warring parties to propagate their political agenda; as was demonstrated by the composition of their carefully assembled delegation. The SPLM/A was represented b y Mansur Khalid, a northern Muslim and a high level official during the Nimeiri regime, while the central government chose the southern Christian, Mathew Obur. 43 Ethiopia particularly rejected the mediation efforts of Obasanjo and Deng based on a numb er of considerations. First, the initiative was originally forwarded by the Woodrow Wilson Center (which Ethiopia considered was a CIA affiliate) with the aim of resolving the crisis in the Sudan independent of the secessionist struggle in Northern Ethiopi a. Obasanjo confided to Ethiopian diplomats that the purpose of his mission was to personally reconcile Garang and al Mahdi. Thus the authorities perceived the effort to be detrimental to Ethiopia national interests. Second, the selection of Deng itself was not accepted. According to the document, during the Freetown Talks of December 1977, for example, argued that Ethiopia should not use the case of Southern Su dan to resolve the war in Eritrea. The Ethiopian side in turn claimed that he was a CIA operative disguised under his current position as a research associate at the Wilson Center. As a counter measure, Ethiopia hosted a meeting in Addis Ababa between the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) and SPLM/A from18 to 20 August 1988. The DUP was represented by its deputy secretary general, Sayid Ahmed el Hussein, and the SPLM/A by Dr. Lam Akol Ajawin, alternate member of the political military high command. Discus sions were held on Sudan problem) and possible practical solutions to push forward the peace process. They agreed to arrange a meeting in the near future between Sayid M ohamed Osman el Mirghani, the patron of the DUP, and Dr. John Garang. 44 The meeting took place in a cordial atmosphere in Addis Ababa in November 1988. Ethiopian officials were delighted and, to the dismay of religious hard liners in Sudan both parties deemed the occasion a success. They signed an agreement the Sudanese Peace Initiative which include d terms like the convocation of the proposed constitutional conference and all the related articles of the September 1983 laws, cancellation of military a greements signed between Sudanese governments and other countries, lifting the state of emergency and imposition of a ceasefire between the warring sides in the south.

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46 | Yihun Irrespective of the opposition the agreement met from the National Islamic Front (NIF) and other hardliners, Ethiopia continued to pressur e Sudanese officials, including the UMMA leader and Prime Minister, al Mahdi, into adopting it. 45 A high level delegation led by Fekre Selassie Wegderes, the prime minister, was dispatched to Khartoum in a bid to further capitalize on the positive developments. The Sudanese premier promised to convince the Eritrean rebels to open dialogue with the delegation without any precondition and requested an audience for a high level Sudanese delegation with Me ngistu and Garang regarding the designated constitutional conference to be conducted well before December 1988. The response given tacitly declined arranging any contact with the Ethiopian leader and Garang, apparently to pressur e the Sudan ese side into fu lly committing to the reconciliation process. 46 The latter were fully disadvantaged following the withdrawal of the DUP from the coalition government in late December and the growing political isolation it subsequently faced. The prime minister confid accept the Addis Ababa Agreement (Sudanese Peace Initiative) of November 1988 as well as the commitment to convene all Eritrean factions for peace talks under the principle of l unity. According to al Mahdi, all of them accepted the proposal except Isaias Afwerki, the Eritrean Peoples Liberation Front ( EPLF ) leader T he Sudanese premier promised to take strong measures against him and his faction unless he accepted the offer imm ediately. Al Fadil al Mahdi, reaffirmed these points in his meeting with Mengistu and the Ethiopian foreign minister in early January 1989. 47 The intensification by the SPLA of its military offensive and its apparent success in controlling strategic towns such as Nasser around January 1989, however, distracted the two states from the positive course of reconciliation. Soon, the Sudanese side resumed its accusation of Ethiopia regarding its involvement in the civil war and meddling in party politics, particularly in favor of the DUP. The Ethiopian side, however, continued to host reconciliation talks among the Sudanese parties. In early February, for examp le, it organized the Ambo consultative conference composed of the SPLM/A as well as academics and intellectuals drawn from the northern part of the country. This conference ended up calling for the convocation of a constitutional conference, observance of immediate ceasefire and justice and equality for all the people of the country. 48 Ethiopia hosted yet another peace talks between the Peace Ministerial Committee of the central government and the SPLM/A in Addis Ababa (10 1 1 June 1989). The major obje ctive 49 In a parallel development, Prime Minister Fekre Selassie Wegderes visited Sudan in June 1989 A fterward, the two countries strove to improve their relations. As was always the case in the region, the new regime of Omar Hassan al Bashir (June 1989) pushed towards an immediate resolution of the common problems in Ethio Sudan relations. The two leaders met for the first time during the 2 5 th OAU Summit in Addis Ababa and decided to negotiate immediately with all the rebel groups in their territories. The letters they exchanged showed their eagerness for such an undertaking in the near future. 50 Nevertheless, they soon returned to the old practice of destabilization missions as the the unsuccessful efforts of the steering peace committee he established failed to convince the Ethiopian side. Rather, the latter perceived them as a deceptive strategy designed to camouflage the opening of comprehensive military missions against the SPLM/A and the

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| 47 understanding was the intensification of SPLA military attacks on the army of the central government. One intelligence report, for example, requested the destruction of the vital bridge leading to Juba town; and instruction for the immediate execution of the mission was passed to concerned Ethiopian authorities. 51 The customary accusations started to flare up from both sides. To the frustration of the Ethiopian authorities, though, Sudan resorted to its original claim that the problem in Eritrea was different from t he one in their southern region Ethiopia began to indifferently follow up the US sponsored mediation talks between the SPLM/A and the central government held in Nairobi from 30 November to 5 December 1989. The fact that the two parties failed to reach a c onsensus on most of the talking points must have come as a relief to over was conveyed to Al Bashir on December 1989, and the latter at the same time condemned s involvement in the SPLA offensive that ended up capturing the strategic town of Kurmuk. 52 In the following years, till the fall of the military regime in Ethiopia (May 1991), relations between the two countries remained at their lowest level. They continu ed to Conclusion The imperial regime and the Derg mostly felt that their counterparts in the Sudan were intent on destabilizing Ethiopia and were readily cooperating with forces having a similar agenda. Suda government forces remained the central points of disagreement between the two countries. The understanding that the Sudanese regimes willingly avail ed their services to the traditional enemies of Ethiopia in North Africa and the Middle East further aggravated the situation. In a bid to appease Sudanese rulers and to discourage their negative activities, the imperial regime went as far as collaborating in the mopping up missions of South Sudanese rebels. The Derg equally sought the mediation role of the Nimeiri regime, which it believed was one of the major sponsors of Eritrean rebels. t support of the Eritrean rebels, the two successive regimes engaged in ac Apart from labeling the Sudan the number one enemy of the state, the imperial regime went by way of giving unconditional support to the SPLM/A. The end result was the chronic internal turmoil in the two countries and their ultimate partial disintegration, as was witnessed by the birth of the states of Eritrea and South Sudan. In retrospect, wh at has happened in the region, specifically, the independ ence of Eritrea and South Sudan ( May 1991 and July 2011 respectively) was in part the result of this extended conflict and had the blessing of the two states. Notes 1 Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Folder Number: Sudan, File Number: 36 D2 (Hear afterwards, MoFA Sudan 36 D2). Memorandum to Sudan: 19 April 1967. See also Poggo 2009, pp. 40 47. 2 MoFA Sudan 29 D2 5. Report on the Realities of South Sudan: 3 F ebruary 1963. MoFA

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48 | Yihun Sudan 36 D2. Memorandum to Sudan: 19 April 1967. For the nature of Sudanese regimes in this period and their policy towards the South see Poggo 2002, pp. 67 101. 3 MoFA Sudan 26 D2 11. Treaty of Brotherhood and Alliance: 1 August 19 57 and the Cultural Agreement of 6 February 1960. MoFA Sudan 1 B and Sudan 26 D2 11. Extradition Agreement of 29 March 1964. 4 MoFA Sudan 36 D2. Memorandum to Sudan: 19 April 1967. 5 Ibid Felix Schnyder (High Commissioner for Refugees) to MoFA : 27 June 1963; Berhanu Bahta (Director General, MoFA) to Felix Schnyder: 8 July 1963. 6 MoFA Sudan 29 D2 5. Report on the Realities of South Sudan: 3 February 1963. See also Poggo 2009, pp. 113 19. 7 MoFA Ertra 68 he Eritrean Rebel groups. Dej. Kefle Ergetu (Chief of Public Security) to the Emperor: 18 & 20 January and 12 April 1965; MoFA Sudan 28 D2 130. Memo to Ketema Yifru (Foreign Minister) on Rebel Activities in the Sudan: 24 April 1965. 8 MoFA Sudan 28 D2 148. Proposed Plan of Action Against Sudan and Somalia: 1955 E.C (1962); William Deng to Emperor Hayla Selassie: 16 December 1963. Hamid 1986, pp. 165 17 6. See also Voll 1985, pp. 138 41. 9 MoFA Sudan 28 D2 1. Memo on Ethio Sudan Relations and Ethio Measures: 8 December 1964; Talking Points Prepared by Sudan: November 1964. 10 MoFA Sudan 29 D2 4. Memo to the Emperor on Ethio Sudan Relations: November 1964. MoFA Sudan 28 D2 1. Memo to Ketema on Possible Counter Measures against Sudan: 5 April 1965. 11 MoFA Sudan 28 D2 112. Alphonse Malek Pajok (SAFFUC Secretary General) to Ketema: 2 February 1965. 12 Ibid Philip Pedak Lieth to Ketema: 5 April 1965. Memo to Ketema on relations with SANU : 17 June 1965; Memo to Ketema on SANU: 28 June 1965; Memo to Ketema on Helping SANU: 30 June 1965. 13 Ibid Memo Regarding Talks with Sudan official on South Sudan Refugees in Ethiopia: 30 June 1965. The RTC had played its role in the split of SANU, f or some southern politicians like Philip Pedak had succumbed to the ploy of the government. See below. 14 MoFA Sudan 38 D2.Record of Agreements, Meetings and Communiqus. Joint Communiqu: 28 July 1965; Memorandum of Agreement between the Government s of Sudan and Ethiopia: 28 July 1965. MoFA Sudan 34 D2. Instructions Limiting the Actions of South Sudan Refugees in Ethiopia: 10 March 1966. 15 MoFA Sudan 29 D2 5. Report on the Leaders of SANU: 29 July 1966. MoFA Sudan 28 D2 180. Akuot Atem de M ayen to Hayla Selassie: 17 November 1966. 16 MoFA Sudan 28 D2 1. Memo on actions to be taken against Sudan: 27 December 1966. 17 MoFA Sudan 28 D2 129. Intelligence Report from Within Sudan Embassy: 15 June 1968. MoFA Sudan 23 Involvement in South Sudan: 25 June 1968. 18 MoFA Sudan 27 D2 teraz [archive] 2. Memo on South Sudan rebels: 29 October 1969; Report on D 2 teraz 1. Aid Plan for South Sudan Refugees in Gambella: 6 November 1970). MoFA S udan 27 D2 teraz 5. Report on South Sudan Rebels in Ethiopia: 10 April 1970. See also Poggo 2009, pp. 155 61.

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| 49 19 MoFA Sudan 26 D2. Ketema Yifru to Bitweded Zewde Gebre Heywot: 1 August 1970. Also see Johnson 2003, pp. 36 37. MoFA Sudan 27 20 MoFA ye etiyo sudan wesen guday [Ethio Sudanese boundary affa ir] 3 285. Ke tema to Maj. Gen. Yelma Shibeshi (Commander of the P olice Force): 10 January 1971. MoFA Sudan 29 D2 2. Memo on E thio Sudan Relations: September 1971. 21 Regassa 2010, pp. 100 08. Badal 1972. Informant: Ambassador Berhanu Dinqa. 22 MoFA ye etiyo sudan wesen guday 1 teraz 1. Report on Ethio Sudan Relations: 18 October 1982. MoFA Sudan 29 D2 4. Memo to the Emperor on Ethio Sudan Relations: September 1971. MoFA Sudan 29 D2 6. Talking points with Nimeiri on his Visit to Addis Ababa: September 1971 Regassa 2010, pp. 100 108; Wai 1981, p. 154; Alier 2003, pp. 91 95, 106 108, 113 114.; Deng 1991, pp. 24 31; Poggo 2009, pp. 184 192. 23 MoFA Sudan 24 D2 23. Memo on Sudan Political Situation: 1967 E.C (1975). MoFA ye sudan teqawami hayloch [oppos ition power] 1 teraz 1. Ambassador Yelma Tadese (Khartoum) to Kefle Wodajo (Minister of Foreign Affairs). On Crumbling Pease Deal: 21 February 1976. See also Wakoson 1989, pp. 8 18; Johnson 2003, pp. 39 50.MoFA etiyo sudan 3 teraz 1. Taye Reta (Mini stry of Interior, Director of Border Administration Division) to MoFA. On S sudan teqawami hayloch 1 teraz 1. Taye Reta to UN High Commission for Refugees: 7 July 1975; Asfaw Legese (Assistant Min ister, MoFA) to Ministry of Interior. On Sudan Government Statement on South Sudan Refugees: 11 July 1975. 24 MoFA ye sudan teqawami hayloch 1 teraz 1. Ambassador Yelma Tadese (Khartoum) to Kefle Wodajo (Minister of Foreign Affairs). On Crumbling Pease Deal: 21 February 1976; Ambassador Yelma to Kefle: 15 April 1976. MoFA Sudan 31 D2 5. Report on Ethio Sudan Relations: 26 April 1977. MoFA Sudan 31 D2 4. Brief Memorandum on the Ethio Sudan Conflict : 2 December 1977. MoFA ye etiyo sudan genegunet [relationship] 3 teraz 1. Study Report on Ethiopia and i ts Neighbors: 19 October 1979. 25 MoFA Sudan 24 Regarding the Eritrean Situation, 27 May 1975; MoFA etiyo sudan wesen [boundary] 3 March 1976. A lso Erlich 2012, 107 115. MoFA ye etiyo sudan ye wesen guday 1 teraz 1. Ambassador Yelma Tadese (Khartoum) to Tibebu Beqele (Permanent Representative of the Derg in MoFA). Study Report on Ethio Sudan Relations: 18 October 1982. 26 MoFA Sudan 31 D2 2. Ambassador Yelma to Col. Telahun Sahele (Head, Public Security Department): 6 June 1979; Col. Telahun Sahele to Lt. Col. Habte Maryam Seyoum (Head, Border Administration Division, Ministry of Interior): 25 June 1979. 27 Ragassa, 120 25, 120 126, 144. MoFA ye sudan teqawami hayloch 1 teraz 2. Telegram on (Tripoli) to Goshu: 8 February 1985. See also Metelits 2004, pp. 65 82; Ronen 2002, pp. 103 26; Igga 2008, p. 19; Shimanyula 2005, pp. 15 20, 34; Malok 2009, p. 143; Gibia 2008, pp. 12 27; Johns on 1998, pp. 53 72; Johnson 2003, pp. 60 65. 28 MoFA ye sudan teqawami hayloch 1 teraz 1. Wendwesen Habte Selassie (Charge de Affairs, Sudan) to African and Middle East Directorate (MoFA): 9 March 1984. See also Field 2000, 7. MoFA ye sudan teqawami hayloch 1 teraz 2. Ambassador Yelma (Khartoum) to Goshu Wolde (Minister of Foreign Affairs). On SPLM/A Appeal to the

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50 | Yihun People of Sudan and Its Political Program: 15 February 1984; Report on Proposed US Military Support to Sudan: 6 March 1984; Report on US Offer to Solve the Conflict in Sudan: 7 March 1984. Also see Akol 2009, pp. 16 21. 29 MoFA ye sudan teqawami hayloch 1 teraz 2. Ambassador Yelma to Goshu Wolde: 29 March 1984; Ambassador Yelma (Director, African and Middle East Directorate) to Selassie (Charge de Affairs, Khartoum) to African and Middle East Directorate: 2 November and 14 December 1984; Analysis Report on the Sudan Peace Committee: 21 March 1985; Report on W est German Hostages Hijacked by SPLA: 9 March 1984; West German Embassy to MoFA on its Citizens Hijacked by SPLA: 1 June 1984; Complaint from the Government SPLM/A Propaganda: 1 November 1984; Engeda Gebre Medhen (Charge de Affairs, Paris) to Tibebu Beqele (MoFA). On French Citizens Hijacked by SPLA: 15 November 1984. Ambassador Yelma (African Directorate) to Ambassador Kassa Kebede (Genve). On Freed Swiss Nationals: 8 February 1985. 30 MoFA ye etiyo sudan ye wese n guday 1 teraz 1. Getachew (Charge de Affairs, Khartoum) to Yelma Tadese (MoFA): 29 July 1985; Yelma to Getachew (Khartoum). On 1985. MoFA ye etiyo sudan genegunet 3 teraz 2. Embassy of Sudan to MoFA: 1 August 1985; Foreign Affairs Section of the EWP to MoFA. On Response to the Government of Sudan and Measures to be taken: 13 August 1985; Ambassador Yelma to Wendwesen (Khartoum): 19 August 1985. 31 MoFA ye su dan teqawami hayloch 1 teraz 2. Analysis Reports on Anti SPLM/A Policy of the TMC and the Mass Rally in Khartoum: 20 and 23 September 1985; Wendwesen (Khartoum) to African Directorate: 25 October 1985. 32 MoFA ye etiyo sudan genegunet 3 teraz 2. Wendwe sen (Khartoum) to Goshu. On His Talk with al Mahdi: 24 January 1986. MoFA ye sudan teqawami hayloch 1 teraz 3. On Helping SPLM/A: 26 March 1986. 33 Ibid. Ambassador Y Nayo was a local Sudanese rendition of the May Revolution that brought Nimeiri to power in 1969. Informant: Ambassador Yelma Tadese. 34 Ibid Yelma (Acting Foreign Minister) to Wendwesen (Khartoum): 21 March 1986. 35 Ibid SPLM NAS Joint Communiqu: 26 March 1986; Ambassador Yelma (Acting Foreign Minister) to Wendwes en (Khartoum): 27 March 1986. 36 Ibid Getachew Yesuf (Charge de Affairs, Khartoum) to Ambassador Yelma: 6 April 1986; Ambassador Yelma to Getachew Yesuf (Khartoum): 12 April 1986. Also see Akol 2009, pp. 54 58; Bechtold 1991, pp. 14 15. 37 MoFA ye etiyo 26 November 1986. MoFA ye sudan teqawami hayloch 1 teraz 4. Report on the New Military Assault by Sudanese Government: 13 November & 5 December 1986); Ambassador Yelma to Ethiopian Accusation of Helping SPLM/A and Not Wanting to participate in the Peace Process: 10 December 1986.

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| 51 38 African Directorate: 25 Dec For the ongoing peace initiatives see Malwal 1994, pp. 90 104; Gurdon 1994, pp. 105 114; Wai 1982, pp. 20 30. 39 MoFA ye etiyo sudan genegunet 3 teraz 2. Sudan MoFA to Embassy of Ethiopia: 11 April 1987; Andargachew Abegaz (Charge de Affairs, Khartoum) to African Directorate: Mahdi: 5 May sudan teqawami hayloch 1 teraz 4. Reports on the Escalating SPLA Offensive and and 7 May 1987 and 26 June 1987. 40 Reconciliation Offer : 27 September 1987. MoFA ye etiyo sudan genegunet 3 teraz 2. Telegram on the Intended Meeting: 22 September 1987; Reports on Kampala Talks between Mengistu and al Mahdi: 4 & 6 December 1987. 41 MoFA ye sudan teqawami hayloch 1 teraz 4. Telegram on th e Gambella Talks: 22 November 1987; Telegrams and Reports on the Battle of Kurmuk: 11, 13, 17, 19 & 21 December 1987. 42 MoFA IGADD 1 teraz 4. Joint Press Release on the Djibouti Talks: 22 March 1988; MoFA to Ethiopian Embassies: 24 March 1988. 43 MoFA ye sudan teqawami hayloch 2 teraz 5. Analysis Reports on the Harare Conference and the Mediation Efforts of Obasanjo and Deng: 25 March 1988. 44 Ibid Joint Statement: 20 August 1988. Akol 200 9, pp. 119 21. 45 Ibid Report on the Addis Ababa Meeti ng: 12 November 1988; Telegrams from Ethio Embassy (Khartoum) to MoFA: 14 & 15 November 1988; Ambassador Brig. Gen. Feleqe Tabor (Khartoum) to Berhanu Bayeh: 22, 23 & 25 November 1988; 22 December 1988. See also Akol 2009, pp. 128 124. 46 Ibid Alemayehu (MoFA) to Ambassador Feleqe (Khartoum): 9 December 1988; Ambassador Feleqe to Berhanu Bayeh: 9 December 1988; Alemayehu (MoFA) to Ambassador Feleqe (Khartoum): 11 December 1988; Ambassador Feleqe to Berhanu Bayeh: 27 December 1988. 47 Ibid Ambassador Feleqe to Berhanu Bayeh. Report on Talk with Al Mahdi: 13 January 1989. MoFA ye etiyo sudan genegunet 3 teraz 2. Report on Points Raised during Fadil al 89. 48 of Meddling in its party Politics: 4 February 1989; Ambassador Feleqe (Khartoum) to February 1989; MoFA to All Ethiopian Embassies: 9 and 10 February 1989. See Also Nyaba 1997. 49 Ibid On the June 1989 Addis Ababa Meeting: 19 June 1989. 50 Ibid On Feqre sudan genegunet 3 teraz 2. Mengistu to Bashir: 12 August 1989; Ambassador Feleqe (Khartoum) to Berhanu Bayeh. On His Talk with Al Bashir: 21 August 1989. MoFA ye sudan teqawami hayloch 2 teraz 94, pp. 76 89; Malwal 1990, pp 75 80; De Waal 2001, pp. 117 32; Lesch 1991, pp. 63 65. 51 MoFA ye sudan teqawami hayloch 2 teraz 7. Ambassador Feleqe to Berhanu Bayeh.

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52 | Yihun and 27 October 1989; Ambassador Feleqe to Berhanu Bayeh: 26 October 1989; Berhanu to Ministry of Defense: 27 October 1989. 52 Ibid, Telegrams from Khartoum Embassy to African Directorate: 4 and 10 November 1989 and 11, 12 & 13 November 1989; Telegrams on Nairobi Talks: 23 & 30 November and 2 and 7 December 1989. MoFA ye etiyo sudan genegunet 3 teraz 2. Ambassador Feleqe to Tesfaye Dinqa (Minister of Foreign Affairs). On His Talk With President Bashir: 20 December 1989. References Primary Sources: Ethio pian Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MoFA) On Sudan: Sudan 1 A; Sudan 23 D2, 24 D2, 26 D2, 27 D2, 28 D2, 29 D2, 31 D2, 34 D2, 36 D2, 38 D2, 42 D2, 45 D2; etiyo sudan wesen guday [Ethio Sudanese boundary affair] 1, ye etiyo sudan ye wesen guday 2, ye etiyo s udan ye wesen guday 3, ye etiyo sudan ye wesen sememenetoch [Ethio Sudanese internal agreement] 1; ye etiyo sudan genegunet [Ethio Sudanese relationship] 3; etiyo sudan 3; etiyo sudan ye ministroch sebseba [Ethio Sudanese ministerial meeting ] 1; ye sudan t eqawami hayloch [Sudan ese opposition power] 1, ye sudan teqawami hayloch 2; Ertra 68 D5; IGADD 1. Secondary Sources Akol, Lam. 2009. SPLM/SPLA: Inside an African Revolution Khartoum : Khartoum University Printing Press. Alier, Abel. 2003. Southern Sudan: Too Many Agreements Dishonored. Reading, UK: Ithac a Press. Badal, Raphael Koba. 1988. Benaiah Yongo Bure ( eds. ) Proceedings of the Conference on North South Relations si nce the Addis Ababa Agreement ( Khartoum : Institute of African and Asian Studies, University of Khartoum ) Voll ( ed. ) Sudan: State and Society in Crisis (Bloomington and India na polis: Indiana University Press ): 1 23 the War of the Nuba, Sudan. SAIS Review 21. 2 : 117 32 ( ed. ) Sudan: State and Society in Crisis (Bloomington and India na polis: Indiana University Press ): 24 42 Erlich, Haggai. 2010. Islam and Christianity in the Horn of Africa: Somalia, Ethiopia and Sudan. Boulder, CO : Lynne Rienner Publishers Inc. Field, Sha nnon. 2000. The Civil War in Sudan: the Role of the Oil Industry IGD Occasional P aper No. 23 Pretoria: International Global Dialogue Instiute.

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| 53 Gibia, Roba. 2008. John Garang and the Vision of New Sudan. Toronto: The Key Publishing House Inc. Gurdon, Char ( ed. ) Horn of Africa (London: UCL Press). Rahim et al, ( eds. ) Sudan Since Independence (Woodward, Dorset, UK: Gower Publishing Company Ltd. ): 122 39. Igga, Wani (Lt. Gen). 2008. Southern Sudan: Battles Fought and the Secrecy of Diplomacy. 2 nd Edition. Kampala: Roberts and Brothers General Printers. Johnson, Douglas H. 2009. The First Sudanese Civil War: Africans, Arabs, and Israelis in the Southern Sudan, 1955 1972. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. _______. 2003. Bloomington and India na polis: Indiana University Press. _____ Christopher Clapham ( ed. ) African Guer r illas ( Oxford: James Currey Ltd. ): 53 72. Lesch, Ann Mosely John O. Voll ( ed. ) Sudan: State and Society in Crisis (Bloomington and India na polis: Indiana University Press ): 43 70 Malok, Eliyah. 2009. The Southern Sudan: Struggle for Liberty. Nairobi, Kampala and Dar es Salaam: Kenway Publishers. In Charles Gurdon ( ed. ) Horn of Africa (London: UCL Press): 90 105. Jo urnal of Democracy 1 .2: 75 86. Journal of Modern African Studies 4 2 : 135 53 Africa Today 51. 1 : 65 82 Nyaba, Peter Adwok. 1997. Kampala: Fountain Publishers. 1958 1964: Implementation of the Programs of Islamization and Arabi zation in the Southern Northeast African Studies 9. 1 : 67 101 ________. 2009. The First Sudanese Civil War: Africans, Arabs, and Israelis in the Southern Sudan, 1955 1972. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Sudan and Its Impact on Ethiopia: the Case of Gambella, 1955 D d issertation, Addis Ababa University. Northeast African Studies 9. 1 : 103 26

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54 | Yihun Shimanyula, James Bandi. 2005. John Garang and the SPLA. Nairobi: Africawide Network Voll, John Obert and Sarah Potts Voll. 1985. The Sudan: Unity and Diversity in a Multicultural State. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. Wai, Dustan M. 1982 Africa Report March April: 20 26. ________. 1981. The African Arab Conflict in the Sudan. New York and London: Africana Publishing Company. Wakoson, Elias Nyamlell. 1990 Liberation Proceedings of the 4 th International Conference on the Horn of Africa ( New York : City College of CUNY and Teachers College of Columbia University) A Ne In Charles Gurdon ( ed. ) Horn of Africa (London: UCL Press): 76 89.

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University of Florida Board of Trustees, a public corporation of the State of Florida; permission is hereby granted for individuals to download articles for their own personal use. Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Florida. ISSN: 2152 2448 Prognosis of Land Title Formalization in Urban Ghana: The Myth and Reality of Awareness and Relevance KWASI GYAU BAFFOUR AWUAH and FELIX NIKOI HAMMOND Abstract: While land title formalization is still useful in sub Saharan Africa, Ghana like many other countries in the sub region continues to experience low rate of compliance with the legal title formalization requirement. This is in spite of over a century and half duration of i ts practices. Administrative inertia, complex title formalization procedures and the high cost of formalization are usually adduced for this low compliance rate. That notwithstanding, it is suggested that lack of awareness of the legal title formalization requirement and poor perception of relevance for formalization are additional major determinants. Yet the relationship between these factors and compliance with the requirement still begs empirical examination. This study examines the link between awarene ss of the requirement and relevance for formalization on one hand, and compliance with the requirement on the other. The primary aim is to establish the extent to which these independent variables determine compliance with the title formalization requireme nt. Data was collected from residential property owners in Kwabenya, a suburb of Accra, Ghana. The study established that awareness of the requirement and relevance for title formalization are not strong predictors of compliance with the requirement. It a lso found that low compliance with the requirement stems from the fact that the current title formalization system favors the highly educated formal sector employees who can manipulate the system. As such, it is recommended that the on going Land Administr ation Project should seek to review the system to make it effective and efficient, and ultimately receptive to all and sundry. Introduction Following the economic crises in the mid 1970s various alternatives to economic development have engaged the attention of national governments and international development agencies. For example, extensive interest has been shown in informal economic activities with huge volumes of literature on their appropriateness to economic development compared to orthodox models. 1 The role of land policy and management in development has also engaged the attention of national governments and international development agencies in the last two decades or more. 2 As such, they have in the course of this period instituted a num ber of initiatives in this regard. These include: Land Policy Report in 2003; the promulgation of European Union Guide Lines on Land

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56 | Baffour and Hammond Policy (2004) ; the FAO Agrarian Reform and Rural Development International Conference (ICARRD) o for International Development (DFID) Land Policy in 2007; the launch of Natural Resources Tenure Policy of the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency in 2007; an d passage of the new Global Land Policy of the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD) in 2008. 3 In sub Saharan Africa (SSA), a number of countries like Ghana, Uganda, Tanzania, and Niger, among others have also embarked on land tenure reforms under the auspices of the World Bank. 4 These initiatives have stemmed from the need for efficient use of land along with other factors of production to promote development as postulated long ago by economists suc h as Malthus (1798), Ricardo (1817), Ratcliff (1949), Alonso (1964), and Muth (1969). Additionally, there has been a need to address issues of land scarcity, land conflicts, excessive pressure on land caused by rapid urbaniz ation and land grabbing. 5 Given the foregoing imperatives, land tenure reforms over the years in the sub region have among other things sought to vigorously promote land title formalization as a means to secure titles, stimulate land markets and motivate investment. 6 To date title for malization in SSA is still very low. 7 This is generally attributed to high cost of title formalization and complex procedures for implementation of its processes. 8 However, in Ghana the literature further suggests that it has been partly determined by lack of awareness of the legal requirement for property owne rs to formaliz e their titles and poor perception of relevance for title formalization 9 Yet there has been little or no empirical work on the relationship between these factors and compliance with the requirement. This study employs empirical evidence from urban Ghana to examine the link between awareness of the legal title formalization requirement and relevance for formalization and compliance with the requirement. The primary aim is to establish t he extent to which these independent variables predict compliance with the requirement. The study uses residential property owners as a unit of analysis. It proceeds on the argument that though awareness of the legal title formalization requirement and rel evance for formalization are important they are not enough to promote title formalization in Ghana. The second section examines the basis for the promotion of land title formalization in SSA. The following s ection discusses title formalization in Ghana w hile the fourth outlines the research methodology. The fifth s ection 5 presents the study results and their discussion. The final section draws the conclusions of the study. Promotion of Title Formalization The Arguments Official registration including issuance of title certificates over tenure in housing and other land related assets is said to reduce poverty and promote economic development. 10 This 11 Howev er, following de Soto (2000) there has been a recent burgeoning interest in land title formalization particularly in developing economies such as those of SSA. 12 This interest in title formalization is premised on several assumptions and implied predictions Initially, it was argued that landholding systems in SSA, which were often termed not responsive to changing economic condition s as development unfolds. The changi ng economic condition was conceived as the need to sustain larger populations or make use of economic opportunities associated with trade. This required investment in land that

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Land Title Formalization in Urban Ghana | 57 cultivators were prepared to make only if they had secured land rights. 13 Connec ted to this was the need for smallholder farmers to have sufficient access to land and control over it. 14 It was explained further that one of the characteristics of landholding arrangements in SSA was the imposition of property rights by outside forces an d local over lords However, this arrangement tends to affect the nature of such rights. To the extent that the rationale was to gain surpluses from local smallholder populations or force independent smallholders into wage labor it prevented them from havi ng independent land rights. Consequently, landholding arrangement in the sub region was said to create disincentive for investment. Therefore, there was a need for change in tenure arrangements to provide incentives for investment particularly for farmers to permanently cultivate their lands and make conveyances. Title formalization was perceived to ensure security of tenure and provide an answer to the incentives question. 15 Following the abandonment of the initial thesis a new orthodoxy which somewhat re sonates with the old order emerged. This orthodoxy sometimes referred to as the evolutionary thesis contrary to earlier claims suggests that landholding systems in SSA are not static and inflexible. Rather, it is presumed that these traditional forms of land arrangements undergo transformation to modern landholding systems as dictated by market conditions. 16 This transformation is said to associate ultimately with assertion of more individualized rights in land by landholders as land values appreciate. Ho wever, they are not protected under the customary system. As such, disputes over land and huge cost of litigation arise resulting in production inefficiency Title formalization is seen to protect these emerging individualized land rights and put to rest c ostly litigation. Thus, title formalization provides incentive to invest in land, transfer of same and stimulate land market for improvement in production. 17 Beside this argument is the claim that title formalization enhances access to credit from financial institutions u sing titles as collateral to secure loans for several outcomes such as commencing a new business. 18 Theoretically, this title formalization thesis is inspired by property rig hts economics think ing populariz ed by economists such as Coase (1960), Demsetz (1967), Alchian and Demsetz (1973), North (1981), Barzel (1997) and more recently de Soto (2000). The underpinning tenets of this economic thinking suggest that the market as an institution fails a lack of clearly defined property rights and it s associated high transaction cost. Thus, a lack of well defined land and property rights hinders the efficient use of land and property. To advocates of this economic scholarship, there is a need to fix what is broken with the market to allow it to do the magic of ensuring development. 19 It is in this vein that de Soto (2000) suggests that the lack of systems of property rights and information on property, which have national application and are understood by outsiders, explains why non w estern economies have not benefited from capitalism. D e Soto reiterates further that these economies are sitting on dead capital and the answer to resurrecting such dead capital is formal title. Aside from this intuitive argument, there is empirical evidence in the developed capitalist economies to support the claim. For example, in the United States it is estimated that up to abou t 70 percent of the credit new businesses obtain results from using formal titles as collateral for mortgage. 20 Even in Asia and Latin America some evidence point s to a correlation between formal title and higher productivity. The famous study by Feder et al. (1988) in rural Thailand, for instance, established that farmers with formal titles are offered

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58 | Baffour and Hammond more institutional credit (50 percent 52 percent ), invested more in land, used more inputs and generated higher output. In SSA there have been mixe d suggestions and outcomes regarding the functions of title formalization It has been argued by some scholars that title formalization does not provide secur ity of tenure in the sub region but may instead create insecurity of title. Atwood (1990) notes th at indigenous land tenure systems in SSA by themselves offer some form of tenure security. However, the introduction of modern property rights regimes promoted by title formalization without recognizing traditional or informal land rights increase s the extent of rent seeking activities by outsiders. As such, members of an indigenous community comparatively are liable to fewer risks of losing their lands under an indigenous land tenure system than are outsiders while title formalization increases th e risks of these indigenes and reduces those of outsiders. Thus, title formalization could be an anathema. Platteau (1996) also observes that under indigenous land tenure systems, several distinct claims can co exist for the same parcel of land. However, the focus of title formalization on registration of exclusive individual rights can create uncertainties for people who depend on the indigenous system to protect their land claims. Additionally, Abdulai (2006) addressin g the question as to whether land title registration is an answer to insecure and uncertain property rights in SSA concluded that title formalization per se does not confer certain and secure land rights in the sub region. Some empirical studies also further question the functions title formalization is claimed to perform. Roth et al. (1993) established that only about 6.6 percent of 228 household s surveyed in a study of a pilot land registration scheme in Rukungiri District ( Uganda ) had acquired loans from commercial banks in the previous five years. Abdulai and Hammond (2010) in their study on Ghana also found that land registration is not a pre requisite in mortgage transactions, but rather a post requirement. Payne et al. (2008) also establishe d in both Senegal and South Africa that formal title does not ensure access to credit and has no effect on land transferability, government revenue and investment in land. Furthermore, Jacoby and Minten (2007) found similar results regarding access to cre dit by rice farmers and land transferability in Lac Alaotra Region of Madagascar. The foregoing notwithstanding, Payne et al. (2008) reported that though most of the residents in informal settlements already enjoyed de facto tenure security title f ormalization had positive impact on tenure security particularly for women. Also, the findings in Senegal established that tenure regularization impact s the improvement of prope rties. In the Dalifort neighbo rhood of Dakar it was found that 90 percent of d wellings of respondents were shacks built with non permanent materials prior to regularization in 2000. However, after regularization 48 percent of the houses were reconstructed with permanent building materials. This figure increased to 68 percent in 2007 albeit 70 percent of the respondents indicated they would have done the improvements even without formalized titles. In the same vein, Jacoby and Minten (2007) established that of the 1,700 household s surveyed 90 percent indicated that title form alization provides security against the risk of land expropriation. Besides, it marginally increases land values, productivity, and promotes investment. Again, in a study on economic impact of real estate policies in SSA, Hammond (2006) established a posit ive correlation between title formalization and land value appreciation in urban Ghana. Beyond that title formalization is a source of valuable land records, which can be used to reduce transaction cost in the property market and address land conflicts. 21 For example, Musembi (2007) observed that title formalization experience in e astern Kenya, which dwells on local practices to establish and record land ownership

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Land Title Formalization in Urban Ghana | 59 boundaries help in addressing land ownership conflicts. Thus, land ownership or title as a s ocial fact can be certain and secured through combination of practices such as formalization and attestation by community members especially adjoining land owners. 22 Given these discussions, it can be surmised that title formalization is still usefu l in the context of SSA particularly where program s to that effect are carefully designed and executed in an appropriate manner. Perhaps it is in the light of this that the World Bank (2006) submitted that title formalization has potential benefits. Yet t itle formalization in the sub region continues to be low despite over three decades of World Bank promotion of such policy under land tenure reforms. Available statistics show that title formalization in SSA is between 15 percent and 20 percent 23 With the exception of East and Southern Africa where title formalization is comparatively higher due to the long history of occupation of land by large commercial farmers, the situation is disappointing in other areas of the sub region. The rate of title formaliza tion in West Africa is, for example, estimated at 2 3 percent 24 This rather low title formalization rate is usually attributed to high cost of formalization complex procedures associated with its implementation and anticipation of not receiving th e desired benefits. 25 land administration system Jacoby and Minten (2007) further established that the marginal cost for formalizing a medium sized plot of land would have to fall by a fact or of six to make economic sense. Land Title Formalization in Ghana It is imperative as a starting point to state that land registration system in general can be categorized into two. These are deeds registration and land title registration systems. Perhaps the main difference with registration under the two systems is that while the deed system registers an instrument affecting land, title registration system registers actua l title (ownership) to land with state guarantee of indefeasible title. 26 The two systems operate in Ghana. According to Asiama (2008) formal land registration in Ghana dates back to 1843 when the country was then known as Gold Coast. This was based on English conveyance laws and practices though it is unclear where the early registered documents were kept. However, in 1883 the Land Registration Ordinance (No. 8) was passed by the then British c olonial g overnment to superintend the formal registratio n system. This was succeeded by the Land Registry Ordinance 1895 (Cap 133), which was also revised in 1951. All these legislations established deeds registration system. The rationale was to reduce land ownership disputes and ensure security of title. After independence, a Land Registry Act (Act 122) was promulgated in 1962 to replace Cap (133). Act (122) also prescribed a deed registration system. The Deeds Registry which had been established to register deeds was formally connected to the Lands D epartment. This was the main department for administration of land resources carved out from the Survey Department as Boundaries Section in the mid 1920s. The mechanics of land registration was such that applicants submitted their deeds prepared by a soli citor or a conveyance, at the Lands Department for plotting (recording) and stamp duty. Subsequently, they were sent to the Deeds Registry for registration. However, some land documents also some how found their way directly to the Deeds Registry for regis tration. In 1986, a compulsory land title registration system was introduced pursuant to the promulgation of Land Title Registration Law (Provisional National Defence Council Law

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60 | Baffour and Hammond (PNDCL 152)). This meant that the operation of the deeds registration system should automatically cease in declared title registration districts. The rationale for title registration was to address the inadequacies of Act (122) noted as its inability to grant certainty and security of title. 27 Currently, the title registrati on system operates in two regions of the country G reater Accra and Ashanti. What is noteworthy is that the Lands Department was extinguished in 1986 after a split of the Department into Lands Commission (LC) and Land Valuation Board (LVB) by virtue of PNDCL (42). A Land Title Registry (LTR) was also established in pursuance to PNDCL (152). However, the practices relating to deeds registration (at least up to the plotting stage) that w ere executed by the defunct Lands Department and taken o ver by the Lands Commission operated side by side with or served as a starting point to the title registration system in declared title registration areas. This practice continued until halted by a g overnment m inisterial d irective in 2006. Thus, registrati on under the deeds system required plotting at LC, noting of the transaction and payment of outstanding rent at the Office of the Administrator of Stool Lands (OASL) if it is a stool /skin land transaction, and stamp duty at LVB. 28 Apart from stool/skin l and transactions, which require concurrence or consent of the Lands Commission, a deed for title registration also requires stamp duty at LVB, cadastral or parcel plan from Survey Department and title search at the LC. In addition to this are the usual ad ministrative protocols at LTR. Despite over a century and half practice of land registration in Ghana, land registration is low. 29 In fact, land registration rate in the country is estimated at about 5 percent 30 The percentage (8 percent ) land regi stration rate in the country estimated by the World Bank, though comparatively higher, is still not encouraging. 31 Several studies on land policies and land administration in Ghana have one way or the other attributed this to dysfunctional land administrat ion system. 32 These studies identify factors such as: weak public land sector institutions; duplication of functions among these institutions and lack of logistics; and high cost of registration in terms of statutory fees, delays, travel time and co st, and extra out of pocket payment made towards facilitation of registration as part of the causes. The World Bank (2005) estimates that on average it takes 382 days for registration to be completed in Ghana with a cost of 4.1 percent of the value of the property. A more recent study by Hammond and Antwi (2010) also established that the social cost of land title regulative policies on 0.23 acre residential plot of land in Ghana is $US 5 320. Studies like Kuntu Mensah (2006) and Sittie (2006), and some anecdotal evidence have also suggested that lack of awareness of the legal requirement for land title formalization and poor perception of relevance for formalization are also major determinants of the low title formalization rate. It is in recogn ition of the foregoing and other land tenure related problems that the country adopted the land tenure reform program under the National Land Administration Project (LAP) in 2003. The land reform program has led to the merger of LC, LVB, LTR and the Survey Department into a new Lands Commission following the passage of the new Lands Commission Act 2008 (Act 767). These departments as per the dictates of Act (767) have been reconstituted as divisions under the new Commission. However, virtually nothing has c hanged with respect to the procedures for title formalization Of grave interest is that the link between awareness of the legal title formalization requirement and relevance for title formalization and compliance with the requirement to date has r eceived little or no empirical examination. T he whole land tenure reform taking

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Land Title Formalization in Urban Ghana | 61 place in the country is not predicated on empirical baseline studies. It is to this end of examining this relationship that the study is set. Research Methodology A quantitati ve research methodology was used with cross sectional survey strategy. Data for the study was collected between September and November 2011. Residential property owners were used as a unit of analysis. Given that Accra, the capital city together with its s urrounding areas referred to as the Greater Accra Metropolitan Area (GAMA) is the largest urban agglomeration in Ghana, it was purposively selected for the research. Within Accra, the research focused on Kwabenya, a community on the eastern fringes of th e city. The community is located within Ga East Municipality, one of the municipal/metropolitan areas that constitute GAMA. The others are Accra Metropolitan Area, Tema Metropolitan Area and Adentan, Ashaiman, Ga South, Ga West and Ledzokoku Municipal Are as. It is also abo ut 25km north east of Accra Central. Kwabenya was selected because it aptly mirrors the current urban growth and transition that is taking place in Accra, which has a direct wth and expansion is manifested by rapid development of residential properties m ainly two to four bedroom single stor y buildings on the fringes of the city majority of which are not covered by formalized titles. These developments, also a characteristic of most communities in Accra ( except prime government residential areas such as Airport and Cantonments ), are common in Kwabenya. The developments in the prime government residential area which are by far in the minority, are predominantly plush properties covered by some form of formalized titles. Developments in Kwabenya therefore mirror most developments in Accra and as such, the community passes the test as a case study for the research. The choice of Kwabenya was reinforced by the ready accessibilit y of requisite data in the community, time and resource constraints and the in depth knowledge of the researcher pertaining to the urban development processes in the area. For example, unlike accessing data on properties in areas developed long ago such d ata can comparatively be easily accessed in Kwabenya where developments occurred not long ago or are currently taking place. The data was obtained using questionnaire instruments. The total number of residential property owners residing in the community was not known. However, administration of the questionnaires was undertaken by face to face interview s and dwelt on insi ghts from systematic sampling procedure s Two research teams undertook t he administration of the questionnaires from two key points of the main Dome Kwabenya Brekuso Road, which divides Kwabenya A tomic and Abuom Junctions (see Figure 1). At these junctions each team was split into two and from their starting points each splinter group used branch roads along the main artery road as a guide to administer the questionnaire instruments. At a branch road, which usually has developments on both sides of the roa d, the first residential property of one side of the road was selected and the instrument administered upon the availability of the property owner. Subsequently, every third residential property was selected. In the event that an instrument could not be ad ministered (e.g., the owner was not available or the property was not owner occupie d) then the property became the reference point for the selection of the next property. This administration procedure continued until the end of the road after which propert ies on the other side were accessed backwards to the main artery road and then to the next branch road. The administration of the instruments

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62 | Baffour and Hammond continued until the two teams met at a common point. The questionnaires solicited er, educational level, occupation and awareness of the legal title formalization requirement. The remainder was their perception of relevance for title formalization and compliance status with the legal title formalization requirement. Drawing on Hammond (2006) title formalization was taken to mean registration of title at the LTR or plotting at the LC. To prevent confounding variables, properties in the indigenous part of the study area, which were known to have no formal titles, were excluded from the s urvey. Similarly, two gated communities (Kwabenya Housing Estate and Balloon Gate Estate developed by Regimanuel Gray Estate Limited, a private real estate company) covered by omnibus formal titles were excluded. Data Analysi s The data obtained was coded and entered in a computer. Subsequently, it was cleaned an d analyzed. Firstly, the analysi s examined the numerical tendencies of the responses obtained. Secondly, relationships were tracked between the independent and dependent variables using cross tabul ations. Finally, the strength of the independent variables in predicting compliance with the legal title formalization requirement was ascertained by means of binary logistic regression (the logit model see Appendix 1 for details). The logit model was us ed because the responses elicited from respondents were nominal and categorical. Therefore, it required a model fitting known as maximum likelihood since linear regression models usually give misleading outcome for such variables. 33 Though often used in th e field of medicine, logistic regression has also seen tremendous application in the field of social policy. 34 Winter and May (2001), for example, used it to analyze compliance with agro environmental regulation by Danish farmers while Boohene and Agyepong (2011) recently

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Land Title Formalization in Urban Ghana | 63 Figure 1. Sketch Plan o f Kwabenya Community Results and Discussions Background Characteristics of Respondents One hundred residential property owners were surveyed. This sample size was enough to undertake the required analysis and more so, under the circumstance where there was no Sixty n ine percent of the respondents were males and 31 percent females. This finding is not ownership estimated at about 1 percent and in SSA for that matter. 35 The r elative major ity of the respondents (34 percent ) had received a tertiary level of education while 2 percent had no formal education 4 percent a primary education 11 percent a junior secondary/elementary education 22 percent a post secondary education and 27 percent a s econdary/technical/vocational education

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64 | Baffour and Hammond Sixty percent of the respondents were enga ged in formal sector employment, and 40 percent were in informal sector employment. Again, 56 percent of the respondents were aware of the requirement to formali z e titles to their properties while 44 percent were un aware of such requirement. Moreover, an overwhelming number of the respondents (87 percent ) perceived title formalization as relevant compared to 13 percent who indicated that title formalization is ir r elevant. As to the question of why title formalization was perceived as relevant, 82.3 percent of the respondents who perceived formalization as relevant reported that title formalization assist ed in prevent ing future disputes over property ownership. This finding reinforces findings from the study by Jacoby and Minten (2007) for Madagascar which reported that 90 percent of respondents surveyed indicated that title formalization enhance d title security. More importantly the findings reaffirm the argument that security of title may also be enhanced through formalization 36 Conversely, it appears to beg the claim that title formalization i nsure s access to credit and leads to investment in land. Title Formalization Requirement It was established that 35 percent of the respondents had complied with the title formalization requirement compared to 65 percent who had no formal titles and were not even in the process of formalizing titles to their properties. The large number of respondents who had not compli ed with the requirement and the equally substantial variance (30 percent ) between non compl ia nt and compliant respondents appear to support the view that title formalization is low in Ghana. Besides, the finding questions the claim that title formalization promotes investment in land given that majority of the respondents (65 percent ) invested in their land without formal titles. What is even more compelling is that 91 percent of the 35 percent who had formal titles obtained them subsequent to construction of their properties. Tables 1 and 2 display the cross tabulation results on compliance with the title formalization requirement and the independent variables. Within the variable groups, more of the male respondents had received a tertiary level o f education, engaged in formal sector employment, were aware of the title formalization requirement and perceived formalization as relevant complied with the requirement. This is in comparison with their female counterparts who had obtained below tertiary level of education or without formal education, engaged in informal sector employment, were unaware of the title formalization requirement and perceived formalization as irrelevant respectively (Tables 1 and 2). The reverse of the above was the situatio n for non compliance with the requirement except for gender and perception of relevance for formalization Male respondents and those who perceived formalization as irrelevant within their variable categories instead constituted the larger proportions of t he non compliant respondents. Even so, expressed in terms of percentages more of the female respondents (74.2 percent as against 60.9 percent of the males ) and the respondents who perceived title formalization as irrelevant (100 percent as against 59.8 percent ) had no formal titles to their properties.

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Land Title Formalization in Urban Ghana | 65 Table 1: Cross Tabulation Results o n Gender, Educational Level, Occupation, and Compliance o f Title Formalization Gender Educational Level Occupation Male Female Total Tertiary Below Tertiary Total Formal Informal Total Compliance 27 (39.1%) 8 (25.8%) 35 18 (52.9%) 17 (25.8%) 35 30 (50%) 5 (12.5%) 35 % of Compliant Population 77.1 22.9 100 51.4 48.6 100 85.7 14.3 100 % of Surveyed Population 27 8 35 18 17 35 30 5 35 Non Compliance 42 (60.9%) 23 (74.2%) 65 16 (47.1%) 49 (74.2%) 65 30 (50%) 35 (87.5%) 65 % of Non Compliant Population 64.6 35.4 100 24.6 75.4 100 46.2 53.8 100 % of Surveyed Population 42 23 65 16 49 65 30 35 65 Total of Compliant & Non Compliant Populations 69 (100%) 31 (100%) 100 34 (100%) 66 (100%) 100 60 (100%) 40 (100%) 100 Source: Field survey (September November 2011) Again, within the variable groups the male, tertiary level educated, and formal sector employed constituted the larger proportions of the compliant respondents compared to their opposite counterparts. Such was the situation with respondents who were aware of the requirement and perceived formalization as relevant. Similarly, within their variable groups, the below tertiary level educated, informal sector employed, and those who were unaware of the title formalization requirement respondents constituted the larger proportions of the non compliant respondents. Conversely, the male and the respondents who perceived title formalization as relevant accounted for the larger percentages of the non compliant respondents within their variable groups (Table 1 and 2). Finally, 53 percent of the respondents were aware of the title formalization requirement and perceived formalization as relevant. Of this grouping, 50.9 percent had complied with the requirement compared to 49.1 percent who had not complied with it. The c ompliant respondents within this category constituted 77.1 percent of the compliant population while those who had not complied accounted for 40 percent of the non compliant respondents.

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66 | Baffour and Hammond Table 2: Cross Tabulation Results o n Awareness, Relevance, and Title Formalization Compliance Awareness Relevance Aware Unaware Total Relevant Not Relevant Total Compliance 27(48.2%) 8(27.2%) 35 35(40.2%) 0 35 % of Compliant Population 77.1 22.9 100 100 0 100 % of Surveyed Population 27 8 35 35 0 35 Non Compliance 29 (51.8%) 36 (81.8%) 65 52 (59.8%) 13 (100%) 65 % of Non Compliant Population 44.6 55.4 100 80 20 100 % of Surveyed Population 29 36 65 52 13 65 Total of Compliant & Non Compliant Populations 56 (100%) 44 (100%) 100 87 (100%) 13 (100%) 100 Source: Field survey (September November 2011) A number of possible reasons can be inferred for comparatively high compliance level among the respondents with a high level of education and who enga ged in formal sector employment who were aware of the requirement, and who perceived title formalization as relevant. First, title formalization is a formal sector activity. As such, people in formal sector employment are comparatively expected to be aware of the legal title formali zation requirement and ascertain its relevance all things being equal. Secondly, highly educated persons in formal sector employment usually occupy managerial and sensitive positions at their workplace and in the Ghanaian society in general. Therefore, such people may have influence and connections at title formalization institutions, which could have ensured facilitation of formalization of titles to their properties. Strength of Independent Variables as Correlates of Title Formalization T he logit model determined t he strength of the independent v ariables in predicting compliance with the title formalization requirement. Tables 3 and 4 give summary statistics of the model and its results respectively. The 2Log Likelihood of the model, which provides indication as to how accurate the model predicts compliance with a title formalization square, which determines this accuracy or potency of the model, is an analogue of the F test of the linear regression sum of squares was 24.32. The chi square figure w as also statistically significant at 5 percent ( X 2 =24.32, p=0.000 ). This means that the model predicts the outcome variable fairly well. The overall

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Land Title Formalization in Urban Ghana | 67 percentage prediction of the model was 69 percent indicating that the model classifie d 69 of the cases corr ectly. Table 3: Summary Statistics of t he Logit Model Items Statistics 2Log Likelihood 105.17 Cox and Snell R 2 0.22 Nagelkerke R 2 0.30 Over all percentage prediction 69.0 Model Chi square 24.32* (* for p<0.05) Source: Field survey (September November, 2011) From Table 4, property owners who had knowledge of the title formalization requirement were 2.01 times more likely to comply with the requirement while those who perceived title formalization as relevant were 3.86 more likely to comply w ith the requirement. However, both cases were not statistically significant at 5 percent This the title formalization requirement and formalization of titles to t heir properties such relationship is not more than what could have happened by chance. Therefore, property compliance with the title formalization requirement. The possible reason for this finding is the comparatively high level of non compliance with the requirement among the respondents who were aware of the requirement compared to those who were aware and complied with it (48.2 percent against 51.8 percent ). Similarly, per ception of title formalization as relevant per se is not a strong determinant of compliance with the requirement. This finding is also not strange given that 80 percent of the respondents who perceived title formalization as relevant had not complied with the requirement. In general, these findings controvert the literature, which suggest that awareness of the title formalization requirement and relevance for formalization are some of the major determinants of low title formalization rate in Ghana. Table 4 further shows that m ale property owners were 1.16 times more likely to comply with the requirement while property owners who had attained tertiary level of education were 1.02 times more likely to comply with it. Both results were also not statistically s ignificant at 5 percent This suggests that both factors are not strong predictors or determinants of compliance with the title formalization requirement. These findings may be attributed to the comparatively high level of non compliance with the requireme nt among these groups of respondents (60.9 percent as against 39.1 percent for male property owners and 47.1 percent as against 52.9 percent for tertiary educated respondents). Strikingly, formal sector employment had a strong positive association with co mpliance with the requirement. Formal sector employed property owners were 3.81 times more likely to comply with the formalization requirement. This result was statistically significant at 5 percent meaning formal sector employment is a strong predictor of compliance with the legal land title formalization requirement. The possible reason for this finding is the substantial number of property owners within this variable group who complied with the requirement (50 percent ), which also constituted 85.7 perce nt of the compliant population.

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68 | Baffour and Hammond Table 4: Summary Results of the Logit o f Compliance o f Title Formalization Requirement B S.E. Exp(B) 95.0% C.I. for EXP(B) Variables Lower Upper Male Property Owner .147 .550 1.16 .394 3.406 Tertiary Level Educated Property Owner .020 .548 1.02 .349 2.985 Property Owner engaged in formal sector employment 1.337 .675 3.81* 1.015 14.283 Property Owner Awareness of Formalization Requirement .699 .537 2.01 .702 5.766 Perception of Title Formalization as relevant 19.771 1.090E4 3.86 .000 Constant 21.699 1.090E4 .000 Statistical significance is between property owners who comply with Title Formalization Requirement and those who do not (* for p<0.05) Source: Field survey (September November, 2011) Conclusion Over the past three decades or more, there has been a vigorous promotion of land title formalization in SSA. The rationale is to ensure tenure security, stimulate the land market, enhance access to credit, motivate investment and reduce poverty, among others. Though some evidence, both theoretical and empirical, suggests that land title formalization per se in the sub Saharan r egion does not accomplish the above goals it is still useful. For example, it serves as a source of land records, which can help reduce transaction cost s in the property market and address land ownership conflicts. However, in Ghana and many other SSA countries land title formalization is very low despite the duration of over a century and a half of its practice in the country. While this is attributed to administrative inertia including complex formalization procedures and the high cost of formalization it is also suggested that a lack of awaren ess and poor perception of relevance for formalization are major determinants. This study examined the link between awareness of the legal title formalization requirement and relevance for formalization on one hand, and compliance with the requirement on the other in urban Ghana. Based on empirical evidence from Kwabenya, a suburb of Accra as the case study, the study found that awareness of title formalization requirement and relevance for formalization are not strong predictors of compliance with the leg al title formalization requirement. It further established that low compliance with the requirement stems from the fact that the existing land title formalization system favors the highly educated formal sector employees who for one reason or the other have what it takes to manipulate the system. This means that the current system serves only a small minority in society. Based on the forego ing, there is a need for the on going La nd Administration Project in the country to review the existing system to make it more effective and efficient, and ultimately receptive to all and sundry. In so doing, the project should not place too much emphasis on promoting awareness of the legal titl e formalization requirement and relevance

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Land Title Formalization in Urban Ghana | 69 of land title formalization Rather, attention should be focused on the fundamental issues identified in the literature such as weak public land title formalization agencies and the high cost of formalization due t o an excessive time lag for undertaking formalization activities and extra out of pocket payments at formalization agencies for facilitating these activities among others. It is therefore suggested that to ensure widespread land title formalization in both urban and rural Ghana, the project should ensure survey and mapping of the whole country. Land title formalization should also be decentraliz ed and formalization agencies strengthened in terms of human and material resources while streamlining their activ ities to eliminate duplication of functions. For example, the extensive use of modern technology to fast track processing of land title documentations by public land title formalization agencies should be promoted. Upon implementation of these measures, it is expected that the title formalization cost will be reduce d drastically through a reduction in time and extra out of pocket payments. Inconveniences associated with the procedures for undertaking formalization will also be reduced making it friendlier to undertake. This will then provide incentives for land and propert y owners to formaliz e their titles. Furthermore given that the fundamental issues that underlie the low land title formalization rate in Ghana are similar to most SSA countries, the recom mendations offered in the case of Ghana may be useful for these countries as well Appendix 1 : Details of the Logit Model Adopted for the Study The logit model as applied to this research was based on the idea that a property owner with a certain charact eristic complies with the title formalization requirement Therefore, the probability that a property owner with that characteristic complies with title formalization requirement can be written as: Equation 1 Where This can be written as: Equation 2 Where This means is the probability that a property owner will not comply with the title formalization requirement if he or she has the same characteristic. This can be written as: Equation 3 Where

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70 | Baffour and Hammond Since a linear equation model is unable to estimate the parameters in the ratio of the probability that a property owner complies with title formalization requirement to the probability that he or she will not comply with the title formalization requirement is used to achieve an estimate of the parameters in This is the odd ratio and is denoted as follows: Equation 4 Where The natural log of the odd ratio is the logit model and constitutes an estimate of and can be written as: Equation 5 Where The compliance with the title formalization requirement status of property owners was where there is compliance and otherwise resp ectively. This was subsequently dummied as Yes=1 and No=0. The independent va riables were also dummied as 1 and 2. That is, where property owners are aware of the title formalization requirement, it is noted as 1 otherwise 2. Similarly, if a property owner perceives title formalization as relevant it is dummied as 1 otherwise 2. T he other independent variables namely gender, education and occupation were added to the model. These additional variables were categorized as: gender; male =1, female=2; educati on; tertiary level of education =1, be low tertiary level of education =2; and occ upation; formal occupation = 1, informal occupation =2. Formal occupation was defined as white collar jobs while informal occupation was interpreted as blue collar jobs. Based on the foregoing, prediction of the dependent variable by the indepen dent variables was modeled as: Equation 6 Where is the condition that a property owner with a particular characteristic complies with the title formalization requirement; is the condition that a property owner with the same characteristic does not comply with the requirement; is the normal regression intercept; are the coefficients; are property owners; and is the stochastic error term. Therefore, based on the literature review, it was expected that awareness of the title formalization requirement and perception of title formalization as relevant will predict compliance with the requirement; title formalization Notes 1 See Diamond 1988; de Soto 1989; Meagher 1995; Heinonen 2008; Gnther and Launov

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Land Title Formalization in Urban Ghana | 71 2012. 2 See Whitehead and Tsikata 2003; Larbi et al. 2004; Borras Jnr. and Franco 2010. 3 Borras Jnr. and Franco 2010. 4 Yngstrom 2002; Whitehead and Tsikata 2003; Hammond 2006; Joireman 2008; Toulmin 2008. 5 Whitehead and Tsikata 2003; FMECD 2009. 6 Abdulai 2006; Jacoby and Minten 2007; Musembi 2007; Bromley 2008; Payne et al. 2008; Toulmin 2008; Abdulai and Hammond 2010. 7 See Fourie 1998; Toulmin, 2008. 8 See Deininger 2003; Hammond 2006; Toulmin 2008. 9 See GoG 1999, 2003; Kuntu Mensah 2006. 10 See Deininger 2003; Asiama 2008; Bromley 2008. 11 See World Bank 1989, 2003; Deininger and Binswanger 1999; Yngstrom 2002; Mus embi 2007. 12 Jacoby and Minten 2007; Asiama 2008; Bromley 2008; Toulmin, 2008. 13 World Bank 1989; Deininger 2003. 14 World Bank 1989; Deininger 2003; see also Yngstrom 2002; Platteau 1992. 15 World Bank 1989; Deininger 2003; Yngstrom 2002. 16 See Bruce and Migot Adholla 1994; Platteau 1996; Yngstrom 2002; World Bank 2003; Hammond 2006; Hammond and Antwi 2010. 17 World Bank 1989; Deininger 2003; see also Platteau 1996; Yngstrom 2002. 18 de Soto 2000; Deininger 2003; see also Bromley 2008; Abdul ai and Hammond 2010. 19 Joireman 2008. 20 d e Soto 2000. 21 Abdulai 2006; Abdulai and Hammond 2010. 22 Bromley 2008; Toulmin 2008. 23 Fourie 1998. 24 Toulmin 2008. 25 Atwood 1990; Jacoby and Minten 2007; Payne et al. 2008; Toulmin, 2008. 26 For detailed di scussions on deeds and land title registration systems see Simpson 1978; Larsson 1991 and Abdulai 2006. 27 See Memorandum of PNDCL 152. 28 Article 267(1) of es stool/skin land s as community lands that are e appropriate stool [the physical symbol of chiefly authority] on behalf of, and in trust for the subjects of the stool in accordance with customary law and usage 29 See Kuntu Mensah 2006. 30 The statistics on land title formalization was obtained from the records at Land Administration Project (LAP) Office in Accra, Ghana. 31 See Hammond and Abdulai 2011. 32 See Brobby 1991 Larbi 1994 Kasanga and Kotey 2001 Kuntu Mensah 2006, Sittie 2006 Asiama 2008, Arko Adjei 2011, and Ham mond and Abdulai 2011 33 Winship and Mare 1984; Mathews, 2005. 34 Field 2005

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72 | Baffour and Hammond 35 See Gray and Kevane 1999; Bugri 2008. 36 Toulmin 2008. References Abdulai, Raymond Talinbe Uncertain Property Rights in sub RICS Research Paper Series 6.6: 3 27. _____ and Felix Nikoi Property Management 28.4: 228 44. Alchian, Armen Journal of Economic History 33.1: 16 27. Alonso, William. 1 964. Location and Land Use Cambr idge: Harvard University Press. Arko Adjei, Anthony. 2011. Adapting Land Administration to the Institutional Framework of Customary Tenure: The Case of Peri Urban Ghana Amsterdam: Iso Press Inc. Asiama, Seth Opuni. 2008. a T he The Ghana Surveyor 1.1: 76 85. World Development 18.5: 659 71. Barzel, Yoram. 1997. Eco nomic Analysis of Property Rights: Political Economy of Institutions and Decisions New York: Cambridge University Press. Boohene, Rosemond and Gloria K.Q. Agyepong. Customer Loyalty of Telecommunication Industry in Gh ana: The Case of Vodafone International Business Research 4.1: 229 40. Borras Jnr., Saturnino M. and Jennifer C. Franco 2010 Contestations around Pro Journal of Agrarian Chan ge 10.1: 1 32. Brobby, Kofi Werreko. 1991. Improving Land Delivery System for Shelter Kumasi: University of Science and Technology, Ghana. Formalizing Property Relations in the Developing World: The Wrong Prescription for the Land Use Policy 26:20 27. Bruce, John and Migot Adholla, Shem E. (eds.) 1994. Searching for Land Tenure Security in Africa Iowa: Kendall Hunt Publishing Company. Study of North The Ghana Surveyor 1.1: 21 35. Journal of Law and Economics 3: 1 44. Deininger, Klaus. 2003. World Bank Land Policies for Growth and Poverty Reduction Washington D.C.: Worl d Bank. _____ and Hans Binswanger The World Bank Researcher Observer 14: 247 76.

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Land Title Formalization in Urban Ghana | 73 American Econo mic Review 57.2: 347 59. de Soto, Hernando. 1989. The Other Path New York: Harper and Row. _____ 2000. The Mystery of Capital: Why Capitalism Triumph s in the West and Fails Everywhere Else New York: Basic Books. Diamond, Larry (ed.) 1988. Democracy in Developing Countries Boulder C O : Lynne Rienner. Feder, Onchan, et al. 1988. Land Policies and Farm Productivity in Thailand Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press. Field, Andy. 2005. Discovering Statistics Using SPSS (2 nd ed.). London: Sage Publications. Urban Land Use Policy 15.1: 55 56. German Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (FMECD). 2009. nd and the Phenomenon of Land Grabbing. Challenges for Development http://www.bmz.de/en/publications/type_of_publication/strateg ies/strategiepapier2009.pdf Government of Ghana. 1992. The Fourth Republican Constitution of Ghana Accra: Ghana Publishing Corporation (Assembly Press). _____ 1999. National Land Policy Document Accra: Ghana Publishing Corporation. _____ 2003. Land Ad ministration Project Document Accra: Ministry of Lands, Forestry and Mines. Gray, Leslie and Michael Kevane and Land Tenure in Sub African Studies Review 42.2: 15 39. Gnther, Isabel a Journal of Development Economics 97.1: 88 98. Hammond, Felix Nikoi. Saharan Africa Urban Real Estate Policies Ph.D. diss ertation. University of Wolverhampton, UK. _____ and Raymond Talinbe Abdulai. 2011. The Costs of Land Registration in Ghana (Countries, Regional Studies, Trading Blocks, Unions, World Organisations). Hauppauge, NY : Nova Science Publishers. _____ and Adarkwa Yaw Antwi 2010. Economic Analysis of Sub Saharan Africa Real Estate Policies London: Palgrave Macmillan. Heinonen, Ulla. 2008. The Hidden Role of Informal Economy: Is Informal Insignificant for Water and Development Pu blications, Helsinki University of Technology, 4 September http//:www.tkk.fi/English/wr/research/global/myth/10_Heinonen_Informal_Myths of Mekong.pdf Jacoby, Hanan and Bart Minten Saharan Africa Cost Effective? Evidence fr The World Bank Economic Review 21.3: 461 85.

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74 | Baffour and Hammond Saharan Africa: World Development 36.7: 1233 1 246. Kasanga, Kasim and Nii Ashie Kot ey 2001. Land Management in Ghana: Building on Tradition and Modernity London: International Institute for Environment and Development. Kuntu Presented at 5 th FIG Regional Larbi, Wordsworth Odame University of Reading, UK. _____ Adarkwa Antwi, and Paul Olomolaiye Ghana Land Use Policy 21: 115 27. Larsson, Gerhard. 1991. Land Registration and Cadastral Systems Tools for Land Information and Manageme nt UK: Longman Group. http://www.esp.org/bo oks/malthus/population/malthus.pdf http://www.mmbstatistical.com Meagher, ation and the Urban Informal Sector in Sub Saharan Development and Change 26: 259 284. Third World Quarterly 28.8: 1457 478. Muth, Richard F. 1969. Cities and Housing Chicago: University of Chicago Press. North, Douglas C. 1981. Structure and Change in Economic History London: W.W. Norton and Company. Payne, Durand Lasserve et al. 2008. Social and Economic Impacts of Land Titling Programs in Urban and Peri Urban Areas: International Experience and Case Studies of Senegal and South Africa Final Report submitted to Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Government of Norway, Swedish International De velopment Agency (SIDA) and Global Land Tools Network, UN Habitat. Platteau, Jean Philippe. 1992. Land Reform and Structural Adjustment in Sub Saharan Africa: Controversies and Guidelines Rome: FAO. _____ as Applied to Sub Saharan Africa: A Development and Change 27.1: 29 86. Ratcliff, Richard U. 1949. Urban Land Economics New York: McGraw Hill Book Company. Ricardo, David. 1817. On the Principles of Political Economy and Taxation Canada: McMaster University.

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Land Title Formalization in Urban Ghana | 75 Roth, Cochrane et al. 1993. Tenure Security, Credit Use and Farm Investment in Rujumbura Pilot Land Registration Scheme, Rukungiri District, Uganda Ma dison: University of Wisconsin. Simpson, Rowton S. 1978. Land Law and Regist ration (Book 1). London: Surveyors Publication Sub Saharan Africa: The Land Use Policy 26: 10 19. Whitehead, Ann and Dzodzi Tsikata Sub Saharan Africa: The Implications of the Re Journal of Agraria n Change 3.1 2: 67 112. Winship, Christopher and Robert D. Mare 1984. Regression Models with Ordinal Variables London: Institute of Research on Poverty. Winter, Sren C. and Peter J. May Regulation Journal of Policy Analysis and Management 20.4: 67 5 98. World Bank. 1989. Sub Saharan Africa: From Crises to Sustainable Growth Washington DC: World Bank. _____ 2005. Doing Business in 2005, Removing Obstacles to Growth. Washington DC: Oxford Un iversity Press. _____ (World Development Report). 2006. Equity and Development Washington DC: World Bank. Beyond the Household in the Debate over Land Policy and Changing Te Oxford Development Studies 30.1: 21 40.

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University of Florida Board of Trustees, a public corporation of the State of Florida; permission is hereby granted for individuals to download articles for their own personal use. Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Flori da. ISSN: 2152 2448 Global Opening for Hungary : A New Beginning for Hungarian Africa Policy ? ISTV N TARR SY AND P TER MORENTH Abstract: Following the rotating Presidency of the Council of the European Union it held between January and June 2011, the Hungarian government introduced a new g As part of this strategic concept, Hungary intends to revit al ize linkages with countries of sub Saharan Africa with which it once had intensive relations in particular during the bipolar era. For the first time since the change of the political system in 1989, Africa related concepts also have been included in pl ans fostered by the government that has held office since 2010. As one of the very few scholarly articles addressing the issue of relations between Hungary and Africa, the present paper aims first of all to give an overview of historic ties S econd, it ana lyze s the current potential for Hungarian involvement in Africa, especially after the Budapest Africa Forum of June 2013, with a fuller insight into Hung arian South African relations as the most thriving framework of cooperation. Finally, it touches upon i ssues of a long term strategic Hungarian policy towards Africa. Introduction Hungary as a c entral European country with out a record of having colonized territory in the Global South but as a member of the European Union with an extended history of research across countries of the developing world formulated a global foreign policy strategy in 2011. While keeping a strong Euro Atlantic orientation at the heart of its diplomacy, the ernment ( led by the party Fidesz Hungarian Civic U nion since the 2010 elections ) declared its firm intention to intensify relations with countries and regions beyond the European continent This intent seems to be a first pragmatic step considering that after the change of the system in 1989 rst non communist government led by Prime Minister Jzsef Antall clearly set the foreign policy agenda: the country top priority was to integrate into the European and Atlantic organizations. Therefore, gaining full membership in the European Union (EU) and in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) represented the unanimous aspirations, as well as the related tasks. In addition, major attention was paid to the bigger Hungarian diaspora community in the Carpathian Basin and beyond (in a non revision ist but undoubt edly cultural nationalist way). 1 A third pillar of Hungarian foreign policy and a high priority has been improving relations with neighboring countries, in particular with Slovakia and Romania where large Hungarian speaking populations ha v e

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78 | Trrsy and Morenth been living for a long time, together with strengthening good neighbor relations with all the countries sharing borders with Hungary. In the official approach not much was talked about the rest of the world, including mention of the African continent. Fur thermore, as far as Africa was concerned, one thing was for certain : not to continue supporting countries from the con tinent, which had been on friendship localized foreign policy was beginning to em erge, which did not really mention the significance of a more globally involved national participation In 2010, however, the second Orbn government established an individual deputy state secretariat for global affairs within the Ministry for Foreign Affa irs. The concept of has unquestionably gained momentum since 2010 2 A previous government led by Ferenc Gyurcsny of the Hungarian Socialist Party however and the 3 Th is article has four main aims. It first intends to offer an overview of earlier Hungarian Africanists, their and their significance for present day foreign policy aspirations. Second, Soviet bloc era linkages and their implications will be discussed to provide a better understanding of the political heritage of the bipolar era. Third, the article will look at what has happened since the change of the system, which, then, in 2011 resulted in an expanded foreign policy that includes Africa. In particular, i t will provide a detailed discussion of Hungarian South African bilateral relations because the Republic market outside Europe after the United States, China and the Arab Emirates. Finally, it will critically examine whether or not all the efforts the government has made so far can present a real hope for a (new) Africa policy for the country. In the Footsteps of M ajor Hungarian Africanists : The Revival of Past Achievements and the Launch of New Types o f Cooperation S everal Hungarians (or people of Hungarian descent) are known for their contribution to the global corpus on African studies, which in fact resulted in a wider and better understanding on the flora, fauna and peoples of different parts of the continent. S ome of them left a legacy revisited, as we will see in the case of some fieldwork and expeditions in the recent decade. Emil Torday (1875 1931) was among the few H ungarians with a significant international reputation He first moved to Belgian Congo in 1900 as a bank clerk and spent four years there devoting substantial time to study ing the local cultures and to collect cultural objects. When he returned to Congo h e was working for the British Museum and continued visiting different ethnic groups and collecting thousands of objects and photos, which was relatively easy for him as he spoke fifteen languages, among them eight African. 4 Torday was a l eading scholar of the Congo River B asin His scholarly stature is due to his ex tensive work among the Bushongo in the capital of the Kuba Kingdom and among the Bangongo on the east side of th at kingdom. 5 His works included sixty articles nine books, and more than three thousand material objects and photos, all of which were featured in a 1990 British Museum exhibit en title d 1909 6 Torday and his fundamental work in the Congo have been experiencing a revival in Hungarian public dialogue thanks to the efforts of young Hungarian Africanists and the African Hungarian Union (AHU) Their efforts led to financing major chunks of the 2009

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Hungarian Africa Policy | 79 expedition of the centenary 7 The younger generation of Africanists in Hungary tries to draw on the works of the ir predecessors and by revitalizing the legacy to get closer again to Africa and to the mainstream of international scholarly research. Another major representative of Hungarian involv ement with Africa was Lszl Magyar (1818 1864), who was originally trained as a naval officer who then became intrigued with Africa and lived for seventeen years in Angola He made important contributions to the study of the geography and ethnography of equatorial Africa. 8 He was the first European to travel through and describe some southern African areas namely the borderland of present day Angola and the Democratic Republic of Congo (1850 1851) and in southeastern Angola (1852 1854) at the divide of the Zambezi and Congo basins. 9 not only explore one area, but also described the life of the people living there. He r 10 His legacy also stimulated renewed interest in this part of the A frican continent. In June 2012 two young Hungarian as they stated it discover Angola month, 7,000 kilometre long journey was to commemorate the great Hungarian traveller promote Angolan tourism and develop Angolan Hungarian bilateral relations. 11 It was well received on the Angolan side, too, and helped raise awareness ab out the potentials of a reconfirmed co operation between the two countries. Angola has an emb assy in Hungary, and the first resident Angolan ambassador to Hungary also wanted to use the expedition to develop economic co operation. 12 Count Smuel Teleki (1845 1916) and his expeditions across East African regions during the late 1880s in particular into the Rift Valley, and was the first European together with his travel mate Ludwig von Hhnel to set foot on Mount Kenya or to reach Lake Turkana, meeting with various Maasai and the Kikuyu entities in the process This constituted yet another major Hun garian individual presence in Africa. Others on a relatively long list would includ e influential figures such as Gbor Pcsvrady, Mric Benyovszky, Anne Baker alias Flra Sass, Aurl Trk, Istvn Czmermann to Ferenc Hopp, and Lszl Almsy t o name a f ew. 13 that encouraged a group of scholars (geographers, ethnographers, geologists, philologists, and economists) to pay tribute to his decisive works while following the routes he had taken in 1887 1888 thus contributing to widening the knowledge about Africa as seen from Hungary. The Hungarian Scientific Africa Expedition of 1987 1988 then offered a solid ground for researchers at Etvs Lornd University in Budapest (ELTE) to la unch an Africa Studies Program. 14 Bantu philologist Gza Fssi Nagy (1946 2008) gradually became the engine behind the scenes until his sudden death in 2008 at the age of sixty expected Hungarian research center or other kind of academic program, even institution on Africa as did some of his predecessors, especially Endre Sk, influential [and rather controversial] Africanist of Hungary [whose] greatest mistake was that he failed to established his own 15 Gza Fssi Nagy did several study and research tours to East, Cdntral and West Africa, and as a linguist anthropologist he translated many local ethnic tales, collected stories, and after his visiting professorship at t he University of Dar es Salaam during 1986 87, wrote the first Hungarian Swahili grammar book and compiled the first Hungarian Swahili dictionary. He always devoted himself to t o his colleag ues. 16 At present, the Africa Studies Program at ELTE itself has ceased to exist, while

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80 | Trrsy and Morenth the Hungarian Accreditation Board has been accredited Studies which still awaits its official launch in the course of 2014 In the meantime another group of young Africanists started establishing their base at oldest university (dating from 1367 ) the University of Pcs. In cooperation with Publikon Publishers they found ed the second Hungarian scientific journal on Af rican Studies Afrika Tanulmnyok (African Studies), which is in its seventh volume in 2013 and provides a national forum for African issues four times a year. 17 Pcs has also established an Africa Research Center at its Humanities School 18 It is an interdisciplinary unit with the potential to launch BA degree p rogram in International Studies The program has been launched but does not yet have a specialization in African Studies. T he center in the meantime organized its second international Africa conference in June 2012 with the participation of scholars from the Visegrad region (Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary) and beyond. The rica Old Friends, New Partnerships and Perspectives Central and Eastern Europe and Russia along with with Africanists from Western Europe. 19 Pcs clearly wishes to foster and therefore to partic ipate actively in a new type of regional networking among Africanists. One set of the results is manifested in the first ever Central European African Studies Network (CEASN) with its permanent seat at the West Bohemian University in Plzen and two other fo unding institutions from Cracow and Pcs. The network will hold its first international conference in May 2014. Another output of this initial networking is the formulation of the potential involvement of research centers in think tank activities that amon g other activities provides advice for the respective ministries of foreign affairs of the Visegrad countries. The Pcs center was able new Hungarian Africa concept. 20 The cent er cooperated with NGOs and played an active rol e in compiling some fundamental strategic recommendations for the Hungarian government. It held workshops and conferences ( two in the fall 2010, first in Pcs and then in collaboration with the Hungarian Institute of International Affairs in Budapest, and a third one in spring 2011 again in Budapest ) which were followed by some additional meetings coordinated by the Ministry for Foreign Affairs. The government subsequently channeled the contributions of these scholarly exchanges in to its foreign policy str ategy document acknowledging that the existence of academic Africa programs are important for the re designe d African engagement of Hungary and maps. 21 Is Africa B ack on Hungarian M aps? As member of the Soviet bloc until 1989 partnerships with then third world countries along ideological lines determined by Moscow. Attention needs to be drawn here to the practice that did not offer the newly independe nt African countries much in real support beyond rhetoric. 22 Hungary later on programmed an ai d policy in its five year plans and drew the circle of target countries. In 1962 an operative unit under the name Tesco ( International Technical and Scientific Coo peration and Trading Office ) was set up with the aim of managing bilateral intergovernment al technical agreements, receiving students holding state scholarships, send ing national experts abroad as part of technical assistance, and organiz ing aid activities in the fields of education, healthcare, agriculture and water management. 23

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Hungarian Africa Policy | 81 After the democratic transformation in 1989 1990 Hun gary practically withdrew from sub Saharan Africa (among many other parts of the increasingly global world) and focused on its new concerns with European and t rans Atlantic integration. This seemed an obvious rope and became the country top foreign affairs priority. Nowadays it is mostly the civil organizations that give substance to the relation with Africa instead of the official presence of the state. NGOs working with African issues in differe nt parts o f the continent (e.g., the African Hungarian Union, the Foundation for Africa and the Taita Foundation) try to fill the void left by Hungarian foreign policy. An example is the humanitarian involvement of the Foundation for Africa in Kinshasa, Congo Its long term humanitarian education focused project C ollege Othniel and a recently acquired orphanage, provides schooling and vocational training for about five hundred children of poor families. 24 n inevitable turning point in its international relations. While joining the commun ity of fellow member states in playing the game of the European Union the country has been trying to pursue its interests in the most effective way possible. In addition t o its pursuit of a national interest based foreign policy, the country must endorse the Whole of the Union approach to a common development policy. Although harmonization is still difficult among all its members, the EU cannot do anything else but foster its presence in the international arena as global actor. and who [was itself a arrived at a historic moment. 25 D ue to the Joint Africa EU s trategy (JAES) adopted at the second Africa EU Summit in Lisbon in December 2007 a new scope of involvement with Africa became olicy at hand: a network of connections, well defined interests, clear goals, ideas on development policy, and based on all these, firm Bokor, Chief Coordinator of the Buda pest Africa Forum. 26 international in this case pointedly African relationships. Hungary has the chance to participate more intensively in the C as since January 1, 2010 Hungary has had This means that the country can and is expected to play an active role in EDF programs. This is also an alternative opportunity for Hungarian enterprises to di versify beyond the European markets. For some Hungarian companies, the sub Saharan region can be a take off point to boost Hungarian ideas regarding economic development. The region offers a new market and an investment target for large, small and medium s ize Hungarian enterprises. For example, a n entrepreneur might prosper i n some East African countries selling ( under a revitalized brand name ) Hungarian Hajdu washing machines with a rotating disc, a very popular household item across the Eastern Bloc durin g Soviet times. T here has been a boost in Hungarian economic activism in other parts of sub Saharan Africa s ince April 2013 The Hungarian Trade and Cultural Center s (HTCC) in Accra and Kampala were created for interested businessmen, investors and entrepreneurs from Hungary in hope of launching business projects all across the region. 27 Parallel to developing foreign markets and increasing Hungarian expor ts sub Saharan cooperation can signify multilateral political successes for Hungary g over nment This bids several new economic possibilities that would not be feasible i n the Asian or European markets. One good example

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82 | Trrsy and Morenth is the Economic Cooperation Agreement with the Republic of South Africa (RSA) signed on 26 November 2009. A lmost 50 percent of n export s are with the RSA Hunga A mong all of Hungarian sub Saharan relations hips the South African partnership is the most extensive up to the present day. The Hungarian South African bilateral conte xt will be discussed more fully later in the paper. As Gyrgy Suha, President of the Honorary Consular Corps Accredited in the Republic of Hungary noted sub Saharan involvement in Africa was still confined to passively support or even contemplate from a distance the Africa policy determined by the former colonial states across Africa. At the same time political and economic relations with North African states show an explicitly developing 28 This statement has chronological importance, for although Hungary joined the EU in 2004, as of 2007 there was only a passive government approach to Africa. The shift to a more active approach started in 2010, when governmental ideas regarding Africa slightly shifted towards a positive direction S everal events and exchanges of ideas furnished the necessary background. This can be explained by the fact that Africa has become a central target for the ng the EU ACP partnership and international development cooperation. Hungary has several direct serious security policy and geopolitical concerns and interests, for instance, with migration, peacekeeping and NATO commitments. Events of the Arab Spring and the revolution in Libya proved how successfully such a c entral European state (i.e. Hungary) can act on behalf of the entire C ommunity by keeping its embassy working as the key diplomatic mission in Tripoli during the conflict. Maja Kociancic, spokesperso n for EU foreign policy chief Catherine Ashton said at a press conference that the Hungarian embassy was the only diplomatic mission of an EU country still open in Tripoli and still providing official information during the conflict. 29 In economic terms Hungary is not present on the African continent and above all not in the sub Saharan region to the extent it was in the decades preceding the political transformation out of the Soviet bloc. With the lack of active governmental activity at the moment it i s often that the Hungarian African relationship is divided between alleged or real representatives of particular individual, economic and civil interests. Taking into account the geopolitical reality of a country in c entral Europe, the government of Hunga ry acknowledges that any Hungarian strategy should encourage territorial attitude to prevail. After having looked at Hungary Africa relations on a national basis, one should also look at them in the regional context of the Visegrad Group of countries as a further way of gauging the potential for a fuller engagement with Africa. It is not new for the Visegrad Group to play a role in African development because under communism all of these countries provided substantial support to African states under the clo ak of solidarity and ideology. In the course of political transformations these relationships were immediately curtailed and they often precipitated setbacks, which have even caused long term disadvantages for grad country. What we see today is the reduction of the ir diplomatic presence and the lack of promoting other kinds of presence. There is a perceptibly increasing rhetorical tendency to speak of the commitment of the countries of the region to aim at reali zing the Millennium Development Goals of the United Nations and reducing poverty in general terms across ies both in intensifying bilateral ties and contributing to the international agenda within the United Nations. As a member of the European Union Hungary has taken part in European policies and schemes, but each member state can foster its own external affairs aspirations in

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Hungarian Africa Policy | 83 bilateral terms. This is what has been reduced to a minim um since the change of the political system in 1989. frica we recognize a completely different picture: the question of Africa has been marginal, and there does not seem to be a serious chance for it to be come a priority in the near future. 30 The scope of diplomatic presence varies in the Visegrad group: Poland maintains five embassies (Angola, Ethiopia, Kenya, Nigeria, and South Africa), the Czech Republic seven (Ethiopia, Ghana Kenya, Congo, Nigeria, South Africa, and Zimbabwe), Slovakia four (Ethiopia, Kenya, Nigeria, and South Africa), and Hungary only two (Kenya and South Africa) 31 I t is beyond doubt that re establishing diplomatic posts will not be enough to spur more Hungarian official interest; some political or economic incentives are needed to get more involved in Africa. Economic activities from the private sector can offer good ground for a new phase of building relations. In a geopolitically changing transnationa l world the mutual political trust of the past regimes does not have much significance. New channels of collaboration can be formed on the ground of economic activities, first and foremost, and Hungary has the potential to re formulate its past image as an exporter of technolog ies, in particular in the fields of agriculture, water purification and management, and cartography. 32 In addition, as Suha colonial power and the good experience of Africans with former Hungarian products s uch as the Ikarus buses or the already mentioned Hajdu washing machines, and even the Elzett locks and Globus meat cans h old extra credits for fostering and refining relations. 33 Up until 1935 Ganz and Company of Budapest built several streamline d d iesel rail cars for the Egyptian State Railways, which carried passengers between Cairo and Suez. 34 From the MV M40 series (nicknamed as Humpback) built between 1966 70 thirty were sold to Egypt 35 Still today many people refer to the older type of rail cars as magari which in Hungarian also indicating a nostalgic feeling and sense of reliability. 36 Since 2010 some diplomatic developments have occurred and others have been promised b y the government (for instance, opening and/or re opening embassies in West Africa and at the headquarters of the African Union in Addis Ababa), but so far there is limited coherent thinking about where to foster what type of presence, and for what reasons T with quite different tones. First of all, we can Africa policy as it is s till in the making and not yet Hungarian involvement in Africa A lthough the Ministry for Foreign Affairs has published its document on Hungarian foreign policy after the Hungarian EU Presidency, which contains sections on Africa, it is still a foreign policy approach, not a coherent government policy about the continent and related Hungarian presence I n the last couple of years Hungarian economic figures worsened undoubtedly partly due to the g lobal fin ancial turmoil and the ongoing e uro crisis resulting in a more u nstable environment, for instance, in terms of foreign investments. Therefore, other c entral and e astern European c ountries (CEECs) seem to be more competitive than Hungary in a number of ways, including making themselves attractive for African partnerships. Today, other c entral Europe an countries might seem to offer better solutions and frameworks for colla boration wi th African entities compared with Hungary. Second, Hungary is advised to learn from its past achievements on the continent,

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84 | Trrsy and Morenth development. But the major task is to define what i t wishes to engage with as far as African cooperation is concerned. As mentioned in the introduction, the first government since the change of the system in 1989 1990 role in the global arena is the current one, which is rather an inevitable step as long as the world is concerned. Third, Hungarian civil organizations ( b oth NGOs and NGDOs ) active in Africa agree t hat the country needs to learn more about Africa and African ways of thinking about their needs a nd aspirations for cooperation. 37 approach, which rests upon the activism of civil society and the business community, is an appropriate one for a successful Hungarian involvement in the long run. Building B ridges : Africans in Hungary To be able to understand more of African everyday life, Africa and the Africans themselves need to be part of public discourse. This can be supported by those African immigrants who f or various reasons cho se Hungary as their second home and settled in the country. F or almost ten years, African immigrants have been seen among Hungarian intellectuals as potential b ridges between Hungary and African states. Setting up a database of the Africans who earned their university degree in Hungary during the 1970s and 1980s has been defined as a central task for any government wishing to foster African relations. So far, no such database exists. During the course of 2011 the Pcs based think tank ID Research realized a Fund, conducting a survey about the legal African communities in Hungar y. 38 The project ha d its fourth phase between March and July 2013 with a special summer school designed for university students aiming at meeting with African migrants (and others of other cultural and ethnic backgrounds) in Budapest. These legal African mi grants are active in the cultural and NGO sectors as well as tak ing part in humanitarian and philanthropic activities for instance, try ing to collect money and in kind support for schools and orphanages in different African countries (mostly their countrie s of origin). Most of them arrived in Hungary as students with state scholarships during the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s, married Hungarians, and established their families in Hungary T heir children refer to white coffee half blood. few in number (less than 3,000 in a total population of about ten million), their partial Hungarian identity and commitment toward their new home country serves as a good ground for fostering bilateral ties between H thousands of African professionals who graduated from Hungarian universities in the 1970s Budapest Africa Forum. 39 According t o the data of the last two years published by the Central Statistics Authority the number of the African immigrants to Hungary has considerably increased. The number of African citizens having a permit to stay or establish themselves in Hungary reached 2,5 13 persons on January 1, 2010, showing an increase of. 26 percent compared to 2009 (1 998 persons according to the then statistics) ; 1,080 persons, 43 percent of the African migra nts, came to Hungary from North African countries. As for the regions south o f the Sahara 739 persons migrated from Nigeria to Hungary this is more than half (51.6 percent) of the entire sub Saharan migrant community. In 2011 the total number increased to 2,779 acco rding to the latest census from 40

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Hungarian Africa Policy | 85 Tendencies show that t he majority of the immigrants ca me to Hungary with the which does not mean settling down definitively, but results in a stay for a long time, which also supposes get language and/or feel comfortable in other domains, compare the possibilities of his actual and earlier domicile, it increases the intention to definitively migrate and the person might 41 From this point of view a clear governmental concept, intention and strategy is even more necessary person about to settle, along with the interests of the receptive nation. Foste ring such bilateral links is crucial for policy making, as bilateral links in general or targeted to specific countries are in line with other policy and business goals and objectives. These days one of the most heated debates in the European institutions is the issue of migrant communities, the diaspora and their active contributions to economic development of the rece iving countries, in particular where migrant entrepreneurs are concerned. In Hungary the debate is not yet heated, but the issue has been p ut on the political agenda. A future Hungar ian Africa policy can surely utilize these diaspora related ties. Hungary Africa Relations: Tasks, O bligations and P ossibilities T his section turn s attention to Hungary Africa relations from the Soviet Bloc per iod onward, discussing some important moments during the political regime change at the end of the 1980s. Today, Hungary as a donor country gives money to international organizations as well as for humanitarian purposes. The European Union and the Organiza tion for Economic Cooperati on and Development (OECD) then disburse this money to states in need in Africa, Asia and the Caribbean (ACP countries). H ungary also needs to align it self with regime 42 B etween 2008 and 2013 Hungary has contributed 125 million Euros to the 10 th Development Program of the European Development Fund, with the expect ation that a considerable part of this amount would go to Africa. All this is not only important from the aid point of view T hanks to this program Hungarian civil associations have opportunities to participate in EU projects in Africa, the Caribbean and Pacific regions. However, as members of the roundtable debates held in Pcs and Budapest between Sept ember 2010 and June 2011 pointed out, the and civil organizations actually apply for ACP EU programs that joining the EU. 43 Participation in ind ustry related developments relevant to Hungarian engineering skills and expertise is an option for Hungarian associations. It has potential today, though after the political transformation Hungarian missions in Angola and Mozambique were closed, and the in tensity of bilateral relations has decreased accordingly, which makes it hard to encourage participation. In the last few years, however, Angolan Hungarian relations have developed, and the aforementioned Magyar expedition could also contribute to further expansion. According to the first Angolan ambassador to Hungary, Joo Miguel Vahekeni, areas of interest [in 2010] were civil engineering, railway, energy, agriculture, and air iture built ties with Angolan counterparts in the course of 2010. 44 All these efforts are also supported by the Angolan Hungarian Economic Association established in Hungary.

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86 | Trrsy and Morenth International aid programs are coordinated in the Department for International Development Cooperation of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, established in November 2002. According to the ministry, OECD and EU conform ing donor activities began in 2003. Quite independently, there were international development and support programs earlier, which were not handled uniformly, and for which Hungary spent between USD 17.8 million to USD de velopme nt funds, including Asia, South America and Africa, amounted to only (about USD 391,000 As noted earlier, before the political transformation Hungary used to take a considerable share of Soviet Bloc development cooperation, providing technical pro fessional support mainly through the Hungarian Tesco C ompany. By the 1980s it was present (therefore, Hungary was present) in fifty seven third world countries. This is also an asset in terms of redefining potential future co operation. Thanks to active ci vil organizations and individual initiatives, Africa is on th e way to be (positively) ree valu at ed in the coming years, mention ing i.e. the latest worldwide trend in which the leading Asian powers (China, Japan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia) as well as Russia Brazil, and other emerging economies ( e.g., Turkey) have become the most serious challengers of the EU and the USA First and foremost, this is a race for natural resources, the ir locations, and the exploitation rights of raw materials. Comparing investment portfolios it leaps to attention that while, for example, China participates in African development and investment in a much more diversified way and in several different regions, Europe keeps speculating on investments in connection with the natural resources In the course of investigating a potential and viable Hungarian Africa policy in the making, there is yet another dimension to examine : educating society about Africa. It seems a prerequisite to speak more sensibl y and with out bias about Africa to Hungarian society at l understanding of Africa Presidency of the European Council of the EU NGOs the umbrella organization HAND ( Hungarian Association of NGOs for Development and Humanitarian Aid ) compiled a package of strategic recommendations for reconsider ing and reshaping Hungarian foreign political and economic st rategy and development policy and to, lay the foundation of an e ffective and proactive Hungarian contributi on to the EU Development Policy. 45 For t he first time since the change of the system these recommendations were channeled into a new government approach, which includes a separate chapter on African relations. 46 Th e and security policy, as well as the EU programs for cooperation and humanitarian aid. Hungary can only participate actively and take initiatives in these, however, if we have our Africa policy at hand: a network of connections, well defined interests, clear goals, ideas on development policy, and based on all these, firm positions that we can harmonize 47 This constitutes a substantive basis for an emerging view that Hungary is indeed increasing attention on Africa. African issue is not merely a foreign relations or a foreign economic question but rather a complex government mission for Hungary. In the las t few years among other instances the 2004 Africa Conference held in Budapest the idea originally formulated by former State Secretary of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs Lszl Vrkonyi has been repeated objectives and interests concerning the

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Hungarian Africa Policy | 87 African continent and give new perspectives to our endeavors. We have to situate Africa in should point out why a relative ly small Central European country with practically no colonial background needs an Africa 48 At the same time Hungary cannot isolate itself from the problems of the sub Saharan region. For the economic and political refugees streaming from this region, Hungary is about to gradually become a target country instead of a transit country. Parts of Africa have faced continued crise s for several years and are not exempt from pr oblems with international impact. Organized crime, international terrorism, AIDS, etc ., all reach Hungary too. To reduce poverty and create political stability is in is also a moral obligation. A 200 7 document of the former African Research Unit of the Hungarian Geopolitical Council highlighted four areas were as important items to be considered wh en drawing up a national Africa policy: a id programs linked to econ omic activities (investment); c lose work ing relationship s with the scientific professi onal network of the country; m aintaining constant contact with voluntary and civil organizations; and l aunching social awareness programs. 49 The current strategic app roach i n foreign affairs builds upon these an d states including food aid, along with agricultural, environmental, water management and health issues, and to assess the needs for sharing [Hungarian] experie nces related to democratic transition, if possible, in connection with involvement in relevant international projects. 50 While opening windows to various parts of the world as part of a global approach (in Hunga rian globlis nyits ), the Ministry of Foreig n Affairs offers some examples of Hungarian African co operation to be considered for repositioning itself South Africa seems to be the best example from a number of angles. Twenty Years o f Diplomatic Relations: South Africa a nd Hungary Hungary and South Africa have had diplomatic relations for more than twenty years. 51 most important commercial partner in Africa is the Republic of South Africa. 52 It is not surprising therefore that as part of the new strategy backed by the Hungarian Mi nistry for Foreign Affairs the position of Ec onomic and Commercial Counselor at the Embassy of of 2012 points to a stable increase in trade with a gradually diverg ing interest in bilateral cooperation from actors in various sectors including environmental protection, medical equipment and pharmaceuticals, financial solutions, cars and car parts. 53 South Africa has e after the USA, China and the United Arab Emirates. The volume of exports in 2011 was USD 840 million, with USD 186 million in the first qu arter of 2012. F ormer South African Ambassador to Hungar y, Esther Takalani Netshitenzhe, noted that trade between t he two countries has increased over the years and the percentage annual average growth rate indicates that exports from South Africa to Hungary increased by about 54 percent per annum compared to imports at around 19 percent per annum over the last ten yea rs. 54 medical sectors. In order to widen and stabilize trade relations and to boost contacts among SMEs [small business ente rprises], business networks were launched in the second half of 2011 in both countries. By now monthly [there are] 20 25 business offers, projects are

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88 | Trrsy and Morenth intermediated primarily in the ITC, medical, bio health, energy efficiency, clean tech and 55 Ambassador Netshitenzhe also underlined the importance of the Hungarian diaspora that settled in South Africa after 1956 in terms of contributing to the economi es of both countries. Hungarian Ambassador to South Africa Bla Lszl considers the Hungarian Several South African Hungarian businessmen are active in the Hungarian m with their active involvement the South Africa Hungary Joint Economic Commission was established on May 13, 2013 56 In the protocol of the inaugural session of the commission the parties identified the fields and sectors of mutual interest to de velop and diversify bilateral relations ranging from industrial automation, machine tools, and safety and security equipment to the exchange of experience and technology in the field of coal, copper and uranium mining, to waste and water management and tou rism. 57 Not only Hungary but other c entral and e astern European countries (CEEC) were 58 Hungary in particular becam e a significant scene for South African direct investment. SABMiller, for instance, has become a success story for both countries. The first major RSA Brewery for some USD 100 million. 59 According to management est imates, SABMiller has 30 percent of the total share of the Hungarian beer market and has a steady presence in c entral Europe. 60 As long as South Africa h as a regional approach in its foreign policy toward c entral Europe, it makes more sense to compare the Visegrad states from the point of view of 61 In the field of education and research, Ambassador Netshitenzhe contributed to African Studies programs to be launched in the near future at universities in Budapest and Pcs with public lectures and book donations to new sub libraries on African topics. 62 There is unanimous agreement within government, business and academic circles about the chan ged situation, within which Hungary can foster its relations with the world after its EU Presidency period in the first six months of 2011. As is stated in the foreign policy document netheless strengthened during [the] EU presidency, as a result of staging many joint events with the 63 In terms of further events, a clear commitment is seen i n the government sponsored ( Jun e 6 7, 2013 ) Events are important tools for a successful foreign policy but not sufficient on their own to argue that a country has an individual policy for any of its relations in this case, African relations. It is too early to state anything about what the Africa Forum can bring to revitalizing Hungary particular. What then to expect from 2013 on as far as a potential Africa policy is concerned? After t he Bu dapest Africa Forum: Real H ope for a N ew Africa P olicy ? There is an obvious change in the communication s of the Ministry for Foreign Affairs about Africa and other parts of the world suggesting that Hungary has tasks, duties and opportunities in these realms. Beyond official rhetoric, however, steps of action will be tested from 2013 onwards, and even with the new EU planning period, the Multiannual Financial Framework 2014 2020, not to mention the result s of national electio ns scheduled

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Hungarian Africa Policy | 89 for spring 2014. Will there be more Hungarian diplomatic posts across sub Saharan Africa or not ? This i consulates and their personnel do play a strategic role in develo pment cooperation across the world. It is infinitely more difficult to coordinate and implement aid, particularly project 64 Hungary only current sub Saharan Africa n embass ies are in K enya and South Africa T here is however, a strong likelihood of reopen ing the embassy in Nigeria which according to former Deputy State Secretary for Global Affairs Szabolcs Takcs. 65 Building and maintaining trust is ever so crucial, and rebuilding trust is alw ays more difficult in diplomacy. T herefore, more efforts and financial means need to be mobilized. The present paper gi ve s an overview of what Hungary has as a pool of academic assets from previous centuries of A frican contacts and involvement, which can support its current up more globally, including also the African continent. In the course of 2010 and 2011, following a joint initiative of the academic and ci vic circles having an interest in African engagement and the Ministry for Foreign Affairs, more workshops and conferences were organized in Pcs and Budapest with the aim o f encourag ing nation wide discour policy. As of December 18, 2012 when another important roundtable was held in the Ministry for Foreign become a global player, and therefore, needs flexible and innovative thinking. 66 To construct a functioning Africa policy, the ministry decided to organize a milestone international event the in early June 2013, which was planned to channel all documents, thoughts and plans in to a coherent strategic documen t for the long run. S ince its political transition Hungary had never hosted such a forum, with more than two hundred delegates representing governments, academics, civil society and businesses from over twenty five African countries. The main speaker of the Forum A frican U nion C ommission (AUC) C hairperson Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma, was the first to call for closer cooperation and collaboration a litany of challenges she a dvocated for renewed engagement for Hungary. She also spoke at the e ducation panel stating that countries played an important role during our anti colonial struggles and our early years of nation formation a nd state building in the development of African human capital, with 67 Concurring with the AUC Chairperson, Hungarian Minister of Foreign Affairs Jnos Martonyi said that 68 prosperity, peace and security in Africa through multilateral and bilateral relations and coop eration. As an EU member state, Hungary ac cording to Martonyi w ill actively participate in reshaping relations with Africa and will increase its role in education by increasing the number of African students wishing to study in Hungary. He also promised increase d potential for sports diplomacy and academic and business forums as well. 69 ffairs, Hanna Tetteh, the child of a Ghanaian father and a Hungarian mother born in Hungary, and a graduate of the Medical University in Szege d, She noted that what local Africanists repeatedly say: Hungarian trade with Africa has more potential than trade with other regions. She called on the Hungarian g overnment to open all

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90 | Trrsy and Morenth doors to students again as it did in the 1960 80s. 70 Alongside the Forum there were about thirty related events such as film show s art exhibitions, receptions etc. The Budapest Declaration read out and approved by acclamation at the end of the Forum charts the way forward to enhance new engagement between Hun gary and the African continent. 71 In conclusion, the present analysis showed that since the change of the political regime in 1989 90 Hungary has the intention and at the appropri ate level of the government to implement an expanded foreign policy that includes Africa. To do this the country already th largest market beyond Europe, following the USA, China and the Arab Emirates. The most recent developments of Hungarian South African bilateral ties signal a mutually growing interest in further expansion. When discussing what assets Hungary has for the construction of an Africa policy, human relations and the network of Africans with a Hungarian university degree is pertinent Many of the former students are in leading political or business positions thus providing considerable social capital for Hungar y to foster its Africa the country. the development of the educational cultural relations, scientific technological co operation, and the enlargement of the institutional network into a position to represent Hungary and make it (more) attractive seem fundamental task s 72 Should these factors be of great(er) importance in a prospective Africa strategy / policy, Hungary will certainly be able to brin g other, more specific areas ( e.g. those of the economy, trade, security policy, etc ., and their Hungarian actors ) in to a more Although there are perceptibly more and more young Africans (better still their parents and family) who are able to study paying students it is of relevance for the Hungarian Africa policy that the government draw s up and offers a new Hungarian State scholarship program focusing on Africa. The emerging economies of our global world annually offer an increasing number of state grants to young Africans With this kind of support Africans can gain professional trainin g and knowledge, in possession of which and this is supported by the most recent research and surveys they establish contacts with the state that provided the grant for them plus business and other The result is that they join intensively in the long term development of bilateral cooperation s ince they have the necessary qualifications and correctly speak the language of the state providing the grant, which has crucial importance in the development of relations in general terms. All these are to be coupled with high level (President of State, Head of Government, implement a relevant Africa policy Hungary should take a more efficient part in the activiti es of the African Union Furthermore, in overall terms, Hungary needs to become more attractive for African investors, since by now they exist in an increasing number. Ad hoc policies and policy formulation need to be avoided, and a strategic planning with long term efforts and developments must take over. There are obvious resources available but these need to be channeled into a coherent and visionary national policy that is in line with the long term strategic interests of Hungary in Africa This also m akes sense in the closer vicinity of Hungary, in the Visegrad region, as well as in a broader context of EU common foreign security opening is timely and the reformulation of an Africa n s trategy makes sense, especially in a broader European context. To stay critical in a constructive way about the implementation

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Hungarian Africa Policy | 91 and how this new approach of repositioning the country on the world map will actually happen however, is crucial for success. N otes 1 Non rev way. The Treaty of Versailles sig ned with Hungary in the Grand Trianon Palace of Versailles (called there fore the Trianon Treaty) on 4 June 1920 resulted in the loss of more than two thirds of its original territories (72 percent ) and 64 percent of the total population of the country (21 million) which was for aligning with the defeated A xis ( Central) P owers led by Germany. The total number of Hungarians living beyond the borders of the Republic of Hungary (today Magyarorszg ) is about 5.2 million out of which 2.6 million ethnic Hungarians can be found in present day neighbo ring countries (about 1.5 million in Romania), 1.8 million in North America ( about 1.5 million in the USA), and the rest all across the world. 2 For more on this topic, see Tarrsy and Vrs 2013. 3 Rcz 2012, p. 6. 4 Br 2007, p. 161. 5 More on his life and research can be read at the 2009 Torday website: http://kongoexpedicio.hu/torday/index.php/en/who was emil torday 6 This was organized by social anthropologist professor J ohn Mack, University of East Anglia, UK. 7 About the expedition: http://www.kongoexpedicio.hu/. See also: Szilasi 2010. 8 For more see World Digital Library, http://www.wdl.org/en/item/2925/ ( accessed June 15, 2012 ) 9 Bartos Elek and Nemerknyi 2009. 10 Br 2007, p. 157. 11 The field trip is documented in the magazine Fldgmb 2012/9 pp. 18 31. 12 In an interview Vahekeni talked about his focus on his mission to encourage more Hungarian economic actors to get engaged with Angola in a number of ways. See the interview at : http://africannewshungary.blogspot.com/2010/12/i want more hungarian economic actors.html 13 For more see Rgi 2007a, pp. 147 156 and Vidacs 1984, pp. 119 129. Count Mric in addition to his numerous commitments such as military officer, adventurer and born aristocrat, through his diary of his years in Madagascar between 1772 and 1776 contributed to the understanding of the island people. For more on him and other Hungarian Africanists, travellers and scholars see Br 2007, pp. 157 62. 14 It may seem interesting that this took place during the last years of the Soviet backed one party system. However, it was the 100th anniversary that motivated all the See: Vojnits 2013a and 2013b. 15 Br, 2007. pp. 165 166. See also: Darch Littlejohn 1983 16 More on him at: http://old.integralakademia.hu/en/school of integral psychology/faculty/geza fuessi nagy/

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92 | Trrsy and Morenth 17 The first journal was Africana Hungarica the journal of the then Hungarian Africa S ociety, and was published only twice in ten years 18 Szab 2013. 19 Its official homepage is: http://www.africa.pte.hu/?page_id=1057 20 Morenth and Tarrsy 2011. 21 Hungarian Ministr y of Foreign Affairs 2011, p. 49. Available at : http://www.kulugyiintezet.hu/default_eng.asp ( accessed June 4, 2012 ) 22 Paragi 2007, pp. 145 46. 23 Ibid. pp. 1 46 47. 24 For more, see Tarrsy 2013. 25 Mangala 2013, pp. 124 25. 26 Interview wi th Balzs Bokor April 14, 2013, http://budapestafricaforum.kormany.hu ( accessed May 9, 2013 ) 27 as the Ghanaian participants, among them Dr. LaurenceTete, Anglican clergy man, Mr. Francis Kwasnyi, doctor colonel, Mr. Benjamin Dagadoo, deputy minister for the oil Available at : http://afriport.hu/index.php/angol nyelv hirek/17463 the opening ceremony of the hungarian trade center in ghana -in hungarian .html ( accessed May 25, 2013 ) 28 Suha 2007, p. 8. 29 http://www.acus.org/natosource/hungary has eus last functioning embassy tripoli accessed on May 28, 2013 30 See also Kopinski 2012, pp. 33 49. 31 The third one Greg Mills mentions in Abuja in his 2006 article closed after his a rticle appeared, but the Hungarian government stated in early 2013 that it would in 2013. 32 Interview with Gyrgy Suha about the system of Hungarian African relations. See Fldi 2010, pp. 69 75. 33 Ibid. p. 71. 34 http://mikes.railhistory.railfan.net/r 050.html ( accessed May 30, 2013 ). 35 See www.railroadforums.com ( accessed September 10, 2013 ). 36 of the Hungarian Embassy in Cairo at : http://www.mfa.gov.hu/kulkepvise let/EG/en/en_Koszonto/welcome.htm ; and http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2010/1008/sk4.htm ( accessed September 5, 2013 ). 37 Their opinion was elaborated upon during the series of workshops and conferences organized partly by the Africa Research Center of the University of Pcs in co operation with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs between September 2010 and April 2011, as documented in the minutes of the meetings. Source: Africa Research Center, University of Pcs. 38 More on the project an d its results can be found at www.ittvagyunk.eu 39 ge of the Budapest Africa Forum at : http://budapestafricaforum.kormany.hu accessed May 9, 2013. 40 Data obtained from: http://www.ksh.hu/docs/hun/xstadat/xstadat_eves/i_wnvn001b.html ( ac cessed May 4, 2012 )

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Hungarian Africa Policy | 93 41 L. Rdei 2007, p. 11. 42 Szent Ivnyi 2012, p. 65. 43 From the records of the roundtables. Notes were taken by the authors. 44 Interview with Joao Miguel Vahekeni. Source: http://africannewshungary.blogspot.com/2010/12/i want more hungarian economic actors.html ( accessed May 20, 2013 ) 45 See Morenth and Tarrsy 2012. 46 Hungarian Ministr y of Foreign Affairs 2011, pp. 4 7 49 47 Ibid. p. 48. 48 Vrkonyi 2004, p. 5. 49 For more see Rgi 2007b, pp. 13 16. 50 Hungarian Ministr y of Foreign Affairs 2011, p. 49. 51 South Africa n Ministry of International Relations and Cooperation 2011 pp. 12 13. 52 It is worth noting that other Visegrad countries also nurture flourishing ties with South Africa. With Poland, which was the fastest growing member state of the European million in 2011, an increase of 27% over for more see : http://www.bdlive.co.za/business/trade/2012/12/02/pr osperous poland boosts ties with south africa [ accessed May 28, 2013 ] .) In its 2012 2020 Export Strategy, the Czech Republic considers South Africa as one with which the Czech Republic intends to develop bilateral ties in the long run. ( For more see : http://oldsanews.gcis.gov.za/rss/12/12092612251001 [ accessed May 28, 2013 ] .) 53 Received in an electronic circular on June 26, 2012. 54 The interview was made on September 10, 2012 with the involvement of Judit Bagi, res earch assistant. 55 Interview with Ambassador Bla Lszl, May 29, 2013. 56 The interview was on May 29, 2013. More about the joint economic commission at : http://www.hungarianambiance.com/2013/05/closer economic and trade relations.html ( accessed May 28, 2013 ) 57 Protocol of the First Session of the South Africa Hungary Joint Economic Commission ( May 13, 2013 ), pp. 1 4. 58 Mills 2006, p. 171. 59 South African R 2005, p. 1. 60 Data accessed June 22, 2012from http://www.sabmill er.com/index.asp?pageid=1065. 61 Interview with Ambassador Bla Lszl, May 29, 2013. 62 See the program of the conference at which the South African Ambassador gave an opening speech and presented a book donation to the Africa Research Center of the U niversity of Pcs: http://www.africa.pte.hu/?page_id=543 63 Hungarian Ministr y of Foreign Affairs 2011, p. 47. 64 Kopinski 2012, p. 44. 65 http://www.dteurope.com/politics/non eu countries/opening towards sub saharan africa.html ( accessed May 30, 2013 ) 66 From the official notes of the rou ndtable taken by Ildik Szilasi (a ccessed 25 December 25, 2012 ) On October 29, 2013, State Secretary Pter Szijrt informed the Hungarian News Agency MTI that Hungary reopened its embassy in Abuja. See:

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94 | Trrsy and Morenth http://www.kormany.hu/en/prime minister s of fice/news/hungary reopened its embassy in abuja accessed November 6, 2013. 67 Notes taken by Pter Morenth 68 Ibid. 69 Ibid. 70 Ibid 71 See : http://budapestafricaforum.kormany.hu/download/e/61/70000/BAF Declaration.pdf 72 Nye 2011. Good examples come from various different parts of the world: the German Goethe Institute, the French Alliance Franaise (AF) network the Chinese Confucius In stitutes worldwide, and of Russian Centers. This means that it can have relevance that the network of the Hungarian cultural institutes should be enlarged and could be widened by incorporating civil actors on the model of AF. References Bartos Elek, Zsombor and Zsombor Nemerknyi 24th International Cartographic Conference (Santiago, Chile). http:// icaci.org/files/documents/ICC_proceedings/ICC2009/html/refer/7_1.pdf ( accessed June 15, 2012 ) Br, Gbor. 2007 Chubu International Review 2: 155 69. dre Sik and the Development of African Studies History in Africa 10: 79 108. afrikai kapcsolatrendszer sajtossgai. Beszlgets dr. Suha [The unique features of Hungarian African relations. Interview with Dr. Gyrgy Suha, Consul General of The Gambia] Afrika Tanulmnyok 4.1: 69 75. Hungarian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 2011. Presidency of the Council of the European Union Budapest : 47 49. http://www.kulugyiintezet.hu/default_eng.asp ( accessed June 4, 2012 ) South African R elations 2005. Budapest Analyses No. 79. http://www.budapestanalyses.hu/docs/En/Analyses_Archive/analysys_79_en.html ( accessed May 9, 2013 ) Kopinski, Dominik. 2012 Perspectives on European Politics and Society 13.1: 33 49. Mangala, Jack (ed). 2013. Africa and the European Union : A Strategic Partnership New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Mills, Greg. 2006 South African Journal of International Affair s 13.1: 169 74.

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Hungarian Africa Policy | 95 Morenth, Pter and Istvn Tarrsy fejlesztsi stratgijhoz [Strategic recommendations for a future Hungarian African Pcs: HAND Szvetsg. Accessibl e at: http://www.afrikatanulmanyok.hu/userfiles/File/fajlok/afrikai%20stratgiai.pdf. _____ 2012 ve African Development Strategy A Tradecraft Review Special Issue: 24 54. Nye, Joseph S ., Jr. 2011. The Future of Power New Yor k: Public A ffairs. sub Diplomacy and Trade O nline March 7 http://w ww.dteurope.com/politics/non eu countries/opening towards sub saharan africa.html accessed May 30, 2013. Paragi, Beta. 2007. [ ] In Beta Paragi, Balzs Szent Ivnyi and Sra Vri (eds.), Nemzetkzi fejlesztsi seglyezs. Tanknyv [ International development aid textbook ] (Budapest: TTT Consult): 145 63. Rcz, Andrs http://www.uaces.org/documents/papers/1201/racz.pdf ( accessed July 9, 2013 ) R dei, Mria L. 2007. A tanulmnyi cl mozgs [ Study driven migration ] Budapest: REG INFO. kutats tudomnytrtnetnek trtnete [The history of the history of Africa research in Hungary ]. Africana Hungarica 2.1 2: 14 7 156. _____ politikjnak kialaktshoz [ Recommendations for the creation of an Africa policy for Hungarian organizations ] Africana Hungarica 2.1 2: 13 16. South African Ministry of International Relation s and Cooperation. 2011. 20 Years of Diplomatic Relations, South Africa and Hungary Pretoria: pp. 12 13. Suha, Gyrgy. 2007. [Opportunity and chance: Hungarian Sub Saharan economic cooperation ] Afrika Tanulmnyok 1.2: 7 11. 8. http://budapestafricaforum.kormany.hu /docu ments ( accessed September 7 2013 ) Szent Ivnyi, Balzs. 2012 Journal of International Relations and Development 15: 65 89. Magyar Lszl trkpvel [ A map A Fldgmb 14. (30.) 9: 18 31. _____ and Attila Lrnt. 2010. Kong. Torday Emil nyomban [ Congo: in trail of Emil Torday ] Budapest: Afrikai Magyar Egyeslet.

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96 | Trrsy and Morenth Tarrsy, Istvn. 2013 'It Can Also Be Done from Central Europe' H ungarian Humanitarian Involvement in the Democratic Republic of Congo." The CIHA Blog ( May 4 ) http://www.cihablog.com/it can also be done from central europe hungarian humanitarian involvement in the democratic republic of t he congo/ ( accessed May 30, 2013 0 Politeja Special Issue (forthcoming) http://www.wsmip.uj.edu.pl/en_GB/politeja tag Magyarorszg s a szubszaharai Afrika [ The EU member Hungary and Sub Saharan Africa ] politikja c. 5. Artes Populares 10 11.1: 119 29. expedci [ 125 and 25 years (1/2). The 125 year old Teleki expedition ] Afrika Tanulmnyok 7.2: 117 144. _____ 25 ves a Magyar Tudomnyos Afrika expedci [ 125 and 25 years (1/2). The 125 year old Teleki expedition ] Afrika Tanulmnyok 7.3 (forthcoming).

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Henk Mutsaers holds a PhD degree in tropical agronomy. He has been based in several developing Farm Research. As a consultant for R&D he has carried out assignments in many African and Asian countries. Paul Kleene is an agricultural economist trained at Wageningen University. He worked for KIT and CIRAD mainly in francophone West Africa, where he continues to live. His fieldwork, former and University of Florida Board of Trustees, a public corporation of the State of Florida; permission is hereby granted for individuals to download articles for the ir own personal use. Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Florida. ISSN: 2152 2448 AT ISSUE What is the Matter with African Agriculture ? H ENK J.W. MUTSAERS AND PAUL W.M. KLEENE Abstract: The views of forty veterans on sixty years of African agricultural development, published recently in book form, are analyzed against the background id, it is striking how many of them are as relevant today as they were fifty years ago. This paper reviews those of the veterans from a number of angles, viz. the all important i ssue of the strengths and weaknesses of subsistence and family farming, the development pathways of the forest and savannah zones, and the disappointing adoption record of new technology during the past fifty years. Next, future prospects are reviewed, as well as the conditions for significant progress, in respect of land ownership, farmer organization education in the widest sense, chain development and, perhaps most importantly, dedication, honesty and discipline at all levels. Finally, the often unfav orable role of international aid is reviewed and recent developments are highlighted, in particular the dangerous trend of massive land acquisition by outside parties. Introduction This paper was motivated by two seemingly disparate events, which turn out to be closely related: the celebration of the fiftieth anniversary of Ren Dumont's 1962 mal partie and the appearance of our collection of forty African agriculture (Mutsaers and Kleene 2012 ) in w hich they describe what they see as the causes and possible solutions for the apparent stagnation of smallholder and family farming These two events respectively deal with the beginning and the end of an era, that of heavily western dominated agricultura l development approaches in Africa, the main roots of which extend into the end of the colonial and the beginning of the post colonial eras. The forty veteran authors in our collection, twenty two anglophones and eighteen francophones were asked to addre ss three questions: W hy have we not been more successful in our attempts to help agriculture in sub Saharan Africa move forward?

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98 | Mutsaers and Kleene W hat are essential social, economic, political and technical changes needed for farmers to become more efficient and more pros perous producers ? W hat kind of external assistance and changes in international policy could help? development approaches that the veterans, including ourselves, have been involved in during the past fifty years, as reflected in their answers to these questions. We will also examine whether their experiences can explain why so little of the grand visions of the 1950s and 1960s o f which Dumont was one of the most outspoken protagonists, has been realised, and to what extent these visions have weathered the storms and remain valid today, half a c ontributions, to convey the flavor of their wide ranging views. The Key Ques tion: Does Family Farming Have a Future ? and medium size (family ) farms or rather with large scale farming enterprises. This dilemma has arisen (again ) at the end of a fifty year process, during which practically all attention has authors show. Neve rtheless, a majority of them still consider a vitalize d and suitably enlarged family farm as the only real option, because of its accumulated experience, its resilience to the vagaries of the climate and the fragility of the soil, and the vast numbers of r ural dwellers ( and their town relatives ) depending on it. The only way to feed the ever growing urban populations, compete with cheap imports, penetrate regional and international markets and, very importantly, retain young people on the land, will be fo r family farming to evo lve into small and medium scale suitably mechanize d and diversified farming ( i f that happens, the fate of the remaining subsistence farmers will become a major concern, unless alternative employment becomes available ). Land and labor productivity must increase steeply, while safeguarding the production base, by integrating trees and cover crops as well as livestock, efficient fertility management, and ns the unfulfilled ideal of most of the present authors. Some significant modernization has taken place in the savannah areas, driven by cotton and maize and in some irrigated rice/vegetable schemes, notably the Office du Niger in Mali. In the forest zone, however, smallholder farming has stagnated, in some areas to a near comatose state, with the notable exception of cocoa farmers in Ivory Coast and to a lesser extent Ghana. Dumont thought that the opportunities were much better in the forest zone due of i ts potential for industrial crops such as cocoa, oil palm and rubber, but the opposite has happened. We will come back to that contrast later. Meanwhile, recent developments seem to run counter to the strengthening of smallholder farming, viz. the acquisit ion of large stretches of African land by foreign and local investors (called land grabbers by some ). for large scale production of fo od and biofuel. Apart from the nefarious effect on land security of the African family farmer and other societal implications, the lessons from the bad experiences with large scale arable farms in the late colonial and early post colonial days are being forgotten. They succumbed to a combination of poor agronomy, poor management and above all unawareness of the

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African Agriculture | 99 deva stating effects of temperate zone farming methods, when applied on a large scale under African conditions. That is not to say that none of our authors see a future role for large arable farms, in particular in the savannah zones. Even if they do, they str ess the need for caution to avoid the considerable damage which will result from injudicious land use through massive erosion and soil degradation and from pest and disease outbreaks. Medium and large scale farming must mimic the adaptation, resilience an d sustainability of small scale farming, which is often less vulnerable to such calamities. That means, for example, that it should use effective means of soil conservation and improvement, with appropriate tools, equipment and soil amendments, including o rganic manure produced on the farm or obtained from elsewhere. Even though the principles are well known, there is yet very little experience in their application on a larger scale. Forest and Savannah Farming in the early sixties were highly relevant, his elements for a balanced development appropriate, but his blueprint for the 1980s ( twenty years from today ) have turned out to be an illusion. Like many workers with him, he envisaged an ideal division of ta sks between forest and savannah, each according to its ecological potential, whereby the forest zone would speciali z e in tree crops (cocoa, oil palm, rubber, bananas ) while the savannah would produce food as well as arable cash crops such as cotton. He tho ught that it would be relatively straightforward to develop forest zone agriculture, while addressing the challenges of the savannah would need more time. The opposite has been the case. The few success stories are all from the wet savannah ( francophone cotton, maize in West and East Africa, to some extent irrigated rice ) while smallholder tree crops in the forest zone, with the exception of Ivory Coast, have at best remained where they were, with little effort to raise them to a higher level of organiza tion and production. While the Consultative Group for International Agricultural Research ( CGIAR ) with its research centers on four continents has paid little or no attention to them, French research institutes in several countries have continued to work on the physiology, breeding and agronomy of coffee, cocoa, rubber and fruits. However, no tight organization s were set up around these crops, in support of the entire product chains, comparable to those for cotton. The semi autonomous Marketing Boards, set up in the fifties and sixties in anglophone countries for several commercial crops (e.g. coffee, cocoa, cotton ) could have played that role (they were much admired by Dumont ) but eventually they succumbed to state intervention and usurpation after independence. Generally, aid agencies have also shown little interest in forest zone industrial crops, perhaps with the exception of coffee, which Dumont considered the least promising. Aid has been extremely skewed towards small subsistence food crop producers, perhaps due to ideologically motivated predilection for poverty alleviation, with severe neglect of the potential of cash earning crops for that same purpose. Another reason was probably the lack of expertise among western development workers, who would rather direct their attention to easier commodities. The Wet Savannah and t he Case o f Cotton If anywhere, then things have been happening in the wet savannah zone, exemplified by successful intensive smallholder cotton and maize and irrigated rice, especially in some of

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100 | Mutsaers and Kleene the francophone countries, and more recently fruit and vegetable production for the local, regional and international mark ets. Let us look at the cotton sector for clues about the factors which condition agricultural development, as several of our francophone authors have done. economic developme nt in francophone West Africa which has contributed to the emergence of quite prosperous medium size farms. The successes have been conditioned by three factors: a complete set of services provided by a dedicated and uncorrupted organization cost recover y through deduction on delivered cotton, and vertical integration, all the way from production, through processing to marketing by a French organization the Compagnie Franaise pour le Dveloppement des fibres Textiles ( CFDT ) and its affiliates, such as the Compagnie Malienne pour le Dveloppement des F ibres Textiles (CMDT ) in Mali whose roots extend into the colonial era. In other words, it has resulted from solid chain mont called a disciplined crop sector, where everything was done more or less by the book, at the price of strong regimentation by a monopolistic CFDT. In the 1980s the World Bank pushed some of these national cotto n parastatals, such as the CMDT ( one o f the largest ) to extend services to cover other commodities in the cotton based system as well, in particular maize and livestock. While t his was perhaps an understandable move considering their success and the inefficiency of the state run extension s ervices, it was also bad policy because it burdened commercially successful organization s with unprofitable tasks. Before it could have destroyed them, the policy was reversed again in the present century, by the same World Bank, that master of grand but i ll conceived ideas carried out on a grandiose scale with The Cotton Marketing Boards of a nglophone Africa, set up before independence as semi autonomous bodies in support of the cotton sector initially were also quite successful. Aft er independence, however, they rapid ly degenerated under state control into exploitation mechanisms, serving the interests of politicians rather than of the farmers, which eventually left them in a semi comatose state. Are the farmers in the francophone co untries better off then, because of the continuity provided by French dominated parastatals? That remains to be seen. Several of our authors, some of them looking back with critical pride at a life long career in cotton, express grave concern about the sec tor. Erstwhile successful parastatals, after having been drained of their resources by the politicians and further weakened by low cotton prices, are being dismantled in favor of yet hardly existing private enterprise, as stipulated by the same World Bank. It is hard to predict where this will take the sector in the next ten years and what structures will emerge in replacement of the moribund parastatals. The Forest Zone and i ts Unfulfilled Promises Around 1960 West African cocoa was booming and Ghana became independent with an impressive current account surplus thanks to its cocoa export s Successes like this suggested to Dumont that progress in the forest zone would be easier than in the savannah, because of very well adapted perennial crops such as c ocoa, oil palm, rubber and bananas. He hoped that tree crops would become the engines of development in the forest zone, with the savannah supplyi ng the food for the industrializing urban cent e r s. It did not happen. Cocoa is still a major cash crop in the West African cocoa belt in particular in Ivory Coast and

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African Agriculture | 101 Ghana but it has declined in Cameroo, producer, to a pitiful level of yield and production volume. And even in Ivory Coast and Ghana it is fa r from the disciplined sector envisaged by Dumont, because of the absence of strong, uncorrupted, producer oriented support organization expectations, coffee has continued to do fairly well as a smallholder crop in the highlands ac ross the African continent, even without dedicated support structures or producer organization s, but other perennials (rubber, oil palm, sugar cane, bananas ). have essentially remained plantation crops (o il palm is also an important smallholder crop in Wes t Africa, with an elaborate village processing industry but it plays only a minor role in the palm oil trade ). So, the promise of the forest zone has only been partly fulfilled, to say the least ; a nd not for lack of potential. Traditionally, bilateral a id has had little interest in export crops, for one thing because there were few experts around who could have staffed development projects dealing with commercial tree crops, and perhaps also because of some anti capitalist tendencies in development circl es. Contrary to cotton there were no strong organization s with activities extending all the way from the production sites to the European trade and processing industry in support of these crops. It is telling that perennial crops are rarely mentioned by the veterans for their development potential. Some of them instead mention a recent shift away from industrial crops to food crops, because under the circumstances the latter are more profitable. Cassava for example has become a major traded commodity in N igeria, with a fairly efficient indigenous processing industry developed around it, and good potential for further development. Production Systems, Production Technology, a nd Processing There has been a steady flow of new varieties of the major (arable ) cr ops coming out of international and to a lesser extent national research institutes, and the adoption of several of them are counted among the scarce successes by many of our authors. Otherwise the take up of new production technology (fertiliz er, pest co ntrol, animal traction ) has largely been limited to cotton and (intensive ) maize based systems. The highly regimented cotton schemes in some francophone countries also stand out because of the diversified farming systems which have evolved around them, in cluding (beef ) cattle, grain legumes and various crops besides cotton and maize. In the early sixties Dumont was lyrical about potential new crops for the savannah like Jatropha (an industrial oil producing crop of the Euphorbiaceae family, supposedly su itable for marginal soils ) fodder species and jute like fiber crops. He also had high hopes for a host of new technology which was already available or being elaborated and which would be needed for peasants to become efficient middle class farmers. In f act, he predicted an agricultural revolution, which eventually did happen, in Asia that is, but not in Africa, unless you want to see the advances of intensive maize production (in systems with or without cotton ). in the West African savannah as a mini rev olution. ist is repeated by our authors fifty years on: integrated management of the fragile soil resources; abolition, replacement or improvement of the fallow; integration of crop growing and livest ock, light mechaniz ation, efficient use of scarce water; and introduction of new crops. Jatropha also features in both lists, which may be an example of what Richard Lowe (see Appendix ) said about failed development approaches

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102 | Mutsaers and Kleene after 25 years It is not as if no innovation had been happening, though. It has, for instance in some cotton growing areas as already mentioned and in intensive and innovative small scale vegeta ble gardens and poultry farms that have sprung up around and within several urban areas for decades, albeit largely unaided. The concern is about the traditional smallholder subsistence sector where innovation has not occurred at the scale and the rate w e would like to see. The bulk of aid has gone to that sector, which is lacking in dynamism and has progressed but little and in many cases not at all. Finding out why that is so and why so little of the shopping lists of agricul tural development has materi aliz ed was one of our motivations to solicit the views of forty veterans on the matter. A remarkable favorable development has been the emergence of small and medium scale agricultural processing, mostly autonomous and unburdened by development aid, as obs evolved from traditional village processing, like gari production in Nigeria and oil extraction from a range of crops in several countries. Others have risen from the as hes of large state run enterprises (tomato paste and fruit juice factories, rice mills, cashew processing plants, and many others ) which collapsed due to illusory expectations or mismanagement, and usually both. The urban demand for convenience food is st imulating the development of small production units for dry instant foodstuffs derived from local products (cassava, sorghum and millet flours, dried fruits and nuts, etc. ). However, the traditional export crops coffee, cocoa, timber, cotton and more re cently mangoes continue to What Future f or Family Farming ? Generally, the veterans hardly venture into speculation about what the future will have in store, as Dumont wo uld probably have done, but they do point out some elements that a viable smallholder agriculture would need. Many are disappointed about the lack of progress and the poor adoption of innovation s, while at the same time realiz ing that wide spread innovatio n is unlikely unless profound changes take place in the farming environment first: appropriate land laws, strong farmer organization s, quality agricultural education, effective linkages along the entire production chains and a profound change in mentality A gain, it is a list that The Land Rights Dilemma The importance of the land rights issue has recently come to a head with the appearance on scene of the land grabbers while a reform of land ownership laws, n ow more urgently needed than ever, has kept receding. Dumont stressed that land laws should ensure that farmers begin to see investment in the land as a profitable option and feel confident that the land will not revert back to the common pool after a few years, as was the case in most traditional societies, especially in the savannah. He is very critical, however, about undiluted private ownership, based on what he calls Roman land laws because it would involve the jus uten di et abutendi that is the right to use or abuse the land. The argument of its advocates, which include a minority among our authors, is that full ownership will allow farmers to convert a rock into a garden as Dumont quoted from the 1793 tract The Exa mple of France a Warning to England by Arthur Young the influential English writer on agriculture, economics, and social statistics. The full quotation is : "Give a man the secure possession of a bleak rock, and he will turn it into a garden; give him a nine

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African Agriculture | 103 years' lease of a garden, and he will convert it into a desert While it is true that no farmer, whether in Africa or elsewhere, will invest in genuine land improvement unless he is convinced that the gains will not be taken away from him or his children, things are not so straightforward in Africa. Dumont saw two dangers facing agricultur al land use in Africa, which turned out to be only too real by 20 12. The first, already apparent in the sixties and more so today, is over exploitation of the land in many areas, by smallholder farmers who do not invest in land improvement and fail to transform into efficient market producers. In fact, the common attitu de of farmers in many areas is still one of exploiting natural fertility and leaving its restoration to nature. This will not change easily, even with better land laws. The second danger is appropriation and abuse of land by powerful parties which may result from full liberalization. This started to happen as early as the sixties, subsided for a few decades and recently has again picked up serious momentum. Under the easi ly corruptible circumstances found in many African countries the people who will gain most from freely tradable land rights may be powerful parties intent on appropriating large tracts of land for productive or speculative purposes. The stagnation of small holder farming may even be serving as an argument in favor of land acquisition by indigenous and foreign investors as the road to modernization Farmer O rganization The cooperative movement in Africa of the early post independence period quickly lost its c redibility as it degenerated into a tool for governments to control and extract wealth from llusion. In spite of the tarnished image of the cooperative concept, many of the authors have come to the conclusion that without strong self governed farmer organization s significant progress will not be possible. Weak governments have turned out to be in capable to provide essential services such as input supply, meaningful extension, credit, vocational training etc. in spite of massive external aid with which many veterans have been associated. Farmer organization s are now looked to as potential future providers or contractors of fa rm services, as well as power houses to advocate did in Europe in the twentieth century. Although many farmer organization s have emerged in recent times, most of them have very limited capabilities, but hopes are for them to rise to the challenge of playing such roles as the state withdraws from service provision. The relative success of semi commercial farming in the disciplined environment created by parastatals around cotto n and other crops testifies to the potential for progress of the African family farm. It is to be expected that effective farmer organization s will also have the best chance when associated with marketable commodities such as cotton, cocoa, coffee, oil pal m, fruit crops, dairy, vegetables and cut flowers (for the European market ) etc much like their counterparts in Europe. Broad, general purpose cooperatives are unlikely to be viable in the near future. One essential ingredient needed for a successful fa rmer organization movement will be education. Since strong farmer organization s need well educated farmers (or at least farmer leaders ) good primary and vocational schooling is a crucial requirement. Several of the veterans make a strong plea for good voc ational education, whereas surprisingly few of them have been actually involved in such education.

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104 | Mutsaers and Kleene Education, Training, and Extension A large part of the agricultural development effort of the last 50 years can be labeled as capacity building: training and coaching of farmers, extension workers, ministry staff, and more recently NGO staff, traders, and would be entrepreneurs. Much of that has been done through large state run dinosaurs, in which massive amounts of aid money were idly invested, and which hav e since collapsed or are on the verge of collapse. The exception are the strong organization s around successful crops like cotton mentioned earlier, with extension embedded in a disciplined environment, as Dumont called it. These paratstatals are now also in danger of disintegration with national governments and donors distancing themselves from the kind of services they used to provide. In spite of the overall dismal record of state run capacity building, many of the authors remain strong b elievers in the power of education and good vocational training. Successful entrepreneurship requires a literate, numerate, hardworking, and honest workforce. Effective farmer organization s need young well educated leaders and future extension personnel m ust be oriented to the realities of the existing, not an imaginary, farm and taught respect for local farmers. Several authors also argue that agricultural training institutions should associate themselves with research and extension to form an integrated training/extension/research system in order to mend the present weak linkages among the three, improve the often very poor knowledge of extension personnel and reorient the entire research, extension and education system to address the real development c hallenges. This is all easier said than done. The traditional state run extension services are a lost cause, vocational training has degenerated into a theoretical textbook affair (usually without the textbook ) and research pursues academic rather than de velopment targets. And, with the bankruptcy of Training and Visit Extension ( T&V ) and the decline of Farming Systems Research ( FSR ) the links between the three have again been broken. A thorough shake up and new thinking at all levels will therefore be nee ded. Chain D evelopment Chain development a relatively new basket term in development speak, is rarely used by the veterans T hey still use the old sub categories, subsumed under chain development: input supply, credit, processing, quality control, marketing, etc. But the term is indeed useful as shorthand for the idea that one cannot stop at one element of the production chain i n isolation if progress is to be made. Many of the veterans are of course keenly aware of this, as was Dumont, but few can claim to have successfully used an integrated production chain approach. What conditions need to be satisfied for chain development t o stand a chance of success? It is clear that the best chances are for programs set up around a major commercial commodity, with a strong disciplined and non corrupted organization and a reliable mechanism to recover credit and costs, as testified by the few success stories: cotton and irrigated rice and vegetables in Mali, small scale dairy farming in several countries, and perhaps vegetable production under contract for the international market, where the contractor intervenes in (or controls ) all stage s of the production, conservation, transport and marketing process (and perhaps smallholder coffee in Eastern Africa, although none of the authors mention this ) Smallholder commodities which could benefit from the approach are for example cocoa, coffee, oil palm and export fruit, but also cassava for industrial flour production as

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African Agriculture | 105 some of the authors describe. Nor does the organization necessarily have to be a parastatal or a foreign company. The cocoa and cotton Marketing Boards set up as semi autonomo us bodies after the war in most anglophone countries played that role effectively, until politicians pillaged them. Well organized farmer organization s or cooperatives around specific commodities could in the future play that role, but hardly any are in si ght yet which possess the necessary capacities. Societal V alues and G overnance At a higher level of abstraction, agriculture as much as with any other productive activity can only flourish in an environment where all actors play their roles more or less effectively and with dedication, not just to their own personal interest, but also to their organization goals, or those of their societies at large. In the final accounting, as some of our authors argue, real development needs good governance, eradication of state corruption and strengthening of moral and civil values, which Ren Dumont and several of the veterans have variously called dedication, entrepreneurial drive, perseverance, work ethics, political will and assertiveness of local farmers and their leaders. These are more important than external ass istance and can only be brought about by a new breed of African leaders at all levels. Dumont was particularly exasperated by the decline in moral values, the increase in alcoholism in the coastal states, and the corruption and selfishness of politicians a nd civil servants at all levels so early after independence. Many of the veterans point to the same problems, but less forcefully than did Dumont. One wonders to what extent that is due to their perception of actual improvement, false hope, or politeness a nd political correctness. The former can hardly be the case, since the scale of corruption and other abuses now exceeds the value of all development funds taken together many times. Has A id H elped? Many of the authors are extremely critical of bilateral an d international aid, the fickleness of aid policies and the frequent incompetence of aid administrations and personnel. They also point out that donors vainly tend to counter the corrupt practices of often dictatorial regimes by complex bureaucratic contr ol mechanisms. Apart from this, many interventions in agriculture are considered failures for a range of other reasons and the relatively small successes as not commensurate with the sums spent. It is sobering to look at the list of complaints: unrealistic timeframes, with the time estimated by politicians almost always being far shorter than what field workers consider feasible rather than the interests of the aid country that disrupt momentum in the field short memories (or no memory at all ) leading to a replay of the same mistakes lack of continuity, with each administrator wanting to plant his own flag rather than s trengthen existing projects rigidity and therefore poor adaptation to changing conditions

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106 | Mutsaers and Kleene poor judgment and inability to distinguish the good from the poorly performing projects loss of donor interest in agriculture around 2000 and sudden discontinuation of projects unilateralism of donor policies, and absence of a real dev elopment debate and policy formulation in the recipient countries lack of professionalism of donor personnel and field staff poor donor coordination prejudiced or ill informed attitudes towards farmers and failure to involve them in policy debate on matter s that affect them favoring cronies, who know how to manipulate donors There are also concerns that aid has perpetuated the dependency syndrome ; interfered with the development of national capacities by enticing the best people to come and work for the m ; hindered market and enterprise development, private initiatives and farmer organization ; and allowed local elites to dodge their responsibilities. In spite of all this, only a minority reject the idea of aid entirely, while a surprising number still se e a potential role, although there is no clear consensus about the fields where aid would be most needed. The ideas range widely, from functional and integrated research, extension, training and agricultural education, through rural infrastructure, includi ng irrigation works, dams and reservoirs, to affordable credit for farmers and agricultural entrepreneurs. If aid is provided there should be real long term commitment ( fifteen to twenty years or even longer is mentioned ). agreed between well coordinated donors and local institutions, with budgets allocated for the whole life span of the collaboration, funds spent flexibly at the right time and knowledgeable staff kept on the job for many years, while avoiding the pitfalls of the past. Two recent trends in international aid are worth mentioning, the first one unfavorable in our opinion, while the second potentially favorable The former is the choice which bilateral donors are increasingly making for international aid delivery channels such as the World B ank. This seems to be motivated more by convenience than by the proven competence of international organization s. In fact, their record has been even more dismal than that of bilateral donors. A (potentially ) more favorable trend is the growing aid flow th rough NGOs, western farmer unions, charities, immigrants (the African diaspora ) and western private citizens and some of the direct investments made by commercial parties. Such community to community flow may eventually help build more equal relations, b ecause it involves a rapprochement between cultures. It is, however, also not free of the paternalism and cultural arrogance that has characterized conventional aid. Conclusion Sixty years ago African agriculture had two faces. One was essentially that of peasant or subsistence farming, which in some cases included commercial crops like cocoa or coffee in the wet zones and groundnuts and cotton in the drier zones. The other sector was highly successful European plantation agriculture, with oil palm rubber tea, and sugarcane. The hopes which most of us shared with Dumont were for the subsistence sector to evolve towards middle class commercialized and semi mechanize d farming, which would ensure p sectors as well. The stories told by many of the veterans are an illustration of the failure of development aid to help this

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African Agriculture | 107 come about. It is obvious that the failure cannot really be explained from technological shortcomings. As Felix Nweke remarked, s why African agr iculture remains undeveloped is part of a bigger question namely why is Africa undeveloped bigger question but rather with the phenomenology of the underdevelopment of agriculture. This of course does not make the bigger question go away, but elaborating on it exceeds the boundaries which most contributors have set for themselves. In the current euphoria about what is see off, especially among economists the the almost complete absence of non extractive industrial development. It is beyond the scope of this paper and the skills of its authors to analyze this situation adequately but we do wish to make a few cautionary remarks on the matter, which reflect the concerns of several of the veteran authors. The first is that without solid industrial development the current and future outflow of people from the rural areas cannot be absorbed and will lead to further swelling of the ranks of unemployed urban youths, with all its concomitant s (mineral ) riches will also want to penetrate the agricultural sectors and try to industrialize agriculture on a large scale. The industrial exploitation of mineral resources may not be much affected by the physical conditions in Africa (it is by societal conditions, though, see for example the French concern about the safety of West African uranium mining ). But attempts at the transformation of farming into large scale production ha ve l eft a legacy of costly failures that are financial, ecological and so cial. It is clear that African family based agriculture has not been and will not be developed through a succession of fads, fashions and miraculous innovations. Nor will rapid industrial development of agriculture be the panacea in which many politician s seem to put their hope s of African agriculture will have to pass through the emergence of suitably commercialized small and medium scale family farming rather than a quantum jump into big industrialized farms. Bringing about a balanced development based on dynamic family farms requires the vision, self criticism severely lacking. The picture is not ent irely bleak, though. There are examples of successful development, in particular in the wetter parts of the savannah. The forest zone has clearly because of the potentia l for smallholder tree crops like cocoa, rubber and oil palm In fact these crop s have been shamefully neglected, a situation that call s for vigorous catch up programs Strong farmer organization s, considered essential by many, stand the best chances when built around marketable crops, as exemplified by cotton. They should also play a key role in product chain development and extension. Quality vocational training, oriented towards the real, ins tead of an imaginary modern farm, has too long been neglected by governments and donors alike. It will be an essential ingredient for future development. Several authors are hopeful that modern communication technology will bring a new dynamism to agric ulture. It may, however, also discourage the younger generation, when they compare their conditions with those in the outside world, and reinforce their drive to escape. This will be unstoppable unless really significant improvement is made in economic and living conditions in the rural areas, which can only come about if African leaders start to

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108 | Mutsaers and Kleene take a genuine interest in the advancement of their communities, rather than just pursuing their own narrow interests. Perhaps Ren Dumont would turn in his grave if he found out what little has been achieved. Should we perhaps admit that he may have to rest for another fifty years before Africa and its agriculture really take off? References Dumont, Ren 1962. Paris : Editions du Seu il. Mutsaers, H enk J.W. and Paul W.M. Kleene (e ds. ). 2012 What i s t he Matter w ith African Agriculture? Veterans' Visions between Past a nd Future Amsterdam : KIT Publishing. APPENDIX Quot ations The following are quot ations are from the contributions to a collection of essays by forty authors on which the present paper is based (Mutsaers and Kleene, 2012 ) The page numbers expect our District Officer to create quoting a local leader p. 39 ). countries must re p. 318 ). due to corruption, a significant portion should go to agricultural and social development, thus preventing its (Facho Balaam p. 265 ). (Herv Bichat p. 98 ). (Ren Billaz 324 ). Bol p. 73 ). p. 207 ). systems based on farmer to farmer p. 290 ). one does not win p. 185 ). Agricultur ( Dominique de la Croix p. 245 ).

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African Agriculture | 109 this socio Pierre Derlon p. 247 ). p. 220 ). p.227 ). (Marc Dufumier p. 112 ). p. 179 ). p. 303 ). Due to factors external to the farm] agricultural extension professionals, in spite of their closeness to researchers and technicians, have rarely succeeded in their own personal (Hubert Guerin p. 271 ). ummarizing African agriculture as stagnant and backward is encouraging the alienation of large stretches of African land to forei foreign investment (Jane Guyer p. 189 ). r more complex and insensitive to our methods of technical and socio p. 204 ). Youba Kon p. 257 ). ability of "mixed systems" combining livestock and crop production (Philippe Lhoste p. 283 ). publicised (nobody wants to publicise their mistakes ) and, if their logic is appealing, tend to be from an e mail commenting on farm settlements in Nigeria ). in Tanzania should be encouraged to emerge with little state p. 137 ). p. 151 ). p. 122 ). Saharan Africa cannot feed present, let alone future, generati p. 84 ). p. 9 4 ). ckers, driven by the (Marieke Mutsaers p. 280 ).

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110 | Mutsaers and Kleene scale agriculture may increase agricultural production but it will not contribute d Norman p. 145 ). p. 152 ). p. 297 ). The introduction and the widespread use of animal traction have increased cu ltivated area, yields, and incomes ( Amadou Sow and Abdoulaye Traor p. 233 ). p. 333 ). force (Franois Traor p. 161 ). not (Brian Van Arkadie p. 67 ). ev Arkadie on the Tanganyika Groundnuts Scheme p. 48 ). Verdurmen p. 107 ). It was a serious mistake to deploy so much scarce manpower in extension, instead of Ed Verheij p. 310 ). lopment only starts once farmers have means of transportation, p. 170 ). p. 19 7 ). services and even co p. 79 ).

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University of Florida Board of Trustees, a public corporation of the State of Florida; permission is hereby granted for individuals to download articles for their own personal use. Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Florida. ISSN: 2152 2448 REVIEW ESSAY Hues May Apply WILLIAM F.S. MILES Edith Bruder and Tudor Parfitt, eds. 2012. African Zion: Studies in Black Judaism Newcastle upon Tyne, UK: Cambridge Scholars Publishing 368 p p. Tudor Parfitt. 2013 Black Jews in Africa and the Americas Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University 238 p p. There is an ancient ivory manor, sturdy in structure but with some weather beaten faades. It is occupied by several branches of a venerable family who get along fitfully but co exist nevertheless. But now new folk are clamoring at the gates for entry. They claim that the property belongs to them, too. They also say t hat the walls are in need of repair, and they are prepared to undertake the renovations. Some of them are clutching newly printed deeds; others say they are previous occupants, about whom the current dwellers have either forgotten or pretend to have forgo tten. The befuddled gatekeepers of the house need to decide whom of these claimants if any to admit. from Ultraorthodox to Secular Humanist residents) have overwhel mingly, if unconsciously, shared one epidermal trait: whether Ashkenazi, Sephardi or Mizrachi, they are on the pallid side of the pigmentation spectrum. Increasingly, however, tenancy rights to the ancestral Jewish abode are being claimed by new Jews of color. As for the gatekeepers who Each of the two books under review constitutes an essential contribution to two complementary streams of scholarship that previously have been advanced with relatively little overlap: the one on established and emerging Jewish communities in Sub Saharan Africa, the other on Black American Jews, Hebrews, and Israelites. Constituted from different types of building blocks th e 2012 book is an edite d collection of papers, the 2013 one a compilation from a lecture series t ogether the two books significantly advance and reinforce the budding literature on the growing importance of Judaism among various African peoples and within a small but noteworthy segment of the African American African Zion and the integration of their previous findings in Black Jews in Africa and the Americas C u African studies and religious studies, both of which appear slow to acknowledge African

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112 | Miles 2012 Roundtable at the Centre of African Studies conference at the University of Edinburgh made no mention whatsoever of any Jewish phenomenon on the continent. When I tried in the Q & A to elicit some such acknowledgment or discussion, the effort was me t with as much enthusiasm as a plate of pork chops served up on Yom Kippur. The major aim of African Zion is two fold: to provide an historical (two century) overview of the evolving representation, conceptualization, and reconfiguration of black Jews i n both Africa and the United States, and to explicate how a distinct black Jewish Jewishness in the African and African diaspora contexts. To do this, editors Bruder and P arfitt provide a three part structure for the wide ranging essays of their book. Part I, after African Jewish identities from the peak of the African slave trade in about 1800 to the genetic testing of the Lemba in the mid 1990s), focuses on West Africa: three chapters on Nigerian Igbos who have adopted Judaism or have otherwise identified with the Jewish state of Israel, and one on an even newer community of Afri can Jews in Ghana. Part II is the most wide century attempts to retrospectively create a trans African Jewish proto empire in antiquity, and equally creative (albeit more scho larly based) arguments for an Israelite tradition of origin for the otherwise emphatically non Hebraic (not to mention non Zionist) cradle of the Hausa people of northern Nigeria and Niger Republic. (Given the virulently violent nature of the Hausa domina ted Boko Haram movement, in league with Al Qaeda and currently wreaking havoc in Nigeria, the putative Israelite Hausa myth of origin is bitterly ironic if not outright provocative.) This middle section of African Zion also contains chapters on Judaic scr iptural, liturgical and cultural practices among the Beta Israel of Ethiopia and the Lemba of Zimbabwe and South Africa. The final section of African Zion presents the most challenges for actual Africanists, at least as narrowly defined. Here we shift hy bridic gears to delve into the otherwise fascinating communities of Jewish, Israelite, and Hebrew identifying descendants of African slaves (each with its own nuances) from New York City to Dimona in the Negev Desert (with a welcome stopover in the Caribbe an, courtesy of Marla Brettschneider, for post colonial and diaspora studies novelist Jamaica Kincaid.) The If by the very nature of an edited collection, the constituent parts of African Zion vary by tone, length and quality, Black Jews in Africa and the Americas is uniformly exemplary in its evenness of form and excellence in substance. Originally conceived a s a series of presentations at Harvard University (the 2011Nathan I. Huggins Lectures), the book mid 1990s, into Jews in sub Saharan Africa and the African diaspora in the U.S. and West Indies. (Parfitt is Emeritus Professor of Modern Jewish Studies at the University of London School of Oriental and African Studies [SOAS]. Edith Bruder, who under P dissertation [later published as Black Jews of Africa and reviewed in this journal in volume 11:2 affords a contextualized understa nding of the sensitive topic of race in Judaism, beginning with post Biblical interpretations (Christian as well as Jewish) of the story of Ham, the son of Noah who was (somewhat inexplicably) punished by having his descendants (later identified as African black skin. By the nineteenth century proto

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| 113 anthropology had transformed this myth into the pseudo scientific Hamitic hypothesis, From there, it was a short theo historical hop to discovering Lost Tribes of Israel in the most unexpected corners of Saharan, Sahelian exposition is as much about the internalization by (some) Africans of this belief in Je wish origins as it is about the projection of the construct by (mostly) European missionaries and early ethnologists. In the context of descendants of black Africans in the New World, appropriation of Chosen People and Zionistic paradigms vied with Hamit ic internalizations to give rise to self identifying Black Jewish, Israelite, and Hebrew communities and synagogues in America. What remains inexplicable is why the common nineteenth century ross the African continent Parfitt gamely moves in his book from colonial Africa to contemporary Ghana, Nigeria and Zimbabwe where (some) Sefwi, Igbo ,, and Lemba emph atically claim Jewish ancestry. Why are these communities so energetic today? Given what Parfitt has documented about real and imagined African Israelites from time immemorial, why do students of Africa, Jewish and not, learn of them today with de novo s urprise? We are living in an era in which the color of Catholicism has been turning steadily darker. I n Europe, for example, priests are increasingly being recruited from Africa, Asia and Latin America. Evangelical Protestantism is also expanding mightily in these regions. Is the darkening complexion of Western Christianity a precursor to the future of Judaism? The two books under review do not raise the question directly, but do provide incontrovertible elements to engage it. At the very least, the gro wing phenomena of black African Jews and Jews of African descent ought to be considered through comparative religious studies lens as NRMs (New Religious Movements). the dec iders of admission to Jewry and Judaism h ave been the rabbis. Yet of all the diverse perspectives honored through publication in these otherwise inclusive treatments of Jewish identity, it is the rabbinic voice which is most conspicuous in its absence. It is as if the authors provocatively (if not problematically) answered in the affirmative. Not that there will ever be inter denominational rabbinic consensus on the content ious neither necessary nor sufficient to practice Judaism in order for the Chief Rabbinate of Israel the single most influential rabbinic authority that does exist to con sider somebody as Jewish. A vociferously anti rabbinic overt American atheist is still considered a Jew if her mother was Jewish; a Judaism devout African who regularly prays, in Hebrew, in a minyan (Jewish prayer quorum) would not be considered a Jew by that same Rabbinate, absent maternal lineage or formal conversion. For sure, different rabbis of different denominations will apply different standards and come to different conclusions. Still, the unmediated voice is relevant, even if disagreement among them emerging African and African diasporic communities provide room for rabbinic voices as well. In the meantime, African Zion and Black Jews in Africa and the Americas represent significant additions both to the longstanding fields of African studies, Jewish studies, and religious studies, as well as to the budding one of diaspora studies.

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African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.a frica.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v14i1 2a8 .pdf University of Florida B oard of Trustees, a public corporation of the State of Florida; permission is hereby granted for individuals to download articles for their own personal use. Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Florida. ISSN: 2152 2448 BOOK REVIEWS Akin Adesokan. 2011. Postcolonial Artists and Global Aesthetics Bloomington: Indiana University Press. xix, 230 pp. In Postcolonial Artists and Global Aesthetics Akin Adesokan considers how the processes of writers; and Ousmane Sembene, Tunde Kelani, and Jean Pierre Bekolo, known mostly for filmmaking. In the preface and introduction, Adesokan makes the case that analysis of art in beyond to consid er how genres are contoured by global forces. He suggests the West African marketplace as a model: the marketplace is a social space where people and ideas mingle, a crossroads where the trajectories of locals and outsiders intersect and drift apart, and a site where commerce thrives. Conceived broadly, the marketplace brings artists of all stripes into a worldwide conversation with other artists, with political actors, and with larger publics. Yet, these actors must also attend to economic considerations t hat color the motives of creators and expectations and force artists to make do with disparate local realities. Each of the remaining chapters considers the work of one artist intellectual, melding careful readings of key works into discussions of the postcolonial contexts that shaped them The Pan African Congress Past, Present and Future (1984) and other works of writer/activist C. L. R. James, Adesokan sees a call for a broader concept of Pan Africanism that targets not only discrimination based on race but also class and gender. In contrast, Adesokan argues that ue of power in the novel and film versions of Xala (1973 and 1975 respectively) paradoxically segregates middle class women from the poor and thus fails to see the groups as potential allies. In chapters on Tunde Kelani and Jean Pierre Bekolo, Adesokan sho ws how both filmmakers negotiate local expectations and global financial forces. While Thunderbolt: Magun (2001) adheres to Nollywood genre expectations of moral didacticism, it also became the first Nigerian video film to play the international f ilm circuit and of the assumption that commercial entrepreneurialism is incompatible with auteur cinema. (1996), in contrast, presents the director in multiples: expatriate and urbanite, African filmmaker and dependent of the European art film system that funds him. Finally, Adesokan considers the non The Atlantic Sound (2000) a nd other works, Adesokan sees a paradox; Phillips leaves Europe for the United States, which he finds more welcoming to a minority expatriate, yet he eschews association with the African Americans whose struggles made that environment possible. Adesokan th laden attacks on globalization in An Ordinary (2004) help her navigate her complex position within both the commercial realm of book publishing and the global network of anti capitalist activism. As th e

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116 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf ranging Pan Africanism la James, one that recognizes its debts to the anti imperialist project of tric ontinentalism as well as the political work of contemporary cosmopolitan aesthetics, extending its purview to anywhere suffering from the inequalities of globalization. A short conclusion recapitulates his broader theoretical claims. Readers interested in only some of the artist intellectuals Adesokan treats may be tempted to read those selected chapters alone. However, to not consider the whole book is to miss the intellectuals are subject to the same forces of globalization and decolonization, forces that have shaped the very genres in which they work and made them critics of the postcolonial condition. The resulting admixture of writers with filmmakers can prove jarring at first, but Adesokan is right to point out that such segregation is an academic convenience, and juxtaposing them better conveys how postcoloniality allies these artist also allow a comparison of the projects and genres of two generations of postcolonial artists, from James and Sembene during the transition from colonial rule, to the others, who more directly confront the neoliberal reforms of post omission is any considera tion of other types of artists: musicians, dancers, painters, and instead, it calls for his approach to be extended. In sum, Postcolonial Artists and Global Aesthetic s makes a much needed contribution to conversations in comparative literature, film studies, and African Studies. Brian C. Smithson, Duke University Allan Aubrey Boesak and Curtiss Paul DeYoung. 2012. Radical Reconciliation: Beyond Political Pietism and Ch ristian Quietism Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books. x, 196 pp. Alan Boesak, a theologian and former leader of the United Democratic Front in South Africa, joins Curtiss DeYoung, professor at Reconciliation Studies at Bethel University in Minnesota, as co a uthor of Radical Reconciliation: Beyond Political Pietism and Christian Quietism. For Boesak and DeYoung, "reconciliation" is often eq uated with political expediency s ome limited accommodation by the rich and powerful who accept only cosmetic changes that do not touch at the deeper issue of justice. They call this "political pietism." When Christians buy into this superficial reconciliation, or cheap grace, denying the demands of the gospel for solidarity with the powerless and oppressed, they fall prey t o "Christian quietism." The eight chapters that comprise the book develop this theme, with examples from both South Africa and the United States, and a conclusion charts the path toward radical reconciliation. The authors analyze reconciliation from a Bi blical point of view, drawing from the Old Testament scriptures about the prophets, the New Testament verses about the life and ministry of Jesus, and the record of the first century Church. The Hebrew prophets were called by God to chastise the powerful who deprived the poor of justice and a dignified life. Like the prophet Isaiah, Jesus also puts the poor at the center of God's concern. For these authors, reconciliation

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BOOK REVIEWS | 117 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf is inextricably linked with justice for the downtrodden. True reconciliation requi res not assimilation of the underclass with the powers that be, the lifting up of the weak, but rather the casting down of the mighty. They argue that the first century Church understood the radical challenge of the gospel. The story from the book of L uke about tax collector Zacchaeus is instructive. Viewed as instruments of exploitation and collabor ators with the occupying Roman E mpire, tax collectors were roundly despised in Jericho where Jesus was preaching. Though rich, Zacchaeus knew he was aliena ted from God and his neighbors. When he encountered the preaching of Jesus, without prompting he offered half of all his wealth to the poor, and to those he had defrauded, he promised to pay four times the amount he had taken. Zacchaeus was willing to "g ive up his status" in order to "do restitution, to make right what he has done wrong, in order to restore his relationship with his neighbors" (p. 67). The example of Zacchaeus could have been a model, Boesak argues, for the Truth and Reconciliation Commi ssion which operated in the 1990s to deal with apartheid era crimes. Led by Anglican Archbishop Desmond Tutu, the proceedings relied on Christian notions about forgiveness, and victims were offered the chance to forgive their oppressors as God has forgiv en them. Boesak takes issue with the fact that the TRC did not go far enough: "Why is the biblical demand for forgiveness, because it is a demand set for the victims, welcomed and praised, if not to say demanded, but the biblical demands for justice, beca use they are set for the beneficiaries of apartheid, are 'setting the standard too high?' If one says 'forgiveness,' one must also say 'justice'" (p. 63). He does not fault Tutu. He says that white South Africans "hear only 'forgiveness,' [but] Tutu spea ks of conversion, repentance, and change" (p. 136). Inversion of status is a theme taken up by DeYoung in his chapter on American churches. Contrasting the first century church with the twenty first century churches in the United States, he finds the latt er lacking. The strategy of the apostle Paul was to set up Jewish communities, an oppressed minority within the Empire, who then invited Romans and Greeks, members of the dominant culture, to join them as co worshipers in Christ. When the privileged Roma ns and Greeks joined these congregations, they became identified with a socially stigmatized group. Since Jews were in leadership, status inversion invariably took place, and the result of reconciliation between Jews and Gentiles was both healing and rede mptive. (DeYoung notes also that status inversion occurred for men, as women took positions of leadership, challenging sexism and furthering reconciliation.) In the twenty first century American churches, a very different model prevails. Congregatio ns are defined by race and ethnicity: "Rather than transforming society through a process of reconciliation, congregations have overwhelmingly conformed to a racialized, patriarchical, and class based society" (p. 85). DeYoung laments that the church refl ects a "white, male, middle class, able bodied, heterosexual, exclusive viewpoint. Too many congregations are fashioned on a model of privilege, exclusion, and prosperity" (p. 86). Even multicultural churches that are committed to reconciliation "find t heir vision and ministry shaped by a dominant culture perspective" (p. 86). Whereas the first century churches aimed, first, to make the oppressed communities comfortable, the exact opposite takes place in the twenty first century churches which aim to ma ke whites comfortable in attending. Black

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118 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf members are asked to participate in a process of assimilation, not reconciliation, and certainly not the inversion of status we saw in the early church. This book is well written and accessible to the general rea der. Despite being the work of two writers, it flows seamlessly from one chapter to another. It would be of particular interest to theology students and scholars of transitional justice. Lyn S. Graybill, Independent Scholar, Atlanta, Georgia Sakhela Buhlungu. 2010. A Paradox of Victory: COSATU and the Democratic Transformation in South Africa Scottsville: Un iversity of KwaZulu Natal Press. xii, 210 p p. Trade unions have actively participated as social movements in processes of regime change throughou t the continent of Africa, which have, in some cases, resulted in more democratic societies (Kraus 2007) However, because of the dual transitions of political and economic liberalization that became common in transitioning states, trade unions have incre asingly been faced with what Buhlungu calls a paradox of victory whereby the new institutional framework that trade unions create through popular mobilization in a transitioning state latterly serves to weaken them and often results in fractured and dis solved unions. This phenomenon has occurred in many late developing states and Buhlungu argues that the factors observed in his study can be applied to a range of states across Africa. In order to explore this issue, Buhlungu examines the case of COSATU, the largest trade documented (Adler and Webster 2000) and Buhlungu focuses on the factors that contributed to the formidable nature of trade unions in this period, and the factors that led to its decline since the formation of a democratic state in South Africa. In this sense, a tale of two unions is forged a successf ul union and a union in decline. In the first part of the book, a positive depiction of the manner in which trade unions became strong and contributed to the decline of the apartheid state is portrayed. From chapter four however a grim picture of the sta te of unions is depicted, as he illustrates the impact of the double transition of political and economic liberali zation on ed workers. Chapters five, six and seven give a damning indictment of the manner in which COSATU has develope d since the transition through an examination of its rank and file membership as well as the changing composition of its leadership in the context of shifted from one bas ed on worker solidarity to individualism that fails to leaving it either unwilling or unable to engage with other types of workers, as well as with the consolidates the argument and contends that COSATU has become a victim of its own success in the post apartheid era with fault lines appearing across the federati on. The strength of the book l ie s in the rich empirical data throughout which is broken into thematic areas that explore the development and demise of COSATU including global economic restructuring, generation al change of membership, leadership and race. As a sociological analysis it offers insights into the new institutional framework of COSATU in the post

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BOOK REVIEWS | 119 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf transitional society that might be difficult through other disciplines as it attempts to pull these diverse themes together in order to paint a coher ent picture of the paradoxical nature of trade union power. The book sets out to explore the political nature of trade union organi z ation in explaining why these on is not interrogated to a great extent throughout the second part of the book, which focuses more on the factors that contributed to the decline of unions. In chapter one Buhlungu seeks to locate COSATU within the broader sphere of trade union organizat ion in Africa in order to show that the paradox of victory could be transposed to other countries in the region H owever this comparative point is not returned to at all, a regrettable move, as it may have offered a way to evaluate the post transitional a ccounts of other African countries. Despite these critiques, the book is well thought out and brings together a wide range of themes that one should bear in mind when analy z ing the modern development of trade unions. Because of its accessible style, this book would be of equal use to an academic audience as well as trade unionists, activists and those from civil society groups as well as the interested lay person. References Adler, G lenn and Eddie Webster eds. 2000 Trade Unions and Democratization in South Africa, 1985 199 7. Basingstoke, Hampshire: Macmillan. Kraus, J on. 2007 Trade Unions and th e Coming of Democracy in Africa Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Ciara McCorley, University of Limerick Eric Charry ed. 2012. Hip Hop Africa: New African Music in a Globalizing World Bloomington: Indiana University Press. 390 pp. The second major publication to take a continental approach to African hip hop brings in some well known scholars on the topic from diverse disciplines; with music, ethnomusicolog y, and Africa via Europe and the United States. The volume presents import ant arguments in African debates over authenticity and imitation. Several authors present strong evidence of African hip Debates over hip h argue both sides of the debate. Charry, Schulz, and Watkins argue the former. While both Shonekan and Kidula present evidence of the latter, defining hip hop as having definite African origins.

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120 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf There is also a discussion over African identities. Dorothea Schulz puts forth that African hip hop artists claim a more authentic African identity tha n African Americans. This topic is controversial the topic of the chapter, it would have been better served in a separate work that could adequately discuss this complex de bate. Similarly, Schulz and Watkins examination of race v. economics, and linkages between Africans and African Americans is misplaced. Both discredit racial linkages, arguing that economic ties are more appropriate. By divorcing race from economics, they discredit links between racism and poverty, links that bind people of color. asporic music and highlife, and some of the criticisms that highlife faced. He connects that to contemporary criticisms of hiplife. John Collins includes a section that combines Ghanaian hiplife and Ghanaian hip hop, acknowledging that Ghanaian hip hop is its own distinct genre. breakdancing, steps outside of Cape Town and takes a broader examination of hip hop in South Africa, going from Cape Town to Johannesburg, to Durban, Grahamstown and Port Elizabeth. Watkins addresses the direction of South African hip hop and the debates over authenticity that label English speaking and commercial artists as unauthentic, while artists that rap in vernacular are seen as authentic. Steph anie Shonekan provides an excellent look at Nigerian hip hop as a product of both African American hip hop and Afrobeat. While some of the artists, such as 2face, may not be classified as hip hop, she effectively links Nigerian hip hop to urban, inner city Black hip hop culture in America and the Caribbean as well as to urban, post colonial realities and experiences expressed in highlife and Afrobeat music This volume looks primarily at hip hop, but five of the twelve chapters focus on other genres. These chapters (by Reed, Perullo, Collins, Seebode, and Polak) cover African pop, o exist. Reed only mentions one parallel in the area of sampling. The chapter would have been better served if it had included a more extensive discussion of the links with hip hop. Both Alex Perullo and Jean Ngoya Kidula focus on pop music in Tanzania and Kenya, respectively. While Kidula offers a simplistic breakdown of the different rap genres in Kenya, and inaccurately categorizes pop music as hip hop, his inclusion of the Kenyan Diaspora provides information on an often overlooked phenomenon: the relat ionship between African artists and t heir Diasporas. Perullo, a well known scholar of Tanzanian hip hop, examines Bongo Flava in Tanzania. Perullo provides an account of the evolution of Bongo Flava, its innovations in production and fashion, and a discuss which urban youth can improve their skills and share advice. As a growing sub field of research, African hip hop scholarship is still finding its way and defining its parameters. The authors in the volume provide extensive background information examination of local hip hop scenes. While there are some concerns regarding some of the

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BOOK REVIEWS | 121 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf provides a good look urban music in Africa. The book is also a solid contribution to scholarship on African hip hop. Msia Kibona Clark, California State University Los Angeles Robert Crawfo rd. 2011. Bye the Beloved Country? South Africans in the UK, 1994 2009 Johannesb urg: UNISA Press 182 p p Bye the Beloved Country? discusses South African immigration to England, primarily using information from newspapers and databases. This work may contribute to general knowledge on both why South Africans leave home and why they re home in the UK. Crawford begins his Introduction by highlighting the problem of numbers in South African migration. Scholars have widely debated and disagreed as to just how many South Africans are leaving the country, as well as how many are entering the UK. This is du e, in part, to discrepancies between the numbers of people who leave on tourist visas and stay out p ermanently, those who intend to emigrate permanently but return to South Africa, and a number of other factors. Additionally, Crawford points out, the numb er of South Africans arriving with their UK citizenship papers in hand as a result of having forebears from the a figure which could be off on either side by about a h alf million people. Africa, with a focus on the usual suspects: high crime rates, affirmative action/black economic empowerment schemes, family issues, and relocatin g for employment opportunities. Crawford emotions that both people who choose to leave and people who choose to stay in the New South Africa experience. Chapter T for immigration into the UK, including ancestry visas and temporary work permits. It assesses the attitudes of South Africans in the UK toward their country of origin and ultimately concludes that most South Africans chose to relocate out of a desire to improve their (usually financial) lot in life. Chapter Three expands upon a theme mentioned in previous chapters: the Brain Drain. After mentioning the effects of a mass exodus of skilled workers on South Africa, Crawford discusses here the skills that South Africans bring to the UK. Unsurprisingly, most settle in London, particularly its leafy southern reaches. By 2008, Crawford argues, new visa schemes began making the UK less accessible for So uth Africans, though the longer term implications of that are of course presently unclear. Chapters Four and Five focus more on South African life in the UK finding community and forging identity, respectively. Crawford focuses on categories of identity, including race, that have been important to immigrating South Africans and discusses how those play into the search for community and belonging in the United Kingdom. In Chapter Six, Crawford discusses how South Africans abroad view the possibilities of r eturning home. He discusses various efforts, including the Coming Home campaign, to draw expatriates back and engages in investigating how returning citizens may view themselves or how what views they might elicit from stayers. Crawford concludes by assessing

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122 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf the views South Africans both in and outside of the Diaspora hold toward their country and it not suffered the br ain drain. He notes that the tightening up of visa laws and regulations may soon stem immigration to the United Kingdom. Bye the Beloved Country is an impressive qualitative work. Crawford presents a good amount of survey information and assessments on the demographics of South Africans who are emigrating. Most of his quantitative data, however, comes from newspapers or secondary works rather than from interviews, making it a little difficult to assess how representative the included comments are. Perh aps a future study could work to expand upon this and to evaluate some of the claims Crawford makes regarding the demographics of those emigrating, including that large numbers are young people who leave to travel or see the world rather than to leave home generalities about chicken runners, but Crawford does not fully distinguish between white flight in the early 1990s and the adventures of youth fifteen years later, and it woul d have been helpful to see him engage more with comparative migration studies or analyses of other countries/regions, in order to wholly contextualize patterns of South African movement. Myra Ann Houser, Howard University Ashley Currier. 2012. Out in Afric a: LGBT Organizing in Namibia and South Africa. Minneapolis: Univ ersity of Minnesota Press 255 pp. In the last two decades, international debates over the rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) individuals have led to fierce political c lashes. In sub Saharan Africa, local LGBT activists draw on universal human rights claims in their appeals for civil liberties, while opponents invoke tropes of tradition and frame calls for international LGBT rights as neocolonial impositions. Despite abu ndant media, academic and political attention paid to these debates and their sometime violent outcomes, little attention has been paid to the specific strategies that African LGBT activists employ when navigating this complex ideological field. They make strategic choices that impact their organizations and the lives of their constituents, but their actions remain under researched. analysis. She delivers a well craf ted ethnography of activists in four NGOs in Namibia and South Africa, focusing on the strategic choices they make concerning the public visibility of their organizations and their constituents. Supplementing extensive participant observation and interview s with archival research, about organizational membership, donor relationships, lobbying efforts, and who can access the NGO headquarters. She also draws attention to the ways in which race, class and gender shape access to and experience of LGBT organizations, drawing attention to internal debates surrounding identity and belonging. social movement s. Rather than seeing visibility and invisibility as beyond the control of activists, she discusses them as context driven strategies. She argues, for example, that the

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BOOK REVIEWS | 123 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf persistent association of invisibility with a lack of power offers little in the way of analysis of moments in which organizations choose organizational visibility within the historical and political economic contexts of South Africa and Namibia. In South Africa, decisions about LGBT visibility have been shaped by the legacy of apartheid and constitutional equality, and more recently, by violence against lesbians. LGBT organizing in Namibia, on the other hand, emerged in response to outspoken political homophobia. Currier sheds light o n the ways in which sociopolitical fields shape, but do not determine, organizational visibility. Rather, she shows how activists deftly negotiate competing expectations, values and norms in their advocacy. Throughout the second and third chapters, Currier examines visibility strategies that organizations in Johannesburg and Windhoek employed when faced with moments of both political hostility and opportunity. Lesbian activists at a South African NGO adopted an intentional invisibility in the wake of a stri ng of corrective rapes and maintained this discretion through intensely monitoring membership and access to the organization. When faced with LGBT political stances, lesbian activists in Namibia adopted a strategy of public visib ility and became fierce critics of such rhetoric. Currier argues that such strategic orientations must be analyzed with other factors in mind, including interruptions in funding and internal debates about organizational priorities. Challenging the notion t hat organizational invisibility is always forced on activists, Currier argues that researchers of social movements, particularly those engaging vulnerable populations such as LGBT individuals, must exercise care to avoid deploying assumptions about what in visibility says about organizational development. African funding from Northern donors. Thus, while funding enables continued programming it which activists seek to counter, thereby shaping decisions that they make about organizational visibility. The book concludes with a n argument for a nuanced and human centered approach to research on LGBT organizing, suggesting that visibility strategies offer insight into how and why social movements make seemingly contradictory decisions about their public visibility. Visibility, she placed on LGBT mobilization in various contexts. Ultimately, Out in Africa reminds us that nonprofit organizing is comprised of individuals and groups situate d within shifting political and historical contexts that shape their work. By power within the hands of those driving LGBT organizing without overlooking the stru ctural and scholars of sexuality and post colonial studies. It is particularly well suited for graduate level seminars in the social sciences focused on the comp lexity of sexuality, globalization and activism. Matthew Thomann, American University

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124 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf Souleymane Bachir Diagne. 2011. African Art as Philosophy: Senghor, Bergson and the Idea of Negritude Calcutta: Seagull Books. vi, 210pp. Souleymane Bachir Diagne explo as a product of Africa and its diaspora in an important historical period of transition marked by the questioning of Western values and the breakdown of colonial rule. Negritude is presented in the wider context of resistance to colonialism and affirmation of difference influenced by philosophical exploration of what he calls Africanity, within universal question s of what it means to be human, drawing from diverse sources of inspiration from Jean Paul Sartre, Henri Bergson, Lucien Lvy Brhl, Karl Marx and Friendrich Engels, to Ferdinand Georg Frobenius, Pablo Picasso and Pierre Teilhard de Chardin among others. art as a form of philosophy to reject contemporary colonial views of Africa as a cultural tabula rasa, void of civilization. As Senghor is a Nietzs chean philosopher: like the of truth. More precisely, he claims that we have the truth of African art, of what was called of a narrow and reductive rationalism. And, even before 6) Senghor (1906 2001) was indeed part of an elite group of African students who lived in Paris in the twenties and thirties at the height of colonialism when African art was beginning to Art, galvanizing the movements of Primitivism and Modern art. Lopold Seghor, Aim Csaire and Lon Damas began by writing mainly poetry as a form of self expression and assertion of dif ference as blacks. It was Jean Paul Sartre who in 1948 wrote the essay Black Orpheus Anthology of New Negro and Malagasy Poetry identifying Negritude as a major political movement and a philosophical criticism of colonialism But Diagne also suggests that Sartre criticized Negritude by denounci ng it as a that its idea of African philosophy amounts to an essentialist racialism employing a process of invention (from the whiteness of Being to the Negritude o f Being, from (p 41). philosophers develop their thoughts. Diagne writes : that what permitted the multifarious undertaking of bringing to light an alternative African Essai sur les donn es immdiates de la coscience (1889), which revealed an alternative way of seeing, a direction for philosophy radically alternative to that which, until then, in order to save reason from the p p 5 6). initial intuition was that there is a truth in African art which is itself a form of philosophy. intuitive, at best highlight the sources of Sengho African art to a mythical and exotic past. What Diagne excludes from his analysis, is the fact that the influx of African art (which was almost exclusively sculpture) in the late 19 th and early 20 th c enturies in Europe, was selected to perpetuate colonial ideas of Africa as primitive. The

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BOOK REVIEWS | 125 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf putting into question their African origin. It is within this context that Senghors ideas inspired by African art needs to be historically read. Diagne nevertheless preludes t hat African art is a philosophy and a humanist one S enghor never stopped expressing throughout his life in his theoretical texts, most times successfully, sometimes in ways that proved to go nowhere or with formulations xplorations in the wider theoretical context of philosophy, it is less analytical within the field of African art history. criticism, contradiction, and misunderstanding. D espite this challenge, Souleymane Bachir Diagne achieves a quality analysis in the field of philosophy where perhaps he lacks in expertise in African art discourses. The book is an inspiring read with excellent bibliographical references and notes for read ings on Negritude that will attract a wide audience of readers. As such, African Art as Philosophy makes an important contribution to African studies from a multidisciplinary perspective. Helena Cantone, School of Oriental and African Studies, University o f London Martin Evans. 2012. Algeria: France's Undeclared War. Oxford: Oxford University Press. x xxv, 457 pp. Martin Evans structures Algeria around three "analytical threads" : long simmering hatred engendered by colonization beginning in the 1830s, the rise of Algerian nationalism from the 1920s, and third way reformism leading to the failed reforms of the 1930s and culminating in the Special Powers Act of 1956. Evans argues the se set the stage for the Algerian War, contextualizing the legitimization of violence on both sides as well as the global political enjeux that make the war not just a chapter in Franco Algerian history but a turning point in the break up of empires and th e emergence of new transnational alliances like pan Islamism and pan Arabism. It is a clear thesis well supported by this weighty tome's persuasive arguments and wealth of evidence. These three factors are largely chronological in nature, and the book foll ows a linear structure through the first century of colonization, the onset of conflict in the postwar era, and the dramatic apogee of the war in the period 1959 1962. With regard to why the French lost the war, Evans argues it was due to the strength of A lgerian nationalism. This was a phenomenon he traces to a variety of Islamic and secular movements developing from the 1920s, and thus he suggests it owed little to the FLN. This organization's success was instead due to its ability to capitalize on existi ng nationalist sentiment, a force that had its ultimate roots in widespread land dispossession and the social, political, and economic marginalization of Muslim Algerians during the first century of the colonial project. Consequently the book decentres the FLN's role in the conflict while simultaneously explaining its political legitimacy as an organization with its finger on the popular pulse. Evans also contends that the events of 1956 are central to understanding the immediate causes of the war, as the c onflicting forces of reform and

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126 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf repression embodied in the Special Powers Act greatly aggravated Algerian grievances and at the same time testified to the Fourth Republic's paternalistic folly and global aspirations. The book s strength lies in its methodi cal, detailed, and comprehensive treatment of the conflict, and in its even handed appraisal of all parties. Making use of a great variety of French and British archival sources, newspapers, interviews, and secondary literature, Evans marshals a compelling account that transcends the war per se and serves as a history of the Algerian colonial undertaking as a whole. And with its balanced and nuanced treatment of the forces involved in the complex history of the war r unning the full spectrum from pro French Algerians to pro Algerian French A lgeria will serve as a reference for those with an interest in Algeria in its own right as well as its influence on France and beyond in the 20th century. While the book is eminently fair to Algerians, this is a work focu sed on "France's undeclared war." Consequently, those seeking an account of the conflict squarely centere d in Algerian points of view will need to look elsewhere. This, however, is not a fault per se, and is in keeping with the book's aim. If the work does have a weakness, on the other hand, it might be a tendency for undue charity toward certain Algerian actors who are at times undeserving of it, and a concomitant willingness to lay unrestricted blame at the feet of the French for evils new and old. Evans seems ready to accept, for example, that the FLN's ethos of violence only had the momentum it did in postcolonial Algeria because the French drew the conflict out for so many years ( p. 335). This allows the FLN to avoid responsibility for the prevalence of violence in the postcolony a phenomenon for which it was surely a partial cause. There is equally tension between Evans's argument that "in resorting to torture and summary executions, the Algerian army was modeling its counter insurgency tactics on thos e of its erstwhile enemy" ( p. 358), and his characterization of pre colonial Algerian society as being oriented toward the cult of the violent warrior and "highly dictatorial" ( p. 230). These, however, are minor points. Generally the work is unflinching in identifying hypocrisy on both sides of the Mediterranean, and in holding violent parties, whatever their provenance, accountable for their actions. Algeria combines excellent scholarship with crossover appeal for a general audience. While preserving acade mic rigor, the book has the clarity and narrative force to draw in general readers as well as lower level students. Featuring biographies of key players, a wealth of maps and images, and a comprehensive bibliography and index, this work will serve as an au thoritative source for students and scholars alike. A fine example of academic work with ambitious scope and a robust allegiance to historical justice, the only thing left to hope for is that other historians of Africa will follow in Evans's footsteps and create such engaging reference works for their own areas of study. Robert Nathan Dalhousie University Sandra J.T.M. Evers, Catrien Notermans and Erik van Ommering eds 2011. Not Just a Victim: The Child as Catalyst and Witness of Contemporary Africa Le iden: Brill. 275 pp. Not Just a Victim: The Child as Catalyst and Witness of Contemporary Africa is a collection of ten qualitative studies based on a selection of papers presented at the conference, African Children in Focus: A Paradigm Shift in Methodo logy and Theory organized by the Netherlands African

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BOOK REVIEWS | 127 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf Studies Association in 2008. Acknowledging as its starting point that children s perceptions and ideas are often considered to be unreliable or insignificant, and that therefore African children have historically remained on the margins of social and anthropological studies, this edited collection sets out to challenge the establishe d view of children as victims. However, it is Kinning in the Imagination: Perceptions of Kinship and Family History among Chagossian Children in Mauritius the focus of the contributions is not st rictly anthropological. The volume largely focuses on the methodological implications of a child oriented approach to social sciences research, varied and complex role s and responsibilities that children play in contemporary Africa. As editors Evers, Notermans and van Ommering make clear in their introduction, the concept of a child should be defined within specific relational, cultural and local contexts, wherein ca tegories such as age, gender and the criteria for defining a child vary considerably (p.3). Contributors thus examine the experiences of children in challenging circumstances that range from being orphaned, abandonment, experiencing war, and living on the streets or in exile, in African nations including South Africa, Namibia, Ethiopia, Mauritius, Cape Verde, Morocco, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and Kenya. While this might at first sight appear rather a negative approach, questions of agency are cent ral to many of the essays in the collection. needs and wishes should alwa ys be the starting point for those working with these children. ward migration in Cape Verde argues that while it is important to recogni z e the agency of working street children or independent child migrant s, it is also essential to acknowledge the social and economic constraints that limit this Gendered Work and Schooling in Rural engages in debates a round child labor, but also recogni z es the multiple roles of children as producers, entrepreneurs, care e rs, and decision makers. Abebe contends that paternalistic approaches that view working children solely as victims are not only problematic analyticall y, but also from a policy point of view [as] they denigrate the capacities and meaningful contributions children make in their families (p. 168). The evaluation of different research methods with children is an important focus of the collection, and contr ibutors highlight their use of a range of different approaches, from observations to interviews, focus group discussions and questionnaires, to photo essays and the development of board games. In Chapter Two, Mienke van der Brug describes how a Kids Club was used to talk with Namibian children orphaned by AIDS about the sensitive issues surrounding their circumstances, which was evaluated positively in a follow up study six years later. June de Bree, Oka Storms and Edien Bartels also raise the question of methodology in their Return Migrant and Abandoned Children in Northeast Morocco finding the oral life history research method of particular relevance for their work with ret urning adolescents.

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128 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf The range of perspectives offered in this volume is impressive and a firm editorial hand has ensured that the quality of the chapters is consistently high. It is striking that African scholars based on the continent contributed none of the essays However, t he volume will be of interest to social scientists and development agencies working with children in different African contexts, and will also be of more general appeal to anyone intere sted in what the editors term, the emerging Afr ica of tomorrow. Charlotte Baker, Lancaster University Zygmunt Frajzyngier and Erin Shay, eds. 2012. The Afroasiatic Languages. Cambridge: Cambridge University P ress. xix, 687 pp. Frajzyngier and The Afroasiatic Languages is an im portant contribution to linguistic typology and an invaluable reference book on a major language phylum. Afroasiatic consisting of more than three hundred living languages, including an important world language, Arabi c, and a West African lingua franca, Hausa. Afroasiatic languages are spoken across an extensive range of North and Central Africa, the Horn of Africa, and on into the Arabian peninsula and other regions of the Middle East, with Arabic continuing as far a s Central Asia. The volume includes eight chapters, six of which are devoted to profiles of the individual families that compose Afroasiatic, as well as an introduction, and a substantial 120 page final chapter by Frajzyngier that provides an extensive ty pological outline of the Afroasiatic phylum. history of scholarship on the phylum. Particularly useful is the section on the state of the art in Afroasiatic sc holarship, which together with the extensive bibliography provides a useful starting point for linguists and others interested in pursuing research on these languages. As a typological study, the book aims to inventory the linguistic forms in Afroasiatic languages and the functions these forms encode, and to compare these across families. For example, gemination is a frequent type of morphological exponence in many Afroasiatic languages and can encode nominal or verbal plurality, derive causative or trans itive forms from intransitive ones, and mark perfective aspect. It should be noted that this is not a historical study (although the volume will, of course, be useful to historical linguists) and that Frajzyngier and Shay do not enter into debates about t he classification of Afroasiatic languages. They see no compelling reason to contest the generally accepted six family makeup of the phylum, and they accept the inclusion of Omotic as a separate family from Cushitic, the only real area of controversy with in the overall classification of Afroasiatic languages. The chapters profiling the six Afroasiatic language families, each of which includes a useful map, are written by noted scholars and experts in their respective fields. These include both eminent sc holars as well as younger researchers, many of whom contribute important insights on under documented Afroasiatic languages. Maarten Kossmann writes on Berber, Antonio Loprieno and Matthias Mller on Ancient Egyptian and Coptic, Gene Gragg and Robert Hobe rman on Semitic, the editors themselves on Chadic, Maarten Mous on Cushitic, and finally Azeb Amha on Omotic. The focus of the volume is on typology, and four of the six

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BOOK REVIEWS | 129 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf chapters constitute a first typological study of the family under consideration, contributing substantially to the originality of the volume. Each chapter provides a survey of the phonetics, phonology, morphology and syntax of the individual family, highlighting the characteristics that are typologically important and those that make the family particularly interesting. The chapters are replete with well chosen linguistic examples from multiple languages, many of The Afroasiatic phylum is characterized above all by its rich typological di versity. Thus it commonalities between languages and language families and to show places where they differ. In addition to the generally well known similarities between Afroasiatic languages, such as the fact that all language families have some analog of the familiar pharyngealized or emphatic consonant series in Arabic, manifested elsewhere as either ejectives, implosives, glottalized or pharyngealized consonant s, Frajzyngier presents us with some lesser known commonalities. The clustering of typological features, however, is most generally restricted to languages in fewer than the six Afroasiatic families. For example, Chadic, Cushitic, and Omotic languages a re generally tonal, while the others are not, and Frajzyngier provides a plausible scenario for tonogenesis in the former; in Semitic, Egyptian, Berber, and some Chadic languages nouns have underlying vowels while verbs do not, but in Cushitic and Omotic l anguages both verbs and nouns have underlying vowels; Egyptian, Semitic, and some Chadic languages are verb initial in pragmatically neutral clauses, but Cushitic and Omotic are verb final; Cushitic and Semitic have an extensive system of case marking, and they also have the construct state, both of which are absent in other families; and finally, in Cushitic and Chadic the phonological reduction of the word u sually t he reduction of the final vowel c orrelates with phrase internal position. Within his surve y, Frajzyngier also offers some tantalizing hypotheses for the correlation of features across language families, which will no doubt encourage new research on the Afroasiatic phylum. His hypothesis on the relationship between tone and the neutralization o f syllable codas to sonorants in Chadic languages and syllable reduction in Omotic languages, for example, opens up new areas of investigation in the historical phonology of the Afroasiatic languages. Given the wealth of information within its pages, and the many inviting areas of research that Frajzyngier points the reader to, this volume will surely stand as the seminal work on Afroasiatic languages for quite some time to come. Fiona Mc Laughlin, University of Florida and Universit Cheikh Anta Diop Diane Frost. 2012. From the Pit to the Market : Politics and the Diamond Economy in Sierra Leone Oxford: James Curry. 226 pp. From the Pit to the Market: Politics and the Diamond Economy sta tes that it is going to examine social, economic and politica p. 1) Diamonds are a part of the popular imagery and analysis of a ten year civil war that devastated Sierra Leone from 1991 to 2001. Much of the blood diamonds and the transnational role they played contributing to conflict(s), the role of disenfranchised youths in

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130 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf mining and conflict, patrimonial politics, limitations of the Kimberley Process Certification Scheme (2003), and diversification of mining. The popular imagery in films or songs, by performers like Kanye West and Frank Ocean, leans more towards the human bodily cost of diamonds and inequalities that still structure young peopl to weave these two strands together to give an understanding why such global resources have not benefited the local communities in which they are found. The book is thus split into two sections. T he first part deal Colonialism, Post c The Global Context. In the first part, a historical overview is given explaining the links between colonialism and resource predation. This is where the strengths of the book lie and the reader get s a sense of how social life, economics and politics intersected in the colonial and post colonial creation of diamond hubs like Bo, Kenema and Kono. These intricacies still ring true today as African resources are still h ighly sought international commo dities, inclusive of new actors such as the Chinese. I did expect more analysis of the institutional structures behind the Structural Adjustment Policies and continuity to Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers and what that says about resources and development priorities That would have explained the strong debt Frost owes to Collier in explaining the role of global capitalism, link to conflict, and dependency of the economy on resources and aid today. In part 1, I really enjoye d chapters 3 and 4 because this is where the voices, materiality and histories of the workers and grass roots organi z ations are illustrated. Frost did her fieldwork in which would be marginali z ed groups such as sex workers or those disabled by the conflict and diamond mining. She admits she stays on the articulate politici z ed elites, especially in Kono ( p. 199). They stay on message looking at communal loss, suffering, environmental degradation, and human rights violati ons like child labo r in the mines but also sex work and its consequences for girls. Like talk about rebuilding the road to Kono, people agree that these are issues that are cogent and urgently need attention but the political will is no t always there. One need s to question why and who benefits When she does that, in questioning the gender dynamics of the pits, you see that Frost has some really interesting fieldwork data. I wished she had looked around the pit and the city. The complexi ty of the fluid gendered and ex combatants, migrants, multinationals, increased blasting and interactions with the differing members of the Kono community, Lebanese and other diamond dealers is not explored. Likewis e, if one want s to track the move from pit to market and use qualitative methods you also need to interview who controls the market and ask why This book would have been stronger if Frost had done some follow up interviews with this cast and tracked the diamonds to Antwerp and the newer hubs like Dubai. Part 2 deals with this wheeling and dealing of diamonds and also the parallel economies. Much of the work about the connections of diamonds to international terrorism, arms, laundering, drugs and traffic king was published after Farah but is an open secret in Sierra Leone. Depending on who m you talk to, you the system. In effect, this book brings it together in an easily read summary that should appeal to students. However, I d o think there a re some generaliz ( p. 172) which Gberie has noted is not homogenous. Ultimately, I agree we are in the midst of a scramble for African resources and

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BOOK REVIEWS | 131 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf the diamond industry is now changing with the incre ased role of multinationals, deep mining and private security companies. With the increased power of civil society organi z ations and the presence of activist elites in positions of political power, not tokenism but real corporate social responsibility sho uld be high on the agenda i nclusive of past and present abuses. Maria Berghs, University of York Kobena T. Hanson, George Kararach and Timothy M. Shaw eds. 2012 Rethink ing Development Challenges for Public Policy : I nsights from Contemporary Africa Hampshire, England: Palgrav e Macmillan. xviii, 293 pp. The global financial crisis that began in late 2007 brought serious development challenges to African economies. Hence, recovery, amongst other challenges necessitated that the spotlight be brought to bear upon governance and leadership which Nelson Mandela, the former South African president, once stated were problematic in Africa. Similarly on 11 July 2 009, US Presiden it needs strong Hence, any book that refracts developmental issues through the governance and leadership prism is a welcome addition to the development debate. The eight chapter book (plus a conclusion) is a collection of essays on a number of public policy issues that Africa contends with in its quest for sustainable human development and human security in the 21st century. In essence, the book catalogues development issues and offer s a potpourri of solutions that African governments must adopt as they seek to claim the 21st century. Thus, the introductory chapter is a call to action; it urges African governments to develop capacity for strategic thinking and leadership la European Union (EU) and Organi z ation for Economic Co operation and Development (OECD) countries as they seek to reinvent themselves. In chapter 1, Tettey discusses the leadership deficit and proposes the path to good governance and transformative politics. While Te governance record has improved during the last decade, he argues that the improvement is unsatisfactory as to necessitate transformative leadership that has a zero tolerance for mediocrity, if not total failure as ins tanced by failed states. In chapter 2, Makinda continues in solution, Makinda proposes the following: establishing a Pan African leadership institute (to grow and nurtu re leaders); enhancing democracy institutions; improving access to health care facilities; and strengthening critical infrastructure. Ayee ( chapter 3) and Owusu and Ohemeng ( chapter 4) discuss the role of public administration in the development process. Ayee argues that all African governments have experimented with varieties of public sector reforms, particularly, New Public Management (NPM). He argues that NPM failed because of its one size fits all orienta tion and, thus, recommends that: public adminis tration reforms must be context aware; public administration reforms must be part of broader public sector reforms; and that there must be a move away from NPM to New Public Service. Similarly, Owusu and Ohemeng advocate for a developmental public administ ration that entails some of the following: flexible but competent

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132 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf public service; strong government business civil society relationships; meritocratic and career building public service; and high ethical standards. Using various case studies, Chikozho ( cha pter 5) and Oyama et al. ( chapter 6) discuss trans boundary water governance and water crisis management respectively. Chikozho concedes that there is no one best method of trans boundary water governance but, nonetheless, argues that there should be devel oped mechanisms that would, amongst others, address conflict avoidance, conflict management and inter state cooperation. Oyama et al contend that the solution to the water crisis could be found in suitable water management processes and technologies, stake holder inclusiveness etc. Arthur ( chapter 7 ) argues the case for Small and Medium scale Enterprises (SMEs) as engines of growth and catalysts of socio economic transformation in Africa. Arthur uses case studies to showcase the resilience of SMEs. Based on challenges and problems that they face, he recommends that African governments must harness the potential of SMEs by creating an environment that will facilitate their operation. Sy ( chapter 8) discusses climate financing in uncertain periods, particularl y fiscal stress. He ends the chapter by proposing a raft of financing options. Lastly, chapter 9, by the editors, wraps us issues discussed in the book and proposes ways to take the development agenda forward. The book has a number of strengths: important ly, the authors are qualified to talk to the subject because there are specialists in the subject areas. Arising from this, the book is endowed with high scholarship and, consequently, it is extensively researched. Finally, the book is a valuable addition to the literature because it discusses a topical issue; development, and it refracts it through the governance and leadership prism. Notwithstanding the above positives, the book could do with fewer in text references because they tend to crowd out the nar rative. Ending, did the book successfully achieve its overarching aim; discuss development challenges and recommend public policy solutions? Yes, it did. Emmanuel Bo tlhale, University of Botswana David Harris. 2012. Civil War and Democracy in West Africa. Conflict Resolution, Elections and Justice in Sierra Leone and Liberia London, New York: IB Tauris. 300 pp. In light of geographical proximity and cultural similarities as well as prolonged civil conflict within overlapping time periods, Liberia and Sier ra Leone are favored cases for comparative politics and there have been a number of books and articles examining the roots and trajectory of conflict, as well as prospects for sustainable peace in the aftermath of conflict. The recent book by David Harris falls in the latter category. However, contrary to much of the literature on these two countries that has focused on causes of war, this book takes as its starting point one of the hallmarks of peace processes in recent years, the conduct of post conflict elections, and examines the effectiveness of the electoral process as a mechanism to promote reconciliation and lasting peace. In what is perhaps the book's greatest contribution, the author seeks to address a heretofore under researched aspect of internat ional conflict resolution initiatives: the nexus between liberal traditions of justice that have increasingly come to dominate post conflict

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BOOK REVIEWS | 133 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf reconstruction debates, replacing realist, more inclusive approaches, and the political capacity of former rebel gr oups. The author argues that legal and moral imperatives have replaced political considerations in conflict resolution interventions, with a new emphasis on seeking justice for perpetrators through means like special courts and truth commissions, rather than former practices of including belligerents in peace deals. Furthermore, the inability of rebel groups to transform into viable political groups or parties also contributes to the determination of electoral outcomes and ultimately, peace and stabilit and approaches to conflict coupled with the political inefficacy of rebel movements have To build his case, Harri s examines four elections in Liberia and Sierra Leone (the 1996 and 2002 elections in Sierra Leone, and the 1997 and 2005 elections in Liberia). In the 1996 and 1997 elections, conflict soon resumed in both countries. The two later elections have ushered i n a period of relative peace, although he queries the sustainability of this peace in the Sierra Leone case. The question he then seeks to answer is why the difference in outcomes between the two sets of elections. While acknowledging that explanation res ts on a variety of factors including electoral context and arrangements as well as ethnicity and security, Harris includes what he believes are crucial heretofore under explored explanations: international discourse surrounding belligerents and political c apacity of rebel actors. On first glance, Harris makes a compelling case. His detailed description of actors, events and circumstances surrounding all four elections reveal a great depth of knowledge and intimate familiarity with the details of the cases in question. He does an excellent job demonstrating how both the international community and the political fortunes of the involved rebel groups contributed to their variable showing in all four respective elections. Less convincing however, is the link age between shifting international discourses and the question of sustainable peace. A central claim is that more punitively oriented discourses have made peace following elections more problematic, yet the cases do not seem to fully fit the analyses. For example, in Liberia, although Harris points to the late nineties as the harbinger of changing discou rses (albeit intensified following September 11) he himself notes that Charles Taylor was unaffected by calls for a judicial process in 1997, and in fact w ent on to win by a landslide in the elections of that year. To the contrary, it would appear that a more inclusive perspective actually hindered lasting peace given the predatory and violent nature of the Taylor regime, and contributed to the return to civ il war. In 2005, when punitive discourses were arguably stronger, they again made little headway in Liberia. For example, Liberian Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) recommendations for the prosecution of those deemed responsible for gross human rights violations have been largely ignored. Additionally, rather than facing criminal charges, former rebel actors were able to take part in the interim government following Taylor's exit from the country in 2003, and voluntarily disbanded prior to the 20 05 elections. While the author links Liberia's positive electoral outcome in 2005 to the country's non implementation of the more punitive discourses in place, it is not implausible that other causal factors may be in play.

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134 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf In the Sierra Leone case, the author appears to find problematic the Revolutionary United Front's (RUF) marginalization from the 2002 elections, a result of disapprobation from an international community that now advocated punishment rather than inclusion, as well as the poor politica l organization capabilities of the group itself. However, the RUF's mandated presence in government under the 1999 Lome Peace Accords, including four cabinet posts and four deputy ministerial positions, accomplished little by way of reconciliation or peace Concerns that RUF marginalization contributed to SLPP's landslide victory in 2002 which made to be a little out of place as RUF inclusion might not necessarily have resulted in a more amenable result. Moreover, Sierra Leone's two subsequent peaceful elections of August 2007 and November 2012 also seem to indicate that the absence of significant RUF participation has not been a cause for concern. In the 2007 elections, the All People's Congress (APC) unseated the Sierra Leone People's Party (SLPP), and it was re elected in 2012. In the latter elections, APC success has been attributed not just to incumbency advantage but also a reflection on party performance: an acknowledgement that the party has tried to address some of the grievance related issues that gave rise to the conflict, including infrastructural development, health care and education, a lthough the problem of youth unemployment that Harris rightly points to as a potential destabilizing issue, continues to loom large. Finally, as the author himself points out, there are potential problems in the inclusion of rebels in post the institution, legitimizes the warring parties and allows impun benefits outweigh the costs of inclusion is difficult, and determining the credibility of the warring faction, the legitimacy of grievances, and its motives for power is not an easy task. Thus, while the premise of inclusion is theoretically appealing, there are a number of practicalities in implementation that could have been considered in greater depth. Aside from these issues, the book provides many useful insights, serving as a check on both the global move to indict reb els as well as the assumption that elections in and of themselves are an indicator of peace. Additionally, the book provides an excellent comparative overview of the history of both Sierra Leone and Liberia, the onset of conflict and the various arguments and theories proposed to understand its progression and eventual conclusion. Furthermore, Harris comprehensively examines the complexities of the various relationships among political parties, rebel groups and the international community within the two co untries, and his description and analysis of the intricacies of the electoral processes, the actors and the elections themselves provide a valuable insight into the various issues associated with post conflict elections. The book will be of interest not j ust to scholars of these two countries, but more generally to policy makers and scholars of conflict resolution, post conflict reconciliation, democratization, and development. Fredline A. O. M'Cormack Hale, Seton Hall University

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BOOK REVIEWS | 135 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf William J. Hemminger.201 2. The African Son Lanham: University Press of America. 94 pp As George Bernard Shaw wrote, All Autobiographies are lies similarly most of the memoires or travelogues are mere exaggerations and hardly regulate imagination by reality. However, Hemminge doing job(s) merely at different places in different capacities in Africa. His description is also not for the amusement but to present a thick description of the soc ial, cultural, spiritual and economic landscape of Africa. The author very exquisitely presents the interplay of cultures, communities, life ways that govern their lives. The book is not too extensive however; thematically thorough, giving a succinct understanding of nature and life in Africa and perhaps this feature of the book best It is also an eye catcher because of its colorfu l look, fine printing and paper quality, besides the depth of the work reflects even the unsaid, not discussed and unwritten aspects of African life as well. field description (view) to his various field trips. He hits the pressing African issue in his very first chapter, amily describing the death of a boy and expressing his grief, reflecting his humane concern and the absence of the proper healt h care and above all poverty in Africa. In the same chapter, he turns sociologist though indirectly by mentioning the status she had told me that she was about 28 years old a poverty. The succeeding chapters describe his deep knowledge about African geography, socio biology, agriculture, food culture, hospitality, rural life style, urban delight and even faith and spirituality. His interest in describing the social and physical landscapes of different African countries opens up lots of intellectual discourses about African life itself be tha t social and economic inequalities, rich African geography and landscapes, etc and their religiosity and draws inspiration from their abstinence from material lust. To add spice to his work, he pastes the whole amusing curri culum vita of a Cameroonian man (chapter 11), who became his guide driver, by referring to his bizarre skills. Heputs himself as the cent er of narration however, but indirectly tells a detailed story of the holistic, diverse and pluralistic African nature and life and masses. His clearly written but artistic description reflects more the socio cultural landscape and his style churned with literary and academic flavors makes it inviting for the potential readership. The author like an expert fieldworker or a trained anthropologist studied African life in certain roles as a Peace Corps Volunteer, a Fulbright scholar or as a visiting academician. He is a man of compassion and love and not a hallow tricky author, who j ust plays with words and jargon but narr ates honestly without caring whether his description is reflecting positive, appalling, significant or insignificant findings. He seems eager to report the pain and suffering of his fellow human beings. He does not sound a slave of his mere perception but reports the context exactly as he witnesses it. He does not even care about garnishing his deliberations or jargonizing his prose; he only speaks to his heart and wants to spread the message about Africa and life within.

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136 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf I view The African Son as Hemminge the Africa he saw on his journeys from Senegal to Malawi, Cameroon Zimbabwe and Madagascar. Hemminger like a true social worker feels responsible to society and aspires for change. While he lives the title he chose for his memoire simult aneously he leaves a message to the world about ignored Africa. The only minor flaw of the book is the lack of images/travel photographs that could have added to the account presentation and beautify the book. The A frican S on deserves a patient reader who can immerse himself/herself deep ly in the context of the book and conceptualize the pain and suffering that Hemminger has plainly narrated with empathy. The beauty of the book is that it does not impose perceptions but leaves the reader free to conceptuali L ike a social anthropologist Hemminger acts as a field researcher in the African context and meets different people like Muslims, missionaries, clergyme n and common people to gain insight s and kno w about the real Africa. The social but peppery content of the book will attract all except speculative fiction readers for the book presents culture and life style s as witnessed by the a uthor as a participant observer The book should attract students of all disciplines especially from the social sciences and researchers on Africa and above all Africa lovers. Moreover, the book can act as a valuable travel book on Africa. Adfer Rashid Shah Centr al University, New Delhi Catherine Higgs. 2012. Chocolate Islands: Cocoa, Slavery, and Colonial Africa Athens: Ohio University Press. 230 p p Catherine Higgs gives us a thoughtful narrative history of how chocolate production on So Tom and Prncipe relied upon slave labor during the late nineteenth and early t wentieth commitment to social justice, shows how a nascent desire for ethical business practices exposed slavery, disease, and the abuses of Portuguese colonial rule in Africa. In 1905 Cadbury called upon Joseph Burtt, fellow Quaker and former utopianist, to spend eighteen months in island colony of So Tom and Prncipe were t evolution from a paternalist who argued the labor system of the roas rather they affirmed the article written for by Henry Nevinson, whom Burtt met while visiting t he roa Boa Entrada in June 1905 (p. 39). Nevinson was a staunch abolitionist who spent four months tracing the slave routes in Angola, whereas Burtt would stay for nearly Burtt such flagrant abuse of international and Portuguese law continued. Despite what he heard and saw, Burtt maintained an air of detachment. While sharing breakfa st with two missionaries in

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BOOK REVIEWS | 137 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf ruitment practices and labor abuse were too evident to deny. Chocolate Islands takes the reader on a fascinating tour of Portuguese Africa, from the offshore islands of So Tom and Prncipe, to Angola, and then to Mozambique where Burtt studied labor rec Loureno Marques, 1907, Burtt was so charmed by Alfredo Augusto de Andrade, the governor general of Mozambique, that he wrote a praise poem about the man. In the poem, Burtt extolled And pragmatic rule as love because it required African men to engage in wage labor or cash crop production to pay their hut taxes. The Quaker emphasis on personal liberty led Burtt to conclude that mine recruitment practices were superior to roa methods because workers left the mines to return to Mozambique once their contracts were completed. The great benefit here ney provides a window to explore multiple forms of labor and social injustice across a wide region. Burtt, like E.D. Morel, used his experiences to lobby for better working conditions and eventually, by 1909 to encourage American chocolatiers to follow the European boycott of So Toman cocoa (p. 150). Higgs gives us a solid history, but one that concerns itself with European attitudes about Africans rather than focused on African views on their forced servitude to colonial economies. While wholly sympathet way view reveals how human rights histories (or even movements for that matter) fall prey to one sided narratives. This presents a distinct challenge, but one that can be addressed within the classroom setting teaching students how to analyze historical photographs and how these photos helped stimulate social awareness. As the history of a commodity and social movement, Chocolate Islands is useful because it pulls together so many important narratives within African history. It is a worthwhile companion for multiple university applications, from modern Africa courses to w orld history, or as an excellent example of narrat ive historical techniques for graduate students. Chau Johnsen Kelly, University of North Florida Charles Hornsby. 2012. Kenya: A History Since Independence London/New York: I.B. Tauris. xviii, 958 pp. There have been many books, papers, monographs and other history. Most of focused on the colonial era or on sp ecific post (p.1). None has successfully treated the post independent era of Kenya in its wholeness. This is exactly what Charles Hornsby has accomplished As Kenya celebrates its fiftieth year of political independence in 2013, this book questions all the political paths that Kenya has taken since its independence in 1963. It does this by presenting a historical narrative of sequential and connected socioeconomic and political events

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138 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf twelve parts beginning with an introduction and ending with a well written conclusion. One of the major goals ach ieved by the author is that readers would compare this account of Kenya wit h those of other African states rayed the pe riod 1964 1965. He refer struggle for the state. This chapter 93 155). The fourth chapter describes the 1966 1969 period. It interestingly re fers to this period as a time of mu lti party non (pp. 156 219). During this period, Kenyans witnessed undemocratic experiences in the country, despite that the government was considered a democratic one by the international community. D uring these years, state abolition, detentions without trial, restrictions on public meetings and ethnic preferential policy treatments became a culture of the then government of Kenya. T golden years of Kenya (pp. 220 278 ). This period, 1970 when the growth and instability of the 1960s (p. 220). The book reveals that hidden in this period was the kikuyuisation of Kenya. the state continued to talk of Kenya as one the entrenchment of Kikuyu power through its formal and informal networks (p. 254). period of 1975 1978 (pp. 279 330). This period saw crises along political, economic, sectoral and reg ional lines. The seventh to thirteenth chapters chronicle the periods from 1978 to 2010. The author notes that a lot economy remains structured along colonial line s up till today (p. 787). The author passed what could b e a damning judgment on Kenyans that by most Kenyans (p. 787). How true is this statement? People may have divided opinions on this assertion. Only Kenyans and keen observers of Kenya would, maybe, have strong opinions on this assertion. What the book has successfully done by making this assertion is to encourage Kenyans to study their own history better. From the diction and tone of the book, the author appears intensely and has authentic views on situations in the country. Without doubt, it presents an encyclopedic knowledge of post independence Kenya with so much clarity that any researcher, historian, political scientist and literary enthusiast would understand it. It gives compelling evidences that a minority of people own and drive the political vehicle of Kenya. It provides a background for understanding the run up to the highly contentious 2013 presidential elections. The book used authenticated documented evidences to support its message. Newspaper articles, books, journals and official government publications are some of the evidences the author used to back up his messages. The book includes detailed charts, graphs, maps, tables, photographs must read for all those interested in the general poli tical evolution of African countries, in particular, Kenya. It will be captivating for readers who appreciate social and political history of nations. Uchendu Eugene Chigbu, Technische Universitt Mnchen

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BOOK REVIEWS | 139 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf Abdourahmane Idrissa and Samuel Decalo. 2012. Hist orical Dictionary of Niger 4th edition. Lanham, Maryland and London: The Scarecrow Press. 541 pp. The Historical Dictionary of Niger Abdourahmane Idrissa significantly contributes to this invaluable r esource. The reference volume begins with a chronology of major events dating back to 2000 3000 BCE, reviewing in detail the political events of the twentieth century through 2011. Following this section, the authors provide an introduction to the volume t hat serves as a country profile. These sections focus especially on the political developments of the country, but given the volatile political history of Niger, this seems warranted and the expertise of both authors assures that the pithy account is wort h reading. The final two sections of the book consist of a 459 page dictionary and a 58 page bibliography. The bibliography has undergone a transformation in this latest edition, becoming more concise and efficient. Whereas the authors and texts in previo us editions often received more than one entry when relevant to multiple sections, this edition only includes single entries for authors and texts. Consequently, the task of perusing sections for new sources is much less daunting and the shortened size h elps one to find particular citations quickly. Further, references to the burgeoning body of Nigerien produced works that emerged during the 1990s and 2000s are an admirable addition to the bibliography. Particularly, the effort to record various dissertat ions defended by Nigeriens at both French and American institutions is laudable, considering that this reviewer is unaware of any other comprehensive source. Perhaps the most useful part of the bibliography is the list of online resources. This section inc ludes a variety of sources of statistics, economic data, regularly updated compilations of current Nigerien media, and the arts, all of which are accessible online at no cost. tions to greater comprehensiveness. Other entries underscore for Islam country. Moreover, some entries have been added or amended in accordance with past criticisms. For instance, the entry on Wo men in Niger now includes references to separate entries on the Association des Femmes Juristes du Niger and the Rassemblement Dmocratique des Femmes du Niger, two organizations created in the early 1990s but missing from the previous edition. Idrissa, ra ised in Niger, demonstrates an in depth personal knowledge of daily life in Niger through the new entries T hey thus warrant attention as this reference volume continues to be one of the few resources available in English concerned with this understudied c ountry. For example, the intriguing discussion of the Alhazai merchants of Maradi and their development as an economic power that remains relevant today emphasizes the contributions of the new author to the project. Finally, within the dictionary are a num ber of entries pertaining to research centers and other pertinent resources of information for the researcher. There are a few minor errors and omissions to the edition. Noticeably absent is an entry on the Niamey based research organization, Laboratoire d Dynamiques Sociales et le Dveloppement Local (LASDEL). Its only mention comes in the online resources section of the bibliography, despite facilitating the development of numerous

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140 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf academic networks and research teams acros s Africa and Europe for over a decade. Additionally, Dioulde Laya continues to be noted as the former director of the Institut National par la Tradition Orale (CELH TO), an error noted in the previous edition by Roberta Dunbar. Regardless of such minor faults, this edition of the Historical Dictionary of Niger stands as a noteworthy reference work for students, scholars and researchers seeking to establish, develop or enhance their expertise on the country. The work of any author in producing such a tome requires that delicate judgments about balance and selection be made with regard to the content. The decisions of Idri ssa on such matters ensure that this reference work will remain a worthy investment for those with little knowledge of the country and those seeking to further their own expertise. Daniel Eizenga, University of Florida Eldred Durosimi Jones. 2012. The F reetown Bond: A Life U nder Two Flags James Curry. 174 pp. consuming what he knew as home. It goes back exploring the inhabitants in a well knit multi ethnic comm unity and his weekly forays to his matrilineal lineage in the West. But nostalgia for thrill: marching past the Governor and joyously saluting the British flag. The ten chapters cover his early life, schooling, university studies, work and life after returning home from lecturer to Fourah Bay College Principal and community activit foreword, an index, and an appendix, seventeen black and white pictures an d a map of Free town are added value. This colo education, influences and works. Structured in a fragmentary pattern, the book foregrounds the author recalling the past, reminiscing whilst foreshadowing coming events conversationally. The historical pageant on memory to the next one in 1977 depicting Fourah Bay College history. The varying writing styles give this book wide appeal. Students, communicators, and English scholars should find it absorbing. The first chapter tracing the challenges and excitement of educating in Africa is of general interest. The title mirrors his British colonial education and upbringing and working during post independence disillusions under the Sierra Leone flag. The author absorbed e very positive situation into mo lding himself into a transformative figur e of the African cultural landscape. The ravels no atmosphere. The memory of time and place resurrects memory of such great friendships as his h osts, the Contons. In exploring Nigeria, the author details places, melding modern and traditional art, interacting with Nigerian authors and familiari z ing himself with the Nigerian literary industry. He studied various art forms, visited

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BOOK REVIEWS | 141 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf art cent e rs and a rtists, which provided him with a rich experience that informs his critical works on African l narrative and descriptive prose blossoms into great vitality, capturing the eloqu ence of Nigerian art. The ease with which he understood it and his freely moving across the country dropping in to shrines and meeting traditional authorities who he accords the appropriate decorum is admirable. Jos via Kaduna to Kano. The Jos plateau continued the feature of bare outcrops of rock and gradually gave way to the water shed which fed the Kaduna River (p 126 ). Chapter Nine, an Literature Today first gives a concise background to its establishment, its purpose, its organi z ation, the hazards of editing it from Africa, resolving such challenges and the interests and resources generated. That on the Noma Award for Publishing in Africa, structured similarly, describes its establishment, the process for final selections, administrative support, key presentations and how greatly reading expert reports on varying subjects and books scene. This memoir, in spite of some repeated episodes and printing errors is a compulsive read from an author who is a consummate connoisseur of good literature and art and a master communicator. So when he writes about his life and shares his thoughts on education, broadcasting and governance he does so with a wealth of passio n and insight. It is peopled with almost everyone he has met on his way up, particularly great scholars. He has in spite of so many in his canvas gleaned and transmitted telling aspects of their personalities. The work, however, has an overwhelming number of episodes and characters that could have been The book has a relaxed conversational style l ucid, clear and witty with a rich stock of images. Some sections soar to almost poetic lyricism getting us enchanted with the subject and matches the lyrical rhythm of this chapter with its symbolism of their life ebbing. Jone s simulates them contemplating winding down their lives in the smaller but even more charming cottage that had lured them into acquiring that property but the arty things they might have to leave behind for lack of space makes them irresolute. Arthur Edgar E. Smith, Fourah Bay College, University of Sierra Leone James Kilgore. 2011. We A re A ll Zimbabweans Now Athens: Ohio University Press. 259 pp. To under stand post 1980 Zimbabwe through a novel is of course impossible. The author of We are all Zimbaweans N ow is specifically focusing in the early rain which washes away the chaff n the Shona language) time. It was the civil war that broke out in 1982 soon after the defeat of white rule and the election of Robert Mugabe as Prime Mnister. The Gukurahundi W ar ended with the mergin g of the two clashing parties, ZANU (Zimbabwe African National Union) and ZAPU (Z imbabwe African People Union), in ZANU PF and the beginning imbabwe is landlocked and border s Zambia, Mozambique, Botswana and South Africa. Some neighbor ing

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142 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf nations played a specific role in Zimbabwe politics Tanzania and Mozambique for example, offered military training camps for the guerilla fighters or a log istic base as in Zambia where Herbert Chipeto, the first leader of ZANU and a black barrister in Zimbabwe, in 1975 met his death in a car explosion in Lusaka. Zimbabwe northern region is Mashonaland with the capital Harare in the Shona language), Chinguwitza and Mbare as the main cities where the novel is predominantly set. Mashonaland is inhabited by people from the Shona ethnic group. Part of the no vel is also set in Matebeleland a southwestern macroregion inhabited by the Ndebele ethnic group. Ndebele, Shona and English are then the official languages of Zimbabwe. More over, the Ndebele and Shona h ave a different pre colonial history and mythology. During the liberation war against Ian Smith and in the ea rly 1980 s, Mashonaland was predominantly aligned with ZANU with Robert Mugabe as the leader while Matebeleland was ZAPU with Joshua Nkomo as the leader If the main white character of this f antapolitics novel, Ben Dabney (a U.S. Ph D candidate researching for his thesis in Zimbabwe), has any prejudices about the black Zimbabweans, they are on the reverse: he is blindly enthusiast about system of government of Robert Mugabe, just elected Prime Minister of the Republic of Zimbabwe in 1980. This character is presumably autobiographic al since James Kilgore himself is an American scholar of Africa and with a past as a r adical leftist. Kilgore, as Dabney, also lived in Zimbabwe working as a teacher at high school during the 19 80s. Ben Dabney, as James sometime s called which has engaged in a war against th e Z imababwean people through the killing of civilians and mass grave s : an ethnic and racist war against the Nd e bele tribe in Matebeleland to destroy any hating his comr Florence, a former Z ANLA (Zimbabwe African National Liberation A rmy) guerril l a fighter, Fifth Brigade (trained by North Korea ns ) in a rural school suspected of hiding Super Z APU members, the organization of dissidents presumably supported by South Africa. During his stay in Harare, Ben is also approached by an eccentric P rofessor Dlamini who suggests to him that he investigate the death of a liberation leader, Elias Tichasara, who died in a mysteriou s car accident some days after the end of the second Chimurenga, the war against the white Rhodesians e Manyeche M woman, of having been himself the real and hidden driver Apparently he committed suicide for a sex ual scandal but his death to the readers of the novel sounds a Apart from Robert Mugabe, most of the c haracters are fictional except for Tichasara and P rofessor Callistus Dlamini. As the author has rev ealed Elias Tichasara is Josiah Tongogara, the commander of Z ANLA who in actuality died in a car accident in 1979 in Mozambique six day after the Lancaster H ouse Agreement leading to the ceasefire that ended the war of liberation According t o a 1979 CIA

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BOOK REVIEWS | 143 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf rival to Mugabe US agency suspected a murder rather than believing to the accidental car crash of the ife never s aw his corpse and no autopsy was ever con ducted or pictures released. He has also been defined by Lord Carrington, chairman of the Lancaster H ouse talks meetings, the Z ANLA commander favored agreement with the unity of ZANU and ZAPU a solution that Robert Mugabe opposed The character of Prof. Dlamini is based on Stanlake Samkange, a prominent Zimbabwean historian who also wrote novels set in the liberation wars. As did Samkange, Dlamini lives in a re al English castle in Harare and Susanna Iacona Salafi a Fatih University Linda Kreitzer 2012. Social Work in Africa: Exploring Culturally Relevant Education and Practice in Ghana Calgary, Alberta, Ca nada: University of Calgary Press. 242 pp. Social Work in Africa: Exploring Culturally Relevant Education and Practice in Ghana provides a strong case study exploring the challenges and failings of social work education in Ghana. This te xt, one of only a few that looks specifically at West Africa, provides a compelling case study specific to Ghana. While it may be argued that the dearth of scholarly work in the area pertaining to the African context makes for broader application, readers should use caution, as Kreitzer warns briefly in the introduction, against assuming African universality. Kreitzer expresses two purposes for publishing this book. One expressed purpose is the thoughts and ideas expressed ( p. xix), is achieved brilliantly throughout the text. Most chapters are laden with more questions than answers work successfully launches a thought provoking reflection on institutions of social work education in Ghana. However, the second evaluate its pertinence to African culture and society ( p. xix), seems to be only be partially achieved. The complexity of education and policy in Africa, African social wor change by being aimed at a different, and arguably more mislead, audience. analysis of the problems of African social work education. Kreitzer uses the engaging Participatory Action Research (PAR) method in conducting research and attempting to inspire grassroots results, however, it is important to note that this text is better suited for Western Africa. While Chapter 6 offers recommended cours es for a revised social work curriculum ( pp. 154 65), these courses are specific to the Ghanaian case study and should be used as just this a single case study. The power of this work lies in challenging Western students of social work to recognize the p rejudices, misconceptions, and ignorance that are often carried by foreigners into

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144 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf Africa. With engagement in non profit work in Africa ablaze, especially among Western s Dead Aid. After a Preface, Introduction, and Prologue where Kreitzer briefly describes the research, methods, and purpose of the book, she launches into Chapter 1. Each chapter is beautifully represented by an Adinkra symbol, and the meaning of Chapter The text challenges African inst itutions of social work to move away from the traditional European centered social work curriculum and define an African centric one rich in indigenous case studies and culturally relevant teachings. The literature review in Chapter 1 highlights the absen ce of an organized and accessible database documenting African social work activities, despite the fact that social work has been practiced in Africa for over half a century. social work within a uniquely Ghanaian identity. While short, this chapter is important in challenging p. 49). Once again, the colo nial past is blamed for stripping Africans of their history and pride in their heritage. In conjunction with redefining and reconnecting th e lack of pride and respe ct for social work in Africa. Kreitzer presents a battery of reasons for this distaste towards social work, most of which center around insufficient training, lack of ty that does not necessarily want to be changed. This chapter brings up important questions, especially for Western social workers, about the appropriateness of social work methodology, definitions of modernity, and the applicability of the social work in stitution in the African context. Chapter 3 and 4 discuss the overwhelming presence of Western knowledge in social work curricul a and the challenges that African states face in a rapidly globalizing and interconnected world. Kreitzer delves more deeply into the problems of higher education in Africa where a degree is often sought to allow a student to work in the Western world ( p. 79). Furthermore, the institutions of social work in Ghana are almost solely reliant on Western texts, failing to provide s tudents the resources to engage appropriately with African communities. While it is not explicitly stated, this chapter reflects deeply on the failure of African education systems. Hopefully, this chapter stimulates reflection by administrators and staff both foreign and domestic, about where education fits in the complex political and social landscape. It is worth questioning if social work education is more applicable at primary or secondary levels, and further, if the current structure of social work in Ghana is even appropriate. In this vein, Kreitzer reflects upon the global problems of Neo liberal policy. Due to low salaries and lack of pride in the social work institution, there is little incentive for social workers to engage politicians to add ress international inequalities. This chapter challenges social workers to consider how to participate at national and international levels to begin crafting a solution to the ruinous global economic order. It is worth considering that the immediate role of social

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BOOK REVIEWS | 145 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf workers in Ghana might only be at the national level, where a focus on crafting policy that makes social work at community and local levels feasible is paramount. Presenting a well recognized argument, Chapter 5 decomposes the current model of i nternational aid, exposing the frequently crippling effects of misdirected money. In this chapter Kreitzer inspires Western students to reflect on how culture powerfully influences behavior. As non profit work has become popular and Western w orld, it is critical that Western scholars understand the failures of past aid efforts and use innovation in crafting new and more effective models to empower communities. Domestic and foreign administrators of aid must recognize effective means of working with traditional authorities to achieve community driven solutions. This chapter, rich in analysis of aid efforts in a globalizing world, offers powerful discussion points that challenge and de romanticize NGO and IGO efforts. reating Culturally Relevant Education a nd Practice work. Part fieldwork manual and part research analysis, this chapter, if nothing else, should be read by students of social work, development, and anthropology as they prepare to engage in field work. The PAR research method is discussed in more depth along with the practical challenges of doing fieldwork in Africa where communities usually expect research to result in action (although often hard to express, this is not necessa rily the purpose of fieldwork). Kreitzer details the way she and her research group worked in the field and offers the strategy she used summary apply mainly to t he Ghanaian case study, students can learn from the methods and begin to grapple with the realities of working in both urban and rural settings in Africa. Finally, Chapter 7 concludes the book with a reiteration of major themes. The themes of creating a proud African identity, a curriculum based on African case studies, and a uniquely African style of social work training and practice provide a spark for discussions of social work ing a more textured view of the value and possibility of integrating rich African case studies into the global study of social work. While most African students will likely never read this text, its importance in Western universities must not be overlooke d. Brittany Morreale, Lopez Lomong Foundation and 4 South Sudan. Carol Magee. 2012. Africa in the American Imagination: Popular Culture, Racialized Identities, and African Visual Culture Jackson: University Press of Mississippi. 263 pp. nations and peoples are represented in American popular culture and how such imaginations reflect ideological standpoints. Magee selects four case studies to highli ght the normalization of American understandings of Africa created and promoted by enterprises of Western popular culture. Magee also considers the degree to which American representations of African visual culture mediate American self understandings with respect to black and white racialized identities. Magee eliminates a surprising gap in the literature on the topic within visual culture studies in an engaging, jargon free, and critical manner.

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146 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf Although the introduction identifies the audience as person s who engage with Africa passively, through popular cultural, the book is quite relevant for specialists. Indeed, many specialists are aware of the misguided assumptions about Africa that result from media presentations and other popular culture imaginatio ns, but fewer may give critical thought to how those ideas are generated. Magee puts a spotlight on these mechanisms and thus serves both Africanists and students beginning to think critically about representations of Africa. Magee uses four cases to ad vance her thesis: the 1996 Sports Illustrated swimsuit issue, only did the 1996 Sports Illustrated swimsuit issue feature the first cover image of an African America n model, it included a feature shoot at an Ndebele village in South Africa. Magee argues that the magazine offers insight into a nexus of ideological positions fantasy, desire, and race that ultimately asserts the superiority of white skin over black. Mage e considers the representational conventions of the swimsuit issue in relation to those germane to the photogra phic essay in popular magazines and compares the power relationships and ideological positions that are subsequently conveyed. Regarding the Ndeb ele village in South Africa, Magee considers both what the photos communicate to an American audience touristic travel and its attendant associations of Western superiority and to the Ndebele viewers, who may and did perceive a positive representation, on e that speaks to cultural pride, autonomy provides for a richer discussion than this reviewer anticipated from an analysis of the iconic swimsuit issue. Magee Considers t he Ghanaian Barbie as a representative instance wherein an imagined Africa, though positively intended, ultimately reveals the cultural biases of its maker. Magee wonderfully picks up on this te nsion and analyzes the doll as an expression of nostalgia for an earlier era, one marked by American hegemony and stable cultural identities. Unfortunately, Mattel withheld permission to reproduce images of the doll for the book; Magee provides a detailed description of Ghanaian Barbie in her text, but the lack of visuals unnecessarily hinders the effectiveness of this chapter. to the Disney Animal Kingdom Lodge. Magee draws on a discussion of Orientalism to argue Kingdom Lodge (D AKL) is perhaps the most interesting in the book, and it is here that the ways that cultural producers such as Disney generate imaginations of Africa that are at onc e productive and restrictive. The DAKL aims to re create an African environment, wherein visitors can eat African food, view African art and artifacts, interact with African citizens that eveals that the park ultimately presents a colonial representation of Africa to its American audience. Each time the reader might ask for contextual information regarding the objects under discussion, Magee quickly answers, often using unlikely sources who knew the Sports Illustrated models kept diaries? While i n the end the reader better understands how American

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BOOK REVIEWS | 147 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf perceptions of Africa are generated, the reader is less informed about how Americans actually perceive Africa and African visual culture following their interactions with these objects and the conditioning of perceptions feels disproportionately represented to the realization of them within the American pu blic. Overall, however, the text is an engaging and informative read, and a very welcome addition to the field. Meghan Kirkwood, University of Florida Mahmood Mamdani. 2012. Define and Rule: Native as Political Identity Cambridge, Massachusetts : Harvard University Press. 154 pp. The World and Africa ( 194 7) and from his realization that he had given an inadequate answer to an important question posed at one of the lecture events about how British indirect rule was different from previous empires (including the Roman Empire). Mamdani explores the dichotomy between settler and native as separate political identities and shows how this new politics of identity laid the basis of British indirect rule and native administration in British colonies worldwide. He argues that the crisis of the British Empire in the mid nineteenth c entury starting with a mutiny in India in 1857 attracted the attention of British intellectuals, especially Sir Henry Maine, who claimed that natives were bound by geography and custom rather than history and law. This view not only led to the re examinati on of the colonial identities and to the establishment of administrative reforms starting in India and spreading to other British colonies in Africa and elsewhere The author then analyzes the intellectual and political dimensions of the decolonization and nationalist movements in Africa. T he introduction contends that indirect rule was a form of governance considered the holy grail of managing pluralism and diff erence in modern statecraft. He argues that it was different from modes of rule in previous western empire s (including Roman and British direct rule before mid 19 th century) in two important ways: first, previous empires focused on conquered elites rathe r than masses of the colonized; and second, they sought to eliminate difference through a policy of cultural or political assimilation of colonized elites (pp. 1 2). The British empire in crisis. Furthermore, Mamdani analyzes the distinction between settler and native and between natives on the basis of tribe, and the creation of indirect rule. He argues that the indirect rule state governed natives under the native author ity and restricted their rights to land and power on the basis of native tribe or tribal identity designated by the colonial regime. Finally, while citizenship was accorded to the colonial settler, the native was denied the same. only emancipation possible for the settler and native is for both to achiev ed in Tanzania under its first p resident, Julius Nyerere.

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148 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf In Chapter One, Ma mdani explores how Sir Henry Maine, using a theory of history and of law, distinguished the settler from the native by asserting that the former was guided by universal civilization, while the latter was influenced by local customs that were fixed and unch intellectual ideas were incorporated into colonial policies and native administrative practices as his important books, such as Ancient Law were required reading fo r new and prospective colonial adminis to rs in Asia and Africa. Mamdani argues that the transition from direct to indirect rule was precipitated by the dual crises faced by the British Empire (between 1857 and 1865): crises of mission and legitimacy. Acco western societies in terms of types of laws, identities and political societies was to highlight his desire to slow down any meaningful change in colonies. He saw such change s in c olonies not only as undesirable but as potentially fomenting anti colonialism as had been the case in interference in certain domains of colonial societies (such as religion) was contradictory. For the colonial indirect rule state gave itself vast powers over natives (pp. 26 30). Mamdani observes that in the final analysis, ha d vast ambitions; to remake subjectivities so as to realign its bearers. This was no longer just divide and rule; it was define s the practice of such nativism. In particular, Mamdani views indirect rule as a new and modern method of governance aimed at understanding and managing differences in British colonies. He believes that the primary focus of colonial power (especially after the 1857 mutiny in colonial India) was defining colonial subjectivity. Colonial civil law was seen as central to managing and reproducing difference s in the indirect rule state. It not only reco gnized systems of customary law but also defined traditional societies as tribes under the jurisdictions of tribal authorities with rights of power and access to tribal lands. The law used the census as a tool of intentionally dividing the population into two politic ized identities; race and tribe (rather than the kernel of native administration and indirect rule (p. 71). The focus on race tribe distinctions obscured the pre colonial history of native migrations and effectively portrayed natives and non natives alike were influenced by both residence (geography) and origin (history), as Mamdani so clearly de monstrates. Furthermore, the race tribe dichotomy laid the basis for discrimination and inequality during the indirect rule state and in some situations continued during the post colonial era. Indirect rule and its system of native administration instituti onalized tribal discrimination under the guise of cultural diversity and the so called doctrine of non interference. Mamdani contends that British less to civilize the elites than to shape popula r subjectivities. In this sens indirect rule was vastly more ambitious than what the

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BOOK REVIEWS | 149 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf Mamdani observes i n the final chapter that the intelligentsia and the political class the two key groups preoccupied with decolonization were propelled t o create a nationalist movement with the goal of establishing an independent post colonial nation state. He argues that during the struggle for state formation, the intelligentsia sought to give the independent state a history it had been denied while the political class worked hard to create a shared citizenship within an independent and sovereign state. Among the intelligentsia, the famous Nigerian historian, Yusuf Bala Usman, argued for an alternative approach of understanding the historical movement of political communities in pre colonial Africa by using multiple sources to deconstruct key ethnic and racial categories starting with Hausa and Fulani speaking peoples in Nigeria. The challenge he set for historians was to locate the development of politica l identities in an historical context of internal migrations and state formation prior to colonialism. In post colonial Tanzania, President Julius Nyerere and TANU peacefully dismantled the 107). During the first phase of nation building, Nyerere not only rejected indirect rule and its racialist policies but relied heavily on the single party system to create a national language (Swahili) and a national army, and sought to detribalize the Tanzanian society. And during the second phase (1967 to 1977), Nyerere used the Arusha Declaration to intervene in the economy peasant s to form Ujamaa villages and to increase their productivity and welfare through collective self to the use of coercion to settle peasants in Ujamaa villages and partitione d the country among s of empire re examined their own hegemony in the face of the divisions within their own camp and the challenges from the tensions among colonizers meant that e fforts to define natives as political identities in order to govern them using indirect rule were not always eas problema tic, bid.). This implies there was a constant struggle to define and manage di fference in colonial states. The decolonization era clearly underscores the tensions and struggles between the colonizer and the colonized. Overall, the book represents a carefully argued and insightful analysis of the intellectual origins and contextual p ractices of indirect rule as a new and modern strategy of governance aimed at understanding and managing difference in British colonies worldwide. The book is a must read not only for students of colonial government policies and history but also for contem porary scholars preoccupied with understanding the challenges facing the post colonial state in Africa and Asia. References : Frederick Cooper and Ann L. Stoler. 1989. Rule American Ethnologist 16 4 : 61 7 21. Johnson W. Makoba, University of Nevada, Reno

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150 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf Jack Mangala ed. 2013. Africa and the European Union: A Strategic Partnership New York: Palgrave Macmillan. 257 pp. While the European Union has been struggling with numerous internal challenges, such as institutional reforms, the Euro crisis, a new self definition about its global (stronger) actorness, just to name a few critical issues, the increasingly interpolar env ironment with a signaling the slow dislocation of the West as the epicentre of world politics (p. xi) demands that the EU redefines its positions in a broader sense of interregional relations. Among these, Euro needs to be restructured, as politicians on both continents voiced in the middle of the first decade of the twenty first century. They felt that a moment of great historical significance (p. 3.) ar rived in December 2007 with the Lisbon EU Africa Summit and by adopting the Joint Africa EU Strategy (JAES), which is supposed to deepen the political dialogue with the aim of making the implementation of actions more efficient in a refined strategic frame work. With the rise of emerging actors including Brazil, Turkey, India and the seemingly most fearful of all (to the West), China, and calculating with the positive economic trends across the African continent in the longer run, the EU has to consider an additional dimension: to stay competitive and reaffirm its positions with Africa. On the African side, in the meantime, for political and economic reasons mainly, but also for historic and cultural accounts, a more mature and post donor client approach hopelessness behind for good. The ambitious joint strategy certainly speaks to the resilience and adaptive nature of historical, economic, cultural, and political ties that so complex ly bind Europe to Africa (pp. 41 42), but it is evidently process with all its institutional and non herefore, one must stay critical (even if optimistic) about its future. Jack M angala manages to stay sufficiently critical, which is indeed welcomed in such a comprehensive scholarly volume. He is not only the editor of the book, but also author of five chapters out of a collection of eleven. His arguments are clear, solid and easy to follow, avoiding overstatements and sentimentality. Although the book undoubtedly acknowledges the positive developments in African European relations in the past years, and is in favo r of the Lisbon strategy, throughout its discussion it thoroughly pre sents all the pros and cons, thus intends to provide the necessary critical analysis so that the reader understands both the obstacles and opportunities. The volume stems from a panel at the fourth European Conference on African Studies (ECAS) held in 2011 at Uppsala University, Sweden, and the follow up debates. It is structured along the eight thematic partnerships of the Africa EU Strategic Partnership, and seven chapters are devoted respectively to peace and security, democratic governance and human rig hts, trade and regional integration, the Millennium Development Goals, climate change and the environment, energy, migration, and mobility and employment. Although the themes science, information society and space are scarcely dealt with (no separate chapt er looks at them in detail), they appear in a number of instances, in particular, connected with migration, which, both historically and politically, represents one of the most important questions in EU Africa relations (p. 217). The first of the three p art structure sets the context of investigation by the editor himself: he introduces us to the historical background, the institutional architecture, the

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BOOK REVIEWS | 151 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf underlying (and sometimes conflicting) theoretical considerations, as well as the significance of the reconfigured strategic partnership. In the largest second section seven scholars analyze the thematic partnerships, then, a neatly formulated closing section of the last two chapters summarize s the major conclusions and encourage the reader to think furthe r about the perspectives and prospects of the partnership. These last pieces can be rightly considered as the most critical sets of opinions, underpinning the fact that a five year timeframe is too short to fully assess its substantive impact on Africa EU relations (p. 243), also admitted by the editor himself. The Africa and the European Union: A Strategic Partnership accomplishes its stated goals with keeping to a disciplined and well researched analysis of an evolving European African context (in light of an even more evolving global setting). Apart from some minor inconsistencies and repetitions (especially with abbreviations and their full meanings keeping returning all over again), Mangala and his fellow authors created a basic timely reading for any one s tudents, researchers and policy makers at the same time wishing to look into the processes that influence one of the major frameworks of interregional ties in our transnational global world. It is particularly recommended to those who developed an int erest in the relatively rapidly changing context of the international relations of Africa. Istvn Tarrsy, University of Pcs, Hungary Norman N. Miller. 2012. Encounters with Witchcraft: Field Notes from Africa Albany NY: State University of New York Pres s in cooperation with African Caribbean Institute, Hanover NH. 232 pp. This is not your usual academic treatise yet it is full of valuable insights for anybody interested in doing field research in Africa. More specifically, Miller takes the reader on a r ide through the complex field of witchcraft in Africa discussing his experience of living with witches, his encounters with witch hunters and witch cleaners, the Christian campaigns to eliminate witchcraft, the commercialization of witchcraft in urban cont exts, the use of witchcraft in politics, its role in business, and its symbolic use and power as expressed through the arts. Very few could have produced this very readable book. Miller is an old generation Africanist having begun his research however tent ative at that time in the late 1950s eventually leading to a Ph.D. in political science from Michigan State University. In 1970, he published a seminal piece in the American Political Science Review on political participation in rural Tanzania. Being as mu ch a journalist and photographer interested in reporting as a serious academic, however, Miller never landed a tenured university job but continued to operate as a freelancer taking on consultancies for African governments and U.N. organizations and, at on e by the National Science Foundation. interacted with Africa and its peoples for m ore than fifty years. He is full of respect for the many interesting persons he meets, for example Mohammadi, a woman accused of witchcraft, Chief Mwansasu who initially denied the existence of witchcraft in his area but later became a

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152 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf most valuable source of information, Edom Mwasanguti, the witch cleaner, and Chief Mturu Mdeka and his descendants of Usagara Chiefdom in central Tanzania, to mention some of those who feature in great detail in the book. Miller treats every one of them with integrity, and th ere is never an attempt on his part to take the moral high ground. The central theme in his field notes and in the book is to gain understanding of a complex phenomenon that people, both past and present, relate to on a daily basis but few talk about or di scuss in public. I like the way Miller approaches the subject. He never sees the people he writes about as he fully knows the way they live in it. Perhaps bec ause he is at the bottom a political scientist with an interest in current affairs, Miller sees witchcraft as a human rights issue of growing significance in Africa. He realizes that witchcraft, including witch cleaning, can easily encourage mob justice, a s the case has been in Tanzania and other countries where, for example, old women become innocent victims. As Miller together with other prominent persons like Professor Amina Mama, with interest in witchcraft as a human right issue argued at a Roundtable at the 2012 ASA Annual Meeting, the assaults of witchcraft on African health, safety, and human rights have reached epidemic, crisis proportions in many areas and are the cause of thousands of deaths, mutilations, and much family strife. Readers who approa ch the book from a strictly academic perspective may complain about the lack of a coherent theory or generous references to the literature whether in anthropology or other disciplines. Miller is pragmatic: he uses theory in a parsimonious and instrumental manner to make his points, not really to test data or inform it using a case study approach. The number of references is accordingly also limited. The book is well written and the material organized in an easily accessible manner. There are unfortunately a number of misspelled names. For instance, Clyde Kluckhohn becomes Kluckholm, David Livingstone becomes Livingston, and the town of Nyeri becomes Nyere. There are also a few factual mistakes. For example, the Ankole people are not cousins of the Hima peopl e; the Hima are the upper caste among the Ankole, Toro, Banyoro and Haya peoples. He also puts the Swahili words malaya kidogo in the mouth of a Swahili speaking person when it should have been malaya mdogo (little prostitute). These few blemishes, however do not take away the pleasure of reading this very informative book. Goran Hyden, University of Florida Laura T. Murphy. 2012. Metaphor and the Slave Trade in West African Literature Athens: Ohio University Press. 243 pp. The transatlantic slave trade t hat was responsible for the great dispersal of African people to the Americas had a profound effect on both the enslaved and those who were left behind. But more often than not the literature on the transatlantic slave trade deals with the experiences of t hose who embarked on the ships, who experienced the Middle P assage, and who were enslaved in the Americas. Metaphor and the Slave Trade in West African Literature seeks to bridge the gap between those who went before and those who were left by examining ho w the memory of the former is kept alive in the minds of the latter.

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BOOK REVIEWS | 153 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf In this groundbreaking work, Laura Murphy argues that memories of the slave trade are present in African literature but tend to be overlooked because these memories are not revealed in th e forms of overt narrativization that is often found in African American l iterature. Largely focusing on four canonical Anglophone writers from West Africa Am os Tutuola, Ben Okri, Ayi Kwei Armah, and Ama Ata Aidoo Murphy explores how the distant past is re presented such as tragic repetition, fear and gossip, and tropes of suffering, bondage, and impotent sexuality. The book is organized into six main chapters with an introduction and an epilogue. Each chapter discusses a metaphor associated with the slave trade in the novels. She also references letters, diaries and autobiographies of the 18 th and 19 th century witnesses to the transatlantic slave trade. In chapter one, she argues that the literature, histories and criticism of the transatlantic slave trade have been dominated by African Americans whose lives were defined by the diaspora experience of t he trade. She contends that a reading of West African literature will engender a different system of tropes, figures and images that represents both the horrors and the cultures produced by the slave trade. My Li fe in the Bush of Ghosts (1954) and examines metaphors of captivity and enslavement in the landscape of the bush; as well as the body in the bag to represent the enduring legacy and memory of the slave trade in West African culture and psychology. In the third chapter Ben The Famished Road (1993) global capitalism is discussed. In this chapter, the writer indicates how the narrative of the slave trade erupt s onto the narrative of independence era Nigeria to show how memory of the past can always be found in the present. Fragments (1969) with its focus on the African complicity in the slave trade. Murphy discusses how A rmah traces the contemporary materialism in the society to the slave trade where vicious and deadly consumption of human lives were acted out. The impotent body as metaphor for the effects of the slave trade on the African continent is the subject of analy sis in chapter five which focuses on two of Ama Ata Anowa (1965) and Our Sister Killjoy (1979) The memory of the slave trade is depicted as the debasement of the human body as a commodity and the desecration of intimacy. The last chapter explores the long term effects on the communities that were left behind on Horseman (1975), Arrow of God (1964), I S aw the Sk y Catch t Fire (1992) are used in the discussion. Finally, the epilogue turns to more contemporary writings of the historical novel on the slave trade from West Africa, and the potential for the emergence of an African historical novel tradition. Metaphor and the Slave Trade is a book that is long overdue in African literary studies. Using many of the literary canon most read texts, the author has presented a new perspective in the reading of these and other texts of African literature, opening the way fo rward for readers to the slave trade.

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154 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf One drawback to this book may lie in the inadequacy of literary texts from many countries on the West African Coast beyond Ghana and Nigeria ; a shortfall which the writer attributes to the lack of literary texts from these countries. Regardless of this, the book will serve as a great resource for students and scholars of African literature, African cultural studies and the tra nsatlantic slave trade. Its simple and straightforward language would also make it useful for non academics who are interested in the slave trade and its effects on the African Continent. T heresah P. E nnin, University of Wisconsin Madison Beatrice Nicolini 2012. The First Sultan of Zanzibar: Scrambling for Trade in the Nineteenth Century Indian Ocean Princeton, NJ: Markus Wiener Press. xxvii, 179 pp. For Africanists, the innovation in The First Sultan of Zanzibar account of the political relationships established in Zanzibar at that time. This is different than more traditional accounts, which place the European colonial powers, be they Britain, Portugal, or France, at the center o f the colonial story. When Nicolini puts Oman at the center of her narrative hub, the relationships between Zanzibar, Oman, and Makran in Baluchistan are highlighted, rather than the European capitals. Ironically, Nicolini does this by using the familiar sources of the British English language colonial archives. Thus, although, the story is indeed, as she intended about the Oman centric trade through the eyes of the British colonial servants who directed The Great C olonial Game. As is well known, when the Europeans arrived in East Africa in the nineteenth century, they encountered merchant based trading networks based in Zanzibar that reached deep into the Tanzanian interior. Merchants had by that time established interior trading posts in Tabora, Ujiji, and eventually on into what is now the eastern Congo using the trade organizations of Oman based Arabs. These Arabs operated from fortresses staffed by their Baluchi soldiers, African allies, and slaves. From the se stations the merchants not only received British explorers like Burton and Livingstone, they also exported slaves and ivory to their plantations on the Indian Ocean islands. Indeed, this trade proved so lucrative that Sultan 1856), the Sultan of Oman, in 1840 moved his capital from Muscat to Zanzibar from whence he continued to rule enterprises extending into central Africa, Zanzibar, the Persian Gulf, and into Baluchistan. she emphasizes the Oman Zanzibar Mekara relationship and its role in the Indian Ocean world of the nineteenth century. based relationships, rather than Westfalian style sovereignt argument that European concepts of sovereignty, with its emphasis on formal boundaries, citizenship based loyalties, and non interference are a poor fit for the Oman centric world relationship she describes. Sulta flung relationships, not a sovereign maintaining a monopoly over the use of military force in a particular territory. She explores this thesis well in the first half of the book. ond half focuses on the British and French struggles for influence in the Indian Ocean world with each other and in the context of later British opposition to the slave

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BOOK REVIEWS | 155 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf trade. This half will be of interest to historians studying more traditional colonial relationships, and it is quite different from the first half, which is about relationships between Makran, Oman, and the east African coast. intriguing book. In part icular, I want to know more about the role of Baluchi military who supported the Arab Sultans of Oman and Zanzibar. As Nicolini describes, they made their way into the Tanzanian interior probably in the 1830s and 1840s, extending Omani thallosocratic styl e sovereignty into unexpected places. I also was curious about what Arab sources, including those in Omani archives, have to say about these events. Indeed, Nicolini cites interviews with the descendants of the Arab trader Tippu Tib, who, lived in Muscat as recently as 1993. What else might be available in Oman for linguistically sophisticated historians interested in nineteenth century east African exploration? Finally, I wanted to know more about the relationships within the Zanzibar court; despite t indicate that a full scale biography of a man who ruled over such an intriguing socio political arrangement is needed. Tony Waters, California State Univer sity, Chico Mojbol Olfnk Okome and Olufemi Vaughan. 2012. West African Migrations: Transnational and Global Pathways in New Century Child Migration in Africa New York: Palgrave Macmillan 280 pp. West African Migrations : Transnational and Global Pat hways in New Century Child Migration in Africa examines various avenues by which West African immigrants, specifically in the United States, negotiate their multiple identities in the context of transnational ties. Mojbol Olfnk Okome and Olufemi Vaug han are the editors of this book of ten chapters In chapter and Vaughan, the authors used this platform to offer insight into how the book came to life, discussed the conceptual and theoretical frameworks that are used in the book, as well as gave synopses of each chapters. They note that this book is one of a two part volume from papers presented at a symposium, which they organized, on transnational Africa and glo balization in examined how African migration to various parts of the world after the neoliberal economic reforms of the 1980s transformed African states and their new U tilizing a form of personal narrative and/or autoethnography, the authors used their personal experiences to highlight their lived transnationalism. Chapter two, by Okome, is titled : argues that African immigrants can only pay a visit t o Africa but cannot go back to live there in the era of globalization. She uses her lived experiences to support her claim, touching on a variety of topics, including how she uses her primordial experiences of Yoruba and the

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156 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf language to negotiate her trans national and diasporic life experiences. Her constant usage of colonial hangover of British and Euro Caucasoid colonial miseducation, misrepresentations, and (mis) pronunciation preference 1 Chapter three, Zalanga critically investigates the process of his transnationalism in the context o f identity formation, which commenced from his youthful days. Even though he relives his transnational identity formation in the United States, he also claims that ethnic identity is stronger than religious identity based on his experiences in Nigeria. Thi s chapter is a reminder that there are other minority ethnic groups that exist in the northern part of Nigeria who have been living marginalized because of their socio religi ous identities. Chapter four by Elisha P. Renne Identity articulates that as opposed to what is the norm in the Western domina ted culture as related to dress, Africans who are not influenced by Western culture blend in with their environment ethnically, as Africans and as nationalists. She says that a choice on how to dress could depend on if the individual is residing in a rura l or an urban area as well what the occasion calls for. This chapter is significant especially because the forces of globalization, including those that influence social behavior, do not provide equal platforms for the Global North and Global South. C hapt er five, Peyi Soyinka aud iences. The industry has generated fresh methods of imagining Africa, as well as becoming a fresh avenue of interpreting Pan Africanism as it continues to create space that exhibits African identities. She notes that collaborations for film production have become a new trend of Nollywood. This chapter is relevant, articulating Nollywood discourse in the light of transnationalsim. ( chapter 6) engages ethnographic fieldwork to explore an African community known as Togotala of Mali, which has a population of 8,000, in the context of transnational migration. Whitehouse found that Togotalan migrants establish transnational ties through t he remittance of money to their homes in support of relatives. They also finance the building of mosques and public works, observe town politics and send their children back to their ancestral homeland. The practice of sending children back home is dwindli challenges us to think about transnationalism, especially a onal globalization. He notes that Cheikh Ahmadou Bamba (1853 1927), who is from Senegal, founded the Murid Sufi Brotherhood during the end of the nineteenth century. Even though the

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BOOK REVIEWS | 157 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf chapter is about how African Sufis negotiate their multiple identities, including Black, African, and Muslim, it also addresses the effects of gender and class. T his transnational engagement allows not only Senegalese but other Blacks in New York City to come together and celebrate as brothers and sisters. Contracting and Independent Wo how Francophone West African deliverymen, primarily undocumented immigrants, were formation of the African Worke rs Association, there were several attempts by some of the deliverymen to call attention to the October 27 29, 1999 strike which was carried out by the New York Times Manhattan weekly newspapers and other local publications. This chapter encourages Afri can immigrants to articulate their rights, especially when oppressed in Africa and in the Diaspora. Highlighting transnational memories and identities, Ufomata disc usses ambulatory and with multiple identities in their new enviro nment. In the United States, the identities include African, African American, and Black. This well articulated chapter deals with identity negotiation in the context of transnationalism. the African about African writers, specifically Nigerians who are in the Diaspora and the ancestral homeland. He talks about the tensions that exist at every level of their works, including the tension between African writers in Africa and their overseas counterparts. He shows his disappointment with African writers in the Diaspora who are hesitant to claim their Africaness. This chapter challenges not just African wri ters in the Diaspora but also Africans in other parts of the world to embrace and take pride in their Africaness as they negotiate their transnational lives. In summation, West African Migrations : Transnational and Global Pathways in New Century Child Mig ration in Africa examines challenges and progress made by African immigrants both in Africa and in the Diaspora as they negotiate their multiple identities in the context of transnational lives. Overall, the chapters are personal narrative and/or autoethno graphical. The authors share their lived experiences and define who they are instead of letting others define them. This book encourages us to tell our own stories especially in relation to transnationalism. I highly recommend this essay collection becaus e they share the stories of understudied groups, particularly as related to transnationalism. Beneficiaries of this book include students, scholars, policymakers and those interested in African migration and transnationalism. As a scholar who is intereste d in the second generation African immigrants in the Diaspora, I personally found this edited collection helpful for my current research: second generation Igbo in the United States and their negotiation of ethnic and transnational identities.

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158 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf Notes: 1 Chido Nwangwu. 2001. http://www.usafricaonline.com/chido.igbosoribos.html Other ongoing debates can be found at http://www.naira land.com/595859/igbo ibo Uchenna Onuzulike, Howard University M. Anne Pitcher. 2012. New York: Cambridge University Press. 328 pp. How do we understand the varied reform trajectories of African s tates? Why have some undertaken comprehensive privatization efforts and developed institutional arrangements to consolidate such efforts, while others have lagged in these respects? And why do we witness varied patterns in the character of government com mitments to privatization programs? These are the questions that M. Anne Pitcher seeks to answer in Party Politics and Economic Reform in In addressing them Pitcher adopts a novel theoretical framework that focuses on the structurin g power of institutions, the role of party politics, and the impact of regime characteristics on reform processes. Employing cross national quantitative analysis and three meticulous case studies, the book offers important new insights into the varied ext ent and character of privatization efforts by African states. of institutions in helping to solidify state efforts to enact and commit to reform processes. Drawin g on the insights of Kenneth Shepsle, Pitcher argues that states that exhibited substantial reforms, were more likely at later points in time to display commitments to private sector support a market economy, states structure the preferences and interests of key actors in a manner that contributes to the later consolidati on of reform programs. The second argument seeks to account for the varied character of private sector development among democracies that expressed initially high levels of motivational commitments to privatization. Here, Pitcher argues that the quality of democracy and stability of the party system shape the ways that governments behave in the context of privatization pressures and conflicts. This in turn has consequences for the nature of private sector development. sework offer support for these arguments. In her second chapter, focused on the importance of institutions, she uses a dataset of 27 countries to examine the extent to which greater motivational commitments by states facilitated more far reaching reform pr ocesses. Using an innovative index to measure such motivational commitments, Pitcher finds a statistically significant relationship between those commitments and sales of state owned enterprises (SOEs). More importantly, she finds a clear relationship b etween such commitments and the subsequent strength and effectiveness of institutions to support a private sector. This indicates that even in contexts where institutions have been perceived as weak, formal institutional changes can increase the likelihoo d that commitments to reform will become more durable over time.

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BOOK REVIEWS | 159 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf The insights on party politics and the quality of democracy are developed in the third chapter as well as the three that follow providing case studies. In the former, Pitcher examines the t rajectories of countries that initially made high motivational commitments to reform, but then varied in their subsequent implementation of privatization programs. The character of state behavior, she argues, reflected different political dynamics engende red by the character of party system and level of democracy in different countries. In liberal democratic countries, greater transparency and rule of law inhibited the arbitrary use of discretionary authority to bend or break the rules of privatization. A t the same time, greater democratic openness facilitated the articulation of interests by actors affected by privatization. This led to a policy trajectory characterized by compromise over and modification of privatization measures, while retaining the br oader policy commitment. In more limited democracies, leaders were less constrained in their use of discretionary authority to interfere with the privatization process for political ends. But how they used it depended substantially on the character of th e party system. In situations where the party system was stable, leaders interfered with the privatization process to direct benefits to supporters. The result has been the development of partisan private sectors. Where party systems were fluid and volati le, leaders faced situations where their bases of support were ambiguous, opportunities for elite fragmentation were greater, and particularistic demands more acute. Thus leaders tended to opportunistically use their discretionary authority to change or s tall privatization to benefit allies and punish enemies. They also abandoned certain reform measures by embracing populist polices designed to shore up their bases of support. To illuminate these dynamics, Pitcher offers case studies that trace the reform experiences of Zambia, Mozambique and South Africa. Zambia serves to illustrate the dynamics of reform in limited democracies with fluid party systems. Here, leaders facing shifting constituencies and volatile elite coalitions engaged in repeated arbitr ary interventions in privatization processes to serve their political needs. This included circumventing the state privatization agency to ensure that allies benefitted from the sale of SOEs. This led to ad hoc private sector development. In Mozambique, a limited democracy with a stable party system, governments used their discretion to steer privatization benefits to ruling party supporters. The fact that this occurred early in the reform process was also important as it allowed the creation of a busine ss class that was connected to the ruling party and state. This in turn led to greater policy coordination and continuity. Finally, the South Africa case illuminates the ways that a democratic context can enable the articulation of challenges and pressur es by interests affected by privatization processes. State responses entailed compromises on key elements of reforms, while still retaining the institutional arrangements that were at their foundation. pects. The research is exceptionally meticulous and creative. For her cross national quantitative analysis, Pitcher develops new indexes to effectively capture and measure different dimensions of the reform process. These effectively animate the theoret ical constructs that inform her study and help to illuminate the very real differences among countries in terms of the extent and character of their reform efforts. Her conceptual choices and their operationalization are carefully undertaken with detailed justification grounded in the literature from political science and inst itutional economics. The case work is also notable in this regard. Using existing scholarly and

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160 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf journalistic accounts, government and policy documents, and material from interviews c onducted during fieldwork, Pitcher offers finely detailed descriptions and analyses of reform experiences in her three case countries. effectively demonstrates, first, that institutions matter. Progress with privatization occurred in countries that developed initial institutional building blocks for reform. This insight serves to reinforce an emerging perspective on the importance of formal institutions for African go vernance and development trajectories. Second, Pitcher highlights the important political variables that shape government choices in privatization processes and the patterns of private sector development that ensue. And in bringing attention to regime and party system attributes she challenges scholars to move beyond earlier understandings that connected African reform processes to state weakness and neo patrimonial politics. In so doing, she effectively shifts the conversation about African reform experi ences to a terrain that allows for more effective comparison with experiences in other regions. more forcefully considered such existing and alternative frameworks to explain privatization processes. This is especially the case with respect to the scholarship that has brought attention to the ways that state weakness and neo patrimonial tendencies have interfered with development and reform processes in Africa. The w ork of Nicolas van de Walle stands out in this regard. In this view, limited state legitimacy and capacity generate peculiar political constraints, needs and strategies all of which have implications for economic reform efforts. From this perspective, l imited and ad hoc privatization reforms in places such as Malawi, Zambia or Mali might be tied to factors other than the party system per se, even if that system might reflect such factors. This is all the more pertinent when one considers that the choice s of leaders have been the central mechanisms undermining privatization reforms. While party systems in places like Zambia and Malawi did little to enhance the security, support base, and operational latitude of leaders, those leaders also faced threats of extra legal displacement and very high costs of leaving power b oth of which operated independently of the party system. Might these also account for some of the attributes of the reform processes observed in those countries? Some attention to questions This notwithstanding, Pitcher deserves high marks for producing an excellent book. She provides a model for research and theoretical innovation and offers insights that dramatically enrich understanding s of reform trajectories in Africa. There is little question that her work will inform much of the future discourse on privatization and private sector development. In this regard, it represents necessary reading for those concerned with reform and devel opment on the African continent. Peter VonDoepp, University of Vermont

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BOOK REVIEWS | 161 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf Paul D. Williams. 2011. War and Conflict in Africa. The book has a useful purpose to bring to fore the dynamics of war and clonflict mostly rel ying on case studies from countries in various regions of Africa. War and Conflict in Africa aims, first, to introduce the reader to try and understand why Africa experienced so many armed conflicts after the Cold War, and, secondly, to stress how internat ional society tried to end those wars and reduce the risk of future conflicts on the continent. In order to do this, Williams addresses Cold War (1990 2009)? Se cond, what accounts for those armed conflicts? And third, how did international society try and bring them to an end? Thus, the book is divided into three parts. The first part has two chapters while the second part has five chapters and deals mostly with concepts and the discourse of peace and conflict in Africa. Part three has four chapters and deals with issues in peace and conflict. Contexts provides an overview of t he statistical, conceptual and political background on which the author bases the subsequent analysis of the key ingredients in and international provides an overview of the patterns of armed conflict in Africa, thereby providing a broader historical context of warfare in post colonial Africa in which to situate the analysis that follows in parts II and III and also analyses several attempts to cou armed conflicts, focusing particularly on the post Cold War period. Chapter two The Terrain of Struggle provides a conceptual and political sketch of the terrain of struggle upon which they were waged. Conceptuality, it concentrates on social forces and state society complexes of analysis problem. This chapter then summarizes and Cold War conflict zones. Part II, Ingredients reflects upon the period between 1990 and 2009 in order to not provide an exhaustive list of ingredients, but the author believes they address the most resources, sovereignty, ethnicity and religion. Chapter three Neopatrimonialism es the by focusing on dynamics within the neo C hapter four Resources assesses the extent to which so called natural resources were a key ingredient in Sovereignty tackles the key issues related to statehood and armed conflict, namely sovereignty and the associated concept of self determination. In chapter six, Ethnicity the author examines the construction and manipulation of ethnic identities as an ingredient i n warfare, while chapter seven Religion discusses the relationship between warfare and one of the most powerful belief systems known to humans and religion. Part III, Responses, also reflects on the two decades since the end of the Cold War but this Organization Building examines international efforts to build a new African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), which despite its title was a collaborative enterpris e between African and non African states and organizations. After providing an overview of this architecture and some of its limitations, the focus of chapters nine Peacemaking

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162 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issues 1 & 2 | November 2013 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 4i1 2a6 .pdf is on its two main policy instruments: peacemaking initiatives and peacekeeping operations. The former discusses international attempts to build stable peace through mediation, while the latter examines the major challenges that confronted the scores of peace operations that were deployed to the same end. C hapter eleven Aid analy z es the main humanitarian relief and development assistance. The conclusion briefly summariz es the main findings from parts II and III and refle cts upon what they might mean for designing more effective responses to warfare in the future. The book adds to the growing literature about war and c onflict in Africa; it documents important contemporary African responses to conflicts from a war and conf lict studies dimension; and it offers a different conceptualization of war and conflict. War and C onflict in Africa can indeed serve as an introduction to key themes in war and conflict in Africa, but obviously can not stand by itself as a foundation text i n this field. Oluwaseun Bamidele, Faith Academy, Canaanland Ota, Nigeria