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African studies quarterly
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Title: African studies quarterly
Series Title: Gale Group
Uniform Title: African studies quarterly (Online)
Abbreviated Title: ASQ
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Language: English
Creator: University of Florida -- Center for African Studies
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Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla
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African studies -- Periodicals
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Abstract: Presents "African Studies Quarterly," an electronic journal published quarterly by the Center for African Studies at the University of Florida in Gainesville. Posts contact information for the editorial office via street address, telephone number, and e-mail. Lists advisory board and staff members. Offers access to the current issue, as well as to previous issues. Contains articles and related book reviews. Provides information on submissions and links to "African Anthropology."
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Dates or Sequential Designation: Vol. 1, issue 1 (May 1997)-
General Note: Title from title screen (viewed Aug. 6, 1999).
General Note: An online journal of African studies.
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University o f Florida Board of Trustees, a public corporation of the State of Florida; permission is hereby granted for individuals to download articles for their own personal use. Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Flori da. ISSN: 2152 2448 Becoming Local Citizens: Senegalese Female Migrants and Agrarian Clientelism in The Gambia P AMELA KEA Abstract : Drawing on ethnographic research with Senegalese female migrants in Brikama, The Gambia this article examines local citizenship and agrarian clientelism. Emphasis i s placed on female migrants because of the dearth of ethnographic literature on female migrants in West Africa and to highlight the centrality of female migran ts to processes of incorporation, specifically that of agrarian clientelism Female agrarian clientelist relations are based on a host stranger dichotomy in which recent migrants are given access to land in the dry season for vegetable cultivation, which is sold in local markets, in exchange for providing unremunerated labor for hosts for the cultivation of rice in the rainy season. It is argued that as mobile citizens these migrants move between d ifferent territories or spaces. These may include ethnic t err itory, descent territory, and/or each with resources, some of which are di stinct, some of which overlap. In this sense m igrants do not simply move from one physical space to another but also from one group of resources to anot her B y engaging in the practices and procedures that are central to agrarian clientelist relations migrants become local citizens. In this sense local cit izenship must be understood as practice, rather than status. Further, within postcolonial Gambian so ciety such status is subject to ongoing negotiation and struggle. Migrants, in turn, are central to the reproduction host/ stranger dichotomies; the accumulation of wealth through people; agrarian relations; and agrarian clientelism. Introduction Agrarian clientelism, a form of labor contracting whereby migrants enter into share contracts or sharecropping relations with local farmers, has been key to the commoditization and expansion of agrarian production in West Africa from the nin eteenth century to the present. Various types of agrarian clientelism have been examined and presented in the literature on agrarian labor and permanent and seasonal migration. 1 However, the role of agrarian clientelism in incorporating migrants into local communities remains relatively unexamined. Drawing on ethnographic research with Senegalese female migrants in Brikama, The Gambia this article examines processes of incorporation, local citizenship and agrarian clie ntelism. Emphasis is placed on female migrants, both because of the dearth of ethnographic literature on female migrants in West Africa and to highlight the centrality of female migrants to local institutions of incorporation. Regional migration within W est

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2 | Kea with little attention paid to independent female and family migration. 2 Although in many cases it is socially unacceptable for women and girls to migrate independ ently it is all too easy to overstate and exaggerate the degree to which patriarchal norms serve to restrict, contain which they do in fact migrate. 3 Such underestimation is of particular concern given the increasing feminization of labor migration in West Africa. 4 Further, there is a growing body of literature on migration, transnational practices, citizenship and processes of incorporation amongst Africans who migrate from s ub Saharan Africa to Europe. Yet, there is comparatively less research on these issues in relation to intra continental migration. 5 I place emphasis on migration as a social process with a focus on local cultural institutions of incorporation, specifica lly that of agrarian clientelism. Indeed, it is maintained that our understanding of contemporary migration in West Africa needs to focus on processes of incorporation, as articulated through specific cultural practices and institutions, in order to (re ) embed migration research in a more general understanding of society 6 of West African societies in shaping the migration phenomenon. 7 (1987) model of the African frontier, which situates mobility, settlement history, and the in the context of an abundance of land. The first comer late comer (host stranger) dic cultural paradigms found in West Africa 8 It can be said to characterize settlement history and the social and political order of most West African societies. Further, it is centr al to an understanding of agrarian clientelism and the incorporation of migrants into local communities. Late comers, frontiersmen and women, through authority, intermarriage and domination of local groups, lay claim to founder status. 9 The majority of Gam bians are involved in smallholder production, cultivating groundnuts (the traditional male dominated export crop), rice, horticultural produce and a number of other food crops. Most combine farming with non agrarian livelihood strategies. Many of those w ho are engaged in local forms of exchange are women and children, many of whom are recent migrants. 10 Female agrarian clientelist relations are based on a host lungtangolu in Mandinka ), are given access to land in the dry season for vegetable cultivation, which is sold in local markets, in exchange for providing unremunerated labor for hosts for the cultivation of rice in the rainy season. 11 It is maintained that agrarian clientelism is central to p rocesses of incorporation and facilitates a sense of belonging and local citizenship amongst migrants. Further, migrants do not simply move from one physical space to another but from one group of resources to another. 12 In this sense, processes of incorporation and the sense of belonging that ideally accompanies such processes can be highly complex and contradictory: t he diverse resources that migrants contribute and that they draw on facilitate processes of incorporati on and their ability to establish a sense of belonging. Yet, it is only by engaging in the practices and procedures that are central to agrarian clientelist relations that migrants 13 Further, within postcolonial Gambian society such status is subject to ongoing negotiation and struggle.

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Becoming Local Citizens | 3 Methodology This article is based on thirteen months of ethnogr aphic fieldwork on gender, migration and the social relations of agrarian production in Brikama and Kembujeh, Western Division in the mid 1990s and in November 2005. 14 During this period I carried out fifty interviews with mainly female farmers. I carried out forty two life history interviews, consisting of thirty three women and nine men. Detailed case study work was undertaken with six hosts and seven recent migrants who worked in Kembujeh. In addition to carrying out life history interviews with them, I visited their farms on a regular basis. The three case studies used in this article come from these interviews and the detailed case study work. The fieldwork was partly carried out in Suma Kunda, Brikama, one of the oldest wards ( kabilolu ) in the old q uarter, and in Kembujeh, an area on the outskirts of Brikama. 15 The majority of the female hosts of Suma Kunda, and their clients, farm in Kembujeh, located on the outskirts of Brikama. Initial contact and access to these research sites was established th rough my research assist ant Binta Bojang and her mother Mama Bojang, who works as a farmer in Kembujeh. My description and analysis of female agrarian clientelist relations draws on material gathered from this sample. I then resorted to generalization on the basis of 16 My generalizations were strengthened on the basis of further conversations with other clients and hosts, at the time and when I returned in 2005, and through the use of primary and secondary literature. Although a foc relations with their husbands or male family members informs my understanding of the between female hosts and Senegalese female migrants. Ci tizenship and Processes of Incorporation Much of the literature on migrants and citizenship focuses on formal citizenship, concerned largely with the state and legal understandings of citizenship, as well as alternative types of citizenship, also variously practice 17 The latter is concerned with the way in which migrants express and articulate grounds ; izing citizenship as subject making (following Foucault, as produced a more total relationship, inflected by identity, social positioning, cultural assumptions, institutional p ractices and a sense of belonging 18 In many accounts the migrant assumes a variety of some of which they define for themselves and some of which are defined for them 19 As well as offering a variety of ways of theorizing citizenship, anthropological research has contributed to our understanding of the ways in which migrants are incorporated into communities and establish a sense of belonging. Goode (1990) recasts recent migrants and residents in a neighborhood in Philadelphia as hosts and guests, where the latter are 20 Chavez (1991) applies Van y: separation entails departure; the liminal stage entails a period o f transition; and incorporation entails a process whereby the migrant establ ishes a sense of belonging, and /or is incorporated into the new community. Brettell (2006) highlights the impor their own sense of belonging throughout many parts of sub Saharan Africa, as documented by Geshiere and Nyamnjoh

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4 | Kea (2000) amongst others, has profound effects o feel that they belong. Following Diouf, drawing from his interview with Bloom (2003), I use the term mo bile dialectics of ideas and space. 21 The concept of mobile citizenship must to project the self as an individual and as a member of a collectivity in a territory . you fill up a physical territory with resources that are ideological, cult ural and political which are distinct, some of which overlap The resources that a migrant contributes to these different territories or spaces, and/or is able to take advantage of, affect their ability to establish a sense of belonging, or the extent to which they are made to feel that they belong. Such an under are, in some cases, contradictory and opposed, and in others, reinforcing ows one to appreciate migration /mobility as consisting as much of movement from one physica l 22 If one theorizes citizenship and incorporation as Diouf does, then one can appreciate the way in s of passage theorization of migration whereby one phase leads to the next, a migrant may occupy a Hosts and Strangers There have been stranger communities in West African societies for hundreds of years. 23 The term stranger ( lungtango, s., lungtangolu pl.) in the literature is used to refer to a temporary visitor, a recent immigrant, or someone who resides in the community but does not claim descent from the founders. The stranger is frequently represented as male, with the exception of women who marry into lineages, and who accompany their spouses as migrants. 24 Strangers have been incorporated into communities through marriage, kinship, clientship historically variable and dependent on the status of the migrant within local cultural and political economies. 25 Significantly, the distinctions between hosts an d strangers must be seen as processual and in flux. 26 Host the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries as well as by the colonial authorities. 27 Further, Geschiere and J ackson (2006) situate contemporary discourses on citizenship and autochthony in sub Saharan Africa in the contradictory politics of colonial rule. Following Lentz (2006) 28 Migrants in plantation and mining economies in Southern and East Africa were encouraged by colonial administrators and plantation and mining owners to mig rate in search of labor. Colonial systems of taxation forced migrants to migrate to cash crop producing regions in order to generate an income with which to pay taxes. At the same time, colonial administrators g an identity

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Becoming Local Citizens | 5 indirect rule. Further, they created and reified ethnic difference as a way in which to manage local populations. 29 Migration in West Africa W est Africa has a long history of migration, in which particular types of migration characterize different periods. A trade in goods in part characterized the period of the fining feature of this period. 30 Successive periods of jihad, between the late sixteenth and late religious, political, and even economic geography of Sahelian West Af rica 31 During the colonial era one witnesses increasing levels of labor migration for cash crop production and extraction of natural resources. 32 Yet, one can also define much of this labor migration, which was frequently seasonal, as forced, given the need for cash generated by the colonial imposition of a variety of taxes. 33 The British imposed a cash head tax in The Gambia, in order to force Gambians into the cash economy running costs. 34 Post colonial migration in West Africa is characterized by rural urban migration and labor migration for agrarian cash crop production and the extraction of natural resources. 35 The nature of such m igration has been defined, controlled and contained by African states, states located beyond the African continent, and Africans themselves. 36 This work has been theorized in terms of a push pull neo classical economic approach to migration, in which wage differentials serve as the main motivating factor for migrants. 37 Such an approach fails to take into account the larger structural context and conceptualizes individuals as rational actors who decide to migrate on the basis of wage differentials alone. 38 Mu ch of this colonial and postcolonial research on migration was also theorized from a structuralist and political economy approach, reflected largely in the work of dependency and world systems theorists such as Andre Gunder Frank and Immanuel Wallerstein. 39 They locate migration in a capitalist development trajectory, following Marxist political economy, in which structures are privileged and agency and culture given little recognition. 40 These approaches have been critiqued by the household strategies approa ch, which consid ers the household as the key si t e where migration decisions are made. 41 The current article draws theoretical insights from members of the Manchester S chool who carried out research in the 1960s on urban migrants and migration in southern and central Africa, which highlighted the relationship among political economy, social relations and migration processes. 42 They are credited with the developme nt of social network theory in a nthropology in which social relations, in the form of kinship and friendship, are seen as central to migration and processes of incorporation. 43 Of particular interest is the way in which agrarian clientelism engenders particular networks and social relations in the destination area, thereby facilitating processes of incorporation. Context ves, leather, salt, and gold over a period of hundreds of years ensured their presence throughout West Africa. 44 The majority ethnic group in Brikama and The Gambia, the Mandinka migrated from Manding, the former Mali Empire located in the Upper Niger, from the early ninth or tenth century over a

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6 | Kea number of centuries. 45 Through domination and intermarria ge of local groups they established and the Mandinka language predominated. 46 Local griots and elders within the community tell narratives about the founding of Brikama, base d on the Mandinkas westerly migration from Manding from the thirteenth century. From this period Mandinka 47 These na rratives provide detail on: the initial migration; the alliances that the migrants established along the way; the founding of Brikama; and the order within which wards ( kabilolu ) were established and rulers (kings, mansalu and chiefs, seyfolu ) held office. 48 These themes can be related to key themes in the literature on African frontiers. Each of these events asserts the right of the original settlers/ founders, their descendants and affines to: hold political office; establish particular rights to land; and act as hosts to strangers in entrustment ( karafoo ) relations. Claims to founder status are made on the basis of genealogical links through the patriline and include people se who marry into these founding kabilolu define themselves as hosts. In so doing they draw on the prestige and status such an identity confers. Indeed, in the early part of the twentieth tended to be that of the 49 Founding kabilolu where power is institutionalized. 50 Compounds are grouped together within different kabilolu The kabilo tiyo (head of the ward), t he compound head, the alikalo (village/townhead), the imam (the head of the Muslim community who leads prayers and naming, marriage and funeral ceremonies), the seyfo ( chief) and the kafo tiyo (leaders of the village/town work groups) all make up the villa ge/town council ( kebbakafo lit. elders association). This council is largely male dominated but may include a few female hosts of an older generation. 51 Brikama is largely a Mandinka and Muslim town. Nonetheless, it is very diverse with inhabitants from a range of ethnic groups found throughout the Gambia, which include Wolof, Jola, Fula, Aku (Creole), Serer, Serahuli, Caroninka, Manjago, Balanta and a number of other minority groups. West Africans, Lebanese, as well as small numbers of Europeans and N orth Americans reside in the city. It is a bustling small city with approximately 80,000 residents. Its proximity to Banjul, the capitol, and the coastal areas, as well as to Serrakunda, the largest city in The Gambia, ensures that there is a steady flow of migrants to the city. Many rural migrants, forced out of farming as a result of the Sahelian drought and decreasing prices for groundnut crops, come in search of the employment opportunities that a city the size of Brikama affords. Given that The Gamb ia is surrounded by Senegal, there has historically been a great deal of cross border movement between the two countries, with Gambians and Senegalese migrating temporarily or permanently from one country to the other Senegalese and Gambian traders also move between the two countries doing business. Indeed, the re export trade, in which nationals of the two countries import goods that they then re export to The Gambia, Senegal, Mauritania, Mali, Guinea Bissau and Burkina Faso has flourished since the 1 970s and ensures sustained cross border movement. 52 The border between the two countries is artificial, reflecting the politics of colonial rule and serving to negate the cultural and social similarities between the two countries. Historically Casamance w as arbitrarily separated from the Gambia 53 Indeed, Casamance is largely separated from the

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Becoming Local Citizens | 7 rest of Senegal by The Gambia itself. Many Senega lese migrants have migrated to T he Gambia since 1983, partly as a result of the conflict in Casamance. 54 Female farmers in Brikama work as small holder farmers, cultivating rice on uplands and lowlands in the rainy season and vegetable gardens on low lying land used for rice production in the r ainy season, as well as on t he edges of these rice fields. Occasionally female farmers choose to cultivate groundnuts, millet and fruit trees. Male farmers have historically farmed groundnuts on uplands southeast and west of Brikama in the rainy season. Increasing numbers are moving out of groundnut production because of drought, low market returns and the removal of subsidies on farming inputs and groundnut crops. 55 Agrarian Clientelism Seasonal and permanent migrant labor has been central to the commod itization of agrarian production in West Africa from the nineteenth century to the present. Frequently, migrants enter into share contracts or sharecropping relations with local farmers in which they receive land and /or crops instead of wages. The relatio nships are highly variable: in most cases migrant farmers, who are invariably gendered male in the literature, contribute their migrant farmers may be given a p ortion of the crop that they have helped to cultivate. The lungtango ), a male agrarian seasonal migrant enters into a contractual relationship with the host of a particular community. From the early part of the nineteenth century the st crop production. 56 In abusa contracts migrant farmers grow their own crops on borrowed land and receive one third of the cash crop they have helped to cultivate. However, there are variations in the abusa share contract system, with migrants receiving more of a share of crops in some forms of abusa than in others. 57 Documented extensively by Hill (1963), these contracts were central to the expansion of cocoa production in Ghana and the Cte d'Ivoire In Senegal the utilization of navetanes (migrant work ers) was based on a system of land, labor and time sharing wit h seasonal migrants. Navetanes as with the strange farmer labor system, were central to the commoditization of the groundnut industry. 58 Within both labor systems host farmers benefit from additional labor, increased yields and the fact that they do not ne ed to pay migrant laborers cash. Most importantly, these relations are not just about access to land but also about the integration and incorporation of strangers into local communities. In the 1970s female farmers in The Gambia were encouraged by the sta te, the World Bank, the European Community, the UN, the Islamic Development Bank, and various non gover nmental organizations to grow horticultural crops in the dry season in order to improve household income. 59 This expansion led to a further intensificatio household income, partly as a result of a decline in groundnut prices, has resulted in an increased need for cash amongst households. 60 Further, as a result of the commoditization of agrarian production one witnesses the increased individuation of production and diversification into other livelihood strategies. This process of individuation and diversification has, in turn, led to an increasing shortag e of labor. Consequently, households can no longer rely on family work groups in the completion of particular agrarian tasks. 61 Although both hosts and their clients have been affected by this shortage, most hosts are

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8 | Kea structurally positioned in such a way that they are able to recruit labor from potential clients. The introduction of horticultural production in low lying areas on the outskirts of Brikama led to the emergence of a system of land and labor sharing in which stranger migrants are given access to land primarily in the dry season for vegetable cultivation in exchange for providing unremunerated labor for their hosts for the cultivation of rice in the rainy season. This system of agrarian clientelism has developed in a context where land and labor are in increasingly short supply. 62 Migrants, such as Sarjoe and Jutula, enter into agrarian clientelist relations in order to gain access to land, and the networks such access provides. The following case studies highlight their experiences in establishing clientelist relations with hosts when they first migrated to Brikama. Two Case Stud ies Sarjo Camara is a fifty year old Balanta woman from Casamance She had two children in Casamance then came with her husband to join her family in Kembujeh in the late 1970s. They came for a better life. There are people, she tells me, who move back and forth between The Gambia and Casamance but she has lived in Br ikama since the late 1970s. In Casamance she had access to a lot of land but has much less now. She grows vegetables during the dry season on two medium sized plots (approximately three hectares), given by Junkong Koli of Suma Kunda. During the rainy seaso n she cultivates rice on one plot and Junkong Koli uses the second plot. She has been cultivating vegetables for five years and grew only rice prior to this. She maintains that vegetable production is very profitable for her. Before this she was able to gr ow groundnuts near Gidda. However, people have since had to f arm on different plots from one year to the next. However, she has been working on these plots for some time and has not had to change them. A lot of people have come to ask her where they can farm and she tells them they have to go to the host. When she first came she went to a woman in Suma Kunda (Junkong Koli), introduced by someone they knew in common, and gave her kola nuts. She said As of today you are my m other because I have orrows land from Fulas in Wellingara (Interview J anuary 1997). Jutula, a sixty year old Mandinka wom a n, was born in Salikenya, Guine a and moved to Banganga, Casamance when she was small. Both her parents were born in Salikenya and were descendants of this village. She moved with her mother and one brother because it was the biggest place in the area. In both villages they grew rice and millet in the rainy season. During the dr y season they would mill millet and rice and thresh groundnut s She came to Brik the seyfo ayed in started gardening. Her husband is a marabout. He farms groundnut, coos and maize in the rainy season and goes to Dakar during the dry season to work as a marabout. During the dry season Jutula cultivates three plots. She cultivates two vegetable plots in Kembujeh on land given to her by Darboe Jarjue. She also grows sorel on an upland plot on the way to s surname is Drammeh.

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Becoming Local Citizens | 9 er the plot. She harvests her s orel crop and either sells it to Senegalese men or sells it herself on the stall in Brikama market (F ebruary 1997). Both Jutula and Sarjoe migrated to Brikama with their husbands: Jutula moved because Kembujeh with whom they stayed when they initially arrived, ma king use of her kinship networks. Jutula, on the other hand, went to the seyfo with her husband to see if anyone would host them. Darboe Jarjue hosted them and gave Jutula land for farming. They stayed with Darboe for a year. Migrants are dependent on the good will of hosts to stay in their adopted communities. Previously migrants who wanted land would visit the seyfo or alikalo who would direct him/her to an area, which had yet to be cleared. The alikalo could allocate land within particular districts and received taxes for land use. 63 Increasing demand for farming land has meant that migrants can no longer expect to get land from the alikalo The latter either approaches a family who is in a position to lend land to migrants ( fu banko lit. loaned or borrowed land), or the migrants approach a family directly. 64 are my mother because I have no family initially stayed in Brikama, when she says that she has no family she means that she has no network of support with hosts in Brikama. Similarly, Amie Beyai, a Balanta women in her forties who had migrated from Casamance, approached her future host stating friendship with this woman on friendship or kinship terminology, are central to process es of incorporation. Here, the kinship relation entails use of the term mother. However, it must be distinguished from a true blood relationship ( woluwoo ). 65 are part of the language of honor and respect inherent in cli entelist relations and point to the strong moral dimension to these relations. 66 This moral dimension draws partly from Islamic principles of charity and generosity. 67 Such relations form the basis of agrarian clientelism and are crucial in accessing land for agrarian production and accommodation as well as support from established hosts. As potential clients, migrants go through the practices and procedures that are central to the establishment of agrarian clientelist relations. In so doing they affirm their identities as strangers, potential clients and local citizens, and those of their hosts. Following Diouf descent status, framed in terms of host stranger distinctions, constitutes a territory or space with ideological, cultural, and political resou rces. Within a descent territory migrants entrust themselves/put themselves under the protection of ( ngakarafaaima ) hosts in relations of patronage. Historically, as migrant farmers, warriors, hunters and traders, strangers would entrust /put themselves un der the protection of hosts in relations of patronage. Entrustment ( karafoo ) facilitates the establishment of agrarian clientelist relations, effectively a relationship of reciprocal obligation in which hosts provide land or other forms of material support helping recent migrants to establish themselves in Brikama. 68 Agrarian clientelism represents an investment in people, networks and relationships. Indeed, clientelism serves 69 T he practice of karafoo helps to sustain the reciprocal obligations and sense of trust that underpin clientelist relations.

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10 | Kea Jutula managed to get land both from her host Darboe and from Drammeh, a Jahanka and a wealthy Islamic scholar and marabout who drives a brand new Mercedes and wears richly colored and exquisitely embroidered clothing. He is a powerful landowner in the area because marabouts have historically been given land by clients and disciples ( talibe s ing .) as a display of gratitude. Both Jutula and her husband, who works as a part time marabout, are part Jahanka, a caste of Muslim clerics, marabouts and scholars. A minority group in The Gambia, they belong to the Serakulle people. 70 As well as laying claim to land within descent terr itory Jutula draws on her cultural and ideological resources within a new y in order to lay claim to land to which she would otherwise have no legitimate rights. Mobile Citizenship and Belonging Mi grants who successfully establish agrarian clientelist relations convey a knowledge of the rules and a respect for the ideology and cultural codes that underpin host stranger distinctions. Such knowledge, deference and acquiescence constitutes, in turn, a distinct resource that migrants can draw on in their attempts to become clients to hosts. In drawing on such resources they are able to benefit from the material, political and cultural resources that their position as clients avails them of. Within th is descent territory, and ethnic territory, recent stranger migrants become particular types of local citizens with particular rights. Here citizenship must be understood as practice rather than status. As clients gain rights to land and local citizenshi p hosts, in turn, acquire labor power. Within many African rural societies rights and access to land are, by and large, determined by membership of a social group. This is unlike market economies where rights and access are determined through monetary tr ansfers. 71 Such membership, attained through agrarian clientelist relations, entitles strangers to local citizenship and land. Most female hosts, on the other hand, are given usufructuary rights to farming land through affinal ties. Women occasionally inhe rit the paramount title to land used for rice cultivation from their mothers rather than through their patrilineal kin group. The decision to let stranger migrants farm in Kembujeh is left to female senior hosts as rice farming and vegetables are their dom ains. Agrarian clientelism and the karafoo relations that inform it, as well as other similar clientelist based institutions, continue to combin e two different types of rights, those of access to land and local citizenship. There is a significant body of literature on processes of incorporation of stranger migrants, mobility, access to land and labor, and local citizenship in West Africa, with a particular focus on the Cte d'Ivoire Burkina Faso, Ghana and Benin. 72 One of the most prominent institutions, the tutorat is a form of agrarian clientelism found in the Cte d'Ivoire Burkina Faso and in many other parts of West Africa. The tutorat described by Le Meur as a frontier institution is a patron client relationship that closely resembles Gambian agr arian clientelist relations. It facilitates the transference of land rights from hosts within a in land are extended on the basis of a moral economy principle: a ny individual has a right of 73 Recent migrants are given indefinite rights to the land, which may be transferred from one generation to the next. Migrants are obliged to prov ide their labor, fulfill particular duties and work to support their tuteur and the community. 74 The variations of tutorat, and agrarian clientelism, highlight their flexibility. 75 In Brikama land may be lent from one season to the

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Becoming Local Citizens | 11 next. This is partly regulated by the demand for land and the changing nature of the agricultural economy. The tutorat and agrarian clientelist relations must be situated within a local moral economy, which depends on the incorporation of recent migra reproduction of the community Mandinka hosts and elders work to reproduce particular sets of social relations 76 The reproduction of particular sets of social relations entails an inves tment in people and a and wives) and expenditure on ceremonies, praise singers, dress and gifts. In short, investments are made in the social r elations and netwo rks that (re) produce social identities and vice versa. 77 There is an extensive body of literature on the notion of wealth in people in which an investment in people and the claims on people to which such investments give rise in people, and an investment in people, in turn, helps to generate material wealth. 78 Deterritorialization : A Case Study Hosts promote inclusion and feelings of belonging by incorporating migra nt farmers into clientelist networks of support and providing them with seasonal access to land. At the same time they reinforce social hierarchies and host stranger dichotomies; monopolize bor; and maintain rights over the land. Such rights allow hosts to exercise power and maintain authority over clients. In opposed, and in others, reinforcing 79 R ath er than attempting to exclude the recent migrant completely from access to resources, however, hosts have historically aimed to (re) produce distinctive identity and to have their rights, authority and legitimacy as hosts recognized. 80 Here, the stranger is both marginal and partly included within the community. territorialization is always coupled with the idea of deterritorialization which shows that the identity being produced through such processes is always unstable, flexible 81 Despite having access to land clients such as Mariamma frequently a sense of the way in which she is made to feel excluded and as if sh e does not belong. A tall and slender Senegalese Mandinka woman in her early thirtie s, Mariamma proudly proclaims that her parents are descendants of Sami in Casamance. She came to Brikama, from Casamance in 2001. She married in Casamance and her husba nd, a far mer, (to Brikama). He came to find better living conditions. He left her with his parents and sent for her once he had a place to stay. They got land in Kembujeh by helping in fields. When she arrived she also farmed groundnut and millet fields. She got to know the local hosts in the neighborhood and they When she came here she found it tough before getting to know people. Her first days were depressed an d lonely, with nobody to talk to. She could do nothing to earn something. She feels it was unavoidable that she would be treated differently. Where she comes from there is a feeling of ownership. Here she often feels homesick. She feels she has no owners hip. She has no voice. Someone can take advantage of you. They can tell you a foul word (discriminating word) because you are a stranger. In a joking way people may say,

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12 | Kea ex pressing his/her ownership over you. The person is emphasizing that he/she is a citizen of this area ( Interview, November 2005). sense of belonging to the community and being a citizen of the community. Hosts, she maintains, both deny her rights to a feeling of citizens/hosts and her status as a differences between the two. By becoming a client Mariamma has attained a form of local citizenship. Indeed, many of the female migrants I interviewed felt that they had attained a form of group memb ership and local citizenship in becoming clients. Yet, clearly such a status 82 For instance, many migrants who come to live in Br home to live, despite the fact that they have lived in Brikama for many years. However, a return journey is unrealistic and highly unlikely, given their financial constraints. society many strangers, particularly African foreign nationals are made to feel unwelcome. Dominant and popular images of the stranger, generated through state rhetoric and the media, criminalize non Gambian African nationals, particularly those from Guin e a, Guinea Buissau, Mali, Sierre Leone, Mauritania and Senegal. 83 Skinner highlights the importance attributed to national identity in the postcolonial era in defining subjects and the concept of the stranger. 84 Indeed, after the 1994 coup, in which Sir Daw Party was toppled, one witnessed a resurgence in national pride amongst Gambian youth redistribution. 85 during the Jawara regime t he borders stranger had access to the country to enter and work foreign nationals are consistently criminalized. They are blamed for engaging in: theft; prostitution, drug trafficking, fraud, and other 86 It is important to recognize that discourses that inform local autochthon migrant distinctions overlap with and influence those that inform Gambian foreign national distinctions and vice versa. Berry describes the way in which G hanaians define themselves as both Ghanaian citizens as well as citizens of their local communities, thereby bringing together locally based discourses on citizenship and autochthony with notions of citizenship espoused by the state. 87 Similarly, non Gambi an migrants who are incorporated into local communities as clients may have legal citizenship. Conclusion Despite the increasing commoditization of the agrari an economy, agrarian clientelist relations persist. Indeed, the social relations of agrarian production continue to be partly organized through these relations. Hosts can no longer rely on family and community work group labor in the production of crops b ecause of the increased individuation of agrarian production. This process of individuation has been brought about partly as a result of the commoditization of agrarian labor and the intensification and diversification of production. 88 Consequently, client upon which hosts rely heavily. Within the context of an increasing shortage of agrarian labor, the provision of migrant farm labor is a highly valued resource. Indeed, as well as

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Becoming Local Citizens | 13 facilita ting mig to the local community, this practice helps to ensure forces of the market economy 89 Forms of hierarchy and authority as vested in seniority, clientelism, relations of entrustment ( karafoo ), Islam and the local moral and political economies of communities such as Brikama persist. or away from agricultural pursuits Saharan Africa in the last fifteen years as a result of market liberalization. 90 As a result, one witnesses an increasing reliance on migrant labor as fewer men and y annual rate of urbanization is 8 percent, and it is now one of the most urbanized countries in sub Saharan Africa 91 Young women increasingly lend land, mainly gained through affinal ties, to recent migrants fr om Senegal, Guinea Bissau and other parts of The Gambia. They receive an obligatory payment of a portion of the harvested vegetable and /or rice crops. Similarly, an older generation of fem ale farmers who no longer farm yet maintain rights to the land are lending land to clients throughout the year and receiving payments of harvested produce. 92 Amanor (2010) highlights a similar trend in Ghana, where one witnesses the decline of family farms, the individuation of agrarian production, and greater use of hire d labor and sharecroppers, many of whom are migrants. The internal dynamics of Gambian agrarian political economy have produced a continued need for migrant farm labour. At the same time the sustained arrival of migrants has partly shaped the existing s ocial relations of agrarian production and the nature of agrarian clientelism. In this sense integral part of broader social transformations, but which also has its own internal dynamics and whic h shapes social transformation in its own right 93 Agrarian clientelism, which communities. Through the act of entrustment and its accompanying practices and procedures recent migrants are transformed into clients and local citizens. Once given access to the land they are able to lay some claim to the land. Senegalese migrants come to Brikama with particular ideological, political, economic and cultural resou contributing resources and benefiting from some, most notably land and local citizenship, in the process. Here territory , i deological field. 94 These migrants partly migrate in the knowledge that they can establish clientelist relations. Such sustained movement affects the changing nature of the social relations of agrarian production. Migrants, in turn, are central to the rep roduction of identities, host and stranger dichotomies, the accumu lation of wealth through people, agrarian relations, and agrarian clientelism. Notes 1 See for example Amanor 2006, p. 151; Hill 1963; Swindell 1985; Robertson 1988. 2 Abdul Korah 2011, p. 3 90 3 Porter 2011, p. 67; Hampshire 2002. 4 Adepoju 2003. 5 See for example Koser 1998; Yuval Davis and Werbner 1999; Davidson and Castles 2000;

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14 | Kea Werbner and Fumanti 2010. Historical and contemporary research on regional migration in West Africa has focused largely on rural urban migration, colonial and post colonial labor migration and forced migration (Sha rpe 2005, p. 174). 6 Van Hear 2010 p. 1533. 7 Abdul Korah 2011, p. 391 with reference to Cordell et al., 1996; Manchuelle, 1997. 8 Kopytoff 1987, p. 17; Brooks 1993, p. 37. 9 Brooks 1993, p. 37 10 Kea 2010. 11 For a detailed analysis of female agrarian clientelist relations i n the Gambia see Kea 2004; 2010 12 Bloom 2003, p. 50. 13 Goldring 2001, p. 511 with reference to Lister 1997. 14 Research for this article was funded by: the Nordic Africa Institute research grant; School of Oriental and African Studies fieldwork grant; Central Research Fund Award (Irwin Fund), University of London; and ESRC postdoctoral grant (no. PTA 026 27 0394) 15 A kabilo is a patrilineal kin group or a lineage of many families who usually have the same last name but cannot necessarily trace common descent (Dey 1980, p. 152). 16 Miller and Slater 2000, p. 21 17 Sassen 2002, p. 7; Goldring 2001. 18 Mattias and Werbner 2010; Ong 1996, p. 737; Werbner and Yuval Davis 1999, p. 4. 19 Br ettell and Sargent 2006, p p 3 4. 20 Goode 1990, p. 126. 21 Bloom 2003, p. 50. Mamadou Diouf is a Senegalese historian teaching African history at Columbia University, where he also directs the Institute of African Studies. He has a research interest in migrant identities. 22 Ibid 23 Skinner, 1963, p. 308. 24 Berry 1989, p. 42; Kea 2010. 25 For instance, Murphy and Bledsoe (1987, p. 126) highlight the way in which historically strangers in a Kpelle chiefdom with political or military p ower to contribute to local founders were positioned hierarchically above those strangers who could merely contribute their labor power, and consequently became clients and /or slaves. 26 Sharpe 2005, p. 174. 27 Linares 1992, p. 153; Bellagamba 2004. 28 Lentz 2006, p. 14. 29 Ibid 30 Akyeampong 2009, p. 25. 31 Cordell et al. 1996, p. 26. 32 Ibid. 33 Wright 1997, p p 178 80. 34 Colvin 1981, p. 63. 35 Abdul Korah 2011, p. 391. 36 Akyeampong 2009, p. 25. 37 Brettell 2008, p. 118.

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Becoming Local Citizens | 15 38 Hondagneu Sotelo 1994, p. 5; Massey et al. 1998, p. 8. 39 http://www.faculty.rsu.edu/users/f/felwell/www/Theorists/Frank/index.htm contains information on Frank, wh ile information on Wallerstein can be found at: http://www.faculty.rsu.edu/users/f/felwell/www/Theorists/Wallerstein/index.htm 40 Phizacklea 1998, p. 26. 41 Kabeer 1994. 42 Vertovec 2007, p. 2011. 43 Brettell 2008, p. 124; Epstein 1958; Mitchell 1969, 1971, 1974. 44 Swindell 1981, p p 85 86. 45 Dalby 1971, p p 3 5. 46 Gamble and Hair 1999, p.57. The Mandinka are spread throughout West Africa from the Gambia to the Cte d'Ivoire with greatest prevalence in the Senegambia region Mali and Guinea Bissau (Dalby 1971, p. 6). 47 Wright 1987, p. 291; Kea 2010. 48 Kea 2010, p. 71. 49 Nugent 2008, p. 944. 50 Beckerleg 1992/1993, p. 47. 51 Kea 2004, p 365. 52 Wright 1997, p. 229; Golub 2009. 53 Gailey 1975, p. 40. 54 The movemen t des forces democratique de la Casamance (MFDC), a secessionist movement made up of freedom fighters, seeks independence from Senegal. They have waged war against the Senegalese state since 1983 when approximately 100 Senegalese were killed while demonstrating against the Senegalese state. The MFDC claim that 2007). 55 Kea 2010. 56 Swindell 1981; Robertson 1987 57 Amanor 2006, p.151 58 Robertson 1988 59 Baker 1995, p. 75. 60 Barrett and Browne 1989, p. 6; Cornia 1987 61 62 Kea 2004. 63 Quinn 1972, p. 37. 64 Kea 2010. 65 Robertson 1987, p. 247. 66 See Chauveau, Colin, Jacob, Delville, and Le Meur (2006) with reference to Jacob (2004, moral duty of gratitude that strangers are expected to display towards their tuteurs in tutorat in the Cte d'Ivoire 67 See Linares (1992, p. 129) for a discussion of the way in which lenders and borrowers of land in a Mandigized Jola village in Casamance are expected to see themselves as 68 Bellagamba 2004. 69 Barnes 1986, p. 9.

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16 | Kea 70 Sanneh 1979, p. 2. 71 Chauveau et al. 2006. 72 Chauveau 2000, 2006, 2008; Chauveau, Jacob, Le Meur 2004; Chauveau et al. 2006. 73 Chauveau et al. 2007, p. 34; Chauveau 2006, p. 214 with reference to Scott 1976). 74 Chauveau et al. 2006, p. 2; Le Meur 2006. 75 Chauveau et al. 2004, p. 9. 76 Ibid. p p 10 14. 77 Sharpe 2005, p. 174. 78 Guyer 1993; Berry 2001, p. 110 79 Bloom 2003, p. 50. 80 Berry 1989, p. 48; Kopytoff 1987, p. 52; Kea 2010. 81 Bloom 2003, p. 50. 82 Goldring 2001, p.511. 83 Kea 2010. 84 Skinner 1963, p. 312. 85 Wiseman 1997, p. 265. 86 The Gambia News and Report 29 Oct. 4 Nov. 1996 87 Berry 2009, p. 31. 88 This process of intensification and diversification has a long history (See Haswell 1963, 1975; Barrett and Browne 1989; Carney 1992; Carney and Watts 1991, 1992; Schroeder 1999.) 89 Blackwood 1997, p. 278 90 Bryceson 2002, p. 725. 91 Wright 1997, p. 237 92 Kea 2004, 2010 93 Van Hear 2010 p. 1531 94 Bloom 2003, p. 51 References Abdul Korah, G. Journal of Asian and African Studies 46.4: 390 403. Adepoju, A. Development 46.3: 37 41. Journal of Third World Studies XXVII.1: 25 41. Amm assari, S. and R. Black 2001. Harnessing the Potential of Migration and Return to Promote Development: Applying Concepts to West Africa Geneva: International Organization for Migration. Land, Mobile Labor and Alientation in t he Eastern Region o f Land and the Politics of B elonging in West Africa (Leiden: Brill): 137 159.

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Becoming Local Citizens | 17 _____ eastern Africa 80.1: 104 12 5. African Affairs 94: 67 86. Barrett, H. Scottish Geographical Magazine 105. 1: 4 11. Cambridge Anthropology 16.1: 45 59. Africa 74. 3: 383 411. Africa 59. 1: 41 55. _____. 2001. Chiefs Know their Boundaries: Essays on Property, Power, and the Past in Asante, 1896 1996 Portsmouth: Heinemann. _____ 2009 Development and Change 40. 1: 23 45. Bird, C. S. and M. Bird (eds.), Explorations in African Systems of Thought ( Bloomington: Indiana University Press): 13 26 interview with Mam Emergences 13. 1/2: 47 74. Migration Theory: Talking Across D isciplines (New York: Routledge): 113 159. _____ American Behavioural Scientist 50. 1: 3 8. Brooks, George. E. 1993. Landlords and Strangers: Ecology, Society and Trade in Western Africa, 1000 1630 Boulder: Westview Press. World Development 30.5: 725 39. Develop ment and Change 23.2: 67 90. _____ Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 16.4 : 651 81. Castles, S., and A. Davidson. 2000 Citizenship and Migration: Globalization and the Politics of Belonging Basingstoke: Macmillan. Chauveau, J Politique Africaine 78: 94 125

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18 | Kea _____ and the Institution of the Tutorat Amongst Autochthones and Immigrants (Gban Region, Land and the Politics of Belo nging in West Africa (Leiden: Brill): 213 240. _____ Journal of Agrarian Change 8.4: 515 52. _____, Autrepar t 30: 3 23. _____, et al. 2006. Changes in Land Access and Governance in West Africa: Markets, Social Mediations and Public Policies London: IIED. nd American Ethnologist 18: 257 78. Colvin, L. G. ( ed. ). 1981. The Uprooted of the Western Sahel: Migrants Quest for Cash in the Senegambia New York: Praeger. Cordell D. et al. 1996. Hoe and Wage: A Social History of a Ci rcular Migration System in West Africa Boulder, Co.: Westview Press. Papers on the Manding (Bloomington: Indiana University): 99 128. Dey, J. 1980. Projects on the Far University of Reading. Elmhirst, E. 2011. Geoforum 42: 173 83. Epstein, A.L. 1958. Politics in an Urban African Community Manchester: Manchester University Press. Journal of Refugee Studies 20. 1: 60 85. Faal, D. 1991. Peoples and Empires of Senegambia: Se negambia in History AD 1000 1900. Latrikunda, The Gambia: Citizenship, Networking and Permeable Ethnicity. African Diaspora 3: 2 11. Gailey, H. 1975. Historical Dictionary of The Gambia New York: Frederick A Praeger. Gamble, D. and P. Hair. 1999. Discovery of River Gambra (1623 by Richard Jobson). London: Hakluyt. Public Culture 12.2: 423 452.

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Becoming Local Citizens | 19 Geschiere P. and S. Jackson African Studies Review 49.2 : 1 7 Goldring U.S. Transnational Identities 7. 4: 501 37. Case of The Gambia World Development 37.3: 595 606. Goode, Urban Anthropology 19: 125 53. Guyer, J Man 28. 2: 243 65. _____ 1997. An African Niche Economy: Farming to Feed Ibadan, 1968 1988 Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Journal of Development Studies 38.5 : 15 36. Haswell, M. 1963. The Changing Pat tern of Economic Activity in a Gambia Village. London: Department of Technical Co operation Overseas Research Publication: HMSO. _____ 1975 The Nature of Poverty: A Case history of the First Quarter century after World War II Basingstoke: Macmillan. Hil l, P. 1963. The Migrant Cocoa Farmers of Southern Ghana: a Study in Rural Capitalism. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Hondagneu Sotelo, P. 1994. Gendered Transitions: Mexican Experiences of Immigration Berkeley: University of California Press. K abeer, N. 1994. Reversed Realities: Gender Hierarchies in Development Thought London: Verso. Africa 74. 3: 361 382. _____ 20 10. Land, Labour and Entrustment: West African Female Farmers and the Politics of Difference African Social Studies Series. Leiden: Brill. I. Kopytoff (ed.) The African Frontier. The Reproduction of Traditional African Societies (Bloomington: Indiana University Press): 3 83. Koser, K. and H. Lutz (eds.), 1998. The New Migration in Europe: Social Constructions and Social Realities Basingstoke: Macmillan. Lam Africa: Journal of the International African Institute 68.4: 585 602. Le Meur, P. Devel opment and Change 37. 4: 871 900.

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20 | Kea Shrines: Settlement Histories and the Politics History in Africa 27: 193 214. _____ Comers and Late Comers: Indigenous Theori es of Landownership in Land and the Politics of Belonging in West Africa (Leiden: Brill): 35 56. Linares, O. 1992. Power, Prayer and Production: The Jola of Cassamance, Senegal Cambridge: University Press. Mah ler, S.J. International Migration Review 40. 1: 27 63. Manchuelle, F. 1997. Willing Migrants: Soninke Labour Diasporas, 1848 1960 Ohio: Ohio University Press. Massey, D.S. et al. 1998. Worlds in Motion Understanding International Migration at the End of the Millenium Oxford: Oxford University Press. Miller, D. and Slater, D. 2000. The Internet: An Ethnographic Approach Oxford: B erg. Migration (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press): 156 80. _____ 1971. Social Networks in Urban Situations Manchester: Ma nchester University Press. _____ Annual Review of Anthropology 3:279 99. Murphy, W. Chiefdom (Liberia) The African Frontier. The Reproduction of Traditional African Societies (Bloomington: Indiana University Press): 121 148. Man 10.4: 571 88. Cultural Brokerage in the Construction of Mandinka / Jola and Ewe / Agotime Identities in West Africa, c. 1650 Comparative Studies in Society and History 50.4: 9 20 48. Making: Immigrants Negotiate Racial and Current Anthropology 37. 5: 732 62. In K. Koser and H. Lutz (eds.) The New Migration in Europe: Social Constructions and Social Realities (Macmillan Press: Basingstoke): 21 38. straints and their Implications for Rural Women and Girls in sub Gender, Place and Culture 18.1: 65 81. Quinn, C. 1972. Mandingo Kingdoms of the Senegambia: Traditionalism, Islam and European expansion Evanston: Northwestern University Press. Robertson, A.F. 1987. The Dynamics of Productive Relationships: African Share Contracts in Comparative Perspective Cambridge: University Press.

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Becoming Local Citizens | 21 Berkele y Journal of Sociology 46: 4 22 Schroeder, R. 1999. Shady Practices: Agroforestry and Gender Politics in The Gambia Berkeley: University of California Press. Scott, James C. 1976 The Moral Economy of the Peasant: Rebellion and Subsistence in Southeast A sia New Haven: Yale University Press Sharpe, B. Settlement, Forestry, Identities and the Future in South West Cameroon (ed.), Rural Resources and Local Livelihoods in Africa (Oxford: James Currey). Africa 33. 1: 307 20. Swindell, K. 1981. The Strange Farmers of the Gambia: a Study in the Redistribution of African Population Swansea: Centre for Development Studies, University College. _____ 1985. Farm Labour Cambridge: University Press. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 36.10: 1531 36. in the Anthropology of Migration and Ethnic and Racial Studies 30.6: 961 78. T. Bassett and D. Crummey (eds.), Land in African Agrarian Syst ems (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press): 194 221. Werbner, P. and N. Yuval Davis, N. 1999. Women, Citizenship and Difference London: Zed Books. Review of African Political Economy 24.72: 2 65 69. Wooten, S. 2009. The Art o f Livelihood: Cr eating Expressive Agri Culture i n Rural Mali Durham, North Carolina: Carolina Academic Press. Precolonial Senegambian Society a nd History in Africa 14: 287 309. _____ 1997. The World and a Very Small Place in Africa New York: M.E. Sharpe.



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University of Flori da Board of Trustees, a public corporation of the State of Florida; permission is hereby granted for individuals to download articles for their own personal use. Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Flori da. ISSN: 2152 2448 Hip Hop as Social Comme ntary in Accra and Dar es Salaam M SIA KIBONA CLARK Abstract : This paper looks at the use of African hip hop as social commentary in Accra, Ghana and Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. Hip hop is by its definition a tool of self expression and self definition, and is often used as a tool of resistance. Young artists are using the platform of hip hop to speak out on a host of social and economic issues. A transcontinent al conversation is now happening with artists all over Africa and the Diaspora. This paper focuses on the hip hop communities in Accra, Ghana and Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. Both nations have hip hop communities in which socially conscious hip hop is marginal ized. In addition, the histories of these two nations are linked by their histories as battlegrounds in the struggle for Pan Africanism, non alignment, and socialist ideals. These factors have influenced the use of hip hop for social commentary in both cit ies. This examination of hip hop in Accra and Dar es Salaam reveals important conversations occurring around politics and economics, on both a national and international level. Hip hop artists and the youth they represent are an important component of any social or political struggle towards progress. This research contributes to the need to engage with African hip hop culture and understand its growing implications for Africa. Introduction Hip hop is one of the most important cultural movements to occur in Africa in recent decades and has evolved into a potent voice for African youth expression. When hip hop arrived in Africa in the 1980s it swept across the African continent like a tidal wave, starting with smaller segments of the youth population and by t he 1990s becoming firmly implanted in almost every country on the continent. All over Africa, in countries like Burkina Faso, presence dates back to the 1980s and 1990 s 1 many smaller cities) has a hip hop community, a community that includes rap emcees, prod ucers, DJs, graphic designers, musical performances, and in many cases radio stations, dancers, and fashion designer s. All of these elements promote hip hop by participating in the continuation of the culture in various ways. Hip hop in Africa has allowed African youth to participate in social, political, and economic discourse on a national and global level. This part icipation is seen in the lyrical content emanating from hip hop music all over the continent, providing for rich social commentary in the form of socially conscious hip hop. In looking at examples of this utilization of hip hop in Africa, Accra and Dar es Salaam provide valuable case studies as both cities have strong hip hop communities and artists that are active on the international scene. However, unlike some hip hop communities in Africa, namely those found in Senegal

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24 | Clark and South Africa, socially conscio us hip hop does not enjoy popular support in Accra or Dar es Salaam. In addition, both Ghana and Tanzania have similar histories, histories rooted in anti colonial struggle, socialism, and Pan Africanism. Though both countries have taken somewhat divergent paths, the hip hop coming out of Ghana and Tanzania has definitely been influenced by the histories of both countries and can be heard and seen in the hip hop music produced in both countries. As such, an examination of hip hop in Accra and Dar es Salaam provides important information on the ways in which hip hop is used for social expression and self definition. In 1988 in the United States hip hop artist Chuck D famously referred to hip hop as the Black CNN 2 Meaning, if one wants to know what is going on in inner city and Black communities; one only needs to listen to the hip hop music coming from those communities. Within the hip hop of the ghetto one finds ample commentary on the conditions of the urban poor and criticisms of government policies. It is within this tradition that artists in Accra and Dar es Salaam are using the platform of hip hop to speak out on a host of soc ial and political issues. An analysis of hip hop songs reflects a style of social commentary that resonates with Ghanaians and Tanzanians alike. An almost essential feature of hip hop is its ability to transform the very language artists select as a mode of communication. Hip hop creates new vocabulary while redefining and transforming established vocabulary, all the while artists culture, a resistance to the establishment. Hi p hop lyrics have always been directed to the youth in a way that is meant to reflect a genuine distrust of authority. Hip hop artists in Accra and Dar es Salaam often critically examine government leaders, though they differ slightly in the ways in which they do this. They also deconstruct social institutions and economic oppression in songs that address urban life, migration and the perceived failure of elders to protect the youth. A sample of hip hop lyrics from both communities shows how hip hop is u sed as a voice of the youth and will also show differences and similarities between hip hop music in Accra and Dar es Salaam. In addition, hip hop artists in Ghana and Tanzania often invoke the images or words of former Presidents Kwame Nkrumah and Julius Nyerere in a manner that suggests a level of reverence for the words and actions of these leaders. This is often done in such a way that artists are simultaneously expressing criticism of current regimes. Two factors influencing these uses of hip hop as so cial commentary in Accra and Dar es Salaam are domestic economic and political changes and the emergence of new pop music genres. F omestic economic and political changes provide both the inspiration for the lyrical content and influence the manner in whic h artists tell their stories. Meanwhile the pop music scenes marginalize conscious hip hop, impacting the perception and visibility of conscious hip hop. The 1980s saw the transformation of the economies of both Ghana and Tanzania as leaders in both coun tries began to implement World Bank and IMF prescribed structural adjustment policies 3 Soon after, the economies of both countries took a severe hit and Ghanaians and Tanzanians felt the sting of neoliberal economic policies. Many chose to flee to the We st, sparking explosions in African immigrant populations in many Western nations 4 For example, after 1985 African migration to the United States doubled with each passing decade 5 Among the factors influencing that migration out of Africa was the lack of economic opportunities at home caused by newly implemented economic policies 6 In the urban areas of Accra and Dar es Salaam the decline in the standard of living would provide

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Hip Hop as Social Commentary | 25 inspiration for many hip hop lyrics. As their populations faced increased pove rty and a decrease in social services, frustration began to be reflected in the music 7 Finally, hip hop in both Accra and Dar es Salaam has often been confused with and overshadowed by the more commercialized pop music genres, Hip life and Bongo Flava, respectively, distorting the conversation around urban youth music in Accra and Dar es singing in local languages, often about love and having a good time, an indicator of blurred distinctions between hip hop and pop music. Many of these artists are pop musicians and label pop music as hip hop means there is often confusion over what hip hop actually is. While Hip life and Bongo Flava both contain elements of hip hop culture, the confusion over the genres often leads to a distortion of hip hop in Ghana and Tanzania. Fo r example, there have been several published works providing informative examinations of socially conscious hip hop in Tanzania, but some of the m have identified Bongo Flava as being synonymous with Tanzanian hip hop 8 In both Accra and Dar es Salaam these distortions have led to efforts by hip hop artists to distinguish themselves in a struggle to establish their music as separate from either Hip life or Bongo Flava. However, the economic incentives of performing pop music have influenced a number of hip h op artists, and consequently socially conscious hip hop. The hip hop scenes in Accra and Dar es Salaam offer insight into the ways hip hop is used as a tool social and politic al expression in those cities. As countries where the hip hop scene is not as po litically aggressive with its content as Senegal and South Africa, Ghana and these two countries and the challenges artists face also expose the impact of certain fa ctors on the development and use of socially conscious hip hop. Emergence of Hip Hop in Ghana and Tanzania Hip hop arrived in Ghana and Tanzania by the mid 1980s M uch of the music was initially in English, with the first artists to begin rapping often bei ng the children of the elite, who were fluent enough in English to write hip hop verses and have access to rap cassettes from abroad 9 A look at early footage of hip hop music videos shows many early hip hop artists mimicking the styles and sounds that the y heard from American hip hop. By the mid 1990s, however, hip hop in both countries appears to have gone through a localization process. During this time hip hop artists in Ghana and Tanzania began to incorporate local sounds, and more importantly, began rapping in local languages about topics of significance to local populations. In Ghana one of the first to popularize this trend was Reggie Rockstone. Rockstone returned from living abroad in 1994 and would help usher in a new music genre, Hip life. Hip life contains elements of Ghanaian High Life, hip hop, reggae, and R&B 10 The lines between Hip life and hip hop are often blurred; the implications for hip hop in Ghana (sometimes called GH rap) will be discussed later. Today most Ghanaian hip hop artists rap in Twi, as well as Pidgen, Ga and Ewe. In Tanzania the history of Swahili hip hop is murky 11 Several academic sources, however, recognize Saleh Jabir (aka Sa leh J, Saleh Jaber, Saleh Aljabry, or Swaleh J) to be the first to record an album in Swahili with his 1991 album King of Swahili Rap, but the debate

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26 | Clark in the Tanzanian hip hop community has not been resolved 12 Jabir was primarily taking popular American hip hop songs and re doing them in Swahili. Around the same time original verses in Swahili were 2Proud, Fresh G, Gangsters with Matatizo, Dika Sharp, and De Plow Matz. B y the mid 1990s hip hop in Ghana and Tanzania was still in its infancy, but quickly maturing into a genuine voice of the urban youth, especially the poor urban youth. The majority of the hip hop artists in both Ghana and Tanzania used local languages and d ialects in the music. As well, many of the songs spoke to the plight of the poor, to life on the The Rise of Neoliberalism in Ghana and Tanzania Both Ghana and Tanzania began their independence with strong, ambitious leaders. Under Kwame Nkrumah and Julius Nyerere both countries were led by p residents who implemented socialist economic policies and attempted to steer their nations away from invasive Western influence. Both Ghana and Tanzania saw impressive gains in the areas o f healthcare and education, as Nkrumah and Nyerere focused on the development of these sectors 13 Tanzania a strong national identity was forged with the adoption of Swahili as t he national and official language 14 With similar beginnings, both Ghana and Tanzania later moved in a different direction, towards neoliberal economics with free market reforms, privatization, and the rolling back of social services. After Nkrumah was ous ted from power in 1966, Ghana endured a series of coups, ending with the 1981 coup led by Flight Lieutenant Jerry Rawlings 15 Following the Rawlings coup Ghana entered a period of economic and cultural repression, when many Ghanaians, including several musi cians, left the country 16 To the e ast, in Tanzania, Julius Nyerere enjoyed widespread support. In 1985 he b ecame one of the first African p residents to voluntar il y step down, handing over power to Ali Hassan Mwinyi in the 1985 p residential elections. After in 1999, successive Tanzanian p residents would take the country in a very different direction. The mid 1980s saw both Ghana and Tanzania headed quickly towards capitalist economic reform as they began talks wi th the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank in order to help their struggling economies 17 With this aid came donor prescribed structural adjustment programs (SAPs), which African states were obliged to adopt. On e of Tanzania n President responsibilities was to sign agreements with the IMF and the World Bank 18 While under the leadership of President Rawlings, Ghana became a favorite of the West for its embrace and implementation of IMF and World Bank prescribed SAPs 19 Both p rivatization and neoliberalism were at the core of the SAP formula, as was the devaluation of African currencies 20 Other conditions included massive cuts in government spending, especially in public services such as education and healthcare 21 These SAPs would see Ghana and Tanzania adopt economic policies, which also led to foreign penetration of local markets, and deregulation 22 Life in both Accra and Dar es Salaam became more difficult. Residents faced widespread poverty, housing problems, high rates of underemployment and unemployment, and a decrease in access to healthcare and education 23 In neighborhoods like Nima in Accra and Temeke in Dar es Salaam, from which many hip hop artists would

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Hip Hop as Social Commentary | 27 emerge problems include overcrowding, poor housing and sanitat ion, substandard healthcare and education, and high crime 24 The implemented neoliberal economic policies also led to displaced rural peasants flooding the cities in search of work and opportunities, straining an already stressed infrastructure 25 The ranks of the unemployed also became filled with illiterate and semi literate youth who increasingly turn to the informal market and illegal activities to survive. The following 2006 quote from Tanzanian scholar Issa Shivji could be applied to both Ghana and Tanz ania: Structural Adjustment Programmes of the 1980s destroyed the little achievements in education, health, life expectancy, and literacy that we had made during the nationalist period. Neo liberal policies of the last ten years have destroyed the small i ndustrial sector t extiles, oil, leather, farm implements, and cashew nut factories w hich had been built during the period of import substitution. Most important of all, we have lost the respect, dignity and humanity and the right to think for ourselves tha t independence presented 26 This is the environment in which many hip hop artists emerged. Hip hop music provided youth with an opportunity to address the problems they were seeing around them. Ironically, it would be some of the tools of globalization that would provide artists with the opportunity to have their voices heard. Privatization allowed for the emergence of a number of independent radio stations in both Ghana and Tanzania 27 In Ghana there was a re birth of the music scene, as artists returned and new ones arose. In Tanzania many citizens would purchase their first television sets in the mid 1990s as new stations emerged. This all provided an opportunity for young artists to have an outlet for their music. Stations needed local music to play, and t he artists needed stations to play their music. This period also meant easier access to news, music, and culture from abroad, allowing hip hop artists to connect to global social and political movements. The era of globalization has also meant greater acce ss to an international audience. Every major hip hop artist in both Ghana and Tanzania now has an internet presence. In conducting preliminary research it became clear that the level of internet presence strongly d at home. As an increasing number of Africans in Africa. Artists are utilizing social media tools to get their music out, to control their images, and to remain relevant. Artists will often release mixtapes (free online albums), announce tour dates, and post album release information via social media. This allows artists to bypass traditional avenues that are often hostile to socially conscious hip hop. Artists w ill also use email and the internet to collaborate with artists in other locations. Artists in both Tanzania and Ghana have used the internet for collaborations, exchanging beats or vocal tracks with rnet program called Fidstyle Fridays in which he has interviewed various artists, including African American artist and activist Toni Blackman 28 He has used this platform to interview socially conscious hip hop artists and to highlight hip hop culture. Likewise, Ghanaian hip hop artist Sarkodie used social media to promote a recent American tour. He also has his music in rotation with online music listening sites like Spotify and Pandora, where listeners anywhere in the world can listen to his for free. The result has been incredible, as artists who were only known nationally, are now gaining international audiences. These audiences include the Tan zanian

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28 | Clark and Ghanaian d iasporas respectively, but also other Africans and non Africans. In addition, the artists themselves are becoming more aware of what artists in other parts of the continent are doing. In interviews with several Tanzanian and Ghanaian hip hop artists all indicated knowledge, albeit limited, of what artists in other countries were doing. Impact of P op M usic on H ip H op As noted earlier, t here is great ambiguity between hip hop and both Hip life and Bongo Flava. These two pop genres emer ged in the 1990s ( Hiplife in the early 1990s and Bongo Flava in the late 1990s ) and their influence on youth music in both countries would be significant. Hip hop in these countries has been overshadowed by both of these genres, resulting in different rea ctions. Ghanaian artists seem to have largely accepted that Hip life outsells hip hop and have in turn used Hip life to deliver socially relevant messages. In Tanzania, hip hop artists are fighting back and trying to challenge the Bongo Flava machine by dr awing a line in the sand between hip hop and Bongo Flava. The question of authenticity in hip hop thus becomes important, and is an issue that is debated globally. While authenticity is a core value in hip hop, it is also a concept that is difficult to con varying significantly even within local hip hop communities 29 look at authenticity in hip hop ties authenticity to staying culturally authentic, rejecting the Many of these ideas of authenticity have been expressed by hip hop artists in both Ghana and Tanzania. There are, however, debates surrounding the supremacy of content v ersus skill in determining hip hop authenticity. Some see social and political consciousness as a pre requisite of true hip hop. Others look to skill in lyricism and lyrical creativity as a measure of hip hop authenticity. These are all debates that are oc curring within and among hip hop communities globally, and often add another element to the debate over pop Interviews with artists in both Ghana and Tanzania brought out clear differences between the two countries in the relationship to pop music and hip hop. In Ghana several artists interviewed in 2010 and 2011 identified as both hip hop artists and Hip life artists. In an interview with Ghanaian artist Yaa Pono, the artist vacillated between identifying as a hip hop artist and as a Hip life artist, moving easily between both identities 30 Likewise, Ewe hip hop artist Ayigbe Edem also maintained a dual identity 31 In fact, many were unable to give a clear distinction between the two. Hip life began as lyrics rapp ed or sung over High Life beats in Ghanaian languages. Today m usic that artists and fans classif y as Hip life is rapped over a variety of beats, leading to further confusion. In 2012 4 SYTE TV et 32 N umerous musicians are interviewed and ultimately asked about the debate between Hip life and hip hop. There are hip hop community that distinguishes itself from H ip life in Ghana. There was some belief expressed that this movement was in fact growing, though the blurred lines between Hip life and hip hop influenced that growth. In an interview m usic producer Panji Nanoff describe d what he sees as some of the funda mental characteristics that di stinguish Hip life from hip hop, includ ing free shows, social relevance, mainstream acceptance, and indigenous rhythms 33 While hip hop also

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Hip Hop as Social Commentary | 29 addresses social issues, Nanoff says Hip life does it in a way that is humorous, often making use of proverbs to make a point. In the end Nanoff says that Ghanaian hip hop, and by extension socially conscious hip hop, is not commercially viable. U.S. based Ghanaian artist ting that the political confrontations that happen in other hip hop communities do not occur Ghana 34 In other words, the social and political critique by artists in other hip hop communities is minimized in Ghana, a result of both the social and political climate and the influence of Hip life music. Tanzania n hip hop artists are openly hostile towards Bongo Flava, which unlike Hip life contains very little social or political commentary. In fact one of the most important distinctions between the two is that Tanzanian hip hop is often, though not always, more socially and politically conscious. Bongo (a slang word for Dar es Salaam) Flava is a term given to youth music coming out of Dar es Salaam. Bongo Flava songs are a mixture of hip hop, R&B and reggae performed in Swahili. Bongo Flava songs are about love and having a good time. Tanzanian hip hop, on the other hand, is performed almost exclusively over hip hop beats. In addition Tanzanian hip hop lyrics are rhymes that address a variety of topics, including political and social issues. As with Hip life, it is difficult for many to articulate all the distinctions between hip hop and Bongo Flava. The main difference is lyrical content. Bongo Fla va is almost entirely apolitical, while songs that comment on social and political issues are almost always hip hop songs. Interviews in 2009 and 2010 with twelve different recording artists in Tanzania yielded interesting results on the perceptions of pop especially older artists like Sugu and Zavara, KBC, and Saigon expressed a clear disdain for Bongo Flava and saw it as having a destructive influence on hip hop and the ability of hip hop artists to get their music out 35 Artists Coin Moko of Viraka and Ehks B and Rage Prophetional of Rebels Sonz are all hip hop artists that produce socially conscious lyrics. In an interview with the three artists all agreed that they were resigned to an underground status because of the ir refusal to switch to the Bongo Flava format 36 Economically hip hop has been marginalized in Tanzania, with many of the artists interview Clouds FM presente play Bongo Flava, insisting that it is what Tanzanians preferred 37 Like Panji Nanoff in Ghana, Ndege argued that socially conscious hip hop was not commercially viable. This has helped to fuel the tensions between the two genres as economic livelihoods are affected. According to Shani Omari, the tensions led to the emergence of slogans like Okoa Hip Hop (Save Hip Hop) 38 They have also spurred the activism of artists, like hip hop pioneers Sugu and Zavara Mponjika, who promote hip hop culture in Tanzania. The implications for hip hop in Accra and Dar es Salaam are therefore varied. While artists in Ghana have both hip hop and Hip life through which to tell their stories, hip hop, especially conscio us hip hop, in Ghana continues to struggle to find an outlet in the face of Hip life. In Tanzania the marginalization of hip hop has meant that most hip hop artists are outside of the mainstream. Fid Q and Profesa Jay are among the rare hip hop artists to produce socially conscious music and find success and recognition in both pop and hip hop. While hip hop remains strong in Tanzania, its marginalization affects its reach and cripples the influence of the artists on social change.

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30 | Clark The Lyrics Hip hop ar tists in both Accra and Dar es Salaam have utilized hip hop to respond to the conditions in their respective countries, albeit in different ways. Many artists have delivered thought provoking lyrics, providing a discourse on living conditions, political co rruption, greed, and ineffective political policies. In Ghana many of the lyrics are reflections on society and the behavior of Ghanaians themselves. They are more social commentary than direct attacks on the political or economic system. After the 1981 Ra wlings coup the government kept a tight control on freedom of speech. The government even passed laws that limited both freedom of speech and criticisms of the regime, such as the Preventive Custody Law (PNDC Law 4), which allowed for the indefinite detent ion without trial of anyone critical of the regime 39 While Rawlings loosened his grip after holding and winning multi party elections in 1992, there remained concerns around his human rights record and the amount of criticism one could direct at the govern ment. Successive p residents have further liberalized Ghanaian society. The Ghanaian hip hop community, however, has yet to fully embrace the practice of direct criticism of the government. Instead, through their commentary on social concerns, artists indir ectly address domestic and foreign policy impacts. Tanzania also lacks a history of social protest, particularly on the mainland, but the country has never experienced the type of censorship or repression Ghanaians experienced under President Rawlings. While social and political activism is rare among hip hop artists in Tanzania, many artists do address both social and political issues in their lyrics, often pointing direct blame at political and economic systems. Many of the early hip hop artists in Tanzania influenced this tradition of using hip hop to ad dress social issues. Artists such as Kwanzaa Unit, Hard Blasters, De Plow Matz, and 2Proud all set the stage for the socially conscious hip hop that would be produced by future generations of hip hop artists. Many Tanzanians see their use of Swahili as lin ked to a sense of national identity. A common Tanzania, fell sick in Kenya, died in Uganda and was buried in Congo 40 Hip hop artists in Dar es Salaam rely on the almost po etic ways in which Swahili is employed in social critique in Tanzania when directing their own social critiques. Ghanaian and Tanzanian hip hop provide important examples of the social and political dialogues occurring among youth in both countries. It is the voices of the artists that the youth are listening to, and artists in both countries have the potential to influence the conversations, perceptions and actions among both young Africa ns and mainstream social institutions. Ghana O ne of the few Ghana ian hip hop artists to speak out openly on political issues, calling out officials by name, is A Plus. He has in fact released an album or song every election cycle since 2000, including the albums Freedom of Speech and Letter to Parliament His Political Review ) addresses the election of President John Atta Mills in 2008 T he song criticizes President Mills saying that since his regime the prices for commodities have gone up and the value of the Ghanaian cedi has gone down. A Plus also comments on the greed that exists in the government, and corruption in the political process. In the song he admits to being t hreatened for his outspokenness but insists that it will not stop him from

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Hip Hop as Social Commentary | 31 speaking out. 41 In fact, A Plus has gained a reputa tion among Ghanaians for his political commentary, discussing issues most Ghanaian artists choose not to 42 Ghanaian artist Sarkodie is popular artist and enjoys widespread success. He released the hit Twi word that refers to Ghanaians living abroad. The song ( original Twi in endnote ) was directed at those Ghanaians living abroad, deconstructing the image of the Ghanaian living in the West. Do you thi Someone is in Canada he needs to go begging for his daily meal A lot of these borga are not truthful Y ou would have known life in the West is ugly You are a tailor in Ghana and you make money You have food to eat, at the very least, you have somewhere to sleep You've saved money to get a visa You want to travel to America just to suffer --Whose fault is it that you are suffering? Had it been you were in Gh ana you would have commissioned schools and been hired by Tigo [ mobile network ] to be a manager Rather you are in the West sweeping the streets and after shake yourself 43 Sarkodie criticizes Western values and economic aspirations, which leads many that are present in Ghana and sustained by returning Ghanaians. In doing so, Sarkodie attempt s to pull back the curtain on the lives of Ghanaians abroad while touting the benefits of making a life at home in Ghana. The song is therefore not critical of conditions in Ghana; instead it addresses the desires for a life in the West among many Ghanaian s. The song is an attempt to address the reality of the lives of Ghanaian immigrants in the West, from the perspective of a Ghanaian at home. Another artist is relative new comer, Yaa Pono, whose debut album Nsem Kua ( Funny Proverbs ) takes a humorous s pin on social commentary. Many Ghanaian hip hop artists deliver their lyrics in a style that is likened to speaking in proverbs. What distinguishes these songs is that simply taking a few lines from a song will not reveal the overall message of the song. T hese types of hip hop songs require the listener to hear the entire story before fully appreciating the message in the song. T he lyrics i struggling to survive in the city with few financ ial resources. It is a story of life in urban Accra, and one that is intended reach millions of Ghan aians facing similar challenges: It looks like my teeth have been painted The woes of life have even made me forget to brush my teeth D aybreak Africa, I have just seen this man with a tree around his neck .

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32 | Clark Some say the morning is bright but I see it as blurred 44 seemed to be weighed down by burdens. Yaa Pono goes on to discuss the difficulty of getting food because of a lack of money : I am going to see if the waakye [rice and bean dish] seller is in wele [goat skin] I wish I could buy koko [ a cheap porridge ] but the line is long 45 T his passage thus laments not being able to afford meat, and therefore having to eat goat s kin, which is cheaper. Cheaper still is koko where the line of people buying it is long, indicating the number of people who could only afford the cheapest option. In these passages, as in other parts of the song, Yaa Pono identifies himself as being among the many people who face similar limited d aily choices because of a lack of resources. Tanzania Tanzania n artists such as Sugu (Mr. II) and Profesa Jay (aka Profesa J or Professor Jay) became famous in the late 1990s and early 2000s for their criticisms of the government. in the face of corruption, poverty, and unemployment. Sugu sings : We have hard lives, even the president knows And still we have smiles for every situation This is the real situation Ever 46 Sugu recently made history in becoming the first hip hop artist to win political office. In the 2010 p arliamentary elections Sugu ( aka Joseph Mbilinyi ) won a seat representing the southern Tanzanian city of Mbeya. Sugu, who made a career holding government leaders accountable, ran under the opposition party Chadema. During the elections he pointed to growing economic inequality and corruption as two soci al ills facing Tanzania 47 His decision to run was influenced by a desire to have an opportunity to address some of the issues he rapped about in his ten album s and nearly twenty year career 48 promises that are forgotten after the election. In the song (original Swahili in endnote) Profesa Jay plays a politi ndio mzee from the crowd. 49 I Resign ) in 2008. In voters for his wrong doings and abuse of power. In the song he confesses all his sins and resigns from office, a thinly veiled message to politicians in Tanzania.

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Hip Hop as Social Commentary | 33 Hip hop artists in Dar es Salaam have continued to use engage in social commentary. Artists l ike Roma, Izzo Bizness, Rage Prophetional, and Fid Q have all utelized hip hop to critique social and political issues. t on post independence Tanzania while admonishing contemporary leadership. The song reflects on the p independence period with lines such as: 1.9.6.1 Kambarage [ President Nyerere ] became a hero Without bloodshed he made December shine . You resigned when we still needed you you left it to Ali Hadji [ President Mwinyi ] Now they fight for the presidential house with raw lust Roma goes on to admonish current politicians in Tanzania : Their drivers approach women for them They abandon a lot of innocent children Their wives go o ut with youth undisciplined Because their husba nds are busy with illegal deals The price of their cars ca n build a school in the village There are illiterate children grazing cows in villages 50 in a manner that directly criticizes successive regimes. Roma expresses a belief that successive governments sought in part to curb corruption and ensure that the governm ent acted in the best interest of the people. His song is thus both praise for Nyerere and a commentary on excessive greed and corruption in Tanzania today. Izzo Bizness directs his p resident of Tanzania, Jakaya Kikwet e who is named Ridhiwan but is also known as Riz One 51 In the song Izzo Bizness tells Ridhiwan to pass the message to his father that people are tired of the current situation. Izzo Bizness talks about corruption and drugs, as well as electricity, water a nd oil shortages, all in a message directed at Ridhiwan. The song is unique in directing a message to the President son who is around the same age as many of the hip hop artists. The song unity, and in doing so asked Ridhiwan to be a bridge between the hip hop community and the political system represented by his father. Underground hip hop artist Rage Prophetional, one of the few Tanzanian hip hop art ists to rap in English, was a finalist in the 2008 Channel O continent wide Emcee Africa Difficulties of Life ) reflects on corruption and racism in both politics and society : Days turn to nights and struggles t urn to pain Policies seem to change, green turns to white Whites ste a l from Blacks and Blacks turn on Blacks Blacks become like caged animals hidden like fox When they came to attack, bullets sounding like symphony Treating us like orangutans, showed us no sympathy 52

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34 | Clark Rage Pro phetional was raised in England but returned to Dar es Salaam in recent years. His time in England is evident in his choice in language, as Rage is fluent in both English and Swahili. His period overseas is also reflected in his commenta ry on racism, an issue largely absent from most Tanzanian hip hop, contributes to discussions of racism and economics on a global scale. Rage Prophetional is part of the group Rebel Sonz and the only one in the group to rap in English. a ganda An artist who has gained both a mainstream and underground following is Fid Q. The artist recently performed at Nkrumah Hall on the campus of the University of Dar es Salaam in front of academics and political dignitaries, including the former Organization of African artists like KBC and Zavara of Kwanza Un it, Fid Q has taken his infl uence seriously and spearheaded several outreach projects, such as the Africans Act 4 Africa campaign. The Prop a ganda off of his 2009 album of the same name (original Swahili lyrics in endnote) : The police labe Then, they give me signs as if they utter Tasbih [ prayer beads ] repetitively From the counties, divisions, districts, regions up to the national level I would die with no scandals; I will leave a legacy These rhymes might even cause farmers to ingest seeds If you are gifted like Marco Chali, people will recognize you regardless --You are not supposed to trust a liar, even when he is telling the truth They profit under the disguise of [foreign] aid Controversies always start when we begin to scrutinize them Instead of solidifying our beliefs in following them, secrets start to leak 53 In the song Fid Q a rticulates the potential power of the hip hop emcee in influencing the people, and the responsibility he feels he has to pass on truths that could make, as he says, He also calls o ut politicians and religious leaders, suggesting that it is those following in the steps of past visionaries that will spark the call for change. In addition, Fid Q ties together several different elements, including Islamic imagery and links to broader so cial movements, in his mention of Che Guevara. The Use of I mages: Kwame Nkrumah and Julius Nyerere Kwame Nkrumah and Julius Nyerere were two African giants. They were both leaders at the forefront of African and Pan African liberation struggles, and they both left a significant presence in their respective nations, on the African continent

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Hip Hop as Social Commentary | 35 national pride. Artists in both Ghana and Tanzania have evoked the images and words of both Nkrumah and Nyerere. The use of images and speeches from Kwame Nkrumah and Julius Nyerere are very images of the Kwame Nkrumah m onument in Accra 54 In addition, Sarkodie transposes images of Kwame Nkrumah giving a speech with his own image in the same video. In th e hip hop artist R oma included images and video clips of Julius Nyerere in the video and ex The Propganda depicts him wearing a t shirt designed by the East African clothing line KinaKlothing. The t shirt is one of their most popular and prominently features the image of Julius Nyerere. Ghanaian hip hop artists Wanlov the Kubolor and M3nsa, collectively known as Fokn Bois, Coz ov Moni, was a comedy about two fr iends (Wanlov and M3nsa) who get into trouble due to film is done is a dream sequence. The song is addressed to the audience and is on one hand s leaders while at the same time it is a tribute to past leaders. Below is the verse given by M3nsa in Pidgen The verse by Wanlov was only available in English. Pidgen lyrics : I force travel small wey I see da hosslins, of da people, da women, n demma offsprings Mek I dey ask questions, man for do sometin To contribute, to build, positive construction --Look wanna leaders, look wanna teachers Look all these so called friends dem say dem com relieve us Many hundred years ago dey com in da name of Jesus Da same people turn around den enslave non believers Along with the believers da same tin dey happen today headed by strong deceivers I still be very inspires even tho oppressors screw up : our ass waiting on so called leaders Just puppets being led with strings by them to mis lead us Chale never ever give up. Try! They will squander everything, we wo Read, think, train, get up stand up, fight for your right Bleed, stink, pain, no sudden flight, toil through the night They make the wars and we enlist to shoot and die The youth must try and learn about their ancestors 55

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36 | Clark The chorus of the song pays homage to numerous past leaders, inside and outside Africa. In the film images of these leaders are flashed in the background. The first line of th e a, M buyu Nehanda, Nzingha, we de tank you on to name individuals such as Kwame Nkrumah, Yaa Asantewaa, Martin Luther King, Thomas Sankara, Fela Kuti, Fred Hampton you As in ia the use of religion in human oppression. Both M3nsa and Fid Q point to the deception of the people by religious leaders. These lyrics may have been inspired in part by the conspicuous presence of mega churches all over Accra, and their emerging presence in Dar es Salaam. Wa problem as an economic one. Like Rage Prophetional, Wanlov lived for a time in the West, but unlike Rage, Wanlov does not see racism as the problem. With the line makes it a point to note that the problem is not racism, it is economic. Fokn Bois has tended to take more humorous approaches to social commentary. They have also not shied away from controversy, wit h institutions. Conclusion The economic and political changes of the 1980s and 1990s provided inspiration for the hip hop that emerged out of both Accra and Da r es Salaam. Those changes, as well as the popularity of pop music, have also influenced the ways in which hip hop has been used for social commentary in both cases. These changes influenced the levels and types of social consciousness found in Ghanaian an d Tanzanian hip hop. S ome of the more politically charged African hip hop scenes are found in Dakar, Senegal and Cape Town, South Africa, where socially conscious artists have been at the fore of both the hip hop scene as well as social movements 56 In bot h Senegal and South Africa hip hop emerged fairly early, in the 1980s, and was led at the outset by socially conscious groups like Positive Black Soul (PBS) in Senegal and Prophets of the City (POC) in South Africa 57 In Senegal, a casualty of the 1980s ec onomic crisis that hit Africa was the closure of schools because of strikes. This event is seen to have led to the politicization of Senegalese hip hop 58 During 2009 interviews with Senegalese hip hop veterans Keyti and Xuman, both referred to the incident as being critical in politicizing Senegalese hip hop 59 In South Africa hip hop emerged under the apartheid system, which provided ample inspiration for hip growin g militancy of the anti apartheid movement and the popularity of American hip hop groups like Public Enemy 60 In both countries the early politicization of hip hop seems to have had an impact on the mainstreaming of politically conscious hip hop and hip h op artists, via radio airplay, video play and major music performances. This has given artists the means to both promote hip hop culture and participate in important social and political conversations. This mainstreaming of politically conscious hip hop di d not happen in Ghana and Tanzania, and while politically conscious hip hop in those countries remains present, it is much more

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Hip Hop as Social Commentary | 37 marginalized. Ghanaian and Tanzanian artists have, nonetheless, pushed for the greater visibility of hip hop in the mainstream. Many artists in Ghana have included pop tracks on their CDs, while in Tanzania many artists continue to resist pop music. In both countries, however, pop music impacts the hip hop community as both genres compete for space. The influence of the social, economic, and political environments have inspired artists to use hip hop to challenge the changes brought about by economic globalization and privatization. A rtists have addressed the ways in which social and economic conditio ns have impacted their countries. Poverty, for example, is a big topic for hip hop artists, especially the impact of poverty on the lives of people and the prices of commodities. Using their music as a platform to address these issues, the artists speak di rectly to the youth, who make up large percentages of the population. Many hip hop artists in both Accra and Dar es Salaam focus only on national issues and on domestic social commentary t hough artists such as Rage Prophetional and Fid Q do tie in broader struggles. Rage Prophetional, as well as Wanlov the Kubolor and M3nsa (aka Fokn Bois), all spent considerable time in the West. This has served to broaden their focus to pull in global dynamics. Wanlov lived in Los Angeles for a number of years before returning to Accra and M3nsa spent much of his time between the London and Accra. Their music draws on figures and ideals from across Africa and the African Diaspora in their criticisms of current leaders. Socially conscious hip hop coming out of Accra and Dar es Salaam presents important perspectives on society. In both Ghana and Tanzania there have been dramatic shifts away from the policies of both Nkrumah and Nyerere, but reflections on those policies have found their way to t he lyrics and videos of hip hop artists. That many of these artists were born in pos t Nkrumah and post Nyerere eras but re call the ir values and ideals speaks to the important legacies of those leaders. There are some key differences between Ghanaian and T anzanian hip hop. Among them, Ghanaian hip hop often utilize s less direct and more subtle ways in which to address social issues in their songs In other cases this is done more directly, as in Ahwe n artists have produced lyrics with more direct political content, addressing not only corruption and poverty, but also foreign aid and living conditions. Artists like Roma and Izzo Bizness place dire ct blame on political leaders. Since both countries face significant social and economic difficulties, the differences in content and approach could be attributed to their past political histories, as well as differences in cultural norms towards direct po litical engagement. Two areas needing growth in both countries include the inclusion of gender and calls for social change. Both Ghanaian and Tanzanian hip hop fail to adequately address gender issues. This is due in part to the lack of female hip hop art ists in both countries. While both Hip life and Bongo Flava have several female artists, few females enter into hip hop. In trying to find female hip hop artists in both countries, it became clear that there was a serious lack of a female presence. In fact as hip hop. While there are female ( with Fid Q ) is a clas sic hip hop track, they are among the few. As a result women have been largely omitted from discussions of social, economic and political problems. While not as explicit as American hip hop videos, many of the hip hop music videos from both Ghana and Tanza nia also tend to reinforce gender stereotypes and patriarchal structures.

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38 | Clark Another similarity is that artists have yet to parley their lyrics into calls for change. In Tanzania artists in that country have come close, although few mainstream artists have p ushed for change. While artists in both countries have utilized the images of Kwame Nkrumah and Julius Nyerere in their songs and music videos, few have actually taken steps to elicit change. Meanwhile, social and political observations in hip hop lyrics h ave created a space for dialogue. Hip hop culture has in fact succeeded in engaging youth in Accra and Dar es Salaam in political discussions. Many of the songs released by artists are bought, passed around, and looked up online by youth throughout the co untry and in the Diaspora, drawing them in to important social, locally, as well as in the Diaspora. Those fan pages often contain songs that can be listened to o nline. With online music listening sites like Pandora and Spotify, many of these artists ( e.g., Fid Q, Sarkodie, Wanlov the Kubolor, and M3nsa) offer listeners an opportunity to listen to their music for free. In addition, many of these artists have music available online, either for purchase or free download. The purchase and download of these songs has led to performances in New York, Washington, DC and Los An geles. At the Los Angeles performance it was clear to this author that many of the attendees were Ghanaians, who se naians in the Diaspora, challenging Ultimately, hip hop artists and the youth they represent are an important component of cial commentary is important in that it is a significant means by which younger Ghanaians and Tanzanians communicat e among themselves and with broader society. Hip hop music and artists pre sent stories of urban Africa, of young Africa. Ghanaian and Tanzani an hip hop offer stories and perspectives that are valuable for understanding social and political dynamics in those countries. Examinations of the factors influenc ing socially conscious hip hop reveal broader economic, cultural and political forces that i mpact youth expression. It is therefore important to engage with Afri can hip hop artists and culture in order to understand better the growing implications of this culture for Africa as a whole Notes 1 Beah 2007; Haupt 2008; Ntarangwi 2009; Cho 2010; Clark 2011; Ariefdien & Burgess 2011; Herson 2011; Knzler 2011 2 Kitwana 2003; Hann 2011 3 Konadu Agyemang 2000a; Perullo 2005 4 Konadu Agyemang et al 2006; Falola and Afolabi 2007; Clark 2009 5 Deane and Logan 2003; Clark 2009 6 Diouf; Okome 2002 7 Brydon & Legge 1996; Lugalla 1997; Bond & Dor 2003; Mawuko Yevugah 2010 8 Englert 2003; Stroeken 2005 9 Perullo 2005; Shipley 2009

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Hip Hop as Social Commentary | 39 10 Kwaku 2000; Shipley 2009; Cho 2010 11 In reviewing disc [ Balozi (Dola Sol) and Saigon of De Plow Matz (or Deplowmatz), Sugu (2Proud or Mr. II), and Zavara (Rhymson) and KBC of Kwanza Unit) ] there were varying accounts of the history of Swa hili hip hop in Tanzania. A few different names were mentioned as artists who pioneered Swahili hip hop and when that transition occurred. 12 Englert 2003; Perullo & Fenn 2003; Suriano 2007 13 Frehiwot 2011; Buah 1998; Chachage C. 2010; Chachage S. 2010 14 Mwakikagile 2006 15 Abdulai 1992; Opoku Dapaah 1992 16 Shipley 2007; Cho 2010 17 Konadu Agyemang 2000a; Perullo 2005; Opoku 2008 18 Perullo 2005 19 20 United Nations Economic Commission for Africa 1986; Shah 2006 21 United Nations Economic Commission for Africa 1986; Shah 2006 22 Brydon & Legge 1996; Konadu Agyemang 2000a; Shivji 2010; Liviga 2011 23 Brydon & Legge 1996; Lugalla 1997; Bond & Dor 2003; Mawuko Yevugah 2010 24 Brydon & Legge 1996; Lugalla 1997 25 Lugalla 1997; Konadu Agyemang 2000b; Weiss 2009 26 Shivji 2006 27 Moyer 2005; Perrulo 2005; Shipley 2007; Shipley 2009; Cho 2010 28 cheusidawa.tv 2011 29 Williams 2007, p. 4. 30 Personal interview 25 July 2011 31 Personal interview 27 July 2011 32 4sytetv, 2012. Parts 1 3 of the documentary can be found on YouTube. Part 1: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=USJALxUv1lI, Part 2: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EWcVDPj6Cow, Part 3: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Q7XjwBYR9JY 33 Perso nal interview 23 July 2011 34 Personal interview 6 September 2011 35 Information on individual interviews is provided in the references 36 Personal interviews 16 August 2009 37 Personal interview 22 August 2010 38 Personal communication 22 August 2010 39 40 Mungai 2011 41 A Plus 2008. Translated by Kwame Benjamin Appiah 42 Ghanabase.com; GhanaWeb. 2007 43 Sarkodie 2009. Translated by Daniel Arthur and Emmanuel Donkor. The original Twi lyrics below can be found at www.museke.com/node/3998 Modwene s eda fom, gyae nipa rebre / hustling / Obi te Canada, nee obei koraa, osre / Someone is in Canada he n eeds to go begging for his daily meal / Burgers yi bebree na entaa nka nokore / A lot of these borga are

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40 | Clark not truthful / Anka mobehunu se amanone mpo ye foo kyere / you would have known life in the West is ugly / Wote Ghana pam adee nya wo sika / You are a tailor in Ghana and you make money / Nea wob di, woanya koraa wowo beebi da / You have food to eat, at the very least, you have somewhere to sleep / Woaboa sika ano de akogye visa / You've saved money to get a visa / Wope se wotu kwan ko America ko bre kw a / You want to travel to America just to suffer / Afutuo nsakyere nipa na koso hwe / experiences it / --/ Amanehunu kwa, wei eye hwan na fault / Whose fault is it that you are suffering? / Obre a wote Ghana anka woabie sukuu ama Tigo afa wo manager / Had it been you were in Ghana you would have commissioned schools and been hired by Tigo [mobile network] to be a manager / Na wote obi man so pra kwan ho / Ewo se woso ho, efiri se wonni beebi da / Rather you are in the West sweeping the streets and after shake 44 Yaa Pono 2011. Translated by Kwame Benjamin Appiah. 45 Ibid. 46 Mr. II 1998. Lyrics translations come from the following sources: Perullo Alex 2005; Hulsho f Carolien 2008; Africanhiphop.com 2002. 47 Clark 2010 48 Ibid. 49 Profesa J 2001. Translated by Perullo Alex 2005. The original Swahili lyrics are: Na / / Hivi na / / / / / / / Mzee. 50 Roma 2010. Translation provided at http://www.eastafricantube.com/media/36875/ROMA TANZANIA and edited by author. 51 Izzo Bizness 2011. Translated by author and Kibacha Singo 52 Translation of title and lyrics provided by author 53 Fid Q 2009. Lyrics and translation provided by artist and edited by author The original Swahili lyrics are: Polisi huniita mzururaji, na wanajua mie ni emcee / The police label me a / Kisha hunipa ishara kama wanavuta uradi kwa Tasbih / Then, they give me signs as if they utter Tasbih [ prayer beads ] repetitively / Baya / help anything / Nashukuru kote nasikika napotoa haya mawaidha / views being heard everywhere / Kuanzia kata, tarafa, wilaya, mikoa hadi ngazi ya Taifa / From the counties, divisions, districts, regions up to the national l evel / Nikifa siachi skendo, nina uhakika nitaacha pengo / I would die with no scandals; I will leave a legacy / Kwa hivi vina hata wakulima hujikuta wanameza mbegu / These rhymes might even cause farmers to ingest seeds / Pia ni kama liberation struggle mac / like liberation struggle in the eyes of Che Guevara / raia wata feel tu / If you are gifted like Marco Chali, people will recognize you regardless / real tu / / --Haupaswi kumuamini muongo hata kama akiongea ukweli /

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Hip Hop as Social Commentary | 41 You are not supposed to trust a liar, even when he is telling the truth / Ni dhambi kutumia dini kama njia ya kututapeli / / Wanajiingizia kipato kwa kivuli cha misaada / They profit under the disguise of [foreign] aid / Hawatufunzi tuwe viongozi, labda viongozi wa kuwafuata / leaders; but maybe lea ders in following [them] / Utata huja, tunapoanza kuwachunguza / Controversies always start when we begin to scrutinize them / Badala ya kuwafuata, ndipo siri zinapovuja / Instead of solidifying our beliefs in following them, secrets start to leak 54 Imag http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lxkmIaJmYtQ 55 can be found at http://www.youtube.c om/watch?v=ODQcOeuXiik I force travel small wey I see da hosslins, of da people, da women, n demma offsprings / I have managed to travel and see the struggles of the people, the women and their offspring / Mek I dey ask questions, man for do sometin / It / To contribute, to build, positive construction / To contribute, to build, positive construction / --/ Look wanna leaders, look wanna teachers / Look at our leaders, look at our teachers / Look all these so called friends dem say dem com relieve us / Look at all these so called friends who claim they came to relieve us / Many hundred years ago dey com in da name of Jesus / Many hundred years ago they came in the name of Jesus / Da same peopl e turn around den enslave non believers / The same people turned around and enslaved non believers / Along with the believers da same tin dey happen today / / Along with the believers, the same thing happens today / H eaded by strong deceivers Headed by str ong deceivers / I still be very inspires even tho oppressors screw up / screwed up Pidgen lyrics were provided by the a rtist. 56 Haupt 2008; Herson 2011 57 Ibid. 58 Herson 2011 59 Individual interviews we re conducted with each artist in Dakar in 2009: Keyti on 2 August and Xuman on 7 August. 60 Haupt 2008; Ariefdien & Burgess 2011 References Constitutional Order Africa Today 39.4: 66 71. Hali Halisi (+ translation) http://www.africanhiphop.com/archive/index.php?module=subjects&func=viewpage&pagei d=13 Military Regimes in Ghana: A Reassessment of Past and Present Knowledge Eribo and William Jong Ebot (e ds ), Press Freedom and Communication in Africa (Trenton: Africa World Press): 3 28. Ariefdien, Shaheen wo Heads Together: A Cross Generational Conversation About Hip Hop in Sout d.), Native Tongues: An African Hip Hop Reader (Tre nton: Africa World Press): 219 52.

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42 | Clark Beah, Ishmael. 2007. A Long Way Gone: Memoirs of a Boy Soldier New York: Sarah Crichton Books. Bond, Patrick Under Residual Neoliberalism in Africa Social Forum. Porto Alegre, Brazil. 25 January http://www.zcommunications.org/uneven health outcomes and political resistance under residual neoliberalism in africa by patrick bond 1. Brydon, Lynn and Karen Legge. 1996. Adjusting Society: The World Bank, The IMF and Ghana London: Tauris Academic St udies. Buah, Francis K. 1998. A History of Ghana Revised Edition. London: Macmillan Publishers Limited. mbi Chachage and Annar Cassam (e ds), (Ca pe Town: Pambazuka Press): 175 88. mbi Chachage and Annar Cassam (e ds), (Ca pe Town: Pambazuka Press): 175 88. Friday Week 15 with Toni Blackman http://www.cheusidawa.tv/2011/12/02/fidstyle friday week 15 with toni blackman/ Public in the Ghanaian Public Sphere Journal of Asian and A frican Studies 45: 406 23. Is idore Okpewho and Nkiru Nzegwu ( e ds ) The New African Diaspora (Bloomington: Indiana University Press): 255 70. _____ and Hip Hop Meet in Upcoming Elections September. http://allafrica.com/stories/201009150939.html. _____ http://allafrica.com/stories/201104251053.html. Deane, Glenn and John Logan. 2003. "Black Diversity in Metropolitan America." Lewis Mumford Center for Comparative Urban and Regional Research, University at Albany. 21 March. http://mumford1.dyndns.org/cen2000/BlackWhite/BlackDiversityReport/black diversity01.htm Diouf, Sylv iane A. nd. Black Culture. http://www.inmotionaame.org/texts/?migration=13&topic=99&type=text Tanzania Stichproben (Wiener Zeitschrift fr kritische Afrikastudien) 5 .3: 73 93. Retreived from http://www.univie.ac.at/ecco/stichproben/nr5_english.htm Falola, Toyin, and Niyi Afolabi 2007. Trans Atlantic Migration: The Paradoxes of Exile New York: Routledge.

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Hip Hop as Social Commentary | 43 http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world africa 14403302. Frehiwot, Mjiba. 2011. Education and Pan Africanism: A Case Study of Ghana, 1957 1966 ." Ph.D. dissertation Howard Uni versity. http:// www .ghanabase.com/aplus/biography.asp. http://www.ghanaweb.com/GhanaHomePage/audio/artikel.php?ID=193097. s Chuck D: UK riots signify 'new world order' guardian.co.uk. 9 September. http://www.guardian.co.uk/music/2011/sep/09/public enemy chuck d uk riots. Ethnography 7: 6 9 97. Haupt, Adam. 2008. Stealing Empire: P2P, Intellectual Property and Hip Hop Subversion Cape Town: Human Sciences Research Council (HSRC). Hop's Influence in Dakar from 1984 2000 American Behavioral Scientist 55.1: 24 35. Hulshof, Carolien. 2008. Bongo Flava: Popular Musics of the World. Web blog: 7 May. http://worldpopmusics.wordpress.com/casestudies/bongo flava/ Kitwana, Bakari. 2003. The Hip Hop Generation: Young Blacks and the Crisis in African American Culture Jackson: Basic Civitas Books. Konadu Adjustment Programs and Uneven Development in Africa: The Case of Ghana The Professional Geographer 52: 469 483. _____ 2000b. The Political Economy of Housing and Urban Development in Africa: Ghana's Experience from Colonial Times to 1998 Santa Barbara: Praeger _____ et al. 2006. The New African Diaspora in North America: Trends, Community Building, and Adaptation New York: Rowman & Littlefield. Knzl hange: Rap music in Mali and Burkina Faso Khalil. Saucier (e d.), Native Tongues: An African Hip Hop Reader ( Trenton: Africa World Press): 23 50. Liviga. Athumani Unintended Outcomes Eastern Africa Social Science Research Review 27.1: 1 31. Tanzania African Stu dies Quarterly 1.2: 19 37. Mawuko of International Aid Reform and the (Re)production of Power, Neoliberalism and Neocolonial Interventions in Ghana. Universi ty of Alberta.

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44 | Clark Hop and Other Cultures Threatened with Assimilation Journal of Communication 49: 134 50. Corner Justice in the Name of Jah: Imperatives for Peace Among Dar es Salaa m Street Youth Africa Today 51.3: 31 58. allAfrica.com. 17 January. http://allafrica.com/stories/201101170851.html. Mwakikagile, Godfry. 2006. Nyerere and Africa: End of an Era Dar es Salaam: New Africa Press. Ntarangwi, Mwenda. 2009. East African Hip Hop: Youth Culture and Globalization Champaign: University of Illinois Press. Contemporary African I mmigration to the United States of America rnkrind: a Journal of African Migration 1. September 2002: http://www.africamigration.com/. Opoku 1991: A Decade of Forced Repression and Migration Refuge 11.3: 8 13. _____ Under the Provisional National Defence Council Africa Today 55.2: 25 51. Hop in Dar es Salaam, Tanza nia Africa Today : 75 101. _____ Hip Hop In Harris M. Burg er and Michael Thomas Carroll (e ds.), Global Pop, Local Language (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi): 1 9 52. egacy http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/1050310.stm. A Major Cause of Poverty Global Issues February 2006. http://www.globalissues.org/TradeRelated/SAP.asp S Cosmopolitan Rap and Moral Circulation in Accra, Ghana Anthropological Quarterly 82.3: 631 68. Society's Amat eurish Conscience University of Dar es Salaam. Faculty of Law, University of Dar es Salaam. _____ Africanism and the Challenge of East African Community Integration Pambazuka Issue 503. 3 November. http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/68395. BBC News. 16 February. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/6366133.stm. Str op and C ritique in Tanzania Africa 75.4: 488 509.

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Hip Hop as Social Commentary | 45 Seen Through Bongo Fleva and Hip Hop Swahili Forum 14: 207 23. United Nations Economic Commission for Africa. 1989 African Alternative Framework to Structural Adjustment Programs for Socio Economic Recovery and Transformation (AAF SAP) Addis Ababa: United Nations Economic Commission for Africa. Weiss, Brad. 2009. Street Dreams and Hip Hop Barbershops: Global Fantasy in Urban Tanzania Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Hop Authenticity CUREJ College Undergraduate Research Electronic Journal University of Pennsylvania. 14 December. http://reposito ry.upenn.edu/curej/78/. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/5155592.stm. Personal interviews and informal conversations Ayigbe Edem (Ghanaian hip hop & Hip life artist). 2011. Per sonal interview, Accra, Ghana. 27 July Balozi (Tanzanian hip hop pioneer). 2011. Personal interview, Chicago, Illinois. 10 July Blitz the Ambassador (Ghanaian hip hop artist). 201 1. Personal interview, Brooklyn, New Coin Moko, Ehks B and Rage Prophetional (Tanzanian underground hip hop artists). 2009. Personal interviews, in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. 16 August (transcripts in au possession). Fid Q (Tanzanian hip hop artist). 2010. Personal interview, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. 11 Godzilla (Tanzanian Bongo Flava artist). 2010. Personal interview, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. 7 August (t JCB (Tanzanian hip hop artist). 2010. Personal interview, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. 7 August KBC (Tanzanian hip hop pioneer). 2010. Multiple informal conversations via telephone and Facebook. June September. Keyti (Senegalese hip hop artist). 2009. Personal interview Dakar, Senegal. 2 August M.anifest (Ghanaian hip hop artist). 2011. Personal interview, Minneapolis, Minnesota. 6 September (transc Mangwair (Tanzanian hip hop & Bongo Flava artist). 2010. Personal interview, Dar es

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46 | Clark Nanoff, Panji (Ghanaian music producer and filmmaker). 2011. Informal conver sation, Accra Ghana. 23 July. Ndege, Ruben (Clouds FM radio presenter). 2010. Personal interview, Dar es Salaam, Nick Wapili (Tanzanian Bongo Flava artist). 2010. Personal interview, Dar es Salaam, Omari, Shani (Professor of Kiswahili at the University of Dar es Salaam and a researcher of hip hop in Tanzania). 2010. Informal conversation, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. 22 August. Quame Juni or (Ghanaian public relations agent). 2010. Informal conversation, Accra, Ghana. 1 September. Reggie Rockstone (Ghanaian hip hop and Hip life pioneer). 2010. Informal conversation, Accra, Ghana. 15 September. Saigon (Tanzanian hip hop pioneer). 2010. Perso nal interview, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. 23 Sugu (Tanzanian hip hop pioneer). 2010. Personal interview, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. 23 Witnesz (Tanzanian hip hop and Bo ngo Flava artist). 2010. Personal interview, Dar es Xuman (Senegalese hip hop artist). 2009. Personal interview, Dakar, Senegal. 7 August Yaa Pono (Gh anaian hip hop and Hip life artist). 2011. Personal interview, in Accra, Ghana. 25 July Zavara (Tanzanian hip hop pioneer). 2010. Personal interview, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. 15 August



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African Studies Quarterly Volume 1 3 Issue 3 Summer 20 1 2 Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Florida ISSN: 2152 2448

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African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq African Studies Quarterly Executive Staff R Hunt Davis, Jr. Editor in Chief Todd H. Leedy Associate Editor Shylock Muyengwa and Emily Hauser Managing Editor s Corinna Greene Production Editor Anna Mwaba Book Review Editor Editorial Committee Maia Bass Mamadou Bodian Jennifer Boylan Erin Bunting Ben Burgen Nicole C. D'Errico Dan Eizenga Timothy Fullman John Hames Merise Jalalal Nicholas Knowlton Godwin Lema Iddy R. Magoti Chesney McOmber Alison M. Ketter Asmeret G. Mehari Jessica Morey McKenzie Moon Ryan Noah Mueller Stuart Mueller Kimberly N. Morris Anna Mwaba Moise C. Ngwa Collins R. Nunyonameh Greyso n Nyamoga Levy Odera Winifred Pankani Lindberg Sam Schramski Noah I Sims Donald Underwood Carrie Vath Sheldon Wardwell Joel O. Wao A manda Weibel Advisory Board Adlk Adko Ohio State University Timothy Ajani Fayetteville State University Abubakar Alhassan Bayero University John W. Arthur University of South Florida, St. Petersburg Nanette Barkey Plan International USA Susan Cooksey University of Florida Mark Davidheiser Nova Southeastern University Kristin Davis International Food Policy Research Institute Parakh Hoon Virginia Tech Andrew Lepp Kent State University R ichard Marcus California State University, Long Beach Kelli Moore James Madison University James T. Murphy Clark University Lilian Temu Osaki University of Dar es Salaam

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African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq Dianne White Oyler Fayetteville State University Alex Rdlach Creighton University Jan Shetler Goshen College Mantoa Rose Smouse University of Capetown Roos Willems Catholic University of Leuven Peter VonDoepp University of Vermont University of Florida Board of Trustees, a public corporation of the State of Florida; permission is hereby granted for individuals to download articles for their own personal use. Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Flori da.

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African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq Table of Contents Becoming Local Citizens: Senegalese Female Migrants and Agrarian Clientelism in The Gambia Pamela Kea (1 21) Hip Hop as Social Commentary in Accra and Dar es Salaam Msia Kibona Clark (23 46 ) The Nation S tate, Resource C onflict S Ike chukwu Umejesi (47 66 ) Book Reviews Review Essay Radical History and the Struggle Revisited: The Cambridge History of South Africa Carolyn Hamilton, Bernard K. Mbenga and Robert Ross (eds.) 2010. The Cambridge History of South Africa, Volume 1, From Early Times to 1885. Cambridge, UK and New York, New York: Cambridge University Press. xx, 467 pp. Robert Ross, Anne Kelk Mager and Bill Nasson (eds.) 2011. The Cambridge History of South Afr ica, Volume 2, 1885 1994. Cambridge, UK and New York, New York: Cambridge University Press. xi, 724 pp. Aran MacKinnon ( 67 71 ) Book Reviews Mohamed Adhikari. 2010. The Anatomy of a South African Genocide: The Extermination of the Cape San Peoples. Athens: Ohio University Press. 120 pp. Review by Piet Erasmus (72 73 ) Eric Allina. 2012. Slavery by Any Other Name: African Life under Company Rule in Mozambique. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press. 255 pp. Review by Guy Lancaster ( 73 74 ) Boatema Boateng. 2011. Cloth and Intellectual Property in Ghana. Minneapolis: University of Minneapolis Press. 216 pp. Review by Michelle Guittar (74 75 ) Daniel Branch. 2011. Kenya: Between Hope and Despair, 1963 2011. New Haven: Yale University Press. 366 pp. Review by Rasul Ahmed Minja (76 77 ) Lothar Brock, Hans Henrik Holm, Georg Srensen and Michael Stohl. 2012. Fragile States: Violence and the Failure of Intervention. Cambridge, UK: Polity Press. 194 pp. Review by Norman Clark Capshaw (78 79 )

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African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq J. Calvitt Clarke III. 2011. Alliance of the Colored Peoples: Ethiopia and Japan before World War II. Oxford, UK: James Currey for the International African Institute. 198 pp. Review by Seifudein Adem ( 79 81 ) Scarlett Cornelissen, Fantu Cheru, and Timothy M. Shaw (eds ). 2012. Africa and International Relations in the 21st Century New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan. 248 pp. Review by George Allan Phiri (81 82 ) Toy in Falola and Nana Akua Amponsah 2012. Saharan Africa Santa Barbara: ABC CLIO, LLC. 232 pp. Review by Ester Serra Mingot (82 84 ) John T. Friedman. 2011. Imagining the Post Apartheid State An Ethnographic Account of Namibia. New York and Oxford: Berghahn Books. xii. 328 pp. Review by Ina Rehema Jahn (84 86 ) Julia Gallagher. 2011. Britain and Africa Under Blair: In Pursuit of the Good State Manchester and New York: Manchester University Press. 166 pp. Review by Uzoechi Nwagbara (86 87 ) Jan Bart Gewald, Marja Hin felaar, and Giacomo Macola (eds ). 2011. Living the End of Empire: Politics and Society in Late Colonial Zambia. Leiden: Brill. 333 pp. Review by Esther Uzar (87 88 ) Nigel Gibson. 2011. Fanonian Practices in South Africa from Steve Biko to Abahlali baseMjondolo. Scottsville, South Africa: University of Kwazulu Natal Press. 312 pp. Review by Ama Biney (89 90 ) Rebecca Ginsburg. 2011. At Home With A partheid: The Hidden Lan d scapes of Domestic Service in Johannesburg. Charlottesville, VA: University of Virginia Press. 229 pp. Review by Rasa Balockaite (90 92 ) Iman Hashim and Dorte Thorsen. 2011. Child Migration in Africa. London: Zed Books Ltd. 150 pp. Review by Uchenna Onuzulike (92 94 ) Miles Larmer. 2011. Rethinking African Politics: A History of Opposition in Zambia. Burlington: Ashgate Publishing Company. xvii, 321 pp. Review by Brian Nonde CMM (94 95 ) Sabine Marschall. 2010. Landscape of Memory: Commemorative Monuments, Me morials and Public Statuary in P ost Apartheid South Africa Boston: Brill. xiv, 407 pp. Review by Natalie Sw anepoel (95 97 ) Mike McGovern. 2011. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. xxv, 238 pp. Review by Benedikt Erforth (97 98 )

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African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq Amanda Kay McVety. 2012. Enlightened Aid: U.S. Development as Foreign Policy in Ethiopia. New York: Oxford University Press. ix, 312 pp. Review by Phil Muehlenbeck (98 1 00 ) Thomas Patrick Melady and Margaret Badum Melady. 2011. Ten African Heroes: The Sweep of Independence in Black Africa. New York: Orbis Books. xviii, 205 pp. Review by Lt Col Mark E. Grotelueschen ( 100 1 01 ) Kennedy Agade Mkutu. 2008. Guns and Governance in the Rift Valley: Pastoralist Conflict and Small Arms. Bloomington: Indiana University Pre ss. xxi, 178 pp. Review by Donald Woolley (102 ) Retief Mller. 2011. African Pilgrimage: Ritual Travel in South Africa`s Christianity of Zion Farnham/Burlington: Ashgate. viii, 213 pp. Review by Andreas Heuser (103 104 ) Martin J. Murray. 2011. City of Extremes: The Spatial Politics of Johannesburg. Durham, NC and London: Duke University Press. xxix, 470 pp. Review by Geertrui Vannoppen (104 1 05 ) Mwenda Ntarangwi. 2010. Reversed Gaze: An African Ethnography of American Anthropology. Urbana: University of Illinois Press. xvi, 320 pp. Review by Brandon D. Lundy (1 05 1 07 ) Patricia de Santana Pinho. 2010. Mama Africa: Reinventing Blackness in Bahia. Durham NC and London : Duke University Press. 266 pp. Revie w by Kenneth Williamson (107 1 08 ) Mariza de Carvalho Soares. 2011 People of Faith: Slavery and African Catholics in Eighteenth Century Rio de Janeiro. Durham, NC and London: Duke University Press. xiii, 321 pp. Review by Vanessa S. Oliveira (1 08 109 ) Simon Turner. 2010. Politics of Innocence: Hutu Identity, Conflict and Camp Life. New York: Berghahn Books. viii. 185 pp. Review by Tony Waters (109 111 ) Michael K. Walonen. 2011. Writing Tangier in the Postcolonial Transition: Space and Power in Expatriate and North African Literature. Surrey: Ashgate Publishing Ltd. xi, 163 pp. Review by Araceli Gonzlez Vzquez (1 11 112 )

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University o f Florida Board of Trustees, a public corporation of the State of Florida; permission is hereby granted for individuals to download articles for their own personal use. Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Flori da. ISSN: 2152 2448 Becoming Local Citizens: Senegalese Female Migrants and Agrarian Clientelism in The Gambia P AMELA KEA Abstract : Drawing on ethnographic research with Senegalese female migrants in Brikama, The Gambia this article examines local citizenship and agrarian clientelism. Emphasis i s placed on female migrants because of the dearth of ethnographic literature on female migrants in West Africa and to highlight the centrality of female migran ts to processes of incorporation, specifically that of agrarian clientelism Female agrarian clientelist relations are based on a host stranger dichotomy in which recent migrants are given access to land in the dry season for vegetable cultivation, which is sold in local markets, in exchange for providing unremunerated labor for hosts for the cultivation of rice in the rainy season. It is argued that as mobile citizens these migrants move between d ifferent territories or spaces. These may include ethnic t err itory, descent territory, and/or each with resources, some of which are di stinct, some of which overlap. In this sense m igrants do not simply move from one physical space to another but also from one group of resources to anot her B y engaging in the practices and procedures that are central to agrarian clientelist relations migrants become local citizens. In this sense local cit izenship must be understood as practice, rather than status. Further, within postcolonial Gambian so ciety such status is subject to ongoing negotiation and struggle. Migrants, in turn, are central to the reproduction host/ stranger dichotomies; the accumulation of wealth through people; agrarian relations; and agrarian clientelism. Introduction Agrarian clientelism, a form of labor contracting whereby migrants enter into share contracts or sharecropping relations with local farmers, has been key to the commoditization and expansion of agrarian production in West Africa from the nin eteenth century to the present. Various types of agrarian clientelism have been examined and presented in the literature on agrarian labor and permanent and seasonal migration. 1 However, the role of agrarian clientelism in incorporating migrants into local communities remains relatively unexamined. Drawing on ethnographic research with Senegalese female migrants in Brikama, The Gambia this article examines processes of incorporation, local citizenship and agrarian clie ntelism. Emphasis is placed on female migrants, both because of the dearth of ethnographic literature on female migrants in West Africa and to highlight the centrality of female migrants to local institutions of incorporation. Regional migration within W est

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2 | Kea with little attention paid to independent female and family migration. 2 Although in many cases it is socially unacceptable for women and girls to migrate independ ently it is all too easy to overstate and exaggerate the degree to which patriarchal norms serve to restrict, contain which they do in fact migrate. 3 Such underestimation is of particular concern given the increasing feminization of labor migration in West Africa. 4 Further, there is a growing body of literature on migration, transnational practices, citizenship and processes of incorporation amongst Africans who migrate from s ub Saharan Africa to Europe. Yet, there is comparatively less research on these issues in relation to intra continental migration. 5 I place emphasis on migration as a social process with a focus on local cultural institutions of incorporation, specifica lly that of agrarian clientelism. Indeed, it is maintained that our understanding of contemporary migration in West Africa needs to focus on processes of incorporation, as articulated through specific cultural practices and institutions, in order to (re ) embed migration research in a more general understanding of society 6 of West African societies in shaping the migration phenomenon. 7 (1987) model of the African frontier, which situates mobility, settlement history, and the in the context of an abundance of land. The first comer late comer (host stranger) dic cultural paradigms found in West Africa 8 It can be said to characterize settlement history and the social and political order of most West African societies. Further, it is centr al to an understanding of agrarian clientelism and the incorporation of migrants into local communities. Late comers, frontiersmen and women, through authority, intermarriage and domination of local groups, lay claim to founder status. 9 The majority of Gam bians are involved in smallholder production, cultivating groundnuts (the traditional male dominated export crop), rice, horticultural produce and a number of other food crops. Most combine farming with non agrarian livelihood strategies. Many of those w ho are engaged in local forms of exchange are women and children, many of whom are recent migrants. 10 Female agrarian clientelist relations are based on a host lungtangolu in Mandinka ), are given access to land in the dry season for vegetable cultivation, which is sold in local markets, in exchange for providing unremunerated labor for hosts for the cultivation of rice in the rainy season. 11 It is maintained that agrarian clientelism is central to p rocesses of incorporation and facilitates a sense of belonging and local citizenship amongst migrants. Further, migrants do not simply move from one physical space to another but from one group of resources to another. 12 In this sense, processes of incorporation and the sense of belonging that ideally accompanies such processes can be highly complex and contradictory: t he diverse resources that migrants contribute and that they draw on facilitate processes of incorporati on and their ability to establish a sense of belonging. Yet, it is only by engaging in the practices and procedures that are central to agrarian clientelist relations that migrants 13 Further, within postcolonial Gambian society such status is subject to ongoing negotiation and struggle.

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Becoming Local Citizens | 3 Methodology This article is based on thirteen months of ethnogr aphic fieldwork on gender, migration and the social relations of agrarian production in Brikama and Kembujeh, Western Division in the mid 1990s and in November 2005. 14 During this period I carried out fifty interviews with mainly female farmers. I carried out forty two life history interviews, consisting of thirty three women and nine men. Detailed case study work was undertaken with six hosts and seven recent migrants who worked in Kembujeh. In addition to carrying out life history interviews with them, I visited their farms on a regular basis. The three case studies used in this article come from these interviews and the detailed case study work. The fieldwork was partly carried out in Suma Kunda, Brikama, one of the oldest wards ( kabilolu ) in the old q uarter, and in Kembujeh, an area on the outskirts of Brikama. 15 The majority of the female hosts of Suma Kunda, and their clients, farm in Kembujeh, located on the outskirts of Brikama. Initial contact and access to these research sites was established th rough my research assist ant Binta Bojang and her mother Mama Bojang, who works as a farmer in Kembujeh. My description and analysis of female agrarian clientelist relations draws on material gathered from this sample. I then resorted to generalization on the basis of 16 My generalizations were strengthened on the basis of further conversations with other clients and hosts, at the time and when I returned in 2005, and through the use of primary and secondary literature. Although a foc relations with their husbands or male family members informs my understanding of the between female hosts and Senegalese female migrants. Ci tizenship and Processes of Incorporation Much of the literature on migrants and citizenship focuses on formal citizenship, concerned largely with the state and legal understandings of citizenship, as well as alternative types of citizenship, also variously practice 17 The latter is concerned with the way in which migrants express and articulate grounds ; izing citizenship as subject making (following Foucault, as produced a more total relationship, inflected by identity, social positioning, cultural assumptions, institutional p ractices and a sense of belonging 18 In many accounts the migrant assumes a variety of some of which they define for themselves and some of which are defined for them 19 As well as offering a variety of ways of theorizing citizenship, anthropological research has contributed to our understanding of the ways in which migrants are incorporated into communities and establish a sense of belonging. Goode (1990) recasts recent migrants and residents in a neighborhood in Philadelphia as hosts and guests, where the latter are 20 Chavez (1991) applies Van y: separation entails departure; the liminal stage entails a period o f transition; and incorporation entails a process whereby the migrant establ ishes a sense of belonging, and /or is incorporated into the new community. Brettell (2006) highlights the impor their own sense of belonging throughout many parts of sub Saharan Africa, as documented by Geshiere and Nyamnjoh

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4 | Kea (2000) amongst others, has profound effects o feel that they belong. Following Diouf, drawing from his interview with Bloom (2003), I use the term mo bile dialectics of ideas and space. 21 The concept of mobile citizenship must to project the self as an individual and as a member of a collectivity in a territory . you fill up a physical territory with resources that are ideological, cult ural and political which are distinct, some of which overlap The resources that a migrant contributes to these different territories or spaces, and/or is able to take advantage of, affect their ability to establish a sense of belonging, or the extent to which they are made to feel that they belong. Such an under are, in some cases, contradictory and opposed, and in others, reinforcing ows one to appreciate migration /mobility as consisting as much of movement from one physica l 22 If one theorizes citizenship and incorporation as Diouf does, then one can appreciate the way in s of passage theorization of migration whereby one phase leads to the next, a migrant may occupy a Hosts and Strangers There have been stranger communities in West African societies for hundreds of years. 23 The term stranger ( lungtango, s., lungtangolu pl.) in the literature is used to refer to a temporary visitor, a recent immigrant, or someone who resides in the community but does not claim descent from the founders. The stranger is frequently represented as male, with the exception of women who marry into lineages, and who accompany their spouses as migrants. 24 Strangers have been incorporated into communities through marriage, kinship, clientship historically variable and dependent on the status of the migrant within local cultural and political economies. 25 Significantly, the distinctions between hosts an d strangers must be seen as processual and in flux. 26 Host the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries as well as by the colonial authorities. 27 Further, Geschiere and J ackson (2006) situate contemporary discourses on citizenship and autochthony in sub Saharan Africa in the contradictory politics of colonial rule. Following Lentz (2006) 28 Migrants in plantation and mining economies in Southern and East Africa were encouraged by colonial administrators and plantation and mining owners to mig rate in search of labor. Colonial systems of taxation forced migrants to migrate to cash crop producing regions in order to generate an income with which to pay taxes. At the same time, colonial administrators g an identity

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Becoming Local Citizens | 5 indirect rule. Further, they created and reified ethnic difference as a way in which to manage local populations. 29 Migration in West Africa W est Africa has a long history of migration, in which particular types of migration characterize different periods. A trade in goods in part characterized the period of the fining feature of this period. 30 Successive periods of jihad, between the late sixteenth and late religious, political, and even economic geography of Sahelian West Af rica 31 During the colonial era one witnesses increasing levels of labor migration for cash crop production and extraction of natural resources. 32 Yet, one can also define much of this labor migration, which was frequently seasonal, as forced, given the need for cash generated by the colonial imposition of a variety of taxes. 33 The British imposed a cash head tax in The Gambia, in order to force Gambians into the cash economy running costs. 34 Post colonial migration in West Africa is characterized by rural urban migration and labor migration for agrarian cash crop production and the extraction of natural resources. 35 The nature of such m igration has been defined, controlled and contained by African states, states located beyond the African continent, and Africans themselves. 36 This work has been theorized in terms of a push pull neo classical economic approach to migration, in which wage differentials serve as the main motivating factor for migrants. 37 Such an approach fails to take into account the larger structural context and conceptualizes individuals as rational actors who decide to migrate on the basis of wage differentials alone. 38 Mu ch of this colonial and postcolonial research on migration was also theorized from a structuralist and political economy approach, reflected largely in the work of dependency and world systems theorists such as Andre Gunder Frank and Immanuel Wallerstein. 39 They locate migration in a capitalist development trajectory, following Marxist political economy, in which structures are privileged and agency and culture given little recognition. 40 These approaches have been critiqued by the household strategies approa ch, which consid ers the household as the key si t e where migration decisions are made. 41 The current article draws theoretical insights from members of the Manchester S chool who carried out research in the 1960s on urban migrants and migration in southern and central Africa, which highlighted the relationship among political economy, social relations and migration processes. 42 They are credited with the developme nt of social network theory in a nthropology in which social relations, in the form of kinship and friendship, are seen as central to migration and processes of incorporation. 43 Of particular interest is the way in which agrarian clientelism engenders particular networks and social relations in the destination area, thereby facilitating processes of incorporation. Context ves, leather, salt, and gold over a period of hundreds of years ensured their presence throughout West Africa. 44 The majority ethnic group in Brikama and The Gambia, the Mandinka migrated from Manding, the former Mali Empire located in the Upper Niger, from the early ninth or tenth century over a

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6 | Kea number of centuries. 45 Through domination and intermarria ge of local groups they established and the Mandinka language predominated. 46 Local griots and elders within the community tell narratives about the founding of Brikama, base d on the Mandinkas westerly migration from Manding from the thirteenth century. From this period Mandinka 47 These na rratives provide detail on: the initial migration; the alliances that the migrants established along the way; the founding of Brikama; and the order within which wards ( kabilolu ) were established and rulers (kings, mansalu and chiefs, seyfolu ) held office. 48 These themes can be related to key themes in the literature on African frontiers. Each of these events asserts the right of the original settlers/ founders, their descendants and affines to: hold political office; establish particular rights to land; and act as hosts to strangers in entrustment ( karafoo ) relations. Claims to founder status are made on the basis of genealogical links through the patriline and include people se who marry into these founding kabilolu define themselves as hosts. In so doing they draw on the prestige and status such an identity confers. Indeed, in the early part of the twentieth tended to be that of the 49 Founding kabilolu where power is institutionalized. 50 Compounds are grouped together within different kabilolu The kabilo tiyo (head of the ward), t he compound head, the alikalo (village/townhead), the imam (the head of the Muslim community who leads prayers and naming, marriage and funeral ceremonies), the seyfo ( chief) and the kafo tiyo (leaders of the village/town work groups) all make up the villa ge/town council ( kebbakafo lit. elders association). This council is largely male dominated but may include a few female hosts of an older generation. 51 Brikama is largely a Mandinka and Muslim town. Nonetheless, it is very diverse with inhabitants from a range of ethnic groups found throughout the Gambia, which include Wolof, Jola, Fula, Aku (Creole), Serer, Serahuli, Caroninka, Manjago, Balanta and a number of other minority groups. West Africans, Lebanese, as well as small numbers of Europeans and N orth Americans reside in the city. It is a bustling small city with approximately 80,000 residents. Its proximity to Banjul, the capitol, and the coastal areas, as well as to Serrakunda, the largest city in The Gambia, ensures that there is a steady flow of migrants to the city. Many rural migrants, forced out of farming as a result of the Sahelian drought and decreasing prices for groundnut crops, come in search of the employment opportunities that a city the size of Brikama affords. Given that The Gamb ia is surrounded by Senegal, there has historically been a great deal of cross border movement between the two countries, with Gambians and Senegalese migrating temporarily or permanently from one country to the other Senegalese and Gambian traders also move between the two countries doing business. Indeed, the re export trade, in which nationals of the two countries import goods that they then re export to The Gambia, Senegal, Mauritania, Mali, Guinea Bissau and Burkina Faso has flourished since the 1 970s and ensures sustained cross border movement. 52 The border between the two countries is artificial, reflecting the politics of colonial rule and serving to negate the cultural and social similarities between the two countries. Historically Casamance w as arbitrarily separated from the Gambia 53 Indeed, Casamance is largely separated from the

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Becoming Local Citizens | 7 rest of Senegal by The Gambia itself. Many Senega lese migrants have migrated to T he Gambia since 1983, partly as a result of the conflict in Casamance. 54 Female farmers in Brikama work as small holder farmers, cultivating rice on uplands and lowlands in the rainy season and vegetable gardens on low lying land used for rice production in the r ainy season, as well as on t he edges of these rice fields. Occasionally female farmers choose to cultivate groundnuts, millet and fruit trees. Male farmers have historically farmed groundnuts on uplands southeast and west of Brikama in the rainy season. Increasing numbers are moving out of groundnut production because of drought, low market returns and the removal of subsidies on farming inputs and groundnut crops. 55 Agrarian Clientelism Seasonal and permanent migrant labor has been central to the commod itization of agrarian production in West Africa from the nineteenth century to the present. Frequently, migrants enter into share contracts or sharecropping relations with local farmers in which they receive land and /or crops instead of wages. The relatio nships are highly variable: in most cases migrant farmers, who are invariably gendered male in the literature, contribute their migrant farmers may be given a p ortion of the crop that they have helped to cultivate. The lungtango ), a male agrarian seasonal migrant enters into a contractual relationship with the host of a particular community. From the early part of the nineteenth century the st crop production. 56 In abusa contracts migrant farmers grow their own crops on borrowed land and receive one third of the cash crop they have helped to cultivate. However, there are variations in the abusa share contract system, with migrants receiving more of a share of crops in some forms of abusa than in others. 57 Documented extensively by Hill (1963), these contracts were central to the expansion of cocoa production in Ghana and the Cte d'Ivoire In Senegal the utilization of navetanes (migrant work ers) was based on a system of land, labor and time sharing wit h seasonal migrants. Navetanes as with the strange farmer labor system, were central to the commoditization of the groundnut industry. 58 Within both labor systems host farmers benefit from additional labor, increased yields and the fact that they do not ne ed to pay migrant laborers cash. Most importantly, these relations are not just about access to land but also about the integration and incorporation of strangers into local communities. In the 1970s female farmers in The Gambia were encouraged by the sta te, the World Bank, the European Community, the UN, the Islamic Development Bank, and various non gover nmental organizations to grow horticultural crops in the dry season in order to improve household income. 59 This expansion led to a further intensificatio household income, partly as a result of a decline in groundnut prices, has resulted in an increased need for cash amongst households. 60 Further, as a result of the commoditization of agrarian production one witnesses the increased individuation of production and diversification into other livelihood strategies. This process of individuation and diversification has, in turn, led to an increasing shortag e of labor. Consequently, households can no longer rely on family work groups in the completion of particular agrarian tasks. 61 Although both hosts and their clients have been affected by this shortage, most hosts are

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8 | Kea structurally positioned in such a way that they are able to recruit labor from potential clients. The introduction of horticultural production in low lying areas on the outskirts of Brikama led to the emergence of a system of land and labor sharing in which stranger migrants are given access to land primarily in the dry season for vegetable cultivation in exchange for providing unremunerated labor for their hosts for the cultivation of rice in the rainy season. This system of agrarian clientelism has developed in a context where land and labor are in increasingly short supply. 62 Migrants, such as Sarjoe and Jutula, enter into agrarian clientelist relations in order to gain access to land, and the networks such access provides. The following case studies highlight their experiences in establishing clientelist relations with hosts when they first migrated to Brikama. Two Case Stud ies Sarjo Camara is a fifty year old Balanta woman from Casamance She had two children in Casamance then came with her husband to join her family in Kembujeh in the late 1970s. They came for a better life. There are people, she tells me, who move back and forth between The Gambia and Casamance but she has lived in Br ikama since the late 1970s. In Casamance she had access to a lot of land but has much less now. She grows vegetables during the dry season on two medium sized plots (approximately three hectares), given by Junkong Koli of Suma Kunda. During the rainy seaso n she cultivates rice on one plot and Junkong Koli uses the second plot. She has been cultivating vegetables for five years and grew only rice prior to this. She maintains that vegetable production is very profitable for her. Before this she was able to gr ow groundnuts near Gidda. However, people have since had to f arm on different plots from one year to the next. However, she has been working on these plots for some time and has not had to change them. A lot of people have come to ask her where they can farm and she tells them they have to go to the host. When she first came she went to a woman in Suma Kunda (Junkong Koli), introduced by someone they knew in common, and gave her kola nuts. She said As of today you are my m other because I have orrows land from Fulas in Wellingara (Interview J anuary 1997). Jutula, a sixty year old Mandinka wom a n, was born in Salikenya, Guine a and moved to Banganga, Casamance when she was small. Both her parents were born in Salikenya and were descendants of this village. She moved with her mother and one brother because it was the biggest place in the area. In both villages they grew rice and millet in the rainy season. During the dr y season they would mill millet and rice and thresh groundnut s She came to Brik the seyfo ayed in started gardening. Her husband is a marabout. He farms groundnut, coos and maize in the rainy season and goes to Dakar during the dry season to work as a marabout. During the dry season Jutula cultivates three plots. She cultivates two vegetable plots in Kembujeh on land given to her by Darboe Jarjue. She also grows sorel on an upland plot on the way to s surname is Drammeh.

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Becoming Local Citizens | 9 er the plot. She harvests her s orel crop and either sells it to Senegalese men or sells it herself on the stall in Brikama market (F ebruary 1997). Both Jutula and Sarjoe migrated to Brikama with their husbands: Jutula moved because Kembujeh with whom they stayed when they initially arrived, ma king use of her kinship networks. Jutula, on the other hand, went to the seyfo with her husband to see if anyone would host them. Darboe Jarjue hosted them and gave Jutula land for farming. They stayed with Darboe for a year. Migrants are dependent on the good will of hosts to stay in their adopted communities. Previously migrants who wanted land would visit the seyfo or alikalo who would direct him/her to an area, which had yet to be cleared. The alikalo could allocate land within particular districts and received taxes for land use. 63 Increasing demand for farming land has meant that migrants can no longer expect to get land from the alikalo The latter either approaches a family who is in a position to lend land to migrants ( fu banko lit. loaned or borrowed land), or the migrants approach a family directly. 64 are my mother because I have no family initially stayed in Brikama, when she says that she has no family she means that she has no network of support with hosts in Brikama. Similarly, Amie Beyai, a Balanta women in her forties who had migrated from Casamance, approached her future host stating friendship with this woman on friendship or kinship terminology, are central to process es of incorporation. Here, the kinship relation entails use of the term mother. However, it must be distinguished from a true blood relationship ( woluwoo ). 65 are part of the language of honor and respect inherent in cli entelist relations and point to the strong moral dimension to these relations. 66 This moral dimension draws partly from Islamic principles of charity and generosity. 67 Such relations form the basis of agrarian clientelism and are crucial in accessing land for agrarian production and accommodation as well as support from established hosts. As potential clients, migrants go through the practices and procedures that are central to the establishment of agrarian clientelist relations. In so doing they affirm their identities as strangers, potential clients and local citizens, and those of their hosts. Following Diouf descent status, framed in terms of host stranger distinctions, constitutes a territory or space with ideological, cultural, and political resou rces. Within a descent territory migrants entrust themselves/put themselves under the protection of ( ngakarafaaima ) hosts in relations of patronage. Historically, as migrant farmers, warriors, hunters and traders, strangers would entrust /put themselves un der the protection of hosts in relations of patronage. Entrustment ( karafoo ) facilitates the establishment of agrarian clientelist relations, effectively a relationship of reciprocal obligation in which hosts provide land or other forms of material support helping recent migrants to establish themselves in Brikama. 68 Agrarian clientelism represents an investment in people, networks and relationships. Indeed, clientelism serves 69 T he practice of karafoo helps to sustain the reciprocal obligations and sense of trust that underpin clientelist relations.

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10 | Kea Jutula managed to get land both from her host Darboe and from Drammeh, a Jahanka and a wealthy Islamic scholar and marabout who drives a brand new Mercedes and wears richly colored and exquisitely embroidered clothing. He is a powerful landowner in the area because marabouts have historically been given land by clients and disciples ( talibe s ing .) as a display of gratitude. Both Jutula and her husband, who works as a part time marabout, are part Jahanka, a caste of Muslim clerics, marabouts and scholars. A minority group in The Gambia, they belong to the Serakulle people. 70 As well as laying claim to land within descent terr itory Jutula draws on her cultural and ideological resources within a new y in order to lay claim to land to which she would otherwise have no legitimate rights. Mobile Citizenship and Belonging Mi grants who successfully establish agrarian clientelist relations convey a knowledge of the rules and a respect for the ideology and cultural codes that underpin host stranger distinctions. Such knowledge, deference and acquiescence constitutes, in turn, a distinct resource that migrants can draw on in their attempts to become clients to hosts. In drawing on such resources they are able to benefit from the material, political and cultural resources that their position as clients avails them of. Within th is descent territory, and ethnic territory, recent stranger migrants become particular types of local citizens with particular rights. Here citizenship must be understood as practice rather than status. As clients gain rights to land and local citizenshi p hosts, in turn, acquire labor power. Within many African rural societies rights and access to land are, by and large, determined by membership of a social group. This is unlike market economies where rights and access are determined through monetary tr ansfers. 71 Such membership, attained through agrarian clientelist relations, entitles strangers to local citizenship and land. Most female hosts, on the other hand, are given usufructuary rights to farming land through affinal ties. Women occasionally inhe rit the paramount title to land used for rice cultivation from their mothers rather than through their patrilineal kin group. The decision to let stranger migrants farm in Kembujeh is left to female senior hosts as rice farming and vegetables are their dom ains. Agrarian clientelism and the karafoo relations that inform it, as well as other similar clientelist based institutions, continue to combin e two different types of rights, those of access to land and local citizenship. There is a significant body of literature on processes of incorporation of stranger migrants, mobility, access to land and labor, and local citizenship in West Africa, with a particular focus on the Cte d'Ivoire Burkina Faso, Ghana and Benin. 72 One of the most prominent institutions, the tutorat is a form of agrarian clientelism found in the Cte d'Ivoire Burkina Faso and in many other parts of West Africa. The tutorat described by Le Meur as a frontier institution is a patron client relationship that closely resembles Gambian agr arian clientelist relations. It facilitates the transference of land rights from hosts within a in land are extended on the basis of a moral economy principle: a ny individual has a right of 73 Recent migrants are given indefinite rights to the land, which may be transferred from one generation to the next. Migrants are obliged to prov ide their labor, fulfill particular duties and work to support their tuteur and the community. 74 The variations of tutorat, and agrarian clientelism, highlight their flexibility. 75 In Brikama land may be lent from one season to the

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Becoming Local Citizens | 11 next. This is partly regulated by the demand for land and the changing nature of the agricultural economy. The tutorat and agrarian clientelist relations must be situated within a local moral economy, which depends on the incorporation of recent migra reproduction of the community Mandinka hosts and elders work to reproduce particular sets of social relations 76 The reproduction of particular sets of social relations entails an inves tment in people and a and wives) and expenditure on ceremonies, praise singers, dress and gifts. In short, investments are made in the social r elations and netwo rks that (re) produce social identities and vice versa. 77 There is an extensive body of literature on the notion of wealth in people in which an investment in people and the claims on people to which such investments give rise in people, and an investment in people, in turn, helps to generate material wealth. 78 Deterritorialization : A Case Study Hosts promote inclusion and feelings of belonging by incorporating migra nt farmers into clientelist networks of support and providing them with seasonal access to land. At the same time they reinforce social hierarchies and host stranger dichotomies; monopolize bor; and maintain rights over the land. Such rights allow hosts to exercise power and maintain authority over clients. In opposed, and in others, reinforcing 79 R ath er than attempting to exclude the recent migrant completely from access to resources, however, hosts have historically aimed to (re) produce distinctive identity and to have their rights, authority and legitimacy as hosts recognized. 80 Here, the stranger is both marginal and partly included within the community. territorialization is always coupled with the idea of deterritorialization which shows that the identity being produced through such processes is always unstable, flexible 81 Despite having access to land clients such as Mariamma frequently a sense of the way in which she is made to feel excluded and as if sh e does not belong. A tall and slender Senegalese Mandinka woman in her early thirtie s, Mariamma proudly proclaims that her parents are descendants of Sami in Casamance. She came to Brikama, from Casamance in 2001. She married in Casamance and her husba nd, a far mer, (to Brikama). He came to find better living conditions. He left her with his parents and sent for her once he had a place to stay. They got land in Kembujeh by helping in fields. When she arrived she also farmed groundnut and millet fields. She got to know the local hosts in the neighborhood and they When she came here she found it tough before getting to know people. Her first days were depressed an d lonely, with nobody to talk to. She could do nothing to earn something. She feels it was unavoidable that she would be treated differently. Where she comes from there is a feeling of ownership. Here she often feels homesick. She feels she has no owners hip. She has no voice. Someone can take advantage of you. They can tell you a foul word (discriminating word) because you are a stranger. In a joking way people may say,

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12 | Kea ex pressing his/her ownership over you. The person is emphasizing that he/she is a citizen of this area ( Interview, November 2005). sense of belonging to the community and being a citizen of the community. Hosts, she maintains, both deny her rights to a feeling of citizens/hosts and her status as a differences between the two. By becoming a client Mariamma has attained a form of local citizenship. Indeed, many of the female migrants I interviewed felt that they had attained a form of group memb ership and local citizenship in becoming clients. Yet, clearly such a status 82 For instance, many migrants who come to live in Br home to live, despite the fact that they have lived in Brikama for many years. However, a return journey is unrealistic and highly unlikely, given their financial constraints. society many strangers, particularly African foreign nationals are made to feel unwelcome. Dominant and popular images of the stranger, generated through state rhetoric and the media, criminalize non Gambian African nationals, particularly those from Guin e a, Guinea Buissau, Mali, Sierre Leone, Mauritania and Senegal. 83 Skinner highlights the importance attributed to national identity in the postcolonial era in defining subjects and the concept of the stranger. 84 Indeed, after the 1994 coup, in which Sir Daw Party was toppled, one witnessed a resurgence in national pride amongst Gambian youth redistribution. 85 during the Jawara regime t he borders stranger had access to the country to enter and work foreign nationals are consistently criminalized. They are blamed for engaging in: theft; prostitution, drug trafficking, fraud, and other 86 It is important to recognize that discourses that inform local autochthon migrant distinctions overlap with and influence those that inform Gambian foreign national distinctions and vice versa. Berry describes the way in which G hanaians define themselves as both Ghanaian citizens as well as citizens of their local communities, thereby bringing together locally based discourses on citizenship and autochthony with notions of citizenship espoused by the state. 87 Similarly, non Gambi an migrants who are incorporated into local communities as clients may have legal citizenship. Conclusion Despite the increasing commoditization of the agrari an economy, agrarian clientelist relations persist. Indeed, the social relations of agrarian production continue to be partly organized through these relations. Hosts can no longer rely on family and community work group labor in the production of crops b ecause of the increased individuation of agrarian production. This process of individuation has been brought about partly as a result of the commoditization of agrarian labor and the intensification and diversification of production. 88 Consequently, client upon which hosts rely heavily. Within the context of an increasing shortage of agrarian labor, the provision of migrant farm labor is a highly valued resource. Indeed, as well as

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Becoming Local Citizens | 13 facilita ting mig to the local community, this practice helps to ensure forces of the market economy 89 Forms of hierarchy and authority as vested in seniority, clientelism, relations of entrustment ( karafoo ), Islam and the local moral and political economies of communities such as Brikama persist. or away from agricultural pursuits Saharan Africa in the last fifteen years as a result of market liberalization. 90 As a result, one witnesses an increasing reliance on migrant labor as fewer men and y annual rate of urbanization is 8 percent, and it is now one of the most urbanized countries in sub Saharan Africa 91 Young women increasingly lend land, mainly gained through affinal ties, to recent migrants fr om Senegal, Guinea Bissau and other parts of The Gambia. They receive an obligatory payment of a portion of the harvested vegetable and /or rice crops. Similarly, an older generation of fem ale farmers who no longer farm yet maintain rights to the land are lending land to clients throughout the year and receiving payments of harvested produce. 92 Amanor (2010) highlights a similar trend in Ghana, where one witnesses the decline of family farms, the individuation of agrarian production, and greater use of hire d labor and sharecroppers, many of whom are migrants. The internal dynamics of Gambian agrarian political economy have produced a continued need for migrant farm labour. At the same time the sustained arrival of migrants has partly shaped the existing s ocial relations of agrarian production and the nature of agrarian clientelism. In this sense integral part of broader social transformations, but which also has its own internal dynamics and whic h shapes social transformation in its own right 93 Agrarian clientelism, which communities. Through the act of entrustment and its accompanying practices and procedures recent migrants are transformed into clients and local citizens. Once given access to the land they are able to lay some claim to the land. Senegalese migrants come to Brikama with particular ideological, political, economic and cultural resou contributing resources and benefiting from some, most notably land and local citizenship, in the process. Here territory , i deological field. 94 These migrants partly migrate in the knowledge that they can establish clientelist relations. Such sustained movement affects the changing nature of the social relations of agrarian production. Migrants, in turn, are central to the rep roduction of identities, host and stranger dichotomies, the accumu lation of wealth through people, agrarian relations, and agrarian clientelism. Notes 1 See for example Amanor 2006, p. 151; Hill 1963; Swindell 1985; Robertson 1988. 2 Abdul Korah 2011, p. 3 90 3 Porter 2011, p. 67; Hampshire 2002. 4 Adepoju 2003. 5 See for example Koser 1998; Yuval Davis and Werbner 1999; Davidson and Castles 2000;

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14 | Kea Werbner and Fumanti 2010. Historical and contemporary research on regional migration in West Africa has focused largely on rural urban migration, colonial and post colonial labor migration and forced migration (Sha rpe 2005, p. 174). 6 Van Hear 2010 p. 1533. 7 Abdul Korah 2011, p. 391 with reference to Cordell et al., 1996; Manchuelle, 1997. 8 Kopytoff 1987, p. 17; Brooks 1993, p. 37. 9 Brooks 1993, p. 37 10 Kea 2010. 11 For a detailed analysis of female agrarian clientelist relations i n the Gambia see Kea 2004; 2010 12 Bloom 2003, p. 50. 13 Goldring 2001, p. 511 with reference to Lister 1997. 14 Research for this article was funded by: the Nordic Africa Institute research grant; School of Oriental and African Studies fieldwork grant; Central Research Fund Award (Irwin Fund), University of London; and ESRC postdoctoral grant (no. PTA 026 27 0394) 15 A kabilo is a patrilineal kin group or a lineage of many families who usually have the same last name but cannot necessarily trace common descent (Dey 1980, p. 152). 16 Miller and Slater 2000, p. 21 17 Sassen 2002, p. 7; Goldring 2001. 18 Mattias and Werbner 2010; Ong 1996, p. 737; Werbner and Yuval Davis 1999, p. 4. 19 Br ettell and Sargent 2006, p p 3 4. 20 Goode 1990, p. 126. 21 Bloom 2003, p. 50. Mamadou Diouf is a Senegalese historian teaching African history at Columbia University, where he also directs the Institute of African Studies. He has a research interest in migrant identities. 22 Ibid 23 Skinner, 1963, p. 308. 24 Berry 1989, p. 42; Kea 2010. 25 For instance, Murphy and Bledsoe (1987, p. 126) highlight the way in which historically strangers in a Kpelle chiefdom with political or military p ower to contribute to local founders were positioned hierarchically above those strangers who could merely contribute their labor power, and consequently became clients and /or slaves. 26 Sharpe 2005, p. 174. 27 Linares 1992, p. 153; Bellagamba 2004. 28 Lentz 2006, p. 14. 29 Ibid 30 Akyeampong 2009, p. 25. 31 Cordell et al. 1996, p. 26. 32 Ibid. 33 Wright 1997, p p 178 80. 34 Colvin 1981, p. 63. 35 Abdul Korah 2011, p. 391. 36 Akyeampong 2009, p. 25. 37 Brettell 2008, p. 118.

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Becoming Local Citizens | 15 38 Hondagneu Sotelo 1994, p. 5; Massey et al. 1998, p. 8. 39 http://www.faculty.rsu.edu/users/f/felwell/www/Theorists/Frank/index.htm contains information on Frank, wh ile information on Wallerstein can be found at: http://www.faculty.rsu.edu/users/f/felwell/www/Theorists/Wallerstein/index.htm 40 Phizacklea 1998, p. 26. 41 Kabeer 1994. 42 Vertovec 2007, p. 2011. 43 Brettell 2008, p. 124; Epstein 1958; Mitchell 1969, 1971, 1974. 44 Swindell 1981, p p 85 86. 45 Dalby 1971, p p 3 5. 46 Gamble and Hair 1999, p.57. The Mandinka are spread throughout West Africa from the Gambia to the Cte d'Ivoire with greatest prevalence in the Senegambia region Mali and Guinea Bissau (Dalby 1971, p. 6). 47 Wright 1987, p. 291; Kea 2010. 48 Kea 2010, p. 71. 49 Nugent 2008, p. 944. 50 Beckerleg 1992/1993, p. 47. 51 Kea 2004, p 365. 52 Wright 1997, p. 229; Golub 2009. 53 Gailey 1975, p. 40. 54 The movemen t des forces democratique de la Casamance (MFDC), a secessionist movement made up of freedom fighters, seeks independence from Senegal. They have waged war against the Senegalese state since 1983 when approximately 100 Senegalese were killed while demonstrating against the Senegalese state. The MFDC claim that 2007). 55 Kea 2010. 56 Swindell 1981; Robertson 1987 57 Amanor 2006, p.151 58 Robertson 1988 59 Baker 1995, p. 75. 60 Barrett and Browne 1989, p. 6; Cornia 1987 61 62 Kea 2004. 63 Quinn 1972, p. 37. 64 Kea 2010. 65 Robertson 1987, p. 247. 66 See Chauveau, Colin, Jacob, Delville, and Le Meur (2006) with reference to Jacob (2004, moral duty of gratitude that strangers are expected to display towards their tuteurs in tutorat in the Cte d'Ivoire 67 See Linares (1992, p. 129) for a discussion of the way in which lenders and borrowers of land in a Mandigized Jola village in Casamance are expected to see themselves as 68 Bellagamba 2004. 69 Barnes 1986, p. 9.

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16 | Kea 70 Sanneh 1979, p. 2. 71 Chauveau et al. 2006. 72 Chauveau 2000, 2006, 2008; Chauveau, Jacob, Le Meur 2004; Chauveau et al. 2006. 73 Chauveau et al. 2007, p. 34; Chauveau 2006, p. 214 with reference to Scott 1976). 74 Chauveau et al. 2006, p. 2; Le Meur 2006. 75 Chauveau et al. 2004, p. 9. 76 Ibid. p p 10 14. 77 Sharpe 2005, p. 174. 78 Guyer 1993; Berry 2001, p. 110 79 Bloom 2003, p. 50. 80 Berry 1989, p. 48; Kopytoff 1987, p. 52; Kea 2010. 81 Bloom 2003, p. 50. 82 Goldring 2001, p.511. 83 Kea 2010. 84 Skinner 1963, p. 312. 85 Wiseman 1997, p. 265. 86 The Gambia News and Report 29 Oct. 4 Nov. 1996 87 Berry 2009, p. 31. 88 This process of intensification and diversification has a long history (See Haswell 1963, 1975; Barrett and Browne 1989; Carney 1992; Carney and Watts 1991, 1992; Schroeder 1999.) 89 Blackwood 1997, p. 278 90 Bryceson 2002, p. 725. 91 Wright 1997, p. 237 92 Kea 2004, 2010 93 Van Hear 2010 p. 1531 94 Bloom 2003, p. 51 References Abdul Korah, G. Journal of Asian and African Studies 46.4: 390 403. Adepoju, A. Development 46.3: 37 41. Journal of Third World Studies XXVII.1: 25 41. Amm assari, S. and R. Black 2001. Harnessing the Potential of Migration and Return to Promote Development: Applying Concepts to West Africa Geneva: International Organization for Migration. Land, Mobile Labor and Alientation in t he Eastern Region o f Land and the Politics of B elonging in West Africa (Leiden: Brill): 137 159.

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Becoming Local Citizens | 17 _____ eastern Africa 80.1: 104 12 5. African Affairs 94: 67 86. Barrett, H. Scottish Geographical Magazine 105. 1: 4 11. Cambridge Anthropology 16.1: 45 59. Africa 74. 3: 383 411. Africa 59. 1: 41 55. _____. 2001. Chiefs Know their Boundaries: Essays on Property, Power, and the Past in Asante, 1896 1996 Portsmouth: Heinemann. _____ 2009 Development and Change 40. 1: 23 45. Bird, C. S. and M. Bird (eds.), Explorations in African Systems of Thought ( Bloomington: Indiana University Press): 13 26 interview with Mam Emergences 13. 1/2: 47 74. Migration Theory: Talking Across D isciplines (New York: Routledge): 113 159. _____ American Behavioural Scientist 50. 1: 3 8. Brooks, George. E. 1993. Landlords and Strangers: Ecology, Society and Trade in Western Africa, 1000 1630 Boulder: Westview Press. World Development 30.5: 725 39. Develop ment and Change 23.2: 67 90. _____ Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 16.4 : 651 81. Castles, S., and A. Davidson. 2000 Citizenship and Migration: Globalization and the Politics of Belonging Basingstoke: Macmillan. Chauveau, J Politique Africaine 78: 94 125

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18 | Kea _____ and the Institution of the Tutorat Amongst Autochthones and Immigrants (Gban Region, Land and the Politics of Belo nging in West Africa (Leiden: Brill): 213 240. _____ Journal of Agrarian Change 8.4: 515 52. _____, Autrepar t 30: 3 23. _____, et al. 2006. Changes in Land Access and Governance in West Africa: Markets, Social Mediations and Public Policies London: IIED. nd American Ethnologist 18: 257 78. Colvin, L. G. ( ed. ). 1981. The Uprooted of the Western Sahel: Migrants Quest for Cash in the Senegambia New York: Praeger. Cordell D. et al. 1996. Hoe and Wage: A Social History of a Ci rcular Migration System in West Africa Boulder, Co.: Westview Press. Papers on the Manding (Bloomington: Indiana University): 99 128. Dey, J. 1980. Projects on the Far University of Reading. Elmhirst, E. 2011. Geoforum 42: 173 83. Epstein, A.L. 1958. Politics in an Urban African Community Manchester: Manchester University Press. Journal of Refugee Studies 20. 1: 60 85. Faal, D. 1991. Peoples and Empires of Senegambia: Se negambia in History AD 1000 1900. Latrikunda, The Gambia: Citizenship, Networking and Permeable Ethnicity. African Diaspora 3: 2 11. Gailey, H. 1975. Historical Dictionary of The Gambia New York: Frederick A Praeger. Gamble, D. and P. Hair. 1999. Discovery of River Gambra (1623 by Richard Jobson). London: Hakluyt. Public Culture 12.2: 423 452.

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Becoming Local Citizens | 19 Geschiere P. and S. Jackson African Studies Review 49.2 : 1 7 Goldring U.S. Transnational Identities 7. 4: 501 37. Case of The Gambia World Development 37.3: 595 606. Goode, Urban Anthropology 19: 125 53. Guyer, J Man 28. 2: 243 65. _____ 1997. An African Niche Economy: Farming to Feed Ibadan, 1968 1988 Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Journal of Development Studies 38.5 : 15 36. Haswell, M. 1963. The Changing Pat tern of Economic Activity in a Gambia Village. London: Department of Technical Co operation Overseas Research Publication: HMSO. _____ 1975 The Nature of Poverty: A Case history of the First Quarter century after World War II Basingstoke: Macmillan. Hil l, P. 1963. The Migrant Cocoa Farmers of Southern Ghana: a Study in Rural Capitalism. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Hondagneu Sotelo, P. 1994. Gendered Transitions: Mexican Experiences of Immigration Berkeley: University of California Press. K abeer, N. 1994. Reversed Realities: Gender Hierarchies in Development Thought London: Verso. Africa 74. 3: 361 382. _____ 20 10. Land, Labour and Entrustment: West African Female Farmers and the Politics of Difference African Social Studies Series. Leiden: Brill. I. Kopytoff (ed.) The African Frontier. The Reproduction of Traditional African Societies (Bloomington: Indiana University Press): 3 83. Koser, K. and H. Lutz (eds.), 1998. The New Migration in Europe: Social Constructions and Social Realities Basingstoke: Macmillan. Lam Africa: Journal of the International African Institute 68.4: 585 602. Le Meur, P. Devel opment and Change 37. 4: 871 900.

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20 | Kea Shrines: Settlement Histories and the Politics History in Africa 27: 193 214. _____ Comers and Late Comers: Indigenous Theori es of Landownership in Land and the Politics of Belonging in West Africa (Leiden: Brill): 35 56. Linares, O. 1992. Power, Prayer and Production: The Jola of Cassamance, Senegal Cambridge: University Press. Mah ler, S.J. International Migration Review 40. 1: 27 63. Manchuelle, F. 1997. Willing Migrants: Soninke Labour Diasporas, 1848 1960 Ohio: Ohio University Press. Massey, D.S. et al. 1998. Worlds in Motion Understanding International Migration at the End of the Millenium Oxford: Oxford University Press. Miller, D. and Slater, D. 2000. The Internet: An Ethnographic Approach Oxford: B erg. Migration (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press): 156 80. _____ 1971. Social Networks in Urban Situations Manchester: Ma nchester University Press. _____ Annual Review of Anthropology 3:279 99. Murphy, W. Chiefdom (Liberia) The African Frontier. The Reproduction of Traditional African Societies (Bloomington: Indiana University Press): 121 148. Man 10.4: 571 88. Cultural Brokerage in the Construction of Mandinka / Jola and Ewe / Agotime Identities in West Africa, c. 1650 Comparative Studies in Society and History 50.4: 9 20 48. Making: Immigrants Negotiate Racial and Current Anthropology 37. 5: 732 62. In K. Koser and H. Lutz (eds.) The New Migration in Europe: Social Constructions and Social Realities (Macmillan Press: Basingstoke): 21 38. straints and their Implications for Rural Women and Girls in sub Gender, Place and Culture 18.1: 65 81. Quinn, C. 1972. Mandingo Kingdoms of the Senegambia: Traditionalism, Islam and European expansion Evanston: Northwestern University Press. Robertson, A.F. 1987. The Dynamics of Productive Relationships: African Share Contracts in Comparative Perspective Cambridge: University Press.

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Becoming Local Citizens | 21 Berkele y Journal of Sociology 46: 4 22 Schroeder, R. 1999. Shady Practices: Agroforestry and Gender Politics in The Gambia Berkeley: University of California Press. Scott, James C. 1976 The Moral Economy of the Peasant: Rebellion and Subsistence in Southeast A sia New Haven: Yale University Press Sharpe, B. Settlement, Forestry, Identities and the Future in South West Cameroon (ed.), Rural Resources and Local Livelihoods in Africa (Oxford: James Currey). Africa 33. 1: 307 20. Swindell, K. 1981. The Strange Farmers of the Gambia: a Study in the Redistribution of African Population Swansea: Centre for Development Studies, University College. _____ 1985. Farm Labour Cambridge: University Press. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 36.10: 1531 36. in the Anthropology of Migration and Ethnic and Racial Studies 30.6: 961 78. T. Bassett and D. Crummey (eds.), Land in African Agrarian Syst ems (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press): 194 221. Werbner, P. and N. Yuval Davis, N. 1999. Women, Citizenship and Difference London: Zed Books. Review of African Political Economy 24.72: 2 65 69. Wooten, S. 2009. The Art o f Livelihood: Cr eating Expressive Agri Culture i n Rural Mali Durham, North Carolina: Carolina Academic Press. Precolonial Senegambian Society a nd History in Africa 14: 287 309. _____ 1997. The World and a Very Small Place in Africa New York: M.E. Sharpe.

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University of Flori da Board of Trustees, a public corporation of the State of Florida; permission is hereby granted for individuals to download articles for their own personal use. Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Flori da. ISSN: 2152 2448 Hip Hop as Social Comme ntary in Accra and Dar es Salaam M SIA KIBONA CLARK Abstract : This paper looks at the use of African hip hop as social commentary in Accra, Ghana and Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. Hip hop is by its definition a tool of self expression and self definition, and is often used as a tool of resistance. Young artists are using the platform of hip hop to speak out on a host of social and economic issues. A transcontinent al conversation is now happening with artists all over Africa and the Diaspora. This paper focuses on the hip hop communities in Accra, Ghana and Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. Both nations have hip hop communities in which socially conscious hip hop is marginal ized. In addition, the histories of these two nations are linked by their histories as battlegrounds in the struggle for Pan Africanism, non alignment, and socialist ideals. These factors have influenced the use of hip hop for social commentary in both cit ies. This examination of hip hop in Accra and Dar es Salaam reveals important conversations occurring around politics and economics, on both a national and international level. Hip hop artists and the youth they represent are an important component of any social or political struggle towards progress. This research contributes to the need to engage with African hip hop culture and understand its growing implications for Africa. Introduction Hip hop is one of the most important cultural movements to occur in Africa in recent decades and has evolved into a potent voice for African youth expression. When hip hop arrived in Africa in the 1980s it swept across the African continent like a tidal wave, starting with smaller segments of the youth population and by t he 1990s becoming firmly implanted in almost every country on the continent. All over Africa, in countries like Burkina Faso, presence dates back to the 1980s and 1990 s 1 many smaller cities) has a hip hop community, a community that includes rap emcees, prod ucers, DJs, graphic designers, musical performances, and in many cases radio stations, dancers, and fashion designer s. All of these elements promote hip hop by participating in the continuation of the culture in various ways. Hip hop in Africa has allowed African youth to participate in social, political, and economic discourse on a national and global level. This part icipation is seen in the lyrical content emanating from hip hop music all over the continent, providing for rich social commentary in the form of socially conscious hip hop. In looking at examples of this utilization of hip hop in Africa, Accra and Dar es Salaam provide valuable case studies as both cities have strong hip hop communities and artists that are active on the international scene. However, unlike some hip hop communities in Africa, namely those found in Senegal

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24 | Clark and South Africa, socially conscio us hip hop does not enjoy popular support in Accra or Dar es Salaam. In addition, both Ghana and Tanzania have similar histories, histories rooted in anti colonial struggle, socialism, and Pan Africanism. Though both countries have taken somewhat divergent paths, the hip hop coming out of Ghana and Tanzania has definitely been influenced by the histories of both countries and can be heard and seen in the hip hop music produced in both countries. As such, an examination of hip hop in Accra and Dar es Salaam provides important information on the ways in which hip hop is used for social expression and self definition. In 1988 in the United States hip hop artist Chuck D famously referred to hip hop as the Black CNN 2 Meaning, if one wants to know what is going on in inner city and Black communities; one only needs to listen to the hip hop music coming from those communities. Within the hip hop of the ghetto one finds ample commentary on the conditions of the urban poor and criticisms of government policies. It is within this tradition that artists in Accra and Dar es Salaam are using the platform of hip hop to speak out on a host of soc ial and political issues. An analysis of hip hop songs reflects a style of social commentary that resonates with Ghanaians and Tanzanians alike. An almost essential feature of hip hop is its ability to transform the very language artists select as a mode of communication. Hip hop creates new vocabulary while redefining and transforming established vocabulary, all the while artists culture, a resistance to the establishment. Hi p hop lyrics have always been directed to the youth in a way that is meant to reflect a genuine distrust of authority. Hip hop artists in Accra and Dar es Salaam often critically examine government leaders, though they differ slightly in the ways in which they do this. They also deconstruct social institutions and economic oppression in songs that address urban life, migration and the perceived failure of elders to protect the youth. A sample of hip hop lyrics from both communities shows how hip hop is u sed as a voice of the youth and will also show differences and similarities between hip hop music in Accra and Dar es Salaam. In addition, hip hop artists in Ghana and Tanzania often invoke the images or words of former Presidents Kwame Nkrumah and Julius Nyerere in a manner that suggests a level of reverence for the words and actions of these leaders. This is often done in such a way that artists are simultaneously expressing criticism of current regimes. Two factors influencing these uses of hip hop as so cial commentary in Accra and Dar es Salaam are domestic economic and political changes and the emergence of new pop music genres. F omestic economic and political changes provide both the inspiration for the lyrical content and influence the manner in whic h artists tell their stories. Meanwhile the pop music scenes marginalize conscious hip hop, impacting the perception and visibility of conscious hip hop. The 1980s saw the transformation of the economies of both Ghana and Tanzania as leaders in both coun tries began to implement World Bank and IMF prescribed structural adjustment policies 3 Soon after, the economies of both countries took a severe hit and Ghanaians and Tanzanians felt the sting of neoliberal economic policies. Many chose to flee to the We st, sparking explosions in African immigrant populations in many Western nations 4 For example, after 1985 African migration to the United States doubled with each passing decade 5 Among the factors influencing that migration out of Africa was the lack of economic opportunities at home caused by newly implemented economic policies 6 In the urban areas of Accra and Dar es Salaam the decline in the standard of living would provide

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Hip Hop as Social Commentary | 25 inspiration for many hip hop lyrics. As their populations faced increased pove rty and a decrease in social services, frustration began to be reflected in the music 7 Finally, hip hop in both Accra and Dar es Salaam has often been confused with and overshadowed by the more commercialized pop music genres, Hip life and Bongo Flava, respectively, distorting the conversation around urban youth music in Accra and Dar es singing in local languages, often about love and having a good time, an indicator of blurred distinctions between hip hop and pop music. Many of these artists are pop musicians and label pop music as hip hop means there is often confusion over what hip hop actually is. While Hip life and Bongo Flava both contain elements of hip hop culture, the confusion over the genres often leads to a distortion of hip hop in Ghana and Tanzania. Fo r example, there have been several published works providing informative examinations of socially conscious hip hop in Tanzania, but some of the m have identified Bongo Flava as being synonymous with Tanzanian hip hop 8 In both Accra and Dar es Salaam these distortions have led to efforts by hip hop artists to distinguish themselves in a struggle to establish their music as separate from either Hip life or Bongo Flava. However, the economic incentives of performing pop music have influenced a number of hip h op artists, and consequently socially conscious hip hop. The hip hop scenes in Accra and Dar es Salaam offer insight into the ways hip hop is used as a tool social and politic al expression in those cities. As countries where the hip hop scene is not as po litically aggressive with its content as Senegal and South Africa, Ghana and these two countries and the challenges artists face also expose the impact of certain fa ctors on the development and use of socially conscious hip hop. Emergence of Hip Hop in Ghana and Tanzania Hip hop arrived in Ghana and Tanzania by the mid 1980s M uch of the music was initially in English, with the first artists to begin rapping often bei ng the children of the elite, who were fluent enough in English to write hip hop verses and have access to rap cassettes from abroad 9 A look at early footage of hip hop music videos shows many early hip hop artists mimicking the styles and sounds that the y heard from American hip hop. By the mid 1990s, however, hip hop in both countries appears to have gone through a localization process. During this time hip hop artists in Ghana and Tanzania began to incorporate local sounds, and more importantly, began rapping in local languages about topics of significance to local populations. In Ghana one of the first to popularize this trend was Reggie Rockstone. Rockstone returned from living abroad in 1994 and would help usher in a new music genre, Hip life. Hip life contains elements of Ghanaian High Life, hip hop, reggae, and R&B 10 The lines between Hip life and hip hop are often blurred; the implications for hip hop in Ghana (sometimes called GH rap) will be discussed later. Today most Ghanaian hip hop artists rap in Twi, as well as Pidgen, Ga and Ewe. In Tanzania the history of Swahili hip hop is murky 11 Several academic sources, however, recognize Saleh Jabir (aka Sa leh J, Saleh Jaber, Saleh Aljabry, or Swaleh J) to be the first to record an album in Swahili with his 1991 album King of Swahili Rap, but the debate

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26 | Clark in the Tanzanian hip hop community has not been resolved 12 Jabir was primarily taking popular American hip hop songs and re doing them in Swahili. Around the same time original verses in Swahili were 2Proud, Fresh G, Gangsters with Matatizo, Dika Sharp, and De Plow Matz. B y the mid 1990s hip hop in Ghana and Tanzania was still in its infancy, but quickly maturing into a genuine voice of the urban youth, especially the poor urban youth. The majority of the hip hop artists in both Ghana and Tanzania used local languages and d ialects in the music. As well, many of the songs spoke to the plight of the poor, to life on the The Rise of Neoliberalism in Ghana and Tanzania Both Ghana and Tanzania began their independence with strong, ambitious leaders. Under Kwame Nkrumah and Julius Nyerere both countries were led by p residents who implemented socialist economic policies and attempted to steer their nations away from invasive Western influence. Both Ghana and Tanzania saw impressive gains in the areas o f healthcare and education, as Nkrumah and Nyerere focused on the development of these sectors 13 Tanzania a strong national identity was forged with the adoption of Swahili as t he national and official language 14 With similar beginnings, both Ghana and Tanzania later moved in a different direction, towards neoliberal economics with free market reforms, privatization, and the rolling back of social services. After Nkrumah was ous ted from power in 1966, Ghana endured a series of coups, ending with the 1981 coup led by Flight Lieutenant Jerry Rawlings 15 Following the Rawlings coup Ghana entered a period of economic and cultural repression, when many Ghanaians, including several musi cians, left the country 16 To the e ast, in Tanzania, Julius Nyerere enjoyed widespread support. In 1985 he b ecame one of the first African p residents to voluntar il y step down, handing over power to Ali Hassan Mwinyi in the 1985 p residential elections. After in 1999, successive Tanzanian p residents would take the country in a very different direction. The mid 1980s saw both Ghana and Tanzania headed quickly towards capitalist economic reform as they began talks wi th the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank in order to help their struggling economies 17 With this aid came donor prescribed structural adjustment programs (SAPs), which African states were obliged to adopt. On e of Tanzania n President responsibilities was to sign agreements with the IMF and the World Bank 18 While under the leadership of President Rawlings, Ghana became a favorite of the West for its embrace and implementation of IMF and World Bank prescribed SAPs 19 Both p rivatization and neoliberalism were at the core of the SAP formula, as was the devaluation of African currencies 20 Other conditions included massive cuts in government spending, especially in public services such as education and healthcare 21 These SAPs would see Ghana and Tanzania adopt economic policies, which also led to foreign penetration of local markets, and deregulation 22 Life in both Accra and Dar es Salaam became more difficult. Residents faced widespread poverty, housing problems, high rates of underemployment and unemployment, and a decrease in access to healthcare and education 23 In neighborhoods like Nima in Accra and Temeke in Dar es Salaam, from which many hip hop artists would

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Hip Hop as Social Commentary | 27 emerge problems include overcrowding, poor housing and sanitat ion, substandard healthcare and education, and high crime 24 The implemented neoliberal economic policies also led to displaced rural peasants flooding the cities in search of work and opportunities, straining an already stressed infrastructure 25 The ranks of the unemployed also became filled with illiterate and semi literate youth who increasingly turn to the informal market and illegal activities to survive. The following 2006 quote from Tanzanian scholar Issa Shivji could be applied to both Ghana and Tanz ania: Structural Adjustment Programmes of the 1980s destroyed the little achievements in education, health, life expectancy, and literacy that we had made during the nationalist period. Neo liberal policies of the last ten years have destroyed the small i ndustrial sector t extiles, oil, leather, farm implements, and cashew nut factories w hich had been built during the period of import substitution. Most important of all, we have lost the respect, dignity and humanity and the right to think for ourselves tha t independence presented 26 This is the environment in which many hip hop artists emerged. Hip hop music provided youth with an opportunity to address the problems they were seeing around them. Ironically, it would be some of the tools of globalization that would provide artists with the opportunity to have their voices heard. Privatization allowed for the emergence of a number of independent radio stations in both Ghana and Tanzania 27 In Ghana there was a re birth of the music scene, as artists returned and new ones arose. In Tanzania many citizens would purchase their first television sets in the mid 1990s as new stations emerged. This all provided an opportunity for young artists to have an outlet for their music. Stations needed local music to play, and t he artists needed stations to play their music. This period also meant easier access to news, music, and culture from abroad, allowing hip hop artists to connect to global social and political movements. The era of globalization has also meant greater acce ss to an international audience. Every major hip hop artist in both Ghana and Tanzania now has an internet presence. In conducting preliminary research it became clear that the level of internet presence strongly d at home. As an increasing number of Africans in Africa. Artists are utilizing social media tools to get their music out, to control their images, and to remain relevant. Artists will often release mixtapes (free online albums), announce tour dates, and post album release information via social media. This allows artists to bypass traditional avenues that are often hostile to socially conscious hip hop. Artists w ill also use email and the internet to collaborate with artists in other locations. Artists in both Tanzania and Ghana have used the internet for collaborations, exchanging beats or vocal tracks with rnet program called Fidstyle Fridays in which he has interviewed various artists, including African American artist and activist Toni Blackman 28 He has used this platform to interview socially conscious hip hop artists and to highlight hip hop culture. Likewise, Ghanaian hip hop artist Sarkodie used social media to promote a recent American tour. He also has his music in rotation with online music listening sites like Spotify and Pandora, where listeners anywhere in the world can listen to his for free. The result has been incredible, as artists who were only known nationally, are now gaining international audiences. These audiences include the Tan zanian

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28 | Clark and Ghanaian d iasporas respectively, but also other Africans and non Africans. In addition, the artists themselves are becoming more aware of what artists in other parts of the continent are doing. In interviews with several Tanzanian and Ghanaian hip hop artists all indicated knowledge, albeit limited, of what artists in other countries were doing. Impact of P op M usic on H ip H op As noted earlier, t here is great ambiguity between hip hop and both Hip life and Bongo Flava. These two pop genres emer ged in the 1990s ( Hiplife in the early 1990s and Bongo Flava in the late 1990s ) and their influence on youth music in both countries would be significant. Hip hop in these countries has been overshadowed by both of these genres, resulting in different rea ctions. Ghanaian artists seem to have largely accepted that Hip life outsells hip hop and have in turn used Hip life to deliver socially relevant messages. In Tanzania, hip hop artists are fighting back and trying to challenge the Bongo Flava machine by dr awing a line in the sand between hip hop and Bongo Flava. The question of authenticity in hip hop thus becomes important, and is an issue that is debated globally. While authenticity is a core value in hip hop, it is also a concept that is difficult to con varying significantly even within local hip hop communities 29 look at authenticity in hip hop ties authenticity to staying culturally authentic, rejecting the Many of these ideas of authenticity have been expressed by hip hop artists in both Ghana and Tanzania. There are, however, debates surrounding the supremacy of content v ersus skill in determining hip hop authenticity. Some see social and political consciousness as a pre requisite of true hip hop. Others look to skill in lyricism and lyrical creativity as a measure of hip hop authenticity. These are all debates that are oc curring within and among hip hop communities globally, and often add another element to the debate over pop Interviews with artists in both Ghana and Tanzania brought out clear differences between the two countries in the relationship to pop music and hip hop. In Ghana several artists interviewed in 2010 and 2011 identified as both hip hop artists and Hip life artists. In an interview with Ghanaian artist Yaa Pono, the artist vacillated between identifying as a hip hop artist and as a Hip life artist, moving easily between both identities 30 Likewise, Ewe hip hop artist Ayigbe Edem also maintained a dual identity 31 In fact, many were unable to give a clear distinction between the two. Hip life began as lyrics rapp ed or sung over High Life beats in Ghanaian languages. Today m usic that artists and fans classif y as Hip life is rapped over a variety of beats, leading to further confusion. In 2012 4 SYTE TV et 32 N umerous musicians are interviewed and ultimately asked about the debate between Hip life and hip hop. There are hip hop community that distinguishes itself from H ip life in Ghana. There was some belief expressed that this movement was in fact growing, though the blurred lines between Hip life and hip hop influenced that growth. In an interview m usic producer Panji Nanoff describe d what he sees as some of the funda mental characteristics that di stinguish Hip life from hip hop, includ ing free shows, social relevance, mainstream acceptance, and indigenous rhythms 33 While hip hop also

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Hip Hop as Social Commentary | 29 addresses social issues, Nanoff says Hip life does it in a way that is humorous, often making use of proverbs to make a point. In the end Nanoff says that Ghanaian hip hop, and by extension socially conscious hip hop, is not commercially viable. U.S. based Ghanaian artist ting that the political confrontations that happen in other hip hop communities do not occur Ghana 34 In other words, the social and political critique by artists in other hip hop communities is minimized in Ghana, a result of both the social and political climate and the influence of Hip life music. Tanzania n hip hop artists are openly hostile towards Bongo Flava, which unlike Hip life contains very little social or political commentary. In fact one of the most important distinctions between the two is that Tanzanian hip hop is often, though not always, more socially and politically conscious. Bongo (a slang word for Dar es Salaam) Flava is a term given to youth music coming out of Dar es Salaam. Bongo Flava songs are a mixture of hip hop, R&B and reggae performed in Swahili. Bongo Flava songs are about love and having a good time. Tanzanian hip hop, on the other hand, is performed almost exclusively over hip hop beats. In addition Tanzanian hip hop lyrics are rhymes that address a variety of topics, including political and social issues. As with Hip life, it is difficult for many to articulate all the distinctions between hip hop and Bongo Flava. The main difference is lyrical content. Bongo Fla va is almost entirely apolitical, while songs that comment on social and political issues are almost always hip hop songs. Interviews in 2009 and 2010 with twelve different recording artists in Tanzania yielded interesting results on the perceptions of pop especially older artists like Sugu and Zavara, KBC, and Saigon expressed a clear disdain for Bongo Flava and saw it as having a destructive influence on hip hop and the ability of hip hop artists to get their music out 35 Artists Coin Moko of Viraka and Ehks B and Rage Prophetional of Rebels Sonz are all hip hop artists that produce socially conscious lyrics. In an interview with the three artists all agreed that they were resigned to an underground status because of the ir refusal to switch to the Bongo Flava format 36 Economically hip hop has been marginalized in Tanzania, with many of the artists interview Clouds FM presente play Bongo Flava, insisting that it is what Tanzanians preferred 37 Like Panji Nanoff in Ghana, Ndege argued that socially conscious hip hop was not commercially viable. This has helped to fuel the tensions between the two genres as economic livelihoods are affected. According to Shani Omari, the tensions led to the emergence of slogans like Okoa Hip Hop (Save Hip Hop) 38 They have also spurred the activism of artists, like hip hop pioneers Sugu and Zavara Mponjika, who promote hip hop culture in Tanzania. The implications for hip hop in Accra and Dar es Salaam are therefore varied. While artists in Ghana have both hip hop and Hip life through which to tell their stories, hip hop, especially conscio us hip hop, in Ghana continues to struggle to find an outlet in the face of Hip life. In Tanzania the marginalization of hip hop has meant that most hip hop artists are outside of the mainstream. Fid Q and Profesa Jay are among the rare hip hop artists to produce socially conscious music and find success and recognition in both pop and hip hop. While hip hop remains strong in Tanzania, its marginalization affects its reach and cripples the influence of the artists on social change.

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30 | Clark The Lyrics Hip hop ar tists in both Accra and Dar es Salaam have utilized hip hop to respond to the conditions in their respective countries, albeit in different ways. Many artists have delivered thought provoking lyrics, providing a discourse on living conditions, political co rruption, greed, and ineffective political policies. In Ghana many of the lyrics are reflections on society and the behavior of Ghanaians themselves. They are more social commentary than direct attacks on the political or economic system. After the 1981 Ra wlings coup the government kept a tight control on freedom of speech. The government even passed laws that limited both freedom of speech and criticisms of the regime, such as the Preventive Custody Law (PNDC Law 4), which allowed for the indefinite detent ion without trial of anyone critical of the regime 39 While Rawlings loosened his grip after holding and winning multi party elections in 1992, there remained concerns around his human rights record and the amount of criticism one could direct at the govern ment. Successive p residents have further liberalized Ghanaian society. The Ghanaian hip hop community, however, has yet to fully embrace the practice of direct criticism of the government. Instead, through their commentary on social concerns, artists indir ectly address domestic and foreign policy impacts. Tanzania also lacks a history of social protest, particularly on the mainland, but the country has never experienced the type of censorship or repression Ghanaians experienced under President Rawlings. While social and political activism is rare among hip hop artists in Tanzania, many artists do address both social and political issues in their lyrics, often pointing direct blame at political and economic systems. Many of the early hip hop artists in Tanzania influenced this tradition of using hip hop to ad dress social issues. Artists such as Kwanzaa Unit, Hard Blasters, De Plow Matz, and 2Proud all set the stage for the socially conscious hip hop that would be produced by future generations of hip hop artists. Many Tanzanians see their use of Swahili as lin ked to a sense of national identity. A common Tanzania, fell sick in Kenya, died in Uganda and was buried in Congo 40 Hip hop artists in Dar es Salaam rely on the almost po etic ways in which Swahili is employed in social critique in Tanzania when directing their own social critiques. Ghanaian and Tanzanian hip hop provide important examples of the social and political dialogues occurring among youth in both countries. It is the voices of the artists that the youth are listening to, and artists in both countries have the potential to influence the conversations, perceptions and actions among both young Africa ns and mainstream social institutions. Ghana O ne of the few Ghana ian hip hop artists to speak out openly on political issues, calling out officials by name, is A Plus. He has in fact released an album or song every election cycle since 2000, including the albums Freedom of Speech and Letter to Parliament His Political Review ) addresses the election of President John Atta Mills in 2008 T he song criticizes President Mills saying that since his regime the prices for commodities have gone up and the value of the Ghanaian cedi has gone down. A Plus also comments on the greed that exists in the government, and corruption in the political process. In the song he admits to being t hreatened for his outspokenness but insists that it will not stop him from

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Hip Hop as Social Commentary | 31 speaking out. 41 In fact, A Plus has gained a reputa tion among Ghanaians for his political commentary, discussing issues most Ghanaian artists choose not to 42 Ghanaian artist Sarkodie is popular artist and enjoys widespread success. He released the hit Twi word that refers to Ghanaians living abroad. The song ( original Twi in endnote ) was directed at those Ghanaians living abroad, deconstructing the image of the Ghanaian living in the West. Do you thi Someone is in Canada he needs to go begging for his daily meal A lot of these borga are not truthful Y ou would have known life in the West is ugly You are a tailor in Ghana and you make money You have food to eat, at the very least, you have somewhere to sleep You've saved money to get a visa You want to travel to America just to suffer --Whose fault is it that you are suffering? Had it been you were in Gh ana you would have commissioned schools and been hired by Tigo [ mobile network ] to be a manager Rather you are in the West sweeping the streets and after shake yourself 43 Sarkodie criticizes Western values and economic aspirations, which leads many that are present in Ghana and sustained by returning Ghanaians. In doing so, Sarkodie attempt s to pull back the curtain on the lives of Ghanaians abroad while touting the benefits of making a life at home in Ghana. The song is therefore not critical of conditions in Ghana; instead it addresses the desires for a life in the West among many Ghanaian s. The song is an attempt to address the reality of the lives of Ghanaian immigrants in the West, from the perspective of a Ghanaian at home. Another artist is relative new comer, Yaa Pono, whose debut album Nsem Kua ( Funny Proverbs ) takes a humorous s pin on social commentary. Many Ghanaian hip hop artists deliver their lyrics in a style that is likened to speaking in proverbs. What distinguishes these songs is that simply taking a few lines from a song will not reveal the overall message of the song. T hese types of hip hop songs require the listener to hear the entire story before fully appreciating the message in the song. T he lyrics i struggling to survive in the city with few financ ial resources. It is a story of life in urban Accra, and one that is intended reach millions of Ghan aians facing similar challenges: It looks like my teeth have been painted The woes of life have even made me forget to brush my teeth D aybreak Africa, I have just seen this man with a tree around his neck .

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32 | Clark Some say the morning is bright but I see it as blurred 44 seemed to be weighed down by burdens. Yaa Pono goes on to discuss the difficulty of getting food because of a lack of money : I am going to see if the waakye [rice and bean dish] seller is in wele [goat skin] I wish I could buy koko [ a cheap porridge ] but the line is long 45 T his passage thus laments not being able to afford meat, and therefore having to eat goat s kin, which is cheaper. Cheaper still is koko where the line of people buying it is long, indicating the number of people who could only afford the cheapest option. In these passages, as in other parts of the song, Yaa Pono identifies himself as being among the many people who face similar limited d aily choices because of a lack of resources. Tanzania Tanzania n artists such as Sugu (Mr. II) and Profesa Jay (aka Profesa J or Professor Jay) became famous in the late 1990s and early 2000s for their criticisms of the government. in the face of corruption, poverty, and unemployment. Sugu sings : We have hard lives, even the president knows And still we have smiles for every situation This is the real situation Ever 46 Sugu recently made history in becoming the first hip hop artist to win political office. In the 2010 p arliamentary elections Sugu ( aka Joseph Mbilinyi ) won a seat representing the southern Tanzanian city of Mbeya. Sugu, who made a career holding government leaders accountable, ran under the opposition party Chadema. During the elections he pointed to growing economic inequality and corruption as two soci al ills facing Tanzania 47 His decision to run was influenced by a desire to have an opportunity to address some of the issues he rapped about in his ten album s and nearly twenty year career 48 promises that are forgotten after the election. In the song (original Swahili in endnote) Profesa Jay plays a politi ndio mzee from the crowd. 49 I Resign ) in 2008. In voters for his wrong doings and abuse of power. In the song he confesses all his sins and resigns from office, a thinly veiled message to politicians in Tanzania.

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Hip Hop as Social Commentary | 33 Hip hop artists in Dar es Salaam have continued to use engage in social commentary. Artists l ike Roma, Izzo Bizness, Rage Prophetional, and Fid Q have all utelized hip hop to critique social and political issues. t on post independence Tanzania while admonishing contemporary leadership. The song reflects on the p independence period with lines such as: 1.9.6.1 Kambarage [ President Nyerere ] became a hero Without bloodshed he made December shine . You resigned when we still needed you you left it to Ali Hadji [ President Mwinyi ] Now they fight for the presidential house with raw lust Roma goes on to admonish current politicians in Tanzania : Their drivers approach women for them They abandon a lot of innocent children Their wives go o ut with youth undisciplined Because their husba nds are busy with illegal deals The price of their cars ca n build a school in the village There are illiterate children grazing cows in villages 50 in a manner that directly criticizes successive regimes. Roma expresses a belief that successive governments sought in part to curb corruption and ensure that the governm ent acted in the best interest of the people. His song is thus both praise for Nyerere and a commentary on excessive greed and corruption in Tanzania today. Izzo Bizness directs his p resident of Tanzania, Jakaya Kikwet e who is named Ridhiwan but is also known as Riz One 51 In the song Izzo Bizness tells Ridhiwan to pass the message to his father that people are tired of the current situation. Izzo Bizness talks about corruption and drugs, as well as electricity, water a nd oil shortages, all in a message directed at Ridhiwan. The song is unique in directing a message to the President son who is around the same age as many of the hip hop artists. The song unity, and in doing so asked Ridhiwan to be a bridge between the hip hop community and the political system represented by his father. Underground hip hop artist Rage Prophetional, one of the few Tanzanian hip hop art ists to rap in English, was a finalist in the 2008 Channel O continent wide Emcee Africa Difficulties of Life ) reflects on corruption and racism in both politics and society : Days turn to nights and struggles t urn to pain Policies seem to change, green turns to white Whites ste a l from Blacks and Blacks turn on Blacks Blacks become like caged animals hidden like fox When they came to attack, bullets sounding like symphony Treating us like orangutans, showed us no sympathy 52

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34 | Clark Rage Pro phetional was raised in England but returned to Dar es Salaam in recent years. His time in England is evident in his choice in language, as Rage is fluent in both English and Swahili. His period overseas is also reflected in his commenta ry on racism, an issue largely absent from most Tanzanian hip hop, contributes to discussions of racism and economics on a global scale. Rage Prophetional is part of the group Rebel Sonz and the only one in the group to rap in English. a ganda An artist who has gained both a mainstream and underground following is Fid Q. The artist recently performed at Nkrumah Hall on the campus of the University of Dar es Salaam in front of academics and political dignitaries, including the former Organization of African artists like KBC and Zavara of Kwanza Un it, Fid Q has taken his infl uence seriously and spearheaded several outreach projects, such as the Africans Act 4 Africa campaign. The Prop a ganda off of his 2009 album of the same name (original Swahili lyrics in endnote) : The police labe Then, they give me signs as if they utter Tasbih [ prayer beads ] repetitively From the counties, divisions, districts, regions up to the national level I would die with no scandals; I will leave a legacy These rhymes might even cause farmers to ingest seeds If you are gifted like Marco Chali, people will recognize you regardless --You are not supposed to trust a liar, even when he is telling the truth They profit under the disguise of [foreign] aid Controversies always start when we begin to scrutinize them Instead of solidifying our beliefs in following them, secrets start to leak 53 In the song Fid Q a rticulates the potential power of the hip hop emcee in influencing the people, and the responsibility he feels he has to pass on truths that could make, as he says, He also calls o ut politicians and religious leaders, suggesting that it is those following in the steps of past visionaries that will spark the call for change. In addition, Fid Q ties together several different elements, including Islamic imagery and links to broader so cial movements, in his mention of Che Guevara. The Use of I mages: Kwame Nkrumah and Julius Nyerere Kwame Nkrumah and Julius Nyerere were two African giants. They were both leaders at the forefront of African and Pan African liberation struggles, and they both left a significant presence in their respective nations, on the African continent

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Hip Hop as Social Commentary | 35 national pride. Artists in both Ghana and Tanzania have evoked the images and words of both Nkrumah and Nyerere. The use of images and speeches from Kwame Nkrumah and Julius Nyerere are very images of the Kwame Nkrumah m onument in Accra 54 In addition, Sarkodie transposes images of Kwame Nkrumah giving a speech with his own image in the same video. In th e hip hop artist R oma included images and video clips of Julius Nyerere in the video and ex The Propganda depicts him wearing a t shirt designed by the East African clothing line KinaKlothing. The t shirt is one of their most popular and prominently features the image of Julius Nyerere. Ghanaian hip hop artists Wanlov the Kubolor and M3nsa, collectively known as Fokn Bois, Coz ov Moni, was a comedy about two fr iends (Wanlov and M3nsa) who get into trouble due to film is done is a dream sequence. The song is addressed to the audience and is on one hand s leaders while at the same time it is a tribute to past leaders. Below is the verse given by M3nsa in Pidgen The verse by Wanlov was only available in English. Pidgen lyrics : I force travel small wey I see da hosslins, of da people, da women, n demma offsprings Mek I dey ask questions, man for do sometin To contribute, to build, positive construction --Look wanna leaders, look wanna teachers Look all these so called friends dem say dem com relieve us Many hundred years ago dey com in da name of Jesus Da same people turn around den enslave non believers Along with the believers da same tin dey happen today headed by strong deceivers I still be very inspires even tho oppressors screw up : our ass waiting on so called leaders Just puppets being led with strings by them to mis lead us Chale never ever give up. Try! They will squander everything, we wo Read, think, train, get up stand up, fight for your right Bleed, stink, pain, no sudden flight, toil through the night They make the wars and we enlist to shoot and die The youth must try and learn about their ancestors 55

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36 | Clark The chorus of the song pays homage to numerous past leaders, inside and outside Africa. In the film images of these leaders are flashed in the background. The first line of th e a, M buyu Nehanda, Nzingha, we de tank you on to name individuals such as Kwame Nkrumah, Yaa Asantewaa, Martin Luther King, Thomas Sankara, Fela Kuti, Fred Hampton you As in ia the use of religion in human oppression. Both M3nsa and Fid Q point to the deception of the people by religious leaders. These lyrics may have been inspired in part by the conspicuous presence of mega churches all over Accra, and their emerging presence in Dar es Salaam. Wa problem as an economic one. Like Rage Prophetional, Wanlov lived for a time in the West, but unlike Rage, Wanlov does not see racism as the problem. With the line makes it a point to note that the problem is not racism, it is economic. Fokn Bois has tended to take more humorous approaches to social commentary. They have also not shied away from controversy, wit h institutions. Conclusion The economic and political changes of the 1980s and 1990s provided inspiration for the hip hop that emerged out of both Accra and Da r es Salaam. Those changes, as well as the popularity of pop music, have also influenced the ways in which hip hop has been used for social commentary in both cases. These changes influenced the levels and types of social consciousness found in Ghanaian an d Tanzanian hip hop. S ome of the more politically charged African hip hop scenes are found in Dakar, Senegal and Cape Town, South Africa, where socially conscious artists have been at the fore of both the hip hop scene as well as social movements 56 In bot h Senegal and South Africa hip hop emerged fairly early, in the 1980s, and was led at the outset by socially conscious groups like Positive Black Soul (PBS) in Senegal and Prophets of the City (POC) in South Africa 57 In Senegal, a casualty of the 1980s ec onomic crisis that hit Africa was the closure of schools because of strikes. This event is seen to have led to the politicization of Senegalese hip hop 58 During 2009 interviews with Senegalese hip hop veterans Keyti and Xuman, both referred to the incident as being critical in politicizing Senegalese hip hop 59 In South Africa hip hop emerged under the apartheid system, which provided ample inspiration for hip growin g militancy of the anti apartheid movement and the popularity of American hip hop groups like Public Enemy 60 In both countries the early politicization of hip hop seems to have had an impact on the mainstreaming of politically conscious hip hop and hip h op artists, via radio airplay, video play and major music performances. This has given artists the means to both promote hip hop culture and participate in important social and political conversations. This mainstreaming of politically conscious hip hop di d not happen in Ghana and Tanzania, and while politically conscious hip hop in those countries remains present, it is much more

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Hip Hop as Social Commentary | 37 marginalized. Ghanaian and Tanzanian artists have, nonetheless, pushed for the greater visibility of hip hop in the mainstream. Many artists in Ghana have included pop tracks on their CDs, while in Tanzania many artists continue to resist pop music. In both countries, however, pop music impacts the hip hop community as both genres compete for space. The influence of the social, economic, and political environments have inspired artists to use hip hop to challenge the changes brought about by economic globalization and privatization. A rtists have addressed the ways in which social and economic conditio ns have impacted their countries. Poverty, for example, is a big topic for hip hop artists, especially the impact of poverty on the lives of people and the prices of commodities. Using their music as a platform to address these issues, the artists speak di rectly to the youth, who make up large percentages of the population. Many hip hop artists in both Accra and Dar es Salaam focus only on national issues and on domestic social commentary t hough artists such as Rage Prophetional and Fid Q do tie in broader struggles. Rage Prophetional, as well as Wanlov the Kubolor and M3nsa (aka Fokn Bois), all spent considerable time in the West. This has served to broaden their focus to pull in global dynamics. Wanlov lived in Los Angeles for a number of years before returning to Accra and M3nsa spent much of his time between the London and Accra. Their music draws on figures and ideals from across Africa and the African Diaspora in their criticisms of current leaders. Socially conscious hip hop coming out of Accra and Dar es Salaam presents important perspectives on society. In both Ghana and Tanzania there have been dramatic shifts away from the policies of both Nkrumah and Nyerere, but reflections on those policies have found their way to t he lyrics and videos of hip hop artists. That many of these artists were born in pos t Nkrumah and post Nyerere eras but re call the ir values and ideals speaks to the important legacies of those leaders. There are some key differences between Ghanaian and T anzanian hip hop. Among them, Ghanaian hip hop often utilize s less direct and more subtle ways in which to address social issues in their songs In other cases this is done more directly, as in Ahwe n artists have produced lyrics with more direct political content, addressing not only corruption and poverty, but also foreign aid and living conditions. Artists like Roma and Izzo Bizness place dire ct blame on political leaders. Since both countries face significant social and economic difficulties, the differences in content and approach could be attributed to their past political histories, as well as differences in cultural norms towards direct po litical engagement. Two areas needing growth in both countries include the inclusion of gender and calls for social change. Both Ghanaian and Tanzanian hip hop fail to adequately address gender issues. This is due in part to the lack of female hip hop art ists in both countries. While both Hip life and Bongo Flava have several female artists, few females enter into hip hop. In trying to find female hip hop artists in both countries, it became clear that there was a serious lack of a female presence. In fact as hip hop. While there are female ( with Fid Q ) is a clas sic hip hop track, they are among the few. As a result women have been largely omitted from discussions of social, economic and political problems. While not as explicit as American hip hop videos, many of the hip hop music videos from both Ghana and Tanza nia also tend to reinforce gender stereotypes and patriarchal structures.

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38 | Clark Another similarity is that artists have yet to parley their lyrics into calls for change. In Tanzania artists in that country have come close, although few mainstream artists have p ushed for change. While artists in both countries have utilized the images of Kwame Nkrumah and Julius Nyerere in their songs and music videos, few have actually taken steps to elicit change. Meanwhile, social and political observations in hip hop lyrics h ave created a space for dialogue. Hip hop culture has in fact succeeded in engaging youth in Accra and Dar es Salaam in political discussions. Many of the songs released by artists are bought, passed around, and looked up online by youth throughout the co untry and in the Diaspora, drawing them in to important social, locally, as well as in the Diaspora. Those fan pages often contain songs that can be listened to o nline. With online music listening sites like Pandora and Spotify, many of these artists ( e.g., Fid Q, Sarkodie, Wanlov the Kubolor, and M3nsa) offer listeners an opportunity to listen to their music for free. In addition, many of these artists have music available online, either for purchase or free download. The purchase and download of these songs has led to performances in New York, Washington, DC and Los An geles. At the Los Angeles performance it was clear to this author that many of the attendees were Ghanaians, who se naians in the Diaspora, challenging Ultimately, hip hop artists and the youth they represent are an important component of cial commentary is important in that it is a significant means by which younger Ghanaians and Tanzanians communicat e among themselves and with broader society. Hip hop music and artists pre sent stories of urban Africa, of young Africa. Ghanaian and Tanzani an hip hop offer stories and perspectives that are valuable for understanding social and political dynamics in those countries. Examinations of the factors influenc ing socially conscious hip hop reveal broader economic, cultural and political forces that i mpact youth expression. It is therefore important to engage with Afri can hip hop artists and culture in order to understand better the growing implications of this culture for Africa as a whole Notes 1 Beah 2007; Haupt 2008; Ntarangwi 2009; Cho 2010; Clark 2011; Ariefdien & Burgess 2011; Herson 2011; Knzler 2011 2 Kitwana 2003; Hann 2011 3 Konadu Agyemang 2000a; Perullo 2005 4 Konadu Agyemang et al 2006; Falola and Afolabi 2007; Clark 2009 5 Deane and Logan 2003; Clark 2009 6 Diouf; Okome 2002 7 Brydon & Legge 1996; Lugalla 1997; Bond & Dor 2003; Mawuko Yevugah 2010 8 Englert 2003; Stroeken 2005 9 Perullo 2005; Shipley 2009

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Hip Hop as Social Commentary | 39 10 Kwaku 2000; Shipley 2009; Cho 2010 11 In reviewing disc [ Balozi (Dola Sol) and Saigon of De Plow Matz (or Deplowmatz), Sugu (2Proud or Mr. II), and Zavara (Rhymson) and KBC of Kwanza Unit) ] there were varying accounts of the history of Swa hili hip hop in Tanzania. A few different names were mentioned as artists who pioneered Swahili hip hop and when that transition occurred. 12 Englert 2003; Perullo & Fenn 2003; Suriano 2007 13 Frehiwot 2011; Buah 1998; Chachage C. 2010; Chachage S. 2010 14 Mwakikagile 2006 15 Abdulai 1992; Opoku Dapaah 1992 16 Shipley 2007; Cho 2010 17 Konadu Agyemang 2000a; Perullo 2005; Opoku 2008 18 Perullo 2005 19 20 United Nations Economic Commission for Africa 1986; Shah 2006 21 United Nations Economic Commission for Africa 1986; Shah 2006 22 Brydon & Legge 1996; Konadu Agyemang 2000a; Shivji 2010; Liviga 2011 23 Brydon & Legge 1996; Lugalla 1997; Bond & Dor 2003; Mawuko Yevugah 2010 24 Brydon & Legge 1996; Lugalla 1997 25 Lugalla 1997; Konadu Agyemang 2000b; Weiss 2009 26 Shivji 2006 27 Moyer 2005; Perrulo 2005; Shipley 2007; Shipley 2009; Cho 2010 28 cheusidawa.tv 2011 29 Williams 2007, p. 4. 30 Personal interview 25 July 2011 31 Personal interview 27 July 2011 32 4sytetv, 2012. Parts 1 3 of the documentary can be found on YouTube. Part 1: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=USJALxUv1lI, Part 2: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EWcVDPj6Cow, Part 3: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Q7XjwBYR9JY 33 Perso nal interview 23 July 2011 34 Personal interview 6 September 2011 35 Information on individual interviews is provided in the references 36 Personal interviews 16 August 2009 37 Personal interview 22 August 2010 38 Personal communication 22 August 2010 39 40 Mungai 2011 41 A Plus 2008. Translated by Kwame Benjamin Appiah 42 Ghanabase.com; GhanaWeb. 2007 43 Sarkodie 2009. Translated by Daniel Arthur and Emmanuel Donkor. The original Twi lyrics below can be found at www.museke.com/node/3998 Modwene s eda fom, gyae nipa rebre / hustling / Obi te Canada, nee obei koraa, osre / Someone is in Canada he n eeds to go begging for his daily meal / Burgers yi bebree na entaa nka nokore / A lot of these borga are

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40 | Clark not truthful / Anka mobehunu se amanone mpo ye foo kyere / you would have known life in the West is ugly / Wote Ghana pam adee nya wo sika / You are a tailor in Ghana and you make money / Nea wob di, woanya koraa wowo beebi da / You have food to eat, at the very least, you have somewhere to sleep / Woaboa sika ano de akogye visa / You've saved money to get a visa / Wope se wotu kwan ko America ko bre kw a / You want to travel to America just to suffer / Afutuo nsakyere nipa na koso hwe / experiences it / --/ Amanehunu kwa, wei eye hwan na fault / Whose fault is it that you are suffering? / Obre a wote Ghana anka woabie sukuu ama Tigo afa wo manager / Had it been you were in Ghana you would have commissioned schools and been hired by Tigo [mobile network] to be a manager / Na wote obi man so pra kwan ho / Ewo se woso ho, efiri se wonni beebi da / Rather you are in the West sweeping the streets and after shake 44 Yaa Pono 2011. Translated by Kwame Benjamin Appiah. 45 Ibid. 46 Mr. II 1998. Lyrics translations come from the following sources: Perullo Alex 2005; Hulsho f Carolien 2008; Africanhiphop.com 2002. 47 Clark 2010 48 Ibid. 49 Profesa J 2001. Translated by Perullo Alex 2005. The original Swahili lyrics are: Na / / Hivi na / / / / / / / Mzee. 50 Roma 2010. Translation provided at http://www.eastafricantube.com/media/36875/ROMA TANZANIA and edited by author. 51 Izzo Bizness 2011. Translated by author and Kibacha Singo 52 Translation of title and lyrics provided by author 53 Fid Q 2009. Lyrics and translation provided by artist and edited by author The original Swahili lyrics are: Polisi huniita mzururaji, na wanajua mie ni emcee / The police label me a / Kisha hunipa ishara kama wanavuta uradi kwa Tasbih / Then, they give me signs as if they utter Tasbih [ prayer beads ] repetitively / Baya / help anything / Nashukuru kote nasikika napotoa haya mawaidha / views being heard everywhere / Kuanzia kata, tarafa, wilaya, mikoa hadi ngazi ya Taifa / From the counties, divisions, districts, regions up to the national l evel / Nikifa siachi skendo, nina uhakika nitaacha pengo / I would die with no scandals; I will leave a legacy / Kwa hivi vina hata wakulima hujikuta wanameza mbegu / These rhymes might even cause farmers to ingest seeds / Pia ni kama liberation struggle mac / like liberation struggle in the eyes of Che Guevara / raia wata feel tu / If you are gifted like Marco Chali, people will recognize you regardless / real tu / / --Haupaswi kumuamini muongo hata kama akiongea ukweli /

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Hip Hop as Social Commentary | 41 You are not supposed to trust a liar, even when he is telling the truth / Ni dhambi kutumia dini kama njia ya kututapeli / / Wanajiingizia kipato kwa kivuli cha misaada / They profit under the disguise of [foreign] aid / Hawatufunzi tuwe viongozi, labda viongozi wa kuwafuata / leaders; but maybe lea ders in following [them] / Utata huja, tunapoanza kuwachunguza / Controversies always start when we begin to scrutinize them / Badala ya kuwafuata, ndipo siri zinapovuja / Instead of solidifying our beliefs in following them, secrets start to leak 54 Imag http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lxkmIaJmYtQ 55 can be found at http://www.youtube.c om/watch?v=ODQcOeuXiik I force travel small wey I see da hosslins, of da people, da women, n demma offsprings / I have managed to travel and see the struggles of the people, the women and their offspring / Mek I dey ask questions, man for do sometin / It / To contribute, to build, positive construction / To contribute, to build, positive construction / --/ Look wanna leaders, look wanna teachers / Look at our leaders, look at our teachers / Look all these so called friends dem say dem com relieve us / Look at all these so called friends who claim they came to relieve us / Many hundred years ago dey com in da name of Jesus / Many hundred years ago they came in the name of Jesus / Da same peopl e turn around den enslave non believers / The same people turned around and enslaved non believers / Along with the believers da same tin dey happen today / / Along with the believers, the same thing happens today / H eaded by strong deceivers Headed by str ong deceivers / I still be very inspires even tho oppressors screw up / screwed up Pidgen lyrics were provided by the a rtist. 56 Haupt 2008; Herson 2011 57 Ibid. 58 Herson 2011 59 Individual interviews we re conducted with each artist in Dakar in 2009: Keyti on 2 August and Xuman on 7 August. 60 Haupt 2008; Ariefdien & Burgess 2011 References Constitutional Order Africa Today 39.4: 66 71. Hali Halisi (+ translation) http://www.africanhiphop.com/archive/index.php?module=subjects&func=viewpage&pagei d=13 Military Regimes in Ghana: A Reassessment of Past and Present Knowledge Eribo and William Jong Ebot (e ds ), Press Freedom and Communication in Africa (Trenton: Africa World Press): 3 28. Ariefdien, Shaheen wo Heads Together: A Cross Generational Conversation About Hip Hop in Sout d.), Native Tongues: An African Hip Hop Reader (Tre nton: Africa World Press): 219 52.

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42 | Clark Beah, Ishmael. 2007. A Long Way Gone: Memoirs of a Boy Soldier New York: Sarah Crichton Books. Bond, Patrick Under Residual Neoliberalism in Africa Social Forum. Porto Alegre, Brazil. 25 January http://www.zcommunications.org/uneven health outcomes and political resistance under residual neoliberalism in africa by patrick bond 1. Brydon, Lynn and Karen Legge. 1996. Adjusting Society: The World Bank, The IMF and Ghana London: Tauris Academic St udies. Buah, Francis K. 1998. A History of Ghana Revised Edition. London: Macmillan Publishers Limited. mbi Chachage and Annar Cassam (e ds), (Ca pe Town: Pambazuka Press): 175 88. mbi Chachage and Annar Cassam (e ds), (Ca pe Town: Pambazuka Press): 175 88. Friday Week 15 with Toni Blackman http://www.cheusidawa.tv/2011/12/02/fidstyle friday week 15 with toni blackman/ Public in the Ghanaian Public Sphere Journal of Asian and A frican Studies 45: 406 23. Is idore Okpewho and Nkiru Nzegwu ( e ds ) The New African Diaspora (Bloomington: Indiana University Press): 255 70. _____ and Hip Hop Meet in Upcoming Elections September. http://allafrica.com/stories/201009150939.html. _____ http://allafrica.com/stories/201104251053.html. Deane, Glenn and John Logan. 2003. "Black Diversity in Metropolitan America." Lewis Mumford Center for Comparative Urban and Regional Research, University at Albany. 21 March. http://mumford1.dyndns.org/cen2000/BlackWhite/BlackDiversityReport/black diversity01.htm Diouf, Sylv iane A. nd. Black Culture. http://www.inmotionaame.org/texts/?migration=13&topic=99&type=text Tanzania Stichproben (Wiener Zeitschrift fr kritische Afrikastudien) 5 .3: 73 93. Retreived from http://www.univie.ac.at/ecco/stichproben/nr5_english.htm Falola, Toyin, and Niyi Afolabi 2007. Trans Atlantic Migration: The Paradoxes of Exile New York: Routledge.

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Hip Hop as Social Commentary | 43 http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world africa 14403302. Frehiwot, Mjiba. 2011. Education and Pan Africanism: A Case Study of Ghana, 1957 1966 ." Ph.D. dissertation Howard Uni versity. http:// www .ghanabase.com/aplus/biography.asp. http://www.ghanaweb.com/GhanaHomePage/audio/artikel.php?ID=193097. s Chuck D: UK riots signify 'new world order' guardian.co.uk. 9 September. http://www.guardian.co.uk/music/2011/sep/09/public enemy chuck d uk riots. Ethnography 7: 6 9 97. Haupt, Adam. 2008. Stealing Empire: P2P, Intellectual Property and Hip Hop Subversion Cape Town: Human Sciences Research Council (HSRC). Hop's Influence in Dakar from 1984 2000 American Behavioral Scientist 55.1: 24 35. Hulshof, Carolien. 2008. Bongo Flava: Popular Musics of the World. Web blog: 7 May. http://worldpopmusics.wordpress.com/casestudies/bongo flava/ Kitwana, Bakari. 2003. The Hip Hop Generation: Young Blacks and the Crisis in African American Culture Jackson: Basic Civitas Books. Konadu Adjustment Programs and Uneven Development in Africa: The Case of Ghana The Professional Geographer 52: 469 483. _____ 2000b. The Political Economy of Housing and Urban Development in Africa: Ghana's Experience from Colonial Times to 1998 Santa Barbara: Praeger _____ et al. 2006. The New African Diaspora in North America: Trends, Community Building, and Adaptation New York: Rowman & Littlefield. Knzl hange: Rap music in Mali and Burkina Faso Khalil. Saucier (e d.), Native Tongues: An African Hip Hop Reader ( Trenton: Africa World Press): 23 50. Liviga. Athumani Unintended Outcomes Eastern Africa Social Science Research Review 27.1: 1 31. Tanzania African Stu dies Quarterly 1.2: 19 37. Mawuko of International Aid Reform and the (Re)production of Power, Neoliberalism and Neocolonial Interventions in Ghana. Universi ty of Alberta.

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44 | Clark Hop and Other Cultures Threatened with Assimilation Journal of Communication 49: 134 50. Corner Justice in the Name of Jah: Imperatives for Peace Among Dar es Salaa m Street Youth Africa Today 51.3: 31 58. allAfrica.com. 17 January. http://allafrica.com/stories/201101170851.html. Mwakikagile, Godfry. 2006. Nyerere and Africa: End of an Era Dar es Salaam: New Africa Press. Ntarangwi, Mwenda. 2009. East African Hip Hop: Youth Culture and Globalization Champaign: University of Illinois Press. Contemporary African I mmigration to the United States of America rnkrind: a Journal of African Migration 1. September 2002: http://www.africamigration.com/. Opoku 1991: A Decade of Forced Repression and Migration Refuge 11.3: 8 13. _____ Under the Provisional National Defence Council Africa Today 55.2: 25 51. Hop in Dar es Salaam, Tanza nia Africa Today : 75 101. _____ Hip Hop In Harris M. Burg er and Michael Thomas Carroll (e ds.), Global Pop, Local Language (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi): 1 9 52. egacy http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/1050310.stm. A Major Cause of Poverty Global Issues February 2006. http://www.globalissues.org/TradeRelated/SAP.asp S Cosmopolitan Rap and Moral Circulation in Accra, Ghana Anthropological Quarterly 82.3: 631 68. Society's Amat eurish Conscience University of Dar es Salaam. Faculty of Law, University of Dar es Salaam. _____ Africanism and the Challenge of East African Community Integration Pambazuka Issue 503. 3 November. http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/68395. BBC News. 16 February. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/6366133.stm. Str op and C ritique in Tanzania Africa 75.4: 488 509.

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Hip Hop as Social Commentary | 45 Seen Through Bongo Fleva and Hip Hop Swahili Forum 14: 207 23. United Nations Economic Commission for Africa. 1989 African Alternative Framework to Structural Adjustment Programs for Socio Economic Recovery and Transformation (AAF SAP) Addis Ababa: United Nations Economic Commission for Africa. Weiss, Brad. 2009. Street Dreams and Hip Hop Barbershops: Global Fantasy in Urban Tanzania Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Hop Authenticity CUREJ College Undergraduate Research Electronic Journal University of Pennsylvania. 14 December. http://reposito ry.upenn.edu/curej/78/. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/5155592.stm. Personal interviews and informal conversations Ayigbe Edem (Ghanaian hip hop & Hip life artist). 2011. Per sonal interview, Accra, Ghana. 27 July Balozi (Tanzanian hip hop pioneer). 2011. Personal interview, Chicago, Illinois. 10 July Blitz the Ambassador (Ghanaian hip hop artist). 201 1. Personal interview, Brooklyn, New Coin Moko, Ehks B and Rage Prophetional (Tanzanian underground hip hop artists). 2009. Personal interviews, in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. 16 August (transcripts in au possession). Fid Q (Tanzanian hip hop artist). 2010. Personal interview, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. 11 Godzilla (Tanzanian Bongo Flava artist). 2010. Personal interview, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. 7 August (t JCB (Tanzanian hip hop artist). 2010. Personal interview, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. 7 August KBC (Tanzanian hip hop pioneer). 2010. Multiple informal conversations via telephone and Facebook. June September. Keyti (Senegalese hip hop artist). 2009. Personal interview Dakar, Senegal. 2 August M.anifest (Ghanaian hip hop artist). 2011. Personal interview, Minneapolis, Minnesota. 6 September (transc Mangwair (Tanzanian hip hop & Bongo Flava artist). 2010. Personal interview, Dar es

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46 | Clark Nanoff, Panji (Ghanaian music producer and filmmaker). 2011. Informal conver sation, Accra Ghana. 23 July. Ndege, Ruben (Clouds FM radio presenter). 2010. Personal interview, Dar es Salaam, Nick Wapili (Tanzanian Bongo Flava artist). 2010. Personal interview, Dar es Salaam, Omari, Shani (Professor of Kiswahili at the University of Dar es Salaam and a researcher of hip hop in Tanzania). 2010. Informal conversation, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. 22 August. Quame Juni or (Ghanaian public relations agent). 2010. Informal conversation, Accra, Ghana. 1 September. Reggie Rockstone (Ghanaian hip hop and Hip life pioneer). 2010. Informal conversation, Accra, Ghana. 15 September. Saigon (Tanzanian hip hop pioneer). 2010. Perso nal interview, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. 23 Sugu (Tanzanian hip hop pioneer). 2010. Personal interview, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. 23 Witnesz (Tanzanian hip hop and Bo ngo Flava artist). 2010. Personal interview, Dar es Xuman (Senegalese hip hop artist). 2009. Personal interview, Dakar, Senegal. 7 August Yaa Pono (Gh anaian hip hop and Hip life artist). 2011. Personal interview, in Accra, Ghana. 25 July Zavara (Tanzanian hip hop pioneer). 2010. Personal interview, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. 15 August

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Ikechukwu Umejesi is a Research Fellow in the Department of Sociology, University of South Africa Pretoria He is a 2009 YSP Fellow of the International Institute for Applied Systems Analysis (IIASA), Laxenburg Austria. University of Florida Board of Trustees, a public corporation of the State of Florida; permission is hereby granted for individuals to download articles for their own personal use. Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Florida. ISSN: 2152 2448 The Nation S tate, Resource Conflict and the Challenges o f Sovereignties I KECHUKWU U MEJESI Abstract: Opinion leaders in Europe have often expressed penitence over colonial legacies. While these leaders rethink the roles of their nations in colonialism, human rights abuses arising from colonialism, and state formation elsewhere, the discourse underscores the need to revisit colonialism as an ideology, and th e role of the nation state in grievance construction in Africa. This article revisits colonial ideology and examines how th e colonial legacy of the nation state affects the internal security of postcolonial Nigeria. The aim is to understand grievance dynam ics underlying the relationship between the state and local communities, and how this relationship has resulted in contestation for sovereignty between the Nigerian state and previously independent communities. Using archival and ethnographic data, the art icle focuses on selected coal and oil producing communities of Southeastern Nigeria and the Niger Delta region. Introduction In April 2011, David Cameron, the Prime Minister of Britain on a visit to Pakistan acknowledged post colonial [British people] are responsible for their creation in the first place 1 Pakistan, a part of colonial India, was a British territory between 1757 and 1947. 2 In a similar view on the colonial era Arch b ishop of Canterbury Rowan Williams referred to colonialism as 3 To George Orwell, the well known British novelist and journalist, t despotism with theft as its final 4 While these statements recall one of the most critical and poignant epochs of interracial relations in human history, they ha ve failed to engage with bot h the ideological underpinnings of colonialism and the functionality of its structural relics, such as, the nation state in Africa. The nation state in Africa has always been a subject of scholarly and policy analyses since its creation. 5 A look at t he ev olution of the state as presently constituted in Africa reveals that it is relatively new I ts history is traceable to the resolutions of the 1884 85 Berlin Conference on Africa. 6 C onvened by Chancellor Otto von Bismarck of Germany, the conference participants, Great Britain, France, Germany, Spain, Portugal, Italy and King Leopold of Belgium divided the African continent among themselves. Although the Berlin Conference has often been described as a meeting where Africa was partiti oned the Conference was merely to formalize long standing colonial and commercial interests of different European nations in Africa. foremost historian, contends that roft [a British Consul]

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48 | Umejesi had succeeded in making British rule familiar to the native states under his consular 7 This same trend was followed by various European settlers in other parts of Africa often well before the nineteenth century. Thes e include the French in Algeria, the Dutch (Boers) in South Africa the British in the Natal and Cape regions of South Africa, and the Portuguese in Angola. 8 The presence of colonial pathfinders such as traders and missionaries from different Europeans co untries heightened the possibility of conflicts between different European nations. Hence, one major objective of the Berlin Conference was to pre empt wars among different European nations in Africa, a distinct possibility given the strife with which colo nial officials and traders jostled for spheres of influence in Africa. 9 After the Conference European nations simply streng principle adopted by the Conference as proof that a given power wa s really interested in a particular territory it ha d laid claim to. 10 In Nigeria, the process of state creation, albeit unofficial, commenced immediately after the Berlin Conference with the granting of a Royal Charter to the Royal Niger Company (RNC) in 1885 11 The c harter was meant to legitimize the British presence in Nigerian territories pending the Foreign Office formaliz ation of the imperial takeover. Between 1885 and 1900, the RNC intensified both coercion and diplomacy on indigenous kingdoms and communities Their goal was to obtain the signatures of the rulers of these kingdoms and communities in the form of treaties of friendship and protection According to Boluwaji Olaniyan, an economic historian who studied consular and company regimes in Nigeria, in 18 86 alone, the RNC secured 237 treaties from local rulers. 12 The extent to which the local rulers understood the content of these treaties has been contentious; however, the conflicts that ensued between colonial authorities and the local chiefs over their s overeignties indicate significant misreading of the treaties between both parties. K.O. Dike noted that there were . between the two peoples 13 At the expiration of the RNC rule on December 31 1899, the British government took over the administration and commenced the official formation of the nation state This included the creation of administrative units c ounties, districts, provinces and protectorates. These units w ere created based on commercial and administrative convenience rather than on grounded geo ethnic understanding of local groups. T o Lord Frederick Lugard, the first Governor general of amalgamated Nigeria, and a group of British traders in Nigeria, admin i strative and commercial considerations justified nation state However, to the several indigenous communities and kingdoms, the British plan was a usurpation of their sovereignties a nd rights to their ecologic resources. For instance, not all the sections of the so British colonial rule as of 1900 when it was proclaimed In Southeastern Nigeria, for instance, Adiele Afig bo a notable Nigerian historian, contends that wars of conquest and pacification of resisting communities continued into the 1920s. 14 To these communities, known for their Greek like village democracy, the idea of a Nigerian nation state constituting over two hundred ethnic nationalities, some of which the British authorities were ignorant of their very existence, was more or less a joke. Hence, while the British colonial officials gloated over their successful creation of a Nigerian state in the first qu arter of the twentieth c entury, Nigeria was anything but a united and functional state. 15 Different ethnic groups and their constituting communities hardly understood the meaning of the

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The Nation State Former S | 49 new political structure and its implication for their indigenous sovere ignties. The inattention that underlies the creation of the colonial states in Africa, especially Nigeria, illustrates the ideological basis of colonialism as expounded by the post Columbus European ideologues. What was the ideological underpinning of colo nialism and how did European ideologues justify it? How did this ideology influence state creation and what kind of state did it create? Finally how does the state resonate with the former sovereignties ? 16 This article examines these questions in view of the recurring internal conflict in Nigeria between the state and local communities especially, over natural resource ownership. Racial M inimalism and the of C olonialism Colonialism as a phenomenon best demonstrates a racist conceptualization o f white supremacy over non white races. This phenomenon took centuries of consistent justifications (by adventurers, religious men and scholars), ideological mutations and blending with mercantilism to evolve into reality. While racist jingoism may have b een as old as when two different races first came into contact, some of the earliest records of colonial intents may have been influenced by the developments in the post Columbus New World. This includes the transatlantic slave trade and stories written by European adventurers and traders in Africa. According to the political scientist and ant hropologist lthough the origin of European race doctrines about Africa lay in the period of the trans Atlantic slave trade, these doctrines grew in complexity in the period 17 To demonstrate the way in which Europeans, especially, Enlightenment scholars perceived Africa and Africans in this era, writers depicted Africa and its peoples in various strange ways. Robert B ur ton (1577 1640), an English scholar at Oxford University noted : Leo Afer observes of the commonalty of Africa base by nature and no more esteemed than dogs; no learning, no knowledge, no civility, scarce common sense, nought but barbarism amongst them, like rogues and vagabonds, they go barefooted and barelegged, the soles of their feet as hard as horse hoofs...laborious, miserable wretched, unhappy life, like beasts and juments if not worse (for a Spaniard sold Indian boys for a cheese, and a hundred negro slaves for a horse). 18 Burton did not limit his criticism to the Africans; he also assailed the Indian race. Burton wrote ordinarily so. Others eat to live, but they live to drudge; a servile generation, that dare refuse 19 The well respected Scottish Enlightenment philosopher and historian David Hume (1711 obtain a nything of the Negroes by offering them strong drink, and may easily prevail with them to sell, not only their children, but their wives and mistresses, for a cask of brandy 20 In another context in which he compared European civilization vis a s, he differentiated the two thus: So fundamental is the difference between these two races of man, and it appears to be as great in regard to mental capacities as in colour. The religion of fetishes so widespread among them [Africans] is perhaps a sort o f idolatry that sinks as deeply into the trifling as appears to be possible to human nature. 21 According to Hume biography he did not visit Africa during his lifetime; h ence his writing is likely to have been

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50 | Umejesi influenced by stories told by slave traders a nd merchants trading between Africa and the Americas. 22 Immanuel Kant, a German Philosopher/Anthropologist and a contemporary of David Hume, also wrote in line with the prevailing perception of Africa and Africans in Enlightenment Europe. In his 1763 e ssay Observations of the Beautiful and the Sublime Kant stated: The Negroes of Africa have by nature no feeling that rises above the trifling. Mr. Hume challenges anyone to cite a single example in which a Negro has shown talents, and asserts that among the hun dreds of thousands of blacks who are transported elsewhere from their countries, although many of them have even been set free, still not a single one was ever found who represented anything great in art or science any other praiseworthy quality, even thou gh among the whites some continually rise aloft from the lowest rabble, and through superior gifts earn respect in the world. 23 For Kant and some of his contemporaries, Africa ns and other non European s were more inclined to laziness and we re intellectually less gifted than Europeans While Kant was a celebrated anthropologist and philosopher of his age, he fail ed to acknowledge the exploits of the ancient African civilizations of Egypt, Kush, Nok, Ghana, Igbo ukwu, Ife, and Benin, among others. Again, like his contemporary David Hume, it is not on record that Immanuel Kant visited Africa. 24 In addition, he did not explain the method he used in his assessment of industry and talent among black people. To other writers of the Enlightenment and Industrial Europe (mostly in the 1800s), the emancipation of non European races depends on colonialism and state formation by European nations. It was thought that European civilization and Christianity w ould salva ge non Europeans from primitivism. The 1800s constituted a defining century in European colonial adventurism especially in Africa except for the Cape region of South Africa where the Dutch had settled since the 1650s. After the theoretical abolition of th e slave trade in Britain and its territories in the 1790s, effort s in the 1800s focused on suppressing the trade in Africa and convincing other nations to also abolish the trade in their territories and promote civilization via legitimate commerce trade in commodities. 25 It was perhaps the commercial need of Europe and the strategic importance of Africa that changed the tone of Euro centr ists from one of derision to that of relative partnership To the German poet and literary critic Wolfgang Menzel, African s and aboriginal Australians c ould only emerge through some kind of fusion (perhaps genetic and /or cultural) with Europeans. This, he hoped w ould yield a highly intelligent society. Menzel ascribed what he described as the Thracian and Semitic It may be asked whether at some future time the rest of the world may not be flooded with Europeans from the East Indies, from the Cape, and from the Botany Bay, and by this means a universal commixture take place? I believe rather that the final complete triumph of Christianity and of [European] civilization will be the consequence of an entire fusion of the whites and blacks. 26 Finally, Menzel cited A merica as an example where White civilization has triumphed over Indian primitivism and hoped Australian aborigines and Africans would follow. It is such

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The Nation State Former S | 51 only at the 27 To further illustrate the misconception s about Africa and justification for colonialism in the late 1800s and early 1900s, Captain Vallier, a French traveler in the Congo, wrote in 1900 ut anarchy and ill will, in order words, a society in its infancy, without any organization, a scattering of humanity, who escape from contact with us and paralyzed our most generous efforts with inertia 28 As we shall see later in this article, it is this idea of racial superiority on the part of European colonial adventurers that underpinned colonial administration and the state it created. Hence, from its inception, colonial rule aimed at changing supposedly the inferior indigenous to something superior alien and European. Racial Minimalism : The Limitations o f a Discourse The common string linking the views advanced by writers of Enlightenment and Industrial Europe wa s the assumption that non Europeans we re racially and institutionally inferior to Europeans. The Nigerian philosopher Michael Eze has identified common limitations to this thesis: m ost of the se minimalist scholars never travelled outside their home continent ; t hey relied on European adventurer s notebook s, meaning that they d id not writ e experientially; t hey believed that geography determined human psychosocial development and character. 29 The racial parameter as a template for judging civilization and development can not provide an informed basis for the comparative history of different peoples As the popular relative to others may not sufficiently portray the achievements of its past. It is this mode of racial perception in which one people is presumably superior to others that often overlooks the accomplishment of individual members of the o ther O nce a so called race is profiled as inferior, the tendency is for the supposedly superior race to forcibly impose its institutions on the perceive d inferior race. It should be noted, however, that there were exceptions to such views. For instance, L.S Amery, a former British Dominion Secretary, differed with the imperial idea of making the colonies look like little Englands To Amery, Western values 30 In other words, he recognized that fundamental institutional differences between the West and other peoples could hinder the functionality of imposed Western values and institutions in other contexts. It must be emphasized that judging one civilization based on the values of other civilizations obscures the dynamism and functionality of its i nstitutions. The existence of humanity in any geo cultural context reveals that to a large extent its institutions and material and immaterial cultures are not static. The dynamic interaction of diverse elements political and e cological spaces sustained its people long before the Euro African relationship developed. It is the ideological ground as provided by racial minimalism and fuelled by mercantilism that thus justified colonial adventurism in Africa and the nature of the na tion state s it bequeathed. To colonial apologists, therefore, the colonization of Africa and imposition of the nation state 31 While different states existed in Africa prior to the European coloni al era, t he state with its present geopolitical constitution is essentially a relic of that era 32 Therefore, a critical

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52 | Umejesi question that arises in this context is to what extent is the notion of the new state a civilizing and sustainable institution in Africa, especially in Nigeria? It is arguable that creating a sustainable and grassroots oriented state was ever the goal of colonialism. The conscious alienation of colonial administration from indigenous peoples, the master/servant relationship that colonial lab or policies promoted, racist slurs against local people, harsh tax practices, forceful expropriation of natural resources, alienation from land and other forms of exploitation illustrated the fact that the state represented an alien and economic agenda of the coloni al pow ers against the interest of their subject peoples 33 As will be seen later in this article, for the local communities, such as in Nigeria, the idea of the state (colonial or postcolonial) became equated with racism, maltreatment, dispossess ion, e lite pillage and injustice; henc e, the emergence of resistance to the state What was the socio political framework in pre colonial Nigeria, and how did colonialism change it? The next section examines this question. Colonial Intrusiveness: Con tradi cting t he Indigenous I t? Ethnic groups or communities in different regions of Nigeria developed into sovereign monarchical kingdoms, chiefdoms or village democracies. 34 In Southeastern Nigeria and the Niger Delta region from where this study draws its primary data small independent communities with full territorial, socio ecological, and economic and political sovereignties controlled their land and natural resources. In these areas, no known efforts were made toward buildin g large ethnic or multiethnic kingdoms. Prior to British rule in Nigeria, these polities had their tailored government, sustainable land tenure systems and reso urce ownership models. In Southw est and Mid w estern Nigeria, the Yoruba and Benin peoples both e volved ethnic kingdoms. However, like their eastern neighbors, they also practiced communal resource ownership system s although with greater hierarchical control by their o bas (kings in Yoruba and Benin) 35 The Hausa Fulani rulers of Northern Nigeria devel oped kingdoms or emirates. The e mirs adopted an Islamic administrative system and exercised enormous control over their territories. Land and natural resource ownership system based on relative feudalism was practiced and the Fulani emirs collected taxes f rom landless commoners or talakawas 36 The primary place of the traditional rulers in the political administration of Northern Nigeria made it easy for the colonial state to take control of the land, once they gained control of the emirs. Land in Northern N igeria (especially among the Hausa/Fulani), does not seem to ha ve as much mystical connotation as in Southern Nigeria. 37 The perception of land in a non mystical sense may have been connected to the predominantly Islamic practices and the nomadic economy of the region. In Southern Nigeria (East and West), land and natural resource ownership did not reside with one individual; rather it resided with the community. The colonial era British ethnographer Percy Amaury Talbot noted 38 Degradation of land was seen as an abomination in local communities, because land degradation contravenes certain attributes of land, among which is that the land is holy i.e., believed to be a link between the living and the dead. Talbot describes the mystical perception of land in Southern Nigeria thus: The feeling [reverence] partly arises, no doubt, from the belief in the spirits of the earth the local representative of which is usually regarded as the tutelary guardian of the people and its soil, and partly from the worship of ancestors who dwell in it. 39

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The Nation State Former S | 53 The perception of land in this manner implies also that land is valued beyond pecuniary compensation. Writing about indigenous land use practices in Southeastern Nigeria in pre colonial times, P.E.H. Hair a British colonial official in the Udi Division of Eastern Nigeria, n oted must never be bartered for money 40 Talbot argued that it was in fact colonial rule that introduced the commoditization of land in Southern Nigeria: By immemorial custom it [land] can never be alienated or sold, and it is only of recent years and in a few parts of the country, where Europeans and other aliens have made dual appearance in numbers, that any private individual rights in land are beginning to be recognized. 41 The indigenous model of land ownership and alienation did not fit into the colonial context, hence the necessity to reform it. The reformation, which ignored the indigenous socio ecological order, involved the proclamation of several land and mineral resou rce related Ordinances beginning with the Crown Land Ordinance of 1900. With this legislation, all territories the Royal Niger Company had acquired from local rulers through treaties were turned over to the colonial state. 42 Thes wn L ands 43 T.O.S. Elias note d that Crown L generic name for all the lands which are in reality the property of the Nigerian public, held 44 A question that may be of interest here is: how much did Nigerians realize their stake in the new state as of 1900? Put differently, was there any such thing as a of 1900? The Nigerian nation state as presently constituted is unarguably a relic of British colonial craftsmanship. As pointed out earlier, p rior to the commencement of British colonial rule in 1900, indigenous communities in Nigeria lived in sustainable independent political units. 45 Hence, the awareness of a national wealt h and communities were not integrated into a common Nigerian public and preferred to be identified by their indigenous identities than as Nigerians. 46 This leads us to the question, why was Nigeria c reated, by whom and for what purpose? The following section peers into these fundamental questions that underlie the evolution of the Nigerian state. The Nigerian Nation State : For Whom a nd f or w hat Purpose? This section examines the arguments adduced by c olonial officials for the formation of the Nigerian nation state and the role players in this process. If put in question form: what were the arguments behind the formation of the Nigerian state as presently constituted? Did Nigerians create their state? O n the other hand, was the state imposed on Nigerians? This section will attempt to offer insights into these questions in order to understand the grievance dynamics and the nature of the conflict between the nation state and former sovereignties in Nigeria. The formation of the present day nation state of Nigeria was purely British driven and followed a top down colonial approach. The process started with the amalgamation of the Colony of Lagos and the Protectorate of Southern Nigeria in 1906 into th 47 The Protectorate of Southern Nigeria included the two provinces of Eastern and Western Nigeria; while the Essentially two separate countries the the governed by their respective High Commissioners. 48 This initial s tructure, which somewhat

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54 | Umejesi reflected the broader ethnic/religious divides between the mainly Islamic Hausa Fulani North and a more diverse South, was considered expensive for purposes of administration and unsustainable in the long term. 49 Considering the challenges posed by the administration of two countries in a contiguous geography, different British colonial officials expressed the need to amalgamate both countries before 1914. 50 From an official viewpoint, which was stated by Lord Frederick Lugard, the eventual creation of a Nigerian state on January 1 1914 was based mainly on the subsequent reasoning : The construction of a rival railways in Northern and Southern Nigeria accentuated the necessity of having a single railway policy, with a single adminis tration, and over a year ago [1913], the Secretary of State decided that the time had come to give effect to the scheme of constituting a single Government for Nigeria. 51 While it may seem ridiculous to amalgamate two distinct countries merely to have a uni fied railway system, it shows the economic basis (rather than socio cultural consideration) behind the British decision to amalgamate the distinct Northern and Southern Nigerias. Various opinions have been expressed on the amalgamation of 1914. Takena Tamu no a Nigerian historian argues : 52 Northern Nigeria is landlocked and its produce export s had to go through Southern Nigerian seaports. Hence, it did not make economic sense for British trad ing companies to pay double taxes in two countries, when they could pay once in a united country. The amalgamation movement also gained popularity with the revenue forecasts which indicated a bright economic future for the country. For instance, Lugard ha d 1 / 2 millions, and Trade has increased from 5 million to nearly 15 millions in thi s period of under 8 53 In another instance, the mineral resource potential of Nigeria was also highlighted to support the viability of a Nigerian nation state the new regime are practically unlimited, with the large store of vegetable and mineral 54 ion was clear. For him colonial rule was not just 55 He perceiv ed colonialism and the formation of nation state as a dual mandate in which Britain will bestow civilization or as he puts and welfare [to] the primitive races 56 In return, Britain and indeed Europe will reap industrial growth by sourcing cheap raw materials f rom Africa. According to Lugard: Let it be admitted at the outset that European brains, capital, and energy have not been, and never will be, expended in developing the resources of Africa from the motives of pure philanthropy; that Eu rope is in Africa for the mutual benefit of her own industrial classes, and of the native races in their progress to a higher plane; that the benefit can be made reciprocal, and that it is the aim and desire of civilized administration to fulfill this dual mandate. 57 To emphasize this economistic drive in the creation of the Nigeria, o ther colonial advocates, especially British traders had since 1830s called for direct British rule of the Niger Delta region of Nigeria as a way of ensuring safe trading env ironment. 58 For instance in 1882, a British trader in the Niger Delta had suggested to the British Crown: I believe that instead of so many petty kings and chieftains, if we had one strong government over all these rivers, the increase in our trade would be enormous, and the impetus it would give to civilization would be almost incalculable. 59 In effect, while the formation of the Nigerian

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The Nation State Former S | 55 nation state arguably may have benefited Nigerians in some ways, the primary goal of its founders was the economic bene fit that Britain and its traders gained. Africa as a continent was viewed by European traders and officials as a land of great economic potentials and the risk of investment in colonialism did not compare with the projected benefits. One writer fantasized about the riches of Africa thus: On the land itself, Nature seems to breathe the fifth part of all her nectar [on s now attracting the attention of the civilized world. Foreigners can hardly look up on her commercial resources with eyes unmoved. 60 How did the colonial (Nigerian) state resonate with local communities and individuals? Local opinions voiced against the new nation state immediately after its amalgamation in 1914 reveal the inherent arbitrariness in the formation of Nigeria. C olonial officials had ignored the i ndigenous socio cultural affinities and geographi cal contiguities of communities They were even distorted in certain instances. Perhaps no opinion captured this anomaly than the February 3 1914 editorial in The Times of Lagos : We had been complaining for years that portions of Yoruba tribes had been incorporated into the administration of Northern N igeria, not withstanding that they were allied to the countries and peoples under the Southern administration by conterminous boundaries and by ties of kindred, kinship and intermarriages, and by tribal institutions. By an arbitrary arrangement, an imagina ry line ran in some cases through a town or single and individual tribal territory. As a consequence the inhabitants or dwellers in one town found their town, their territory and themselves cut up into two divisions and placed under two distinct and differ ing types of administrations, with different laws, customs and usages, although professedly and admittedly British. A farmer finds that his dwelling and himself come under one administration, while his farm land goes under the laws of another and an altoge ther antagonistic system . Even properties of an individual owner within the radius of the same locality shared the same fate. This anomaly was the subject of frequent discussions in the Legislative Council, brought up by the native unofficial members of the Council. 61 The editorial writer thus capture d a dire scenario whereby the Yoruba ethnic group which geographically belong ed to Southern Nigeria had some of its villages excised and added to Northern Nigeria w hich before 1914 was a separate count ry. More recent Nigerian scholars and analysts, critical of the unification of contrasting peoples into one country later expressed their fears on the viability of the state. Takena Tamuno describes the nature of the 1914 am algamation of Nigeria this way : A single Governor General for the Northern and Southern Provinces from January 1 1914 political fusion of North and South without compelling immediate or subsequent administrative unification. 62 In the same manner, Ahmadu Bello, the leader of the Northern Peoples Congress (NPC) in the 1960s and also the former Premier of Northern Nigeria describe d the amalgamation in his autobiography My Life 63 H e wrote this to describe not only the administrative challenges facing the Nigerian nation state but also the lack of commitment at

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56 | Umejesi nation building and citizenship orientation on the part of colonial officials. It is this view of Nigeria that Obafemi Awo lowo, the leader of the defunct Action Group and a contemporary is a mere geographical expression . to distinguish those who live within the boundaries of Nigeria and those who do not 64 These fears not only point to the mosaic nature of the Nigerian state but also mark the beginning of a contentious relationship between the superior authority of the state and the former sovereignties that constitute the new state The hurried creation of the state especially the amalgamation of Northern and Southern Protectorates presented its challenges as it did not give room for any consultations with local people. Lu . studying local conditions 65 After this period of feasibility study, Lugard travelled back to England and submitted his findings to ecretary of Stat e Sir Edward Grey, who then mandated the amalgamation. 66 It is not known how Lugard arrived at his conclusion that all the indigenous communities and ethnic kingdoms could surrender their sovereignties to the powerful central authority of the state. As his account shows, he did not consult local communities; neither did he work in a committee. Takena Tamuno notes : T he British government did not seek the opinions of Nigerians before amalgamating 67 I t was not pr acticable for Lugard to arrive at credible conclusions in just six months. Nigeria is a large country, and as of the early 1900s lacked a good communication infrastructure that w ould have afford ed him access to all the parts of the country. In his report, Lugard acknowledged that overs an area of over 330 000 square miles, or more than five times the size of England and Scotland, or one third of the size of British India [present day India, Pakistan and Bangladesh] 68 With this challe nge, it would have take n Lugard several years to reach out and consult with all of the constituencies of Nigeria. This initial anomaly spurred opposition to the new state from local communities and individuals critical of the state. To help gain a deeper understanding of the views of local people on the formation of the Nigerian state, the article utilizes primary data on issues related to the sovereignty of the new state over local communities and the responses of individuals and communities to its author ity vis vis the ownership of natural resources in local com munities. Primary data, such as archival materials on colonial era events, observation and interview responses were used in this analysis. Collection of Primary Data The data used in this artic le were collected from Enugu Ngwo, a coal producing community in Southeastern Nigeria and the oil rich communit y of Egbema and its neighbors in the Niger Delta. These communities are known for their conflict with the state over their land and mining rights Elderly respondents with experiential knowledge of state community contestation, coal mining and oil exploration/exploitation in their communities were interviewed. In addition, archival materials on coal mining and oil exploration in colonial Nigeria we re also collected from the National Archives Enugu (NAE) in Southeastern Nigeria between November 2007 and March 2008. The validity of archival documents was verified from the narratives of elderly respondents who experienced mining related activities and conflicts in both colonial and post colonial Nigeria.

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The Nation State Former S | 57 Contending for Natural Resource Rights and Notions o f Sovereignty: Field Data Different archival accounts of the reactions of local peoples to the mineral exploration of their communities during the col onial era give insights into the manner in which local people responded to the emerging state vis a vis the sovereignty of their communities. In exploration, the community rejected the right of the state to explore for mineral resourc es on their land. According to his letter : [exploration groups] to enter or to explore our land nor to drill it. The land is ours and should not be tampered with by any party whether alien or aborigine. We are yet preparing to send our children overseas to study all our mineral resources to be touched or to be meddled w ith lest posterity [and] the unborn will blame us for the same. The arrangement or license granted by the government to the both of you not being the land owners ) is it. We are the land owners. If any exploration is thought expedient to the economic benefit of our people such an arrangement and permit to enter our land and explore it should be between us and the experts to such an exploration under some terms which w ould be for the interest of us present and our descendants to come (emphases added). 69 In a similar petition written on November 15 1949, the petitioners also disputed the sovereignty o f the state over their land and g that grows on top or stays in the ground. We the aborigines of this community, dispute the right of anyone Nigeria or British Empire, over our land, water, trees, rocks. In short, everything that grows on top or stays i n the ground. We urge you Dear Sir [District Officer] tell the Shell Company to stay away from our domain. 70 While the above views were expressed in colonial Nigeria, the author wanted to know how the study communities viewed state authority over mineral re sources in their communities presently. The author asked Chief Nduka (pseudonym) in an interview in Egbema, an oil producing community in the Niger Delta, why communities such as Egbema, resist the exploitation of oil in their localities? He responded : We [the Igbo people] have never been conquered by other tribes [ethnic groups], we have never been ruled by others. Igbo communities did not seek to build empires by incorporating other communities or looking towards our non Igbo neighbors. So when they [colo nial officials ] came, what they brought with them [the state] was strange, lumping everyone together, dictating how you use your land, imposing chiefs on local communities, exploring and taking our oil in Egbema and our neighbors in Rivers area [lower Nige r Delta] It was strange. In that case it will be difficult for the people to accept the new state in just a few years, so we resisted the imposition of Nigeria, because Nigeria means taking our land by force, imposing forced labor policy, collecting taxes and dictating how we use our not surprised if the present generation has not given up fighting to keep what is ours, the way their fathers resisted the Whiteman. 71

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58 | Umejesi To this responden t, the Nigerian nation state in the coal producing Enugu Ngwo community Chief Uwakwe (pseudonym ) was also detailed in the way he saw the acquisition of their ancestral land by the colonial state in 1915 for coal mining 72 Local people in this community have always felt the colonial state acquired their land through deception and force. Th e 76 year old chief for transfer of land to the state), said: Remember, this land [colliery] was originally taken by force in 1912. However, as a result of British diplomacy, in order to show the world that they are democratic, they came back in 1915, employed a very terrib le and ruthless Warrant Chief Onyeama, ordered him to go inside the bush and fish out the leaders of these people to sign a Deed of Grant so that the land they took by force can be covered by a legal document. In 1915, the eleven chiefs signed the Deed of Grant under duress, granting the land to the colonial masters. The land was taken by force in the period of ignorance. Now is the era of awareness, we are saying, give us back our land. 73 A former highly placed political office holder in old Anambra State and an indigene of Enugu e stablishment of the colliery, gave an account of why the forebears of Enugu Ngwo thought, they Before the coming of the Whiteman [often implies British colonialism], Enugu Ngwo owned its natural resources. Natural resources in this sense do not mean coal. Our fathers did not know about coal, tin or oil, but they knew about their God given land, they guarded it jealously an d fought off the belligerent Nike Akegbe and Awkunanaw neighbors who were always intent on carving out portions of our land. Their understanding of nation hood and ownership of national properties did not encompass what belonged to Nike, nor did Awkunanaw believe that Enugu Ngwo land belonged to it. Each community guarded its wealth. At the inception of colonial rule, it changed. So what is yours now became mine and vice versa. This was in principle. Did all communities accept it? No. It was an alien conce pt. Even the Irish have not accepted English domination; there is still war in Britain over the imposition of England on Northern Ireland. How then do you think Enugu Ngwo, rich in coal, will allow its traditional enemies such as Nike and Akegbe to share i n its wealth? Extend it to Ijaw land; will they allow the Igbo or Hausa to share the national identity of groups is still alive. You talk about the Nigerian public, whose public? Wh en did it emerge? Who initiated it? 74 When the researcher raised the issue of resource ownership and conflict between mineral producing communities a nd the state, the former highly placed political office holder stated: The press and the Nigerian public hav e given what is happening in local communities a wrong interpretation. Those people dying and killing others [militants] in the creeks are not asking the federal government to give them back their oil. The issue is greater than oil, it is greater than coal It is a question being raised about the polity [Nigeria]. Without the Whiteman, the

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The Nation State Former S | 59 fighters in the Creeks would not have known about oil; but without oil, they have long in the days of their fathers asked the Whiteman to leave their land and go back to Europe. That is what Jaja of Opobo fought and died for, that is what Nana of Itsekiri and Obong of Calabar fought and died for. That is self and community assertion. We should not limit the agitation to oil and coal. Oil and coal are foreign but land is no t. That is the same thing Enugu Ngwo is saying, a reversal to the pre 1915 order, not the coal. Minerals are immaterial without the land. 75 Local narratives in this section question the sovereignty of the Nigerian state over the natural resources in local c ommunities, such as, oil and coal. They show similarities with colonial era opposition to oil exploration activities as contained in the archival sources above. The se sources reveal how local people opposed mining rights that were granted by the colonial host communities a practice that has continued in the postcolonial dispensation. Hence, to the local people, there is little or no difference between the manner they have been treated by both the colonial and the postcolonial states. Opposition to the modern state is therefore a continuation of the struggle against the loss of indigenous sovereignty to British colonial rule, even though the present state is no longer under forei gn rule. It is this intersection between the assertion of community rights (often based on the pre state notion of s overeignty) and state authority that leads to conflict between the state and the local communities that produce mineral resources. Discussi on The m inimalist theory of race that Eurocentric writers championed provided the ideological platform upon which European colonization of Africa and other regions of the world rested. In Africa, t he theory spurred paternalism, mercantilism, colonial ad venturism and finally, the creation of modern nation state s by colonial powers. These states, in most cases, have remained more or less as geopolitical contraptions that served colonial interests and are estranged from local peoples. In the case of Niger ia, this article has highlighted that economic consideration s of the British government and colonialist drive, more than any other issue, underpinned the formation of the Nigerian state. To colonial officials, the socio ecologic al and political interest s o f the l ocal communities were secondary. Hence, in the formation of the state, the opinion of indigenous communities was not sought n or were their political structures accepted as the basis of the new state While this framework was used in Nigeria and els ewhere in Africa, it was not entirely the same in other British colonies. For instance, in the former British Malaya (Malaysia and Singapore), the colonial state was created out of recognized pre existing sultanates and pirate forts. These structures also became the constituent provinces of its post colonial existence, with Singapore later permitted to secede in 1965. 76 In Africa, the United Nations hurriedly stamped the borders of postcolonial states without considering the pre colonial geo ethnic order. 77 As noted above, this imposed state structure with its characteristic centralization of authority ha s often been at variance with the socio ecologic and economic interest s of local communities a conflict that threatens the survival of the post colonial state Hence, although British colonialism bequeathed a nation state to Nigerians at independence in 1960, the overall concept of the state estranges it from local communities where it is seen as alien and a dispossessor of local sovereignty.

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60 | Umejesi For instanc e, British colonialism distorted pre colonial indigenous land tenure system and set up a framework in which the state owns all land, mineral resources, and the power to transfer usufruct. 78 This colonial framework, which the postcolonial state retains, has become volatile and has resulted in contestation for ecologic al and mineral resource rights between the state and formerly independent communities. To the local communities, therefore, the re is hardly any difference between the oppressive colonial state and a postcolonial state that ha s continued the dispossession begun by the colonial state. The perception of the state as an interloper ins titutionalized view of the state as an alien institution synonymous with British colonialism known for its racist and exploitative practices. 79 In this conflict, pre state sovereign units assert the desire to repossess their ecological rights from the stat e. This assertion of indigenous resource ownership rights (or resource nationalism of former sovereignties ) portrays an uncomfortable relationship between pre colonial political units and the new, more powerful nation state It also indicates a resurgence of traditional political authorities against a dominant nation state such that it poses a threat to the survival of the state. Conclusion In the light of the above analysis and the penitence shown by post colonial European leaders (such as the British Prime Minister) on the roles their nations played in creating these problems, it is important to suggest that the former colonial powers have critical roles to play in enhancing the sustainability of the postcolonial s tates such as Nigeria. A more local communities must go beyond mere rhetoric or financial reparation as in the Ital ian Libya n Treaty in 2009. 80 The security challeng e of the post colonial state is as much a reality in Africa as it is in Pakistan. Hence, f ormer colonial powers must engage with the agitation for restructuring the nation state s in ways that acknowledge pre colonial identities and rights. In Nigeria, t his agitation has been swirling among pro democracy groups for the practice of true federalism since the early 1990s. Such conflict due to structural imbalance is not exclusive to Nigeria alone; it is at the fore in the Angolan/Cabindan conflict, among others 81 The structural certification granted to African nations by the United Nations Organization (UNO) in the 1960s did not consider the fact that they were merely colonial contraptions that served foreign interests. 82 Those interests are not entirely relevan t in the postcolonial dispensation. While this article does not advocate a wholesale return to a pre colonial status quo conflict between the state and its component parts over mineral resource rights in countries such as Nigeria poses an existential threa t to the state. The prevailing framework of the nation state (at worst) reflects internal colonization of formerly independent communities whose sensitivities have often been ignored by the state. Put differently, the alienation initiated by colonialism persists under the post colonial dispensation. Remedying this framework should constitute a part of any meaningful measure aimed at addressing those colonial misdeeds in Nigeria? It must be acknowledged that the United Kingdom holds considerable influence on estment notes that

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The Nation State Former S | 61 Nigeria is the second largest trading partner of the UK in Africa. 83 Such influence could be used, though tactfully, to support local groups calling for a national conference for the restructuring of the Nigerian state to reflect a truly federal system where power is devolved between the central government and local communities/federating ethnic groups. While these groups have been largely ignored by state officials or hounded by erstwhile military groups is not in doubt. Hence, given the support from the UK for the restructuring of the country alongside federal principles that bequeaths some socioeconomi c and ecologic rights to the local communities will be a more sustainable way to atone for colonial misdeeds. Notes 1 BBC 2011a. 2 Moore 2010, p.57. 3 BBC 2011b. 4 See Brendon 2007, p. 4. 5 Ekeh 1975; Davidson and Munslow 1990; Bayart 1993. 6 Bassett 1994, p. 316. 7 Dike 1956, p. 128. 8 Olaniyan 1971, p. 70. 9 Ibid., 1956 p p 166 80. 10 Herbst 2000, p. 59. 11 Dike 1956, p p 65 69. 12 Olaniyan 1971, p. 67. 13 Dike 1956, p.86; Umejesi 2011, p.8. 14 Afigbo 2006, p p 410 14. 15 Tamuno 1970; Afigbo 2006. 16 al communities, kingdoms and other geo ethnic expressions that were politically independent in pre colonial Nigeria. It is this collective that were constituted under British colonialism to form the Nigerian nation state 17 Mam dani 2002, p. 78. 18 Burto n 1857, p. 214. 19 Ibid., p. 214. 20 Cited in Hannaford 1996, p. 216. 21 Ciited in Zack 2002, p. 22. 22 www.plato.stanford.edu/entries/hume 23 See Yancy 2004, p. 147. 24 www. plato.stanford.edu/entries/kant 25 See Dike 1956. 26 Menzel 1840, p. 163. 27 Cited in Eze 2011, p. 20. 28 Cited in Bayart 1993, p. 3. 29 Eze 2011, p. 21. 30 Amery 1953, p. 181.

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62 | Umejesi 31 See Zins 1998, p. 66. 32 See Griffiths 1986, p. 204. 33 See Meredith 2011, p p 93 115. 34 Horton 1979; Alagoa 1979; Smith 1979. 35 Adedipe et al. p. 1997. 36 See Grundy 1964 p. 387. 37 Uchendu 1979, p p 63 67. 38 Talbot 1937, p. 680. 39 Talbot 1937, p. 682; see also Shipton 1994. 40 Hair 1954, p. 56. 41 Talbot 1937, p. 680. 42 Meek 1946, p. 88. 43 Ibid. 44 Elias 1951, p. 46. 45 Dike 1956; Horton, 1979; Alagoa 1979; Smith 1979. 46 See Ekeh 1975. 47 The Colony of Lagos has been under British rule since 1860. The Times of Nigeria February 3 1914, p. 4; Tamuno 2006, p. 393. 48 Lugard 1914, p. 1. 49 Tamuno 2006. 50 Lugard 1914, p. 1. 51 Ibid. 52 Tamuno 2006, p. 394. 53 Lugard 1914, p. 3. 54 The Lagos Standard 7 January 1914, p.5. 55 Lugard 1972, p. 272. 56 Ibid. 57 Ibid. 58 Dike 1956, p p. 128 52. 59 The Lagos Observer 12 October 1882, p 3. 60 Ibid. 61 The Times of Lagos 3 February, 1914, p. 4. 62 Tamuno 1970, p p 565 66. 63 Cited in Afigbo 1982, p. 95. 64 Cited in emeagwali.com. 65 Lugard 1914, p. 1. 66 Ibid. 67 Tamuno 2006, p. 394. 68 Lugard 1914, p p 1 2. 69 NAE: OW 7915:26. 70 See Ibid, p 39. 71 Chief Nduka (pseudonym). 2008. He was eighty years old. Personal interview, Obiapku Egbema, Imo state ( one of the states in the Niger Delta region) 12 January 2008 72 Chief Uwakwe (pse udonym). 2008. He is a titled traditional chief ( Ishi Ani ), age seventy

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The Nation State Former S | 63 six Personal interview, Coal Camp in Enugu on 15 February 2008 possession) 73 Ibid. 74 Ndukwe (pseudonym). 2008. He was eighty two Personal interview, Hilltop community, Enugu possession) Old Anambra state in Southeastern Nigeria, comprised present day Anambra, Enugu state and Ebonyi states. It was divided in 1991. 75 Ibid. d was expropriated for coal mining by British colonial government in 1915. 76 Clive 1998. 77 Herbst 1997, p. 121. 78 Meek 1946; Uchendu 1979. 79 See Davidson and Munslow 1990; Umejesi 2011. 80 Under the 2009 Treaty, Italy agreed to pay, five billion dollar s to Libya within a period of 20 years (see Armstrong 2009, p p. 1 2). 81 See Porto 2003, p. 13. 82 Herbst 1997, p. 121. 83 www. http://www.ukti.gov.uk/export/countries/af rica/westafrica/nigeria.html References Adedipe, N.O., J.E. Olawoye, E S. Olarinde, and A.Y. Okediran. 1997 T enure Regimes and Private Land O Land Reform Bulletin 2: 1 13. Afigbo, Adiele E. 1982. Book review of J. White Central Administration in Nigeria, 1914 1948: the P roblem of Polarity in Africa: Journal of the International African Institute 52.4: 95 96. _____ (ed.), Groundwork of Nigerian History ( Ibadan: Heinemann Educational Publisher): 410 28. Ajayi and Michael Crowder (eds.), History of West Africa Vol. 1 ( London: Longman ): 331 7 3 African Affairs 52.208: 179 85. Bassett, Thomas. Century West Geographical Review 84.3: 316 35. Bayart, Jean Franois. 1993. The State in Africa: The Politics of the Belly London: Longman. BBC http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/magazine 12992540 _____. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk 15235812 Button, R. 1857. The Anatomy of Melancholy. Philadelphia: J.W. Moore. History Today 57: 10 http://www.historytoday.com/piers brendon/moral audit british empire

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64 | Umejesi Clive, J. Christie. 1998. A Modern History of Southeast Asia: Decolonization, Nationalism and Separatism London: I.B. Tauris & Co. Ltd. Davidson, B. and B. Munslow. 1 Review of African Political Economy 49: 9 21. Dike, Kenneth Onwuka, 1956. Trade and Po litics in the Niger Delta 1830 1885: An Introduction to the Economic and Political History of Nigeria Oxford: Clarendon Press. Comparative Studies in Society and History 17.1: 91 112. Journal of Comparative Legislation and International Law. Third Series. 33.3 4 : 49 55. Emeagwali.com. Memories of Post Colonial Africa: Reflections by Philip Emeag wali http://emeagwali.com/photos/nigerian/photo essay on nigeria.html. Philosophy Colloquium Series, University of Fort Hare, East London Campus South Africa. July 28. Land Reform Bulletin. The Geographical Journal 152.2: 204 16. The Journal of Modern African Studies 2.3: 379 93. Hair, P.E.H., 1954. A Study on Enugu, Unpublished Manuscript National Archives Enugu. Hannaford, I. 1996. R ace: The History of an Idea in the West. Johns Hopkins University Press: Baltimore. International Security 21.3: 120 44. _____ 2000. States and Power in Africa: Comparative Lessons in Autho rity and Control New Jersey: Princeton University Press. Horton, R. 1979. Stateless Societies in the History of West Africa. In J.F.A. Ajayi and Michael Crowder (eds.), History of West Africa Vol. 1 ( London: Longman ): 78 119 Ikejiofor, Cosmas Uche. 20 in Land Delivery in Enugu, Nigeria. A Case Study prepared for Revisiting Urban Planning: www.unhabitat.org/grhs/2009 Lagos Observer 1882. 12 October _____ 1882. erver Publishing Co. 1 June Lagos Standard 1914. rd Publishing Co. 7 January

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The Nation State Former S | 65 _____. 1914. Standar d Publishing Co. January 14 and Protec _____ Immanuel Wallestein (eds.), African Tradition and Change ( New York: Random House Inc. ): 272 73. Mamda m i, M. 2002. When Victims B ec ome K illers: Colonialism, Nativism, and the Genocide in Rwanda New Jersey: Princeton University. Journal of Comparative Legislation and International Law 3.28: 87 91. Menzel, W. 1840. Vol X LVII, 154 65, January June Edinburgh: William Blackwood & Sons. Meredith, M. 2011. The State of Africa: A History of the Continent since Independence Johannesburg: Jonathan Ball Publishers. Moore, W.T., 2010. Face Like Flint Bloomington Indiana: CrossBooks. Land), Enugu: National Archives. Accessed February 2008. Olaniyan, Boluwaji. 1971. Economic History of West Africa Ibadan: C axton Press. Porto, J.G. 2003. Cabinda: Notes on a Soon to be forgotten War. Institute for Security Studies. http://www.unpo.org/content/view/444/99/ pical Africa: Soils, Symbols, and the Annual Review of Anthropology 23: 347 77. Crowder (eds.), History of West Africa Vol. 2 ( London: Lo ngman ): 152 95. www. plato.stanford.edu/entries/hume/ www.http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/kant/ Talbot, Percy Amaury. 1937. The People of Southern Nigeria. Vol. 3 London: Frank Cass Publishers. The Journal of Modern African Studies 8.4: 563 84. _____ Groundwork of Nigerian History ( Ibadan: Heinemann Educational Publisher ): 393 409. Times of Nigeria 1914. f Nigeri a Publishing Co. February 3

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66 | Umejesi Journal of African Studies 6.2: 62 74. UKTI. Nigeria. www. http://www.ukti.gov.uk/export/countries/africa/westafrica/nigeria.html Extraction in Niger ia: A Socio historical Study of Petroleum and Coal Mining Communities. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Fort Hare, South Africa. _____ Nigeria: A Paradox of Economic Diversifi African Studies Quarterly 12.3: 1 21. Yancy, George. 2004. What White Looks Like: African American Philosophers on the Whiteness Question Great Britain: Routledge Zack, Naomi. 2002. Philosophy of Science and Race London: Routledge. Zins, Henryk Pula : Botswana Journal of African Studies 12.1 & 2: 58 68.

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Aran MacKinnon is professor history, and chair of the Department of History and Geography at Georgia College. He is the author of The Making of South Africa 2 nd edition (Pearson, 2012), articles on South African history in various scholarly journals, and co editor with Elaine MacKinnon of Places of Encounter Volumes 1 and 2 (Westview, 2012). University of Florida Board of Trustees, a public corporation of the State of Florida; permission is hereby granted for individuals to download articles for their own personal use. Published by the Ce nter for African Studies, University of Florida. ISSN: 2152 2448 REVIEW ESSAY Radical History and the Struggle Revisited: The Cambridge History of South Africa A RAN MACKINNON Carolyn Hamilton, Be rnard K. Mbenga and Robert Ross (eds.) 2010. The Cambridge History of South Africa, Volume 1, From Early Times to 1885. Cambridge, UK and New York, New York: C ambridge University Press. xx, 467 pp. Robert Ross, Anne Kelk Mager and Bill Nasson (eds.) 2011. The Cambridge History of South Africa, Volume 2, 1885 1994. Cambridge, UK and New York, New York: Cambridge University Press. xi, 724 pp. The much anticipated Cambridge History of South Africa (CHSA) seeks to provide, as the editors of Volume 2 state, an authoritative survey of the history of South Af rica from earliest times to 1994. This monumental work, in two volumes, is a once in a generation summative collection of essays by many of the leading historians of South Africa. It carries on in the tradition of its predecessors, The Cambridge History of the British Empire Volume 7, South Africa Rhodesia, and the High Commission Territories (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 19 63 ), edited by E Eric A. Walker and the widely read two volume Oxford History of South Africa (Oxford, UK: Clarendon P ress, 1968 and 1971) edited by L eonard M Thompson and M onica Hunter Wilson. The new CHSA covers the major historical developments in a more or less chronological manner, though there are differences of approach between Volume 1 and 2. Both volumes also provide an overview of the principal historiographical developments with particular emphasis on the editors contributions. They emphasize especially interpretations from the radical school that evolved under Shula Marks and St anley Trapido at the University of London and at Oxford University respectively, and in South Africa at the University of Cape Town and then the University of the Witwatersrand. The overall approach of the project is, therefore, necessarily reflective and so it tends to shy away from grappling fully with the still evolving post apartheid historiography or to provide many sign posts for the way ahead in South African history. As the editors acknowledge, however, much of the work on South Africa by professio nal historians has been dominated by the same political divisions that plagued the for inclusivity of a broader range of voices. As the editors of Volume 1 note (p. xiv) the an emanation of the British establishment, and so the perspectives in the following chapters reflect the work of mostly white academics but with notable exceptions.

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68 | MacKinnon Volume 1 opens, after a brief introduction, wit discussion about the production and meaning of South African history, including how to interpret the limited evidence available from the pre historical period. In a way that does not seem to emerge as clearly from Volume 2, this first chapter considers the implications and influences of the post apartheid settings on our understanding of South African history. It also considers the broad range of sources that are available, including the rich body of oral, material and vi sual evidence. The editors also draw our attention to the development led by Carolyn Hamilton, John Wright and others of expertise in parsing out the ways that pre colonial evidence was often mediated through colonial lense s. The balance of this chapter sets out, in chronological order, the major schools of historiography. This valuable discussion provides an important consideration not only of the types of self conscious narratives produced since early times, ranging from r ock art and recorded oral evidence through the various colonial categories of history to those created at the end of apartheid, but also the historical contexts they emerged from. While the focus of this discussion highlights the period under consideration in Volume 1, it provides some sobering thoughts that could equally apply to Volume 2. Chief among these is the posing of very salient and discomforting questions for South African history and historians, and that is who owns both the production of history and the meanings to be derived from it? The next seven chapters provide an engaging introduction to and analysis of the established treatments of the major developments in South African history to 1885. Chapter 2 by John Parkington and Simon Hall, lead ing scholars of pre historical archaeological sites in South Africa, sets out the establishment and development of food producing communities in the region. Among the critical questions that Parkington and Hall address are the nature and completeness of th e technology package that arrived with pioneering farmers and the extent to which the Central Cattle Pattern is a useful tool of analysis for historical change among pre historical pastoralists. This chapter does an excellent job of explaining complex data and the nature of the excavations of important sites. The diagrams and maps, however, do not provide sufficient detail understanding. It is also somewhat curious that the authors have elected to use the old standard Christian centric dating system as opposed to the more current Common Era (CE) communities in the second millennium A.D. In this narrative, Hall g uides us through the formation and expansion of identifiable hierarchal societies that can be tracked through pre historical as well as written sources. An important theme of the chapter is the extent to which these communities made clear links, socially and commercially, with the wider world. He introduces the Shona speakers and the Mapungubwe complex in the Limpopo valley, and then guides us through the expanding trade networks that eventually connected up with Great Zimbabwe before considering the emerg ence of the Sotho Tswana communities of the South African high veldt as well as the Nguni speaking farmers of the eastern littoral. Robert Ros san and European entanglements sets the stage for the first white colonial founda tions in the Cape in chapter 4. Significantly, the maps are quite clear and Ross pays close attention to the interplay of people and the environment. John Wright provides the next, critical chapter, on political transformations between the 1760s and the 1 debates here is a masterful synthesis of this complex and contested topic, although he is less concerned with the apparent me anings derived from the debate than with clearing a path through them. Martin Legassick and Robert Ross teamed up to craft chapter 6 on the slave and settler

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Review Essay: Cambridge History of South Africa | 69 economies that emerged in the Cape. It is here that we begin to see the clear furrow of radical and materialist history in the CHSA and this very detailed analysis rel ies on what seems the almost inescapable geographic progression of settler history emanating from the Cape and projecting into the interior through trade, Christianity and conquest. In chapter 7, Norman Etherington, Patrick Harries and Bernard Mbenga cons ider the new relations wrought by the ascendency of imperial power over colonial and African societies. It is somewhat surprising, given the fresh perspective that Etherington provided in his critically acclaimed The Great Treks (London: Pearson Education, 2001) that this chapter in the CHSA s t ill refers to the binary of frontier relations in what is otherwise portrayed as an open, fluid period of social and political relationships. The chapter does, nevertheless, pay significant attention to questions of r ace, identity and science, as well as the familiar narrative of imperial history. ling synthesis on the theme of Transformations in Conscio c hronological progression. Landau takes a thema w hat about themselves and how they thought they could affect their world. This chapter is perhaps more anthropological, even philosophical, than his torical but it does reveal a great deal about how some people articulated their understanding of the major historical forces of the period prior to industrialization. Overall, this volume covers most of the important developments in the history and histor iography and serves as an important reference work. It would have benefitted from better, larger maps and diagrams, as wel l as an annotated bibliography V olume 2 has at least a full bibliography, but it does no t appear to cover both volumes and review of a t least some of the better, well established online resources now available. Volume 2 is a longer and somewhat more comprehensive synthesis covering the period from 1885 until 1994. It includes statistical tables as well as a bibliography. The starting dat e is linked to what the editors see as the motors of South African history, the domination by European settlers through conquests, mineral discoveries and the advent of industrial capitalism. As with the first volume, it seeks to reflect past scholarship a nd historiography. The editors state above all . of the so called radical or revisionist historians and the (p. 1) While this period was undoubtedly a high water mark of South African hist ory, and the contributors to Volume 2 are among the preeminent scholars of the field, in the CHSA they remain focused on the period prior to the formal end of apartheid. It is lamentable that these important and very influential historians have not sought to provide some more solid sign posts for the consideration of history after 1994 or to engage more fully with the important realms of public history and heritage which have recently exploded. There also appears a hesitancy to consider these emergent fiel ds or the wider popular efforts to lay claim to the production of history and historical memory. A discussion of heritage and historical memory, for example, is afforded just six pages in the final chapter, though some of the implications of these approach es appear throughout many chapters. The overall arc of Volume 2 follows a different approach than Volume 1 with thematic chapters, some of which have considerable chronological overlap, and others that are focused on specific thematic topics such as demogr aphy or the economy. The introduction to Volume 2 provides a broad and very useful consideration of the historiography. Here, the editors pay particular attention to the politically inspired nature of the radical and Marxist interpretations. Indeed, it is hard to imagine appreciating, let alone

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70 | MacKinnon understanding, South African history and historians over the past fifty years without a clear recognition of its central role in political activism from all sides of the spectrum. They also provide the context for th e emergence of important new threads of social and feminist history, but there is less attention to the historiography of both rural and urban developments than one might have expected. Given the considerable body of works on environmental history related to South Africa especially in terms of settler capitalism and perceptions of African management of the environment it is somewhat surprising that there is not more space devoted to this important area of study. The chapters in Volume 2 move from thematic to chronological developments covering what the editors see as the motors of South African history: the domination by European settlers through conquests, mineral discoveries and the advent of industrial capitalism. It also seeks to explain how various i dentities were forged through both agency and domination. The first chapter, by Saul Dubow, provides a very engaging and sweeping narrative on the nature of South African identity. This is, essentially, a historiographical analysis of the ways historians and South Africans themselves have thought about social and economic categories such as race, class, nationalism and citizenship as well as ideas served well as the summative concluding chapter for Volume 2, especially if it had been expanded to include more consideration of the post imperialism and settler capitalism in a classically radical fashion. Here one is reminded not struggle. His contributions will be missed. Shula Marks, who not only shaped many of the seminal arguments and analyses that are the foundation for the CHSA but also trained many of the historians who also contributed to these foundations, wrote the next two chapters spanning the period from 1880 1910. These chapters cover the important yet complex relations among race, class, gender and consciousness as wel l as emergent nationalism among blacks and Afrikaners in the prelude to the South African war and the forging of Union. Ever insightful and sensitive to questions of agency as well as the powerful forces of domination and subordination, Marks captures the colonized subjects were actively engaged in complex cultural choices, although some had interpretat ion of the rise of white domination by considering the challenges to and limits of the segregationist state from 1910 1948. He notes the contradictions inherent in the Union of white the nature of South African society and culture for the same period. While this chapter does an excellent job of covering both developments in both urban and rural areas, it seems perhaps less concerned with popular culture than it is with class. 1970. In addition to explaining how the meaning and evolutio n of apartheid have been understood, Posel makes the important point that at its core, apartheid was about the politics not of just defining but also of managing population groups and demography. As with all the chapters in Volume 2, the authors remind us that the shaping of white domination was a deeply ambiguous and uneven project, and that, more importantly, understanding its persistence requires recognizing the interaction of the

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Review Essay: Cambridge History of South Africa | 71 successes and failures of the state. In chapters 8 and 9, Anne Mager and M aanda Mulaudzi, and Tom Lodge respectively address popular responses to apartheid from 1948 1975 and the resistance that led to tentative reforms from 1973 analyzes the ways that the majority of South Africans came to un derstand the struggle, and the relationship they had with their political elite leadership. Of particular note in this chapter is the attention to both women and consumer culture in the resistance movements. ts of change in the relationship between the political and economic transformation of the country. His analysis of the trade union movement and the connections with popular resistance is particularly engaging. Perhaps less consistent with the scope and pu rpose of the CHSA, though certainly still expertly crafted, is chapter 10 by Charles Simkins on the changing population. This brief chapter, while replete with interesting and important data seems somewhat disconnected from the main flow of the radical na rrative and provides rather less analysis than is needed to show the relationship between history and demographic change. In chapter 11, Nicoli Nattrass and Jeremy Seekings provide a masterful overview of the nature and progression of the economy. While th e analysis here remains focused on key economic indicators, it also developments. Of particular importance is the way Nattrass and Seekings illuminate an understanding of poverty in all its manifestations. The penultimate chapter by Tlhalo Radithlalo is a lively and detailed consideration of the ways South Africans expressed themselves culturally through literature and the arts. This insightful chapter is too brief and the CHSA could have benefitted from its expansion, especially into an analysis of the post apartheid period. Similarly, the final chapter by Albert Grundlingh, Christopher Saunders, Sandra Swart and Howard Phillips is also all too brief given the important t opics covered. Indeed, this important summative chapter only cursorily considers the recent and possible future historiographical developments in the major areas of the environment, heritage, resistance and health. It is somewhat surprising that the CHSA did not provide more scope for a consideration of what the authors show are the longer established analyses of these topics, especially the history of health, and, as noted previously, environmental history, both of which have deep roots in the pre 1994 pe riod. In the final analysis, the CHSA is a welcome and authoritative culmination of historical scholarship from the seminal period of apartheid. It reflects the very considerable and important contributions of leading academics from a period when history and politics were so deeply connected to the struggle to transform South Africa. As such, the CHSA is also clearly bound by the historical confines of that period I t will remain for the next generation of scholars to grapple with South African history aft er the end of apartheid.

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Afric an Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.e du/asq/pdfs/v13i3a5.pdf University of Florida Board of Trustees, a public corporation of the State of Florida; permission is hereby granted for ind ividuals to download articles for their own personal use. Published by the Center for African Studies, Univ ersity of Florida. ISSN: 2152 2448 BOOK REVIEWS Mohamed Adhikari. 2010. The Anatomy of a South African Genocide: The Extermination of the Cape San Peoples. Ath ens: Ohio University Press 120 p p The book presents a chronological exposition from 1652 when the Dutch East India Company established a refreshment station at Table Bay up to the San's participation in the second Korana war (1878 79) along the Gariep. One's first reaction when embarking on reading this book is to ask hy yet another publication on this subject? The writer himself provides the following motivation : the matter has little presen and none of the number of scholars writing on th e Cape San co have analysed this case specifically as one of genocide ( p p 21 22 ). While one wonders on what grounds the writer bases his first allegation, and while the accuracy of the second statement is debatable, the reality of genocide of the Sa n peoples is an incontestable part of the tragic racial history of South Africa. Traces of viewing the San, and also plague to be eradicated appear as recently as in 1929; two articles by C.J. Strydom in the Huisgenoot (of 29 November an purification of the North West of Bushmen and Korana (Afrikaans title: Boesmans en Korannas H oe die Noordweste van hulle gesuiwer is )! In a time where fundamentalist intolerance, xenophobia and racism still crop up constantly, Adhikari book serves as an apt, timely and necessary call to guard against the horrors of such outrage. While very little criticism can be brought against the content of the book it does indeed testify to the skill, expertise and scholarship of the writer I am not entirely convinced that the multi faceted nature of the question is sufficiently addressed and emphasised. In my opinion this challenge has still to be taken up. In this regard I would like to point out th e following First, initially the San were not limited to the Cape but were spread out across the whole of Southern Africa. To a greater or lesser extent they met with the same fate in Namibia, Botswana, Lesotho and the then South African Republic (ZAR) a nd Orange Free State (OFS). It seems as if minimal research has been conducted focusing on the San genocide in the last two of these regions. Second, colonial documentation does not alwa ys distinguish clearly Hottentot Bushman and the term Hottentot was often used to refer to both groups. The Hottentot herdsmen Bushmen hunter gathers that has been pointed out in the so called Kalahari debate meant that action taken laying of Khoekhoe and vice versa. For example, during the B attle of Mumusa between the ZAR and the Korana of Chief David Massouw Rijt Taaibosch in December 1885 that led to the destruction and extermination of the last functional community of Korana in So uthern Africa, a number of San fought on the side of the Korana. This battle is, in the light of Adhikari's definition and the analogies present in the actions of the Cape government after the second Korana war, clearly an instance of genocide. Because gen ocide of indigenous peoples in Southern Africa is not limited to the San, this question remains open to a wider, more inclusive examination. Third, I am convinced that racist and religious views of the settlers, trek farmers and frontier freebooters, toget her with greed, played a major role in the

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BOOK REVIEWS | 73 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf genocide of the first indigenous peoples, and thus demand a more detailed exploration than is supplied. In the fourth place, the fact that the Korana, Griqua and Bastard groups also played a role in the extermina tion of the San is mentioned only in passing. According to earlier sources their influence was considerable. While colonialism unmistakeably played a role in the creation of an unstable interior there is indication of a pre colonial phase where it was abou t raids, revenge and the capture of slaves and women from other groups. I am unaware of recent research in this regard and am of the opinion that greater clarity on this aspect of history would enable us to construct a more nuanced image of the genocide o f the San. Finally, in order to avoid complete extermination the San did not only migrate to the geographical peripheral areas. They deliberately concealed their San identity by taking on the customs and language of surrounding populations h ence the popula r use of the appellation the secret San In effect, the San were not only subject to genocide, but also to ethnocide. While the writer refers to a distinction between genocide and ethnocide, the latter did have an impact on the disappearance of the San a nd deserves attention in our final analysis. recommended textbook to all who are interested in the subject. Piet Erasmus University of the Free State Eric Allina. 2012. Slavery by Any Other Name: African Life und er Company Rule in Mozambique Charlottesville: Uni versity of Virginia Press. 255 p p Slavery by Another Name: The Re Enslavement of Black Americans from the Civil War to World War II (2008). Both volumes document the intimate relationship between global capitalism and race based systems of slavery, but the respective regimes under the microscope also seem re flections of each other government and lack of identification, to make worker quotas; the long and deadly hours of toil in mines or on plantations. Just as Blackmo continuation of slavery in the post Civil War American South, so does Allina make a most worthy contribution to the growing body of literature on slavery and its profits in the European occupied sph eres of Africa. Slavery by Any Other Name in fact, is the first book to make use of the archives of the Mozambique Company, a collection of papers accidentally left behind in Mozambique when scholarly us d ( p. 13). Allina deftly illustrates how Portugal, lacking resources comparable to the rest of Europe from having lost Brazil earlier in the century, sought to develop its African colony of Mozambique on the cheap by outsourcing much of it to the Mozambique Company established by Joaqum

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74 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf unto the natives. Of course, these two things were related, for the company sought to imagined indolence), usually for the operations of white farmers and industrialists, who, operating on the cheap themselve s, provided little to nothing in the way of amenities or food for their workers and often whipped them for failing to meet assigned production quotas violence which increased Allina expertly explicates how the Mozambique Company established a veritable police state for Africans in order to compel their labor the company issued official passes, the random arrests, the ever the labor poo l, and more (even before Portugal, under Antnio Salazar, became the only dictatorship among the colonial powers) surviving documents, to replicate a localized view of how company officials negotiated with individual chiefs for the labor of their followers; how the company disrupted relationships between youth and elders, between men and women, by driving so many youths into the wage labor market; and how Africans resisted by crossing borders into Brit ish occupied territory when they could or migrating to other employment at strategic times. If there is one criticism of this book, it is that Allina misses the occasional chance to demonstrate the extent of apparent pan European solidarity in the face of cha llenges to white rule in Africa. F or example, a brief rebellion in Baru rather surprises the reader given how much space the author devotes to illustrating the compet ition of these two powers, but the author fails to attach any meaning to this example of cooperation ( p. 120). p. 179). When the only state structure is one whose sole purpose is the pursuit of profit, rsuit of profit is reinforced colonial racial hierarchies and a among other examinations of savage colonialism on the African continent, such as Adam (1998), being a perfect volume not just for African history courses but also colonial and labor studies. Guy Lancaster Encyclopedia of Arkansas Hi story & Culture Boatema Boateng. 2011. Intellectual Property in Ghana. Minneapolis: Unive rsity of Minneapolis Press 216 p p Common discussions of copyright and intellectual property usuall y focus on familiar media such as publications, film, television, and music, copyright being individually owned and executed by authors, publishers, or producers. However, copyright can be extended to all original, creative work s, in any form so how does cop yright apply to works without singular author? This is the question that Boateng focuses on in

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BOOK REVIEWS | 75 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf Adinkra and Kente Cloth as Intellectual Property in Ghana relatively short length. Into 182 pages, Boateng skillfully navigates the disciplines of legal studies, African studies, and sociology to examine the application of copyright law to the Ghanaian art forms of adinkra design and kente cloth. The introduction covers the historical a nd theoretical framework for her argument, including the Asante and Ghanaian historical context, intellectual property law, and implications for adinkra and kente cloth as intellectual property. Boateng devotes chapters to Asante considerations of authorsh ip, the role that gender has in cloth production and appropriation, the limits of intellectual property law as applied to artisans, the politics and economic implications of appropriation of adinkra and kente, and global regulation of the art forms. The ma in debate about adinkra and kente as intellectual property is centered on the fact that these art forms are considered to be both indiv idually and communally authored and based on social norms so that individual authorship is formally forsaken in favor of broader claims to communal authorship, although individual authors receive anecdotal credit for their work. Doing so places the work in the public domain, at which point others, particularly the Ghanaian state and those who make mass production replicas of adinkra and kente, can benefit from the authorship of artisans without penalty. As Boateng individual or communal, and for that reason, applications of copyright and int ellectual property to adinkra and kente fall short. sources are wide ranging. While she uses oral testimony in the form of life histories and interviews as the initial basis of her argument, that argument is also thoroughly referenced and supported by works within intellectual property and copyright law, A frican art, and sociology and anthropology. Within intellectual property and copyright, Boateng cites The Public Domain: Enclosing the Commons of the Mind (2008), as Power of Their Word: Selected Papers from Proceedings of the 1st National Conference on Oral Literature in Ghana (1988), in addition to several works from the World Intellectual Property Organization. In her discussions on adinkra and kent Cloth as Metaphor Wrapped in Pride: Ghanaian Kente and African American Identity Asante in the 19th Century (1975). W here Boateng shines however, is in her handling of sociological theory to analyze the power dynamics inherent in intellectual property law and its applications in Ghana. In her examination of Ghanaian folklore, she examines class issues, debates over tradition and mod ernity, and the effects of commodification, nationalism, and globalization on lawmaking Provincializing Europe: Postcolonial Thought and Historical Differenc e (2000) and Henry Giro Terror of Neoliberalism: Authoritarianism and the Eclipse of Democracy (2004). It is this analysis that elevates her work from the purely anthropological, with its use of life histories, or solely within the realm of legal studies, with its focus on c supports her argument quite well, and the endnote citations include extra, useful details about her sources. The potential audience for this text could be anyone interested in present limits of copyright and intellectual property, as well as those interested in the complicated relationship between tradition and modernity espec ially as it relates to folklore. I believe anyone interested

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76 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf in exploring the complex interactions and negotiations that occur when law s come in contact Michelle Guittar, Northeastern Illinois University Daniel Branch. 2011. Kenya: Between Hope and Despair, 1963 2011 New Hav en: Yale University Press. 366 pp. Kenya has been a beacon of stability in the East African sub region albeit a political milieu colo red by institutionalization of violence over the years and economic marginalization, often viewed in ethno governance c risis in post colonial Kenya, focusing mainly on the role played by elites. It ought to be noted that the violence that rocked Kenya following the 2007 elections was not a surprise episode but a simmering volcano only waiting to explode. Ethnicity as a med ium of political mobilization coupled with profound divisions along regional and religious lines have characterized local politics (Ajulu 2001, p. 1) 1 Indeed, the spate of communal violence has either been sponsored or condoned by elites in positions of p ower. What the author describes as informali z ing state repressive institutions to serve political ends. The volume is niftily organized, chronologically pre senting dynamics of Kenyan politic s under three regimes (Kenyatta 1963 78; Moi 1978 2002; Kibaki 2002 present). It is basically a blend of informed personal reflections and biographical characterization of the most influential well titles, sub headings t hat reflect popular local political jargons. Ironically, th e text in chapter five, titled Love, Peace and Unity, 1982 88, The book will definitely attract the attention of the academic community of political scientists, historians and university students, especially those keenly interest ed in African politics. The author adeptly clarifies concepts prominent in the literature on African politics such as ethnicity, redistribution, inequality, corruption, succession politics, etc. Branch uses two sets of primary sources to compile what he ca memoirs and civil society reports. Rightly so, Branch cautions that both of these sources should be treated with care as they might have been prejudiced by strategic and political agendas of their authors. The recurring themes of the book are ethnic chauvinism, political assassinations and to act as a restraining force on misbehaving elites jostling for power (p. 293), and that in the 294). As redistribution policy was abandoned by successive regimes, Kenyans made best use of ethnic networks to acc ess land, jobs and political power. This is

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BOOK REVIEWS | 77 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf describe patronage networks or informal client patron power networks based on mutual favors ( Brown 2004 ) Political assass inations of influential figures like PG Pinto, Tom Mboya, JM political history. Moreover, mismanagement and scandalous deals like Goldenberg, disappearance of strat governance system They have led the author to conclude that a fundamental overhaul of politics and governance has not yet taken place in the four years since the 2007 disputed rather as a hybrid form of democracy and authoritarianism (p. There are, nonetheless, some sections of the book that needed improvement. A slightly enhanced a nalytical section on the outcome of the 2010 referendum vote would have immensely percent disapproval rate, with the highest No vote recorded in the Rift Valley Pro vince, is not a matter to gloss over. Thirty one of forty nine Rift Valley constitue No pointing to fears expressed by the Kalenjin community of domination by other groups in the new counties (KNDR 2010, p. 27) An apparent omission also in th No for opposing the draft constitution. Besides, there is no mention at all of initial mediation attempts in the post 2007 electi on violence by Archbishop Desmond Tutu, who was the first external mediator to arrive under the umbrella of the All Africa Conference of Churches (AACC). Lastly, it is inaccurately presented that when the constitution was amended in 1991 to pave way for mu ltiparty elections, the presidential tenure four years (p. 240), instead of the inserted two five year term limits. Notes 1 See also Khadiagala 2008, p. 6. References Ajulu, Rok 2001. Democratization and Conflict in Eastern Africa: Ken L ikely Impact on Eastern Africa and the Great Lakes Region IGD Occasiona l Paper No. 28 Brown, Stephen 2004 . Journal of Contemporary African Studi es 22:3 25 42 Kenya National Dialogue and Reconcili ation (KNDR) Monitoring Project. 2010. Review Report October Khadiagala Gilbert M. 2008 Eastern Africa: Security and the Legacy of Fragility Afri ca Program Working Paper Series. New York: Internationa l Peace Institute. Rasul Ahmed Minja University of Duisburg Essen

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78 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf Lothar Brock, Hans Henrik Holm, Georg S rensen and Michael Stohl. 2012. Fragile States: Violence and the Failure of Intervention. Cambridge, UK: Polity Press. 194 pp. Authors Brock, Holm, S rensen, and Stohl, have done a creditable job in writing a book length analysis on fragile states, richly illustrated by case studies of Afghanistan, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC ), and Haiti, and which also examines both the positive and negative contributions of outsiders to these fragile states. The authors prepare the canvas for the study by noting, in the introduction, that interstate war has been in decline since the end of the Second World War; what is not in decli ne, however, is the occurrence of intrastate war. Such intrastate conflict is not the exclusive province of scale, intrastate violence there tends t This observ ation is perhaps a bit tautological, since conflict is one of the factors that tend to define state fragility, but the observation is nevertheless important, particularly since such conflict tends to spread to neighboring states. Another important obser vation, and perhaps one of the key reasons for studying fragile states, is that they can provide a breeding ground for terrorism and violence so mething noted by U.S. leaders when . st ated that t he country was now threatened less by conquer (p. 8) This threat, combined with humanitarian concerns, provides ample motivation for studying the dynamics of fragile states. In the initial chapter the authors examine key i ndicators that define fragile states. These indicators are reinforced by a review of the literature and by comparison with other indices Cooperation and Development (OECD ) measures. There are some striking counter intuitive revelations in the book, such as the identification which are examined in contrast to the case study countries of Afghanistan, Haiti, and the DRC. Another counter valuable natural resources in a country can actually increase the probability of fragility, due to the intense competition for cont rol of these resources by factional interests within the country. r, cobalt, and coltan in abundance, the DRC has never been able to use these resources to the benefit of the state in the way that Botswana has, for example, but control of these resources has proven too great a temptation for those in power who wanted to keep the wealth for themselves. In Chapter 4, examining the options for coping with state fragili ty, the authors conclude the capacity of outsiders to address the problems of weak states is limited and . both domestic and international conditio ns make interventi In this chapter, the authors note that international organizations in gener al, and the African Union (AU) in particular, have modified their long standing policy against intervening in the affairs of of African Unity (OAU), had always been reluctant to take such a bold stand.

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BOOK REVIEWS | 79 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf fragile states, the concluding chapter recommendations are tepid at best. The authors examine external conditions conducive to the mi tigation of fragile (p. 167); thousands [or more] . international society should be ready to act with much greater speed and efficiency (p 170) In other words, monitor the situation of fragile states, but intervene only when the consequences of inaction appear to be disastrous. Subject matter experts and general readers who are interested in the fate of fragile states will enjoy this book but, considering the weighty subject matter and the combined expertise of the four scholars who wrote this study, the lack of a more dynamic series of recommendations is disappointing. Norman Clark Capshaw U.S. Africa Command and the University of Ph oenix J. Calvitt Clarke III. 2011. Alliance of the Colored Peoples: Ethiopia and Japan before World War II. Oxford, UK: James Currey for the International African Institu te. 198 pp. Only a truly dedicated historian with the passion and the patience for mi nute details, including those details which are found scattered in space and time, could write this book. By organizing and interpreting such details, J. Calvitt Clarke III has rendered outstanding service to those of us who for personal or professional r While Ethiopia had had a longstanding, and at times intimate, diplomatic relations with the United States after World War II, Ethio Japanese relations had been eventful before World War II. But th ere was a gaping hole about the latter in the scholarship until now. This book is the first and fullest account of Ethio Japanese relations before World War II. outset. What follows is a general discussion of the dilemmas of moderniz ation Ethiopia had faced and how it generally resolved them as illustrated by the struggle that ensued between major characters in Ethiopia who were to play ce ntral role in the debates about whether Japan constitution (1931). some extent. Both Ethiopia and Japan showed readiness to adapt different systems of organ ization and thought from abroad in their respective effort to modernize their societies. Both countries put emphasis on the positive role of education in social transformation. We also s modernization, he was unwilling to devolve power as Emperor Meiji had done in Japan. Haile Selassie sought to

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80 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf the failure of Ethiopia and success of Japan. Thi s, of course, is an intriguing issue, which is worth exploring more fully in its own right. Welde Sellase to Japan from November to December 1931. Sellase later authored a book in Amharic about what he called Great Japan which was subsequently translated into Japanese and was published in Tokyo as Dai Nihon in 1934. The same portion of the book includes critical interest in Ethiopia. This is followed by a closer examination of the changing contours of the relationship between Italy, Russia, Japan and China again in the context of Ethio ian and a Japanese and the various reactions to it in different quarters in both countries are then dissected piece by piece. The contending theories about political and military ties between Japan and Ethiopia are closely examined in Chapter 8 against t African country, the support for Ethiopia among the Japanese at the grassroots level, and the The book last chapter is conc erned with the official and unofficial positions of Japan vis vis the Italian actions in different segments of Japanese society are also carefully outlined. As part of the policy toward the so called Italo (p. 162) One of the unique features of the book is that it integrates a variety of issues relating to Ethio Japanese relations in the 1920s and 1930s and treats them in a manner that is both engaging and stimulating, significantly raising in the process the level of discourse in this field. Of course, th e book is not flawless. To start with the title of the book, Alliance of the Colored Peoples is somewhat misleading because there is no indication, except for some anecdotal statements, of sustained discourse either in Ethiopia or in Japan about such all iance. If anything the generalization we could draw from this book is that the driving force of Ethio Japanese relations was more complex and that it was not solely, or even primarily, based on Another flaw is that major event s in the book are generally related only by the month and date of their occurrence, with the year rarely mentioned. This approach probably sprang out of which yea rs. But the fact is that this system of dating makes the task of reading cumbersome at best, especially given the density of the book. No indication in the book also whether or not the author had visited Ethiopia and consulted Amharic archives there. In stead it was implied that he had not. If so, the question becomes if he was able to travel to Rome, Tokyo and Washington for archival research, why was he unable to go to Ethiopia to do the same? Surely, language could be a barrier for the author in Et hiopia (if he does not speak Amharic) but still he could have found some way for dealing with that challenge. After all the central issues in some of the chapters of the book included the discourse which had taken place among Ethiopian elites in one of the oldest newspapers in the country. Last but not least, Clarke uncritically repeats Jeanne Pierre logically untenable assertion (p. 5) that

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BOOK REVIEWS | 81 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf was tangential to the subject under discussion one could have simply ignored it as a minor distraction but it is not. That said, however, the book is still a most welcome analysis of the history of relations between Ethiopia and Japan before World War II. Clarke Alliance of the Colored Peoples (2011) does for Ethio Japanese relations before the Second World War what The Lion of Judah in the New World (2011) does for Ethio American relations after the Second World War Seifudein Adem Binghamton University Scarlett Cornelissen, Fantu Cheru and Timothy M. Shaw (eds ) 2012 Africa and Internatio nal Relations in the 21 st Century. New Yor k, NY: Palgrave Macmillan. 248 pp. The editors introduce the argument of Africa and International Relations in the 21 st Century by precisely analyz ing post colonial and post independence Africa in the preface of th e book. The analysis highlights how post colonial and post independence political and economic scholars described African continent, especially those with a North Atlantic cultural orientation who The Economist (p. v iii). However, the twenty first c entury African scholars and investors in the current analysis view Africa in a more positive manner, as a continent of hope for the world economic growth and as an active participant in international political and economi c system. The goal of the editors is to respond to the general perspective of under representation of Africa in the mainstream i nternational r elations t heory (p. viii) and as an augment to the previous volume Theory (Kevin Dunn and Timothy M. Shaw, eds., 2001 ) in order to align the theory with the fastest economic and social development growth of the continent in the twenty first century This goal makes the contribution of this book significant to the on going debate about theoretic and contextualization of political power, sovereignty of states, conflict resolution, peace keeping, social development and the changing social dynamics in the continent of Africa in relation to IR Africa is an interesting contine nt; politically, economically and developmentally. For over four decades, the political economy of the continent was colonial masters, grants from financial institutions where African states were merely recipients not recog nized contributors and the policies were basically overshadowed by the definitions of the aid giver described by the impleme ntation of eight UN Millennium Goals ( MDGs ) by the developing countries. The Summit concluded that poverty and vulnerability to health challenges were likely to remain on the African continent due to ecological changes and most probably also exacerbated by political conflicts, energy shortage and poor management of the available natural resources (p p 9 12). Yet, Africa is not left without hope. Although Africa and developing world have been marginalized in IR theory debate, some scholars have argued that t his is due to lack of engagement with developing world, particularly the African continent that has resulted into living in denial of some developed world of African

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82 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf positive contribution to world political and economic system. However, South Africa has emerged a member of the G20 countries; a grouping of the world top fast est growing economies. This is the dawn of African participation in international relations forum s at a higher level. Karen Smith, a contributor in this volume, argues that one way of including Africa as an object of study and Africans as potential agents of IR is by critically evaluating the interpretation of concepts used in IR and concepts that are absent in Western IR discourses (p. 26). The objective understanding of the concepts of political governance and democracy in Africa as a community ( ubuntu philosophy) rather than individual states is critical as one considers the participation and contribution of Africa to IR scholarship at global level (p. 27). The African depend on rather than independent of community in their faculty; therefore, it is crucially important for IR scholars from the English speaking community to respect and interpret African contribution to IR scholarship with objectivity. Therefore, this s cholarship should be viewed from both collectivist and individualist rather than either collectivist or individualist perspective s Deliberate ignoring of collectivist view of political governance in Africa may raise difficulties in understanding the biasn ess of African contribution to IR scholarship theory in political and economic development internationally; since the world is not only comprised of individualist view s but collectivist view s identity, and culture too. The future of Africa in IR scholars hip is seemingly promising. Africa has extensively and positively contributed to political and economic development of international relations system of both develope d and developing world through the s lave trade, Diasporas and post modernity participatio n in bilateral and multilateral political and economic forums. It is notable also that in the past two decades Africa has positioned itself in its rightful place in the world. Paradoxically or candidly, Africa is the giant of the world political and econom ic development reform. Although the African continent has been negatively defined in international relations by some scholars, it is the only continent whose resources ranging from human to mineral resources have contributed significantly to the IR. Africa and International Relations in the 21 st Century is a must read resource for graduate students in political science, public administration and international business administration. George Allan Phiri, Institute of Research, Development & Training Toyin Fa lola and Nana Akua Amponsa h 2012. Saharan Africa S anta Barbara: ABC CLIO, LLC. 232 pp. Saharan Africa provides the reader with a general and accessible over v history throughout sub Saharan Africa. To do so, the authors, Nana Akua Amponsah, PhD student at the University of Texas (Austin) and Toyin Falola, h istory p rofessor at the same u niversity, try to cover the huge cultural a nd social diversity in Africa together with the main historical processes that have shaped the different situations and experiences of African women.

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BOOK REVIEWS | 83 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf The volume starts with a very brief chronology covering some of the outstanding events in sub Saharan Afr ica in which women played an important role. Following a brief introduction, marr iage, family, religion, work, arts and literature, government, and education. Together with a series of black and white pictures, each chapter is accompanied by a complete list of notes as well as suggested readings. Moreover, at the end of the book there is a brief glossary of a series of specific terms referred to along the volume. The first two chapters offer an overview of marriage as an institution, which despite being position in society, rather than the individual, romantic love and the courtship process was, and still is, an important factor to accept or reject the marriage contract. Indeed, romantic love goes beyond the Western ideal of exclusivity and has always be en a strong component in ancient African societal systems. Moreover, this part of the book provides an overview on the delicate topic of the still and kinship, paying speci al attention to female or matrilineal descent systems. The following in traditional African religions, Christianity and Islam, as well as the paradoxical impact of such religion has been a source of equality; in other instances it has been a source of oppression. ket; going from the traditional domestic and agricultural jobs to current positions in the labor market, which despite offering them more economic opportunities, are also a source of discrimination and sexual harassment. Linking to this issue, chapter six essential in African societies, their access to political authorities has been mostly indirect, which has been partly the result of the colonial political discrimination. Recently, however, mor e and more women have acquired more politically active roles, including their participation in armed combats. natured of such area, whereby women have traditionally used songs, poems and narratives to convey their experiences and cultural values to the new generations. Moreover, in the current rategies of survival. Finally, and in close roles in education during three main periods: pre colonial times, whe n most education was non formal, colonial and post colonial times, highlighting the negative effects that gendering educati towards typically feminine tasks in the domestic arena, numerous governmental agencies, N G Os and scholars have been concerned with studying this lack of educational opportu nities roles and increasing their poverty levels, compared to men. All in all, it can be said that the book offers quite an optimistic vision of the different rol es women play in sub Saharan African societies, trying to step away from either the traditional image of victimized women or some few cases of powerful queen mothers or spiritual leaders

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84 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf as agents of dramatic change. Although it is true that the vast diversity of women in this region cannot be categorized in these two groups, and that many socioeconomic and political achievements in the continent have ordinary women, it should also be noted that, considering the huge div ersity in the sub Saharan continent, the book is quite interesting as a mere introductory text to the issue, but is, on the whole, to o wide in contents and geographical scope. Ester Serra Mingot Student of the European Master in Migrat ion and Intercultura l Relations John T. Friedman. 2011. Imag ining the Post Apartheid State An Ethnographic Account of Namibia New York and Oxford: Berg hahn Books. xii. 328 pp. Focusing on the post apartheid Namibian state, this first monograph of anthropologist John T. Fried 3). In a methodologically novel way, Friedman approaches the Namibian state through an exploration of state related political imaginations a mo ng people of Kaokoland in north western Namibia conceptualiz ed as the multiple ways in which Kaokolanders 8). In capturing such state imaginings in Kaokoland, explic itly chosen for its geographical and political marginality vis vis the post apartheid Namibian state, the author relies on study of capital town Opuwo in 2000, 2001, and 2008. In particular, he focuses on the notions of government (Part 1), courts (Part 2) and chieftainship (Part 3) as a prism through which to refract political imagina ethnographise the Namibian state. mentality in Kaokoland the region. Through the study of colonial archives and extensive key informant interviews, Friedman skilfully maps how Kaokolanders (primarily Herero and Himba) relate to and what they expect from the post apartheid Namibian state. The dominant discourse he uncovers is marked by a diminished entitlements and services critique: w hile the South African apartheid regime was perceived as a reliable provider of services, the post apartheid Namibian state stresses individualistic responsibility towards the state. This seems to contradict the local notion, informed by the colonial past, ate is literally expected to feed and nourish the individual directly like 80). With the dawn of the post apartheid state in Namibia, a feeling of abandonment often expressed in terms of apartheid now prevails in the region w of neo 96). The prominence of paternalism within the political imagination in Kaokoland is thus a historically created as well as creative element shaping th e contemporary citizen subject/state relationship. of Justice as another prism through which to explore political imagination in the region. Through detailed trial records, notes and key informant interviews, he skilfully disentangles the ways in which

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BOOK REVIEWS | 85 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf Kaokolanders perceive both the legal judicial order orchestrated by the state exemplified in the magistrate court, and the application of traditional customary law as exercised through traditional courts. Great attention is paid to re drawing lines of arguments advanced by plaintiffs and litigants in choosing either ty pe of court, and the respective measures taken in response to the impeachment of law. Charting how judicial experiences shape state related imaginings, the notion of paterna lism again emerges powerfully: t he magistrate co urt is a parental (p. 171) because its institutes punitive rather than restorative or compensatory measures, thus said to neglect collective familial responsibility. In contrast, considerations pertaining to the social embeddedness of offenders and litigants are o f central importance in proceedings of the generally preferred traditional courts. ship and the Post Apartheid State how leadership claims in the region ar invented tradit ions shaped by immigration histories and colonial administration processes. Thus caused fusions and fissions of chieftainship in Kaokoland have also left an imprint on the relationship with the post apartheid state. In negotiating political belonging, the wider trope of family again certain traditional authority in tur vis vis the state t hus primarily ascribed through descent. Again, a thread from child to chief is being spun, critically influencing how the state comes to be imagined through the prism of family and kinship. Further, as it is the post apartheid state which bestows traditional authorities with representation powers and political leverage, it is also shown how civil and traditional governing structures are not two separate spheres but are in fact i ntimately infused (p. 180) thus offering an interesting perspective on the often cited legal bifurcation of the post colonial African state (Mamdani, 1996). Imagining the Post Apartheid State in Namibia is a stimulating addition to contemporary debates o f state processes in Africa, highlighting the potential contribution of anthropological inquiry to such research. ation of paternalism as the over arching theme may at times be stretched too far. For example, it is suggested that the ma gistrate a parental due to the fact that it institutes punitive rather than compensatory measures. Arguably though, a paternalistic relationship also entails punishment pos e certain values the observed aversion to the 171). Further, while the notion of paternalism entrenched in the Kaoko follows loose strands rather than one thread, rendering the reading experience challenging at e thnographically capturing the state through t he political imaginations of those who inhabit it succeeds in yielding fascinating insights pertaining to the mutually constitutive relationship between government and the governed and thus opens up fruitful avenues of inquiry. Scholars of political scien ce, social anthropology and development studies alike will greatly benefit from this thought provoking study.

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86 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf References Mamdani, M. 1996. Citizen and Subject: Contemporary Africa and the Legacy of Late Colonialism. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Ina Rehema Jahn, University of Oldenburg Julia Gallagher. 2011. Britain and Africa U nder Blair: In Pursuit of the Good State Manchester and New York: Manc hester University Press 166 pp. Britain and Africa under Blair: In Pursuit of the Good S tate (2011) is a rich and perspicacious analysis Writing from the position of experience (having worked for the Foreign Office in the early 2000s) and intellectual rigo r (as an expert on international relations), Julia Gallagher presents to ideal that resonate with thin, far off social networks. Put simply, this is about conceiving of (international) politics as more of building relationships than an instrument for oppression as well as one upmanship. Thus, from the adumbration of Tony z ing of internatio nal relations to better the plights of suffering people in Africa (particularly Nigeria consolidation of democratization freedom and wellbeing. It is in the pursuit of this good state Africa comes to the fore: For Blair, Africa was intrinsic to the doctrine of international community, part of his wider plan to make the w orld better: it was, according to one Taking the basis of her argument from a constructivist perspective, Gallagher stat ed that international politics as an extension of domestic p olitical community. To this end, as New Labour envisioned about Africa, constructivism utilizes interpret aspects of world politics that were anomalous to neo realism and neo (Burchill et al, 2005, p. 19 5). It is also within these parameters that we can pursue the good state: the Durkheimian ideal community. Britain and Africa under Blair is a book with seven chapters excluding the conclusion chapter, as well as bibliography and index; earlier drafts of chapters 4, 5 and 6 had appeared in the j ournal, Millennium: Journal of International Politics and African Affairs in 2009. The book has a

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BOOK REVIEWS | 87 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf interviews and informa l discussions conducted in 2007 [ by the author ] former ministers and government officials, and with Sierra Leonean and Nigerian political structured nature of the interviews conduc ted paints in a bold relief the validity, reliability and naturally occurring manner of facts extracted during the interviews. The people interviewed were given the opportu nity to say things as they were and prompts. on knowledge of Africa, intellectual agility o p. 29) was hiding with a knife! This experience leaves so many questions unanswered about Britain and Africa under Blair The boo k should make a good read for anybody interested in apprehending the color of British politics in contemporary Africa, ethical leadership and international relations, which are vital in the age of globali z ation and human side of politics. References Burchill, S. et al. 2005 Theories of International Relations Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan. Cooper, F. 2001. Networks, Moral Discourse and History. In T. Callaghy, R. Kassimir, and R. Lathan (eds.), Intervention and Transnationalism in Africa: Global Networks of Power Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Uzoechi Nwagbara, Greenwic h School of Management Jan Bart Gewald, Marja Hinfe laar, and Giacomo Macola ( eds ). 2011. Living the End of Empire: Politics and Society in Late Colon ial Zambia. Leiden: Br ill. 333 p p Th is edited volume seeks to portray the complexity of late colonial history in Zambia. It accomplishes this goal by shedding light on conflicts in the nationalist movement, chiefly and religious institutions and experiences of Western and Asia n communities. Andrew Roberts provides the context for the following twelve contributions, which cover Northern Rhodesia from 1945 1964. He reminds us that the copper industry only began to prosper from 1949, that the trade union legislation allowed Afric ans the same bargaining rights as white unionists and Africans increasingly managed to represent their views and interests in the public and political sphere. Giacomo Macola reinterprets the split of the ANC (Afriacan National Congress) into the ZANC (Zam bia African National Congress ) and UNIP ( United National Independence Party ) as an eruption of socio economic and ethnic cleavages. He claims that the split was a clash between Bemba speakers vs. Bantu Botatwe, as well as between waged workforce in the Copperbelt and its vast hinterland vs. rural based agricultural producers in the Southern and Central Provinces. His argument, however, is not persuasive: t hat some Tonga militants interpreted criticism against ANC president Nkumbula as criticism against a non Bemba leader, that Nkumbula lacked the authority to end Copperbelt beer halls boycotters, that seven opposing party officials were Bemba or from urban centers, and that Nkumbula

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88 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf predominantly addressed the concerns of Southe r ners in a Southern Provinc e meeting A ll these incidents do not provide enough reasons and evidence to support his claim. It seems like his description of the internal differences within the party point rather to underlying power struggles, problems of authority, representation and legitimacy. nationalist parties and the colonial government. Interestingly, he only joined the liberation struggle to bow to the masses of his people, simultaneously trying to preserve his power and autonomy. Marja Hinfelaar helps us understand how religious authority in the form of Catholic movements informed political attitudes, action and public debate. She sketched important features such as their concern with mor ality, resistance and conformity to the colonial government and how mission schools shaped the Christian identity of elites. Kenneth Vickery presents a biographical account of Dixon Konkola, Railway Union and Union Congress president, as well as the first president of UNIP, at least for a few weeks. Ian Phimister portrays the lifeworlds of white miners on the Copperbelt around 1959, their affluence, material culture, racist attitudes, as well as the composition of well educated staff (mostly British) and s emi or unskilled daily paid workers (mainly from South Africa). Joanna Lewis depicts the tions. I wonder whether her newspaper reports provide enough evidence to support her conclusions, especially since she neglects that public perceptions were probably more diverse. The unit of analysis was also not clearly defined in Jan ibution on the association of rumors with colonial fears and African aspirations concerning the Mau Mau in Kenya. More attention would be needed to differentiate who listened to whom, who believed whom, when, why, and who did not. Friday Mufuzi documents t he political actions by Indian traders in Livingstone against their discrimination, some of them even supporting the African parties. Joan Haig conducted interviews in which Hindus emphasized the creation of a collective identity and feeling of belonging w hile pushing back past experiences of segregation and hardship. Christopher Annear reinterprets data collected by Ian Cunnison. Annear argues that storytelling, instead of The Luapula Peoples y of recent deals with two female American diplomats who shaped US policy towards Africa. The narrative character makes this volume an enjoyable read. However, Zamb ian studies have more potential to contribute to basic disciplines. Most of the articles explore a particular topic over a specific period, but a research problem would also include a question and its significance. I argue that research on Zambia should no t be content with simply enhancing our knowledge on its society, but also address a wider audience by contributing to debates on concepts, theories and methodology. In my opinion, several of the case studies could be used to refine concepts and theories on the public sphere, authority, moral debate, political criticism and opposition, as well as assimilation and exclusion strategies of expatriates. And this is a chance that we should take. Esther Uzar, University of Basel

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BOOK REVIEWS | 89 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf Nigel Gibson. 2011. Fano nian Practices in South Africa f rom Steve Biko to Abahlali baseMjondolo Scottsville, South Africa: University of Kwazulu Natal Press. 312 pp. The author employs a Fanonian theoretical and ideological framework in his penetrating critique of post apartheid Sou economic and political developm ents racial democracy in April 1994 to South African transition from apartheid as bitter, realised a Black, too, can be a Boer ( amabhunu amanyama ethos and agenda of Black Consciousness, formed in 1969. This is the focus of Chapter 1. In the ic choices [that] defined and [were] made contributed to the prevailing systemic inequalities of South Africa in which black poverty has increased. For the ethical shift away from idea (p. 77) This betrayal by the ANC opponents o n the encouraged a climate of anti intellectualism and supported the 1986 slogan of making South Africa ungovernable. The forms of spontaneous educative direct democracy that was spawned in the townships was hijacked by the ANC in order t o create an opening in the negotiations with the white (p. 95). Neither did the collapse of the USSR help the unfolding political developments, for the demise cont ributed to a continued defensive Stalinism within the ANC and South African Communist Party (SACP) that became wedded to the pol itics of compromise. By the mid 1990s the ANC had fully embraced the fundamentalism of the market heralding a shift away from a radical social democratic paradigm. Consequently discussions on alternative conceptions of a future South Africa were silenced. significant black bourgeoisie throug h the adoption of the Black Economic Empowerment against empowering poor communities by naturali z ing poverty and reinforcing the neoliberal he consequences of neoliberalism are examined and the new forms of spatial apartheid in the affluent gated communities as well as how the ANC elite has majority. The history of the founding of the shack dwellers movement Abahali base Mjon dolo is detailed socio economic and political context of the struggles of the shack dwe llers and how they draw parallels with former struggles against apartheid but also their differences. However,

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90 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf only the right to houses promised them by Nelson recognition and a right for their demands to be fulfilled in the unfinished project of emancipation. More importantly, Gibson is convinced that their democratic collectivist methods of solving community and societal probl ems is the new way forward for South Africa in ado pting creative and people centere d strategies or what the organi z their vote could not be No Vote struggle has challenged the meaning of the vote and given a voice to the poorest of the poo 157). Fanonian principles and thinking of Abahali. It is committed to political self education and eschews the Manichean thinking of illegal and legal shack settleme nts, insisting that regardless of their culture, ethnicity and language, all are entitled to membership. The latter is made up of Indian s Pondo, Xhosa, young and old in a cosmopolitan urban reality. Unquestionably, in challenging the legacies of post apartheid South Africa, Abahali offers an inspiring new vision of inclusive democracy and an alternative politics for not only the southern region but the rest of Africa. Ama Biney, Independent Scholar London Rebecca Ginsburg 2011. At Home With Ap artheid: T h e Hidden Lan d scapes of Domestic Service in Johannesburg. Charlottesville, VA: University of Virginia Press. 229 pp. Rebecca Ginsburg provides a n impressi ve anthropologic account on black domestic labor during the apartheid period in South African Republic. The main focus is on small everyday interactions of domination and resistance, emotional experiences of racial inequality, and provisional yet strictly observed boundaries between blacks and whites in the intimate spaces of their lives, i.e. the family homes. The book is divided into five chapters, each dealing on different aspect black domestic labor in apartheid era Johannesburg. ting to Know the Corners interaction. It explains how white families became increasingly dependent upon black domestic labor; attracting black women into urban areas. Upon arrival, blacks faced challenges of getting to know the place and learning to navigate safely through the spaces that wer e predominantly white. labor in white household. Within the shared domestic space, boundaries between races are unstable, negotiated and still carefully observed. Sim ple acts of life b athing, eating, sitting b ecome subject of racial negotiations. The domestic hierarchies mean limited availability of recourses as food, technology of domestic space. The author shows the strategies of defacement

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BOOK REVIEWS | 91 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf and surveillance of domest ic workers and their resulting sufferings of being constantly dome stic workers. As black women have had to leave their own kids in rural areas, the white babies became substitute for their maternal needs. The deep mutual fondness between them lasted normally until child reached age of five Then, he started internalize r acist attitudes and illuminates significant, yet underestimated aspect of inequality, i.e. unequal distribution of maternal love and care. The fourth chapter, black domestic workers. Many domestic workers, although under continuous surveillance, suffered extreme social and emotional isolation. Black domestic workers regularly conducted acts of d isobedience, i.e. hosting black visitors on white property (their own children, girlfriend maids, or their male visitors). There were high risks involved; it required mastery of ruse and pretending. ial arrangements within the house. The house was divided into different spheres of limited presence and limited visibility. While social gatherings. The arbitrary domestic boundaries differed strongly depending on social background of house owners; rules were revised due the feminist movement in and to growing international pressure against Apartheid politics since 1960s. Yet the bou ndaries had been pushed and transgressed on daily basis both by blacks and Apartheid might be defined in many its aspects: racist ideologies, punitive practices, economic inequality, emancipatory struggles, or double consciousness resulting from long term subordination. The author illuminates a significant yet underestimated aspect that of social sufferings resulting when one emotional needs are not and can not be met. It is deprivation of emotional intimacy and experience of belonging, of normal bonding practices within family and community, of personal time and personal space, of maternal case and spousal intimac y. It is experience of defacement, of being exposed to continuous control and oneself. This is a book about silent domestic war of crossing invisible boundaries and conquering within limited spaces and limited recourses to get their social and emotional needs met. Com menting on interracial relations within white households of apartheid period, the author calls it relations of love conflicted, pathological, self doubting love that often exists among family members in a dysfunctional household, but love nonetheless, including fondness for, knowing of, and light in understanding social dynamics and dependencies under inequalities of power.

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92 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf The book is a great su ccess. It unveils different aspects of domination and subalternship, ways of resistance, cooperation and collaboration, traumatizing experiences and of subaltern mind. Although the book does not offer lot of theorizing, it is of great interest to anyone fa miliar with classical works by Hannah Arendt, James Scott, Erving Goffman, W illiam Edward Burghardt Du Bois, Henri Lefebvre, Judith Lewis He rman, et cetera. No doubt the book is worth to be listed among the classics, too. Rasa Balockaite, Vytau tas Magnus University Iman Hashim and Dorte Thorsen. 2011. Child Migration in Africa London: Zed Books Ltd. 150 pp. Child Migration in Africa explores how one of the most vulnerable groups of people, children, voire without the company of their birth parents. The authors who have demonstrated their knowledge about the subjects and their environment are Iman Hashin, an assistant professor at the Department of International Relations, Istanbul Kulter University w Ghana, and Dorte Thorson, a teaching fellow at the Department of Geography and Environment Science, University of Reading who has done an extensive work on children including ethnographic research with children and adolescents migrating between Burkina Faso The authors argue that even though the child migration in Africa might be characterized as exploitation and child trafficking across the globe, the migrant children see it as a ri te of passage, as empowerment, as economic improvement, and as a means to help them pay for their school. Similarly, even though poverty is the chief reason the children migrate, the poorest children do not actually migrate because they cannot afford bus t ickets. The book is divided into six chapters. The first highlights literature concerning child welfare not only in Africa but in the Western world. It addresses the UNESCO, the International Labor Organization, and the United Nations, including the popularly ratified United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), which was adopted by the General Assembly in 1989 as well as the Africa Union (AU) Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child (AU 1990). They differentiate African childhood from that of the Western hemisphere, saying that West family because this provides them with material, social and symbolic safety and well 8). This i ndicates that African childhood is more complex because it intertwines the above mentioned dynamics. Children usually have a connection, such as their family members or friends already at the place of migration. Chapter two discusses the impact of the eco nomic and social environment in relation to the wander about unsupervised, apparently unlike some other societies They note that the migration is a search for identity for the children The authors use narratives of the participants to show the complexity of child migration in Africa. Based on their study, the authors note that

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BOOK REVIEWS | 93 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf children are never coerced by adults to work. Yet, children are normally present in the work environment and are encouraged to engage in minimal tasks like helping their parents and older siblings, fetching water, or babysitting younger ones. Children pri de themselves on working and they are rewarded from the proceeds, which they use to purchase little items. Based on the cases the authors studied, boys normally run away from home or migrate without the permission and/or knowledge of their parents, unlike girls, who seek permission and often feel reluctant to run away. Chapter three migration. All the participants knew they were limited to any employment that required literacy. Only four out of seventy five children interviewed for the project have obtained a high ). Yet, ambition to be familiarized with the city, the ability to purchase new things such as bicycles, es the migration of children is a result of conflicts in the family. Chapter four focuses on the trips and arrivals of child migrants to their new destinations, as well as the migrant networks that mi gration. This could take the shape via impromptu arrangements. The authors highlight some instances in which a child would follow a stranger he or she has just met to work. One child going to kill me or what. He promised to find work for me where [$94 network. Only a handful of children embark on th e journey alone when travelling outside their rural areas. They also travel in pairs or groups in order to make it an amicable social event. Another reasons associated with migration to urban areas is that it commands respect for the migrant. Chapter five gives an account of an array of vulnerabilities the children may face in their quest for a better life, which includes exploitation and refusal of payment to children by employers. Further, migration is a result of deep poverty and an urge for autonomy. Child migrants are regularly criticized by the adults, citing that they are vulnerable to dangerous course of proving to adults that they possess the resilie nce of enduring adversity and the ability to earn an income. They also reject being treated as children so they negotiate their societal arrangement. The authors note that employers take advantage of migrant children and youths. They deliberately delay pa there are structural inequalities in place, some migrants get money to support them as they go to school. The final chapter er to challenge representations of child migrants as passive victims of exploitation, lacking an active role in decision represent children as completely

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94 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf evolving ambitions and opportunities that the authors constructed within a variety of constraints and boundaries. In sum, Child Migration in Africa is well articulated by informing us of the critical and cultural aspects, as well as underlying issues behind child migration in Africa, which can be easily interpreted or misunderstood. Also, it contributes to the body of work that ex amines negotiating and challenging their worlds through migration. Uchenna Onuzulike, Howard University Miles Larmer. 2011. Rethinking African Politics: A History of Opposition in Zambia Burlington: Ashgate Publishing Company xvii, 321 p p overwhelmed by persuasions of the people associated with Barosteland in the Wester n province to secede from Zambia in order to regain political and economic autonomy. The Barosteland Agreement of 1964 on which the unitary state Zambia was build was abrogated in 1965 during the Constitutional Amendment. Reluctance by government to re in state it led activists in Mongu district on January 14, 2011 to a bloodshed riot. In the context of such experiences, Miles Larmer critical study of the realities of late colonial and post colonial Zambia become s relevant. Larmer challenges the idea that there was a certain homogenous orientation towards nation building in Zambia. Utilizing archival records of the United National Independence Party (UNIP) Archives, the National Archives of Zambia and interviews with surviving participants Lamer displays an appealing perspective of conceptualizing Zambian political history withi n African post colonial politics. His work is substantiated by a critical examination of available historical accounts. In the introductory notes, Larmer identifies the previous na ideologies of nationalism, developmentalism and modernization at the expense of recognizing internal differences as limitations. C hapter one develops further the view that embraces heterogeneity and divisions. He shows how ethnici ty, class divisions and differences in ideologies marked political orientations in the run up to independence and how these differences were reflected within UNIP. For example Larmer discusses how the ANC, UNIP and other breakaway parties were regionally constructed, how each ethnic region identified its specific leader, and how each leader differed. Simon Kapwepwe sought to reconcile modernist from the stronghold of Southern Province sought to mobilize direct African action against federation through trade unions. Kenneth Kaunda, the UNIP president since 1959 had a non aggressive approach; his authority was at times questionable; much of his authority and position r ested in e x allowed him to emerge as the first President of Zambia. However, Larmer shows that UNIP and indeed Kaunda did not nal identity but through successive repression of political opponents. Following the abrogation of the Barosteland Agreement UNIP lost popularity in the Western Province (pp. 55 56). Discontented freedom

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BOOK REVIEWS | 95 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf fighters, killings at Lumpa Church, banning of c hite mene system of farming and increased taxation caused UNIP to lose support in the Northern Province and Copperbelt. Chapter s two and three develop an intrigu ing story on the discontentment of 1970s showing how the banned ANC and the UPP supporters found expression within the one party system. Their rejoining of UNIP brought about internal divisions; to stop such Kaunda introduced national, provincial and district security committees (p. 99). In chapter four Larmer continues showing how the unhappiness le d the rural rebels under Mushala to seek military means of overthrowing the government. Mushala a sidelined freedom fighter acting as voice of the neglected people of North Western Province party state but without a well thought out plan H e was killed in 1982. Chapter five concerns the educated minority Zambians; they too were critical during the economic decline and illegitimate leadership, and they saw the regional liberation movement s as draining the countr economy. With figures like Valentines Musakanya they organized a coup plot in 1980 which eventually failed. In chapter six, Larmer turn to the relationship of Zambia with South African apartheid and locates the flow of his account in the context of the l iberation movements that existed in Zambia. In chapter seven, he tells us how anti colonial social movements effectively worked in post colonial political transitions. He includes the contributions made by the Catholic Church, Lumpa Church and the Protestants and events leading to This book certainly corrects many distortions in Zambia with few notable limitations. manifests a certain for instance Larmer cites a single witness to nce on ma gical powers (p. 152). Similarly such stories associated with Alice Lenshina activ ities are overlooked. Finally, c hurch related documents are missing in chapter seven. This book is highly recommended to those with political ambitions and interests, to educator s, to clerg y members, and to all Zambian citizens. Brian Nonde CMM Mariannhill Institute Sabine Marschall. 2010. Landscape of Memory: Commemorative Monuments, Memorials a nd Public Statuary in P ost Apartheid South Africa Boston: Brill. xiv, 407 p p Thi s book is an in depth, masterful analysis and discussion of the landscape of memorialisation and commemoration in South Africa in the two decades since the end of Apartheid. For her analysis Marschall draws on a variety of sources including interviews and statements by government and heritage officials, marketing material, feedback from the public as well as the analysis of the symbolism and physical form of numerous South African monuments and memorials from both a local and international perspective. Whil e much of this discussion has been presented in article form elsewhere, this book brings all aspects of the project together in a dense, multi layered volume that addresses the political and socially contentious nature of well as the potential that such memorialisation offers for

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96 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf nation building and reconciliation. As such, the book largely focuses on new monuments and memorials that have been erected mainly by governmental parties since the election of the African Nationa l Congress government in 1994. Where applicable, old monuments erected by previous political regimes are discussed as many of these have been subject to re interpretation n the role that public commemorative markers play in providing a space for healing and grieving, for nation building, as well as solidifying official versions of history and political reality. The book is composed of ten chapters, an introduction and a co nclusion. There is one chapter on conservation issues and the policy background pertaining in South Africa especially the new heritage framework put in place after the institution of democracy including, for example, an emphasis on the importance of intangible heritage It is an importance that is not always reflected in new heritage installations which Marsc hall argues and demonstrates throughout the book still tend to draw primarily on the existing western language of monumentality. Chapters two to four focus on the role that memorials play in helping individuals, communities and nations deal with traumati c and violent pasts. While this may sometimes result in division because of differing ideas of how such a past or individuals should be honoured, they do serve to help restore dignity through the public acknowledgement of suffering. Chapter five discusses the way in which prominent, existing markers of commemoration have been dealt with. The prevailing approach has not been the widespread tearing down or displacement of such markers but rather their contextualisation, slight alteration to be more inclusive or balancing by the erection of a new monument that tells the other side of the story. The remaining four chapters explore the links between these markers, nation building, the solidification of particular interpretations of the past and the role that monuments play in the commodification of heritage. This is discussed with reference to initiatives such as the National Legacy Project and, particularly, Freedom Park, designed as a symbolic centre for the New South Africa. Issues of pol itici z z memory landscape are also discussed. The chapter on the Monument to the Women of South Africa is devoted to the gendered dynamics of the new lan dscape of memory, the marginaliz ation of women in this process and the relationship between gender and national identity. The chapter on Africani z ation looks at the role that new monuments can play in providing a critical response to existing monuments, such as that at the Blood River/Ncome battle sit e in Kwazulu Natal. The aesthetic influence of old monuments on the design of the new is also discussed. Monuments and memorials may also come to be tourism draw cards. The presence of tourism can have profound effects on the way in which the past is prese nted and ultimately packaged. This is the topic of the final chapter. Marschall sets out i n this book to not only provide us with a survey of the current heritage landscape of public commemoration in South Africa but also to critically interrogate it. She does this throughout, situating the discussion, where necessary against the broader backdrop of monuments and memorials elsewhere, such as post Communist Eastern Europe and assessing the degree to which such heritage installations achieve their objectives Such study touches upon many different fields of inquiry. As such, this book is likely to be of interest to a wide

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BOOK REVIEWS | 97 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf range of scholars and heritage managers including historians, art historians, anthropologists, archaeologists, museologists, psychologists policy makers, heritage administrators, community organisers, and those in tourism studies. Natalie Swanepoel, University of South Africa Mike McGovern. 2011. Chicago: The U niversity of Chicago Press xxv, 238 p p Writing an anthropological study that speaks to political scientists is anything but a walk in the park. In his first book, Mike McGovern accomplishes this difficult task masterfully. Making War has the ambitious goal of explaining how it was possib le that for five years, from 2002 neither war nor peace (Chapter 6). To violence take place and under what circumstances does it become less devastating than expected, especially when compared to other conflicts in Africa (p. xxii)? In order to answer these questions the author employs a constructivist framework and adopts a qualitative research agenda that challenges the parsimony of rational choice approaches. However, McGov a p ostmodern lark, questioning the reality of t (p. xx). His argument is a multi causal explanation of the Ivorian conflict and pays particular attention to the contradictions between and within ups (young vs. old, north vs. south, Muslim vs. Christian, autochthones vs. strangers) and how they may be aligned or played off against each other (pp. 24 25). how passing into a chronology of the events that led to the crisis of 2002. The second (p. 35), reflects upon different forms of violence over the p thirdness warfare, economy and personhood, which all play parts in the co nflict. A full understanding of the conflict according to the author only emerges when the process of history is taken seriously and single events are contextualized within the larger picture. In the third chapter, the book turns from the general to the c oncrete. McGovern argues that it was the reference to autochthony that allowed much violence and killings. He offers a thought provoking interpretation by arguing that Gbagbo and the Forces Nouvelles have utilized existing local resentments in order to sat isfy the goals of national elites (p. 89). The link between decolonization and intergenerational tensions in Chapter Four could have been clearer. However, by analyzing Ivorian popular music from Zouglou to Coup Dcal (p p 116 22), the chapter intr oduces another important concept: the play frame (p. 127), according to which actors reduce reality to a simple game, helps McGovern to explain the apparent paradox of both youth violence and xenophobia in an otherwise cosmopolitan society. In this sense i t serves not only as an excuse for violence, but also as a natural limit to it (p. 134). Stretching the

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98 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf reservation applies to some extent to the many direct c omparisons he offers to northern Europe and the United States, which to be fair are relativized in the afterword. While Chapter Five stresses the importance of the cocoa filire for the Ivorian economy and its elites, Chapter Six examines the role of mid and low level functionaries and how they benefit from a situation of ongoing uncertainty. Together with the omnipresent references to the individual, a nd was followed by the local, regional, national, and international levels. Lest anthropological concepts, Ivorian cocoa production and Parisian nightclub music, the con clusion synthesizes the previous chapters and extrapolates three reasons that have prevented the Ivorian conflict from becoming a f ull blown war: the Ivorian self image, the many actors who gain more from a hybrid situation, and the very peril of waging a war (p p 207 08). contextual knowledge and fully lives up to its interdisciplinary aspirations (Keohane 1984, p. 25) Minor criticisms include the slip in the alphabetization of the glossary (p p xii xiii), the inversion of the labels in Figure 9 (p. coffee producer (footnote 3, p.138). Despite these quibbles, McGovern convincingly guides the reader through his sophistic ated argument. The passion of someone who has a long professional experience in the region as well as an impressive interdisciplinary academic background speaks through each and every line of the book and makes the work appealing to a broad audience. Refe rences Keohane, R. O. 1984. After Hegemony: Cooperation and Discord in the World Political Economy. Princeton: P rinceton University Press Benedikt Erfo rth, University of Trento Amanda Kay McVety. 2012. Enlightened Aid: U.S. Development as Foreign Policy in Ethiopia. New Yor k: Oxford University Press ix, 312 p p U.S. Ethiopian bilateral relations from 1947 as the subtitle suggests? Or it is intended to be more a history of President Harry International Development (USAID)? Readers of African Studies Quarterly will be disappo Ethiopian relations during the Cold War, as less than a quarter of the book (approximately 55 out of 221 pages) actually deals with this relationship. In fact, it is not until chapter 5 (beginning on page 121) that discus sion of U.S. Ethiopian relations during the Cold War begins T he first four chapters are dedicated to an overabundance of background information on the intellectual origins of both modernization/development (going as far back as the Scottish Enlightenment)

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BOOK REVIEWS | 99 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf and the Point Four program. Furthermore, once the case study of U.S. aid to Ethiopia begins, important topics such as the 1960 failed coup attempt against Ethiopian Emperor Haile Selassie (an important turning about in U.S. Ethiopian relations); Eisenhowe r administration discussions over whether or not to provide Addis Ababa with military aid; or the Ethiopia United States Mapping Mission are not discussed in any meaningful way (the first being covered in one paragraph and the other two not mentioned at al l). Ethiopian relations focuses narrowly and exclusively on sided as McVety relies exclusively on U.S. based sources. Despite mention of a research trip to Ethiopia in her acknowledgements, the only Ethiopian sources cited are the published public speeches of Haile Selaisse. Even if Ethiopian governmental records are unavailable for research one would expect at the very least the author to review Ethiopian newspapers and conduct oral history interviews in order to provide the reader with some understanding for how U.S. aid to Ethiopia was viewed by Ethiopians themselves. Disappointingly, however, not a single Ethiopian newspaper o r oral history interview is cited, leaving the book without an Ethiopian voice. Enlightened Aid fares better as an account of Point Four and USAID aid to Ethiopia. McVety perceptively points out that while the modernization of Ethiopia seemed mutually bene ficial to both Washington and Addis Ababa, the motivations Truman and Selassie had for entering into an aid relationship often ran cross purposes from each other. According to McVety, in extending the Point Four program to Ethiopia, Truman was driven by a combination of humanitarian, paternalistic, and strategic impulses to aid Ethiopia in launching an agricultural revoluti bread basket of the Middle East and, more importantly, become tied closer to the United States and ther efore kept safely out of the Soviet orbit in the Cold War. Selassie, meanwhile, was more interested in leading his country through an (and by extension his per sonal) power vis vis both internal (Eritrean and Oromo separatists) and external (Egypt and Somalia) enemies. McVety makes the argument at the end of her book that the history of United States development aid to Ethiopia proves that foreign aid does not work. This might very well be the case, but one would need to present case studies from more than just Ethiopia in order to persuasively make this argument. Furthermore, before McVety can effectively argue that U.S. foreign aid has failed to improve the li ves of those in the developing world, local voices need to be incorporated into such a study in order to demonstrate that the thousands of rural villagers across the developing world who had schools, wells, and irrigation systems built for them or who rece ived famine assistance through U.S. development aid felt that such aid had done more harm than good to their lives. Despite these aforementioned faults and the failure of Enlightened Aid to be either a thorough history of U.S. Ethiopian relations or a defi nitive study of the failure of U.S. historiography of U.S. efforts to modernize the developing world by providing a case study (albeit an incomplete one) of U.S. efforts to import development and modernization theories to Ethiopia. Furthermore, in this study McVety has published probably the most thorough study

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100 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf Four program. For these reasons Enlightened Aid if disappointing to Africanists, is an important read for anyone interested in the history of U.S. development aid. Phil Muehlenbeck, George Washington University Thomas Patrick Melady and Margaret Badum Melady. 2011. Ten African Heroes: The Sweep of Independence in Black Africa New York: Orbis Books. xviii, 205 p p Despite the remarkable proliferation of books on all facets of African history in the last fifty years, scholars and general readers ali ke still suffer from the general weakness of the genre of African biography (in quantity, quality, and variety). With the possible exception of Nelson Mandela, the broad field of significant African political, military, social, and cultural leaders has no t been well served by biographers, and this is true even for those key figures who died many years, even decades, ago. In this respect, this book which offers short, simple, but in some cases, very personal biographical sketches of ten important political leaders from that short span of time during which nearly all African states gained their independence is a welcome addition to African historical literature. The authors, the husband and wife team of Thomas and Margaret Melady, are accomplished professi onals in the fields of diplomacy, academia, and African affairs. Mr. Melady has served as U.S. Ambassador to Burundi, Uganda, and the Vatican, and with a PhD from the Catholic University of America, has taught at St. Johns, Fordham, and George Washington universities as well as other institutions. Mrs. Melady, who holds a doctorate from the Gregorian University of Rome, has taught on the faculties of a number of American colleges and served as president of American University of Rome. D espite the acade mic credentials of the authors, h owever Ten African Heroes is not a work of traditional scholarship, but rather a series of biographical sketches that are centered (to varying degrees) on the personal interactions that the Meladys had with each of the subjects: Leopold Senghor, Julius Nyerere, Kenneth Kaunda, Seretse Khama, Thomas Mboya, Holden Roberto, Eduardo Mondlane, William Tubman, Sylvanus Olympio, and Ahmadou Ahidjo. A short introduction describes the historical context of the era during which Africa was involvement with the Africa Service Institute (an organization set up in 1959 to assist African diplomats and students living the N ew York area). The book then includes one short chapter of just ten to fifteen pages on each leader. The Meladys focus each biographical piece around their personal interactions with the subject (when possible), which in some cases were regular and subst antial, but in others were infrequent and rather inconsequential. In all cases, the authors offer favorable portraits of their subjects, and in some of them, they relate the truly unique interactions they had with the African leaders. Clearly of particul ar interest to the authors, the Meladys often stress the religious backgrounds and perspectives of the subjects such as p. interest in the changes then being discussed within

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BOOK REVIEWS | 101 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf was significantly influenced by his early educational involvement with the American Spiritan Fathers ( p. 47), an p. 52). The chapters also stress the ways that the Meladys sought to promote the prestige and influence of those African leaders most inte rested in pushing peaceful, democratic, non communist political development in Africa. In many cases the Meladys did this by bringing African leaders to the United States to receive honorary degrees from certain Roman Catholic universities, and in other c ases the Meladys worked with the ecumenical Christian community to place positive pressure on political leaders to achieve those ends. Although some chapters have relatively little new information because the Meladys had minimal actual interaction with t he African leader (for example, the chapters on Nyrere, Khama, and Tubman), the chapters on Senghor, Kaunda, Mboya, Roberto, Mondlane, and Olympio offer new and interesting stories of conversations and interactions between the authors and the specific lea der. Teilhard de Chardin, their correspondence with Kaunda about how best to engage with the regarding a clear s tatement on racism, their engagement with Roberto in New York when the latter landed at the airport with a gunshot wound after an assassination attempt in Tunis (Roberto called the Meladys at home upon landing, arranged to have them meet him at the hospita l that night, and went to their home upon discharge), their help in getting a memo from sionate efforts to force the UN to honor its obligations to its trustee territories, are new and interesting. Each chapter concludes with a short list of books written by or about the subject, and the volume includes three appendices: The National Counc il of Churches Press Release of 5 June 1961, which was a statement from leading Protestant and Catholic clergy and laymen calling for Civilization of the Universe, given a t Fordham University in November, 1961, on the occasion of Reconciliation, given at Fordham in October, 1965, after receiving his honorary doctorate (again arranged by Tom Melady). certain American religious groups in African affairs during the return of independence to African states, should consider reviewing the applicable cha pter(s). Most scholars will find little new in them, with the exception of those intimate conversations, correspondence, and African leaders as it is a series o Lt Col Mark E. Grotelueschen, United States Air Force Academy

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102 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf Kennedy Agade Mkutu. 2008. Guns and Governance in the Rift Valley: Pastoralist Conflict and Small Arms Bloomington: Indiana University Press. xxi, 178 p p Guns and Governance in the Rift Valley attempts to explain why there are so many small arms in circulation in North East Africa and what their effects are on the pastoralist culture of the region. Over a period of seven year s, the author researched these questions through interviews, focus groups, participant observation, questionnaires and scrutiny of historical records. Where the author does well is in describing the historical and anthropological culture of the pastoral societies of North East Africa, especially the intra and inter ethnic conflicts between them. This book looks at the dynamics of the pastoralist life in the region to explain why there is volves around cattle, so 13). The increase in regional arms needs is inversely correlated with decreased access to water and pasture for the cattle. Additionally, changes in the traditional tribal power structure brought about b y the imposition of artificial borders during the colonial period have reduced traditional means of resolving conflicts. Mkutu also succeeds in describing the impact of small arms proliferation on pastoralist society in terms not just of economic cost but human impacts as well. This includes not only injuries and death but also the shifting gender roles caused by the greater numbers of widows, increased child dependency rates, and increasing inequality in the distribution of wealth via cattle. jor failing is its third chapter which describes the proliferation of small arms and light weapons. The author is exceptionally informative in describing the paths that weapons take into the Rift and how they accumulate in different regions. That said, h e apparently has managed to research and write an entire book about the regional influence of small arms without learning much about small arms themselves. By no means was this book ever meant to be a technical treatise on firearms, but a better understan ding of them by the author could have improved it immensely. Much of the information regarding firearms displayed in tables and the text has so many mistakes and contradictions in terminology that future researchers will have difficulty using it as a base line in future studies. This is a pity considering the regional changes in firearms distribution undoubtedly caused by the recent Libyan Civil War and the burgeoning conflict in Southern Sudan. Despite these problems and occurrences of rather stilted langu age, those studying social change in Africa will find Guns and Govern ance of great use. Of special note are the changes in tribal administration and interaction brought about by colonialism and national independence, how theses changes have influenced the flood of small arms, and how this flood has changed the cultural landscape of the Rift Valley. Scholars studying weapons proliferation may find this book of less use beyond the excellent descriptions of the trade routes used and the actors who use them. These actors and routes will also be of interest to those looking at items other than small arms that may be traded illicitly in North East Africa. Donald Woolley, Duke University

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BOOK REVIEWS | 103 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf Retief Mller. 2011. African Pilgrimage: Ritual Travel in South Africa`s Ch ristianity of Zion Fa rnham/Burlington: Ashgate. viii, 213 p p Mller reflects a significant aspect of the religious culture of one of the biggest churches in Southern Africa, the Zion Christian Church (ZCC). Founded by Engenas Lekganyane in 1925, the ZCC is historically rooted within the network of the early Pentecostal movement in South Africa. However, it is widely renowned as the prototype of so called Zionist Christianity showing characteristic features of dress and dance styles, music and healing perf ormances or prophetic praxis. Moreover, the ZCC has established a centralized structure that helped sustain its considerable weight in the religious landscape throughout the transformations in recent South African history. Ecclesiastically the ZCC represen ts a dynastic leadership, since 1975 presided over by Bishop Barnabas Lekganyane, who resides in Moria, a holy place some fifty kilometers east of Polokwane. Moria is the destination of several yearly mass pilgrimages of ZCC members from the church urban strongholds to their rural headquarter s As the ZCC`s 7), Mller focuses on the understanding of such and related pilgrimages. In a personal approach and employing a narrative style, the author widens the p erspective on pilgrimage. Since the controversial appearances of politicians during the days of apartheid, the Moria pilgrimage has become the best known feature in the ZCC ritual calendar. It still forms a central chapter in Mller`s perception. Yet, next to pilgrimages to a defined sacred space, in a next chapter Mller sheds light on a different type of pilgrimage that magnetizes ZCC members. ZCC members undergo outward bound pilgrimages to secular places in urban centers within and outside South Africa. The attention in this type of pilgrimage lies on the sacred person, for it centers on the ZCC Bishop. Whereas the pilgrimage to the sacred space is motivated by personal expectations and individual desires of believers, in its outward bound pilgrimages th e ZCC acts out a more socio political profile in a public sphere. Another remarkable outcome of this analysis of ZCC pilgrimage is the essential part occupied by acts of preparation for any kind of pilgrimage. In this vein Mller incorporates the local chu rch context into his description of ZCC pilgrimage. The local congregational life integrates individual believers into the ZCC church context by constantly preparing members for pilgrimage and by fastening their ties to a traveling church. From here, from the local church starts Mller`s own pilgrimage into Zionist Christianity as well With roughly half a year of participant observation undertaken primarily over weekends in 2005, the book reads in part as an adventurous travel of a South African researcher into a foreign religious sphere found just around the corner. Zionist Christianity which colors the South African religious tapestry over almost a century is still portrayed as another world; thus inherently the study documents the continuing transition into post apartheid society. Mller`s tacit steps into a world foreign to him are mirrored in his autobiographical style of presentation that reminds at times on recollecting notes from a diary. The reader learns about unprecedented settings of field research, interspersed with personal assumptions and hypotheses whose verifications or falsifications are simply left open in the writing process. Starting with the difficulty to identify adequate research units in order to set foot on ZCC ground, th e story is full of accidental situations popping up in the practical process of participant observation. We witness intimate scenes of family life in ZCC urban homes and personal exchanges in more rural settings. The author documents by chance meetings und er shady roofs during or after Sunday services. He

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104 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf interprets the unstructured flow of communication with young ZCC members in broken English during car rides to pilgrimage sites, in rare cases supported by semi structured interviews. Mller hints at the e ndeavors of food supply during a weekend pilgrimage and sparse toilet facilities at places of mass meetings in the presence of the Bishop. His general perspective is on all day activities rather than on a debate on highly contested theological terrains tha t have surfaced in the longer research history on the ZCC. Although this case study shares important research material available in Afrikaans, dating back mainly to the 1980s, the author`s interest however lies in a synchronic portrayal of ZCC church life. Tentative discussions of historical changes and ritual passages within the ZCC can be found in footnotes, maybe due to Mller`s comparatively short exposition to ZCC Christianity. More explicitly his insight into the considerable political impact specific ally of urban ZCC pilgrimages bears the contours of a fresh discourse on the public theology of Zionist Christianity in a society in transition. Andreas Heuser, Basel University Martin J. Murray. 2011. City of Extremes: The Spatial Politics of Johannesburg Durham, NC and London: Duke Univers ity Press. xxix, 470 p p In City of Extremes Martin J. Murray describes the emergence of new spatial dynamics as a result of city building efforts shaping Johannesburg to the utopian vision of a World Class City. He ar gues that these new spatial dynamics, emerging after Apartheid and spearheaded by real estate entrepreneurs, reinforced the existing spatial and socioeconomic inequalities and introduced new patterns of social segregation, largely marginalizing the urban p oor and black underclass. Through interviews, on site observations, press releases and newspaper articles Murray provides a convincing analysis of the discourse on the city, bringing to the fore prevailing ideologies and perceptions, as well as a breakdown of place marketing of various real estate developments in and around the city. Maps and pictures throughout the book give pictorial context to the rich descriptions Murray gives on the built environment of the city. The book contains three parts. The fir st part, Making Space: City Building and the Production of the Built Environment, provides a historical background of the city in order to and 2 Murray describes how the city of Johannesburg is shaped by its history, the natural landscape and the economy. It shows the evolution of Johannesburg as a mining town located at the fringes of the British Empire, to the high modernist city with a modern Central Business Di strict characterized by high rise buildings. These two chapters are marked by architectural descriptions and is, to my disappointment, heavily drawn from one single source. The second part, Unraveling Space: Centrifugal Urbanism and the Convulsive City, de als with the breakdown of the high modernist city after Apartheid. It describes the process of spatial fragmentation and disintegration of the city leading to decentralization, deindustrialization and horizontal sprawl. Chapter three tells the tale of the socioeconomic stagnation and decline of the city center. Murray attributes this decline to real estate capitalists investing in the rapidly urbanizing suburbs leading to the withdrawal of business enterprises

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BOOK REVIEWS | 105 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf from the historical central business district, advanced by dissatisfying urban management. The on the opposite world of edge cities. Johannesburg is described as a patchwork of cities with a decaying urban c ore and multiple island cities mushrooming in the suburbs. With Fortifying Space: Siege Architecture and Anxious Urbanism, the last part Murray describes the characteristics of management and regulation of urban space in Johannesburg. He links the rise in entrepreneurial urbanism with an emergence of siege architecture, leading to a reinforcement of spatial inequalities between rich and poor but also creating new cleavages. In chapter 6 the citadel office complexes in the central city are described, creati ng new relationships between public and private space by privatizing conventional city features and thus changing the experience of city life. In chapter 7 emerging forms and functions of urban management practices are analyzed, describing the entrepreneur ial take on urban governance with City Improvement Districts and Residential Improvement Districts practically operating as discourse, security and place marketing in these. While Murray has an impressive list of interviews, I am missing the perspective of the inhabitants themselves throughout the book. In the introduction, Murray states that this book is based on participant observation and ethnographic observation Still, the book lacks this ethnographic reflection. The and office complexes are pictured as homogenous and opposite worlds. Even though Murray not as disconnected places but as crystallized He fails to describe satisfyingly the various ways i n which urban residents manage to negotiate and overcome the physical and semiotic borders and how the spatial dynamics described influence everyday social life by creating formal and informal rules that govern everyday life and interaction in the city. Re petition and the use of dense descriptions and meaning laden terms do not always make this book an easy read. All in all Murray manages to make his point that urban planning is an exercise of power. His focus on the market driven urban planning and the cit discourse bring enlightening analyses, his insights for example on public and private space in the citadel office complexes are inspiring. The book is a suggestion for people interested in politics of power, urbanization and the history of Johannesburg. Geertrui Vannoppen, Institute for Anth ropological Research in Africa Mwenda Ntarangwi. 2010. Reversed Gaze: An African Ethnography of American Anthropology. Urbana: Un iversity of Illinois Press xvi, 320 p p Reversed Gaze is intended for professional anthropologists to remind them about the importance Ntarangwi reprimands those within the discipline who have become sidetracked by ex oticizing for the sake of alterity or becoming caught up in the subjective and reflexive turn in anthropology without bringing these insights back from the field to engage with these same

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106 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf ongoing power differentials (e.g., race, gender, class, religion, an d ethnicity) in their everyday lives. Anthropology graduate students should also read Reversed Gaze Ntarangwi divulges corporate secrets gleaned from a lifetime within the profession. He focuses his analysis on professional meetings, in classrooms and lecture halls, and through ethnographic writing all papers, eth This book would also be helpful for those who disparage the discipline of anthropology for pseudo science, Ntarangwi spends ove r ten years collecting data for his work as a participant observer writing nine hundred pages of hand written notes in six notebooks. As for those who argue that anthropology has not been able to emerge from its colonial shadow, Ntarangwi automatically con destructive exercise mainstream. By overtly coupling methodology, practice, reflexivity, and theory, Ntarangwi emphasizes the discipline s tenets of holistic, long term community engageme nt ideally suited to provide cultural competency, which goes a long way in demonstrating professional relevancy. Reversed Gaze professional anthropological development. In the first cha pter, he challenges who belongs at the Ntarangwi ultimately believes this is possible in a field that prides itself on giving voice to the marginalized through empathy and understanding. In chapter two, Ntarangwi depicts how his experienced the racial divide in the United States firsthand as a largely tacit phenomenon even among his fellow graduate students who were trained to observe cultural divisions in identity. Chapter three continues to critique the societal deep structures of racism as well as the grand narratives of anthropology and approaches to teaching. For example, in writing about the commoditization of higher education, Ntarangwi chastises U.S. colleges and universities for well as the secretive way immigrants discuss their experiences abr most informative. Immigrants are often forced to work demeaning jobs while in the United States making them eager to gain their education as fast as possible and then return home transmigrant Africans spend most of their lives in America cleaning toilets or working at explain why so many immigrants do not portray an accurate picture of life in the United States to their friends and family.

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BOOK REVIEWS | 107 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf Anthropology: The AAA Annual Meetings spectacle that is the AAA annual meeting. This c hapter is most useful for graduate students interested in the anthropology profession. Ntarangwi gives practical advice such as how to be anthropologists, we h ave to inhabit our historical realities in order not to repeat the same torn between their academic expectations and obligations and their local commitments and knowledge and a unique power emergent out of this role as interlocutor. According to Ntarangwi, it is what we do with this advantaged position that has the most pot ential to enlighten or harm. Brandon D. Lundy, Kennesaw State University Patricia de Santana Pinho. 2010. Mama Africa: Re inventing Blackness in Bahia Durh am NC and London : Duke University Press. 266 p p Patricia de Santana Pinho attempts to put Paul Gil particular the concept anti antiessentialism, into on the ground, qualitative research. Utilizing participant observation and interviews with two famous blocos afros or black carnival groups, Il Ayi and Olodum in Salvador, Bahia Brazil. This book is updated and expanded version of her 2004 book Reinvees da frica na Bahia (translated by Elena Langdon). racist struggle requires us to deconstruct the idea of p. 5). To that end, Pinho interrogates the blocos afros and the biologized and gendered notions of blocos afros ing racism and encouraging self esteem and pride through their social programs and schools, Pinho critiq ues their conceptualization of Mama Africa as a static and essentialized one that dangerously, with Western, racist depictions of Africa. This way of thinking about race makes the blocos easily manipulated and exploited by politicians and those in the tourism industry earning money off black cultural production; with this conception, black identity is easily commodified and sold, manipulated by elites and those in the tourism industry, and turned anti liberatory. Those interested in engag ing scholarship on the African diaspora as well as race in Brazil will find the book particularly useful. Pinho does an excellent job of engaging scholarship from a range of sources. For example, Pinho recognizes racism in Brazil, but challenges Hanchard a nd Andrews (racial democracy is not a myth, but living and breathing), Telles (racial democracy has not died out), and Twine (poor black Brazilians are resisting through believing in the promise of racial democracy). However, those wanting a quotidian sen se of what it means to be a leader of one of blocos afros or a follower, look elsewhere. The voices of the activists are sparse and mostly used to illustrate particular theoretical points. essentialism remains insufficient to confront ongoing racism. racism without further endorsing the idea that there are

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108 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf insurmountable barriers that divides us? The solution l ies in cultural tran sformation . By producing new representations and spreading their meanings, it is possible to replace old p. 220) The solution that Pinho proposes is cultural and representational, not legal or political. I und erstand and am sympathetic to her cause. As an anthropologist, the biological falsity of the concept of race exists along with the social reality of centuries of racism and racial anti essentialism s he touts, is politically (p. 222 ). While Pinho admits the book is not about public policy, she dismisses existing efforts such as affirmation action in Brazilian universities and the Racial Equality Statue, for essentially inscribing biologized notions of race into Brazilian law. While admittedly concerned with continued anti racism, what would she leave in their place? Kenneth Wi lliamson, Kennesaw State University Mariza de Carvalho Soares. 2011. People of Faith: Slavery and African Catholics in Eighteenth Century Rio de Janeiro Durham, NC and Lond on: Duke University Press. xiii, 321 p p. People of Faith is about slavery, religion and the construction of identities and how these elements interacted with each other amongst a group of Africans from the Mina Coast who were part of the Mahi Congregation in 18th century Rio de Janeiro. By the time the Portuguese version of this book wa s published in Brazil twelve years ago, the connection between Rio de Janeiro and the Mina Coast was practically ignored given that West Central Africa was the primary source of slaves both to the captaincy and the city of Rio de Janeiro. Soares begins by describing the Mina Coast and the slave trade to Brazil. The Mahi came from the hinterland of the Bight of Benin and during the 18th century were caught up in the expansion of both the Kingdom of Dahomey and the slave trade. In 1699, the Portuguese Crown l egalized slave trading from the Mina Coast to help meet the needs of the expanding American market that the ports of Kongo and Angola seemed increasingly unable to satisfy. The main places of disembarkation of these slaves in Brazil where the ports of Rio and Bahia whose primarily objective was to feed the gold mines of Minas Gerais. Still, a portion of these slaves was retained in both locations. Soares suggests that during the first half of the 18th century Africans from the Mina Coast represented up to 1 Using baptismal, marriage, and burial records along with manumission letters, Soares identifies and situates the Mina within the panorama of enslaved and freed Africans in the city, with particula r attention to religious practices and internal organization. The Mina who converted to Catholicism were initially established in the Church of the Rosrio, which was made up predominantly of Angolans and Creoles. Due to conflicts with Angolans and Dahomi ans, as well new alliances, the Mina separated into four congregations, with one founded by the Mahi group in 1762. This congregation created two more devotions: one to the Almas do Purgatrio to pray for the souls of deceased Mina, and the other to Our L ady of (1786) shines light on the construction of the Mahi identity within the Christian world. In the

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BOOK REVIEWS | 109 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf document the Mahi territory in Africa is described as a pow groups, such as Savanu, Mahi, Agonli, Dah omey, and Iano, all of whom spoke what colonial This research contributes to studies on black brotherhoods that demonstrat e that individuals from a particular region could interact and create new forms of sociability and organization. However, unlike previous studies that have established a direct relation between gentios ups), Soares proposes the notion organizations and cultural practices, the principal focus is on how these elements were placed alongside others to be redistributed and reorganized once in the New World. In this respect, the author notes that there was a process of self attribution, at the group level, of an identity attributed or imposed from the outside that could or could not relate with previ ou s realities in the form of actual place names, kingdoms, and internally recognized ethnic groups. Soares explores questions of identity and ethnicity through an interdisciplinary approach grounded in empirical standards and methods of history connected to anthropological theory, which can be noted by her reference to anthropologists as Fredrik Barth, Roberto Cardoso de Oliveira, Joo Pacheco de Oliveira, and Miguel Bartolom Furthermore, sociologist Norbert iability. the diaspora, reworking their cultural backgrounds through time and space. Unfortunately, as the author acknowledges, the book does not provide information on the Mina who were not baptized or were baptized on parishes outside the city of Rio. Individuals interested in the history of slavery and Catholic Church in Brazil will benefit from this research. Moreover, this study is an example of how New Word docu mentation can help reveal slave proveniences and agency. Vanessa S. Oliveira, York University Simon Turner. 2010. Politics of Innocence: Hutu Identity, Conflict and Camp Life New York: Berghahn Books. viii. 185 p p Politics of Innocence is the strange story of Burundian politics in a remote refugee camp in Tanzania where politics as such are officially banned. Ironically politics are banned by the foreign agencies seeking to protect the refugees from politics. Most ironic is what Turner calls the emasculation of refugee masculinity as young western humanitarians from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) autocratically assert political control over refugee life via control of food distributions, hiring policies, camp leadership, and a ban on

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110 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf refugee involvement in Burundian politics, under the assumption that refugees are only victims, and therefore inherently apolitical. Turner spent a year as a participant observer in 1997 1998 at the Lukole Camp for Burundians in western Tanzania, with more recent follow ups. He spent his time in the camp doing the ethnographic thing hanging around bars, doing structured interviews with refugees, and conducting surveys. He processed interview and survey data, analyzed UNHCR m emoranda, and attended agency meetings. He describes a dissonance between the international community that assumes power over the refugee camps, and a politically er, delivery of social services, and so forth in accordance with UNHCR policy. The result is a book that is about the mechanisms of control by outsiders, and how powerless refugees are shaped by the political concerns of the humanitarian community. writes, by transforming refugees into biological specimens who are calorie consumers, plot inhabitants, morbidity statistics, i.e. the categories which officials sitting in distant offices can existing social distinctions are assumed away and The distant view, Turner writes, helps the UNHCR to reduce normal camp politics into science of management, i.e. a technical exercise in which success is measured in terms of n terms of food provision, or the inequalities that the UNHCR sees in refugee society. Only after all this system is established are the views of elected refugee leaders permitted to shape management of the ccesses are still measured by the bio metrics program by accepting the pre m by collecting extra ration cards, selling distributed commodities in the marketplaces, seeking independent information from Burundi, and especially joining the clandestine Burundian political parties that flourished in the camps. The best parts of Politics of Innocence are the stories Turner tells about how refugees respond to those who count, control, and cater to them. A good example is the UNHCR policies percent of ma ny African populations in general (and refugee camp populations in particular), are lumped together as vulnerables deserving of special attention. Women in particular were sought after by the well meaning UNHCR for positions involving trust, because they are believed to be more willing to implement UNHCR policy than men in other words they were believed to be more docile and compliant. Ironically, as Turner writes, lumping children and women together infantilizes women, and political or market activity. Both male and female refugees interpreted this situation as meaning that the employed young men in the camp. As Turner writes this effectively stripped the young men of a masculinity rooted in the

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BOOK REVIEWS | 111 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf by the UNHCR, particularly trading in refugee camp commodities, and military training in support of the clandestine political parties. It always seems th at books of this nature have lacunae when it comes to refugee views, this. In fact, his affinity is with the refugees and their leaders whose understandings of the camp are extensively described. Ironically, left out in the book though, are the views of UNHCR staff, who Turner describes as oblivious to the very human nature of refugee society and politics. In other words, he in effect accuses the UNHCR staff of being anthropologically incorrect. Still, it would be interesting to know how UNHCR workers explain why they to challenge such workers, who are often well educated humanitarians, with the refugee assertion that they are Perhaps the UNHCR staff are as culturally oblivious (and bureaucratically savvy) as Turner presents. And indeed, such questions are important for th e international refugee relief regime since ultimately the success of policy makers, as Turner emphasizes, is not dependent on the calculation of refugee bio metrics but rather on the resolution of broader political situations in which the refugees themsel ves always play an adult level political role. Or, as Turner the refugees as apolitical, innocent victims, they cannot grasp the complex mechanisms of repatriat no t take the politics out of politics! Tony Waters, California State University Chico Michael K. Walonen 2011. Writi ng Tangier in the Postcoloni al T ransition : Space and P ower in E xpatriate and North African L iterature. Surr ey : Ashgate Publishing Ltd xi, 163 pp. N ineteenth and twentieth century Tangier, a coastal city in northern Morocco, has exercised an enduring fascination on writers, male and female, of several nationalities. This fascination has generated a rich and vast literature, both representing the city and analyzing the representations of the city. In Writing Tangier in the Postcolonial transition Michael K. Walonen, currently an a ssistant professor of English at Bethune Cookman University (Florida), focuses mainly on the North American and European expatriate intellectual community settled in Tangier during the last years of the colonial period and the earliest years of independence (1945 69). It analyzes the dynamics of imagined alterity of socially produced space in the works of English speaking writers such as Paul Bowles, Jane Bowles, William Burroughs, Brion Gysin and Alfred Chester, and Moroccan writers such as Tahar Ben Jelloun and Anouar Majid. This monograph is partially based on a 2009 diss ertation entitled The Social D ynamics of S pace and P lace in the North Africa W ritings of Paul Bowles, William S. Burroughs and Brion Gysin

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112 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf that was presented to the University of Louisiana at Lafayette and published by ProQuest/UMI. Walonen has written a s hort book ( 151 pages of text and 10 pages of bibliography ) but otherwise a dense read. Writing Tangier is organized into an introduction and seven chapters. explain s how the spaces of the city afforded a perceived alluring alienness, and it sheds light on the interactions between foreign writers and Moroccan locals. Chapter 3 focuses on Paul Bowles (1910 1999) philosophy of space and sense of place. Chapter 4 the s hortest in the book deals with Jane Bowles (1917 1973) vision of spatial impenetrability. In Chapter 5, Walonen explores the demystification and r emystification of the Maghreb in William Burroughs (1914 h born painter and writer Brion Gysin (1916 1986) conflictive Maghreb. Chapter 7 is devoted to Alfred Cheste r (1928 1971) writings. And finally, Chapter 8 examines the position of Tahar Ben Jelloun and Anouar Majid vis vis Morocco and Tangier and the ir sense of dislocation. The author does not include a chapter of conclusions and closes his book with a brief afterword that asserts the vital relevance of discussions on space and place for the field of cultural studies, and pinpoints some personal exp eriences in the origin of this academic inquiry. independence transformation, and moving to gendered divisions of space, conceptualizations of inside spaces as sites o f confinement, representation of anti colonial revolt, intercultural encounter, nostalgia for the bygone days of the International Z one, etc. literary studies. It is a good example of the fruitful nature of the spatial turn in literary and cultural studies, and it casts valuable and important new light into the fiction of many writers, particularly Paul Bowles, William S. Burroughs and Brion Gysin. Also, the author has to be praised for his relevant selection of authors and texts, and his systematic analysis of two interesting issues: contrast in non native and native writings, and contrast among the views of English speaking writers. Another significant strength of and accessible writing style. A minor weakness in a book focused on conceptions of space and place is perhaps the poor quality of the only two maps included. Overall, the book can be highly recommended. It is a no teworthy contribution to the field of postcolonial African Studies, and it will be greatly appreciated by any scholar wishing to have a comprehensive reading of a wide variety of complex themes related to expatriate literature in general, and English speak ing intellectual circles in Morocco in particular. Just a last word on the title of the book, at the risk of being too honest. Writing Tangier is the title of a 2005 special issue of the Journal of Middle Eastern and North African Intellectual and Cultura l Studies (named after a previous conference organized at the Abdelmalek Essaadi University of Tetouan, Morocco, in 2004), the title of the proceedings of the aforementioned conference, and also the title of a volume edited by Ralph M. Coury and R. Kevin L acey ( Writing Tangier : Currents in C omparative R omance L anguage and L iterature 2009). It might have been convenient to find a different title for this monograph. Araceli Gonzlez Vzquez, Collge de France



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Ikechukwu Umejesi is a Research Fellow in the Department of Sociology, University of South Africa Pretoria He is a 2009 YSP Fellow of the International Institute for Applied Systems Analysis (IIASA), Laxenburg Austria. University of Florida Board of Trustees, a public corporation of the State of Florida; permission is hereby granted for individuals to download articles for their own personal use. Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Florida. ISSN: 2152 2448 The Nation S tate, Resource Conflict and the Challenges o f Sovereignties I KECHUKWU U MEJESI Abstract: Opinion leaders in Europe have often expressed penitence over colonial legacies. While these leaders rethink the roles of their nations in colonialism, human rights abuses arising from colonialism, and state formation elsewhere, the discourse underscores the need to revisit colonialism as an ideology, and th e role of the nation state in grievance construction in Africa. This article revisits colonial ideology and examines how th e colonial legacy of the nation state affects the internal security of postcolonial Nigeria. The aim is to understand grievance dynam ics underlying the relationship between the state and local communities, and how this relationship has resulted in contestation for sovereignty between the Nigerian state and previously independent communities. Using archival and ethnographic data, the art icle focuses on selected coal and oil producing communities of Southeastern Nigeria and the Niger Delta region. Introduction In April 2011, David Cameron, the Prime Minister of Britain on a visit to Pakistan acknowledged post colonial [British people] are responsible for their creation in the first place 1 Pakistan, a part of colonial India, was a British territory between 1757 and 1947. 2 In a similar view on the colonial era Arch b ishop of Canterbury Rowan Williams referred to colonialism as 3 To George Orwell, the well known British novelist and journalist, t despotism with theft as its final 4 While these statements recall one of the most critical and poignant epochs of interracial relations in human history, they ha ve failed to engage with bot h the ideological underpinnings of colonialism and the functionality of its structural relics, such as, the nation state in Africa. The nation state in Africa has always been a subject of scholarly and policy analyses since its creation. 5 A look at t he ev olution of the state as presently constituted in Africa reveals that it is relatively new I ts history is traceable to the resolutions of the 1884 85 Berlin Conference on Africa. 6 C onvened by Chancellor Otto von Bismarck of Germany, the conference participants, Great Britain, France, Germany, Spain, Portugal, Italy and King Leopold of Belgium divided the African continent among themselves. Although the Berlin Conference has often been described as a meeting where Africa was partiti oned the Conference was merely to formalize long standing colonial and commercial interests of different European nations in Africa. foremost historian, contends that roft [a British Consul]

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48 | Umejesi had succeeded in making British rule familiar to the native states under his consular 7 This same trend was followed by various European settlers in other parts of Africa often well before the nineteenth century. Thes e include the French in Algeria, the Dutch (Boers) in South Africa the British in the Natal and Cape regions of South Africa, and the Portuguese in Angola. 8 The presence of colonial pathfinders such as traders and missionaries from different Europeans co untries heightened the possibility of conflicts between different European nations. Hence, one major objective of the Berlin Conference was to pre empt wars among different European nations in Africa, a distinct possibility given the strife with which colo nial officials and traders jostled for spheres of influence in Africa. 9 After the Conference European nations simply streng principle adopted by the Conference as proof that a given power wa s really interested in a particular territory it ha d laid claim to. 10 In Nigeria, the process of state creation, albeit unofficial, commenced immediately after the Berlin Conference with the granting of a Royal Charter to the Royal Niger Company (RNC) in 1885 11 The c harter was meant to legitimize the British presence in Nigerian territories pending the Foreign Office formaliz ation of the imperial takeover. Between 1885 and 1900, the RNC intensified both coercion and diplomacy on indigenous kingdoms and communities Their goal was to obtain the signatures of the rulers of these kingdoms and communities in the form of treaties of friendship and protection According to Boluwaji Olaniyan, an economic historian who studied consular and company regimes in Nigeria, in 18 86 alone, the RNC secured 237 treaties from local rulers. 12 The extent to which the local rulers understood the content of these treaties has been contentious; however, the conflicts that ensued between colonial authorities and the local chiefs over their s overeignties indicate significant misreading of the treaties between both parties. K.O. Dike noted that there were . between the two peoples 13 At the expiration of the RNC rule on December 31 1899, the British government took over the administration and commenced the official formation of the nation state This included the creation of administrative units c ounties, districts, provinces and protectorates. These units w ere created based on commercial and administrative convenience rather than on grounded geo ethnic understanding of local groups. T o Lord Frederick Lugard, the first Governor general of amalgamated Nigeria, and a group of British traders in Nigeria, admin i strative and commercial considerations justified nation state However, to the several indigenous communities and kingdoms, the British plan was a usurpation of their sovereignties a nd rights to their ecologic resources. For instance, not all the sections of the so British colonial rule as of 1900 when it was proclaimed In Southeastern Nigeria, for instance, Adiele Afig bo a notable Nigerian historian, contends that wars of conquest and pacification of resisting communities continued into the 1920s. 14 To these communities, known for their Greek like village democracy, the idea of a Nigerian nation state constituting over two hundred ethnic nationalities, some of which the British authorities were ignorant of their very existence, was more or less a joke. Hence, while the British colonial officials gloated over their successful creation of a Nigerian state in the first qu arter of the twentieth c entury, Nigeria was anything but a united and functional state. 15 Different ethnic groups and their constituting communities hardly understood the meaning of the

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The Nation State Former S | 49 new political structure and its implication for their indigenous sovere ignties. The inattention that underlies the creation of the colonial states in Africa, especially Nigeria, illustrates the ideological basis of colonialism as expounded by the post Columbus European ideologues. What was the ideological underpinning of colo nialism and how did European ideologues justify it? How did this ideology influence state creation and what kind of state did it create? Finally how does the state resonate with the former sovereignties ? 16 This article examines these questions in view of the recurring internal conflict in Nigeria between the state and local communities especially, over natural resource ownership. Racial M inimalism and the of C olonialism Colonialism as a phenomenon best demonstrates a racist conceptualization o f white supremacy over non white races. This phenomenon took centuries of consistent justifications (by adventurers, religious men and scholars), ideological mutations and blending with mercantilism to evolve into reality. While racist jingoism may have b een as old as when two different races first came into contact, some of the earliest records of colonial intents may have been influenced by the developments in the post Columbus New World. This includes the transatlantic slave trade and stories written by European adventurers and traders in Africa. According to the political scientist and ant hropologist lthough the origin of European race doctrines about Africa lay in the period of the trans Atlantic slave trade, these doctrines grew in complexity in the period 17 To demonstrate the way in which Europeans, especially, Enlightenment scholars perceived Africa and Africans in this era, writers depicted Africa and its peoples in various strange ways. Robert B ur ton (1577 1640), an English scholar at Oxford University noted : Leo Afer observes of the commonalty of Africa base by nature and no more esteemed than dogs; no learning, no knowledge, no civility, scarce common sense, nought but barbarism amongst them, like rogues and vagabonds, they go barefooted and barelegged, the soles of their feet as hard as horse hoofs...laborious, miserable wretched, unhappy life, like beasts and juments if not worse (for a Spaniard sold Indian boys for a cheese, and a hundred negro slaves for a horse). 18 Burton did not limit his criticism to the Africans; he also assailed the Indian race. Burton wrote ordinarily so. Others eat to live, but they live to drudge; a servile generation, that dare refuse 19 The well respected Scottish Enlightenment philosopher and historian David Hume (1711 obtain a nything of the Negroes by offering them strong drink, and may easily prevail with them to sell, not only their children, but their wives and mistresses, for a cask of brandy 20 In another context in which he compared European civilization vis a s, he differentiated the two thus: So fundamental is the difference between these two races of man, and it appears to be as great in regard to mental capacities as in colour. The religion of fetishes so widespread among them [Africans] is perhaps a sort o f idolatry that sinks as deeply into the trifling as appears to be possible to human nature. 21 According to Hume biography he did not visit Africa during his lifetime; h ence his writing is likely to have been

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50 | Umejesi influenced by stories told by slave traders a nd merchants trading between Africa and the Americas. 22 Immanuel Kant, a German Philosopher/Anthropologist and a contemporary of David Hume, also wrote in line with the prevailing perception of Africa and Africans in Enlightenment Europe. In his 1763 e ssay Observations of the Beautiful and the Sublime Kant stated: The Negroes of Africa have by nature no feeling that rises above the trifling. Mr. Hume challenges anyone to cite a single example in which a Negro has shown talents, and asserts that among the hun dreds of thousands of blacks who are transported elsewhere from their countries, although many of them have even been set free, still not a single one was ever found who represented anything great in art or science any other praiseworthy quality, even thou gh among the whites some continually rise aloft from the lowest rabble, and through superior gifts earn respect in the world. 23 For Kant and some of his contemporaries, Africa ns and other non European s were more inclined to laziness and we re intellectually less gifted than Europeans While Kant was a celebrated anthropologist and philosopher of his age, he fail ed to acknowledge the exploits of the ancient African civilizations of Egypt, Kush, Nok, Ghana, Igbo ukwu, Ife, and Benin, among others. Again, like his contemporary David Hume, it is not on record that Immanuel Kant visited Africa. 24 In addition, he did not explain the method he used in his assessment of industry and talent among black people. To other writers of the Enlightenment and Industrial Europe (mostly in the 1800s), the emancipation of non European races depends on colonialism and state formation by European nations. It was thought that European civilization and Christianity w ould salva ge non Europeans from primitivism. The 1800s constituted a defining century in European colonial adventurism especially in Africa except for the Cape region of South Africa where the Dutch had settled since the 1650s. After the theoretical abolition of th e slave trade in Britain and its territories in the 1790s, effort s in the 1800s focused on suppressing the trade in Africa and convincing other nations to also abolish the trade in their territories and promote civilization via legitimate commerce trade in commodities. 25 It was perhaps the commercial need of Europe and the strategic importance of Africa that changed the tone of Euro centr ists from one of derision to that of relative partnership To the German poet and literary critic Wolfgang Menzel, African s and aboriginal Australians c ould only emerge through some kind of fusion (perhaps genetic and /or cultural) with Europeans. This, he hoped w ould yield a highly intelligent society. Menzel ascribed what he described as the Thracian and Semitic It may be asked whether at some future time the rest of the world may not be flooded with Europeans from the East Indies, from the Cape, and from the Botany Bay, and by this means a universal commixture take place? I believe rather that the final complete triumph of Christianity and of [European] civilization will be the consequence of an entire fusion of the whites and blacks. 26 Finally, Menzel cited A merica as an example where White civilization has triumphed over Indian primitivism and hoped Australian aborigines and Africans would follow. It is such

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The Nation State Former S | 51 only at the 27 To further illustrate the misconception s about Africa and justification for colonialism in the late 1800s and early 1900s, Captain Vallier, a French traveler in the Congo, wrote in 1900 ut anarchy and ill will, in order words, a society in its infancy, without any organization, a scattering of humanity, who escape from contact with us and paralyzed our most generous efforts with inertia 28 As we shall see later in this article, it is this idea of racial superiority on the part of European colonial adventurers that underpinned colonial administration and the state it created. Hence, from its inception, colonial rule aimed at changing supposedly the inferior indigenous to something superior alien and European. Racial Minimalism : The Limitations o f a Discourse The common string linking the views advanced by writers of Enlightenment and Industrial Europe wa s the assumption that non Europeans we re racially and institutionally inferior to Europeans. The Nigerian philosopher Michael Eze has identified common limitations to this thesis: m ost of the se minimalist scholars never travelled outside their home continent ; t hey relied on European adventurer s notebook s, meaning that they d id not writ e experientially; t hey believed that geography determined human psychosocial development and character. 29 The racial parameter as a template for judging civilization and development can not provide an informed basis for the comparative history of different peoples As the popular relative to others may not sufficiently portray the achievements of its past. It is this mode of racial perception in which one people is presumably superior to others that often overlooks the accomplishment of individual members of the o ther O nce a so called race is profiled as inferior, the tendency is for the supposedly superior race to forcibly impose its institutions on the perceive d inferior race. It should be noted, however, that there were exceptions to such views. For instance, L.S Amery, a former British Dominion Secretary, differed with the imperial idea of making the colonies look like little Englands To Amery, Western values 30 In other words, he recognized that fundamental institutional differences between the West and other peoples could hinder the functionality of imposed Western values and institutions in other contexts. It must be emphasized that judging one civilization based on the values of other civilizations obscures the dynamism and functionality of its i nstitutions. The existence of humanity in any geo cultural context reveals that to a large extent its institutions and material and immaterial cultures are not static. The dynamic interaction of diverse elements political and e cological spaces sustained its people long before the Euro African relationship developed. It is the ideological ground as provided by racial minimalism and fuelled by mercantilism that thus justified colonial adventurism in Africa and the nature of the na tion state s it bequeathed. To colonial apologists, therefore, the colonization of Africa and imposition of the nation state 31 While different states existed in Africa prior to the European coloni al era, t he state with its present geopolitical constitution is essentially a relic of that era 32 Therefore, a critical

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52 | Umejesi question that arises in this context is to what extent is the notion of the new state a civilizing and sustainable institution in Africa, especially in Nigeria? It is arguable that creating a sustainable and grassroots oriented state was ever the goal of colonialism. The conscious alienation of colonial administration from indigenous peoples, the master/servant relationship that colonial lab or policies promoted, racist slurs against local people, harsh tax practices, forceful expropriation of natural resources, alienation from land and other forms of exploitation illustrated the fact that the state represented an alien and economic agenda of the coloni al pow ers against the interest of their subject peoples 33 As will be seen later in this article, for the local communities, such as in Nigeria, the idea of the state (colonial or postcolonial) became equated with racism, maltreatment, dispossess ion, e lite pillage and injustice; henc e, the emergence of resistance to the state What was the socio political framework in pre colonial Nigeria, and how did colonialism change it? The next section examines this question. Colonial Intrusiveness: Con tradi cting t he Indigenous I t? Ethnic groups or communities in different regions of Nigeria developed into sovereign monarchical kingdoms, chiefdoms or village democracies. 34 In Southeastern Nigeria and the Niger Delta region from where this study draws its primary data small independent communities with full territorial, socio ecological, and economic and political sovereignties controlled their land and natural resources. In these areas, no known efforts were made toward buildin g large ethnic or multiethnic kingdoms. Prior to British rule in Nigeria, these polities had their tailored government, sustainable land tenure systems and reso urce ownership models. In Southw est and Mid w estern Nigeria, the Yoruba and Benin peoples both e volved ethnic kingdoms. However, like their eastern neighbors, they also practiced communal resource ownership system s although with greater hierarchical control by their o bas (kings in Yoruba and Benin) 35 The Hausa Fulani rulers of Northern Nigeria devel oped kingdoms or emirates. The e mirs adopted an Islamic administrative system and exercised enormous control over their territories. Land and natural resource ownership system based on relative feudalism was practiced and the Fulani emirs collected taxes f rom landless commoners or talakawas 36 The primary place of the traditional rulers in the political administration of Northern Nigeria made it easy for the colonial state to take control of the land, once they gained control of the emirs. Land in Northern N igeria (especially among the Hausa/Fulani), does not seem to ha ve as much mystical connotation as in Southern Nigeria. 37 The perception of land in a non mystical sense may have been connected to the predominantly Islamic practices and the nomadic economy of the region. In Southern Nigeria (East and West), land and natural resource ownership did not reside with one individual; rather it resided with the community. The colonial era British ethnographer Percy Amaury Talbot noted 38 Degradation of land was seen as an abomination in local communities, because land degradation contravenes certain attributes of land, among which is that the land is holy i.e., believed to be a link between the living and the dead. Talbot describes the mystical perception of land in Southern Nigeria thus: The feeling [reverence] partly arises, no doubt, from the belief in the spirits of the earth the local representative of which is usually regarded as the tutelary guardian of the people and its soil, and partly from the worship of ancestors who dwell in it. 39

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The Nation State Former S | 53 The perception of land in this manner implies also that land is valued beyond pecuniary compensation. Writing about indigenous land use practices in Southeastern Nigeria in pre colonial times, P.E.H. Hair a British colonial official in the Udi Division of Eastern Nigeria, n oted must never be bartered for money 40 Talbot argued that it was in fact colonial rule that introduced the commoditization of land in Southern Nigeria: By immemorial custom it [land] can never be alienated or sold, and it is only of recent years and in a few parts of the country, where Europeans and other aliens have made dual appearance in numbers, that any private individual rights in land are beginning to be recognized. 41 The indigenous model of land ownership and alienation did not fit into the colonial context, hence the necessity to reform it. The reformation, which ignored the indigenous socio ecological order, involved the proclamation of several land and mineral resou rce related Ordinances beginning with the Crown Land Ordinance of 1900. With this legislation, all territories the Royal Niger Company had acquired from local rulers through treaties were turned over to the colonial state. 42 Thes wn L ands 43 T.O.S. Elias note d that Crown L generic name for all the lands which are in reality the property of the Nigerian public, held 44 A question that may be of interest here is: how much did Nigerians realize their stake in the new state as of 1900? Put differently, was there any such thing as a of 1900? The Nigerian nation state as presently constituted is unarguably a relic of British colonial craftsmanship. As pointed out earlier, p rior to the commencement of British colonial rule in 1900, indigenous communities in Nigeria lived in sustainable independent political units. 45 Hence, the awareness of a national wealt h and communities were not integrated into a common Nigerian public and preferred to be identified by their indigenous identities than as Nigerians. 46 This leads us to the question, why was Nigeria c reated, by whom and for what purpose? The following section peers into these fundamental questions that underlie the evolution of the Nigerian state. The Nigerian Nation State : For Whom a nd f or w hat Purpose? This section examines the arguments adduced by c olonial officials for the formation of the Nigerian nation state and the role players in this process. If put in question form: what were the arguments behind the formation of the Nigerian state as presently constituted? Did Nigerians create their state? O n the other hand, was the state imposed on Nigerians? This section will attempt to offer insights into these questions in order to understand the grievance dynamics and the nature of the conflict between the nation state and former sovereignties in Nigeria. The formation of the present day nation state of Nigeria was purely British driven and followed a top down colonial approach. The process started with the amalgamation of the Colony of Lagos and the Protectorate of Southern Nigeria in 1906 into th 47 The Protectorate of Southern Nigeria included the two provinces of Eastern and Western Nigeria; while the Essentially two separate countries the the governed by their respective High Commissioners. 48 This initial s tructure, which somewhat

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54 | Umejesi reflected the broader ethnic/religious divides between the mainly Islamic Hausa Fulani North and a more diverse South, was considered expensive for purposes of administration and unsustainable in the long term. 49 Considering the challenges posed by the administration of two countries in a contiguous geography, different British colonial officials expressed the need to amalgamate both countries before 1914. 50 From an official viewpoint, which was stated by Lord Frederick Lugard, the eventual creation of a Nigerian state on January 1 1914 was based mainly on the subsequent reasoning : The construction of a rival railways in Northern and Southern Nigeria accentuated the necessity of having a single railway policy, with a single adminis tration, and over a year ago [1913], the Secretary of State decided that the time had come to give effect to the scheme of constituting a single Government for Nigeria. 51 While it may seem ridiculous to amalgamate two distinct countries merely to have a uni fied railway system, it shows the economic basis (rather than socio cultural consideration) behind the British decision to amalgamate the distinct Northern and Southern Nigerias. Various opinions have been expressed on the amalgamation of 1914. Takena Tamu no a Nigerian historian argues : 52 Northern Nigeria is landlocked and its produce export s had to go through Southern Nigerian seaports. Hence, it did not make economic sense for British trad ing companies to pay double taxes in two countries, when they could pay once in a united country. The amalgamation movement also gained popularity with the revenue forecasts which indicated a bright economic future for the country. For instance, Lugard ha d 1 / 2 millions, and Trade has increased from 5 million to nearly 15 millions in thi s period of under 8 53 In another instance, the mineral resource potential of Nigeria was also highlighted to support the viability of a Nigerian nation state the new regime are practically unlimited, with the large store of vegetable and mineral 54 ion was clear. For him colonial rule was not just 55 He perceiv ed colonialism and the formation of nation state as a dual mandate in which Britain will bestow civilization or as he puts and welfare [to] the primitive races 56 In return, Britain and indeed Europe will reap industrial growth by sourcing cheap raw materials f rom Africa. According to Lugard: Let it be admitted at the outset that European brains, capital, and energy have not been, and never will be, expended in developing the resources of Africa from the motives of pure philanthropy; that Eu rope is in Africa for the mutual benefit of her own industrial classes, and of the native races in their progress to a higher plane; that the benefit can be made reciprocal, and that it is the aim and desire of civilized administration to fulfill this dual mandate. 57 To emphasize this economistic drive in the creation of the Nigeria, o ther colonial advocates, especially British traders had since 1830s called for direct British rule of the Niger Delta region of Nigeria as a way of ensuring safe trading env ironment. 58 For instance in 1882, a British trader in the Niger Delta had suggested to the British Crown: I believe that instead of so many petty kings and chieftains, if we had one strong government over all these rivers, the increase in our trade would be enormous, and the impetus it would give to civilization would be almost incalculable. 59 In effect, while the formation of the Nigerian

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The Nation State Former S | 55 nation state arguably may have benefited Nigerians in some ways, the primary goal of its founders was the economic bene fit that Britain and its traders gained. Africa as a continent was viewed by European traders and officials as a land of great economic potentials and the risk of investment in colonialism did not compare with the projected benefits. One writer fantasized about the riches of Africa thus: On the land itself, Nature seems to breathe the fifth part of all her nectar [on s now attracting the attention of the civilized world. Foreigners can hardly look up on her commercial resources with eyes unmoved. 60 How did the colonial (Nigerian) state resonate with local communities and individuals? Local opinions voiced against the new nation state immediately after its amalgamation in 1914 reveal the inherent arbitrariness in the formation of Nigeria. C olonial officials had ignored the i ndigenous socio cultural affinities and geographi cal contiguities of communities They were even distorted in certain instances. Perhaps no opinion captured this anomaly than the February 3 1914 editorial in The Times of Lagos : We had been complaining for years that portions of Yoruba tribes had been incorporated into the administration of Northern N igeria, not withstanding that they were allied to the countries and peoples under the Southern administration by conterminous boundaries and by ties of kindred, kinship and intermarriages, and by tribal institutions. By an arbitrary arrangement, an imagina ry line ran in some cases through a town or single and individual tribal territory. As a consequence the inhabitants or dwellers in one town found their town, their territory and themselves cut up into two divisions and placed under two distinct and differ ing types of administrations, with different laws, customs and usages, although professedly and admittedly British. A farmer finds that his dwelling and himself come under one administration, while his farm land goes under the laws of another and an altoge ther antagonistic system . Even properties of an individual owner within the radius of the same locality shared the same fate. This anomaly was the subject of frequent discussions in the Legislative Council, brought up by the native unofficial members of the Council. 61 The editorial writer thus capture d a dire scenario whereby the Yoruba ethnic group which geographically belong ed to Southern Nigeria had some of its villages excised and added to Northern Nigeria w hich before 1914 was a separate count ry. More recent Nigerian scholars and analysts, critical of the unification of contrasting peoples into one country later expressed their fears on the viability of the state. Takena Tamuno describes the nature of the 1914 am algamation of Nigeria this way : A single Governor General for the Northern and Southern Provinces from January 1 1914 political fusion of North and South without compelling immediate or subsequent administrative unification. 62 In the same manner, Ahmadu Bello, the leader of the Northern Peoples Congress (NPC) in the 1960s and also the former Premier of Northern Nigeria describe d the amalgamation in his autobiography My Life 63 H e wrote this to describe not only the administrative challenges facing the Nigerian nation state but also the lack of commitment at

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56 | Umejesi nation building and citizenship orientation on the part of colonial officials. It is this view of Nigeria that Obafemi Awo lowo, the leader of the defunct Action Group and a contemporary is a mere geographical expression . to distinguish those who live within the boundaries of Nigeria and those who do not 64 These fears not only point to the mosaic nature of the Nigerian state but also mark the beginning of a contentious relationship between the superior authority of the state and the former sovereignties that constitute the new state The hurried creation of the state especially the amalgamation of Northern and Southern Protectorates presented its challenges as it did not give room for any consultations with local people. Lu . studying local conditions 65 After this period of feasibility study, Lugard travelled back to England and submitted his findings to ecretary of Stat e Sir Edward Grey, who then mandated the amalgamation. 66 It is not known how Lugard arrived at his conclusion that all the indigenous communities and ethnic kingdoms could surrender their sovereignties to the powerful central authority of the state. As his account shows, he did not consult local communities; neither did he work in a committee. Takena Tamuno notes : T he British government did not seek the opinions of Nigerians before amalgamating 67 I t was not pr acticable for Lugard to arrive at credible conclusions in just six months. Nigeria is a large country, and as of the early 1900s lacked a good communication infrastructure that w ould have afford ed him access to all the parts of the country. In his report, Lugard acknowledged that overs an area of over 330 000 square miles, or more than five times the size of England and Scotland, or one third of the size of British India [present day India, Pakistan and Bangladesh] 68 With this challe nge, it would have take n Lugard several years to reach out and consult with all of the constituencies of Nigeria. This initial anomaly spurred opposition to the new state from local communities and individuals critical of the state. To help gain a deeper understanding of the views of local people on the formation of the Nigerian state, the article utilizes primary data on issues related to the sovereignty of the new state over local communities and the responses of individuals and communities to its author ity vis vis the ownership of natural resources in local com munities. Primary data, such as archival materials on colonial era events, observation and interview responses were used in this analysis. Collection of Primary Data The data used in this artic le were collected from Enugu Ngwo, a coal producing community in Southeastern Nigeria and the oil rich communit y of Egbema and its neighbors in the Niger Delta. These communities are known for their conflict with the state over their land and mining rights Elderly respondents with experiential knowledge of state community contestation, coal mining and oil exploration/exploitation in their communities were interviewed. In addition, archival materials on coal mining and oil exploration in colonial Nigeria we re also collected from the National Archives Enugu (NAE) in Southeastern Nigeria between November 2007 and March 2008. The validity of archival documents was verified from the narratives of elderly respondents who experienced mining related activities and conflicts in both colonial and post colonial Nigeria.

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The Nation State Former S | 57 Contending for Natural Resource Rights and Notions o f Sovereignty: Field Data Different archival accounts of the reactions of local peoples to the mineral exploration of their communities during the col onial era give insights into the manner in which local people responded to the emerging state vis a vis the sovereignty of their communities. In exploration, the community rejected the right of the state to explore for mineral resourc es on their land. According to his letter : [exploration groups] to enter or to explore our land nor to drill it. The land is ours and should not be tampered with by any party whether alien or aborigine. We are yet preparing to send our children overseas to study all our mineral resources to be touched or to be meddled w ith lest posterity [and] the unborn will blame us for the same. The arrangement or license granted by the government to the both of you not being the land owners ) is it. We are the land owners. If any exploration is thought expedient to the economic benefit of our people such an arrangement and permit to enter our land and explore it should be between us and the experts to such an exploration under some terms which w ould be for the interest of us present and our descendants to come (emphases added). 69 In a similar petition written on November 15 1949, the petitioners also disputed the sovereignty o f the state over their land and g that grows on top or stays in the ground. We the aborigines of this community, dispute the right of anyone Nigeria or British Empire, over our land, water, trees, rocks. In short, everything that grows on top or stays i n the ground. We urge you Dear Sir [District Officer] tell the Shell Company to stay away from our domain. 70 While the above views were expressed in colonial Nigeria, the author wanted to know how the study communities viewed state authority over mineral re sources in their communities presently. The author asked Chief Nduka (pseudonym) in an interview in Egbema, an oil producing community in the Niger Delta, why communities such as Egbema, resist the exploitation of oil in their localities? He responded : We [the Igbo people] have never been conquered by other tribes [ethnic groups], we have never been ruled by others. Igbo communities did not seek to build empires by incorporating other communities or looking towards our non Igbo neighbors. So when they [colo nial officials ] came, what they brought with them [the state] was strange, lumping everyone together, dictating how you use your land, imposing chiefs on local communities, exploring and taking our oil in Egbema and our neighbors in Rivers area [lower Nige r Delta] It was strange. In that case it will be difficult for the people to accept the new state in just a few years, so we resisted the imposition of Nigeria, because Nigeria means taking our land by force, imposing forced labor policy, collecting taxes and dictating how we use our not surprised if the present generation has not given up fighting to keep what is ours, the way their fathers resisted the Whiteman. 71

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58 | Umejesi To this responden t, the Nigerian nation state in the coal producing Enugu Ngwo community Chief Uwakwe (pseudonym ) was also detailed in the way he saw the acquisition of their ancestral land by the colonial state in 1915 for coal mining 72 Local people in this community have always felt the colonial state acquired their land through deception and force. Th e 76 year old chief for transfer of land to the state), said: Remember, this land [colliery] was originally taken by force in 1912. However, as a result of British diplomacy, in order to show the world that they are democratic, they came back in 1915, employed a very terrib le and ruthless Warrant Chief Onyeama, ordered him to go inside the bush and fish out the leaders of these people to sign a Deed of Grant so that the land they took by force can be covered by a legal document. In 1915, the eleven chiefs signed the Deed of Grant under duress, granting the land to the colonial masters. The land was taken by force in the period of ignorance. Now is the era of awareness, we are saying, give us back our land. 73 A former highly placed political office holder in old Anambra State and an indigene of Enugu e stablishment of the colliery, gave an account of why the forebears of Enugu Ngwo thought, they Before the coming of the Whiteman [often implies British colonialism], Enugu Ngwo owned its natural resources. Natural resources in this sense do not mean coal. Our fathers did not know about coal, tin or oil, but they knew about their God given land, they guarded it jealously an d fought off the belligerent Nike Akegbe and Awkunanaw neighbors who were always intent on carving out portions of our land. Their understanding of nation hood and ownership of national properties did not encompass what belonged to Nike, nor did Awkunanaw believe that Enugu Ngwo land belonged to it. Each community guarded its wealth. At the inception of colonial rule, it changed. So what is yours now became mine and vice versa. This was in principle. Did all communities accept it? No. It was an alien conce pt. Even the Irish have not accepted English domination; there is still war in Britain over the imposition of England on Northern Ireland. How then do you think Enugu Ngwo, rich in coal, will allow its traditional enemies such as Nike and Akegbe to share i n its wealth? Extend it to Ijaw land; will they allow the Igbo or Hausa to share the national identity of groups is still alive. You talk about the Nigerian public, whose public? Wh en did it emerge? Who initiated it? 74 When the researcher raised the issue of resource ownership and conflict between mineral producing communities a nd the state, the former highly placed political office holder stated: The press and the Nigerian public hav e given what is happening in local communities a wrong interpretation. Those people dying and killing others [militants] in the creeks are not asking the federal government to give them back their oil. The issue is greater than oil, it is greater than coal It is a question being raised about the polity [Nigeria]. Without the Whiteman, the

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The Nation State Former S | 59 fighters in the Creeks would not have known about oil; but without oil, they have long in the days of their fathers asked the Whiteman to leave their land and go back to Europe. That is what Jaja of Opobo fought and died for, that is what Nana of Itsekiri and Obong of Calabar fought and died for. That is self and community assertion. We should not limit the agitation to oil and coal. Oil and coal are foreign but land is no t. That is the same thing Enugu Ngwo is saying, a reversal to the pre 1915 order, not the coal. Minerals are immaterial without the land. 75 Local narratives in this section question the sovereignty of the Nigerian state over the natural resources in local c ommunities, such as, oil and coal. They show similarities with colonial era opposition to oil exploration activities as contained in the archival sources above. The se sources reveal how local people opposed mining rights that were granted by the colonial host communities a practice that has continued in the postcolonial dispensation. Hence, to the local people, there is little or no difference between the manner they have been treated by both the colonial and the postcolonial states. Opposition to the modern state is therefore a continuation of the struggle against the loss of indigenous sovereignty to British colonial rule, even though the present state is no longer under forei gn rule. It is this intersection between the assertion of community rights (often based on the pre state notion of s overeignty) and state authority that leads to conflict between the state and the local communities that produce mineral resources. Discussi on The m inimalist theory of race that Eurocentric writers championed provided the ideological platform upon which European colonization of Africa and other regions of the world rested. In Africa, t he theory spurred paternalism, mercantilism, colonial ad venturism and finally, the creation of modern nation state s by colonial powers. These states, in most cases, have remained more or less as geopolitical contraptions that served colonial interests and are estranged from local peoples. In the case of Niger ia, this article has highlighted that economic consideration s of the British government and colonialist drive, more than any other issue, underpinned the formation of the Nigerian state. To colonial officials, the socio ecologic al and political interest s o f the l ocal communities were secondary. Hence, in the formation of the state, the opinion of indigenous communities was not sought n or were their political structures accepted as the basis of the new state While this framework was used in Nigeria and els ewhere in Africa, it was not entirely the same in other British colonies. For instance, in the former British Malaya (Malaysia and Singapore), the colonial state was created out of recognized pre existing sultanates and pirate forts. These structures also became the constituent provinces of its post colonial existence, with Singapore later permitted to secede in 1965. 76 In Africa, the United Nations hurriedly stamped the borders of postcolonial states without considering the pre colonial geo ethnic order. 77 As noted above, this imposed state structure with its characteristic centralization of authority ha s often been at variance with the socio ecologic and economic interest s of local communities a conflict that threatens the survival of the post colonial state Hence, although British colonialism bequeathed a nation state to Nigerians at independence in 1960, the overall concept of the state estranges it from local communities where it is seen as alien and a dispossessor of local sovereignty.

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60 | Umejesi For instanc e, British colonialism distorted pre colonial indigenous land tenure system and set up a framework in which the state owns all land, mineral resources, and the power to transfer usufruct. 78 This colonial framework, which the postcolonial state retains, has become volatile and has resulted in contestation for ecologic al and mineral resource rights between the state and formerly independent communities. To the local communities, therefore, the re is hardly any difference between the oppressive colonial state and a postcolonial state that ha s continued the dispossession begun by the colonial state. The perception of the state as an interloper ins titutionalized view of the state as an alien institution synonymous with British colonialism known for its racist and exploitative practices. 79 In this conflict, pre state sovereign units assert the desire to repossess their ecological rights from the stat e. This assertion of indigenous resource ownership rights (or resource nationalism of former sovereignties ) portrays an uncomfortable relationship between pre colonial political units and the new, more powerful nation state It also indicates a resurgence of traditional political authorities against a dominant nation state such that it poses a threat to the survival of the state. Conclusion In the light of the above analysis and the penitence shown by post colonial European leaders (such as the British Prime Minister) on the roles their nations played in creating these problems, it is important to suggest that the former colonial powers have critical roles to play in enhancing the sustainability of the postcolonial s tates such as Nigeria. A more local communities must go beyond mere rhetoric or financial reparation as in the Ital ian Libya n Treaty in 2009. 80 The security challeng e of the post colonial state is as much a reality in Africa as it is in Pakistan. Hence, f ormer colonial powers must engage with the agitation for restructuring the nation state s in ways that acknowledge pre colonial identities and rights. In Nigeria, t his agitation has been swirling among pro democracy groups for the practice of true federalism since the early 1990s. Such conflict due to structural imbalance is not exclusive to Nigeria alone; it is at the fore in the Angolan/Cabindan conflict, among others 81 The structural certification granted to African nations by the United Nations Organization (UNO) in the 1960s did not consider the fact that they were merely colonial contraptions that served foreign interests. 82 Those interests are not entirely relevan t in the postcolonial dispensation. While this article does not advocate a wholesale return to a pre colonial status quo conflict between the state and its component parts over mineral resource rights in countries such as Nigeria poses an existential threa t to the state. The prevailing framework of the nation state (at worst) reflects internal colonization of formerly independent communities whose sensitivities have often been ignored by the state. Put differently, the alienation initiated by colonialism persists under the post colonial dispensation. Remedying this framework should constitute a part of any meaningful measure aimed at addressing those colonial misdeeds in Nigeria? It must be acknowledged that the United Kingdom holds considerable influence on estment notes that

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The Nation State Former S | 61 Nigeria is the second largest trading partner of the UK in Africa. 83 Such influence could be used, though tactfully, to support local groups calling for a national conference for the restructuring of the Nigerian state to reflect a truly federal system where power is devolved between the central government and local communities/federating ethnic groups. While these groups have been largely ignored by state officials or hounded by erstwhile military groups is not in doubt. Hence, given the support from the UK for the restructuring of the country alongside federal principles that bequeaths some socioeconomi c and ecologic rights to the local communities will be a more sustainable way to atone for colonial misdeeds. Notes 1 BBC 2011a. 2 Moore 2010, p.57. 3 BBC 2011b. 4 See Brendon 2007, p. 4. 5 Ekeh 1975; Davidson and Munslow 1990; Bayart 1993. 6 Bassett 1994, p. 316. 7 Dike 1956, p. 128. 8 Olaniyan 1971, p. 70. 9 Ibid., 1956 p p 166 80. 10 Herbst 2000, p. 59. 11 Dike 1956, p p 65 69. 12 Olaniyan 1971, p. 67. 13 Dike 1956, p.86; Umejesi 2011, p.8. 14 Afigbo 2006, p p 410 14. 15 Tamuno 1970; Afigbo 2006. 16 al communities, kingdoms and other geo ethnic expressions that were politically independent in pre colonial Nigeria. It is this collective that were constituted under British colonialism to form the Nigerian nation state 17 Mam dani 2002, p. 78. 18 Burto n 1857, p. 214. 19 Ibid., p. 214. 20 Cited in Hannaford 1996, p. 216. 21 Ciited in Zack 2002, p. 22. 22 www.plato.stanford.edu/entries/hume 23 See Yancy 2004, p. 147. 24 www. plato.stanford.edu/entries/kant 25 See Dike 1956. 26 Menzel 1840, p. 163. 27 Cited in Eze 2011, p. 20. 28 Cited in Bayart 1993, p. 3. 29 Eze 2011, p. 21. 30 Amery 1953, p. 181.

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62 | Umejesi 31 See Zins 1998, p. 66. 32 See Griffiths 1986, p. 204. 33 See Meredith 2011, p p 93 115. 34 Horton 1979; Alagoa 1979; Smith 1979. 35 Adedipe et al. p. 1997. 36 See Grundy 1964 p. 387. 37 Uchendu 1979, p p 63 67. 38 Talbot 1937, p. 680. 39 Talbot 1937, p. 682; see also Shipton 1994. 40 Hair 1954, p. 56. 41 Talbot 1937, p. 680. 42 Meek 1946, p. 88. 43 Ibid. 44 Elias 1951, p. 46. 45 Dike 1956; Horton, 1979; Alagoa 1979; Smith 1979. 46 See Ekeh 1975. 47 The Colony of Lagos has been under British rule since 1860. The Times of Nigeria February 3 1914, p. 4; Tamuno 2006, p. 393. 48 Lugard 1914, p. 1. 49 Tamuno 2006. 50 Lugard 1914, p. 1. 51 Ibid. 52 Tamuno 2006, p. 394. 53 Lugard 1914, p. 3. 54 The Lagos Standard 7 January 1914, p.5. 55 Lugard 1972, p. 272. 56 Ibid. 57 Ibid. 58 Dike 1956, p p. 128 52. 59 The Lagos Observer 12 October 1882, p 3. 60 Ibid. 61 The Times of Lagos 3 February, 1914, p. 4. 62 Tamuno 1970, p p 565 66. 63 Cited in Afigbo 1982, p. 95. 64 Cited in emeagwali.com. 65 Lugard 1914, p. 1. 66 Ibid. 67 Tamuno 2006, p. 394. 68 Lugard 1914, p p 1 2. 69 NAE: OW 7915:26. 70 See Ibid, p 39. 71 Chief Nduka (pseudonym). 2008. He was eighty years old. Personal interview, Obiapku Egbema, Imo state ( one of the states in the Niger Delta region) 12 January 2008 72 Chief Uwakwe (pse udonym). 2008. He is a titled traditional chief ( Ishi Ani ), age seventy

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The Nation State Former S | 63 six Personal interview, Coal Camp in Enugu on 15 February 2008 possession) 73 Ibid. 74 Ndukwe (pseudonym). 2008. He was eighty two Personal interview, Hilltop community, Enugu possession) Old Anambra state in Southeastern Nigeria, comprised present day Anambra, Enugu state and Ebonyi states. It was divided in 1991. 75 Ibid. d was expropriated for coal mining by British colonial government in 1915. 76 Clive 1998. 77 Herbst 1997, p. 121. 78 Meek 1946; Uchendu 1979. 79 See Davidson and Munslow 1990; Umejesi 2011. 80 Under the 2009 Treaty, Italy agreed to pay, five billion dollar s to Libya within a period of 20 years (see Armstrong 2009, p p. 1 2). 81 See Porto 2003, p. 13. 82 Herbst 1997, p. 121. 83 www. http://www.ukti.gov.uk/export/countries/af rica/westafrica/nigeria.html References Adedipe, N.O., J.E. Olawoye, E S. Olarinde, and A.Y. Okediran. 1997 T enure Regimes and Private Land O Land Reform Bulletin 2: 1 13. Afigbo, Adiele E. 1982. Book review of J. White Central Administration in Nigeria, 1914 1948: the P roblem of Polarity in Africa: Journal of the International African Institute 52.4: 95 96. _____ (ed.), Groundwork of Nigerian History ( Ibadan: Heinemann Educational Publisher): 410 28. Ajayi and Michael Crowder (eds.), History of West Africa Vol. 1 ( London: Longman ): 331 7 3 African Affairs 52.208: 179 85. Bassett, Thomas. Century West Geographical Review 84.3: 316 35. Bayart, Jean Franois. 1993. The State in Africa: The Politics of the Belly London: Longman. BBC http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/magazine 12992540 _____. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk 15235812 Button, R. 1857. The Anatomy of Melancholy. Philadelphia: J.W. Moore. History Today 57: 10 http://www.historytoday.com/piers brendon/moral audit british empire

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64 | Umejesi Clive, J. Christie. 1998. A Modern History of Southeast Asia: Decolonization, Nationalism and Separatism London: I.B. Tauris & Co. Ltd. Davidson, B. and B. Munslow. 1 Review of African Political Economy 49: 9 21. Dike, Kenneth Onwuka, 1956. Trade and Po litics in the Niger Delta 1830 1885: An Introduction to the Economic and Political History of Nigeria Oxford: Clarendon Press. Comparative Studies in Society and History 17.1: 91 112. Journal of Comparative Legislation and International Law. Third Series. 33.3 4 : 49 55. Emeagwali.com. Memories of Post Colonial Africa: Reflections by Philip Emeag wali http://emeagwali.com/photos/nigerian/photo essay on nigeria.html. Philosophy Colloquium Series, University of Fort Hare, East London Campus South Africa. July 28. Land Reform Bulletin. The Geographical Journal 152.2: 204 16. The Journal of Modern African Studies 2.3: 379 93. Hair, P.E.H., 1954. A Study on Enugu, Unpublished Manuscript National Archives Enugu. Hannaford, I. 1996. R ace: The History of an Idea in the West. Johns Hopkins University Press: Baltimore. International Security 21.3: 120 44. _____ 2000. States and Power in Africa: Comparative Lessons in Autho rity and Control New Jersey: Princeton University Press. Horton, R. 1979. Stateless Societies in the History of West Africa. In J.F.A. Ajayi and Michael Crowder (eds.), History of West Africa Vol. 1 ( London: Longman ): 78 119 Ikejiofor, Cosmas Uche. 20 in Land Delivery in Enugu, Nigeria. A Case Study prepared for Revisiting Urban Planning: www.unhabitat.org/grhs/2009 Lagos Observer 1882. 12 October _____ 1882. erver Publishing Co. 1 June Lagos Standard 1914. rd Publishing Co. 7 January

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The Nation State Former S | 65 _____. 1914. Standar d Publishing Co. January 14 and Protec _____ Immanuel Wallestein (eds.), African Tradition and Change ( New York: Random House Inc. ): 272 73. Mamda m i, M. 2002. When Victims B ec ome K illers: Colonialism, Nativism, and the Genocide in Rwanda New Jersey: Princeton University. Journal of Comparative Legislation and International Law 3.28: 87 91. Menzel, W. 1840. Vol X LVII, 154 65, January June Edinburgh: William Blackwood & Sons. Meredith, M. 2011. The State of Africa: A History of the Continent since Independence Johannesburg: Jonathan Ball Publishers. Moore, W.T., 2010. Face Like Flint Bloomington Indiana: CrossBooks. Land), Enugu: National Archives. Accessed February 2008. Olaniyan, Boluwaji. 1971. Economic History of West Africa Ibadan: C axton Press. Porto, J.G. 2003. Cabinda: Notes on a Soon to be forgotten War. Institute for Security Studies. http://www.unpo.org/content/view/444/99/ pical Africa: Soils, Symbols, and the Annual Review of Anthropology 23: 347 77. Crowder (eds.), History of West Africa Vol. 2 ( London: Lo ngman ): 152 95. www. plato.stanford.edu/entries/hume/ www.http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/kant/ Talbot, Percy Amaury. 1937. The People of Southern Nigeria. Vol. 3 London: Frank Cass Publishers. The Journal of Modern African Studies 8.4: 563 84. _____ Groundwork of Nigerian History ( Ibadan: Heinemann Educational Publisher ): 393 409. Times of Nigeria 1914. f Nigeri a Publishing Co. February 3

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66 | Umejesi Journal of African Studies 6.2: 62 74. UKTI. Nigeria. www. http://www.ukti.gov.uk/export/countries/africa/westafrica/nigeria.html Extraction in Niger ia: A Socio historical Study of Petroleum and Coal Mining Communities. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Fort Hare, South Africa. _____ Nigeria: A Paradox of Economic Diversifi African Studies Quarterly 12.3: 1 21. Yancy, George. 2004. What White Looks Like: African American Philosophers on the Whiteness Question Great Britain: Routledge Zack, Naomi. 2002. Philosophy of Science and Race London: Routledge. Zins, Henryk Pula : Botswana Journal of African Studies 12.1 & 2: 58 68.



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Afric an Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.e du/asq/pdfs/v13i3a5.pdf University of Florida Board of Trustees, a public corporation of the State of Florida; permission is hereby granted for ind ividuals to download articles for their own personal use. Published by the Center for African Studies, Univ ersity of Florida. ISSN: 2152 2448 BOOK REVIEWS Mohamed Adhikari. 2010. The Anatomy of a South African Genocide: The Extermination of the Cape San Peoples. Ath ens: Ohio University Press 120 p p The book presents a chronological exposition from 1652 when the Dutch East India Company established a refreshment station at Table Bay up to the San's participation in the second Korana war (1878 79) along the Gariep. One's first reaction when embarking on reading this book is to ask hy yet another publication on this subject? The writer himself provides the following motivation : the matter has little presen and none of the number of scholars writing on th e Cape San co have analysed this case specifically as one of genocide ( p p 21 22 ). While one wonders on what grounds the writer bases his first allegation, and while the accuracy of the second statement is debatable, the reality of genocide of the Sa n peoples is an incontestable part of the tragic racial history of South Africa. Traces of viewing the San, and also plague to be eradicated appear as recently as in 1929; two articles by C.J. Strydom in the Huisgenoot (of 29 November an purification of the North West of Bushmen and Korana (Afrikaans title: Boesmans en Korannas H oe die Noordweste van hulle gesuiwer is )! In a time where fundamentalist intolerance, xenophobia and racism still crop up constantly, Adhikari book serves as an apt, timely and necessary call to guard against the horrors of such outrage. While very little criticism can be brought against the content of the book it does indeed testify to the skill, expertise and scholarship of the writer I am not entirely convinced that the multi faceted nature of the question is sufficiently addressed and emphasised. In my opinion this challenge has still to be taken up. In this regard I would like to point out th e following First, initially the San were not limited to the Cape but were spread out across the whole of Southern Africa. To a greater or lesser extent they met with the same fate in Namibia, Botswana, Lesotho and the then South African Republic (ZAR) a nd Orange Free State (OFS). It seems as if minimal research has been conducted focusing on the San genocide in the last two of these regions. Second, colonial documentation does not alwa ys distinguish clearly Hottentot Bushman and the term Hottentot was often used to refer to both groups. The Hottentot herdsmen Bushmen hunter gathers that has been pointed out in the so called Kalahari debate meant that action taken laying of Khoekhoe and vice versa. For example, during the B attle of Mumusa between the ZAR and the Korana of Chief David Massouw Rijt Taaibosch in December 1885 that led to the destruction and extermination of the last functional community of Korana in So uthern Africa, a number of San fought on the side of the Korana. This battle is, in the light of Adhikari's definition and the analogies present in the actions of the Cape government after the second Korana war, clearly an instance of genocide. Because gen ocide of indigenous peoples in Southern Africa is not limited to the San, this question remains open to a wider, more inclusive examination. Third, I am convinced that racist and religious views of the settlers, trek farmers and frontier freebooters, toget her with greed, played a major role in the

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BOOK REVIEWS | 73 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf genocide of the first indigenous peoples, and thus demand a more detailed exploration than is supplied. In the fourth place, the fact that the Korana, Griqua and Bastard groups also played a role in the extermina tion of the San is mentioned only in passing. According to earlier sources their influence was considerable. While colonialism unmistakeably played a role in the creation of an unstable interior there is indication of a pre colonial phase where it was abou t raids, revenge and the capture of slaves and women from other groups. I am unaware of recent research in this regard and am of the opinion that greater clarity on this aspect of history would enable us to construct a more nuanced image of the genocide o f the San. Finally, in order to avoid complete extermination the San did not only migrate to the geographical peripheral areas. They deliberately concealed their San identity by taking on the customs and language of surrounding populations h ence the popula r use of the appellation the secret San In effect, the San were not only subject to genocide, but also to ethnocide. While the writer refers to a distinction between genocide and ethnocide, the latter did have an impact on the disappearance of the San a nd deserves attention in our final analysis. recommended textbook to all who are interested in the subject. Piet Erasmus University of the Free State Eric Allina. 2012. Slavery by Any Other Name: African Life und er Company Rule in Mozambique Charlottesville: Uni versity of Virginia Press. 255 p p Slavery by Another Name: The Re Enslavement of Black Americans from the Civil War to World War II (2008). Both volumes document the intimate relationship between global capitalism and race based systems of slavery, but the respective regimes under the microscope also seem re flections of each other government and lack of identification, to make worker quotas; the long and deadly hours of toil in mines or on plantations. Just as Blackmo continuation of slavery in the post Civil War American South, so does Allina make a most worthy contribution to the growing body of literature on slavery and its profits in the European occupied sph eres of Africa. Slavery by Any Other Name in fact, is the first book to make use of the archives of the Mozambique Company, a collection of papers accidentally left behind in Mozambique when scholarly us d ( p. 13). Allina deftly illustrates how Portugal, lacking resources comparable to the rest of Europe from having lost Brazil earlier in the century, sought to develop its African colony of Mozambique on the cheap by outsourcing much of it to the Mozambique Company established by Joaqum

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74 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf unto the natives. Of course, these two things were related, for the company sought to imagined indolence), usually for the operations of white farmers and industrialists, who, operating on the cheap themselve s, provided little to nothing in the way of amenities or food for their workers and often whipped them for failing to meet assigned production quotas violence which increased Allina expertly explicates how the Mozambique Company established a veritable police state for Africans in order to compel their labor the company issued official passes, the random arrests, the ever the labor poo l, and more (even before Portugal, under Antnio Salazar, became the only dictatorship among the colonial powers) surviving documents, to replicate a localized view of how company officials negotiated with individual chiefs for the labor of their followers; how the company disrupted relationships between youth and elders, between men and women, by driving so many youths into the wage labor market; and how Africans resisted by crossing borders into Brit ish occupied territory when they could or migrating to other employment at strategic times. If there is one criticism of this book, it is that Allina misses the occasional chance to demonstrate the extent of apparent pan European solidarity in the face of cha llenges to white rule in Africa. F or example, a brief rebellion in Baru rather surprises the reader given how much space the author devotes to illustrating the compet ition of these two powers, but the author fails to attach any meaning to this example of cooperation ( p. 120). p. 179). When the only state structure is one whose sole purpose is the pursuit of profit, rsuit of profit is reinforced colonial racial hierarchies and a among other examinations of savage colonialism on the African continent, such as Adam (1998), being a perfect volume not just for African history courses but also colonial and labor studies. Guy Lancaster Encyclopedia of Arkansas Hi story & Culture Boatema Boateng. 2011. Intellectual Property in Ghana. Minneapolis: Unive rsity of Minneapolis Press 216 p p Common discussions of copyright and intellectual property usuall y focus on familiar media such as publications, film, television, and music, copyright being individually owned and executed by authors, publishers, or producers. However, copyright can be extended to all original, creative work s, in any form so how does cop yright apply to works without singular author? This is the question that Boateng focuses on in

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BOOK REVIEWS | 75 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf Adinkra and Kente Cloth as Intellectual Property in Ghana relatively short length. Into 182 pages, Boateng skillfully navigates the disciplines of legal studies, African studies, and sociology to examine the application of copyright law to the Ghanaian art forms of adinkra design and kente cloth. The introduction covers the historical a nd theoretical framework for her argument, including the Asante and Ghanaian historical context, intellectual property law, and implications for adinkra and kente cloth as intellectual property. Boateng devotes chapters to Asante considerations of authorsh ip, the role that gender has in cloth production and appropriation, the limits of intellectual property law as applied to artisans, the politics and economic implications of appropriation of adinkra and kente, and global regulation of the art forms. The ma in debate about adinkra and kente as intellectual property is centered on the fact that these art forms are considered to be both indiv idually and communally authored and based on social norms so that individual authorship is formally forsaken in favor of broader claims to communal authorship, although individual authors receive anecdotal credit for their work. Doing so places the work in the public domain, at which point others, particularly the Ghanaian state and those who make mass production replicas of adinkra and kente, can benefit from the authorship of artisans without penalty. As Boateng individual or communal, and for that reason, applications of copyright and int ellectual property to adinkra and kente fall short. sources are wide ranging. While she uses oral testimony in the form of life histories and interviews as the initial basis of her argument, that argument is also thoroughly referenced and supported by works within intellectual property and copyright law, A frican art, and sociology and anthropology. Within intellectual property and copyright, Boateng cites The Public Domain: Enclosing the Commons of the Mind (2008), as Power of Their Word: Selected Papers from Proceedings of the 1st National Conference on Oral Literature in Ghana (1988), in addition to several works from the World Intellectual Property Organization. In her discussions on adinkra and kent Cloth as Metaphor Wrapped in Pride: Ghanaian Kente and African American Identity Asante in the 19th Century (1975). W here Boateng shines however, is in her handling of sociological theory to analyze the power dynamics inherent in intellectual property law and its applications in Ghana. In her examination of Ghanaian folklore, she examines class issues, debates over tradition and mod ernity, and the effects of commodification, nationalism, and globalization on lawmaking Provincializing Europe: Postcolonial Thought and Historical Differenc e (2000) and Henry Giro Terror of Neoliberalism: Authoritarianism and the Eclipse of Democracy (2004). It is this analysis that elevates her work from the purely anthropological, with its use of life histories, or solely within the realm of legal studies, with its focus on c supports her argument quite well, and the endnote citations include extra, useful details about her sources. The potential audience for this text could be anyone interested in present limits of copyright and intellectual property, as well as those interested in the complicated relationship between tradition and modernity espec ially as it relates to folklore. I believe anyone interested

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76 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf in exploring the complex interactions and negotiations that occur when law s come in contact Michelle Guittar, Northeastern Illinois University Daniel Branch. 2011. Kenya: Between Hope and Despair, 1963 2011 New Hav en: Yale University Press. 366 pp. Kenya has been a beacon of stability in the East African sub region albeit a political milieu colo red by institutionalization of violence over the years and economic marginalization, often viewed in ethno governance c risis in post colonial Kenya, focusing mainly on the role played by elites. It ought to be noted that the violence that rocked Kenya following the 2007 elections was not a surprise episode but a simmering volcano only waiting to explode. Ethnicity as a med ium of political mobilization coupled with profound divisions along regional and religious lines have characterized local politics (Ajulu 2001, p. 1) 1 Indeed, the spate of communal violence has either been sponsored or condoned by elites in positions of p ower. What the author describes as informali z ing state repressive institutions to serve political ends. The volume is niftily organized, chronologically pre senting dynamics of Kenyan politic s under three regimes (Kenyatta 1963 78; Moi 1978 2002; Kibaki 2002 present). It is basically a blend of informed personal reflections and biographical characterization of the most influential well titles, sub headings t hat reflect popular local political jargons. Ironically, th e text in chapter five, titled Love, Peace and Unity, 1982 88, The book will definitely attract the attention of the academic community of political scientists, historians and university students, especially those keenly interest ed in African politics. The author adeptly clarifies concepts prominent in the literature on African politics such as ethnicity, redistribution, inequality, corruption, succession politics, etc. Branch uses two sets of primary sources to compile what he ca memoirs and civil society reports. Rightly so, Branch cautions that both of these sources should be treated with care as they might have been prejudiced by strategic and political agendas of their authors. The recurring themes of the book are ethnic chauvinism, political assassinations and to act as a restraining force on misbehaving elites jostling for power (p. 293), and that in the 294). As redistribution policy was abandoned by successive regimes, Kenyans made best use of ethnic networks to acc ess land, jobs and political power. This is

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BOOK REVIEWS | 77 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf describe patronage networks or informal client patron power networks based on mutual favors ( Brown 2004 ) Political assass inations of influential figures like PG Pinto, Tom Mboya, JM political history. Moreover, mismanagement and scandalous deals like Goldenberg, disappearance of strat governance system They have led the author to conclude that a fundamental overhaul of politics and governance has not yet taken place in the four years since the 2007 disputed rather as a hybrid form of democracy and authoritarianism (p. There are, nonetheless, some sections of the book that needed improvement. A slightly enhanced a nalytical section on the outcome of the 2010 referendum vote would have immensely percent disapproval rate, with the highest No vote recorded in the Rift Valley Pro vince, is not a matter to gloss over. Thirty one of forty nine Rift Valley constitue No pointing to fears expressed by the Kalenjin community of domination by other groups in the new counties (KNDR 2010, p. 27) An apparent omission also in th No for opposing the draft constitution. Besides, there is no mention at all of initial mediation attempts in the post 2007 electi on violence by Archbishop Desmond Tutu, who was the first external mediator to arrive under the umbrella of the All Africa Conference of Churches (AACC). Lastly, it is inaccurately presented that when the constitution was amended in 1991 to pave way for mu ltiparty elections, the presidential tenure four years (p. 240), instead of the inserted two five year term limits. Notes 1 See also Khadiagala 2008, p. 6. References Ajulu, Rok 2001. Democratization and Conflict in Eastern Africa: Ken L ikely Impact on Eastern Africa and the Great Lakes Region IGD Occasiona l Paper No. 28 Brown, Stephen 2004 . Journal of Contemporary African Studi es 22:3 25 42 Kenya National Dialogue and Reconcili ation (KNDR) Monitoring Project. 2010. Review Report October Khadiagala Gilbert M. 2008 Eastern Africa: Security and the Legacy of Fragility Afri ca Program Working Paper Series. New York: Internationa l Peace Institute. Rasul Ahmed Minja University of Duisburg Essen

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78 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf Lothar Brock, Hans Henrik Holm, Georg S rensen and Michael Stohl. 2012. Fragile States: Violence and the Failure of Intervention. Cambridge, UK: Polity Press. 194 pp. Authors Brock, Holm, S rensen, and Stohl, have done a creditable job in writing a book length analysis on fragile states, richly illustrated by case studies of Afghanistan, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC ), and Haiti, and which also examines both the positive and negative contributions of outsiders to these fragile states. The authors prepare the canvas for the study by noting, in the introduction, that interstate war has been in decline since the end of the Second World War; what is not in decli ne, however, is the occurrence of intrastate war. Such intrastate conflict is not the exclusive province of scale, intrastate violence there tends t This observ ation is perhaps a bit tautological, since conflict is one of the factors that tend to define state fragility, but the observation is nevertheless important, particularly since such conflict tends to spread to neighboring states. Another important obser vation, and perhaps one of the key reasons for studying fragile states, is that they can provide a breeding ground for terrorism and violence so mething noted by U.S. leaders when . st ated that t he country was now threatened less by conquer (p. 8) This threat, combined with humanitarian concerns, provides ample motivation for studying the dynamics of fragile states. In the initial chapter the authors examine key i ndicators that define fragile states. These indicators are reinforced by a review of the literature and by comparison with other indices Cooperation and Development (OECD ) measures. There are some striking counter intuitive revelations in the book, such as the identification which are examined in contrast to the case study countries of Afghanistan, Haiti, and the DRC. Another counter valuable natural resources in a country can actually increase the probability of fragility, due to the intense competition for cont rol of these resources by factional interests within the country. r, cobalt, and coltan in abundance, the DRC has never been able to use these resources to the benefit of the state in the way that Botswana has, for example, but control of these resources has proven too great a temptation for those in power who wanted to keep the wealth for themselves. In Chapter 4, examining the options for coping with state fragili ty, the authors conclude the capacity of outsiders to address the problems of weak states is limited and . both domestic and international conditio ns make interventi In this chapter, the authors note that international organizations in gener al, and the African Union (AU) in particular, have modified their long standing policy against intervening in the affairs of of African Unity (OAU), had always been reluctant to take such a bold stand.

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BOOK REVIEWS | 79 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf fragile states, the concluding chapter recommendations are tepid at best. The authors examine external conditions conducive to the mi tigation of fragile (p. 167); thousands [or more] . international society should be ready to act with much greater speed and efficiency (p 170) In other words, monitor the situation of fragile states, but intervene only when the consequences of inaction appear to be disastrous. Subject matter experts and general readers who are interested in the fate of fragile states will enjoy this book but, considering the weighty subject matter and the combined expertise of the four scholars who wrote this study, the lack of a more dynamic series of recommendations is disappointing. Norman Clark Capshaw U.S. Africa Command and the University of Ph oenix J. Calvitt Clarke III. 2011. Alliance of the Colored Peoples: Ethiopia and Japan before World War II. Oxford, UK: James Currey for the International African Institu te. 198 pp. Only a truly dedicated historian with the passion and the patience for mi nute details, including those details which are found scattered in space and time, could write this book. By organizing and interpreting such details, J. Calvitt Clarke III has rendered outstanding service to those of us who for personal or professional r While Ethiopia had had a longstanding, and at times intimate, diplomatic relations with the United States after World War II, Ethio Japanese relations had been eventful before World War II. But th ere was a gaping hole about the latter in the scholarship until now. This book is the first and fullest account of Ethio Japanese relations before World War II. outset. What follows is a general discussion of the dilemmas of moderniz ation Ethiopia had faced and how it generally resolved them as illustrated by the struggle that ensued between major characters in Ethiopia who were to play ce ntral role in the debates about whether Japan constitution (1931). some extent. Both Ethiopia and Japan showed readiness to adapt different systems of organ ization and thought from abroad in their respective effort to modernize their societies. Both countries put emphasis on the positive role of education in social transformation. We also s modernization, he was unwilling to devolve power as Emperor Meiji had done in Japan. Haile Selassie sought to

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80 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf the failure of Ethiopia and success of Japan. Thi s, of course, is an intriguing issue, which is worth exploring more fully in its own right. Welde Sellase to Japan from November to December 1931. Sellase later authored a book in Amharic about what he called Great Japan which was subsequently translated into Japanese and was published in Tokyo as Dai Nihon in 1934. The same portion of the book includes critical interest in Ethiopia. This is followed by a closer examination of the changing contours of the relationship between Italy, Russia, Japan and China again in the context of Ethio ian and a Japanese and the various reactions to it in different quarters in both countries are then dissected piece by piece. The contending theories about political and military ties between Japan and Ethiopia are closely examined in Chapter 8 against t African country, the support for Ethiopia among the Japanese at the grassroots level, and the The book last chapter is conc erned with the official and unofficial positions of Japan vis vis the Italian actions in different segments of Japanese society are also carefully outlined. As part of the policy toward the so called Italo (p. 162) One of the unique features of the book is that it integrates a variety of issues relating to Ethio Japanese relations in the 1920s and 1930s and treats them in a manner that is both engaging and stimulating, significantly raising in the process the level of discourse in this field. Of course, th e book is not flawless. To start with the title of the book, Alliance of the Colored Peoples is somewhat misleading because there is no indication, except for some anecdotal statements, of sustained discourse either in Ethiopia or in Japan about such all iance. If anything the generalization we could draw from this book is that the driving force of Ethio Japanese relations was more complex and that it was not solely, or even primarily, based on Another flaw is that major event s in the book are generally related only by the month and date of their occurrence, with the year rarely mentioned. This approach probably sprang out of which yea rs. But the fact is that this system of dating makes the task of reading cumbersome at best, especially given the density of the book. No indication in the book also whether or not the author had visited Ethiopia and consulted Amharic archives there. In stead it was implied that he had not. If so, the question becomes if he was able to travel to Rome, Tokyo and Washington for archival research, why was he unable to go to Ethiopia to do the same? Surely, language could be a barrier for the author in Et hiopia (if he does not speak Amharic) but still he could have found some way for dealing with that challenge. After all the central issues in some of the chapters of the book included the discourse which had taken place among Ethiopian elites in one of the oldest newspapers in the country. Last but not least, Clarke uncritically repeats Jeanne Pierre logically untenable assertion (p. 5) that

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BOOK REVIEWS | 81 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf was tangential to the subject under discussion one could have simply ignored it as a minor distraction but it is not. That said, however, the book is still a most welcome analysis of the history of relations between Ethiopia and Japan before World War II. Clarke Alliance of the Colored Peoples (2011) does for Ethio Japanese relations before the Second World War what The Lion of Judah in the New World (2011) does for Ethio American relations after the Second World War Seifudein Adem Binghamton University Scarlett Cornelissen, Fantu Cheru and Timothy M. Shaw (eds ) 2012 Africa and Internatio nal Relations in the 21 st Century. New Yor k, NY: Palgrave Macmillan. 248 pp. The editors introduce the argument of Africa and International Relations in the 21 st Century by precisely analyz ing post colonial and post independence Africa in the preface of th e book. The analysis highlights how post colonial and post independence political and economic scholars described African continent, especially those with a North Atlantic cultural orientation who The Economist (p. v iii). However, the twenty first c entury African scholars and investors in the current analysis view Africa in a more positive manner, as a continent of hope for the world economic growth and as an active participant in international political and economi c system. The goal of the editors is to respond to the general perspective of under representation of Africa in the mainstream i nternational r elations t heory (p. viii) and as an augment to the previous volume Theory (Kevin Dunn and Timothy M. Shaw, eds., 2001 ) in order to align the theory with the fastest economic and social development growth of the continent in the twenty first century This goal makes the contribution of this book significant to the on going debate about theoretic and contextualization of political power, sovereignty of states, conflict resolution, peace keeping, social development and the changing social dynamics in the continent of Africa in relation to IR Africa is an interesting contine nt; politically, economically and developmentally. For over four decades, the political economy of the continent was colonial masters, grants from financial institutions where African states were merely recipients not recog nized contributors and the policies were basically overshadowed by the definitions of the aid giver described by the impleme ntation of eight UN Millennium Goals ( MDGs ) by the developing countries. The Summit concluded that poverty and vulnerability to health challenges were likely to remain on the African continent due to ecological changes and most probably also exacerbated by political conflicts, energy shortage and poor management of the available natural resources (p p 9 12). Yet, Africa is not left without hope. Although Africa and developing world have been marginalized in IR theory debate, some scholars have argued that t his is due to lack of engagement with developing world, particularly the African continent that has resulted into living in denial of some developed world of African

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82 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf positive contribution to world political and economic system. However, South Africa has emerged a member of the G20 countries; a grouping of the world top fast est growing economies. This is the dawn of African participation in international relations forum s at a higher level. Karen Smith, a contributor in this volume, argues that one way of including Africa as an object of study and Africans as potential agents of IR is by critically evaluating the interpretation of concepts used in IR and concepts that are absent in Western IR discourses (p. 26). The objective understanding of the concepts of political governance and democracy in Africa as a community ( ubuntu philosophy) rather than individual states is critical as one considers the participation and contribution of Africa to IR scholarship at global level (p. 27). The African depend on rather than independent of community in their faculty; therefore, it is crucially important for IR scholars from the English speaking community to respect and interpret African contribution to IR scholarship with objectivity. Therefore, this s cholarship should be viewed from both collectivist and individualist rather than either collectivist or individualist perspective s Deliberate ignoring of collectivist view of political governance in Africa may raise difficulties in understanding the biasn ess of African contribution to IR scholarship theory in political and economic development internationally; since the world is not only comprised of individualist view s but collectivist view s identity, and culture too. The future of Africa in IR scholars hip is seemingly promising. Africa has extensively and positively contributed to political and economic development of international relations system of both develope d and developing world through the s lave trade, Diasporas and post modernity participatio n in bilateral and multilateral political and economic forums. It is notable also that in the past two decades Africa has positioned itself in its rightful place in the world. Paradoxically or candidly, Africa is the giant of the world political and econom ic development reform. Although the African continent has been negatively defined in international relations by some scholars, it is the only continent whose resources ranging from human to mineral resources have contributed significantly to the IR. Africa and International Relations in the 21 st Century is a must read resource for graduate students in political science, public administration and international business administration. George Allan Phiri, Institute of Research, Development & Training Toyin Fa lola and Nana Akua Amponsa h 2012. Saharan Africa S anta Barbara: ABC CLIO, LLC. 232 pp. Saharan Africa provides the reader with a general and accessible over v history throughout sub Saharan Africa. To do so, the authors, Nana Akua Amponsah, PhD student at the University of Texas (Austin) and Toyin Falola, h istory p rofessor at the same u niversity, try to cover the huge cultural a nd social diversity in Africa together with the main historical processes that have shaped the different situations and experiences of African women.

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BOOK REVIEWS | 83 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf The volume starts with a very brief chronology covering some of the outstanding events in sub Saharan Afr ica in which women played an important role. Following a brief introduction, marr iage, family, religion, work, arts and literature, government, and education. Together with a series of black and white pictures, each chapter is accompanied by a complete list of notes as well as suggested readings. Moreover, at the end of the book there is a brief glossary of a series of specific terms referred to along the volume. The first two chapters offer an overview of marriage as an institution, which despite being position in society, rather than the individual, romantic love and the courtship process was, and still is, an important factor to accept or reject the marriage contract. Indeed, romantic love goes beyond the Western ideal of exclusivity and has always be en a strong component in ancient African societal systems. Moreover, this part of the book provides an overview on the delicate topic of the still and kinship, paying speci al attention to female or matrilineal descent systems. The following in traditional African religions, Christianity and Islam, as well as the paradoxical impact of such religion has been a source of equality; in other instances it has been a source of oppression. ket; going from the traditional domestic and agricultural jobs to current positions in the labor market, which despite offering them more economic opportunities, are also a source of discrimination and sexual harassment. Linking to this issue, chapter six essential in African societies, their access to political authorities has been mostly indirect, which has been partly the result of the colonial political discrimination. Recently, however, mor e and more women have acquired more politically active roles, including their participation in armed combats. natured of such area, whereby women have traditionally used songs, poems and narratives to convey their experiences and cultural values to the new generations. Moreover, in the current rategies of survival. Finally, and in close roles in education during three main periods: pre colonial times, whe n most education was non formal, colonial and post colonial times, highlighting the negative effects that gendering educati towards typically feminine tasks in the domestic arena, numerous governmental agencies, N G Os and scholars have been concerned with studying this lack of educational opportu nities roles and increasing their poverty levels, compared to men. All in all, it can be said that the book offers quite an optimistic vision of the different rol es women play in sub Saharan African societies, trying to step away from either the traditional image of victimized women or some few cases of powerful queen mothers or spiritual leaders

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84 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf as agents of dramatic change. Although it is true that the vast diversity of women in this region cannot be categorized in these two groups, and that many socioeconomic and political achievements in the continent have ordinary women, it should also be noted that, considering the huge div ersity in the sub Saharan continent, the book is quite interesting as a mere introductory text to the issue, but is, on the whole, to o wide in contents and geographical scope. Ester Serra Mingot Student of the European Master in Migrat ion and Intercultura l Relations John T. Friedman. 2011. Imag ining the Post Apartheid State An Ethnographic Account of Namibia New York and Oxford: Berg hahn Books. xii. 328 pp. Focusing on the post apartheid Namibian state, this first monograph of anthropologist John T. Fried 3). In a methodologically novel way, Friedman approaches the Namibian state through an exploration of state related political imaginations a mo ng people of Kaokoland in north western Namibia conceptualiz ed as the multiple ways in which Kaokolanders 8). In capturing such state imaginings in Kaokoland, explic itly chosen for its geographical and political marginality vis vis the post apartheid Namibian state, the author relies on study of capital town Opuwo in 2000, 2001, and 2008. In particular, he focuses on the notions of government (Part 1), courts (Part 2) and chieftainship (Part 3) as a prism through which to refract political imagina ethnographise the Namibian state. mentality in Kaokoland the region. Through the study of colonial archives and extensive key informant interviews, Friedman skilfully maps how Kaokolanders (primarily Herero and Himba) relate to and what they expect from the post apartheid Namibian state. The dominant discourse he uncovers is marked by a diminished entitlements and services critique: w hile the South African apartheid regime was perceived as a reliable provider of services, the post apartheid Namibian state stresses individualistic responsibility towards the state. This seems to contradict the local notion, informed by the colonial past, ate is literally expected to feed and nourish the individual directly like 80). With the dawn of the post apartheid state in Namibia, a feeling of abandonment often expressed in terms of apartheid now prevails in the region w of neo 96). The prominence of paternalism within the political imagination in Kaokoland is thus a historically created as well as creative element shaping th e contemporary citizen subject/state relationship. of Justice as another prism through which to explore political imagination in the region. Through detailed trial records, notes and key informant interviews, he skilfully disentangles the ways in which

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BOOK REVIEWS | 85 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf Kaokolanders perceive both the legal judicial order orchestrated by the state exemplified in the magistrate court, and the application of traditional customary law as exercised through traditional courts. Great attention is paid to re drawing lines of arguments advanced by plaintiffs and litigants in choosing either ty pe of court, and the respective measures taken in response to the impeachment of law. Charting how judicial experiences shape state related imaginings, the notion of paterna lism again emerges powerfully: t he magistrate co urt is a parental (p. 171) because its institutes punitive rather than restorative or compensatory measures, thus said to neglect collective familial responsibility. In contrast, considerations pertaining to the social embeddedness of offenders and litigants are o f central importance in proceedings of the generally preferred traditional courts. ship and the Post Apartheid State how leadership claims in the region ar invented tradit ions shaped by immigration histories and colonial administration processes. Thus caused fusions and fissions of chieftainship in Kaokoland have also left an imprint on the relationship with the post apartheid state. In negotiating political belonging, the wider trope of family again certain traditional authority in tur vis vis the state t hus primarily ascribed through descent. Again, a thread from child to chief is being spun, critically influencing how the state comes to be imagined through the prism of family and kinship. Further, as it is the post apartheid state which bestows traditional authorities with representation powers and political leverage, it is also shown how civil and traditional governing structures are not two separate spheres but are in fact i ntimately infused (p. 180) thus offering an interesting perspective on the often cited legal bifurcation of the post colonial African state (Mamdani, 1996). Imagining the Post Apartheid State in Namibia is a stimulating addition to contemporary debates o f state processes in Africa, highlighting the potential contribution of anthropological inquiry to such research. ation of paternalism as the over arching theme may at times be stretched too far. For example, it is suggested that the ma gistrate a parental due to the fact that it institutes punitive rather than compensatory measures. Arguably though, a paternalistic relationship also entails punishment pos e certain values the observed aversion to the 171). Further, while the notion of paternalism entrenched in the Kaoko follows loose strands rather than one thread, rendering the reading experience challenging at e thnographically capturing the state through t he political imaginations of those who inhabit it succeeds in yielding fascinating insights pertaining to the mutually constitutive relationship between government and the governed and thus opens up fruitful avenues of inquiry. Scholars of political scien ce, social anthropology and development studies alike will greatly benefit from this thought provoking study.

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86 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf References Mamdani, M. 1996. Citizen and Subject: Contemporary Africa and the Legacy of Late Colonialism. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Ina Rehema Jahn, University of Oldenburg Julia Gallagher. 2011. Britain and Africa U nder Blair: In Pursuit of the Good State Manchester and New York: Manc hester University Press 166 pp. Britain and Africa under Blair: In Pursuit of the Good S tate (2011) is a rich and perspicacious analysis Writing from the position of experience (having worked for the Foreign Office in the early 2000s) and intellectual rigo r (as an expert on international relations), Julia Gallagher presents to ideal that resonate with thin, far off social networks. Put simply, this is about conceiving of (international) politics as more of building relationships than an instrument for oppression as well as one upmanship. Thus, from the adumbration of Tony z ing of internatio nal relations to better the plights of suffering people in Africa (particularly Nigeria consolidation of democratization freedom and wellbeing. It is in the pursuit of this good state Africa comes to the fore: For Blair, Africa was intrinsic to the doctrine of international community, part of his wider plan to make the w orld better: it was, according to one Taking the basis of her argument from a constructivist perspective, Gallagher stat ed that international politics as an extension of domestic p olitical community. To this end, as New Labour envisioned about Africa, constructivism utilizes interpret aspects of world politics that were anomalous to neo realism and neo (Burchill et al, 2005, p. 19 5). It is also within these parameters that we can pursue the good state: the Durkheimian ideal community. Britain and Africa under Blair is a book with seven chapters excluding the conclusion chapter, as well as bibliography and index; earlier drafts of chapters 4, 5 and 6 had appeared in the j ournal, Millennium: Journal of International Politics and African Affairs in 2009. The book has a

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BOOK REVIEWS | 87 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf interviews and informa l discussions conducted in 2007 [ by the author ] former ministers and government officials, and with Sierra Leonean and Nigerian political structured nature of the interviews conduc ted paints in a bold relief the validity, reliability and naturally occurring manner of facts extracted during the interviews. The people interviewed were given the opportu nity to say things as they were and prompts. on knowledge of Africa, intellectual agility o p. 29) was hiding with a knife! This experience leaves so many questions unanswered about Britain and Africa under Blair The boo k should make a good read for anybody interested in apprehending the color of British politics in contemporary Africa, ethical leadership and international relations, which are vital in the age of globali z ation and human side of politics. References Burchill, S. et al. 2005 Theories of International Relations Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan. Cooper, F. 2001. Networks, Moral Discourse and History. In T. Callaghy, R. Kassimir, and R. Lathan (eds.), Intervention and Transnationalism in Africa: Global Networks of Power Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Uzoechi Nwagbara, Greenwic h School of Management Jan Bart Gewald, Marja Hinfe laar, and Giacomo Macola ( eds ). 2011. Living the End of Empire: Politics and Society in Late Colon ial Zambia. Leiden: Br ill. 333 p p Th is edited volume seeks to portray the complexity of late colonial history in Zambia. It accomplishes this goal by shedding light on conflicts in the nationalist movement, chiefly and religious institutions and experiences of Western and Asia n communities. Andrew Roberts provides the context for the following twelve contributions, which cover Northern Rhodesia from 1945 1964. He reminds us that the copper industry only began to prosper from 1949, that the trade union legislation allowed Afric ans the same bargaining rights as white unionists and Africans increasingly managed to represent their views and interests in the public and political sphere. Giacomo Macola reinterprets the split of the ANC (Afriacan National Congress) into the ZANC (Zam bia African National Congress ) and UNIP ( United National Independence Party ) as an eruption of socio economic and ethnic cleavages. He claims that the split was a clash between Bemba speakers vs. Bantu Botatwe, as well as between waged workforce in the Copperbelt and its vast hinterland vs. rural based agricultural producers in the Southern and Central Provinces. His argument, however, is not persuasive: t hat some Tonga militants interpreted criticism against ANC president Nkumbula as criticism against a non Bemba leader, that Nkumbula lacked the authority to end Copperbelt beer halls boycotters, that seven opposing party officials were Bemba or from urban centers, and that Nkumbula

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88 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf predominantly addressed the concerns of Southe r ners in a Southern Provinc e meeting A ll these incidents do not provide enough reasons and evidence to support his claim. It seems like his description of the internal differences within the party point rather to underlying power struggles, problems of authority, representation and legitimacy. nationalist parties and the colonial government. Interestingly, he only joined the liberation struggle to bow to the masses of his people, simultaneously trying to preserve his power and autonomy. Marja Hinfelaar helps us understand how religious authority in the form of Catholic movements informed political attitudes, action and public debate. She sketched important features such as their concern with mor ality, resistance and conformity to the colonial government and how mission schools shaped the Christian identity of elites. Kenneth Vickery presents a biographical account of Dixon Konkola, Railway Union and Union Congress president, as well as the first president of UNIP, at least for a few weeks. Ian Phimister portrays the lifeworlds of white miners on the Copperbelt around 1959, their affluence, material culture, racist attitudes, as well as the composition of well educated staff (mostly British) and s emi or unskilled daily paid workers (mainly from South Africa). Joanna Lewis depicts the tions. I wonder whether her newspaper reports provide enough evidence to support her conclusions, especially since she neglects that public perceptions were probably more diverse. The unit of analysis was also not clearly defined in Jan ibution on the association of rumors with colonial fears and African aspirations concerning the Mau Mau in Kenya. More attention would be needed to differentiate who listened to whom, who believed whom, when, why, and who did not. Friday Mufuzi documents t he political actions by Indian traders in Livingstone against their discrimination, some of them even supporting the African parties. Joan Haig conducted interviews in which Hindus emphasized the creation of a collective identity and feeling of belonging w hile pushing back past experiences of segregation and hardship. Christopher Annear reinterprets data collected by Ian Cunnison. Annear argues that storytelling, instead of The Luapula Peoples y of recent deals with two female American diplomats who shaped US policy towards Africa. The narrative character makes this volume an enjoyable read. However, Zamb ian studies have more potential to contribute to basic disciplines. Most of the articles explore a particular topic over a specific period, but a research problem would also include a question and its significance. I argue that research on Zambia should no t be content with simply enhancing our knowledge on its society, but also address a wider audience by contributing to debates on concepts, theories and methodology. In my opinion, several of the case studies could be used to refine concepts and theories on the public sphere, authority, moral debate, political criticism and opposition, as well as assimilation and exclusion strategies of expatriates. And this is a chance that we should take. Esther Uzar, University of Basel

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BOOK REVIEWS | 89 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf Nigel Gibson. 2011. Fano nian Practices in South Africa f rom Steve Biko to Abahlali baseMjondolo Scottsville, South Africa: University of Kwazulu Natal Press. 312 pp. The author employs a Fanonian theoretical and ideological framework in his penetrating critique of post apartheid Sou economic and political developm ents racial democracy in April 1994 to South African transition from apartheid as bitter, realised a Black, too, can be a Boer ( amabhunu amanyama ethos and agenda of Black Consciousness, formed in 1969. This is the focus of Chapter 1. In the ic choices [that] defined and [were] made contributed to the prevailing systemic inequalities of South Africa in which black poverty has increased. For the ethical shift away from idea (p. 77) This betrayal by the ANC opponents o n the encouraged a climate of anti intellectualism and supported the 1986 slogan of making South Africa ungovernable. The forms of spontaneous educative direct democracy that was spawned in the townships was hijacked by the ANC in order t o create an opening in the negotiations with the white (p. 95). Neither did the collapse of the USSR help the unfolding political developments, for the demise cont ributed to a continued defensive Stalinism within the ANC and South African Communist Party (SACP) that became wedded to the pol itics of compromise. By the mid 1990s the ANC had fully embraced the fundamentalism of the market heralding a shift away from a radical social democratic paradigm. Consequently discussions on alternative conceptions of a future South Africa were silenced. significant black bourgeoisie throug h the adoption of the Black Economic Empowerment against empowering poor communities by naturali z ing poverty and reinforcing the neoliberal he consequences of neoliberalism are examined and the new forms of spatial apartheid in the affluent gated communities as well as how the ANC elite has majority. The history of the founding of the shack dwellers movement Abahali base Mjon dolo is detailed socio economic and political context of the struggles of the shack dwe llers and how they draw parallels with former struggles against apartheid but also their differences. However,

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90 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf only the right to houses promised them by Nelson recognition and a right for their demands to be fulfilled in the unfinished project of emancipation. More importantly, Gibson is convinced that their democratic collectivist methods of solving community and societal probl ems is the new way forward for South Africa in ado pting creative and people centere d strategies or what the organi z their vote could not be No Vote struggle has challenged the meaning of the vote and given a voice to the poorest of the poo 157). Fanonian principles and thinking of Abahali. It is committed to political self education and eschews the Manichean thinking of illegal and legal shack settleme nts, insisting that regardless of their culture, ethnicity and language, all are entitled to membership. The latter is made up of Indian s Pondo, Xhosa, young and old in a cosmopolitan urban reality. Unquestionably, in challenging the legacies of post apartheid South Africa, Abahali offers an inspiring new vision of inclusive democracy and an alternative politics for not only the southern region but the rest of Africa. Ama Biney, Independent Scholar London Rebecca Ginsburg 2011. At Home With Ap artheid: T h e Hidden Lan d scapes of Domestic Service in Johannesburg. Charlottesville, VA: University of Virginia Press. 229 pp. Rebecca Ginsburg provides a n impressi ve anthropologic account on black domestic labor during the apartheid period in South African Republic. The main focus is on small everyday interactions of domination and resistance, emotional experiences of racial inequality, and provisional yet strictly observed boundaries between blacks and whites in the intimate spaces of their lives, i.e. the family homes. The book is divided into five chapters, each dealing on different aspect black domestic labor in apartheid era Johannesburg. ting to Know the Corners interaction. It explains how white families became increasingly dependent upon black domestic labor; attracting black women into urban areas. Upon arrival, blacks faced challenges of getting to know the place and learning to navigate safely through the spaces that wer e predominantly white. labor in white household. Within the shared domestic space, boundaries between races are unstable, negotiated and still carefully observed. Sim ple acts of life b athing, eating, sitting b ecome subject of racial negotiations. The domestic hierarchies mean limited availability of recourses as food, technology of domestic space. The author shows the strategies of defacement

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BOOK REVIEWS | 91 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf and surveillance of domest ic workers and their resulting sufferings of being constantly dome stic workers. As black women have had to leave their own kids in rural areas, the white babies became substitute for their maternal needs. The deep mutual fondness between them lasted normally until child reached age of five Then, he started internalize r acist attitudes and illuminates significant, yet underestimated aspect of inequality, i.e. unequal distribution of maternal love and care. The fourth chapter, black domestic workers. Many domestic workers, although under continuous surveillance, suffered extreme social and emotional isolation. Black domestic workers regularly conducted acts of d isobedience, i.e. hosting black visitors on white property (their own children, girlfriend maids, or their male visitors). There were high risks involved; it required mastery of ruse and pretending. ial arrangements within the house. The house was divided into different spheres of limited presence and limited visibility. While social gatherings. The arbitrary domestic boundaries differed strongly depending on social background of house owners; rules were revised due the feminist movement in and to growing international pressure against Apartheid politics since 1960s. Yet the bou ndaries had been pushed and transgressed on daily basis both by blacks and Apartheid might be defined in many its aspects: racist ideologies, punitive practices, economic inequality, emancipatory struggles, or double consciousness resulting from long term subordination. The author illuminates a significant yet underestimated aspect that of social sufferings resulting when one emotional needs are not and can not be met. It is deprivation of emotional intimacy and experience of belonging, of normal bonding practices within family and community, of personal time and personal space, of maternal case and spousal intimac y. It is experience of defacement, of being exposed to continuous control and oneself. This is a book about silent domestic war of crossing invisible boundaries and conquering within limited spaces and limited recourses to get their social and emotional needs met. Com menting on interracial relations within white households of apartheid period, the author calls it relations of love conflicted, pathological, self doubting love that often exists among family members in a dysfunctional household, but love nonetheless, including fondness for, knowing of, and light in understanding social dynamics and dependencies under inequalities of power.

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92 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf The book is a great su ccess. It unveils different aspects of domination and subalternship, ways of resistance, cooperation and collaboration, traumatizing experiences and of subaltern mind. Although the book does not offer lot of theorizing, it is of great interest to anyone fa miliar with classical works by Hannah Arendt, James Scott, Erving Goffman, W illiam Edward Burghardt Du Bois, Henri Lefebvre, Judith Lewis He rman, et cetera. No doubt the book is worth to be listed among the classics, too. Rasa Balockaite, Vytau tas Magnus University Iman Hashim and Dorte Thorsen. 2011. Child Migration in Africa London: Zed Books Ltd. 150 pp. Child Migration in Africa explores how one of the most vulnerable groups of people, children, voire without the company of their birth parents. The authors who have demonstrated their knowledge about the subjects and their environment are Iman Hashin, an assistant professor at the Department of International Relations, Istanbul Kulter University w Ghana, and Dorte Thorson, a teaching fellow at the Department of Geography and Environment Science, University of Reading who has done an extensive work on children including ethnographic research with children and adolescents migrating between Burkina Faso The authors argue that even though the child migration in Africa might be characterized as exploitation and child trafficking across the globe, the migrant children see it as a ri te of passage, as empowerment, as economic improvement, and as a means to help them pay for their school. Similarly, even though poverty is the chief reason the children migrate, the poorest children do not actually migrate because they cannot afford bus t ickets. The book is divided into six chapters. The first highlights literature concerning child welfare not only in Africa but in the Western world. It addresses the UNESCO, the International Labor Organization, and the United Nations, including the popularly ratified United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), which was adopted by the General Assembly in 1989 as well as the Africa Union (AU) Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child (AU 1990). They differentiate African childhood from that of the Western hemisphere, saying that West family because this provides them with material, social and symbolic safety and well 8). This i ndicates that African childhood is more complex because it intertwines the above mentioned dynamics. Children usually have a connection, such as their family members or friends already at the place of migration. Chapter two discusses the impact of the eco nomic and social environment in relation to the wander about unsupervised, apparently unlike some other societies They note that the migration is a search for identity for the children The authors use narratives of the participants to show the complexity of child migration in Africa. Based on their study, the authors note that

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BOOK REVIEWS | 93 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf children are never coerced by adults to work. Yet, children are normally present in the work environment and are encouraged to engage in minimal tasks like helping their parents and older siblings, fetching water, or babysitting younger ones. Children pri de themselves on working and they are rewarded from the proceeds, which they use to purchase little items. Based on the cases the authors studied, boys normally run away from home or migrate without the permission and/or knowledge of their parents, unlike girls, who seek permission and often feel reluctant to run away. Chapter three migration. All the participants knew they were limited to any employment that required literacy. Only four out of seventy five children interviewed for the project have obtained a high ). Yet, ambition to be familiarized with the city, the ability to purchase new things such as bicycles, es the migration of children is a result of conflicts in the family. Chapter four focuses on the trips and arrivals of child migrants to their new destinations, as well as the migrant networks that mi gration. This could take the shape via impromptu arrangements. The authors highlight some instances in which a child would follow a stranger he or she has just met to work. One child going to kill me or what. He promised to find work for me where [$94 network. Only a handful of children embark on th e journey alone when travelling outside their rural areas. They also travel in pairs or groups in order to make it an amicable social event. Another reasons associated with migration to urban areas is that it commands respect for the migrant. Chapter five gives an account of an array of vulnerabilities the children may face in their quest for a better life, which includes exploitation and refusal of payment to children by employers. Further, migration is a result of deep poverty and an urge for autonomy. Child migrants are regularly criticized by the adults, citing that they are vulnerable to dangerous course of proving to adults that they possess the resilie nce of enduring adversity and the ability to earn an income. They also reject being treated as children so they negotiate their societal arrangement. The authors note that employers take advantage of migrant children and youths. They deliberately delay pa there are structural inequalities in place, some migrants get money to support them as they go to school. The final chapter er to challenge representations of child migrants as passive victims of exploitation, lacking an active role in decision represent children as completely

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94 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf evolving ambitions and opportunities that the authors constructed within a variety of constraints and boundaries. In sum, Child Migration in Africa is well articulated by informing us of the critical and cultural aspects, as well as underlying issues behind child migration in Africa, which can be easily interpreted or misunderstood. Also, it contributes to the body of work that ex amines negotiating and challenging their worlds through migration. Uchenna Onuzulike, Howard University Miles Larmer. 2011. Rethinking African Politics: A History of Opposition in Zambia Burlington: Ashgate Publishing Company xvii, 321 p p overwhelmed by persuasions of the people associated with Barosteland in the Wester n province to secede from Zambia in order to regain political and economic autonomy. The Barosteland Agreement of 1964 on which the unitary state Zambia was build was abrogated in 1965 during the Constitutional Amendment. Reluctance by government to re in state it led activists in Mongu district on January 14, 2011 to a bloodshed riot. In the context of such experiences, Miles Larmer critical study of the realities of late colonial and post colonial Zambia become s relevant. Larmer challenges the idea that there was a certain homogenous orientation towards nation building in Zambia. Utilizing archival records of the United National Independence Party (UNIP) Archives, the National Archives of Zambia and interviews with surviving participants Lamer displays an appealing perspective of conceptualizing Zambian political history withi n African post colonial politics. His work is substantiated by a critical examination of available historical accounts. In the introductory notes, Larmer identifies the previous na ideologies of nationalism, developmentalism and modernization at the expense of recognizing internal differences as limitations. C hapter one develops further the view that embraces heterogeneity and divisions. He shows how ethnici ty, class divisions and differences in ideologies marked political orientations in the run up to independence and how these differences were reflected within UNIP. For example Larmer discusses how the ANC, UNIP and other breakaway parties were regionally constructed, how each ethnic region identified its specific leader, and how each leader differed. Simon Kapwepwe sought to reconcile modernist from the stronghold of Southern Province sought to mobilize direct African action against federation through trade unions. Kenneth Kaunda, the UNIP president since 1959 had a non aggressive approach; his authority was at times questionable; much of his authority and position r ested in e x allowed him to emerge as the first President of Zambia. However, Larmer shows that UNIP and indeed Kaunda did not nal identity but through successive repression of political opponents. Following the abrogation of the Barosteland Agreement UNIP lost popularity in the Western Province (pp. 55 56). Discontented freedom

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BOOK REVIEWS | 95 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf fighters, killings at Lumpa Church, banning of c hite mene system of farming and increased taxation caused UNIP to lose support in the Northern Province and Copperbelt. Chapter s two and three develop an intrigu ing story on the discontentment of 1970s showing how the banned ANC and the UPP supporters found expression within the one party system. Their rejoining of UNIP brought about internal divisions; to stop such Kaunda introduced national, provincial and district security committees (p. 99). In chapter four Larmer continues showing how the unhappiness le d the rural rebels under Mushala to seek military means of overthrowing the government. Mushala a sidelined freedom fighter acting as voice of the neglected people of North Western Province party state but without a well thought out plan H e was killed in 1982. Chapter five concerns the educated minority Zambians; they too were critical during the economic decline and illegitimate leadership, and they saw the regional liberation movement s as draining the countr economy. With figures like Valentines Musakanya they organized a coup plot in 1980 which eventually failed. In chapter six, Larmer turn to the relationship of Zambia with South African apartheid and locates the flow of his account in the context of the l iberation movements that existed in Zambia. In chapter seven, he tells us how anti colonial social movements effectively worked in post colonial political transitions. He includes the contributions made by the Catholic Church, Lumpa Church and the Protestants and events leading to This book certainly corrects many distortions in Zambia with few notable limitations. manifests a certain for instance Larmer cites a single witness to nce on ma gical powers (p. 152). Similarly such stories associated with Alice Lenshina activ ities are overlooked. Finally, c hurch related documents are missing in chapter seven. This book is highly recommended to those with political ambitions and interests, to educator s, to clerg y members, and to all Zambian citizens. Brian Nonde CMM Mariannhill Institute Sabine Marschall. 2010. Landscape of Memory: Commemorative Monuments, Memorials a nd Public Statuary in P ost Apartheid South Africa Boston: Brill. xiv, 407 p p Thi s book is an in depth, masterful analysis and discussion of the landscape of memorialisation and commemoration in South Africa in the two decades since the end of Apartheid. For her analysis Marschall draws on a variety of sources including interviews and statements by government and heritage officials, marketing material, feedback from the public as well as the analysis of the symbolism and physical form of numerous South African monuments and memorials from both a local and international perspective. Whil e much of this discussion has been presented in article form elsewhere, this book brings all aspects of the project together in a dense, multi layered volume that addresses the political and socially contentious nature of well as the potential that such memorialisation offers for

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96 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf nation building and reconciliation. As such, the book largely focuses on new monuments and memorials that have been erected mainly by governmental parties since the election of the African Nationa l Congress government in 1994. Where applicable, old monuments erected by previous political regimes are discussed as many of these have been subject to re interpretation n the role that public commemorative markers play in providing a space for healing and grieving, for nation building, as well as solidifying official versions of history and political reality. The book is composed of ten chapters, an introduction and a co nclusion. There is one chapter on conservation issues and the policy background pertaining in South Africa especially the new heritage framework put in place after the institution of democracy including, for example, an emphasis on the importance of intangible heritage It is an importance that is not always reflected in new heritage installations which Marsc hall argues and demonstrates throughout the book still tend to draw primarily on the existing western language of monumentality. Chapters two to four focus on the role that memorials play in helping individuals, communities and nations deal with traumati c and violent pasts. While this may sometimes result in division because of differing ideas of how such a past or individuals should be honoured, they do serve to help restore dignity through the public acknowledgement of suffering. Chapter five discusses the way in which prominent, existing markers of commemoration have been dealt with. The prevailing approach has not been the widespread tearing down or displacement of such markers but rather their contextualisation, slight alteration to be more inclusive or balancing by the erection of a new monument that tells the other side of the story. The remaining four chapters explore the links between these markers, nation building, the solidification of particular interpretations of the past and the role that monuments play in the commodification of heritage. This is discussed with reference to initiatives such as the National Legacy Project and, particularly, Freedom Park, designed as a symbolic centre for the New South Africa. Issues of pol itici z z memory landscape are also discussed. The chapter on the Monument to the Women of South Africa is devoted to the gendered dynamics of the new lan dscape of memory, the marginaliz ation of women in this process and the relationship between gender and national identity. The chapter on Africani z ation looks at the role that new monuments can play in providing a critical response to existing monuments, such as that at the Blood River/Ncome battle sit e in Kwazulu Natal. The aesthetic influence of old monuments on the design of the new is also discussed. Monuments and memorials may also come to be tourism draw cards. The presence of tourism can have profound effects on the way in which the past is prese nted and ultimately packaged. This is the topic of the final chapter. Marschall sets out i n this book to not only provide us with a survey of the current heritage landscape of public commemoration in South Africa but also to critically interrogate it. She does this throughout, situating the discussion, where necessary against the broader backdrop of monuments and memorials elsewhere, such as post Communist Eastern Europe and assessing the degree to which such heritage installations achieve their objectives Such study touches upon many different fields of inquiry. As such, this book is likely to be of interest to a wide

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BOOK REVIEWS | 97 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf range of scholars and heritage managers including historians, art historians, anthropologists, archaeologists, museologists, psychologists policy makers, heritage administrators, community organisers, and those in tourism studies. Natalie Swanepoel, University of South Africa Mike McGovern. 2011. Chicago: The U niversity of Chicago Press xxv, 238 p p Writing an anthropological study that speaks to political scientists is anything but a walk in the park. In his first book, Mike McGovern accomplishes this difficult task masterfully. Making War has the ambitious goal of explaining how it was possib le that for five years, from 2002 neither war nor peace (Chapter 6). To violence take place and under what circumstances does it become less devastating than expected, especially when compared to other conflicts in Africa (p. xxii)? In order to answer these questions the author employs a constructivist framework and adopts a qualitative research agenda that challenges the parsimony of rational choice approaches. However, McGov a p ostmodern lark, questioning the reality of t (p. xx). His argument is a multi causal explanation of the Ivorian conflict and pays particular attention to the contradictions between and within ups (young vs. old, north vs. south, Muslim vs. Christian, autochthones vs. strangers) and how they may be aligned or played off against each other (pp. 24 25). how passing into a chronology of the events that led to the crisis of 2002. The second (p. 35), reflects upon different forms of violence over the p thirdness warfare, economy and personhood, which all play parts in the co nflict. A full understanding of the conflict according to the author only emerges when the process of history is taken seriously and single events are contextualized within the larger picture. In the third chapter, the book turns from the general to the c oncrete. McGovern argues that it was the reference to autochthony that allowed much violence and killings. He offers a thought provoking interpretation by arguing that Gbagbo and the Forces Nouvelles have utilized existing local resentments in order to sat isfy the goals of national elites (p. 89). The link between decolonization and intergenerational tensions in Chapter Four could have been clearer. However, by analyzing Ivorian popular music from Zouglou to Coup Dcal (p p 116 22), the chapter intr oduces another important concept: the play frame (p. 127), according to which actors reduce reality to a simple game, helps McGovern to explain the apparent paradox of both youth violence and xenophobia in an otherwise cosmopolitan society. In this sense i t serves not only as an excuse for violence, but also as a natural limit to it (p. 134). Stretching the

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98 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf reservation applies to some extent to the many direct c omparisons he offers to northern Europe and the United States, which to be fair are relativized in the afterword. While Chapter Five stresses the importance of the cocoa filire for the Ivorian economy and its elites, Chapter Six examines the role of mid and low level functionaries and how they benefit from a situation of ongoing uncertainty. Together with the omnipresent references to the individual, a nd was followed by the local, regional, national, and international levels. Lest anthropological concepts, Ivorian cocoa production and Parisian nightclub music, the con clusion synthesizes the previous chapters and extrapolates three reasons that have prevented the Ivorian conflict from becoming a f ull blown war: the Ivorian self image, the many actors who gain more from a hybrid situation, and the very peril of waging a war (p p 207 08). contextual knowledge and fully lives up to its interdisciplinary aspirations (Keohane 1984, p. 25) Minor criticisms include the slip in the alphabetization of the glossary (p p xii xiii), the inversion of the labels in Figure 9 (p. coffee producer (footnote 3, p.138). Despite these quibbles, McGovern convincingly guides the reader through his sophistic ated argument. The passion of someone who has a long professional experience in the region as well as an impressive interdisciplinary academic background speaks through each and every line of the book and makes the work appealing to a broad audience. Refe rences Keohane, R. O. 1984. After Hegemony: Cooperation and Discord in the World Political Economy. Princeton: P rinceton University Press Benedikt Erfo rth, University of Trento Amanda Kay McVety. 2012. Enlightened Aid: U.S. Development as Foreign Policy in Ethiopia. New Yor k: Oxford University Press ix, 312 p p U.S. Ethiopian bilateral relations from 1947 as the subtitle suggests? Or it is intended to be more a history of President Harry International Development (USAID)? Readers of African Studies Quarterly will be disappo Ethiopian relations during the Cold War, as less than a quarter of the book (approximately 55 out of 221 pages) actually deals with this relationship. In fact, it is not until chapter 5 (beginning on page 121) that discus sion of U.S. Ethiopian relations during the Cold War begins T he first four chapters are dedicated to an overabundance of background information on the intellectual origins of both modernization/development (going as far back as the Scottish Enlightenment)

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BOOK REVIEWS | 99 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf and the Point Four program. Furthermore, once the case study of U.S. aid to Ethiopia begins, important topics such as the 1960 failed coup attempt against Ethiopian Emperor Haile Selassie (an important turning about in U.S. Ethiopian relations); Eisenhowe r administration discussions over whether or not to provide Addis Ababa with military aid; or the Ethiopia United States Mapping Mission are not discussed in any meaningful way (the first being covered in one paragraph and the other two not mentioned at al l). Ethiopian relations focuses narrowly and exclusively on sided as McVety relies exclusively on U.S. based sources. Despite mention of a research trip to Ethiopia in her acknowledgements, the only Ethiopian sources cited are the published public speeches of Haile Selaisse. Even if Ethiopian governmental records are unavailable for research one would expect at the very least the author to review Ethiopian newspapers and conduct oral history interviews in order to provide the reader with some understanding for how U.S. aid to Ethiopia was viewed by Ethiopians themselves. Disappointingly, however, not a single Ethiopian newspaper o r oral history interview is cited, leaving the book without an Ethiopian voice. Enlightened Aid fares better as an account of Point Four and USAID aid to Ethiopia. McVety perceptively points out that while the modernization of Ethiopia seemed mutually bene ficial to both Washington and Addis Ababa, the motivations Truman and Selassie had for entering into an aid relationship often ran cross purposes from each other. According to McVety, in extending the Point Four program to Ethiopia, Truman was driven by a combination of humanitarian, paternalistic, and strategic impulses to aid Ethiopia in launching an agricultural revoluti bread basket of the Middle East and, more importantly, become tied closer to the United States and ther efore kept safely out of the Soviet orbit in the Cold War. Selassie, meanwhile, was more interested in leading his country through an (and by extension his per sonal) power vis vis both internal (Eritrean and Oromo separatists) and external (Egypt and Somalia) enemies. McVety makes the argument at the end of her book that the history of United States development aid to Ethiopia proves that foreign aid does not work. This might very well be the case, but one would need to present case studies from more than just Ethiopia in order to persuasively make this argument. Furthermore, before McVety can effectively argue that U.S. foreign aid has failed to improve the li ves of those in the developing world, local voices need to be incorporated into such a study in order to demonstrate that the thousands of rural villagers across the developing world who had schools, wells, and irrigation systems built for them or who rece ived famine assistance through U.S. development aid felt that such aid had done more harm than good to their lives. Despite these aforementioned faults and the failure of Enlightened Aid to be either a thorough history of U.S. Ethiopian relations or a defi nitive study of the failure of U.S. historiography of U.S. efforts to modernize the developing world by providing a case study (albeit an incomplete one) of U.S. efforts to import development and modernization theories to Ethiopia. Furthermore, in this study McVety has published probably the most thorough study

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100 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf Four program. For these reasons Enlightened Aid if disappointing to Africanists, is an important read for anyone interested in the history of U.S. development aid. Phil Muehlenbeck, George Washington University Thomas Patrick Melady and Margaret Badum Melady. 2011. Ten African Heroes: The Sweep of Independence in Black Africa New York: Orbis Books. xviii, 205 p p Despite the remarkable proliferation of books on all facets of African history in the last fifty years, scholars and general readers ali ke still suffer from the general weakness of the genre of African biography (in quantity, quality, and variety). With the possible exception of Nelson Mandela, the broad field of significant African political, military, social, and cultural leaders has no t been well served by biographers, and this is true even for those key figures who died many years, even decades, ago. In this respect, this book which offers short, simple, but in some cases, very personal biographical sketches of ten important political leaders from that short span of time during which nearly all African states gained their independence is a welcome addition to African historical literature. The authors, the husband and wife team of Thomas and Margaret Melady, are accomplished professi onals in the fields of diplomacy, academia, and African affairs. Mr. Melady has served as U.S. Ambassador to Burundi, Uganda, and the Vatican, and with a PhD from the Catholic University of America, has taught at St. Johns, Fordham, and George Washington universities as well as other institutions. Mrs. Melady, who holds a doctorate from the Gregorian University of Rome, has taught on the faculties of a number of American colleges and served as president of American University of Rome. D espite the acade mic credentials of the authors, h owever Ten African Heroes is not a work of traditional scholarship, but rather a series of biographical sketches that are centered (to varying degrees) on the personal interactions that the Meladys had with each of the subjects: Leopold Senghor, Julius Nyerere, Kenneth Kaunda, Seretse Khama, Thomas Mboya, Holden Roberto, Eduardo Mondlane, William Tubman, Sylvanus Olympio, and Ahmadou Ahidjo. A short introduction describes the historical context of the era during which Africa was involvement with the Africa Service Institute (an organization set up in 1959 to assist African diplomats and students living the N ew York area). The book then includes one short chapter of just ten to fifteen pages on each leader. The Meladys focus each biographical piece around their personal interactions with the subject (when possible), which in some cases were regular and subst antial, but in others were infrequent and rather inconsequential. In all cases, the authors offer favorable portraits of their subjects, and in some of them, they relate the truly unique interactions they had with the African leaders. Clearly of particul ar interest to the authors, the Meladys often stress the religious backgrounds and perspectives of the subjects such as p. interest in the changes then being discussed within

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BOOK REVIEWS | 101 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf was significantly influenced by his early educational involvement with the American Spiritan Fathers ( p. 47), an p. 52). The chapters also stress the ways that the Meladys sought to promote the prestige and influence of those African leaders most inte rested in pushing peaceful, democratic, non communist political development in Africa. In many cases the Meladys did this by bringing African leaders to the United States to receive honorary degrees from certain Roman Catholic universities, and in other c ases the Meladys worked with the ecumenical Christian community to place positive pressure on political leaders to achieve those ends. Although some chapters have relatively little new information because the Meladys had minimal actual interaction with t he African leader (for example, the chapters on Nyrere, Khama, and Tubman), the chapters on Senghor, Kaunda, Mboya, Roberto, Mondlane, and Olympio offer new and interesting stories of conversations and interactions between the authors and the specific lea der. Teilhard de Chardin, their correspondence with Kaunda about how best to engage with the regarding a clear s tatement on racism, their engagement with Roberto in New York when the latter landed at the airport with a gunshot wound after an assassination attempt in Tunis (Roberto called the Meladys at home upon landing, arranged to have them meet him at the hospita l that night, and went to their home upon discharge), their help in getting a memo from sionate efforts to force the UN to honor its obligations to its trustee territories, are new and interesting. Each chapter concludes with a short list of books written by or about the subject, and the volume includes three appendices: The National Counc il of Churches Press Release of 5 June 1961, which was a statement from leading Protestant and Catholic clergy and laymen calling for Civilization of the Universe, given a t Fordham University in November, 1961, on the occasion of Reconciliation, given at Fordham in October, 1965, after receiving his honorary doctorate (again arranged by Tom Melady). certain American religious groups in African affairs during the return of independence to African states, should consider reviewing the applicable cha pter(s). Most scholars will find little new in them, with the exception of those intimate conversations, correspondence, and African leaders as it is a series o Lt Col Mark E. Grotelueschen, United States Air Force Academy

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102 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf Kennedy Agade Mkutu. 2008. Guns and Governance in the Rift Valley: Pastoralist Conflict and Small Arms Bloomington: Indiana University Press. xxi, 178 p p Guns and Governance in the Rift Valley attempts to explain why there are so many small arms in circulation in North East Africa and what their effects are on the pastoralist culture of the region. Over a period of seven year s, the author researched these questions through interviews, focus groups, participant observation, questionnaires and scrutiny of historical records. Where the author does well is in describing the historical and anthropological culture of the pastoral societies of North East Africa, especially the intra and inter ethnic conflicts between them. This book looks at the dynamics of the pastoralist life in the region to explain why there is volves around cattle, so 13). The increase in regional arms needs is inversely correlated with decreased access to water and pasture for the cattle. Additionally, changes in the traditional tribal power structure brought about b y the imposition of artificial borders during the colonial period have reduced traditional means of resolving conflicts. Mkutu also succeeds in describing the impact of small arms proliferation on pastoralist society in terms not just of economic cost but human impacts as well. This includes not only injuries and death but also the shifting gender roles caused by the greater numbers of widows, increased child dependency rates, and increasing inequality in the distribution of wealth via cattle. jor failing is its third chapter which describes the proliferation of small arms and light weapons. The author is exceptionally informative in describing the paths that weapons take into the Rift and how they accumulate in different regions. That said, h e apparently has managed to research and write an entire book about the regional influence of small arms without learning much about small arms themselves. By no means was this book ever meant to be a technical treatise on firearms, but a better understan ding of them by the author could have improved it immensely. Much of the information regarding firearms displayed in tables and the text has so many mistakes and contradictions in terminology that future researchers will have difficulty using it as a base line in future studies. This is a pity considering the regional changes in firearms distribution undoubtedly caused by the recent Libyan Civil War and the burgeoning conflict in Southern Sudan. Despite these problems and occurrences of rather stilted langu age, those studying social change in Africa will find Guns and Govern ance of great use. Of special note are the changes in tribal administration and interaction brought about by colonialism and national independence, how theses changes have influenced the flood of small arms, and how this flood has changed the cultural landscape of the Rift Valley. Scholars studying weapons proliferation may find this book of less use beyond the excellent descriptions of the trade routes used and the actors who use them. These actors and routes will also be of interest to those looking at items other than small arms that may be traded illicitly in North East Africa. Donald Woolley, Duke University

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BOOK REVIEWS | 103 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf Retief Mller. 2011. African Pilgrimage: Ritual Travel in South Africa`s Ch ristianity of Zion Fa rnham/Burlington: Ashgate. viii, 213 p p Mller reflects a significant aspect of the religious culture of one of the biggest churches in Southern Africa, the Zion Christian Church (ZCC). Founded by Engenas Lekganyane in 1925, the ZCC is historically rooted within the network of the early Pentecostal movement in South Africa. However, it is widely renowned as the prototype of so called Zionist Christianity showing characteristic features of dress and dance styles, music and healing perf ormances or prophetic praxis. Moreover, the ZCC has established a centralized structure that helped sustain its considerable weight in the religious landscape throughout the transformations in recent South African history. Ecclesiastically the ZCC represen ts a dynastic leadership, since 1975 presided over by Bishop Barnabas Lekganyane, who resides in Moria, a holy place some fifty kilometers east of Polokwane. Moria is the destination of several yearly mass pilgrimages of ZCC members from the church urban strongholds to their rural headquarter s As the ZCC`s 7), Mller focuses on the understanding of such and related pilgrimages. In a personal approach and employing a narrative style, the author widens the p erspective on pilgrimage. Since the controversial appearances of politicians during the days of apartheid, the Moria pilgrimage has become the best known feature in the ZCC ritual calendar. It still forms a central chapter in Mller`s perception. Yet, next to pilgrimages to a defined sacred space, in a next chapter Mller sheds light on a different type of pilgrimage that magnetizes ZCC members. ZCC members undergo outward bound pilgrimages to secular places in urban centers within and outside South Africa. The attention in this type of pilgrimage lies on the sacred person, for it centers on the ZCC Bishop. Whereas the pilgrimage to the sacred space is motivated by personal expectations and individual desires of believers, in its outward bound pilgrimages th e ZCC acts out a more socio political profile in a public sphere. Another remarkable outcome of this analysis of ZCC pilgrimage is the essential part occupied by acts of preparation for any kind of pilgrimage. In this vein Mller incorporates the local chu rch context into his description of ZCC pilgrimage. The local congregational life integrates individual believers into the ZCC church context by constantly preparing members for pilgrimage and by fastening their ties to a traveling church. From here, from the local church starts Mller`s own pilgrimage into Zionist Christianity as well With roughly half a year of participant observation undertaken primarily over weekends in 2005, the book reads in part as an adventurous travel of a South African researcher into a foreign religious sphere found just around the corner. Zionist Christianity which colors the South African religious tapestry over almost a century is still portrayed as another world; thus inherently the study documents the continuing transition into post apartheid society. Mller`s tacit steps into a world foreign to him are mirrored in his autobiographical style of presentation that reminds at times on recollecting notes from a diary. The reader learns about unprecedented settings of field research, interspersed with personal assumptions and hypotheses whose verifications or falsifications are simply left open in the writing process. Starting with the difficulty to identify adequate research units in order to set foot on ZCC ground, th e story is full of accidental situations popping up in the practical process of participant observation. We witness intimate scenes of family life in ZCC urban homes and personal exchanges in more rural settings. The author documents by chance meetings und er shady roofs during or after Sunday services. He

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104 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf interprets the unstructured flow of communication with young ZCC members in broken English during car rides to pilgrimage sites, in rare cases supported by semi structured interviews. Mller hints at the e ndeavors of food supply during a weekend pilgrimage and sparse toilet facilities at places of mass meetings in the presence of the Bishop. His general perspective is on all day activities rather than on a debate on highly contested theological terrains tha t have surfaced in the longer research history on the ZCC. Although this case study shares important research material available in Afrikaans, dating back mainly to the 1980s, the author`s interest however lies in a synchronic portrayal of ZCC church life. Tentative discussions of historical changes and ritual passages within the ZCC can be found in footnotes, maybe due to Mller`s comparatively short exposition to ZCC Christianity. More explicitly his insight into the considerable political impact specific ally of urban ZCC pilgrimages bears the contours of a fresh discourse on the public theology of Zionist Christianity in a society in transition. Andreas Heuser, Basel University Martin J. Murray. 2011. City of Extremes: The Spatial Politics of Johannesburg Durham, NC and London: Duke Univers ity Press. xxix, 470 p p In City of Extremes Martin J. Murray describes the emergence of new spatial dynamics as a result of city building efforts shaping Johannesburg to the utopian vision of a World Class City. He ar gues that these new spatial dynamics, emerging after Apartheid and spearheaded by real estate entrepreneurs, reinforced the existing spatial and socioeconomic inequalities and introduced new patterns of social segregation, largely marginalizing the urban p oor and black underclass. Through interviews, on site observations, press releases and newspaper articles Murray provides a convincing analysis of the discourse on the city, bringing to the fore prevailing ideologies and perceptions, as well as a breakdown of place marketing of various real estate developments in and around the city. Maps and pictures throughout the book give pictorial context to the rich descriptions Murray gives on the built environment of the city. The book contains three parts. The fir st part, Making Space: City Building and the Production of the Built Environment, provides a historical background of the city in order to and 2 Murray describes how the city of Johannesburg is shaped by its history, the natural landscape and the economy. It shows the evolution of Johannesburg as a mining town located at the fringes of the British Empire, to the high modernist city with a modern Central Business Di strict characterized by high rise buildings. These two chapters are marked by architectural descriptions and is, to my disappointment, heavily drawn from one single source. The second part, Unraveling Space: Centrifugal Urbanism and the Convulsive City, de als with the breakdown of the high modernist city after Apartheid. It describes the process of spatial fragmentation and disintegration of the city leading to decentralization, deindustrialization and horizontal sprawl. Chapter three tells the tale of the socioeconomic stagnation and decline of the city center. Murray attributes this decline to real estate capitalists investing in the rapidly urbanizing suburbs leading to the withdrawal of business enterprises

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BOOK REVIEWS | 105 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf from the historical central business district, advanced by dissatisfying urban management. The on the opposite world of edge cities. Johannesburg is described as a patchwork of cities with a decaying urban c ore and multiple island cities mushrooming in the suburbs. With Fortifying Space: Siege Architecture and Anxious Urbanism, the last part Murray describes the characteristics of management and regulation of urban space in Johannesburg. He links the rise in entrepreneurial urbanism with an emergence of siege architecture, leading to a reinforcement of spatial inequalities between rich and poor but also creating new cleavages. In chapter 6 the citadel office complexes in the central city are described, creati ng new relationships between public and private space by privatizing conventional city features and thus changing the experience of city life. In chapter 7 emerging forms and functions of urban management practices are analyzed, describing the entrepreneur ial take on urban governance with City Improvement Districts and Residential Improvement Districts practically operating as discourse, security and place marketing in these. While Murray has an impressive list of interviews, I am missing the perspective of the inhabitants themselves throughout the book. In the introduction, Murray states that this book is based on participant observation and ethnographic observation Still, the book lacks this ethnographic reflection. The and office complexes are pictured as homogenous and opposite worlds. Even though Murray not as disconnected places but as crystallized He fails to describe satisfyingly the various ways i n which urban residents manage to negotiate and overcome the physical and semiotic borders and how the spatial dynamics described influence everyday social life by creating formal and informal rules that govern everyday life and interaction in the city. Re petition and the use of dense descriptions and meaning laden terms do not always make this book an easy read. All in all Murray manages to make his point that urban planning is an exercise of power. His focus on the market driven urban planning and the cit discourse bring enlightening analyses, his insights for example on public and private space in the citadel office complexes are inspiring. The book is a suggestion for people interested in politics of power, urbanization and the history of Johannesburg. Geertrui Vannoppen, Institute for Anth ropological Research in Africa Mwenda Ntarangwi. 2010. Reversed Gaze: An African Ethnography of American Anthropology. Urbana: Un iversity of Illinois Press xvi, 320 p p Reversed Gaze is intended for professional anthropologists to remind them about the importance Ntarangwi reprimands those within the discipline who have become sidetracked by ex oticizing for the sake of alterity or becoming caught up in the subjective and reflexive turn in anthropology without bringing these insights back from the field to engage with these same

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106 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf ongoing power differentials (e.g., race, gender, class, religion, an d ethnicity) in their everyday lives. Anthropology graduate students should also read Reversed Gaze Ntarangwi divulges corporate secrets gleaned from a lifetime within the profession. He focuses his analysis on professional meetings, in classrooms and lecture halls, and through ethnographic writing all papers, eth This book would also be helpful for those who disparage the discipline of anthropology for pseudo science, Ntarangwi spends ove r ten years collecting data for his work as a participant observer writing nine hundred pages of hand written notes in six notebooks. As for those who argue that anthropology has not been able to emerge from its colonial shadow, Ntarangwi automatically con destructive exercise mainstream. By overtly coupling methodology, practice, reflexivity, and theory, Ntarangwi emphasizes the discipline s tenets of holistic, long term community engageme nt ideally suited to provide cultural competency, which goes a long way in demonstrating professional relevancy. Reversed Gaze professional anthropological development. In the first cha pter, he challenges who belongs at the Ntarangwi ultimately believes this is possible in a field that prides itself on giving voice to the marginalized through empathy and understanding. In chapter two, Ntarangwi depicts how his experienced the racial divide in the United States firsthand as a largely tacit phenomenon even among his fellow graduate students who were trained to observe cultural divisions in identity. Chapter three continues to critique the societal deep structures of racism as well as the grand narratives of anthropology and approaches to teaching. For example, in writing about the commoditization of higher education, Ntarangwi chastises U.S. colleges and universities for well as the secretive way immigrants discuss their experiences abr most informative. Immigrants are often forced to work demeaning jobs while in the United States making them eager to gain their education as fast as possible and then return home transmigrant Africans spend most of their lives in America cleaning toilets or working at explain why so many immigrants do not portray an accurate picture of life in the United States to their friends and family.

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BOOK REVIEWS | 107 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf Anthropology: The AAA Annual Meetings spectacle that is the AAA annual meeting. This c hapter is most useful for graduate students interested in the anthropology profession. Ntarangwi gives practical advice such as how to be anthropologists, we h ave to inhabit our historical realities in order not to repeat the same torn between their academic expectations and obligations and their local commitments and knowledge and a unique power emergent out of this role as interlocutor. According to Ntarangwi, it is what we do with this advantaged position that has the most pot ential to enlighten or harm. Brandon D. Lundy, Kennesaw State University Patricia de Santana Pinho. 2010. Mama Africa: Re inventing Blackness in Bahia Durh am NC and London : Duke University Press. 266 p p Patricia de Santana Pinho attempts to put Paul Gil particular the concept anti antiessentialism, into on the ground, qualitative research. Utilizing participant observation and interviews with two famous blocos afros or black carnival groups, Il Ayi and Olodum in Salvador, Bahia Brazil. This book is updated and expanded version of her 2004 book Reinvees da frica na Bahia (translated by Elena Langdon). racist struggle requires us to deconstruct the idea of p. 5). To that end, Pinho interrogates the blocos afros and the biologized and gendered notions of blocos afros ing racism and encouraging self esteem and pride through their social programs and schools, Pinho critiq ues their conceptualization of Mama Africa as a static and essentialized one that dangerously, with Western, racist depictions of Africa. This way of thinking about race makes the blocos easily manipulated and exploited by politicians and those in the tourism industry earning money off black cultural production; with this conception, black identity is easily commodified and sold, manipulated by elites and those in the tourism industry, and turned anti liberatory. Those interested in engag ing scholarship on the African diaspora as well as race in Brazil will find the book particularly useful. Pinho does an excellent job of engaging scholarship from a range of sources. For example, Pinho recognizes racism in Brazil, but challenges Hanchard a nd Andrews (racial democracy is not a myth, but living and breathing), Telles (racial democracy has not died out), and Twine (poor black Brazilians are resisting through believing in the promise of racial democracy). However, those wanting a quotidian sen se of what it means to be a leader of one of blocos afros or a follower, look elsewhere. The voices of the activists are sparse and mostly used to illustrate particular theoretical points. essentialism remains insufficient to confront ongoing racism. racism without further endorsing the idea that there are

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108 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf insurmountable barriers that divides us? The solution l ies in cultural tran sformation . By producing new representations and spreading their meanings, it is possible to replace old p. 220) The solution that Pinho proposes is cultural and representational, not legal or political. I und erstand and am sympathetic to her cause. As an anthropologist, the biological falsity of the concept of race exists along with the social reality of centuries of racism and racial anti essentialism s he touts, is politically (p. 222 ). While Pinho admits the book is not about public policy, she dismisses existing efforts such as affirmation action in Brazilian universities and the Racial Equality Statue, for essentially inscribing biologized notions of race into Brazilian law. While admittedly concerned with continued anti racism, what would she leave in their place? Kenneth Wi lliamson, Kennesaw State University Mariza de Carvalho Soares. 2011. People of Faith: Slavery and African Catholics in Eighteenth Century Rio de Janeiro Durham, NC and Lond on: Duke University Press. xiii, 321 p p. People of Faith is about slavery, religion and the construction of identities and how these elements interacted with each other amongst a group of Africans from the Mina Coast who were part of the Mahi Congregation in 18th century Rio de Janeiro. By the time the Portuguese version of this book wa s published in Brazil twelve years ago, the connection between Rio de Janeiro and the Mina Coast was practically ignored given that West Central Africa was the primary source of slaves both to the captaincy and the city of Rio de Janeiro. Soares begins by describing the Mina Coast and the slave trade to Brazil. The Mahi came from the hinterland of the Bight of Benin and during the 18th century were caught up in the expansion of both the Kingdom of Dahomey and the slave trade. In 1699, the Portuguese Crown l egalized slave trading from the Mina Coast to help meet the needs of the expanding American market that the ports of Kongo and Angola seemed increasingly unable to satisfy. The main places of disembarkation of these slaves in Brazil where the ports of Rio and Bahia whose primarily objective was to feed the gold mines of Minas Gerais. Still, a portion of these slaves was retained in both locations. Soares suggests that during the first half of the 18th century Africans from the Mina Coast represented up to 1 Using baptismal, marriage, and burial records along with manumission letters, Soares identifies and situates the Mina within the panorama of enslaved and freed Africans in the city, with particula r attention to religious practices and internal organization. The Mina who converted to Catholicism were initially established in the Church of the Rosrio, which was made up predominantly of Angolans and Creoles. Due to conflicts with Angolans and Dahomi ans, as well new alliances, the Mina separated into four congregations, with one founded by the Mahi group in 1762. This congregation created two more devotions: one to the Almas do Purgatrio to pray for the souls of deceased Mina, and the other to Our L ady of (1786) shines light on the construction of the Mahi identity within the Christian world. In the

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BOOK REVIEWS | 109 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf document the Mahi territory in Africa is described as a pow groups, such as Savanu, Mahi, Agonli, Dah omey, and Iano, all of whom spoke what colonial This research contributes to studies on black brotherhoods that demonstrat e that individuals from a particular region could interact and create new forms of sociability and organization. However, unlike previous studies that have established a direct relation between gentios ups), Soares proposes the notion organizations and cultural practices, the principal focus is on how these elements were placed alongside others to be redistributed and reorganized once in the New World. In this respect, the author notes that there was a process of self attribution, at the group level, of an identity attributed or imposed from the outside that could or could not relate with previ ou s realities in the form of actual place names, kingdoms, and internally recognized ethnic groups. Soares explores questions of identity and ethnicity through an interdisciplinary approach grounded in empirical standards and methods of history connected to anthropological theory, which can be noted by her reference to anthropologists as Fredrik Barth, Roberto Cardoso de Oliveira, Joo Pacheco de Oliveira, and Miguel Bartolom Furthermore, sociologist Norbert iability. the diaspora, reworking their cultural backgrounds through time and space. Unfortunately, as the author acknowledges, the book does not provide information on the Mina who were not baptized or were baptized on parishes outside the city of Rio. Individuals interested in the history of slavery and Catholic Church in Brazil will benefit from this research. Moreover, this study is an example of how New Word docu mentation can help reveal slave proveniences and agency. Vanessa S. Oliveira, York University Simon Turner. 2010. Politics of Innocence: Hutu Identity, Conflict and Camp Life New York: Berghahn Books. viii. 185 p p Politics of Innocence is the strange story of Burundian politics in a remote refugee camp in Tanzania where politics as such are officially banned. Ironically politics are banned by the foreign agencies seeking to protect the refugees from politics. Most ironic is what Turner calls the emasculation of refugee masculinity as young western humanitarians from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) autocratically assert political control over refugee life via control of food distributions, hiring policies, camp leadership, and a ban on

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110 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf refugee involvement in Burundian politics, under the assumption that refugees are only victims, and therefore inherently apolitical. Turner spent a year as a participant observer in 1997 1998 at the Lukole Camp for Burundians in western Tanzania, with more recent follow ups. He spent his time in the camp doing the ethnographic thing hanging around bars, doing structured interviews with refugees, and conducting surveys. He processed interview and survey data, analyzed UNHCR m emoranda, and attended agency meetings. He describes a dissonance between the international community that assumes power over the refugee camps, and a politically er, delivery of social services, and so forth in accordance with UNHCR policy. The result is a book that is about the mechanisms of control by outsiders, and how powerless refugees are shaped by the political concerns of the humanitarian community. writes, by transforming refugees into biological specimens who are calorie consumers, plot inhabitants, morbidity statistics, i.e. the categories which officials sitting in distant offices can existing social distinctions are assumed away and The distant view, Turner writes, helps the UNHCR to reduce normal camp politics into science of management, i.e. a technical exercise in which success is measured in terms of n terms of food provision, or the inequalities that the UNHCR sees in refugee society. Only after all this system is established are the views of elected refugee leaders permitted to shape management of the ccesses are still measured by the bio metrics program by accepting the pre m by collecting extra ration cards, selling distributed commodities in the marketplaces, seeking independent information from Burundi, and especially joining the clandestine Burundian political parties that flourished in the camps. The best parts of Politics of Innocence are the stories Turner tells about how refugees respond to those who count, control, and cater to them. A good example is the UNHCR policies percent of ma ny African populations in general (and refugee camp populations in particular), are lumped together as vulnerables deserving of special attention. Women in particular were sought after by the well meaning UNHCR for positions involving trust, because they are believed to be more willing to implement UNHCR policy than men in other words they were believed to be more docile and compliant. Ironically, as Turner writes, lumping children and women together infantilizes women, and political or market activity. Both male and female refugees interpreted this situation as meaning that the employed young men in the camp. As Turner writes this effectively stripped the young men of a masculinity rooted in the

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BOOK REVIEWS | 111 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf by the UNHCR, particularly trading in refugee camp commodities, and military training in support of the clandestine political parties. It always seems th at books of this nature have lacunae when it comes to refugee views, this. In fact, his affinity is with the refugees and their leaders whose understandings of the camp are extensively described. Ironically, left out in the book though, are the views of UNHCR staff, who Turner describes as oblivious to the very human nature of refugee society and politics. In other words, he in effect accuses the UNHCR staff of being anthropologically incorrect. Still, it would be interesting to know how UNHCR workers explain why they to challenge such workers, who are often well educated humanitarians, with the refugee assertion that they are Perhaps the UNHCR staff are as culturally oblivious (and bureaucratically savvy) as Turner presents. And indeed, such questions are important for th e international refugee relief regime since ultimately the success of policy makers, as Turner emphasizes, is not dependent on the calculation of refugee bio metrics but rather on the resolution of broader political situations in which the refugees themsel ves always play an adult level political role. Or, as Turner the refugees as apolitical, innocent victims, they cannot grasp the complex mechanisms of repatriat no t take the politics out of politics! Tony Waters, California State University Chico Michael K. Walonen 2011. Writi ng Tangier in the Postcoloni al T ransition : Space and P ower in E xpatriate and North African L iterature. Surr ey : Ashgate Publishing Ltd xi, 163 pp. N ineteenth and twentieth century Tangier, a coastal city in northern Morocco, has exercised an enduring fascination on writers, male and female, of several nationalities. This fascination has generated a rich and vast literature, both representing the city and analyzing the representations of the city. In Writing Tangier in the Postcolonial transition Michael K. Walonen, currently an a ssistant professor of English at Bethune Cookman University (Florida), focuses mainly on the North American and European expatriate intellectual community settled in Tangier during the last years of the colonial period and the earliest years of independence (1945 69). It analyzes the dynamics of imagined alterity of socially produced space in the works of English speaking writers such as Paul Bowles, Jane Bowles, William Burroughs, Brion Gysin and Alfred Chester, and Moroccan writers such as Tahar Ben Jelloun and Anouar Majid. This monograph is partially based on a 2009 diss ertation entitled The Social D ynamics of S pace and P lace in the North Africa W ritings of Paul Bowles, William S. Burroughs and Brion Gysin

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112 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue 3 | Summer 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 3i3a5 .pdf that was presented to the University of Louisiana at Lafayette and published by ProQuest/UMI. Walonen has written a s hort book ( 151 pages of text and 10 pages of bibliography ) but otherwise a dense read. Writing Tangier is organized into an introduction and seven chapters. explain s how the spaces of the city afforded a perceived alluring alienness, and it sheds light on the interactions between foreign writers and Moroccan locals. Chapter 3 focuses on Paul Bowles (1910 1999) philosophy of space and sense of place. Chapter 4 the s hortest in the book deals with Jane Bowles (1917 1973) vision of spatial impenetrability. In Chapter 5, Walonen explores the demystification and r emystification of the Maghreb in William Burroughs (1914 h born painter and writer Brion Gysin (1916 1986) conflictive Maghreb. Chapter 7 is devoted to Alfred Cheste r (1928 1971) writings. And finally, Chapter 8 examines the position of Tahar Ben Jelloun and Anouar Majid vis vis Morocco and Tangier and the ir sense of dislocation. The author does not include a chapter of conclusions and closes his book with a brief afterword that asserts the vital relevance of discussions on space and place for the field of cultural studies, and pinpoints some personal exp eriences in the origin of this academic inquiry. independence transformation, and moving to gendered divisions of space, conceptualizations of inside spaces as sites o f confinement, representation of anti colonial revolt, intercultural encounter, nostalgia for the bygone days of the International Z one, etc. literary studies. It is a good example of the fruitful nature of the spatial turn in literary and cultural studies, and it casts valuable and important new light into the fiction of many writers, particularly Paul Bowles, William S. Burroughs and Brion Gysin. Also, the author has to be praised for his relevant selection of authors and texts, and his systematic analysis of two interesting issues: contrast in non native and native writings, and contrast among the views of English speaking writers. Another significant strength of and accessible writing style. A minor weakness in a book focused on conceptions of space and place is perhaps the poor quality of the only two maps included. Overall, the book can be highly recommended. It is a no teworthy contribution to the field of postcolonial African Studies, and it will be greatly appreciated by any scholar wishing to have a comprehensive reading of a wide variety of complex themes related to expatriate literature in general, and English speak ing intellectual circles in Morocco in particular. Just a last word on the title of the book, at the risk of being too honest. Writing Tangier is the title of a 2005 special issue of the Journal of Middle Eastern and North African Intellectual and Cultura l Studies (named after a previous conference organized at the Abdelmalek Essaadi University of Tetouan, Morocco, in 2004), the title of the proceedings of the aforementioned conference, and also the title of a volume edited by Ralph M. Coury and R. Kevin L acey ( Writing Tangier : Currents in C omparative R omance L anguage and L iterature 2009). It might have been convenient to find a different title for this monograph. Araceli Gonzlez Vzquez, Collge de France