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UFAFRICANA ASQ



African studies quarterly
http://web.africa.ufl.edu/asq/ ( African Studies Quarterly Website )
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Full Citation
STANDARD VIEW MARC VIEW
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00091747/00041
 Material Information
Title: African studies quarterly
Series Title: Gale Group
Uniform Title: African studies quarterly (Online)
Abbreviated Title: ASQ
Physical Description: Serial
Language: English
Creator: University of Florida -- Center for African Studies
Publisher: University of Florida, Center for African Studies,
University of Florida, Center for African Studies
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla
Frequency: quarterly
regular
 Subjects
Subjects / Keywords: Electronic journals
Study and teaching -- Periodicals -- Africa   ( lcsh )
Gainesville (Fla.)
Florida
African studies -- Periodicals
Genre: Electronic journals   ( lcsh )
Electronic journals.
serial   ( sobekcm )
periodical   ( marcgt )
 Notes
Abstract: Presents "African Studies Quarterly," an electronic journal published quarterly by the Center for African Studies at the University of Florida in Gainesville. Posts contact information for the editorial office via street address, telephone number, and e-mail. Lists advisory board and staff members. Offers access to the current issue, as well as to previous issues. Contains articles and related book reviews. Provides information on submissions and links to "African Anthropology."
Restriction: Licensed for access by authorized UF users (current UF students, faculty and staff -- and others within a UF Library.) Some e-journal service providers may offer only selected articles.
System Details: Mode of access: World Wide Web.
Dates or Sequential Designation: Vol. 1, issue 1 (May 1997)-
General Note: Title from title screen (viewed Aug. 6, 1999).
General Note: An online journal of African studies.
General Note: Latest issue consulted: Vol. 7, issue 4 (spring 2004) (viewed at publisher's Web site, Aug. 19, 2004).
 Record Information
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: alephbibnum - 003331589
oclc - 40217685
issn - 2152-2448
lccn - 99030079
lccn - sn 99030079
Classification: lcc - DT19.8
ddc - 960.0705
System ID: UF00091747:00041

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African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue s 1 & 2| Spring 2012 Martin Oteng Ababio is a Lecturer in the Department of Geography and Resource Development at the University of Ghana. His research activities have focused on the connection between urban growth, informality and urban environmental health. The author would like to acknowledge the detailed and helpful comments of the editor and the two independent referees. Acknowledgement also goes to my Graduate/Teaching Assistants Ebenezer Amankwaa and Grace Akese for their support during the field work. http://w ww.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf University of Florida Board of Trustees, a public corporation of the State of Florida; permission is hereby granted for indiv iduals to download articles for their own personal use. Published by the Center for Afri can Studies, University of Florida. ISSN: 2152 2448 When Necessity Begets I ngenuity : E W aste Scavenging as a Livelihood Strategy in Accra, Ghana MARTIN OTENG ABABIO Abstract: This paper describes how due to lack of formal job opportunities e waste scavenging has emerged as a major livelihood ( survival ) st rategy for a rapidly growing urban population It documents how the process has been fueled by neo liberal economic policies adopted since 1983 that not only failed to create a vibrant urban economy but also exacerbated the unemp loyment and under employm ent rates and creat ed a general economic crisis The study relied on both q ualitative and quantitative data as well as discussions and interview s with stakeholders, affected and interested persons to provide data for analysis. The paper explores the vario us aspects of their work: economic, financial, environmental and social. S ince the equipment has both pollution and resource potentials, the need for proper control and monitoring of the informal handling and recycling practice is highlighted. The study ca lls for the formalization of th e informal activity not only to sustain the livelihood f o r the urban poor but also for efficient e waste management Introduction Many individuals within urban space especially in developing nations have adopted multiple an d diverse means of seeking a livelihood. One such strategy is e waste scavenging that has in recent years attracted many diverse disciples. The situation is aggravated in Ghana where years of economic decline resulted in the institution of the S tructural A djustment P r o gram (SAP) that was negotiated with the World Bank and the I nternational M onetary F und (IMF) This culminated in trade liberalization, privatization of state owned enterprises, removal of government subsidies and retrenchment usterity measures 1 The shrinkage in the formal economy was further propelled by neo liberal globalization, increasing unemp loyment levels and a weakening of capacity to respond to growing poverty. 2 These challenges assumed a pivotal positio n in defining the contemporary urban change. T he substantial cuts in expenditure on social services and the introduction of service charges on health care, electricity etc affected the basic livelihoods of many individuals and households 3 Many had to depe nd on survival industries for livelihood and according to the

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2 | Oteng Ababio African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf Intern ational Labo u r Organization (ILO) (2002 ) more than 50 percent of the urban workforce in sub Saharan Africa is engaged in th is informal sector. In Ghana the private sector remains the l argest employer, accounting for two thirds (66.7 percent ) of employment, with 28.5 percent in formal public sector employment 4 This realization is reflected i n the medium term objectives in the Vision 2020 document (1996 2000) that sought t o create an enabling environment for the private sector to thrive. One of the that ha s recently attracted many disciples is e waste scavenging U ntil the last three to four years this practice was virtually unknown in the Ghanaian urb an livelihood vocabulary 5 However, t he failure of t he formal sector to generate enough job opportunities to meet the grow ing numbers of urban job seekers has compelled many who are qualified but unemployed and th os e wi th low employability to turn to the i nformal sector for survival E waste (also known as waste electrical and electronic equipment [ WEEE ] ) refers to discarded electrical and electronic materials that enter the waste stream and are destined for reuse, resale recycling or disposal. It contain s secondary raw material s such as copper, steel, plastic, etc. The term scavenging is used in this conte x t to describe the act of : P icking recyclable elements from mixed waste wherever it may be temporarily accessible or disposed of ; and M anually dismantli ng computers monitors and TV sets for resalable ite ms at numerous small workshops 6 Conceptualizing the I nformal U rban E conomy in Ghana T he informal sector of urban economy has been well studied 7 T he consensus is that the sect or offers the best alternativ e to formal sector employment. It is said that t he contribution to the overall restructuring and functioning of the urban economy is most appreciated through the livelihood strategy perspective though initially that strategy was an instrument for assessing the dynamics of rural economy. 8 The application of the livelihood strategy in the urban milieu acknowledges that ability to achieve increased well being is determined by its access to capital assets and also that the effects of ext ernal conditioning variables constrain or encourage the productive use or accumulation of such assets 9 Owusu (2007) however suggests an alternative framework for understanding contemporary livelihood in urban areas t pp roach that according to him has its antecedent in t he household survival strategy and the informal sector literature He supports the definition of a livelihood system as the mix of individual and household strategies, developed over a given period of time that seeks to mobilize available resources and opportunities 10 T he present study also resonates with this thinking and focus es on how a transient population makes a living in a globalizing city where formal employment is not only limited but for whic h access may be restricted. Increasingly, studies in most African countries have shown that individuals and households of all social and economic background s within the urban milieu engage in multiple economic strategies to earn a living 11 These micro leve l strategies have been inspired by macro

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When Necessity Begets Ingenuity | 3 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf level ec onomic changes that are primarily the results of the economic cris e s of the 1970s and 1980s that culminated in the adoption of neo liberal reforms This economic restructuring intensified p overty and negati vely affected livelihoods because of the which led to policies such as liberalization of trade privatization of state owned enterprises and the introduction of cost recovery measures under a negotiated World Bank Structural Adjustme nt Programme ( SAP ) 12 The result s include d the state withdra w al from economic management leading to an escalation of prices of critical urban services while the real salaries of formal sector employees stagnated and in some cases even declined. 13 Ot he r ef fects included employment freeze public sector labor retrenchment (redeployment) and limited job creation potentials of the private sector 14 Ultimately the unemployment and by implication poverty levels in most African countries increased d uring the restructuring period and this was quite pronounced in urb an areas 15 As SAP w e situation in the city i ndividuals and households of varying socio economic background s also adopted different pract ices to with stand, cope with and manipulate the combined effects of the neo liberal economic reforms and urbanization of poverty 16 In Ghana the informal economy whose recent growth is a direct response to the economic crisis of the 1980s has beco me th e biggest receptacle for the urban poor in particular 17 It accounts for 60 percent of the total employment generated in the country and 93 percent of the private sector contributing 22 percent of real GDP 18 The agricultural sector which traditionally em ploy ed about 55 percent of the population is being shunned probably because of the un remunerative commodity prices. 19 The situation in the northern part of the country is worsened by protracted chieftaincy conflicts and intensified climate variability th at have rendered farming not only a t remendously risk y venture but has a l s o given impetus for households to move southwards in search of better livelihood opportunities 20 To such a vulnerable society, the development of multiple household strategies and t he dispersal of family members geographically is one of a variet y of strategies for surviving the effects of both the neo liberal policies and internal contradictions Other activities includ e street such as shoe repairs, vulcanizing and hairdressing all of which currently appear very saturated The situation has made e waste scavenging o ne of the most visible manifestations of such livelihood strategies particularly in the capital city Accra and pr incipally among the transient population from the north. Som e studies have highlighted the e waste activities at Agbogbloshie disposal site 21 A nalyzing critically the nature and scope of e waste scavenging as an efficient l ivelihood strategy and asset acc umulation process, h owever, has received very little scholarly attention. Such data deficiency tends to give justification for the occasional castigation of the practice by some media and environmental NGOs 22 Th is study contributes in filling this informat ion deficiency by examining how e waste scavenging serves as a source of livelihood and its impact on the urban space. The study is informative by documenting the changing livelihood strategies of a transient population, its implication for development a nd possible guidance for future research. It also helps bridge the gap in this nascent literature by examining the validity and variability of e waste scavenging as a livelihood strategy, using findings from

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4 | Oteng Ababio African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf Agbogbloshie, the biggest e waste recycling site in Ghana. The findings will help in developing an appropriate regulatory framework for e waste management in the country. M ethods Data C ollection The data for the study w ere collected at Agbogbloshie Scrap Yard whose genesis dates back to the early 1980s 23 The area is about 31.3 hectares, and currently less than a kilometer from Central Business District (CBD) of Accra with an estimated population of 79,684 (see Figure 1). 24 E waste scavenging as a work category emerge d some five to six years ago. Using p articipant observation, thi s study builds on earlier work 25 The study adopted an ethnographic approach that involved three months of critical participant observation of the operations of the scavengers, thus giving better insight into the diverse ways of o rganizing the e waste activities. The field work also incorporated other instruments like questionnaire and in depth interviews. The purposive random sampling technique was employed in order to obtain maximum information about the e waste space economy. 26 T his technique helped in identifying the chain of activities associated with e waste recycling : collection, disassembly, open burning, r efurbishing, and metal trading. A total of eighty participants ( sixty of them directly involved in e waste recycling and twenty in e waste related activities) were surveyed using a structured questionnaire. Critical economic characteristics, roles in the process of recycling, wages, profitability, among others The refusal rate was generally high (46 percent ) and this could be attributed to the growing public negative commentary about the activities of the recyclers in the study area in particular 27 In order to obtain a more balanced perspective, additional twe nty in depth interviews were also conducted with selected key stakeholders whose activities impact on the current e waste and some public officials from the Accra Metropol itan Assembly (AMA), the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), and Ministries of Local Government; Environment; Employment and Social Welfare; and Health to ascertain their perspective on the practice. I conducted the interviews with the recyclers persona work places which also provided another opportunity to observe labor intensities and recycling processes. I also observed the recyclers disassembling computers and their retrieval of resalable and reusable parts using rudimentary tools ( e.g. spanners, screw drivers). Further, I also observed the open incineration, retrieval of by products, weighing and metal trading during my field work. This participatory methodology was carried out conscious of the fact that such qualitative research (and in this instance, the luxury of previous studies in the area) entails the possibility of building relations and familiarity with research participants, which could introduce some biases. 28 The interviews were recorded with the consent of the interviewees and later transcribed to draw patterns along the themes identified. The processes were supplemented with a comprehensive literature review. This facilitated the appreciation of the possible impact

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When Necessity Begets Ingenuity | 5 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf Figure 1: Map of AMA Showing the Agbogbloshie E waste Recyclin g Site

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6 | Oteng Ababio African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf of the ir livelihood on the ir health and the enviro nment as well as i ts implications for development 29 The primary data was computed and analyzed with the S tatistical P ackage f or S ocial S ciences (SPSS 17 ) while the p ersonal observations and responses t o open ended interviews were organized into themes and u sed to complement the surv ey research results An Overview of E waste S caveng ers at Agbogbloshie T he demographic a spects of respondents captured during the su rvey include gender, ethnicity, level of education, age and marital status. As was expected, the scavengers were male dominated (86 percent ) with only 14 percent female representation. This is mainly because most of the activities involved rigorous hours of pu l ling handcarts to transport waste electronics from different parts of the city to the scrap yard for processing. The few women engage d with the industry center their activities on providing complementary services in the value chain including the sal s and spanners ) which is quite a crowded activity the merchandising of such as food, water etc In terms of nationality, o ut of the total respondents, 82 percent were Ghanaians, while the remain der were either of Nigerian or Liberia n origin Of great significance is the fact that as many as 90 percent of the respondents were born outside their current place of abode (Accra) and are possibly seeking greater economi c opportunity in Accra The results show that about 63 percent of the respondents were of northern extraction ( i.e. people from the three northern regions of Ghana) T his is an important indicator of the regional inequalities that partly sustain out migra tion and scavenging, mainly becoming an occupational niche for male migrants from the north. 30 The findings also show that scavengers are mostly youthful with fifty nine of them (81 percent ) below twenty nine years of age The Ghana National Youth Po licy ( 2010) defin es a within the age bracket of fifteen (15) and thirty five (35) from this group, the rest consists of the above thirty year olds (about 19 percent ) who probably have been unsuccessfu l in their quest for empl oyment or have been retrenched. However, the unifying factor is that all these groups depend on e waste as their source of employment and livelihood. In terms of education, 19 percent of the respondents had no formal education, 40 percent had either prima ry or secondary education and only one respondent (a Nigerian ) had a university education. By implication, the low l evel of education of most scavengers makes it difficult for them to obtain alternative employment opportunities in the formal sector of the economy, and as noted by Holmes (1999) higher school completion is an important determinant of future earnings. E waste scavenging can be seen as a direct response to the influx of used computers into the Ghanaian waste stream when the government in 2004, zero rated their importation in terms of import duties, and secondly, the widespread unemployment after SAP 31 Currently, it is estimated that three hundred to six hundred shipping containers arrive at the Tema port monthly with out any official re gulatory framework or infrastructure for its end of life management 32 This has created an opportunity for some individuals to ingeniously adopt and recycle the contents as a source of livelihood. Today, e waste scavenging plays a pivotal role in the consti tution of the urban economy, at least because it employs about 4,500 to 6,000 people in

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When Necessity Begets Ingenuity | 7 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf Accra directly and about 30, 000 within the broader chain of activities but also because it generate s about $10 5 million to $2 68 million annually and sustain s the livel ihood of about 200,000 people nati onwide. 33 Unlocking the Scavenging Trajectory in Ghana The current functional inter relationship involved in e waste scavenging (commo dity chain) is shown in Figure 2 It would s uffice to state that reuse of older electroni c products is a common practice and the most environmentally preferabl e option in dealing with electrical and electronic equipments (EEE) Economically, i t is also the means through which many people in Ghana ( where 28.5 percent of the population live belo w the poverty line ) can access such products. 34 I t also conserves energy and raw materials needed to produce new products and reduces pollution associated with energy use and manufacturing. After discussions with importers of second hand EEE refurbishers, scavengers and civil society as well as my personal experience after years of research into e waste, it is estimated that less than 5 percent of u sed e products get back to the dealers (importers and wholesalers) for possible exchange Apart from the fac t that the warranty system is non functional in the country, the dealers also have very limited outlets aside from Accra (and possibly, to a limited extent, Kumasi, Takoradi and Tamale) where non functional EEE could be deposited. Furthermore, there is cu rrently no official policy, regulation or channel in respect to used EEE. These setbacks in the face of growing importation of used EEE and poorly organized or monitored second hand market s have made e waste one of the fastest growing items in the Ghanaian waste stream. It is therefore not uncommon to see most individuals (about 95 percent ) discarding their repairers. The few that get to the dealers are tested for functionality and if repairable, re enter the second hand market. Those unserviceable ones are cannibalized for workable components that are then used to repair others for the second hand market. Those that cannot be used end up at the backyard of the scr ap dealers where every object, component and material tends to have some value. I t was gathered during the study that these scrap dealers were initially required to p with the daily entrance of new migrants. From the informal sector perspective, waste pickers collect used EEE from waysides, seashores, waste bins, dumpsites, etc and becaus e of the recycling economy has not only generated income earning opportunities for thousands of mostly extremely poor people, but it has also led to the emergence of dynamic entities with intense linkages between the formal and informal economy. Agbogbloshie has currently earned the reputation as the hub for the most rapid installers of used components and ha s an extensive inventory of accumulated parts that others travel from far and near to source. Even the non recyclable c omponents meant for disposal such as wires are burn ed to harvest copper, which also has ready market s both internally and internationally.

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8 | Oteng Ababio African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf F igure 2. The Current Recycling and Disposal Practices in the Study A rea Source: 2011 Informa l l inkage own construct 2011 Source: construct 2011 F ormal linkage Middlemen (Building bulk of extracted/ recovered materials) Informal Sector Disposal of Electronic & Electrical Equipmen ts Formal S ector Collection Dealers/Importers/Wholesalers Collection Segregation Check for functionality Service Station Refurbishing Extraction of usable materials Refurbished/Second hand Market Scrap Dealers (Wholesaling for recycling in indust ries) Final Disposal (Crude dumping of waste) Main Waste Stream Building bulk ( collectors ) Segregation Disassembling 5p erc ent 95 p erce nt Beneficiaries Cooperate institution In dividuals Street sides Seashore Households Waste bins Cooperate institution Dump site Refurbishing Repairs Extraction of usable material Generation of feedstock for new products Recyclers Open burning to harvest metals Metal trading

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When Necessity Begets Ingenuity | 9 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf Table 1 presents a comparison of local and international metal prices. Evid ently, most local prices with the exception of that of steel are well below international market prices, which range from 40 percent to 150 percent higher than local pric es. I t can be inferred that the e waste enterprise is growing mainly due to the availa bility of market and the high price of its components (e.g., gold and copper). O ne significant aftermath of the current practice of retrieving copper is that, the site is constantly on fire which is also possibly an attempt to reduce the volume of waste generated. Be that as it may t hese fires lead to the accumulation of ash and partially burned materials which have health implications and probably explains why the Odaw River, which lie alongside the settlement 35 Table 1 : Local and International Scrap Metal Prices Metal Agbogblosie market price per kilogram in US dollars International market price per kilogram in US dollars Quantity in a PC (in grams) Copper 3.91 6.11 4.13 Brass 3.13 5.78 n.a. Zinc 0.93 2.33 2 5.9 Aluminum 0.78 1.80 550.2 Steel 0.78 0.67 6,737.5 Iron 0.21 0.30 n.a. Gold n.a. 48,834.97 0.26 raka sh et al (2010) Micro geographies of E waste S cavenging : Economic I mpact The study explored the working condition s and economic viability of e waste recycling in Accra Broadly, it captured three main categories of workers directly involved in the chain of activities : the crap d ealers. 36 The colle ctors who are the lowest barrier of entry for most collectors specialize in the picking of actual recyclable elements from dump sites, houses and companies to sell to the middlemen before or after processing. The middlemen build bulk and eventually sell to the scrap dealers who also sell to big companies and exporters in Tema. Like in most informal activities these scavengers do not maintain any records on quantities of collected commodities or financial revenues that accrue from their transactions. Howev er, the estimates of income derived from the sale of items, underscored the financial contribution of scavenging to the household economy. In terms of earnings, most collectors seemed to have no difficulty in remembering expenditure and profits, although t hey did not keep written records o f their cash flows. A ll participants described the industry as providing a better livelihood than the official daily minimum wage of GH¢ 3.11 ($2.15). 37 The study reveals that, e waste collectors earn on the average US $ 3.5 0 daily, which is about two and a half times the official average income for informal economic worker in Ghana. 38 Further, those e waste collectors who also engage in dismantling and metal recovery earn even more (US $8 a day) while the youth under fifte en many of whom participate in the process as part time collectors mainly after school activities or as truants, earn approximately

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10 | Oteng Ababio African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf US $20 per month. Bearing in mind that the overwhelming majority of informal workers have very low working capital, it is n from their activities. Nevertheless, the findings show that e waste scavengers make a reasonable profit from their activities, and that this return is favourable in comparison to other availabl e and accessible alternative sources of income 39 The study was however challenged when it came to assessing the earnings of the middlemen and scrap dealers partly because of tax fears. However, a few middlemen who obliged to this question reported earning averagely US $20 a day, while some scrap dealers mentioned netting US $50 daily, though that may be an exception rather that the rule. One important feature about their livelihood identified by all respondents was the variability of their earnings. That w ithstanding, the picture still appears positive when viewed against the fact that unemployment rate among the economically active population in Ghana is about 17.6 percent while about 28.5 percent of the total population lives below the poverty line 40 Inde ed, studies have shown that the national unemployment rate to be 3.6 percent compared to 6.3 percent recorded in urban areas and 8.9 percent r ecorded in Accra (See Figure 3). Figure 3: Unemployment Rate in Ghana Source: GLSS, 2008 To full y appreciate t new enterprise attempts were made to analyse respondents previous occupational experiences. The results clearly demonstrate why any enterprise whose start up capital is next to zero with virtu ally no entry requirements but substantial population, as exhibited in the study area. Figure 4 provides a breakdown of the previous employment of respondents before entering into the e waste trade. The number of workers in each category is expressed as a percentage of the sample.

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When Necessity Begets Ingenuity | 11 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf The findings shows that 31 percent of the respondents were either unemployed or retrenched and therefore were participating as a matter of survival while 41 percent were either into farming or self employed and 28 percent civil and public (formal) sector employees. Significantly the findings show that participation in e waste scavenging is not limited to the urban poor, but it also include other social class (formal sector employees) that were previ ously assumed to be immune to the pressures of economic change. involvement in multiple economic activities has a long history in Nigerian society, recent economic conditions have led to the intensification of the practice, bringing the professional class which traditionally was not part of the practice, into the dynamics. He distinguishes between the survival strategies of the working class and livelihood strategies of the pr ofessional class, arguing that, for most members of the latter (working) class, engagement in multiple modes of activities is critical to individual survival. For the professional class however, the as the c sector appears, and thus, is seen as a means of containing, and possibly reversing the slide in their living standards 41 Figure 4: Previous Employment of R espondents Source : Field Survey, February/April, 2010 A dmittedly, this study did not estimate the previous earnings of the respondents. However, earlier studies have revealed that public and civil servants earn an average basic monthly salary of approximately GH¢ 137.28 or GH¢ 0.78 per hour 42 In the same vein, farming, which is mostly subsistence, appears poorly paid and unattractive, with the lowest basic hourly earnings of GH¢ 0.41 43 The situation is even worse for the youth from the northern Ghana (forming 63 percent of respondents) who have very little con trol over the proceeds of their labour which is often at the discretion of the father. status of respondents. It is important to state that one has to treat incomes and expenditures generated from the operators in the informal economy with caution due partly to the significant

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12 | Oteng Ababio African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf fluctuations in their fortunes, and as already noted, they hardly keep books on their business transactions. They also tend to mix businesses, and these present a challenge when estimating their average monthly income. However, to have an idea of how well they were performing regarding capital accumulation, the waste collectors (the lowest paid in the industry) were asked to indicate the amount t hey earned in the month preceding the interview, after questions on profit level during the pilot test of the research instrument. The result shows that, an ave rage e waste collector at Agbogbloshie earns a monthly gross income of about US $380 whilst those engaged in metal recovery earn about US $460. Although they should account for their daily expenditure including shelter, bathing, food, and hiring of push t rucks for their daily expedition, the result glaringly puts them far and above that of an average public servant in Ghana who earns approximately US $93.04 a month This is significant not because the national daily minimum wage is GH ¢3.11 ( US $2.15), but because most participants (63 percent ) hail from the northern regions where majority live below the lower poverty line. 44 This might explain why e waste chain of activities remains the second largest employment category for the 79,684 residents of Agbobgl oshie afte r retailing 45 The findings contradict some other studies on the informal sector activities in other parts of Africa. Lighthelm (2004) for example states that the average monthly gross profit for informal market activity in Pretoria is R1010 ( app roximately US $ 151.0 0 ) which is only half the amount required to sustain an average African household in Pretoria. 46 Th i s compare s favorably with c raft and tra de workers in Ghana who earn GH¢ 114.4 (US $70.2) monthly. 47 The study however resonates with the study of Yankson (2007) which reveal ed that the mean daily profit levels per male and female street traders in Ghana wer e US $ 5.3 and US $ 7.62 respectively. The study has also empirically demonstrated that e waste scavenging provides a livelihood for man y urban poor and that at least in the short to medium term it has the potential of moving many out of the poverty zone. During the study, 65 percent of the respondent s rejected a ny suggestion for the ban of the current practice. Micro geographies of E wa ste S cavenging : Environmental and H ealth I mpact s The literature on e waste is replete with studies indicating that e waste contains intricate blends of plastics and chemicals, which when improperly handled can be harmful 48 L ead and mercury for example a re known to be high ly potent neurotoxins, particularly among children, who can suffer IQ deficiency and developmental abnormalities (BAN/SVTC 2002) while the brominated flame retardants (BFR) in plastics pose serious health risks 49 It is therefore to be e xpected that at Agbogbloshie where e waste is dismantled and recycled by hand, harmful chemicals and plastic are possibly introduced into the envi ronment via water, air and soil, while w orkers who burn the e waste to retrieve valuable metals are also expos ed to heavy metals, and organic acids, which have long term health risks 50 This possibility was re echoed in an interview with a medical officer from the Ghana Health Service Accra. Citing a World Bank Report ( 2007), she noted that in Ghana, about five million children die annually from illness caused by poor environment . . poor resource management cost s the country about 10 percent of GDP with 40 percent attributed to water and air pollution S he further conceded that although no epidemiological s tudies have been

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When Necessity Begets Ingenuity | 13 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf conducted in Agbogbloshie the recent increase in cases of convulsion in the area could be a striking coincidence that warrants further studies. Ironically participants in the study demonstrated some knowledge of the health and environme ntal impact of the practice. However, their perceived impact was restricted ma inly to accident related and other obvious effects (burns, cuts, etc) that are in sharp contrast with those reported in other epidemiological studies 51 In this study, 51 percent of the respondents carrying heavy loads and pulling handcarts over long distances across the city to the scrap yard. Additionally, in an environment where waste is routinely burn ed in an uncontrolled manner and in open dumps (burning to harvest metals, copper wires), coughing can be expected 52 A waste collector re counted : s every weekend (Sunday). I no rmally experience severe body and chest pains when we have to haul huge loads from outside Accra One commonality among most participants (90 percent ) however was their perception that the emission of smoke through the constant burning of e waste to ret rieve metals could pollute the environment. An e xecutive of Scrap D ealers Association re counted rather pessimistic ally : melt off the plastic and reclaim the copper wires may affe ct our health; I am not very sure. However I am very certain that it negatively affects the environment as toxic chemicals are Incidentally most shop owners, who are at a distan ce from the burning sites see the open burning on the hitherto derelict waterlogged land as a means o f control ling the breeding of mosquito s, which ha s been their major challenge 53 The position taken by this group appears to have been informed by the apparent poor sanitation, including op en defecation which they see as more environmentally polluting and threatening Indeed, the participatory technique helped to uncover an emerging but virtually neglected health hazard where some local butchers operating within the study area use e waste g enerated fire to singe livestock for the local restaurants (chop bars). A l though the observation is beyond the scope of this paper its potential to cause impairment of public health is very high and thus needs a detailed epidemiological investigation I t is important to stress that it is not possible from this study to comprehensively evaluate the damage likely to be caused to human health and environment from these widespread practic es. Nevertheless, the results indicate that the likelihood of exposure t o haza rdous chemicals arising from e waste scavenging (though the practice remains a major source of livelihood for many people from diverse background ) can be locally severe and nationally costly. It can affect development and therefore warrant s further s tudies. Rethinking E waste Scavenging as a Livelihood Strategy The changing dynamics of the Ghanaian urban economy especially in the capital city, Accra, orchestrated by neo liberal globalization and rapid urbanization, has made some informal activities l ike e waste scavenging not only a survival strategy but perhaps an opportunity for others (including formal sector employees) to either alleviate or shore against uncertainties The study has shown how migrant population s, particularly from the north ern r egions of Ghana

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14 | Oteng Ababio African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf subsist mainly on e waste scavenging not only by choice but also as a result of necessity T here is also empirical evidence to infer that some participate in the industry to cushion them selves against the vagaries of neo liberal policies. This finding th us questions whether theoretically, the long held notion that a segment of the urban society that exclusively participate s in informality tell s the complete story. 54 It demonstrates the functional linkages and fluidity between the formal and informal sector. For example, the reuse of older electronic products is a common practice and the only means through which many formal sector employees can economically access electronic products and participate in the in formation technology revolution. A lso the separation of working components for repairs of faulty electronics has become a common practice. It is also instructive how people move seamlessly from the civil/public sector or the dominant poorly remunerative agricultural sector to participate i n this new industry. Admittedly, the scope of the present study is limited. However, it provides useful insight s on how e waste scavenging serves as a strategic response to macro economic change and political contradiction within the broader urban space F urther studies will perhaps help to establish in detail s for example, the socio economic background of those involve d in the chain of activit ies associated with e waste and its impact on the national economy as a whole Ultimately, this will impact how co ntemporary urban economies and space s are conceptualized a nd how urban planning are conceived and executed. P roper appreciation and understanding of the nature and scope of activities and the geography of the opportunities for participation will inform po licy makers and city authorities to de sign targeted policies that take advantage of the spatial variations and nature of such activities This is particularly important s pursuit for economic growth cannot be independent of the ICT revolution, and the fact that inefficient management of the end of life of e products can cause serious environmental and health hazards. Hence, the need for policies that are based on empirically ascertained data to help regulate and integrate the practice into the f ormal sector. The overall goal for such integration should be to build a better functioning, more inclusive, healthier and socially sustainable city. This new partnership should see the local government playing a pivotal role and should be given greater a uthority, discretion and enhanced capacity to mobilize local support and resources, and take stakeholder needs and views into account in formulating and implementing policies and programes. This is premise d on the fact that local authorities are better pla ced than distant central governments to broker and harmonize the new partnerships among the various stakeholders. To play the envisaged role effectively, local authorities need improved technical, administrative and financial capacity through genuine decen tralization and increased support from national and international development agencies, including NGOs At the national level, government ought to realize that the informal sector in most cases fill s in the niches created by government inefficiencies. In t hat perspective, t he creation of dual and parallel urban systems formal and s hould give way for an appropriate mix. This is in line with the current advocacy for endogenizing formal institutions to reconcile them to local conditions, and g ive them greater social legitimacy. In the words of Mabogunje African cities still look like houses built from the roof down:

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When Necessity Begets Ingenuity | 15 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf A ll the institutions of modern urbanization are in place the banks, the factories, the legal system, the unions, etc. but all th ese appear to be suspended over societies that have no firm connections to them, and whose indigenous institutions, even when oriented in the right direction, lack the necessary scaffolding to connect to their modern surrogates 55 The government also has a legitimate duty to explore more actively national policies in order to slow down the rate of population growth in the cities and elsewhere through programs for reproductive health and family planning, which, together with purposeful urbanization policies, could help to lower fertility, and not overburden but ease pressure on the cities and urban services 56 Ultimately, the informal sector also has a role to play in terms of organizing and developing the much needed civic engagement skills to be able to enga ge more constructively with government s and other development partners, and to increase their power to lobby, negotiate and influence public policy in favo u r of their sector 57 Finally, this study support s t h e assertion by Owusu ( 2007 ) that planners who re fuse to think creatively about the emerging chal lenges risk becoming irrelevant Kazimbaya Senkwe also rightly argues: I f urban planners want to be relevant to the urban development agenda, then they should rethink their fixation with master planning ide as which hitherto has limited their role in the development of the informal sector. They must adopt approaches in which solutions do not come from master planning textbooks but rather are developed with the people concerned using planning tools that respec t the economic reality of the city and th e voices of other stakeholders. 58 After all, the informal sector activities take advantage of the failures of the formal sector and u s e sweat equity instead of money to create a living environment, however marginal. Conclusion Under the limitation of this study the following can be concluded. First, e waste scavenging as a livelihood strategy in Accra can be seen as a direct response to rapid urbanization, neoliberal globalization and a lack of formal job opportuni ties. Second, b cheap labo r, the e waste recycling economy has not only generated income earning opportunities for thousands of mostly extremely poor people but has also led to the emergence of dynamic entities with intense linkag es between formal and informal economy. Third, s ignificantly the findings show that participation in e waste scavenging is not limited to the urban poor, but it also include other social class es (formal sector employees) who were previously assumed to be i mmune to the pressures of economic change. Next, t hough the practice remains a major source of livelihood for many deprived urban poor, the results indicate the likelihood of exposure to hazardous chemicals that locally can be severe and nationally costly. Finally, i t is clear from th ese findings tha t there is the need for well co ordinated and deliberate technical and non technical integration of the formal and inf ormal sectors The study thus concurs regarding the need to restore the structural and functi onal disconnect between informal indigenous from outside 59

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16 | Oteng Ababio African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf Notes 1 Owusu 2007; Ferguson 2007. 2 Grant 2009; Grant and Oteng Ababio 2012 3 Francis 2000; Rakodi 2002. 4 GLSS 2008. 5 Brigden et al 2008; Oteng Ababio 2010. 6 Kuper and Hojsik 2008. 7 Owusu 2007; Yankson 2007; ISSER 2009. 8 Oberhauser and Yeboah 2011. 9 Rakodi 2002. 10 Grown and Sebstaed 1989 p. 941. 11 Briggs and Yeboah 2001; Owusu 2007. 12 response, see Owu su 2001. 13 Aryeetey and Ahortor 2005; Baa Boateng and Turkson 2005; Aryeetey and Codjoe 2005. 14 Loureno Lindell 2004. 15 World Bank 2001; UN Habitat 2003. 16 Wood and Salaway 2000; Hapke and Ayyankeril 2004. 17 Owusu 2007. 18 GSS 2008. 19 Ibid. 20 Awumb ila and Ardayfio Schandorf 2008. 21 Brigden et al 2008; Prakesh and Manhart 2010; Oteng Ababio 2010. 22 Brigden et al 2008; Frontline 2009; Afrol News 2010. 23 Grant 2009; Oteng Ababio 2010. 24 Housing the Masses 2010, p. 2. 25 See Grant and Oteng Ababio 2011; Oteng Ababio 2011. 26 See Grant and Oteng Ababio 2011. 27 Ibid. 28 Skelton 2001. 29 Pinto 2008; Brigden et al 2005. 30 Post 1999; Oteng Ababio 2010. 31 Baud and Schenk 1994. 32 Afrol News 2010; Frontline 2009. 33 Prakash et al 2010 p. 51. 34 GSS 2008.

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When Necessity Begets Ingenuity | 17 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf 35 For health implication, see UNEP 2005; Pinto 2008; Brigden et al 2008. Regarding the Odaw River, see Boadi et al 2002. 36 Bridgen et al 2008 37 As of December 2010, 1 Ghanaian New Cedi (GHS) = 0.67425 US Dollar (USD) accessed on 2 6th Dec, 2010 http://www.oanda.com/convert/classic 38 GSS 2007. 39 See GLSS, 2008; Oberhauser and Yeboah 2011. 40 GSS 2008. 41 Mustapha 1992, p. 201. 42 GSS 2008. 43 Ibid. 44 Ibid. In Ghana, poverty profile as the measure of the standard of living is base d on household and consumption, expenditure, covering food and non food (including housing). Hence, a lower poverty line focuses on what is needed to meet the nutritional requirements of household members. Individuals whose total expenditure fall below t his line are considered to be in an extreme poverty position, since even if they allocated their entire budgets to food, they would not be able to meet their minimum nutritional requirements. Thus, there are two lines: a lower line of GH¢700 per adult equi valent per month, and an upper line of GH¢ 900 per adult equivalent per month. 45 Armah 2008, p. 8. 46 Martins 2004, p. 4. 47 GSS 2008. 48 Caravanos et al 2011; Widmer et al 2005. 49 Ching Hwa et al 2002. 50 Caravanos et al 2011. 51 Pinto 2008; Caravano s et al 2011. 52 Sepulveda et al 2010. 53 Oteng Ababio 2011. 54 ILO 1995. 55 Mabogunje 2005. 56 Population Reports 2002. 57 World Bank 2003. 58 Kazimbaya Senkwe 2004 p. 119. 59 Dia 1996 p. 25. References 2010 from Afrol News website at http://www.afrol.com/articles/36355

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18 | Oteng Ababio African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf Fadama Com Sustainability Science, Lund University, Sweden. Awumbila, M., and E. Ardayfio Strategies of Female Porters in Accra, Norwegian Journal of Geography 62.3 : 171 79. Baud, I. S. A., and H. Schenk. 1994. Solid Waste Management: Modes, Assessments, Appraisals and Linkages in Bangalore New Dehli: Manohar Publishers. BAN/SVTC. 2002. Exporting Harm: the High Tech Trashi ng of Asia The Basel Action Network and Silicon Valley Toxics Coalition. 25 February. The Environmentalist 22: 301 09. Brigden, K., I. Labunska, D. Santillo, and Laboratories Technical Note 09/2005. Publ. Greenpeace International, August 2005: 56. Brigden, K., I. Labunska, D. Santil Greenpeace Report Retrieved September 25, 2010 from Greenpeace website at http://www.greenpeace.org/international/en/publications/reports/chemical contamination at e wa/ Saharan African Ci Area 33. 1: 18 26. Environmental Chemical Exposure Risks at an e Waste Recycling and Disposal Site in Accra, Blacksmith Institute Journal of Health and Pollutio n 1.1: 16 25. Ching hwa, L., C. Ssu li, W. King min, and W. Lih Journal of Hazardous Material A73 : 209 20. Dia, M. 1996. African Man agement in the 1990s and Beyond: Reconciling Indigenous and Transplanted Institutions. Washington, DC: World Bank. Ferguson, J. 2007. Global Shadows: Africa in the Neoliberal World Order Durham, NC: Duke University Press. Francis, E. 2000. Making a Living: Changing Livelihoods in Rural Africa London: Routledge. Frontline. 2009. Frontline website at http://www.pbs.org/frontlineworld/stories/ghana804/slidesh ow/slideshow.html Ghana Statistical Service. 2007. Patterns and trends of poverty in Ghana 1991 2006 Accra, April.

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When Necessity Begets Ingenuity | 19 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf _____. 2008. Ghana Living Standards Survey. Report of the Fifth Round (GLSS 5). Grant, R. 2009. Globalizing City: The Urban and Economic T ransformation of Accra, Ghana Syracuse: Syracuse University Press. _____ and M. Oteng Mapping the Invisib Urban E Urban Geography 33.1: 1 21 World Development. 17.7: 937 52. life Course, and Livelihood Strategies in Gender Place and Culture 11. 2 : 229 56. Hicks, C in China Environmental Impact Assessment Review 25: 459 71. : An Analysis University, New Haven. Housing the Masses. 2010. Community Led Enumeration of Old Fadama Community Accra Ghana. Unpublished Report. Accra, Ghana. International Labor Organization (ILO). 2002. Women and Men in the Informal Economy: A Statistical Picture Geneva: ILO. Institute for Statistical, Social and Economic Research (ISSER). 2009. State of the Gh anaian Economy. Accra: University of Ghana. and African Affairs 91.363: 207 26. Kazimbaya eriod of Economic Reconsidering Informality: Perspectives from Urban Africa Uppsala: Nordiska Afrikaininstitutet, pp. 99 119. Keirsten, S., and P. Michael 1999. A Report on Poison PCs and Toxic T Vs, Silicon Valley Toxic Coalition, http://svtc.org/cleancc/puds/poisonpc.htm Kuper, J., and M. Hojsik. 2008. "Poisoning the Poor Electronic Waste in Ghana." Greenpeace International 155: 4 8. Ligthe Informal Markets in Tshwane: Entrepreneurial Incubators or Survivalist Report Number 335. Bureau of Market Research. Pretoria: University of South Africa. Loureno in Bissau, Guinea In K. T. Hansen and M. Vaa (eds.) Reconsidering I nformality: Perspectives from Urban Africa Uppsala: Nordiska Afrikaininstitutet.

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20 | Oteng Ababio African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf Pe rspectives on the City Toronto: University of Toronto Center for Urban and Community S tudies: 20 45. Minimum and Supplemented Living Levels in the Main and other Selected Report Number 334. Bureau o f Market Research. Pretoria: University of South Africa. Ministry of Youth and Sports. 2010. National Youth Policy of Ghana August. Government of G hana. waste: A New Challenge for Waste Management i The International Journal of Environmental Studies 61 : 265 79. A. Ofstad (eds.) Seminar Proceedings No. 26, Authori tarianism Democracy and Adjustment: The Politics of Economic Reform in Reform in Africa. Uppsala: Nordiska Afrikainstitutet: 188 216. Heavy Burdens: Gendered Livelihood Singapore Journal of Tropical Geography 32.1: 22 37. Oteng Private Public Partnership in Solid Waste Management in the Greater Accra Metropolitan Area in Ghana _____. 2010. E waste: An Em erging Challenge for Solid Waste Management in Ghana. International Development Planning Review 32.2: 191 206 _____. 2011. The Role of the Informal Sector in Solid Waste Management in the GAMA, Ghana : Challenges and Opportunities. Tijdscrift voor Ec onomische en Sociale Geographie ; DOI : 10.1111/j.1467 9663.2011.00690.x. The Canadian Geographer 45.3: 387 403. ican Cities: Planning and Journal of Planning Education and Research 26: 450 65. Pinto, V.N. 2008. E waste Hazard: Impending Challenge. Indian Journal of Occupational and Environmental Medicine 12: 65 70. Habitat International 23. 2: 201 15. Prakash, S., A. Manhart, Y. Amoyaw economic Asessment and Feasibility S tudy on Sustainable E

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When Necessity Begets Ingenuity | 21 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf report: Institute for Applied Ecology, Freiburg, Germany. Retrieved November 25, 2010 from Institute for Applied Ecology website at http://www.oeko.de/oekodoc/1057/2010 105 en.pdf and T. Lloyd Jones (eds.) Urban Livelihoods: A People Centred Approach to Reducing Poverty. London: Earthsc an, 2 23. Proc. International Symposium on Electronics and the Environment 2002 IEEE, May 6 9, 2002 San Francisco, CA, 79 84. Schmidt, O s, E Environmental Health Perspectives 110: 188 94. Limb and C. Dwyer (eds.) Qualitative Methodologies for Geographers: Issues and Debates Lond on: Arnold, 87 100. United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP). 2005. E waste: The Hidden Side of IT Early Warnings on Emerging Environmental Threats no. 5. Geneva: United Nations Environment Programme. UN Habitat. 2003. Slums of the World: The Face of Urban Poverty in the New Millennium? Monitoring the Millennium Development Goal, Target 11 W orld wide Slum Dweller Estimation Working Paper. Nairobi, Kenya: United Nations Human Settlements Programme. Widmer, R., H. Oswald krapf, S. Sinha Perspectives on E Environmental Impact Assessment Review 25 : 436 58. Journal of International Development 12: 669 88. World Bank. 2001. World Development Report 2000/2001. Attacking Poverty New York: Oxford University Press. _____. 2003. World Development Report 2004, Making Services Work for Poor People Washington, DC: World Bank. _____. 2005. IMF and World Bank Support US$3.5 Billion in Debt Service Relief for the Republic of Ghana. News release 2005/21/PREM available at http://go.worldbank.org/ 0QG869DT00 (accessed 8 January 2010). _____. 2007. Ghana Country Environmental Analysis, Report No. 36985 GH, Nov. 2. Street Trading and Environmental Management in Central Accra: Research Review 23.1: 37 55.

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""" BO2&'9C H (29":C3%98(%3J",'95(-"$;">'(25345"RC 949"94D":94 H 7;23J943-'!" *_ !"#$%&'()*+,$-.(/+&#*#01 !" #$%&'(")*+",--&(-")"."/!"012345"/6)/ http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf E38C"8C("k7@+ 94D"-&F8%="8$"J$''('$298("BO2&'9CT-"D(98C"9"=(92"(92%3(2+"R&34(9T-"k7@" -(23(-"3-"-&2(%="9"1$%383J9%"-898('(48 V ;$&2"1 $282938-"$;"BO2&'9CK ))f """"" )%8**(=>>=( *+ \R&34(9\M"\:2$J%9'983$4"$;",4D(1(4D(4J(+"/"kJ8K")_`g+\")_`_+"1K"fb`+" 4$K")a* p 94D"\RC949\M""\,4D(1(4D(4J(+"]92K"b+")_`a+\"b"]92K")_`a+"1K"/6g+"4$K"/K e3;;(2345";2$' F$8C"RC949394"94D"L94Z94394"1C3%98(%=+" F(;$2("BO2&'9C"E9-"$A(28C2$E4" R&34(9 3--&(D" -('3$83 J"-89'1" D(13J8345" -$J39%3-8" 9JJ$'1%3-C'(48-K""L$&2["988('18(D"8$" & F9%94J(" $&8" 8C("J91389%3-8"94D"J$''&43-8"9DA(2-923(-"$;"8C("?$%D"S92"F=" 1C3%98(%3J9%%= J(%(F298345" F$8C" 7'(23J94"94D" G&--394" 9JJ$'1%3-C'(48-"34"-19J(K ))` "" Q3A("=(92-"%98(2"D&2345"8C(" C(35C8"$ ;"8C(" 7'(23J94"S 92"34"#3(8" B9'"94D"BO2&'9CT-"(W3%("34"R&34(9+"L$&2["E(48" ;&28C(2" 94D" J$''('$298(D"#%9D3'32",%=3JC"I(434"34"9";3A( H -89'1"-(23(-K ))b "" 0C$28%="9;8(2" BO2&'9C"D3(D+" L$&2[" 9%-$" J$''('$298(D"8C("h&%592394"J$''&43-8 %(9D(2 +"R($25("e3'382$AK ))a "" LC(-("8 E$" -(23(-"C9D"'&JC"34"J$''$4"E38C"8C("-JC$%92%="E$2O"$4" -$J39%3-8" 1$%383J9%"1C3%$-$1C="BO2&'9C 911%3(D"8$"7;23J9"94D 1&F%3-C(D" D&2345"C3-"(W3%("34"R&34(9K ))g """" "" """ """ "" 81;$ 7 45,+60%&<,0&=%0#0(0#&8%()0$")K & 7;8(2" RC949394"'3%3892="%(9D(2-"$A(28C2(E" PE9'("B O2&'9C"$4"/f"Q(F2&92=")_bb +" RC949":$-8" D3-J$4834&(D" Q$&4D(2T-"e9= 94D"G(1&F%3J"e9= 3--&(-K "" 7-"3-"8C(" 2$&834(+" 8 C$-("EC$"9--&'(" 1$E(2" 9;8(2"2(53'("JC945(-"-$$4" 12$D&J("1C3%98(%3J"-('3$83J-"8C98"988('18"8$"%(5383'3Z("94D" 12$'$8("8C(32" 5$A(24'(48-K"" LC("RC94 9394-"EC$" -&JJ((D(D"BO2&'9C E(2("4$"(WJ(183$4K ))_ """ B$4(8C(%(--+"8C(2("E9-"-$'("J$4834&38="E38C"BO2&'9C H (29"1C3%98(%=K"" LC2$&5C"8C(" )_g6-+ RC949394"%(9D(2-" J$4834&(D"8$" 3--&("-89'1-"D(D3J98(D"8$" C&'94"235C8-"94D"-$J39%"U&-83J( K )/6 "" h=")_g_+" C$E(A(2+" RC949":$8" U$34(D" '94="$8C(2"J$&4823(-"94D"9D$18(D" 1$1"1C3%98(%= 8$" 293-("2(A(4&( K""0$'("$;"8C(";32-8" 3&(-" 34J%&D(D"9"-(23(-"$;"Y9194(-("19348345-+"-='F$%-"$;"8C(" Q2(4JC"G(A$%&83$4+"94D"0C9O(-1(92(K""LC("h(98%(-+"Q294O"0349829+" 0 =%A(-8(2"089%%$4( +"94D"]3JO(=" ]$&(" ;$%%$E(D"-C$28%="8C(2(9;8(2K "" RC949":$-8"C9-"J$4834&(D"8C3-"82(4D"(A(2"-34J(K )/) "" 0('3$83J-" $;" 2(A$%&83$492=";(2A$2"94D"7;2$J(4823J"3'95(2=" 3438398(D"34" 8C("BO2&'9C"(29 92("4$E" %(--" ;2(^&(48%="3--&(D"94D"C9A("F((4" %925(%=" 2(1%9J(D"F=" S(-8(24"3'95(-"$;" 1$1& %92"J&%8&2( K""SC(2(" 3-"BO2&'9CT-" 1C3%$-$1C="$;"? $4-J3(4J3-'"8$D9=s "" PE9'("BO2&'9C" C9-"4$4(8C(%(--"'9D("8C2(("911(9294J(-"34"RC949394"1C3%98(%="-34J("C3-" D(98CM""3 4")_g6 9" 1928"$;"8C("\B983$49%"I(9D(2\"-(23(-+"34" )__) 9-"1928"$;"8C("\)68C"B$4 H 7%354(D" ]343 -8(2-"?$4;(2(4J(+"7JJ29+\"94D"34" /66) +"9"=(92"D$'3498(D"F="1$1"1C3%98(%=+ 34"49'("$4%="$4" 8C("\`68C"7443A(2-92="$;"PE9'("BO2&'9C"@43A(2-38="$;"0J3(4J("94D"L(JC4$%$5= K \ )// "" LC98"=(92" RC949":$-8"9%-$"3--&(D" -&JC"D3-19298( 8$13J-" 9-"Y9'(-"?954(=+"LC("0&12('(+" i&((4"#3J8$239T-"

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f6 !"S3%F&24" !"#$%&'()*+,$-.(/+&#*-#01 !"#$%&'(")*+",--&(-")"."/!"012345"/6)/ C881MNNEEEK9;23J9K&;%K(D&N9-^NA)*NA)*3) H /9)K1D; "" )668C"7443A(2-92="94D" ]9$ L-( H L&45K )/* "" k4("E$4D(2-"EC98"8C("k-95=(;$"E$&%D"C9A("'9D("$;" 38"9%%K "" " """"" cI(;8d ( )%8**(=>>=( *+"\RC949\M"\0(J$4D"7443A(2-92="$;",4D(1(4D(4J(+\"b"]92K")_`_+"1K"/6_+" 4$K"f`"94D"cG35C8d"\Q$&4D (2T-"e9=+\"/)"0(18K")_b*+"1K"/))+"4$K")f_K N1#/)+;(1# LC("1C3%98(%3J"C3-8$2="$;"8C("BO2&'9C H (29"-894D-"9-"94"9283-83J"823F&8("8$"8C("^&(-8";$2 34D(1(4D(4J(+"(J$4$'3J"D(A(%$1'(48+"-$J39%"U&-83J(+" RC949394"J&%8&2(+" 94D"8C("&43;3J983$4"$;" 7;23J9K""LC("-('3$83 J-"$;"RC949394"1C3%98(%=" F(8E((4")_`a"94D")_bb" F$8C"12$A$O(-"94D"34-132(-K" : C3%98(%3J"2(;%(J83$4-"$;"BO2&'9C H (29"RC949"92("J%(A(2"34"D(-354+"J$%$2;&%"34"-13238+"94D"12(54948" E38C"'(94345K""LC(="(W8$%"9"4$F%("8(-89'(48"8$"9%%"C&'94-p"8C98"3-+"8$"5%$F9%"7;23 J94-+"8C98"8C(2(" 3-"C$1(";$2"8C(";&8&2(K"""7-"PE9'("BO2&'9C+"8C("k-95=(;$+"$4J("-93D+"\S(";9J("4(38C(2">9-8"4$2" S(-8M"E(";9J(";$2E92DK\ )/f "" 74D";$2E92D"38"C9-"F((4"-34J(")_g6 +" 1C3%98(%3J9%%= -1(9O345+" EC(4" BO2&'9CT-":94 H 7;23J943-8"D2(9'";$&4D"(W12(--3$4"34"8 C(":94"7;23J94":$-89%"@43$4+"J$'123-(D" $;";$28= H ;$&2"7;23J94"J$&4823(-"34"/6))+"9'$45"EC$-("5$9%-"3-"8$"J2(98("9"-345%("1$-89%"8(2238$2=" 34"7;23J9K )/` & 4 1$"; & & 1 Biney 2008, p. 130. 2 See Child 2005, pp. 112 15 and Child 2008, pp.13 42. A brief article for non specialists is Krause 2002, pp. 430 33. 3 Child 2005, pp. 110 12, 136. For more detail from an African perspective, see Adedze 2009, pp. 1 24. 4 See Atkin in Zalta 2010, pp. 107 24. 5 Adedze 2009, pp. 6 7. 6 Posnansky 2004, pp. 53 54. 7 Adedze 2004, pp. 68 73, 96 and Adedze 2009, pp. 1 26. 8 Reid 1972, p. 209. 9 Adedze 2009, p. 1. 10 Scott 2002 3, "Gold Coast": various "Queen Victoria," July 1875 6 Oct. 1901, p. 253, nos. 1 37a.

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""" BO2&'9C H (29":C3%98(%3J",'95(-"$;">'(25345"RC 949"94D":94 H 7;23J943-'!" f) !"#$%&'()*+,$-.(/+&#*#01 !" #$%&'(")*+",--&(-")"."/!"012345"/6)/ http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf 11 Scott 2002 3, "Gold Coast:" "Various," 1 July 1948, pp. 254, nos. 130 41. See Adedze 2009, pp. 2 3 where he provides additional information on Ghanaian artists and photographers involved in this series 12 For details about controversies over the bidders, see Adedze 2009, pp. 8 9. 13 Email interview with J. Yossi Malamud New York City, 23 D ec. 2010 Unfortunately, pre 1970 contracts and records of IGPC (GPA) have been lost or destroyed. 14 A. Lehmann unpublished memoir, p. 1 and 5; email interview with A. Lehmann, 16 Feb. 2012. Komla Agbeli Gbedemah served as Minister of Finance from 1 954 May 1961 and Minister of Health afterwards. During Nkrumah's independence (1957 1960) and republican (1960 1966) governments, Krobo Edusei was Minister Without Portfolio, Minister of Interior, and Minister of Transport and Communications. Kojo Botsio served as Minister for Trade and Labor, Minister for Foreign Affairs, and Minister of Agriculture. 1 5 A. Lehmann unpublished memoir, p. 1. 16 Adedze 2009, p. 8 ; A. Lehmann unpublished memoir, p. 2. 17 Adedze 2009, p. 8 1 8 A. Lehmann unpublished mem oir, pp. 2 3. 19 Ibid., p. 4. 20 For more information, see "About IGPC 21 For information on the early Ghana stamp issues, see Scott 2002 3 : "Ghana": Gold Coast definitive issue, p. 208, nos. 5 13; "Kwame Nkrumah," 6 Mar. 1957, p. 208, nos. 1 4; and probably "Black Star Line," 27 Dec. 1957, p. 208, nos. 14 16. 22 Rob Moelis, Stamp News interview with Bill Herzig, Herrick Stamp Company, n.d. 23 Email interview with J. Yossi Malamud 23 Dec 2010. 24 Names of the g raphic designers of Ghanaian stamps are identified in Stanley Gibbons Stamp Catalogue, Part 1, British Commonwealth 1989 "Ghana," pp. 286 290 Sc ott Standard Postage Stamp Catalogue does not list g raphic artists for Ghanaian stamps. 25 The six graphic a rtists identified in Stanley Gibbons who contributed the most to Nkrumah era Ghanaian philately are M. Goaman (14 issues/sets), R. Hegeman (8 issues/sets), A.M. Medina (7 issues/sets), A.S.B. New (9 issues/sets), M. Shamir (10 issues/sets), and W. Wind (13 issues/sets). 26 Levey 2003, pp. 163 65. For an argument that Nkrumah's Pan Africanism and Zionism were incompatible, see Adewale 1995, especially pp. 129 44. On Manfred Lehmann, see h ttp://www.manfredlehmann.com/biography.html. 27 Eisenhower Library, Whitman File "Memorandum of Conversation" between President Dwight Eisenhower, Kwame Nkrumah, D. A. Chapman (Ambassador of Ghana), and Joseph Palmer (Bureau of African Affairs, Department of State), 24 July 1958 ; Levey 2003, pp. 159 61; Adewale 1995, p. 132; Biney 2011, p. 105. 28 Levey 2003, pp. 159 61 ; M. Lehmann, n.d., p. 216. 29 Adedze 2009, pp. 8 14. 30 Levey 2003, p. 169. In a further example of apparent irony, the Israeli ambassador to Ghana, Ehud Avriel, may have introduced Kwame Nkrumah to Pa trice Lumumba 31 Nkrumah 1961 note 1, p. 203. MacMillan visited Accra in 1960, not 1950 as dated

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f/ !"S3%F&24" !"#$%&'()*+,$-.(/+&#*-#01 !"#$%&'(")*+",--&(-")"."/!"012345"/6)/ C881MNNEEEK9;23J9K&;%K(D&N9-^NA)*NA)*3) H /9)K1D; "" 32 For Nkrumah's eloquent speech of 10 July 1953 to the Gold Coast Legislative Assembly calling for independence from Great Britain, see Padmore 197 1, pp. 375 389. Another copy appears in Nkrumah 1973, Revolutionary Path pp. 100 115; for Nkrumah's "Midnight Speech" of 5 6 Mar. 1957 on the occasion of independence, see pp. 116 121. 33 Child 2008, p. 19 Th ese are Scott 2002 3: "Ghana:" "Independ ence, Mar. 6, 1957," 6 Mar. 1957, p. 208, nos. 1 4. See Adedze 2009, p. 6, where he corrects Scott's description of the stamps, identifying the bird in Kofi Antubam's creation as an eagle, not a palm nut vulture. 34 "The Redeemed Empire." Time 29 June 1956, p. 6 3 5 Scott 2002 3, "Ghana": "Map of Ghana and Queen Elizabeth," 6 Mar. 1957, p. 208, included in nos. 5 13. 3 6 Founder's Day was Nkrumah's birthday, 21 Sep. Republic Day was 1 July. For Founder's Day issues, see Scott 2002 3, "Ghana" : Founder's Day 1960, p. 210, nos. 86 88; 1961, p. 210, nos. 104 06a; 1962, p. 210, nos. 124 27; 1963, p. 211, nos. 147 50; and 1964, p. 211, nos. 175 78a. For Republic Day issues, see Scott 2002 3, "Ghana": Republic Day 1960, p. 210, nos. 78 81a; 1961, p. 210, nos. 98 100; 1962, p. 210, nos. 121 23; 1963, p. 211, nos. 143 46; 1964, p. 211, nos. 167 70a. Neither Founder's Day nor Republic Day issues were produced in 1965, Nkrumah's last full year in office. 37 For the essay and film critical of Nkrum ah, see Mazrui 1966 and Mazrui 1986 38 Nkrumah to Erica Powell, 28 Mar. 1966, cited in Powell 1984, p. 217. 39 Scott 2002 3, "Ghana": "UN Day," 24 Oct. 1958, p. 208, nos. 36 38 The other independent African countries in 1958 who recognized UN Day were Ethiopia, Liberia, Egypt, Sudan, Tunisia, and Morocco. The thirteen African countries who recognized the seventeenth Olympics in 1960 were Ghana, Liberia, Egypt, Sudan, Tunisia, Morocco, Guinea, Peoples Republic of Congo, Chad, Central African Repub lic, Mauritania, Somalia, and Gabon. 40 An analysis of African country entries in Scott 2002 1 6 and listed here in order of independence, Ghana excepted, reveal s the following ten significant common issues during the Nkrumah era: Olympics (1960: Ghan a, Liberia, Egypt, Sudan, Tunisia, Morocco, Guinea, Peoples Republic of Congo, Chad, Central African Republic, Mauritania, Somalia, and Gabon); the WHO Malaria Eradication Campaign (1962: Ghana, Ethiopia, Liberia, Egypt, Sudan, Tunisia, Morocco, Guinea, Pe oples Republic of Congo, Dahomey, Nigeria, Ivory Coast, Mali, Niger, Senegal, Burkina Faso, Mauritania, Togo, Somalia, Congo, Gabon, Cameroun, Sierra Leone, and Burundi); Freedom from Hunger Campaign (1963: Ghana, Ethiopia, Liberia, Egypt, Sudan, Tunisia Morocco, Guinea, Peoples Republic of Congo, Dahomey, Nigeria, Ivory Coast, Malagasy Republic, Central African Republic, Mali, Niger, Senegal, Burkina Faso, Mauritania, Togo, Somalia, Congo, Gabon, Cameroun, Sierra Leone, Algeria, Burundi, Rwanda and Keny a Uganda Tanzania); Red Cross Centenary (1963: Ghana, Ethiopia, Liberia, Egypt, Sudan, Tunisia, Morocco, Guinea, Nigeria, Ivory Coast, Malagasy Republic, Central African Republic, Mali, Niger, Burkina Faso, Togo, Congo, Cameroun, Sierra Leone, South Africa Algeria, Burundi, Rwanda and Kenya Uganda Tanzania); Olympics (1964: Ghana, Ethiopia, Liberia, Egypt, Morocco, Guinea, Peoples Republic of Congo, Chad, Dahomey, Nigeria, Ivory Coast, Central African Republic, Mali, Niger, Senegal, Burkina Faso, Mauritani a, Togo, Somalia, Congo, Gabon, Cameroun, Burundi, Rwanda and Kenya Uganda Tanzania); UN Campaign to Preserve the

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""" BO2&'9C H (29":C3%98(%3J",'95(-"$;">'(25345"RC 949"94D":94 H 7;23J943-'!" f* !"#$%&'()*+,$-.(/+&#*#01 !" #$%&'(")*+",--&(-")"."/!"012345"/6)/ http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf Nubian Monuments (1964: Ghana, Liberia, Egypt, Sudan, Tunisia, Morocco, Guinea, Dahomey, Nigeria, Ivory Coast, Mali, Niger, Burkina Faso, Maur itania, Togo, Cameroun, and Algeria); International Cooperation Year (1965: Ghana, Ethiopia, Liberia, Egypt, Sudan, Tunisia, Morocco, Guinea, Peoples Republic of Congo, Chad, Dahomey, Malagasy Republic, Central African Republic, Mali, Niger, Senegal, Burk ina Faso, Togo, Congo, Gabon, Cameroun, Algeria, Burundi, Kenya Uganda Tanzania, and Zambia); Centennial of International Telecommunications Union (1965: Ghana, Ethiopia, Liberia, Egypt, Tunisia, Morocco, Guinea, Peoples Republic of Congo, Dahomey, Nigeria Ivory Coast, Malagasy Republic, Central African Republic, Mali, Niger, Senegal, Burkina Faso, Mauritania, Somalia, Cameroun, South Africa, Algeria, Kenya Uganda Tanzania, Zambia, and Gambia); Abraham Lincoln (1965: Ghana, Liberia, Egypt, Peoples Republic of Congo, Chad, Dahomey, Central African Republic, Mali, Niger, Burkina Faso, Mauritania, Togo, Gabon, Cameroun, and Rwanda); and John F. Kennedy (1965: Ghana, Liberia, Guinea, Peoples Republic of Congo, Chad, Dahomey, Nigeria, Ivory Coast, Central Africa n Republic, Mali, Niger, Senegal, Burkina Faso, Mauritania, Togo, Congo, Gabon, Cameroun, Sierra Leone, Burundi, and Uganda). 41 Scott 2002 3, "Ghana": "International Quiet Sun," 1 June 1964, p. 211, nos. 164 166a and Oct. 1964, p. 211, nos. 186 88a. Other African countries commemorating "International Quiet Sun included Dahomey, Nigeria, Central African Republic, Mali, Niger, Burkina Faso, Mauritania, Togo, and Gabon. 42 Nkrumah 1970 b, pp. 4, 78. See also Nkrumah 1968 b p. 100. 43 Scott 2002 3, "Ghana": "Independence, 2nd Anniversary 6 Mar. 1959, p. 209, nos. 42 45 and the general issues, 5 Oct. 1959, p. 209, nos. 48 60 See especially nos. 48 and 53 reissued in Akan as "Gye Nyame [ God's Omnipotence ] ," 29 Apr. 1961, p. 210, nos. 95 96. 44 Scott 2002 3, "Ghana": "West African Soccer Competitions," 15 Oct. 1959, p. 209, nos. 61 65, see especially no. 61 and "African Soccer Competition," 15 Nov. 1965, p. 212, nos. 233 235 See also "Ghana's Soccer Victory" overprinted with "Black Stars R etain Africa Cup/21 Nov. 1965," 7 Feb. 1966, p. 212, nos. 244 246. 45 "Daisy Ad 1964" and "Daisy: The Complete History o f a n Infamous a nd Iconic Ad 46 French nuclear bomb test data : 13 Feb. 1960: Gerboise Bleue ("Blue Jerboa") 70 kt; 1 Apr. 1960: Ger boise Blanche ("White Jerboa") <5 kt; 27 Dec. 1960: Gerboise Rouge ("Red Jerboa") <5 kt; and 25 Apr. 1961: Gerboise Verte ("Green Jerboa") <1 kt. Gerboise is French for jerboa, a hopping desert rodent. Data are contained in Bataille and Revol 2001. 47 McKown 1973, p. 125. 48 Scott 2002 3, "Ghana": "World Without the Bomb," 21 June 1962, p. 210, nos. 115 17. 49 R. Mahoney 1983 pp. 168 73. Scott 2002 3, "Ghana": "Conference of Non Aligned Nations, Belgrade," 1 July 1961, p. 210, nos. 98 100. 50 R. Mahoney p. 180. 51 Scott 2002 3, "Ghana": "UN Day," 24 Oct. 1958, p. 208, nos. 36 38. 52 Nkrumah 1967 a, p. 78. 53 Scott 2002 3, "Ghana": "Abraham Lincoln 's Birth Sesquicentennial, 12 Feb. 1959, p. 209, nos. 39 41a. The second series is Sco tt 2002 3, "Ghana": Centenary of the Death of Abraham Lincoln," Apr. 1965, p. 212, nos. 208 211a.

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ff !"S3%F&24" !"#$%&'()*+,$-.(/+&#*-#01 !"#$%&'(")*+",--&(-")"."/!"012345"/6)/ C881MNNEEEK9;23J9K&;%K(D&N9-^NA)*NA)*3) H /9)K1D; "" 54 Scott 2002 3, "Ghana": "Prince Phillip," 24 Nov. 1959, p. 209, No. 66 and "Queen Elizabeth Souvenir Sheet," Nov. 1961, p. 210, nos. 107 09a. 5 5 Scott 2002 3, "Ghana": Eleanor Roosevelt ," 10 Dec. 19 63 p. 211 nos. 160 163 56 T he twenty four African countries who philatelically recognized the Declaration of Human Rights were Ghana, Egypt, Sudan, Tunisia, Guinea, Morocco, Peoples Republic of Congo, Chad, Dahomey, Nigeria, Ivory Coast, Malagasy Republic, Central African Republic, Niger, Mali, Senegal, Burkina Faso, Mauritania, Togo, Gabon, Cameroun, Algeria, Burundi, and Rwanda. Data were extracted from the country entries in Scott 2002 1 6. 57 For Nkrumah's official state itinerary, joint Ghana USA statement, and addresses to Congress see "Visit of Kwame Nkrumah, Prime Minister of Ghana 23 26 July 1958, United States Department of State Bulletin 1958, p p. 28 3 86 58 Scott 2002 3, "Ghana:" "Prime Minister Kwame Nkrumah's Visit to the US and Canada, July, 1958," 18 July 1958, p. 209, nos. 28 31. 59 For Nkrumah's version, see Kwame Nkrumah: Speech at the Formal Inauguration of the Volta River Project." 22 Jan 1966. For the US version, see Eisenhower Library, Whitman File "Memorandum of Conversation" between President Dwight Eisenhower, Kwame Nkrumah, D. A. Chapman (Ambassador of Ghana), and Joseph Palmer (Bureau of African Affairs, Department of State), 24 July 1958 pp. 28 3 86. 60 Hart 1980, pp. 13 16. 61 R Mahoney 1983, p. 161. 62 Scott 2002 3, "Ghana": "Prince Phillip," 24 Nov. 1959, p. 209, no. 66. 63 See Scott 2002 3, "Ghana": "Queen Elizabeth," 10 Nov. 1961, p. 210, nos. 107 109a, especially the latter for h er commemorative souvenir sheet. 64 Hart 1980, p. 31. 65 Ibid., pp. 175 78. 66 Nkrumah 1968 a, p. 84. 67 Nkrumah 1966 b, pp. x xi. For his reassuring statement to the West in 1958 defining his policy of non alignment, see Nkrumah 1968 pp. 45 53. 68 F or example, see Mazrui 1966 p. 17; Mazrui 1967 a pp. 48 52; Mazrui 1986 ; Onoge and Gaching'a 1967, p. 25; Agyeman 1992, pp. 171 74; W M ahoney 1968, p p. 248 250; Grundy and Weinstein 1967, pp. 23 24; Karioki 1974, p. 63; Hart 1980; Killick 1978, p p. 249 a nd 337; Boateng 1995, p. 119 ; and Roger Rowe et al. 1966, especially pp. 7 11. 69 Siekman 1961, p. 206. 70 "Kwame Nkrumah Speech at the Formal Inauguration of the Volta River Project 22 Jan. 1966 71 Chambers 1970, pp. 267 6 8. 72 Scott 2002 3, "G hana": "Opening of the Volta River Dam and Electric Power Station at Akosombo," 22 Jan. 1966, p p. 212, 240 43. 73 R Mahoney 1983, pp. 172 174; see also Stockwell 1978, 160n and 201n and Hersh 1978. Scott 2002 3, "Ghana": President John F. Kennedy, 1 917 1963 ," 15 Dec. 1965, p. 2 12 nos. 2 36 39a. 74 R Mahoney 1983, pp. 232 33; analysis is attributed to Henry Kissinger. 75 W M ahoney 1968, p. 248. See especially R Mahoney 1983, pp. 168 70 and 175 78.

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""" BO2&'9C H (29":C3%98(%3J",'95(-"$;">'(25345"RC 949"94D":94 H 7;23J943-'!" f ` !"#$%&'()*+,$-.(/+&#*#01 !" #$%&'(")*+",--&(-")"."/!"012345"/6)/ http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf 76 R M ahoney 1983, pp. 235, 244 45. 77 Nkruma h 1963 p. 135. 78 Ibid., p. 136; R Mahoney 1983, p. 163. 79 Scott 2002 3, "Ghana": "First Conference of Independent African States," 15 22 Apr. 1958, p. 209, nos. 21 24; for the annual five year series (1959 1963) of the anti colonial "Africa Freedo m Day" see: 15 Apr. 1959, p. 209, nos. 46 47; 15 Apr. 1960, p. 209, nos. 75 77; 15 Apr. 1961, p. 210, nos. 92 94; 15 Apr. 1962, p. 210, nos. 112 14; and 15 Apr. 1963, p. 211, nos. 135 38 African countries that joined Ghana in commemorating "Africa Freedo m Day" follow: Liberia and Tunisia (1959); only Ghana (1960); Egypt, Tunisia, and Ethiopia (1961); Tunisia (1962); and only Ghana (1963). 80 For Nkrumah's Pan African and foreign policy comments and speeches at events generally commemorated by Nkrumah era stamp issues, see Nkrumah 1973, for speeches [not italicized] and Scott 2002 3, "Ghana" for stamps [italicized]: Independent African states at the Accra Conference, 15 April 1958, pp. 127 29 [ 15 Apr. 1958, p. 209, nos. 21 24 ]; Lighting the Torch of the Flame of African Freedom at the Declaration of the Republic, 1 July 1960, p. 144 [ 1 July 1960, p. 210, nos. 78 81a ]; Non Aligned States in Belgrade, 1 6 Sep. 1961 and Cairo, 5 10 Oct. 1964, pp. 436 438 [ 1 Sep. 1961, p. 210, nos. 101 103; the Cairo conf erence was not commemorated ]; c lose of the Casablanca Conference, 7 Jan. 1961, pp. 138 40 ["First Anniversary," 6 Mar. 1962, p. 201, no. 111 ]; to Ghana's National Assembly on the formation of the OAU at the Addis Ababa 25 May meeting, 21 June 1963, pp. 259 75 ["First Anniversary," 6 July 1964, p. 211, nos. 171 74 ]; and his OAU speech in Accra, 21 Oct. 1965, pp. 302 09 [ 21 Oct. 1965, p. 212, nos. 227 232 ]. 81 Nkrumah 1963, pp. 141 49. 82 Hochschild 2011. 83 Nkrumah 1967 b pp. xv xvi and 28 31. For a copy of the Lumumba Nkrumah se cret agreement and Nkrumah's analysis, see Nkrumah 1973, pp. 145 150. 8 4 Scott 2002 3, "Ghana": "First Anniversary of the Death of Patrice Lumumba," 30 June 1962 p. 210, nos. 118 120. Lumumba's actual death date was 12 Feb. Egy pt, Morocco, Guinea, and Mali also issued memorial stamps. 85 R Mahoney 1983, p. 235. For the involvement of the CIA, see Stockwell 1978, pp. 160n and 201n. For comments on Stockwell's book, see Hersh 1978. 86 Hutchful 1987, p. 38. 87 Rowe et al 1966, especially pages 7 11. 88 Scott 2002 3, "Ghana": "Black Star Line Inauguration," 27 Dec. 1957, p. 208, nos. 14 16; "Inauguration of Ghana Airways," 15 July 1958, p. 209, nos. 32 35; "60th Anniversary of Ghana Railways," 1 Nov. 1963, p. 211, nos. 156 59; "Fourth Anniversary of the Republic: Communal Labor and Harvesting Corn on a State Farm," 1 July 1964, p. 211, nos. 167 70a; and "Centenary of the International Telecommunications Union," p. 211, 12 Apr. 1965, nos. 204 07a. 89 For a summary of the strong relationship between the three Pan Africanists, see Afari Gyan 1991, pp. 1 10 90 Scott 2002 3, "Ghana": "Great Black Writers of the 20th Century," 25 Mar. 1998, p. 234, no. 2027f.

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fb !"S3%F&24" !"#$%&'()*+,$-.(/+&#*-#01 !"#$%&'(")*+",--&(-")"."/!"012345"/6)/ C881MNNEEEK9;23J9K&;%K(D&N9-^NA)*NA)*3) H /9)K1D; "" 91 For W.E.B. Du Bois see Scott 2003 1, "United States": 31 Jan. 1992, p. 72, no. 2617 and 28 Jan. 1998, no. 3182l The turbulent relationship between Du Bois and the US is well known. Given that the US agency responsible for selecting, designing, and issuing US stamps, the Citizens' Stamp Advisory Committee (CS AC), carries out its discussions in secret and whose minutes are exempt from the Freedom of Information Act, one wonders how discussion went when the CSAC granted approval for two separate issues of Du Bois. 92 Shivji 2010. For a lengthy examination, se e Agyeman 1992, pp. 78 95. A complete copy of Nkrumah's c omments is in Nkrumah 1973, pp. 276 97. 93 Scott 2002 6, "Tanganyika": "Tanganyika's Independence," 9 Dec. 1961, p. 324, nos. 45 56 and "Establishment of the Republic," 9 Dec. 1962, p. 324, nos. 5 7 60. 94 Stanley Gibbons 1989 "Tanzania," commentary, p. 878. 95 Scott 2002 6, "Tanzania": "Union of Tanganyika and Zanzibar," 7 July 1964, p. 325, nos. 1 4. 96 Scott 2002 6, "Tanzania": "Various," 9 Dec. 1965, p. 325, nos. 5 18. 97 Scott 2002 6 "Tanzania": "Fish," 1967, p. 325, nos. 19 34 98 Scott 2002 6, "Tanzania": "Pan African Postal Union Plenipotentiary Conference, Arusha, 8 18 Jan. 1980," 1 July 1980, p. 327, nos. 153 58. 99 Scott 2002 6, "Tanzania": "25th Anniversary of Economic Com mission for Africa," 12 Sept. 1983, p. 327, nos. 225 28a. 100 Scott 2002 6, "Tanzania": "Various," 15 Apr 1976 25 Nov. 1985, pp. 325 28, nos. 54 289. 101 Scott 2002 6, "Tanzania": "Rail Transport in East Africa," 4 Oct. 1974, p. 326, nos. 62 65a; "Anti Apartheid Year," 24 Oct. 1978, p. 326, nos. 113 16a; and "5th Anniversary of the Southern African Development Coordination Conference," 1 Apr. 1985, p. 328, nos. 254 57a. 102 Nyerere 1968, p. 211. 103 Scott 2002 6, "Tanzania: "Mickey Mouse, 60th Annivers ary," 9 Sept. 1988, p. 330, nos. 424 31; "Disney Characters, Automobiles," 20 Mar. 1990, p. 331 nos. 570 579; "International Literac y Year," 12 Dec. 1990, pp. 332 33, nos. 679a i, 680a i, and 681a i (a Disney character for each letter of the alphabet, plu s similar issues in Hebrew and Russian); "Mickey Mouse," 11 Feb. 1991, p. 333, nos. 689 98; "Mickey's Portrait Gallery," 30 Nov. 1992, p. 335 nos. 913 927. For a commentary on revenue raising "pop" postage (Mickey Mouse, Elvis Presley, and Marilyn Monro e, for example) produced by IGPC for countries other than the US, see Jack Mingo 1997. 104 For example, see Scott 2002 6, "Tanzania: "Queen Elizabeth," 23 Nov. 1977, p. 326, nos. 87 90; "Elvis Presley," 15 Feb. 1992, p. 334, nos. 808a i and "Marilyn Monroe," nos. 809a i; and "Jerry Garcia," mid 1995, p. 341, nos. 1412 13b. 105 Karioki 1974, p. 58. 106 Scott 2002 4, "Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania": various issues, 15 Apr 1965 to 2 Jan. 1976, pp. 125 28, nos. 148 323. 107 Scott 2002 4, "Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania ": "Rinderpest Campaign by the OAU," 5 July 1971, p. 127, nos. 233 36; "First All Africa Trade Fair, 23 Feb. 1972, p. 127, nos. 242 45; "OAU Summit Conference," 28 July 1975, p. 128, nos. 308 11. 108 Scott 2002 4, "Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania": "Tourist P ublicity," 4 Apr. 1966, p. 126, nos. 160 63; "Archaeological Relics of East Africa," 2 May 1967, p. 126, nos. 176 79; "Establishment of the East African Community," 1 Dec. 1967, p. 126, no. 180; "Opening of the East African

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""" BO2&'9C H (29":C3%98(%3J",'95(-"$;">'(25345"RC 949"94D":94 H 7;23J943-'!" fa !"#$%&'()*+,$-.(/+&#*#01 !" #$%&'(")*+",--&(-")"."/!"012345"/6)/ http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf Satellite Earth Station, 18 M ay 1970, p. 126, nos. 213 16; "10th Anniversary of the Independence of Tanzania," 9 Dec. 1971, p. 127, nos. 238 41; "5th Anniversary of the East African Community," 1 Dec. 1972, p. 127, nos. 258; "10th Anniversary of Independence," 12 Dec. 1973, p. 127, no s. 276 79; "Union of Tanganyika and Zanzibar, 10th Anniversary," 24 Apr. 1974, p. 127, nos. 284 87; "Game Lodges of East Africa," 24 Feb. 1975, p. 128, nos. 300 03; "African Artifacts," 5 May 1975, p. 128, nos. 304 07; and "East African Airways," 2 Jan. 1 976, p. 128, nos. 320 23. 109 McKown 1973, p. 123. 110 Ibid. 111 For example, see Scott 2002 3, "Guinea": "Patrice Lumumba and Map of Africa," 13 Feb. 1962, p. 465, nos. 229 31; "First Anniversary of the conference of African Heads of State at Casablanca," 15 Mar. 1962, p. 465, nos. 232 33; "Heroes and Martyrs of Africa," 2 Oct. 1962, p. 466, nos. 258 62; "Conference of African Heads of State for African Unity, Addis Ababa," 22 May 1963, p. 466, nos. 305 08; "Eleanor Roosevelt, 15th Anniversary of the Universa l Declaration of Human Rights (in 1963), p. 466, nos. 336 39; and "UNESCO Campaign to Preserve Nubian Monuments," 19 Nov. 1964, p. 467, nos. 350 54. 112 Compare Scott 2002 3, "Ghana": "Kwame Nkrumah," 6 Mar. 1957, p. 208, nos. 1 4 with Scott 2002 3, "Guinea": "Proclamation of Independence, 2 October 1958," 1959, p. 465, nos. 170 74. Scott has given Gold Coast and Ghana separate enumeration, but French West Africa and Guinea have a combined system, which explains the high numbers for Guinea's first non overprinted independence stamps. 113 Compare Scott 2002 3, "Ghana": "United Nations Day, Oct. 24," 24 Oct. 1958, p. 209, nos. 36 38 with Scott 2002 3, "Guinea": "Conference of African Heads of State for African Unity, Addis Ababa" 22 May 1963 p. 466, nos. 305 08. 114 Scott 2002 3, "Guinea": "OAU, 10th Anniversary," 25 May 1973, p. 470, nos. 642 45. 115 Scott 2002 3, "Guinea": "American Achievements in Space," 19 July 1965, p. 467, nos. 382 87a and "Russian Achievements in Space," nos. 388 3 93a. 116 Scott 2002 3, "Guinea": "Lenin (1870 1924), Russian Communist Leader," 16 Nov. 1970, p. 469, nos. 564 69. 117 Scott 2002 3, "Guinea": "George Dimitrov (1882 1949), Bulgarian Communist Party Leader and Premier," 28 Sept. 1972, p. 470, nos. 630 33 118 Nkrumah's scholarly work while exiled in Guinea includes The Last Stage of Imperialism 1966, Axioms of Kwame Nkrumah 1967 Challenge of the Congo 1967 Dark Days in Ghana 1968 Handbook of Revolutionary Warfare 1968 Neo Colonialism, Class Struggle in Africa 1970 Consciencism: Philosophy and Ideology for Decolonization 1970 and Revolutionary Path 1973 119 For example, see Scott 2002 3, "Ghana": "First Anniversary of the Revolution which Overthrew the Regime of Kwame Nkrumah," 24 Feb. 1967, p. 212 nos. 273 76a; "2nd Anniversary of the Feb ruary 24th Revolution," 24 Feb. 1968, p. 213, nos. 319 22; "Lt. Gen. Emmanuel Kwasi Kotoka (1926 1967), Leader of the Revolution of 1966 Against Kwame Nkrumah," 17 Apr. 1968, p. 213, nos. 327 30; "International Hu man Rights Year -Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. and Joseph Boakye Danquah," 7 Mar. 1969, p. 213, nos. 348 51a; "3rd Anniversary of the Revolution," Sept. 1969, p. 213, nos., 352 55a; and "Inauguration of Kotoka Airport," Apr. 1970, p. 214, nos. 382 85.

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fg !"S3%F&24" !"#$%&'()*+,$-.(/+&#*-#01 !"#$%&'(")*+",--&(-")"."/!"012345"/6)/ C881MNNEEEK9;23J9K&;%K(D&N9-^NA)*NA)*3) H /9)K1D; "" 120 F or example, see Scott 2002 3, "Ghana": "WHO, 20th Anniversary," 11 Nov. 1968, p. 213, nos. 336 339a; "International Human Rights Year," 7 Mar. 1969, p. 213, nos. 348 51a; "International Education Year," 10 Aug. 1970, p. 214, nos. 390 93; "International B ook Year," 21 Apr. 1972, p. 215, nos. 445 49a; "World Food Program, 10th A nniversary," 1973, p. 215, 490 94b; "Examination for River Blindness," 15 Dec. 1976, p. 217, nos. 592 95; "TB Bacillus Centenary," 9 Aug. 1982, p. 219, nos. 812 16; "Namibia Day," 26 Jan. 1984, p. 220, nos. 881 85; "UN Child Survival Campaign," 16 Dec. 1985, p. 221, nos. 997 1000; "International Peace Year," 2 Mar. 1987, p. 221, nos. 1021 24; and "Solidarity with South Africans for Abolition of Apartheid," 18 May 1987, p. 221, nos. 10 33 37. 121 For example, see Scott 2002 3, "Ghana": "European Painters Birth Anniversaries: Peter Paul Rubens, Titian, and Thomas Gainsborough," Sept. 1977, p. 217, nos. 626 30d; "Japanese Paintings," 21 Aug. 20 Nov. 1989, p. 222, nos. 1097 1123; "425th Birt h Anniversary of William Shakespeare," 9 Oct. 1989, p. 223, nos. 1147a u; "The Beatles," 8 Dec. 1995, p. 231, nos. 1851 53; "Sylvester Stallone in Movie, Rocky II," 21 Nov. 1996, p. 232, no. 1911; and "Mickey and Friends," 29 Jan. 1998, p. 233, nos. 2008 1 2a. 122 Scott 2002 3, "Ghana": "National Leaders," 21 Jan. 1980, p. 218, no. 702; "10th Non Aligned Ministers Conference, Accra," 2 Sep. 1991, p. 225, no. 1341; and in Scott 2009 3, "Ghana": "50th Anniversary of Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology," 2001, p. 276, nos. 2275 80 featuring scenes of the university. 123 Scott 2009 3, "Ghana": "James Cagney," 16 Apr. 2001, p. 274, no. 2210; "The Supremes," 16 Apr. 2 001, p. 275, nos. 2240g i; "Queen Victoria's 100th Anniversary," 27 Aug. 200 1, p. 275, nos. 2248 49; and "Mao Tse Tung," 27 Aug. 2001, p. 275, nos. 2241 42. 124 Nkrumah 1967 a p. 66. 1 25 Pan African Postal Union 2011. References Adedze, Agbenyega. 2004. "Commemorating the Chief: The Politics of Postage Stamps in West Africa." African Arts 3. 2: 68 73, 96. _____. 2004. "Re Presenting Africa: Commemorative Postage Stamps of the Colonial Exhibition of Paris (1931)." African Arts 37.2: 58 61, 94 95. _____. 2009. "Ghana at Fifty: A Review of Ghana's Official History through P ostage Stamps." Presented to CODESRIA, 12th General Assembly (Yaounde, Cameroun, 11 12 July): 1 26 viewed 15 July 2011. < http:// www.codesria.org/IMG/pdf/Agbenyega_Adedze.pdf Adewale, Toks. 1995. Pan Africanism and Zionism: Political Movements in Polar ity. Chicago: Research Associates and Frontline Distributors International. Adkin, Albert. 2010. "Peirce's Theory of Signs," in Edward N. Zalta (ed.), The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy Stanford University viewed 14 August 2011 < http://plat o.stanford.edu/archives/win2010/entries/peirce semiotics > Afari Gyan, Kwadwo. 1991. "Kwame Nkrumah, George Padmore, and W.E.B. Du Bois." Institute of African Studies: Research Review. N.S. 7, nos. 1 2: 1 10 viewed 4 June 2011 < http://archive.lib.ms u.edu/DMC/African%20Journals/pdfs/Institue%20of%20

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""" BO2&'9C H (29":C3%98(%3J",'95(-"$;">'(25345"RC 949"94D":94 H 7;23J943-'!" f_ !"#$%&'()*+,$-.(/+&#*#01 !" #$%&'(")*+",--&(-")"."/!"012345"/6)/ http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf African%20 Studies%20Research%20Review/1991v7n1&2/asrv007001&2002.pdf > Agyeman, Opoku. 1992. Nkrumah's Ghana and East Africa Madison: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press. Allibone, T.E. 1992. "Ph ilately and the Royal Society." Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London 46.1: 129 54. _____. 1999. "Philately and the Royal Society II." Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London 53. 1: 107 19. Anonymous. 1964. "Financing of the Volt a River Project," Africa Special Report 9.3: 32. _____. 2008. "New Bauxite Mine and Alumina Refinery for Ghana as It Buys Alcoa Stake in VALCO." Miningprocessing.com, Seayun Technology: 23 June viewed 15 June 2011 < http://www.mineprocessing.com/New s/detail a11 b0 c d e f.html > _____. 1892. "Philately in America." The Collector 3 .18: 280 81. _____. "The Redeemed Empire." Time 29 June 1959 viewed 20 June 2011 < http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,864652 6,00.html > Atkin, Alber t. 2010. "Peirce's Theory of Signs." In Edward N. Zalta (ed.), The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy viewed 21 Aug. 2011 < http://plato.stanford.edu/archives/win2010/entries/peirce semiotics/ > Bataille, M. Christian and M. Henri Revol 2001. Les I ncidences Environnementales et Sanitaires des Essais Nucleaires Effectues par la France entre 1960 et 1996 et Elements de Comparaison avec les Essais des autres Puissances Nucleaires. Office Parlementaire D'Žvaluation des Choix Scientifiques et Technologi ques. AssemblŽe Nationale, No. 3571 and SŽnat No. 207 viewed 14 May 2011 < http://www.assemblee nationale.fr/rap oecst/essais_nucleaires/i3571.asp >. Biney, Ama. 2008. "The Legacy of Kwame Nkrumah in Retrospect." The Journal of Pan African Studies 2. 3: 129 59. _____. 2011. The Political and Social Thought of Kwame Nkrumah New York: Palgrave MacMillan. Birmingham, Walter, I. Neustadt, and E.N. Omaboe (eds). 1966. A Study of Contemporary Ghana Vol. 1. The Economy of Ghana I n Evanston: Northwes tern University Press. _____. 1967. A Study of Contemporary Ghana Vol. 2. Some Aspects of Social Structure Evanston: Northwestern University Press. Boateng, Charles A. 1995. Nkrumah's Consciencism: An Ideology for Decolonization and Development. Dubuque, Iowa: Kendall/Hunt Publishing Company. Bretton, Henry L. 1966. The Rise and Fall of Kwame Nkrumah New York: Frederick A. Praeger. Chambers, Robert (ed ). 1970. The Volta Resettlement Experience New York: Frederick A. Praeger. Child, Jac k. 2008. Miniature Messages: The Semiotics and Politics of Latin American Postage Stamps Durham: Duke University Press. _____. 2005. "The Politics and Semiotics of the Smallest Icons of Popular Culture: Latin American Postage Stamps." Latin Amer ican Research Review 40. 1: 108 37.

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`6 !"S3%F&24" !"#$%&'()*+,$-.(/+&#*-#01 !"#$%&'(")*+",--&(-")"."/!"012345"/6)/ C881MNNEEEK9;23J9K&;%K(D&N9-^NA)*NA)*3) H /9)K1D; "" "Daisy Ad 1964 viewed 12 May 2011. "Daisy: The Complete History o f a n Infamous a nd Iconic Ad," viewed 12 May 2011. < http://www.conelrad.com/daisy/index.php > D avidson, Basil. 1973. Black Star: A View of the Life and Times of Kwame Nkrumah New York: Frederick A. Praeger. Dei Anang, Michael. 1975. The Administration of Ghana's Foreign Relations, 1957 1965 University of London: Athlone Press Di Napoli, Th omas. 1982. "Reception of the Holocaust in the German Democratic Republic: A Philatelic Commentary." Jewish Social Studies 44. 3/4: 255 70. _____. 1980. "Postage Stamps and the Teaching of GDR Culture and Civilization." Die Unterrichtspraxis/Teaching German 13.2: 193 205. Du Bois, William Edward Burghardt. 1957. "The Prime Minister of Ghana." Mainstream. May: 11 16. Extracted from "Black Thought and Culture." East Carolina University viewed 10 June 2010 < http://www.ecu.edu/cs lib/reference/er dbs_description.cfm?id=410 > _____. "Kwame Nkrumah, A Word of Introduction [to the 15th Session of the General Assembly of the United Nations, 23 Sep. 1960 ] ." Nkrumah.net viewed 5 Mar. 2011 < http://www.nkrumah.net/un 1960/kn at un 1960 ntro.htm > Eise nhower Library, Whitman File, International File. Secret. Drafted by Palmer. Derived from Foreign Relations of the United States, 1958 1960 Vol. XIV, Africa, Document 295, "Memorandum of Conversation" between President Dwight Eisenhower, Kwame Nkrumah, D A. Chapman (Ambassador of Ghana), and Joseph Palmer (Bureau of African Affairs, Department of State), 24 July 1958 viewed 3 Apr. 2011 < http://images.library.wisc.edu/FRUS/EFacs/1958 60v14/reference/frus.frus195860v14.i0012.pdf > Evans, Kristi S. 1992 "The Argument of Images: Historical Representation in Solidarity Underground Postage, 1981 87." American Ethnologist 19.4 : 749 67. alola, Toyin (ed). 2003. Ghana in Africa and the World: Essays in Honor of Adu Boahen Trenton, N.J.: Africa World Pr ess. Foster, Philip and Aristide R. Zolberg (eds). 1971. Ghana and the Ivory Coast, Perspectives on Modernization Chicag o: University of Chicago Press. Fry, Donn. "For Black Authors, A Stamp of Recognition: Johnson, Angelou and Others are Honored on N ew Postage Issued by Ghana, Uganda." Yale University Library viewed 12 July 2011. < http://www.library.yale.edu/~fboateng/stamp.htm > Geiss, Imanuel. 1968. The Pan African Movement: A History of Pan Africanism in America, Europe and Africa New York : Africana Publishing Co. Gelber, Steven M. 1992. "Free Market Metaphor: The Historical Dynamics of Stamp Collecting." Comparative Studies in Society and History 34. 4: 742 69. Grant, Jonathan. 1995. "The Socialist Construction of Philately in the Ear ly Soviet Era." Comparative Studies in Society and History 37 3: 476 93. Grundy, Kenneth and Michael Weinstein. 1967. "The Political Uses of Imagination." Transition 30: 20 24.

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""" BO2&'9C H (29":C3%98(%3J",'95(-"$;">'(25345"RC 949"94D":94 H 7;23J943-'!" `) !"#$%&'()*+,$-.(/+&#*#01 !" #$%&'(")*+",--&(-")"."/!"012345"/6)/ http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf H Africa Thread: Martin Klein, Merrick Posnansky, Jonathan Reynolds et al. 2000. Discussion re "African Stamps." 14 19 Feb, viewed 3 Feb. 2011. < http://www.h net.org/logsearch/ ?phrase=Afr ican+Stamps&type=keyword&list=h africa&hitlimit=25&field=EDSJ&nojg=on&sm onth=01&syear=2000&emonth=02&eyear=2000&order=@DPB > Hart, David. 1980. The Volta River Project. A Case Study in Politics and Technology Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Herpin, Georges. 1864. "BaptŽme," Le Collectionneur de Timbres Poste 1: 20 ( cited in L.N. and M. Williams. 1971. Fundamentals of Philat ely. State College, York, PA: The American Philatelic Society ) Hersh, Seymour. 1978. "On the CIA's C omplicity in the C oup d'Žtat A gainst Nkrumah." New York Times 9 May. Hochschild, Adam. 2011. "An Assassination's Long Shadow." New York Times 16 J an Hutchful, Eboe. 1987. The IMF and Ghana. The Confidential Record London: Zed Books, Ltd. James, C.L.R. 1977. Nkrumah and the Ghana Revolution Westport: Lawrence Hill and Co. Karioki, James N. 1974. "African Scholars versus Ali Mazrui." Tr an sition 45: 55 63. Killick, Tony. 1978. Development Economics in Action, A Study of Economic Policies in Ghana London: Heinemann. Klein, J. Douglass, Teresa Meade, David Serlin, and Geoffrey Swan. 2006. "Licking Disability: Reflections on the Pol itics of Postage Stamps." Radical History Review 94: 228 32. Krause, Barry. 2002. "The Secret Language of Stamps." American Philatelist (May): 430 33. Kwame Nkrumah Information and Resource Site viewed 10 Aug. 2011 < http://www.nkrumah.net/ > "The L egacy of Africa's Greatest Hero." All Afri can People's Revolutionary Party, viewed 2 Mar. 2011 < http://www.aaprp intl.org/pdfs/NkrumahLeaflet.pdf > "Was Nkrumah Good for Ghana?" 2008. The Pan Africanist 8, No. 1. All African People's Revolutionary Pa rty viewed 2 Mar. 2011 < http://www.aaprp intl.org/pdfs/NkrumahsContributionToGhana.pdf > Legum, Colin. 1962. Pan Africanism, A Short Political Guide London: Pall Mall Press. Lehmann, Anne. You're Only a Girl Unpublished memoir. Excerpt, "The Golden Bed Ghana -1957," pp. 1 12. _____. Interviews by Author, Telephone and Email. Greenville, NC New York City, NY, 19 21 Feb. 2012. Lehmann, Manfred Raphael. "Ghana," extract from Collected Writings of Manfred Raphael Lehmann n.d. Pro vided b y Anne Lehmann, 21 Feb. 2012. L evey, Zach. 2003. "The Rise and Decline of a Special Relationship: Israel and Ghana, 1957 1966." African Studies Review 46 .1: 155 77. Levin, Jessica. 2004. "Architectural Decoration on Gabonese Stamps." African Arts 37. 2: 62 67, 95 96.

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`/ !"S3%F&24" !"#$%&'()*+,$-.(/+&#*-#01 !"#$%&'(")*+",--&(-")"."/!"012345"/6)/ C881MNNEEEK9;23J9K&;%K(D&N9-^NA)*NA)*3) H /9)K1D; "" Mahoney, Richard D. 1983. JFK: Ordeal in Africa New York: Oxford University Press. Mahoney, William P., Jr. 1968. "Nkrumah in Retrospect." The Review of Politics 30. 2: 246 50. Manfred and Anne Lehmann Foundation viewed 15 Aug. 2 011 < http://www.manfredlehmann.com > Mazrui, Ali. 1966. "The Leninist Czar." Transition 26: 8 17. _____. 1967 a "A Reply to Critics." Transition No. 32: 48 52. _____. 1967 b On Heroes and Uhuru Worship London: Longmans, Green and Co, Ltd. __ ___. 2002. "Nkrumahism and the Triple Heritage in the Shadow of Globalization." Draft Lecture, Mar. 2002, University of Ghana, Legon. Institute of Global Cultural Studies, Binghamton University, State University of New York viewed 10 Sep. 2011 < http ://igcs.binghamton.edu/igcs_site/dirton15.htm > _____. 1986. "Tools of Exploitation." Part 4 of the 9 Part Series, The Africans: A Triple Heritage. Washington, DC: WETA and PBS. VHS and DVD. Mbonjo, Pierre Moukoko. 1998. The Political Thought of K wame Nkrumah: A Comprehensive Presentation. Lagos, Nigeria: University of Lagos Press. McKown, Robin. 1973. Nkrumah : A Biography Garden City, NY: Double Day. Milne, June. 1990. Kwame Nkrumah : The Conakry Years, His Life and Letters. London: Pana f Press. Mingo, Jack. 1997. "Postal Imperialism." New York Times 16 Feb. : sec 6, 36. Moelis, Rob. "An Interview with Bill Herzig of Herrick Stamp Company," Marketing Commentary, Part 3." Herrick Stamp Collecting Marketing Article viewed 14 Mar. 2011 < http://www.herrickstamp.com/articles_stamp_marketing_intp3.php > Nkrumah, Kwame. 1957 Ghana, The Autobiography of Kwame Nkrumah New York: Thomas Nelson & Sons ______. 1958. "Africa Prospect," Foreign Affairs 37. 1: 45 53. ______ 1960. "Addres s by Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah to the 15th Session of the General Assembly of the United Nations on Friday, 23rd September 1960." Nkrumah.net viewed 5 July 2011 < http://www.nkrumah.net/un 1960/kn at un 1960 ntro.htm. 1 22 > _____. 1961. I Speak of F reedom, A Statement of African Ideology New York: Frederick A. Praeger. _____. 1963. Africa Must Unite New York: Frederick Praeger. _____. 1966 a "Kwame Nkrumah: Speech at the Formal Inauguration of the Volta River Project." 22 Jan. Ghana. Net .com viewed 15 Feb. 2011. < http://ghana et.com/Kwame_Nkrumah_ s peech_ at_the_formal_inauguration_of_the_Volta_River_Dam.aspx >. _____. 1966 b Neo Colonialism, The Last Stage of Imperialism New York: International Publishers. _____. 1967 a Axioms o f Kwame Nkrumah. London: Thomas Nelson and Sons.

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""" BO2&'9C H (29":C3%98(%3J",'95(-"$;">'(25345"RC 949"94D":94 H 7;23J943-'!" `* !"#$%&'()*+,$-.(/+&#*#01 !" #$%&'(")*+",--&(-")"."/!"012345"/6)/ http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf _____. 1967 b Challenge of the Congo New York: International Publishers. _____. 1968 a Dark Days in Ghana New York: International Publishers. _____. 1968 b Handbook of Revolutionary Warfar e. New York: International Publishers. _____. 1970 a Class Struggle in Africa New York: International Publishers. _____. 1970 b Consciencism: Philosophy and Ideology for Decolonization Revised Edition. New York: Modern Reader Paperbacks. _____ 1973. Revolutionary Path New York: International Publishers, 1973. Nuessel, Frank and Caterina Cicogna. 1992. "Postage Stamps as Pedagogical Instruments in the Italian Curriculum." Italica 69.2: 210 27. Nyerere, Julius. 1968. Freedom and Soci alism ( Uhuru na Ujamaa ): A Selection of Writings and Speeches, 1965 1967 New York: Oxford University Press. Ofosu Appiah, L.H. 1974. The Life and Times of Dr. J.B. Danquah Accra: Waterville Publishing House. Omari, T. Peter. 1970. Kwame Nkrumah: Th e Anatomy of an African Dictator New York: Africana Publishing Corporation. Onoge, O.F. and K.A. Gaching'a. 1967. "Mazrui's 'Nkrumah': A Case of Neo Colonial Scholarship." Transi tion 30: 25 27. Padmore, George. 1971. Pan Africanism or Communism Ga rden City, NY: Doubled ay and Co. Pan African Postal Union. 2011 viewed 10 Sep. 2011 < http://www.upap papu.org/index.htm > Posnansky, Merrick. 2004. "Propaganda for the Millions: Images from Africa." African Arts 37. 2: 53 57, 94. Powell, Erica. 19 84. Private Secretary, (Female)/Gold Coast. New York: St. Martin's Press. Raento, Pauliina and Stanley D. Brunn. 2005. "Visualizing Finland: Postage Stamps as Political Messengers." Geografiska Annaler. Series B. Human Geography 87 2: 145 63. Th e Redeemed Empire." Time 29 June 1956, p. 6 viewed 15 Sep. 2011.< http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,864652 6,00.html > Reid, Donald Malcolm. 1972. "Egyptian History through Stamps, Introduction The Muslim World; a Quarterly Review of H istory, Culture, Religions, & the Christian Mission in Islamdom 62.3: 209 29. _____. 1984. "The Symbolism of Postage Stamps: A Source for the Historian." Journal of Contemporary History 19.2: 223 49. Rowe, Roger, Lorne T. Sonley, Kurt Gall, Maurice F enn, and Joany Guillard: Economic Advisory Mission to Ghana (Sept. Nov. 1965) for the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development 1966. Public Sector Development Problems and Programs in Ghana (Vol. 2, Annexures 1, 3 5, and 7), mimeo, Washing ton. Schenk, Gustav 1959. The Romance of the Postage Stamp Translated from the German Sie War Dabei by Mervyn Savill. Garden City, New York: Doubleday & Company.

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`f !"S3%F&24" !"#$%&'()*+,$-.(/+&#*-#01 !"#$%&'(")*+",--&(-")"."/!"012345"/6)/ C881MNNEEEK9;23J9K&;%K(D&N9-^NA)*NA)*3) H /9)K1D; "" Schmidt, Elizabeth. 2007. "Black Liberation and the Spirit of '57: The Ghana Guin ea Legacy." Paper presented to the Conference on "Black Liberation and the Spirit of '57", Binghamton University, Nov. 2 3, 2007. Binghamton University viewed 5 Apr. 2011 < http://fbc.binghamton.edu/schmidt.pdf > Scott 2002 Standard Postage Stamp Catalo gue, Volume s 1 6 Countries of the World, A Z 2001. Sidney, Ohio: Scott Publishing Co. Scott, David. 1995. European Stamp Design: A Semiotic Approach to Designing Messages. London: Academy Editions. _____. 2002. "The S emiotics of the lieu de memo ire: The Postage Stamp as a Site of Cultural Memory." Semiotica 142: 107 24. Shamir, Maxim and Gabriel. 1969. The Story of Israel in Stamps New York: Sabra Books. Shivji, Issa G. 2010 "Pan Africanism and the Challenge of East African Community Integ ration." Awaaz 7. 2 V iewed 15 February 2012. < http://www.awaazmagazine.com/index.php/archives/item/104 pan africanism and the challenge of east african community integration >. Siekman, Philip. 1961. "Edgar Kaiser's Gamble in Africa Fortune 64 5: 128 3 1, 199 206. Smertin, Yuri. 1987. Kwame Nkrumah New York: International Publishers. Stamp, Dudley. 1966. "Philatelic Cartography: A Critical Study of Maps on Stamps with Special Reference to the Commonwealth." Geography 53 3: 179 97. Stanley Gibbon s Stamp Catalogue, Part 1, British Commonwealth 1989 London: Stanley Gibbons Publications Stockwell, John. 1978. In Search of Enemies, A CIA Story. New York: W.W. Norton & Company. Stoetzer, Carlos. 1953. Postage Stamps as Propaganda. Washington DC. Thompson, Scott W. 1969. Ghana's Foreign Policy, 1957 1966 Princeton, NJ : Princeton University Press. Time 1951 1967 viewed 3 Aug. 2011. < http://www.time.com/time/magazine > "Visit of Kwame Nkrumah, Prime Minister of Ghana 23 26 July 1958 ." United States Department of State / Foreign Relations of the United States, 1958 1960. Africa viewed 15 October 2011. < http://www.archive.org/stream/departmentofstat391958unit#page/282/mode/2up >, pp. 283 86. Wi lliams, L.N. and M. 1963. Fundamentals of Philately. State College, PA: The American Philatelic Society. Woodward, Robert E. 1931. "Both Sides of Postage Stamps." Junior Senior High School Clearing House 6.1: 52 54.

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African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue s 1 & 2| Spring 2012 Osman Antwi Boateng is Visiting Assistant Professor of International Relations at St. Lawrence University and holds a P h. D in Political Scien ce and International Relations from University of Delaware. He is the co Framework for the Analysis of Peace Agreements and Lessons Learned: The Case of the Sudanese Comprehensive Peace Agreement Politics and Policy ( February 2008): 1 32 178. http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a 3 .pdf University of Florida Board of Trustees, a public corporation of the State of Florida; permission is hereby granted for ind ividuals to download articles for their own personal use. Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Florida. ISSN: 2152 2448 The Transformation of the U S Based Liber i an Diaspora from Hard Power to Soft Power Agents OSMAN ANTWI BOATENG Abstract : A s a result of a hurting stalemat and the failure to capture power through coercion, moderate elements within the US based Liberian d iaspora resorted to s oft power in order to have a greater impact on homeland affairs The effectiveness of the diaspora is aided by the attractiveness of dias pora success and US culture, the morality of diaspora policies and the credibility and legitimacy of the diaspora. The US based Liberian diaspora exert s soft power influences towards peace building via the following mechanisms : persuasion and dialogue; public diplomacy; media assistance ; and development assistance/job creation campaigns The study con cludes that development assistance/job creation campaigns are the least sustainable because of cost compared to the other mechanisms that attract a buy in from the community. This research is based on snowball and in depth interviews with forty US based Li berian diaspora leaders that also include s leaders of non Liberian advocacy groups and participatory observation of selected diaspora activities from 2007 2010. It is also supplemented with content analysis of US based Liberian diaspora online discussion f orums and a rchival records of c ongressional hearings on Liberia during the civil war Introduction The emergent literature on diaspo ras and conflict as captured by Eva Ostergaard Nielsen (2006) ; Hazel Smith and Paul Stares (2007) ; Feargal Cochrane (2007) ; Terrence Lyons (2004), and Camilla Orjuela (2008) points to contentious politics and the exercise of hard power which tends to generate conflict in the homeland In international politics, power can be defined as having the ability to influence another to act in ways in which that entity would not have acted otherwise. Hard power is the capacity to coerce them to do so. 1 The diaspora often exerts hard power influence via military an d/or economic coercion of its opponents in the purs uit of a desired pol itical outcome T his form of polit ical power often relies on confrontational policies imposed by one powerful poli tical body upon a lesser economically or militarily endowed body The US based Liberian diaspora by virtue of its relative economic strength v is vis its home based compatriots exercised wanton hard powe r in the course of the fourteen year c ivil war This paper argues via the US based Liberian diaspora case that in a post c onflict environment, diaspora s are capable of exercising soft power inf luence towards peace building even when some of its prominent members have expended hard power for conflict. H ard power such as financial resources that were cha nneled for coercive purposes can be channeled for

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56 | Antwi Boateng African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a 3 .pdf persuasive purposes and co optation in order to achieve a desired outcome towards moderation or pea ce. Buttressing this point, Nye has observed that h ard and soft power are related because fecting the behavior of others. 2 The transf ormation of the US based occurred when the use of hard power for coercive powers failed and led to a hurting stalemate among stakeholders in the Liberian conflict. The effectiveness of the diaspora in exerci sing soft power was boosted by the following: attractiveness of diaspora success in the US ; diaspora credibility and legitimacy; morality of diaspora policies ; and attractiveness of US culture, values and norms. T he following are the avenues through which the US based Liberian diaspora uses to exert s soft power influence: persuasion and dialogue; public d iplomacy; media assistance; and development assistance/job c reation Methodology The Liberian diaspora in the US is organized along different type s of vol untary associations that play various roles on behalf of its members in the host country and at home. Some of the identifi ed groups include the following : (i) Liberian county organizations which are organized along ethnic county lines ; (ii) l ocal community organizations organized geographically by US state/city chapter s and loosely federated at a national level under the Union of Liberian Associ ations in America (ULAA) ; (iii) p olitical organization branches of political parties at home ; (i v ) a dvocacy groups i.e. Association of Liberian Journalist in America (AJLA) ; (v) i mmigration a dvocacy groups organized to lobby for permanent residents for Liberians ; (v i ) r eligious groups ( Christian and Muslim organizations ) ; and ( v ii ) a lumni a ssociations. 3 The above orga nizations are the formal channels via which members of the US based Liberian diaspora exert their influence at home from abroad and how they collaborate with some non Liberian advocacy groups in the USA. This paper is based on snowball technique interviews with forty leaders of the aforementioned organizations made up of at least two leaders from each category of voluntary association s as well as leaders of non Liberian advocacy organizations and Liberian government officials I nterview ees were promised con fidentiality and anonymity in order to solicit participation in the interview and to encourage candid responses. Hence, this paper uses pseudonyms for their names and organizations where appropriate. For verification purposes and to check for bias, these i nterviews were supplemented with US Congressional records on Liberian hearings in the heat of the civil war and participator y observations via visits to meetings and annual conventions of selected c ounty organizations and regional branches of ULAA. In addi tion, the discourse on popular diaspora websites and list serves were monitored in order to provide more contexts for data analysis From Hard Power to Soft Power Joseph Nye defines soft power as the ability to affect others to obtain outcomes you want. O ne can affect other s behavior in three main ways: threats of coercion (sticks), inducements and makes others want what you want 4 Also, soft power relies on three main resources: cultural p laces where it is attra ctive; political values w hen the promoter adheres to them at home and abroad ; and foreign policies regarded as legitimate and having moral authority. 5 This is contrasted wit h hard power which relies on military and

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The Transformation of the US Based Liberian Diaspora | 57 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 htt p://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a 3 .pdf economic might to make others change the ir position. Hard power utilizes inducements or threats in the form of carrots and sticks might not necessarily be the best alternative in achieving a desired outcome 6 Charles Taylor, the primary architect of the c ivil war was a major leader of t he US based Liberian diaspora, having chaired the Union of Liberian Associations in the Americas (ULAA), the umbrella organization of US based Liberian diaspora organizations in the 1980s This position enabled Taylor to raise his profile among fellow US based Liberians, some of whom gave him financial, moral and material support for his armed rebellion in 1989 which triggered the c ivil war One such member of the US based Liberia diaspora who provided moral and s the current President of Liberia, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf. In a February 12, 2009 testimony before the Liberian Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), the President admitted to contributing US Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL) via the Association of Constitutional Democracy (ACDL) ostensibly for relief operations in Nimba County at the height of the conflict. Also admitting iliation C ommission, she said: I will admit to you that I was one of those who did agree that the Liberia) 7 In spite of the role that the diasporas plays in conflict, it is indeed very troubling that when it comes to peace building they are under u tilized by the international community in the quest Truth and Reconciliation Commissi ons (TRC), forty one TRCs have been set up since 1973 aimed at find a lasting solution to a conflict as part of a post conflict mechanism for peace building. 8 Regrettably, only one commission the Liberian Truth and Rec onciliation Commission, explicitly m ade provision fo r the inclusion of the diaspora in the process of healing war afflicted wounds. The existing literature on the positive role that the African diaspora plays in the development of the continent is often centered on its potential or ability t o contribute towards the economic development of the continent mostly via remittances. While this focus is understan dable post conflict peace building, particularly after using hard powe r f or conflict has been under explored. Failure of Hard Power Aft er exerting hard power via financial and material support for s fourteen year c ivil war a consensus emerged among the US based Liberian diaspora and compatriots in Liberia that in de ed the use of hard power had strategy was needed The concept is ba sed on the notion that when the parties find themselves locked in a conflict from which they cannot escalate to victory and this deadloc k is painful to both of them (although not necessarily in equal degree or for the same reasons), they seek a n alternative policy or w ay o ut. 9 In addition, hu rting stalemates create the conditions for warring parties to suspend violent confrontation and se ek a negotiated settlement. This is because a hurting stalemate creates via prolonged violence an elusive military solution and the cost becomes unbearable to all vested parties 10 In the case of the US based Liberian diaspora,

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58 | Antwi Boateng African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a 3 .pdf although some aided Charles Taylor to capture power through hard power (military means), most were disappointed that Taylor failed to abandon hard power and operated without a democratic system. Thus after Taylor was forced out of power via a combination of international and domesti c pressure, the US based Liberia diaspora was determined to support a candidate who could adopt soft power by adopting democratic ideals. Hence the overwhelming US based Liberian diaspora support for Ellen Johnson Sirleaf who went on to win the presidency in 2005. Ikram warns that advocates for h ard p ower must remember that image, however just the cause. 11 Factors Enabling the Effectiveness of Diaspora Soft Power Nye adds that th e ability to obtain the desired outcome depends on a set of i ntangible assets that includes an attractive personality, culture, political values and institutions and policies that are seen as legitimate or having morality. If a leader presents values that others want to fo llow, it will cost less to lead 12 Although the US based Liberian diaspora does not fully possess all these intangible assets, they certainly have some attractive attributes that gives them an advantage in affecting the behaviors of the ir fellow compatriots at home. These include attractiveness of diaspora success, morality of diaspora policies, attractiveness of American culture and diaspora credibility and legitimacy. Attractiveness of Diaspora Success The ability to shape the prefer ences of others lies at the core of soft power. This can be manifested at the personal level through the power of attraction and seduction. In the course of a relationship or marriage, the bigger partner does not necessarily have the power; instead power i s manifested through the mysterious chemistry of attraction. Smart leaders in the corporate world know that effective leadership involves leading by example and attracting others to do what you want instead of just barking out commands. Also, the success o f any community based policing is dependent upon a friendly police force that is attractive and approachable enough in order to illicit community support to help achieve mutually shared objectives. 13 One of the biggest assets of the US based Liberian diaspo ra and a source of attraction to their compatriots in the homeland is the fact that the former is the most educated constituency of all Liberians. This is mainly due to the favorable educational opportunities available in the United States for anyone will ing to work hard. US based Liberians place a very high value on education as evidenced by the fact that working adults often seek avenues for self improvement and general education classes. Some Liberian organizations in the United States support scholars hips for prospective students while graduates maintain strong loyalties to their high schools by forming and joining h igh s chool alumni a ssociations. Even though young Liberian immigrants enrolled in the US educational system face a myriad of challenges s uch as poor preparation due to the c ivil war which broke down the Liberian educational system and interrupted the educational calendar for years, many are able to persevere, attend college/universities and eventually earn degrees. They are able to secure employment in various fields such as teaching, m edicine, science and technology. 14 Thus the average Liberian sees the educational and financial success of their US based Liberian

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The Transformation of the US Based Liberian Diaspora | 59 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 htt p://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a 3 .pdf counterparts as something worthy of aspiring to and thereby gi ving the latt er leverage in affecting the behavior of their fellow compatriots at home. Morality of Policies US based diaspora institutions such as the Union of Liberian Associations in the Americas (ULAA) have built a reputation through years fighting against dictato rship and human rights abuses in Liberia such that its members are generally viewed favorably at home. However, this trust is in jeopardy because of growing concerns that the current leadership is too close to the current Liberian government to be an impar tial player for peace building in Liberia. Furthermore, members of the Liberian County Associations which represent the various ethnic groups of Liberia in the US have also earned the trust of their fellow Liberians at home because of numerous material, fi nancial and moral support that these associations continue to offer their respective communities back home. In fact, durin g the brutal c ivil war the remittances of the US based Liberian diaspora were very crucial for the sustenance of thousands of Liberi ans who remained in the country and those who fled to neighboring countries as refugees. Some members of the US based Liberian diaspora have not always promoted legitimate policies such as funding the c ivil war and as such have jeopardized their standing in Liberia. However, most Liberians are discerning enough not to use the illegitimate actions of a few to over generalize about the stance of the overall diaspora community in the US In addition, US based diaspora funding for the war in Liberia was not done in the name of the various organizations representing the Liberian diaspora in the US This is because these diaspora organizations have membership that cuts across the ethnic, religious and political divide s along which the war was fought in Liberia Second, US laws governing non profit status under which most diaspora organizations operate forbade the raising of money for war or violence abroad. However, the funding occurred in an informal way where like minded people rallied together and were able to send money via the normal channels of diaspora remittances such as money order s and Western Union. Thus when it comes to the ability to exercise any degree of soft power influence, US based Liberian diaspora members who are deemed to have pursued illeg itimate policies by their fellow citizens at home will not be able to lead by example or promote any changes no matter how needed and useful their polices or ideas may be. For example, although President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf initially supported violent re bellion against the Doe regime, she is not perceived by many Liberians as a hardliner who crossed the red line compared to fellow former diaspora members such as Charles Taylor and Alhaji Kromah who went on to lead rebel factions that committed major atroc ities. Thus it will be inconceivable for the aforementioned rebel le aders to ever exercise soft power in Liberia because of their bloody past On the other hand, US based Liberian diaspora members recognized at home as having a track record of pursuing le gitimate polices aimed at peace and reconstruction are more likely to be effective in exercising soft power. This influence could be demonstrated through leadership by example backed by a reservoir of good will among the people. The conferment of the Nobel Peace P rize on President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf further enhance s her soft power influence in Liberia because it bestows a high degree of moral authority. In addition, former President Amos Sawyer who was a professor at Indiana University returned to Libe ria to head the Governance Commission, an important organization mandated to propose government reforms. Similarly, Massa

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60 | Antwi Boateng African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a 3 .pdf Washington a longtime diaspora stalwart, served as a member of the TRC in charge of diaspora affairs. Diaspora groups often fall und er the purview of n on g overnmental o rganizat ions (NGOs) claiming to act as a global conscience 15 They represent broad public interests beyond state boundaries and seek to create new norms by indirectly pressing governments and corporations to change poli cies. Indirectly, NGOs shape public perceptions of what constitute appropriate actions and behaviors of governments and corporations. The soft power of these non state actors is fuele d by the information revolution that enables them to attract followers. A s such, governments have to consider NGOs as both allies and adversaries. 16 In the case of US based Liberian diaspora, most of them served as adversaries to the governments in power in the course of the c ivil war but are now serving as allies to the current government and new democratic experiment via soft power in peace building NGOs such as diaspora associations and organizations have become adept at penetrating states with a disregard for state boundaries. This is because they build partnership with cit izen s who are well placed in the domestic politics of several countries. These local partners are able to focus media attention and pressure governments on issues of their interests, thereby creating new types of transnational political coalitions. 17 Attrac tiveness of American Culture Liberians have a long and unique historical connection with the United States compared to other African countries. Further, the Liberian d iaspora can be classified as a state linked for as Sheffer (2003 ) defines it, state linked diasporas are those groups that are in host countries but are connected to societies of their own ethnic origin that constitute a m ajority in an established state 18 This is because the Liberian diaspora, unlike other stateless diasporas suc h as the Kurdish diaspora, is actually connected to a recognized state that it seeks to influence or solicit its assistance in times of need. with Americaniz ation This p henom enon can be traced to the early freed American slave settlers who came to Liberia with a set of values and culture rooted in the New World and used it to dominate the indigenes David Wippmann citing Alao et al sums up the superiority complex of the Americo Liberians over the indigenous people as follows: They created the social hierarchy they had experienced in the ante bellum (of the United States) but with themselves as the socially dominant, land owning class. They considered the indigenous po pulation primitive and uncivilized, and treated it as little more than an abundant source of forced labor. 19 Through their dominance of the indigenous born Liberians, they frowned on native culture as backwards and institutionalized a se t of norms that in cluded literac y, Christianity monogamy, dress etc which denot ed For example, in mo st Liberian parlance, native is used to denote uncivilized, a person u nfamiliar with western culture. 20 Thus most Liberians of all persuasions that make up the US based diaspora are looked upon favorably at home for their acculturation to western culture, courtesy of their sojourn in the

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The Transformation of the US Based Liberian Diaspora | 61 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 htt p://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a 3 .pdf United States. A US based Liberian diaspora leader traces the historical background behind Liberians affinity with American culture and values as follows: The only difference between the Liberian flag and the United States flag is they have 50 stars and we have one star. If you look at the American Constitution the Liberian C onstitution is modeled after it So pr etty much everything was transported from Liberia; all the values because of the culture, eh the language we are speak ing, the educati on you know, the book, the text books are from the United States. And so the United States has a greater influence on the c ulture and on the value s of Liberia 21 The aforementioned historical and cultural connection between the US and Liberia makes it relatively easier for the US based Liberian diaspora to receive a favorable hearing vis vis any peace building message being p romoted by the latter. Credibility and L egitimacy The aforementioned historical connection between the US and Liberia enhances the credibility and legitimacy of the US based Liberian diaspora in their quest to exert soft power influence in Libe ria. Accord ing to Nye t he reputation and credibility of a state or group seeking to exert soft power influence also matte rs particularly because of the paradox of plenty Thus any information perceived as propaganda may not just be treated with contempt but may al so be counterproductive if it undermines the reputation of the provider of the information. 22 Fortunately for the US based Liberian diaspora, the United States is the most popular foreign country among Liberians based on its unique position for founding Li beria and as its biggest donor and investor In fact in the course of the c ivil war it was not uncommon for many Liberians to seek refuge in the US embassy in Monrovia even when security was not guaranteed. Furthermore, the long exposure of Liberians to American culture and norms courtesy of the freed sla ves who settled in Liberia made it easier for the promotion of what is American Cre ed 23 According to interviewees, aspects of the American creed that most attracts them are: the rela tive racial harmony among the various races in the US in spite of a history of animosity; political, ethnic and religious tolerance ; value for education; a culture of rule of law ; and respect for human rights. In Liberia, American culture, values and norms have become the measurement of civility and hence worthy of emulation. 24 This is in a mbassadors as evidenced by the fact that some prominent members of the US based Li berian diaspora provided financial and material support towards the brutal c ivil war With such popular friends, the US based diaspora is able to exert soft power influence in Liberia by mobilizing resources from the United States for peace building Altho ugh there are large Liberian diaspora groups within the West African sub region and Europe, they do not have the same domestic legitimacy as their US based counterparts enabl ing them to actively exert soft power influence. B oth the West African countries a nd European countries that host Liberian refugees do not have the unique historical relationship that the US has with Liberia as the founding nation of modern Liberia. In addition, these c ountries do not have the level of influence that the US has had over Liberia for years when it comes to foreign policy. A s such the Liberian diaspora in Europe and the West African sub region have very

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62 | Antwi Boateng African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a 3 .pdf limited leverage in deriving any soft power influence via their presence in the aforementioned regions. Third, the Liberi an diaspora in neighboring West African countries such as Guinea, Sierra Leone and are viewed with suspicion in Liberia because some of them were supported militarily by the governments of the aforementioned countries in the course of the c i vil war In fact, Charles Taylor launched his rebellion from neighboring in December of 1990 with a small band of dissidents that had received training in Libya and were based in Lastly, unlike their US based counterparts, the majority of the West Afri can based Liberian diaspora is less resourced and l eads a difficult life as refugees because of unfavora ble host country conditions. This inhibits their capacity to effectively mobilize and exert any form of soft power influence in their homeland. Diaspora association with an unpopular host country in the view of compatriots in the homeland de legitimizes the diaspora regardless of the utility of whatever peace building initiative that the diaspora may be promoting. For example, th e over whelming anti American/Western sentiment among Afghans and Iraqis has seriously compromised the ability of the Afghan and Iraqi diaspora s to exert soft power influence over their homeland compatriots This is because the Afghan and Iraqi diaspora ar e viewed as traitors by their compatriots for collaborating with an immoral power in support of an unjust cause in vasion Buttressing this point, Turner (2008) points out that Ahmed Chalabi whose Iraqi National Congress was propped up by the US g overnment in waiting, faced a hostile reception from Iraqis and resistance which ultimately fueled the Iraqi insurgency. 25 Similarly, in the Afghan case, the fact that three quarters of President Kha r zai administration was made up of Afgha n diaspora members transplanted by the international community eager to re shape war torn societies sparked a lot of resentment from local stakeholders 26 Under such circumstances, the credibility and legitimacy of the diaspora led government is compromised because in the view of local stakeholders the government was constituted by an immoral external power. Such perception seriously undermines the effectiveness of any diaspora entity to exert soft power influence because the latter is viewed in the same una ttractive and negative light as its benefactors. Mechanisms for the Exercise of Soft Power T he diaspora has the leverage to manipulate conflict situations towards desirable peaceful resolution. Apart from exercising the roles of communicator or facilitato r, diasporas are capable of effective persuasion as well. Diaspora leverage in conflict resolution is backed by the ability to wield carrots and sticks in the form of continuous political and financial support or a withdrawal of such support. Any withdrawa l of diaspora support could be devastating for the homeland if the government lacks political legitimacy and is facing economic difficulty. 27 Withdrawal of remittances and investment is another strong card diaspora groups can play. particularly if the country is a developing one 28 This is further reinforced by the neo patrimonial nature of Liberian society where many families depend on their diaspora relatives for sust enance, thereby giving diaspora members much clout in communities. Thus the US based Liberian diaspora exercise soft powers influence through persuasion/dialogue, public

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The Transformation of the US Based Liberian Diaspora | 63 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 htt p://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a 3 .pdf dialogue, public diplomacy, diaspora civic engagement, and d evelopment/j ob creation p r ograms. Persuasion/Dialogue Some members of the US based Liberian diaspora have been exercising soft power influence on their fellow Liberian citizens back home on an inter personal level through the power of persuasion and dialogue. In a post war environm ent where ethnic and factional nerves are still raw, such attempts are helping in the reduction of tensions, confidence building and reconciliation. A US based Liberian diaspora leader discovered some of the simmering ethnic tensions during an encounter wi th an elderly woman who was refusing to acknowledge her own grandchildren because her son had married a woman from a rival ethnic group. The follows: Liberia, I came across a woman whose son was married to a girl from Nimba and this lady told me those children will never be my grand children. And this lady told me that as long as those children have Nimba blo od, they will never be my grand children. I told her to look at it this way, even a wrong indictment of the entire Nimba race if there is anything like that. My e to blame 29 Most African countries lack effective conflict resolution mechanisms and in a country such as Liberia that is recovering from a brutal civil war the situation is very precarious, particularly in the hi nterlands. This is because there are inadequate and often corrupt law personnel and infrastructure. Such a situation does not inspire confidence among the local populace who are quick to take matters into their own hands thereby blowing petty local dispute s out of proportion and risking the escalat ion of conflict. The leadership of County Associations in the US has often intervened in cases of stalemates in their respective counties by using their good offices directly to mediate and resolv e conflicts and d is putes. Sometimes these diaspora leaders use their privileged positions to refer a conflict or grievance to the relevant central authorities in Monrovia for redress. For example, in one such instance, the leadership of the Bong County diaspora in the US r esolved tensions that arose between the Bong County Superintendent and a local contractor that threatened peace. The diaspora leadership issued a position statement on the dispute to the President, resulting in a peaceful resolution of the dispute. Describ ing some of the unique advantages that members of the diaspora have over their Liberian counterparts that enable them t o be effective at exerting soft power influence, a diaspora leader I ref Mark posits as follows: I have certain authority that can speak to the minister, I can speak to the solicited general or the dean of the law school or the president of the university, heads of civil societies, ze your placement in society... Socially, in the family context, if you are a male in the African family, you may have older sisters but you are the male, you are much respected and people

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64 | Antwi Boateng African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a 3 .pdf listen to your views. Much more so if you are from America. You ha ve education, you have money, and you are from America. They listen to you! 30 A major post war legacy of the Liberian c ivil war is the thousands of former child soldie rs who are now young adults that the Liberian government and international co mmunity stru ggle to integrate Aid workers estimate up to 20,000 child soldiers, some as young as seven or eight, were recruited by both government and rebel forces during Liber ia's latest war 31 This legacy, coupled with the inadequate aven ues for conflict resolution, provides a breeding ground for angry youth that can escalate into violence if left unchecked. Thus one of the avenues used by some US based diaspora members to assist in peace building is by training some of the youth on how t o channel their grievances to appropriate authorities without resorting to mob action and demonstrations. For example, a visiting US based Liberian diaspora l ecturer who served temporarily in the University of Liberia pointed out that when he once heard th at students, some of whom were ex combatants were about to go on demonstration lay in paying the salaries of l ecturers, he reached out to the student leadership to tone down their heated rhetoric. Instead, he taught them how to write petitions, organize press conferences and articulate their grievances in a non threatening manner. The visiting l ecturer argued that these were skills and leadership tools that someone needed to teach these students and he was glad to have offered i t. Although the demonstration still went ahead, it did not escalate into violence as previously feared. Members of the US based Liberian diaspora community also played crucial roles in preventing post election violence after the 2005 elections when George Weah and his supporters threatened to reject the outcome of the run off elections. A US based Liberian diaspora leader, who was himself disqualified from contesting the elect ions on a legal technicality, worked eventually accept the outcome of the results. In doing so, he cited the case of Al Gore who conceded defeat to George W. Bush in 2000 in the back to war. He points out that he was granted the necessary audience and was successful in that he had personally exercised moderation when the Supreme Court upheld his disqualification fr om participation in the 2005 election as a presidential candidate. He did not make a fuss about his disqualification as his supporters urged at the time. Instead, he resorted to a peaceful avenue in the form of a press conference where he announced his acc eptance of the verdict and admonished his disappointed supporters to remain calm and realign themselves with any other political party of their choice. This personal experience gave him the necessary also demonstrates the utility of soft power via leadership by example. T he situation changes dramatically however, when locals have to compete with diaspora returnees for much coveted top government positions and economic opportunities. Suc h circumstances have created a c old war between the diaspora returnees and locals fueling resentment from the latter who believe that they deserve more opportunities over their diaspora compatriots because the latter did not endure the war and the former did. A high ran king US based diaspora woman leader summed up the tensions between returnees and their local compatriots over high profile jobs as follows:

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The Transformation of the US Based Liberian Diaspora | 65 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 htt p://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a 3 .pdf You know, there is always little tension that people think that some of us were not there during the civil war and s ome Liberians want to go back to take their jobs. T hese are little tensions but overall we run the economy. You know through MoneyGram and Western Union organizations, people have put money into the country to make sure that people wil l start to up lift the mselves. 32 In addition, while some US based diaspora members are using their privileged positions to reduce tensions, mitigate and resolve conflicts, their efforts are not sustainable and should not be a substitute for the provision of long term conflict re solution institutions throughout the whole of Liberia. This is because most diaspora members have permanent bases abroad and only come back to Liberia periodically. Also, most of the diaspora strategies for peace building seem to be a d hoc. Whatever influe nces the diaspora brings to bear on peace building and the overall benefits of their efforts each require institutional backing to be sustainable. Public Diplomacy Public diplomacy is another avenue where the US based diaspora exerci ses soft power to prom ote peace building in Liberia. Shaping public opinion becomes even more important where authoritarian governments have be en replaced by new democracies. 33 A parallel can be drawn with Liberia, where the 2005 elections ushered in a new democratic dispensat ion after a long period of complete state collapse and anarchy. National platforms at important national events such as Independence Day celebration s offer an opportune forum for the US based diaspora to help shape the national debate towards peace. This i s because such occasions have a national character with high public participation that can be a mass communication gold mine. The occasion is also a unifying one devoid of partisanship or divisive ethnic and factional politics so it tends to attract a bipa rtisan audience. As a ritual in Liberia, during national occasions such as Independence Day, a national orator is chosen based on his/her accomplishments to deliver an inspirational national speech. The speech is meant to address an important issue of con cern that affects the country and acts as a call to action for the nation. For example, d uring the 160 th independence anniversary, the national orator for the occasion was US based Liberian Kimmie Weeks, a child advocate and founder of Youth Action Interna tional who talked about the importance of education A 2007 government press release reported that Mr. Weeks stressed in his address that the government should prioritize education and youth development goals wil l be in vain unless the government invested in development of the youth and admonished the government to come up with a National Educational Policy to address the educational needs of the country. 34 The views on education that Weeks championed on the indepe ndence anniversary occasion went a long way to persuade President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf to introduce a free and compulsory primar y education policy for Liberia. D iaspora leaders such as Weeks, a successful international advocate and speaker on rights have been described alternative peacemakers. 35 This category also includes poets, writers, musicians, prominent scholars, and sports stars such as football players. They are chosen to speak during imp they have a moral authority and command public respect across ethnic, clan, and group lines and, above all, cannot be accused

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66 | Antwi Boateng African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a 3 .pdf of seeking political office. This innovative initiative is commendable and deserves to be more widely po pularized. 36 Diaspora Civic Engagement Th e involvement of the Diaspora in the social and political dynamics of the homeland is not confined to the realm of politics. Indeed, some diaspora groups choose neutrality over political partisanship with regards to homeland conflicts and instead focus on domestic development through civil society. These diaspora groups sense a natural affinity with homeland civil society constituency in the homeland. The impact is felt at the sub national, local, and village levels rather than national levels. Civic minded diaspora groups believe that for viable peace to be attained in the homeland, the re should also be a bottom up approach that compliments a top down approach as p art of due diligence. They believe that peace building can only be effective if there is a linkage of national, sub national local processes and initiatives with different strate gic sites and actors. Hence, support is provided for local human rights organi zations, oriented programs 37 The US based L iberian diaspora exercises soft power influence through civil engagement via local media assistance aimed at changing the attitudes of fellow Liberians towards peace building norms. This takes the form of diaspora media persons and their organizations offering professional training to their counterparts or providing funds and equipment for the establishment of radio stations. In doing so, the US based diaspora is able to shape the agenda for bro adcast and a personnel is policy Once the agenda is shaped, the content will also reflect peace building norms and values preferred by the diaspora and this goes a long way to shape the public debate and ulti mately, public policy. A characteristic of these radio stations are that they de emphasize political issues which have the tendency to polarize the society. Instead, the focus is on community empowerment and social issues such as human rights, democracy, c orruption and women issues that all spheres of society can embrace. In other words, divisive political issues that could lead to tensions are avoided. Another characteristic is that these diaspora assisted radio stations are community based and as such address issues that are of critical importance to peace building in a particular community thereby allowing for a well targeted audience. The US based Tappita District Development Association (TADDA) has upgraded the Voice of Tappi ta ( VOT, 89.9FM) from a 50 watt community rad io station into a 500 watt station that has extensive coverage throughout central Liberia. The UN o riginally donated station to help equipment such as computers, mixers, digital recorders, studio microphones etc. In recognition peace building the government of the Netherlands selected Voice of Tapita as one of three local radio stations in Li beria for collaboration. As part of the benefits of this collaboration, three operators of the station were chosen to undergo further training in the Netherlands 38 With the US based diaspora providing the funding for equipment and personnel of some FM stat ions and also educational materials, the latter is able to influence coverage on issues that promote peace building provided the issues are deemed legitimate by the targeted audience. However, while techno dramatic reduction in the cost of

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The Transformation of the US Based Liberian Diaspora | 67 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 htt p://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a 3 .pdf processi it has also led to the explosion of information creating what Nye dubs paradox of information. 39 He cautions that under this par adox, too much information can lead to a scarcity of attention. This is because people become over saturated with information to the point where attention instead of information bec omes the scarce those who can distinguish valuable information from background clutter gain power. 40 The ability of the US base d Liberian diaspora to select the relevant peace building issues and policies for promotion that people can rally around goes a long way to enhance their soft power influence. In conducting public diplomacy and advocacy, the diaspora should guard against t he perception of pursuing a hidden agenda otherwise their messages risk being viewed as pr opaganda. Under such conditions their credibility and reputation as an attractive agent for change becomes tarnished. In many African countries such as Liberia, the s tate has a stranglehold on the broadcast media such as radio and television and oftentimes they serve as the official mouthpieces of the government devoid of any critical national debate. As a result of this, the public tends to be very skeptical about sta te media programming contents and seek s alternative sources of information. This is where diaspora assisted media that is devoid of partisanship or parochialism can fill the void with credible peace building programs. Citing two RAND Corporation experts, N ye observes that i n an information age, politics may ultimately b e about those whose story wins. 41 Development/Job Creation Programs Another avenue through which the US based Lib erian diaspora is exerting soft power influe nce towards peace building is direct development assistance and job creation avenues. This is essential with unemployment ra te is currently estimated at 80 percent sligh tly down from a 2003 high of 85 percen t 42 government recognizes that a high unemployment rate poses a great security threat to the stability of the country and hence has launched a national poverty reduction plan to tack le the problem. President Johnson Sirleaf has acknowledged the correlation between unemployment a nd violence by stressing that one overarching aim of the poverty reduction plan is to enable the country to b reak away from its violent past 43 In addition, t he poverty alleviation plan also includes the rehabilitation of basic infrastructures, revitalizing the country's shattered economy, building a post war security system to consolidate peace, and the provision of basic social services such as healthcare, ro ad network, water and electricity. 44 For some diasporas, one of the most effective ways to peace in the homeland is through development. The rationale behind this approach is that most domestic conflicts are caused not only by power struggles at the natio nal level but also by unequal distribution of the national resources, extreme social and economic imbalances, marginalization, and widespread poverty. Therefore it is imperative that all these conflict triggers be separately addressed. In this regard, d ia spora groupings seek to address some of the economic causes of conflicts by making a positive contribution towards the reduction and stabilization of the social tensions of the downtrodden in society. 45 This effort is undertaken at the local level through c ommunity and welfare projects set up by the diaspora. Diaspora funded projects are targeted at rehabilitating health centers and

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68 | Antwi Boateng African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a 3 .pdf facilities, building schools, supporting rural farmers, and initiating income generating activities for destitute and marginali zed groups. Projects initiated by d iaspora groupings are carried out through individual and collective efforts. For example, some individual diaspora members and groups within a diaspora community donate cash, materials, and needed equipment to various bod ies and institutions in the homeland in order to help improve community facilities at the village and town levels. Not only do these efforts greatly contribute towards poverty alleviation among individuals through job creation but also provide much needed services to the communities through the provision of basic public goods and service delivery. 46 With all the post war challenges faced by Liberia, it is obvious that the government cannot meet the challenge of job creation alone. As such, other non governme ntal bodies such as the US based Liberian diaspora have a role to play in creating job opportunities. It is in this arena of job creation that the US based Liberian diaspora can exert soft power influence through its ability to marshal financial and materi al resources. The more jobs that are created by government and the diaspora, the higher the likelihood that the youth, some of whom are ex combatants, will stay away from violent and criminal activities that are inimical to the peace. A president of one th e Liberian diaspora c ounty a ssociations in Maryland points out that his organization has an ongoing project in Bong County aimed at rehabilitating former child soldiers. Aiming to kill two birds with one stone via the provision of safe drinking water and e mployment, former child soldiers have been hired to install water pumps in local communities in order to keep them engaged and out of trouble. A leader of a ULAA break away faction also noted the job creation work of the Alumni Association of Konola Academ y. This includes hiring and paying local artisans to work on the rehabilitation and maintenance of the school and providing school uniforms to encourage school enrollment. The group links job seekers to diaspora returnees in positions of authority for job assistance and relevant information about rehabilitation programs. In addition, the Konola Alumni Association has supplied farming equipment to promote local agriculture which is a major source of employment for the community. According to this leader because there are several competing needs and demands from home, the Konola Academy Alumni Association only supports projects that have been initiated by the community. This is also aimed at reducing the dependency syndrome that can stifle innovation and a lso to promote a culture of self help. A society that is striving towards self sufficiency is more likely to be stable than one that is dependent on handouts. A self help society is more likely to be motivated if it gets the extra assistance and encouragem ent being offered by the members of the US based diaspora. The society will also be more amenable to persuasion and dialogue in the resolution of disputes instead of resorting to violence to settle disputes for fear of jeopardizing any future assistance fr om a major benefactor such as the diaspora. Diaspora, in using the threat of withdrawal of support can potentially move the hard liners in the homeland to soften their views and o pt for a negotiated settlement. 47 The US based diaspora is also exerting sof t power influence in the areas of refugee resettlement by providing financial and material support towards reintegration into society. Such assistance minimizes the risk of returnees pursuing violence or a path of crime out of necessity. According to the L iberian Refugee and Resettlement Commission (2009), in the prior year 10,567 Liberian refugees were repatriated from West African refugee camps. The

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The Transformation of the US Based Liberian Diaspora | 69 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 htt p://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a 3 .pdf breakdown of the number is as follows: Ghana (9,703), Nigeria (422), Guinea (170), Sierra Leone (230), Cote d'Ivoire (14), The Gambia (27) and Senegal (1). This number is made up of 9, 329 returnees from the organized voluntary repatriation program and 420 documented spontaneous returnees. 48 Returning refugees face a myriad of problems. Most of them are vulnera ble when they arrive with virtually nothing and face a tough time re adjusting to life in Liberia after having lost family members and all their possessions. According to the Liberian Refugee and Resettlement Commission (2009), the Commission is raising fu nds in the form of loans and grants for the successful reintegration of both the skilled/unskilled and vulnerable people into their communities. The Commission is also training unskilled returnees in vocations that will enable them obtain employment or bec ome self employed. However, the Commission is seriously constrained by inadequate funding and resources. The ability of Liberia to effectively resettle and integrate its refugees will impact the security and stability of the country as desperation and dest itution among returnees could lead to a spike in crime and violence. Thus any support from the Liberian diaspora towards the resettlement and integration of returnees will go a long way in ensuring the stability and security of Liberia and thus guarantee p eace. An example of US based diaspora support for the resettlement of refuges has been demonstrated by Rev which has provided returning refugees with basics such as water wells and educat ion on water safety acr oss the country. The US based Liberian diaspora has also provided financial assistance towards the sponsorship of the education of returning refugees. For example, in 2008 the leadership of ULAA under then President Emmanuel S. Wettee instituted a US $5,00 0 Scholarship Fund to aid the education of needy but bright young refugees re turning from Ghana. As of 2009 two students had received scholarships to attend technical colleges. 49 The Tappita District Development Association (TADDA) is also heavily engaged in the rehabilitation of some basic amenities that were destroyed in the Tappita District of Nimba County. Nimba County was one of the places that experienced massive physical destruction in the course of the civil war As part of its efforts, TADDA has re built Tappeh Memorial High School the only public high school in Lower Nimba County, which was burned down during the war. The rebuilt school has been equipped with a functional library and computer lab. The organization has also built the new Gblougeay E lementary School and the one in Towehtown. 50 Such diaspora development assistance goes a long way toward restoring normalcy to war torn communities. This in turn attracts refugees to resettle whenever they hear such progress via word of mouth from trusted r elatives and friends even in far away refugee camps. The importance of providing educational opportunities in the resettlement and reintegration of refugees and former combatants as part of a peace building strategy cannot be under estimated. According to a 1999 research by Collier t he presence of a high proportion of young men in a society also increases the risk of conflict, whereas the greater the educational e ndowment, the lower is the risk 51 Thus diaspora efforts at providing support for educationa l opportunities constitute a soft power that contributes immensely in minimizing the prospect of the rene wal of war in Liberia. The same research also shows that an increased level of education significantly reduces the risk of war even with a higher popul ation of young men : Education is relatively more important than the proportion of young men. For example, if we double the

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70 | Antwi Boateng African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a 3 .pdf proportion of young men its effect can be offset by increasing the average educational endowment by around two months. Each year of education reduces th e risk of conflict by around twenty percent 52 D iaspora assistance empowers people to use their maximum potential for self development, abandon the past and take control of their lives. Many diasporas pursue the aforementioned developm ent projects in order to build peaceful constituencies and to promote a culture of good governance in their homelands. They therefore persuade donor partners and development organizations in their host countries to channel their development assistance in t he homelands toward these goals. In so doing the diaspora sets an alternative agenda for peace building An alternative approach is a welcome development because good governance can only emerge in homelands if it is rooted in solid sub national and local social institutions. 53 Conclusion The US based Liberian di aspora is able to exercise soft power influence in aid of peace building by transforming some of its hard power assets i.e. financial advantage from coercive activities such as war into persuasive ventures ai med at promoting peace. The US based Liberian diaspora is a m ajor source of attraction to their compatriots in Liberia because of the following: the attractiveness of diaspora success, morality of diaspora policies, attractiveness of US culture/ norms/values and the credibility and legitimacy of the US based Liberian diaspora in the eyes of home based Liberians This soft power influence manifest s itself via the combination of diaspora persuasion of fellow citizen s towards liberal ideas that are backed by economic incentives aimed at making life bearable for fellow citizens in the homeland However, not all US based diaspora members will have an automatic capacity and credibility to effectively exercise soft power influence : history and track reco rd matter. Thus moderate diaspora members who may have initially supported war but were considered less radical and later on promoted peace by advocating negotiation or moderate views are more likely to be effective at exercising the needed soft power infl uences for peace. Such people can lean on belligerents by citing their own transformation and experiences as role model s N ot all the soft power efforts of the diaspora are sustainable however For example diaspora job creating efforts are directly li nked to t he state of the economy in the host country and with the US economy still recovering from a recession the diaspora is likely to be more cautionary in charitable giving and financial investments in the homeland. The most sustainable of diaspora sof t power efforts are public diplomacy, interpersonal persuasion and civic engagement involving the sharing of peace building norms either on the interpersonal level or via radio stations or public forums This is mainly because they are less costly. While the reach of interpersonal prodding is limited as it involves a few people at a time, it is sustainable in the long run as it requires less financial cost. In additio n, because a relationship is built in a micro setting between the purveyor of change and t he receiver of change, mutual trust develops that helps in attitudinal change. Similarly, once radio stations are set up to provide public service awareness and to promote c ivil discourse, it becomes a community project with the community becoming respons ible for its future sustainability through voluntary service or token financial donations In addition, the interactive nature of most radio stations makes it possible for listeners and communities to build long standing relationships with those stations t hat can

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The Transformation of the US Based Liberian Diaspora | 71 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 htt p://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a 3 .pdf empower moderate voices in the community In terms of policy, there is the need for conflict peace building to identify and institutionalize sustainable diaspora mechanisms for soft power influence in order to prevent a backslide to destructive hard power tendencies. N otes 1 Wilson 2008, p. 114. 2 Nye 2006, p. 4 3 Lubkemann 2008. 4 Nye 2008, p. 4. 5 Ibid. p. 11. 6 Bohorquez 2005. 7 BBC 200 9. 8 http://www.usip.org/search/google_appliance/TRCs 9 Zartman 2001, p. 8. 10 Schrodt, Yilmaz, and Gerner 2003. 11 Ikram 2003. 12 Nye 2004, p. 6. 13 Ibid. p p. 5 6. 14 Wells, accessed online on 29 April 2010. 15 Nye 2004, p. 90. 16 Ibid 17 Ibi d. p. 91. 18 Sheffer 2003, p. 74. 19 Whippmann 1999, p. 14. 20 Moran 1990, p. 2 21 US based Liberian d iaspora l eader, 2009. 22 Nye 2004, p. 107. 23 Yossi 1999. 24 Moran 1990. 25 Turner, 2008, p. 13. 26 Ibid. 27 Basar and Swain p. 21. 28 Ibid., p. 22. 29 US based Liberian d iaspora leader, 2008. 30 US based Liberian d iaspora l eader, 2008. 31 CNN 2003. 32 US based Liberian d iaspora leader, 2009 33 Nye 2004, p. 105. 34 Weeks 2007. 35 Mahamoud 2005, p. 9.

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72 | Antwi Boateng African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a 3 .pdf 36 Ibid., p. 19. 37 Ibid., p p. 7 8. 38 Tapita.org 2009. 39 Nye 2004, p. 106. 40 Ibid. 41 Ibid 42 CIA 2003. 43 The Integrated Regional Information Networks (IRIN) 2007. 44 Ibid. 45 Mahamoud 20 05, p.10. 46 Ibid. 47 Baser and Swain 2008, p. 23. 48 Union of Liberian Associations in Americas (n.d.) 49 Ibid. 50 Tappita District Development Association (TADDA), 2009. 51 Collier 1999, p. 6. 52 Ibid. 53 Maham oud 2005, p. 8. R eferences Baser, B International Journal on World Peace 7.7: 7 28. 12 October. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/7887117.stm Tysha Bohorquez Reviews Joseph Nye Jr.'s Book on the Importance of 23 February, 2009. http://www.international.ucla.edu/article.asp?parentid=34734 s Armed Struggle and the Utility of Soft Journal of Peace Research, 44: 2 15 31. CNN. 2003 Liberia's Child Sold A ccessed 18 November, 2008. http://edition.cnn.com/2003/WORLD/africa/08/31/liberia.child.soldiers.reut/index.html Colli Accessed 17 May, 2009. http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTKNOWLEDGEFORCHANGE/Resources/ 491519 1199818447826/28137.pdf . A ccessed 10 May, 2009. h ttps://www.cia.gov/library/publications/theworldfactbook/rankorder/2129rank.html?countryN me=Liberia&countryCode=li®ionCode=af&rnk=199#li

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The Transformation of the US Based Liberian Diaspora | 73 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 htt p://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a 3 .pdf A ccessed 7 April, 2011. http://www.ewi.info/limitations hard power Diaspora in War Making and to the United States Institute of Peace and the Guggenheim Foundation http://www.diaspora centre.org/DOCS/ PILPG_Engaging_Dia.pdf Untapped Potential for Peace building in the Homelands A ccessed 16 January, 2010. http://www.peoplebuildingpeace.org/thestories/article.php?typ=theme&id=108&pid=2 Moran, Mary. 1990. Civilized Women Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press Nye, Joseph. 2004. Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics New York: Public Affairs. _____ Soft Power, A ccessed 15 July, 2009. http://www.hks.harvard.edu/netgov/files/talks/docs/11_06_06_seminar_Nye_HP_SP_Leadershi p.pdf _____ The ANAALS of the American Academy o f Political Science and Social Science, 616: 110 24. Global Networks, a Journal of Transnational Affairs, 8: 436 52. stergaard Nie Part of the Problem or A ccessed 12 July, 2009. http://www .diis.dk/graphics/Publications/Briefs2006/%F8stergaard nielsen_diaspora_conflict_resolution.pdf Sheffer, Gabriel. 2003. Diaspora Politics United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press. Schrodt, Philip, Yilmaz, and D J Gerner. 2003. A ccessed 23 March, 2009 http://web.ku.edu/~keds/p apers.dir/Schrodt.etal.ISA03.pdf Smith, Hazel and Paul Stares. 2007. Diaspora in Conflict: Peace maker or Peace wreckers? Tokyo and N ew Y ork : United Nations University Press. TADDA. 2009. http://www.tappita.org/pag_cms_id_16_p_about us.html A ccessed 14 February 20 09. http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=70456

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74 | Antwi Boateng African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a 3 .pdf A ccessed 18 October, 2011. www.wiscnetwork.org/ljubljana 2008 /getpaper.php?id=157 Union of Liberian L AA Scholarship Benefit Liberian A ccessed 21 February, 2009. http://www.lrrrc.org/doc/microsoft%20word%20%20ulaa%20scholarship%20benefit%20liber ian %20returnees%20from%20ghana.p df Educati ng the Youth must be Liberia's Priority, Says Kimmie Weeks A ccessed 13 December 2008. http://www.emansion.gov.lr/press.php?news_id=325 Wells, Ken. n.d. A ccessed 29 Ap ril 2010. http://www.everyculture.com/multi/Le Pa/Liberian Americans.html The ANAALS of the American Acade my of Political and Social Science 616: 110 24 Yossi, Shain. 1999 Marketing the American Creed Abroad: Diasporas in the US and Their Homelands United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press (New Shain addition). Zart man, William. 2001. The Timing of Pea ce Initiatives: Hurting Stalemates and Ripe Moments The Global Review of Ethnopolitics 1: 8 18

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African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue s 1 & 2| Spring 2 012 Olivier Walther is a geographer with the Center for Population, Poverty and Public Policy Studies in Luxembourg and a research associat e at the University of Bordeaux CNRS in France. He holds a Ph D from the University of Lausanne and Rouen. His ma jor research interests lie in cross border economic networks and regional integration in West A f rica. Acknowledgments: This paper was written in part while the author was a visiting researcher at the University of Basel in 2010. Support received from the E uropean Science Foundation (ESF) for the activity Luxembourg (FNR) is gratefully acknowledged. The author would also like to thank Elisabeth Boesen, Ross Jones, Jen Nelles, Paul Nugent, Michel Tenikue and Bernard Zuppinger for their helpful comments on earlier drafts of the paper. Moustapha Kon provided valuable research assistance. http://www.africa .ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a4.pdf University of Florida Board of Trustees, a public corporation of the State of Florida; permission is hereby granted for ind ividuals to download articles for their own personal use. Published by the Center for African Studi es, University of Florida. ISSN: 2152 2448 Sons of the S oil and C onquerors W ho C ame on F oot: The H istorical E volution of a West African B order R egion OLIVIER WALTHER Abstract: This article discusses the historical evolution of Dendi, a border region now located across Niger, Benin and Nigeria. Dr awing on colonial literature and mythological accounts collected in the city of Gaya, t he article shows that the two subgroups at the origin of the historical identity of Dendi were affected very differently by colonization and the independence of West Afr ican states. While Songhay chiefdoms managed to build alliances with colonial powers and have adapted to post colonial political changes, Kyanga religious authorities have been progressively marginalized under the pressure of Islam, urban development and the state administration. The article also shows that the histo rical distinction between first settlers and conquerors has been challenged since the 1980s by the arrival of businessmen from Niger and neighboring countries, which turned the Dendi into a reg ional economic crossroad. Some of the se new immigrants have become important actors in the local urban market, challenging the came on foot which had long served to define the Dendi identity. Introduction Since colonial times West African socio political systems have often been discussed in terms of comers oppositions played a key role in the construction of identities of West African societies and remain highly significant in the control over land and building development, political privileges, labor and taxes as well as in defining belonging in West Africa 1 In Yatenga, for example, a strong opposition was documented between the Nyonyose indigenous people who were responsible for the religious cults with the spirits of the land and the Nakombse conq uerors who held political authority 2 In the Borgu states of Benin and Nigeria, the socio political system was also dominated by an alliance between the Baatombu autochthonous people and aristocratic conquerors 3 A similar phenomenon was also observed in the

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76 | Walther African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v 13i1 2a4.pdf Keleyadugu chiefdom in southern Mali, in the Mawri society in Niger, and in the Hombori Mountains in Mali where local power was divided between animist Dogon populations and aristocratic conquerors of Songhay origin 4 The Dendi region examined in this paper shares strong similarities with those case studies that have been documented in the historical and anthropological literature. In Dendi, conquerors coming from the declining Songhay e mpire of Gao supplanted the authority of local Kyanga chiefs. The power over animist cults, land administration and natural resources. This division of function between Songhay and Kyanga subgroups, unified by a common language, is the basis of Dendi identity. In contrast to other studies, what makes the Dendi interesting from a scholarly perspective, however, is the fact that the region was divided between French and English colonial powers in the early twentieth century and then by three nation states in the early 1960s (Map 1). This permits an investigation of the historical evolution of the binary opposition between when a historical frontier area is divided by different colonial rules and, later on, by a modern state border. As discussed in studies by Lentz, Miles and Nugent West African border regions offer interesting and original characteristics for the analysi s of local political systems 5 In such regions, the political border between states is added to the well known social boundary between Our paper explores two related questions First, we wish to know whether the interaction of internal social stratification remained constant between warriors vs. religious subgroups even in the context of changing political boundaries. Second, we wish to examine how the relationship between autochthones and conquerors has been transformed ove r time by the arrival of more recent immigra nts. Using a corpus of colonial literature and mythological accounts referring to the foundation of the border city of Gaya ( Niger ), the article shows that the two subgroups at the origin of the Dendi were very differently affected by colonization and the independence of West African states. While Songhay chiefdoms have managed to build alliances with colonial powers and have adapted to post colonial political changes, Kyanga religious authorities have been progr essively marginalized under the pressure of Islam, urban development and the state administration. The article also shows that the historical distinction between autochthones and conquerors has been challenged since the 1980s by the arrival of businessmen from elsewhere in Niger and neighboring countries. These new immigrants were strongly attracted by opportunities in the border region and turned the Dendi into a regional economic crossroad populated by vigorous trade diasporas. Some of the large entrepre neurs of the region have become important actors in the local urban market, challenging the distinction between Songhay and Kyanga, which had long serve d to define Dendi identity. This article is structured as follows. In the next section we briefly prese nt the main characteristics of the Dendi border region and discuss our methodology. In section three we present the urban myths of foundation regarding the city of Gaya, in which the distinction between indigenous and conquerors took root in Dendi cultura l consciousness. Section s four and five then presents some of the changes which occurred in colonial and post colonial times

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Sons of the Soil and Conquerors Who Came on Foot | 77 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a4.pdf to both Songhay political authorities and Kyanga religious powers. In the final section, we conclude with a summary of our key fin dings. Case S tudy and M ethodology regions in West Africa: the southernmost historical province of the Songhay empire ( sixteenth to seventeenth centuries), located dow nstream from the capital of Gao, and the contemporary border area intersected by the Niger River over 120 km between Niger, Benin and Nigeria (Map 1) 6 Map 1. Location of the Dendi B order R egion Cartography: the author, adapted from Dambo 2007. The lat ter, which will be investigated in this paper, is populated by six main ethnic groups: Kyanga, Zarma, Songhay Hausa, Baatombu, and Fulani 7 The region was long situated on the fringe of pre colonial socio political entities, such as the Hausa states, the Songhay Empire, and the Borgu states and was not recognized as a major political or commercial center in pre colonial times. Far from being an autonomous political entity, the Dendi was a peripheral set of cities and villages connected by a similar languag e known as D endi. The region was also characterized by the dominance of aristocratic and warrior groups that emerged from the disintegration of the Songhay Empire over a Kyanga population responsible for traditional cults

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78 | Walther African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v 13i1 2a4.pdf and ownership of the land. The des cendants of these two populations are still called Dendi today whatever their Nigerienne, Nigerian or Beninese nationality The transformation of the Dendi from a periphery into a regional commercial center resulted from its strategic location on the bord er of three West African countries. Petty trade had been present since colonial times, but it was only in the second half of the twentieth century that the region emerged as a commercial hub specialized on regional agricultural products (rice, millet, maiz e), manufactured goods (second hand cars and clothes, cement, cigarettes), and oil. Such development was mainly due to alien traders, who established vigorous trade diasporas in the main cities of the Dendi. Previous studies show that the majority of Zarma Hausa and Igbo merchants that settled in the Dendi came from other regions in Niger and West African countries 8 This pattern is comparable to that found in the northeast of Ghana or the north of Benin where commercial diasporas are also strongly attrac ted to border regions 9 These merchants contributed to the growth and prominence of the three main border markets of the Dendi: Malanville (Benin), Kamba (Nigeria), and Gaya (Niger), whose evolution we investigate in depth in this article. With an estimat ed population of 36,709 in 2010, Gaya is now composed of four old neighborhoods (Koyzey Kounda, Lawey, Sakabatama and Badjeizey) that are controlled by the Songhay and two neighborhoods (Koussou Kourey and Sokondji) that are dominated by the Kyanga. 10 Thes e six neighborhoods, which make up the old town of Gaya called Map 2. The C ity of Gaya Cartography: the author, adapted from Department of Geography 2006. Dendikourey, are surrounded by the more recent developments of Kwara Tegui, Plateau, Carr, Acajou and Wadata that have expanded around the old city of Gaya since the 1950s and that

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Sons of the Soil and Conquerors Who Came on Foot | 79 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a4.pdf are populated by more recent immigrants from Niger and the surrounding countries (see Map 2 above ). T he city of Gaya is an ideal case in which to study the interaction of internal social stratification and external influences because it combines both a strong chiefdom and a booming border market dominated by recent immigrants. In the neighboring city of Malanville, located across the River Niger, representatives from the fo rmer chiefdom have experienced difficulties in regaining their power in local politics despite a recent revival of traditional chieftaincies that followed the advent of democracy in the early 1990s. Consequently, this case is less instructive in examining the contemporary relevance of the binary opposition between first and late comers. In the Nigerian city of Kamba, located fifteen miles east of Gaya, traditional chiefdoms are still influential, but the market has severely declined, due to the increase in customs checks, a state of insecurity marked with armed attacks, increasing petroleum product prices, and the implementation of Sharia law. As noted by Walther (2009) this situation has led to the departure of most of the foreign (Christian) traders from southern Nigeria, which also limits the utility of this case in examining contemporary economic elites arrangements with local authorities. We draw on urban foundation myths which establish the boundaries between first comers and late comers to examine how binary oppositions could legitimize the respective positions of social groups and how they evolved over time. In doing so, we were interested in the various arguments used by local actors to support their own classification of the society. The myths were collected from different sources: We used colonial literature devoted to the cities located in Dendi and conducted semi structured face to face interviews with fifteen different key informants from 2004 to 2005 selected on the basis of their genealogical a nd historical knowledge. 11 This included local community leaders (village, neighborhood and canton chiefs) as well as town elites, local historians and teachers 12 Different versions of how Gaya was originally founded were collected from oral histories. In this article, we focus on the two main Kyanga and Songhay historical accounts, without trying to identify which is the more legitimate. Our interest is rather to establish the social and political consequences of the division between the two populations on the organization of the society. Particular attention was paid to ensuring the diversity of the sources of oral historical information, because foundation narratives very often hide the conflicts which take place between indigenous people and conquerors in West Africa. 13 The Dendi border region is certainly no exception in this and we thus attempted to collect as many different versions of the same myths as possible in order to get beyond the standardized accounts that aim to preserve harmony vis vis th e outside world. The F oundation of Gaya Gaya was founded at the end of the eighteenth century by Kyanga and Songhay populations. The following sections present different versions of the foundation myth and discuss the opposition between the so There W ere O nly Wi ld A nimal s T he Kyanga V ersion Oral history indicates that the origin of the Kyanga population, which today occupies both

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80 | Walther African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v 13i1 2a4.pdf banks of the River Niger, dates back to the battle of Badr in 62 4 AD in which the armies of the Prophet overcame a caravan of Quraysh pagans. Kyanga populations claim to have fled to Yemen and crossed the Red Sea before embarking on a long journey across the Sahara to their current location 14 These elements of the myth which are also reported in the Borgu region, contradict linguistic studies, which find that the Kyanga and other Mande family language groups are of West African origin in which the Kyanga/Busa group was the easternmost of all 15 Nevertheless, such a myth ological origin is an important element in the construction of the identity of the Kyanga who, in contrast to Songhay groups, cannot claim a Muslim origin but nevertheless wish to situate their history within a larger mythological framework. For the Kyanga Gaya The oral tradition identifies three pivotal moments: the quest for the perfect location; the urban foundation; and the meeting with the Songhay The story indicates that Kokoa Monzon, the founding ancestor, arrive d at Dallassi, a village opposite the current city of Gaya. In Dallassi, the Kyanga came into conflict with Borgu people whose political entities were located around Bussa, Nikki, and Illo in contemporary Nigeria and Benin. Kokoa Monzon consulted his rel igious adviser, who told him: everyone else will die 16 Unwilling to take such a risk, Kokoa Monzon decided to leave Dallassi and settled in front of Kombo, a small hill located close to the current Nigerien Customs Authorities. But Kombo was not safe and the Kyanga were once again forced by the Borgu people to find another location. At this point, Kokoa Monzon confided in his own spirit and said: ur day. Today, I will see if you are really powerful 17 Having uttered these words, he noticed a large snake extended across the Niger River, which served as a bridge to help him and his people to cross the river. Oral myths state that after several tempor ary settlements, the Kyanga reached Sokondji, one of the neighborhoods of contemporary Gaya. There, according to collected accounts, the Kyanga asked Lta and Ouza, their two main protective spirits, whether the location was safe enough to build a new city and received a positive answer. Kokoa Monzon said: to me. I will suck your breast. Be a father to me, defend me and protect me from all things 18 At the foot of a baobab tree located close to what is now the Koussou Kourey quarter, the religi ous leader (locally known as gagna koy ) responsible for traditional worship, the bountifulness of the harvest and the ownership of the land, was inducted. At this point the stories collected state that the bush surrounding Koussou Kourey was inhabited onl that the freshly founded human settlement was the first. Very soon, however, the Kyanga were forced to come into contact with the Songhay who also arrived in the region. According to the Kyanga elders interviewed, the Songh ay conqueror Samsou Bri chose to settle in Koyzey Kounda, one of the oldest parts of the city of Gaya, whose etymological Songhay The Kyanga remained in Sokondji and Koussou Kourey. Mythological accounts state that Songhay were separated by a forest. They heard noise [coming from the other group] but they could not see each other at the beginning. Then, they finally met in the forest but were unable to understand each other. Th e Songhay waved their hands at the Kyanga, indicating that they were thirsty and wanted to drink some water. The Kyanga showed them the [Niger] river [ our translation 19

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Sons of the Soil and Conquerors Who Came on Foot | 81 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a4.pdf Later, the Kyanga and the Songhay agreed on the need to build a city wall to protect Gaya from slave raids conducted by the Fulani. At this time, the spirits of the earth warned the two groups that this construction would have important consequences: the man in charge of the construction of the wall would, they said, die after completing h is work. The Songhay Samsou Bri refused to build the wall, which symbolized the foundation of the city and instead urged Kyanga chief Kokoa Monzon to take on the task. Despite the risk involved in building the wall, Kokoa Monzon accepted and designated Fa ra Monzon as his successor in a symbolic gesture of resignation to the military superiority of the Songhay 20 When the city of Gaya was finally surrounded by its wall, the division of functions between the Songhay and the Kyanga was completed: the former wo uld be responsible for political authority, and the latter would exercise religious authority. The Dendi identity would from now on be based primarily on the historical alliance between native and immigrant, these two groups being unified by a common langu age of Songhay origin. We H ave K ept the P lace The Songhay P erspective Songhay populations established themselves in the Dendi in several waves of settlement, the oldest dating back to the campaigns of Askia Muhammad from 1505 to 1517 21 The second wave wa s linked to the fall of the Songhay Empire in 1591 and the third gave birth to the current Songhay chiefdoms of the region that probably left the region located between Ansongo and Niamey at the very beginning of the eighteenth century and reached Gaya af ter having followed the Niger River. Among them, the two brothers Daouda and Hanga of ten considered as descendants of Askia Mohammed in local accounts are regarded as the first Songhay immigrants. Daouda and Hanga are said to have founded the city of Tanda and Gaya before establishing themselves on both banks of the Niger River. Their descendants still rule the neighborhood and canton chiefdoms of Gaya. The Songhay have their own narrative of the founding of the city, which differs significantly from that o f the Kyanga. While the Kyanga claim that their ancestors established themselves in Gaya prior to the arrival of the Songhay the descendants of the Songhay claim that the Kyanga had only temporarily occupied Gaya. Chief Ekoye (1985) former canton chief o f Gaya from 1970 to 2011, tells the following story about the establishment of the Songhay : Hadj Hanga, founder of Dendi, left the Songhay [Empire] to settle in Garou (Benin). There, he Samsou Bri and Hari Gani. When Dakou died, Dizi was designated as his successor. When Samsou grew up, he tried to overthrow Dizi and proclaim himself village chief. But his mother objected. Faced with opposition from his mother, he crossed the river to t he left bank with a few disgruntled allies and founded the village of Tara [our translation] After the founding of Tara, the story indicates that Samsou Bri looked for another site, which eventually became Gaya. This story shares many similarities with the historical socio political organization of Borgu, notably because in both regions the aristocracy allied with the indigenous people by marrying Such an alliance had the advantage of ensuring some security for the indigeno us leaders and allowed aristocrats to secure the support of traditional deities and a legitimate political sovereignty 22 Furthermore, both regions have faced significant conflicts among members of the aristocracy, which in turn led to the migration of smal l groups of

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82 | Walther African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v 13i1 2a4.pdf conquerors, who then increasingly imposed their cultural characteristics on indigenous peoples over whom they ruled When in Gaya, the Songhay apparently found a clearing and, after having consulted their ir na gayi n ago Songhay for Chief Ekoye adds that when the Songhay arrived in Gaya, they found that the Kyanga were cultivating the area but had not yet founded a village. Kyanga populations lived on a river island for fear of Fulani raide rs from the east. The encounter between the two groups occurred once the Kyanga were informed of the peaceful intentions of the Songhay Songhay met in a place after having pledged their word of honor, says Chief Ekoye. The Songhay then asked t o see the village of the Kyanga, which did not exist at the time. They asked the Kyanga for permission to build a village [ our translation ] 23 Figure 1. Genealogy of the Songhay princes of Dendi Sources: Tilho 1911, Delafosse 1912, Perron 1924, Ardant du Picq 1931, Urvoy 1936, Pri and Sellier 1950 2004 2005. The dates indicate the reigns. Names mentioned in the text are in bold type.

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Sons of the Soil and Conquerors Who Came on Foot | 83 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a4.pdf Another Songhay version states that the city of Gaya was founded from the neighborhood of Lawey 24 Stories collected in Gaya indicate that El Hadj Hanga, the Songhay ancestor who came to the border region in the eighteenth century, had several religious advisors who settled with him in Tara. These religious advisors noticed smoke coming from the east indicating that other people inhabited the area where the current city of Gaya is located. The Songhay went in that direction to try to get in touch with those unidentified people through a thick bush. When they found the burning fire El Hadj Hanga and h is people saw an uninhabited clearing. The Kyanga had obviously left. Their own earth priests had indicated that another group of people was trying to get in touch with them. Over the following days a competition between the Kyanga and Songhay religious ad visors took place, and after several unsuccessful attempts a meeting was organized between the two groups. On this occasion the question of why the Kyanga were not permanently settled in their clearing but had instead taken refuge on the islands of the riv er was raised; the Kyanga claimed, as in other oral accounts discussed so far, that they feared being enslaved by the Muslim Fulani. The C olonial Period and the R ise of Nigerien C hiefdoms After the foundation of Gaya the history of the Songhay princes of G aya appears rather hectic and involves a large number of towns along the Niger River. Often rivalries of succession led to open or latent conflicts based on shifting and conflicting alliances 25 During the two centuries preceding colonization the leadership of Gaya dominated political disputes. In 1798 for example, the chieftaincy passed to the descendants of the Songhay Samsou Bri as described in the genealogy in Figure 1 The reigning princes of Gaya built on this genealogy to justify their exclusive ri ght for the chieftaincy of the city against the descendants of Harigani and Samsou Kana who also rule d Gaya from 1779 to 1798 and inhabit the nearby towns of Tanda and Tara. Again, this evolution presents interesting similarities with that of the Borgu s tates, which are marked by a strong tendency towards territorial division. This lack of centralization has been interpreted in the literature as a result of the elective system of succession, which induced conflict between brothers because all sons were el igible to succeed their father. This forced them to look for new villages to rule and cultivated a strong attachment of the Wasangari aristocracy to the values of honor and war 26 Starting in the late nineteenth century the British, French and Germans work ed to expand the dominion of their colonies of Nigeria, Dahomey and Togo, respectively. Over the course of several campaigns and settlements military outposts were established such that the territorial limits of English and French territories and those sep arating the French Soudan from Dahomey were finally fixed. In 1909 a permanent outpost was constructed at Gaya attaching the region decisively to the Cercle of Niamey, part of the Colony of Niger. The colonial period radically changed power relationships in favor of the traditional chiefs eager to ally with the French and establish their own zone of influence. The local chiefdom of Dosso, for example, located north of Gaya progressively became a regional power extending over the Zarma country through the skills of Aouta, the chief of the Zarma or Zarma koy, who actively collaborated with the French 27 The memory of this episode remained alive among the people of Gaya. As one elder reported : Upon arrival of the White Men the Zarmakoye

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84 | Walther African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v 13i1 2a4.pdf destroyed the Tessa k ingdom and other chiefdoms . . Finally the whole district of Dosso belonged to him whereas before the arrival of the whites, there were chiefs who had their portion of land and Dosso was only a village which was controlled by rotation 28 Locally, th e privileges and spatial limitations of the chiefdoms were transformed according to the attitudes of local elites vis vis the French military. A new territorial division was introduced by the creation of the cantons (districts) and quartiers (neighborhoo ds) and their respective chiefs. As a consequence certain representatives of the Songhay gained significant power in terms of traditional chiefdoms. This division enabled the French commander to levy taxes and to mobilize local workers for forced labor 29 T his fragmentation of political territory also sharpened the emerging hierarchy of chiefdoms within the Dendi 30 For example, in Gaya the creation of canton chiefdoms in 1927 allowed the city chiefs to administratively control the affairs of the neighboring village of Tanda, which had comparable influence in the region during the pre colonial period. The institutional inequality between the central canton and the villages increased as village boundaries outside of Niger grew by incorporating neighboring haml ets while those of the canton remained static 31 One consequence of this manipulation of political territory was that the chiefs of important villages refused to allow the s e cession of hamlets located within their jurisdictions. If they did allow hamlets th eir independence it came at the price of a reduction of their territorial power and of their share of taxes collected from the village. The socio political evolution of the Kyanga followed a very different trajectory. In contrast to other W est African regi ons such as the southwest of Burkina Faso, where territorial chiefs maintained their traditional authority, the power of the Kyanga chiefs progressively declined. 32 This occurred for two reasons. First, colonization contributed to reducing the influence of the chiefs of the land ( gagna koy ) in subordinating them to the village or canton chiefs. The former did not have official status in the colonial political administration and were not permitted financial compensation while the canton chiefs were granted t he right to collect taxes on harvests and livestock in 1953. Secondly, the power of the chiefs of the land also declined as a consequence of the expansion of Islam, which contributed to the declining legitimacy of the traditional animist cults that sustain ed them. The Gaya region was well known for the Hausa bori cult that included special rituals, dances of spiritual possession, and a distinctive music as well as unique therapeutic practices. The cult was forbidden by the caliphate of Sokoto and by the Bri tish administration in Nigeria but it continued to be practiced in the region of Birni 33 In time bori practices were limited to individual and family observance before they become stigmatized as fetish by the expans ion of Islam that affected every rung of society and in the rural areas of the Dendi region. The cult temporarily gained popularity following catastrophic events such as droughts or epidemics but by the mid 1950s it had almost completely disappeared. The decline of animist cults profoundly affected the Kyanga who, in the process, lost their traditional privileges. By contrast, the traditional chiefdoms of the Songhay were legitimized by the colonial structures.

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Sons of the Soil and Conquerors Who Came on Foot | 85 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a4.pdf Since Independence Following the independenc e of Niger in 1960 the religious authorities of the Kyanga became further marginalized and were replaced by different actors whereas the Songhay chiefs emerged as territorial administrators. Songhay C hiefdoms and the S tate In contrast to Benin where after independence in 1960 the Marxist regime of Mathieu Krkou restricted the power of traditional chiefs, Nigerien traditional chiefs have retained their influence. 34 Thus, in Niger, traditional political leaders first became closer to the government of Diori Hamani (1960 1974) when the President found it necessary to consolidate national unity and fight the Sawabe P arty before gradually moving away from the regime because of its heavy taxation of rural populations. Later, President Seyni Kountch (1974 1987 ), himself from a noble Zarma family, showed a strong willingness to reform traditional chiefdoms so as to exert greater control over them 35 Yet there never was a fundamental questioning of the chiefdom in Niger, perhaps because as colonization, the rulin g Nigerien bourgeoisie rely on the (reformed) traditional aristocracy and entrusted the aristocracy to hold firm the rural areas and control the peasant masses [ our translation ] 36 In the ensuing decades the Nigerien chiefdoms adapted to political chang e. In some areas, such as land use, they become privileged interlocutors in land conflicts. They also benefited from reforms designed to align land use and agricultural administration that charged traditional chiefs with certain decisions about the use of land for development or cultivation by newcomers 37 In other areas, such as urban governance, traditional chiefs were forced to redefine their prerogatives. Neighborhood chiefs and canton chiefs, in particular, have seen their influence diminish considerabl y in local affairs in urban areas. Chiefs look back with nostalgia on earlier years: and the title of chief remain. We the chiefs are obliged to work and we can no longer count on the chieftaincy to make a living 38 Traditional authorities currently perform a mediation role in local affairs between households, or between state representatives and the decentralized municipality on one side and the citizens on the other side. Stat e or municipal authorities, as well as numerous community committees set up by aid agencies multiply the possibilities of action or protest and allow urban dwellers to circumvent traditional leaders and to air their grievances to official bodies, which ar e sometimes regarded as more legitimate than chiefdoms. State representatives and the new mayors of urban agglomerations must engage with the traditional chiefs in order to prevent them from obstructing their agendas. Despite their waning official and tra ditional power in local affairs this relationship vis vis state and local officials means that they remain important players in local politics. Similarly, even though the political decentralisation project of the 1990s has diluted the prominence of the t raditional chiefdoms in according more responsibility to the locally elected officials of new municipalities it has simultaneously increased the capacity of chiefs to function as political impediments due to the persistence of statutory provisions that pre date the reforms. The interesting relationship between the former canton chief of Gaya on one side and the current departmental prefect of Gaya and the mayor of Gaya on the other side illustrates the degree to which traditional chiefs

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86 | Walther African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v 13i1 2a4.pdf have retained their c ustomary functions as intermediaries and mediators. The canton chief of Gaya held office since 1970 and has remained an important local authority despite the accession of the prefect and the mayor. Drawing on his vast experience he has been able to maintai n an interesting position relative to the prefect whose assignment has evolved and powers eroded in the course of successive regime changes. Confronted with the transfer of some of his power to communal authorities the prefect must also be careful to avo id affronting the traditional chief. In this sense the chief has retained a certain, if informal, influence in neighborhood concerns, issues related to health, taxes, education and conciliation. The chief has also retained impressive influence relative t o the mayor by affirming that his support is necessary to and to effectively collect taxes. Mayors must, therefore, take traditional structures into account in the expectation that they will then permit them to impose suff icient taxes to fund the urban improvement projects that, they hope, will secure their re election. As the mayor of Gaya impatiently commented: current situation I would prefer to focus on infrastructure investments first . to show the people t 39 relationship with traditional authorities is actually less conflicted than it would appear at first glance since decentralization did not significantly affect the ba lance of power at this level. A certain kinship exists between traditional and local government institutions in the same way that there is a strong bond between the new local and prefectural governments that are united under the banner of the National Move ment for the Society of Development (MNSD) the ruling party from 1989 1993 and from 1999 2010. This type of relationship is not isolated to the department of Gaya where mayors have managed to balance local issues by positioning themselves as authorities t hat listen to the demands of their citizens and mediate between different neighborhood and village chiefs. New I mmigrants and the Ma rginalization of Kyanga A uthorities Since the 1980s, when Gaya first emerged as an international commercial center, the merc hant elite have become more active in local real estate markets. These investors have been most interested in agricultural land that can be exploited with modern irrigation techniques situated in the Niger River V alley on the periphery of the city of Gaya. Recent studies have shown that real estate investments in the region have increased since the 2000 to the benefit of a small group of brokers responsible for 17 percent of agricultural land sales in the region between 2001 and 2008 40 For new immigrants fr om other parts of Niger and neighboring countries acquiring land is one of the only ways to invest in agricultural product ion to the extent that they cannot rely on land gifts or inheritance. The real estate investments of new immigrants have also focuse d on suburban areas, which allowed them to take part in real estate speculation that accompanied the urbanization of Gaya. At the time of Niger independence in 1960 Gaya had fewer than 5,000 inhabitants and occupied only the eastern area around the road to Benin (around the present site of Dendikourey). Internal growth and the influx of migrants encouraged by the trading opportunities close to the border subsequently reorganized the dense urban space of the neighborhood of Dendikourey. The explosion of resi dential growth initially occurred in the west in Kwara Tegui, the customary seat of the canton chief since 1957, and h oused a significant population of migrants

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Sons of the Soil and Conquerors Who Came on Foot | 87 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a4.pdf from the Dosso region. In response to an annual growth rate of over 5 percent the city emba rked on massive residential development to the north 16 7ha for the neighborhood of Acajou, 21ha for Carr and 44ha for the area known as Fara in a total of over 257ha of subdivisions. This figure is in stark contrast to the original area of Dendikourey, w hich covered only 24ha, indicating that the area of subdivision development represented more than ten times the area of the historical center of Gaya. These residential real estate developments, strongly colored by speculation and clientelism, did not gen erate revenue windfalls for the Kyanga. Kyanga property owners were able to purchase land (one lot per hectare or half a lot per group of ten bounded parcels) and settle in these new neighborhoods. However, in several instances agents appropriated their pr operties without adequate compensation under the pretext of developing public infrastructure (i.e. Koranic schools or high schools) to serve the expanding city 41 These practices created grievances among Kyanga property holders whose agricultural land was l osing value in the face of urban development. As one Gaya representative stated: have less chance than one who wants to develop it and build a house. You can build a house on everyone who owns a field near the city is 42 Traders became important actors in the urban real estate market as land speculators but also as developers of industrial areas for the warehous es that supported booming commerce. These investments served the traders based in Niger as well as their Nigerian counterparts based in Malanville, the neighboring city in Benin, who had also invested heavily in the development of Gaya in the 1990s 43 In Ga ya these property acquisitions served the thrift and illegal export trade to Nigeria that both required large scale storage capacity. In the space of several decades the massive real estate investments combined with increasing public investments transforme d the urban fabric of the small city of Gaya but also affected the ancient balance of power between the Songhay and the Kyanga. Conclusion Founded in the second half of the eighteenth century jointly by the Kyanga and Songhay populat ions, the Dendi border region has long been structured around a binary opposition who used to be responsible for the traditional religion, and responsible for the political power, a common occurrence in West Africa. For the Kyang a, the narratives collected evoke a succession of key moments: forced migration with the spread of Islam, the search for the ideal location under the leadership of a founding hero, the attempts to establish contact with the newly arrived Songhay conquerors, and t he sharing of power which results from this encounter between the Kyanga religious leader and the Songhay political leader For the Songhay oral history emphasizes the important lineage linking the former askias of the Songhay Empire to the populations wh canton chiefdoms, and the superiority of a highly hierarchical society over peasant chiefdoms. The foundation myths present two different historical justifica tions for this social structure. The Kyanga defined themselves as the f irst settlers of an estate whereas t he Songhay, in contrast, claim permanent occupation of the region to justify their social seniority.

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88 | Walther African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v 13i1 2a4.pdf Since colonization at the beginning of the twentieth century, the authority of traditional chiefdoms of the Songhay a nd the religious classes of the Kyanga has evolved along starkly different paths. Niger independence was hardly a historical break for the Songhay chiefdoms which managed to forge alliances with the colonial powers and develop a formal political status within the apparatus of the young Nigeri e n state. By contrast, the authority of Kyanga chiefs began to decline in the colonial period, and then disappeared completely in the second half of the twentieth century in both of their traditional domains. On the one hand this decline was a result of the disappearance among all segments of society of animist cults and practices. On the other hand Kyanga authority was profoundly affected by its loss of control over natural resources an d land use which became the do main of the state (in the areas of water, forests, flora and fauna) and the canton chiefs (resolution of land disputes and property tax collection). In terms of recent external influences, the development of Gaya as a regional commercial center played an important role in the decline of Kyanga influence to the extent that the attractiveness of the city led to the development of massive subdivisions on their ancestral lands on the urban periphery. These developments certainly benefited local officials and the numerous merchants that established themselves in the region. These actors dabbled in profitable real estate speculation with the parallel goal of developing commercial properties to stock the goods from cross historical decline of Kyanga influence over real estate and the consolidation of the Songhay chiefdoms and realigned the binary opposition that had, until recently, characterized the Dendi. Notes 1 Kuba and Lentz 2006, pp. 1 30; Meillassoux 1971, p. 23; Lentz 2010. 2 Izard 1985, pp. 378 93; Izard 2003, p. 185. 3 Jones 1998; Lombard 1998; Brgand 1998, pp. 23 30; Kuba 1998. 4 Amselle 1990, p. 59; Piau lt 1971, p. 286; Walther 2006. 5 Lentz 2003; Miles 1987; 1994, pp. 42 51 and pp. 145 74; Nugent 2008. 6 Urvoy, 1936. 7 Bako Arifari 1998; Dambo 2007. 8 Walther 2008, pp. 173 202; Walther 2009; 2012. 9 McKim 1972 ; Grtz 2004. 10 Demographic projection based on Africapolis, a harmonized database on urbanization in West Africa available at: http://e geopolis.eu. 11 Tilho 1911, pp. 505 12; Delafosse 1912, pp. 238 52; Perron 1924; Ardant du Picq 1931, pp. 477 500; Urvoy, 1936 pp. 23 117; Pri and Sellier 1950. 12 See Walther 2008 for a more detailed description of the methodology; see also Walther 2011 for an earlier version of this paper published as a working paper. 13 Amselle 1990, p. 61. 14 Interview with M. Moumouni, notable, 06.12.05, Gaya. 15 For Bo rgu, see Kuba 1998 ; for the relevant linguistic studies, see Jones 1998. 16 Interview with A. Amadou and M. A. Diafago, notables, 25.11.04, Gaya.

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Sons of the Soil and Conquerors Who Came on Foot | 89 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a4.pdf 17 Ibid. 18 Ibid. 19 Interview with A. Bri, A. Amadou and A.A. Diafago, notables, 23.11.04, Gaya. 20 Ibid. 21 Pri and Sellier 1950. 22 Kuba 1998. 23 Ekoye 1985. 24 Interviews with M. Gani, chief of Lawey, 20.11.04, and 06.10.05, Gaya. 25 Dambo 2007; Sr de Rivires 1965, pp. 79 83. 26 Lombard 1998. 27 Rothiot 1988, p. 11. 28 Interview with A. Na Argoungou, notable and former teacher, 22.11.04, Gaya. 29 Interview with Sambou Daouda, chief of Koyzey Kounda, 15.12.04, Gaya. 30 Bako Arifari 1997, p. 5. 31 Ibid. 1997, p. 19. 32 Lentz 2006; Kuba 2006. 33 Pasian 2010 ; Masquelier 2009. 34 Jones 1998. 35 Abba 1990. 36 Olivier de Sardan 1984, p. 203. 37 Bako Arifari 2002, p. 4. 38 Interview with M. Gani, chief of Lawey, 29.11.04, Gaya. 39 Interview with H. Dan Barro, mayor of Gaya, 04.09.05, Gaya. 40 Walther 2008, pp. 130 132; Cantoreggi et al. forthcoming; Jaubert et al. 2011. 41 Bako Arifari 2002, p. 22. 42 Interview with A. Na Argoungou, notable and former teacher, 19.11.04, Gaya. 43 Bako Arifari 2002, p. 21. References Politique Africaine 38: 51 60. Ardant d 14.4: 471 704. Amselle, J. L. 1990. Paris: Payot. Bako Paysage Politique Administratif Local au Niger (Canton de Gaya) Working Papers on African Studies 8 Berlin: Das Arabische Buch Bako Arifari, N. 200 2. "La Politisation du Foncier dans les Rgions de Gaya (Niger) et Gomparou (Bnin)." Niamey : LASDEL Working Papers 8.

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90 | Walther African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v 13i1 2a4.pdf Bako Arifari, N. 2006. Dynamique et Formes de Pouvoir Politique en Milieu Rural Ouest Africain: Etude Comparative sur le Bnin et le Nige r Lille: Atelier national de reproduction des thses. Brgand, D. 1998. Cantoreggi, N., L. Dambo, and R. Jaubert Fort h Dp artement de Gaya: Dynamiques et Acteurs In B. Amadou and L. Dambo (eds.), Mutations Socio Economiques au Sahel (P a Majeures Unpublished Ph.D di ssertation, University of Lausanne. Delafosse, M. 1912. Haut Sngal Niger (Soudan Franais). 1. Le Pays, les Peuples, les Langues Paris: Larose. Histoire de Gaya Gaya, mimeo. ust: A Case Study from Northern Africa Izard, M. 1985. Gens du Pouvoir, Gens de la Terre. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Izard, M. 2003. A fricain au XVIe Sicle Paris: Karthala. Jaubert, R., L. Dambo, N. Cantoreggi, and j. E xclusion of S mal l holders from Irrigation Projects and Policies in S outhern Niger Paper presented at the Luxembourg 2011 RISC Conference. Jones, R. E thnic Groups of Present D ay Borgou I n E. Boesen, C. Hardung, and R. Kuba (eds.), Regards Sur le Borgou. Pouvoir et Altrit Dans une Rgion Ouest Africaine (Paris: 89. culturelle In E. Boesen, C. Hardung, a nd R. Kuba (eds.), Regards Sur le Borgou. Pouvoir et Altrit Dans une Rgion Ouest Africaine 120. _____ : competing earth priests in a context of migration in Southwestern Burkina Faso In R. Kuba and C. Lentz (eds.), Land and the Politics of Belonging in West Africa (Leiden: Brill): 57 75. _____ and C. Lentz (eds) 2006. Land and the Politics of Belonging in West Africa Leiden: Brill. : Land Conflicts on a West African Border American Ethnologist 30.2: 273 89.

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Sons of the Soil and Conquerors Who Came on Foot | 91 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a4.pdf _____ comers and L ate comers: Indigenous T heories of L andownership in West Africa In R. Kuba and C. Lentz (eds.), Land and the Politics of Belonging in West Africa (Leiden: Brill): 35 56. _____ Northern Ghana Africa 80.1: 56 80. cio Politique des Peuples du Borgou dans les Socits In E. Boesen, C. Hardung, a nd R. Kuba (eds.), Regards Sur le Borgou. Pouvoir et Altrit Dans une Rgion Ouest Africaine 37. Masquelier, A. 2009. Women and Isl amic Revival in a West Africa Town Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Economic G e ography In C. Meillassoux (ed.), The Development of Indigenous Trade and Markets in West Africa (Oxford: Oxford University Press): 3 50. Miles, W.F.S. 1987. "Partitioned R oyalty: The Evolution of Hausa Chiefs i n Nigeria and Niger The Journal of Modern African Studies 25.2: 233 258. _____ 1994. Hausaland Divided. Colonialism and Independence in Nigeria and Niger Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press. Murphy, W.P. and C.H. Bledsoe rritory in the History of a Kpelle Chiefdom (Liberia) In I. Kopytoff (ed.), The African Frontier: The Reproduction of Traditional African Societies (Bloomington: Indiana University Press): 121 47. : Enslavement, Religion and Cultural Brokerage in the Construction of Mandinka/Jola and Ewe/Agotime Identities in West Africa, c.1650 1930 Comparative Studies in Society and History 50.4: 920 48. Olivier de Sardan, J. P. 1984. Les Socits Songhay Zarma (Niger Mali): Chefs, Guerriers, Esclaves, Paysans Paris: Karthala. Pasian, M. 2010. Anthropologie du Rituel de Possession Bori en Milieu Hawsa au Niger Paris: Karthala. Bulletin de 12.4: 1015 71. 7.1: 51 83. Politiques In C. Meillassoux (ed.), The Development of Indigenous Trade and Markets in West Africa (Oxford: Oxford University Press): 285 302.

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92 | Walther African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v 13i1 2a4.pdf Rothiot, J. P. 1988. Conqurant (Dosso, N iger) Sr de Rivires, E. 1965. Histoire du Niger Paris: Berger Levrault. Tilho, J. 1911. Documents Scientifiques de la Mission Tilho (1906 1909) Paris: Imprimerie Nationale. Urvoy, Y. 1936. Histoire des Populations du Soudan centra l (Colonie du Niger) Paris: Larose. Walther, O. 2006. Neuchtel, Report for the Hombori Biodiversity Monitoring Project. _____ 2008. Affaires de Patrons. Villes et Commerce T ransfrontalier au Sahel Berne: Peter Lang. _____ Border Economy in Sahelian Africa Journal of Borderlands Studies 24.1: 34 46. _____ onstruction of the Dendi Border Region (West Africa) Luxembourg: CEPS/INSTEAD Working Papers 20 _____ Border Regions in West Afr ica Entrepreneurship and Regional Development (in press).

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African Studies Quarterly | Vol ume 13, Issue s 1 & 2| Spring 2012 Wilfried R. Sawadogo Ming Chuan University, Taiwan He is currently a Ph.D. student, Politics and International Relations, University of Reading, UK. http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a5.pdf University of Florida Board of Trustees, a public corporation of the State of Florida; permission is he reby granted for individuals to download articles for their own personal use. Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Florida. ISSN: 2152 2448 The Challenges of Transnational Human Trafficking in West Africa Abstract : A m ajor challenge to good governance, transnational trafficking in human beings has been a serious problem for years in West Africa. Attempts to understand the phenomenon have then been initiated, which unfortunately have resulted in contradictory viewpoints amongst researchers and the impacted populations. Indeed, seen by some as a mere entertainment, a source of profit or an abstract notion with no influence and no bearing upon their lives, transnational human trafficking is, in contrast, considered by othe rs as a crucial preoccupation, a deadly reality that has drastically influenced their daily routine s Complex in its nature and forms, transnational human trafficking has raised deep divisions on issues of principles, theories, perceptions and the strate gy to address it; hence the necessity for domestic and international actors to pay serious attention on the phenomenon. My present work seeks to provide an in depth understanding of the phenomenon, its causes and consequences while trying to draw out sugg estions and recommendations which could contribute to better strengthen the West African regional security framework. In a word, governance in West Africa needs to be transformed into an effective cooperative framework where enhancing the dignity of human beings and their rights becomes a priority. T he majority of West African states, despite their huge and enviable natural resources, have failed to develop their economies. Empirical evidence demonstrates West Africa's peripheral role in the world economy. For example West African countries have in common the lowest standards of living in the world. Eleven out of the fifteen members of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) are among the bottom thirty countries in the 2011 Hum an Development Index (HDI) compiled by the United Nations Development Program (UNDP). 1 The conscientization of African people in general and West African population in particular has led to the creation and proliferation of regional entities to address the obstacles of African economic development. ECOWAS, founded by the Treaty of Lagos ( 1975 ) aims to promote the region's economy. To this, can be added the West African Monetary Union (or UEMOA, Union Economique et Montaire Ouest Africaine) which is limit ed to eight mostly Francophone countries that employ the CFA franc as their common currency. The Liptako Gourma Authority, composed of Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger, also seek s to jointly develop the contiguous areas of the three countries. All these regio nal organizations denote West African

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96 | Sawadogo African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a5.pdf to fight common threats such as, among others, transnational crimes and their perverse consequences. Despite being an old phenomenon, transna tional crimes have recently taken complex, dramatic, shocking, and even deadly new dimensions with the wake of globalization. In much of Africa, globalization has ironically increased the power vacuum by empowe ring criminal networks so much that assault s o n human dignity continue to increase proportionally to the growing globalization. Such a claim can be supported by the realist perspective according to which the weakening of state power has resulted in the empowering of criminal activities because with the wake of globalization, political boundaries and national loyalties are no longer as relevant. The consequences thus of this new old threat to West African society are as destructive as the 2004 t sunami that hit Southeast Asia and Hurrican e Katrina ( 2005 ) that caused horrendous damages in the United States 2 A serious threat to the international community and Africa in particular, transnational human trafficking has become a global industry. The lack then of a real African perspective on the subject, the timeliness of the topic and the exciting nature of the debate that surrounds this question in the contemporary globalizing world are the main reasons that drive us to explore the problem and negative influence of transnational human traff icking on the domestic and regional security framework in West Africa T o do so, th is article examine s from an African perspective the causes and consequences of transnational human trafficking in West African context ( p art one ). Beyond such a theoretical and empirical approach, it will also attemt to figure out practical mechanisms that could help frame a viable regional security framework aimed at tackling transnational hu man trafficking in West Africa, a framework that could also be applied to other regions as well ( p art two ). Causes and Consequences of Transnational Human Trafficking in West Africa West African economies are mainly based on the exploitation of natural resources. Mining and agricultural activities constitute the leading economic sector s of most West African countries. The fast growth of West African populations, the uncontrolled urbanization in the region, poor security and economic hardship s associated with wide inequalities in the distribution of wealth contribute to an increased salience of human trafficking as an available option to break out of poverty. 3 For example, trouble and violent unrest across West Africa in la te March and beginning of April 2008 were undoubtedly potential factors leading to transnational and interc ontinent al human trafficking as a potential means for both traffickers and trafficked persons or victims to cope with surging food prices, bridge poor economic conditions and overcome hunger. 4 As we ha ve seen across the African continent and elsewhere in the world, the soaring price s of commodities remains a security risk since it destabilizes vulnerable gov ernments and can therefore constrain people to behave even in contradiction with social

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The Challenges of Transnational Human Trafficking in West Africa | 97 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a5.pdf moral norms in order to break thr ough their miserable conditions. By the same token, on April 22, 2008, the UN World Food Program (WFP) compared the escalating global f ood crisis to a into hunger and poverty. 5 The current growing economic crisis coupled with rising food prices will remain, without any doubt, fertile ground for transnational human trafficking in West Africa and Africa in general. Besides poverty, West African cultural patterns fertilize the expansion of human smuggling. For example in the context of the extended family, tribal and religious affiliation, children are often placed outside their biologic family with the objective of securing better entrusting their child to other persons in t his era of a greedy race for economic achievement associated with the desire of young people for emancipative adventure contribute inexorably to the growth of transnational trafficking in persons. 6 For instance in Africa, family solidarity is sometimes so over valued that parents usually do not pay much attention on inquiring on the morality of the relative s to whom they entrust their children. backing the statistics of the International Labor Organi zation (ILO), around 200,000 to 300,000 children are trafficked each year for forced labor and sexual exploitation in West and Central Africa. 7 In addition, according to a 2001 survey on child labor in West and Central Africa, about 330,000 children were e and Nigeria. the cocoa farmer or any local farm in the country, and 2,500 were rec ruited by intermediaries in 8 An alarming reality is that girls are more frequently the victims of child trafficking than boys. Table 1 shows the e mpirical evidence from a 2003 study for Benin, Nigeria and Togo. The Benin sample includes information on gender from the 284 (182 children and 102 adults) victims interviewed and the information contained in the 13 case files. ** The Nigerian sample includes information on 30 victims interviewed. *** The Togo sample includes information on 45 victims obtained from case files. One of the case files involved 16 Nigerian girls and young women stopped in transit through Togo. They were being trafficked to The Netherland s and Italy for work in prostitution Source: United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime 2006 a.

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98 | Sawadogo African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a5.pdf In addition, in a study on child trafficking between Benin and Gabon, 86 per cent of the 229 children interviewed we re female, and more than 50 per cent were under the age of sixteen 9 Table 2 below corroborates our argument with empirical data from three West African countries (Benin, Nigeria, and Togo) Benin sample based on data gleaned from 13 case files ; ** Nigeria sample based on interviews with 19 child victims ; *** Togo sample based on data gleaned from 10 case files Source: United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime 2006 a. Moreover, in transnational trafficking, as revealed by a research done under UNICEF sponsorship, followed by a field study published by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), Benin, Burkina Faso, Guinea Bissau, Guinea, Ghana, Mali, Nigeria and Togo constitute the main countries from w hich child workers are exported to the main urban centers and agricultural sites of coun tries including the Democratic Republic of Congo, Equatorial and Senegal. 10 As an example, Table 3 below shows a sample of Togolese recruitment regions and destination sites 11 T able 3: Togo R egions of R ecruitment, T ransit, and D estination Countries Source: United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime 2006 a.

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The Challenges of Transnational Human Trafficking in West Africa | 99 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a5.pdf To illustrate our argument, the maps below show the itinerary and destination sites of transnational human trafficking victims from three West African countries ( Maps 1, 2, and 3) Even though the y display specific areas of recruitment, transit and destination, it is worth noting that it is also common for a country to both supply and receive young boys, girls, and young women while also serving as a transit country. Children are most of the time trafficked for exploitation in the agricultural, fishing and informal sectors, or for begging. 12 Most of them remaining children usually labor on farms in Ghana, Cameroon and Nigeria. Another sad reality of transnatio nal human trafficking in West Africa is that m any young victims are employed neither in the primary nor in the informal sectors but on battle fields as soldiers children soldiers. 13 T his was also du ring a particularly the troubled period of the country from 2002 to 2010 as well as in Liberia and Sierra Leone during the war s in th o se countries. Transnational Human Trafficking Routes in West Africa Map 1 The Case of Benin Map 2 The Case of Nigeria Map 3 The Case of Togo Source: United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime 2006 a.

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100 | Sawadogo African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a5.pdf As human rights organizations have noted after the end of the war in Liberia in 2003, 11,000 children aged thirteen to seventeen were demobilized under the UN sponsored program. 14 The situation could even be wors e, for according to Amnesty International, Liberia n government and rebel forces alon e recruited up to 21,000 children, sometimes as young as six insurrection broke out in September 2002, money (around US $300 to $400), food and clothing were offere d to encourage children to fight on behalf of the Ivorian government. 15 The same situation held for the r ebel camp as well r a ising the total number of child soldiers in Cote to thousands. 16 T he severity of transnational human trafficking is further aggravated by, among other things the porosity of regional and continental boundaries and the shocking scope of this deadly reality. For instance, trafficked girls and young women are mainly destined for either domestic services or forced into prostituti on in Europe, the Middle East and the United States (refer to M aps 1, 2, 3 above ) As a palpable example, Nigerian and Italian authorities estimate that there are 10,000 to 15,000 Nigerian prostitutes in Italy (See Table 4 below for further details on the global reach with regard to repatriated victims based on the single case of Nigeria). 17 And according to the US Department of State 2004 data, the Moroccan police arrested seventy Nigerian traffickers and rescued 1,460 Nigerian victims hidden by trafficker s near Mount Gourougou, outside the Spanish enclave of the Autonomous City of Melilla. 18 Traffickers of children are both women and men, and in many cases they are relatives of the victims who are animated by the deadly agenda of maximizing profit. Traffic king in persons for sexual exploitation or forced labor is one of the largest sources of revenue of organized human trafficking. And as a clandestine activity, transnational human trafficking is hard to measure. Nevertheless in a typical child trafficking scenario, as Antonio L. Mazzitelli has 19 By going a step further, Mazzitelli added, citing the United States Immigration and Naturalization 20 According to a July 2006 UNODC report, the business of smuggling migrants from Africa t o Europe has a turnover in excess of $300 million per year. 21 Mazzitelli highlighted t he situation A recruiter and transporter of a woman to Europe for commercial sexual exploitation spends approximately $2,000 to bribe appropriate officials, procure travel 22 Although it is not clear how the above data were collected and calculated, the figures may even be higher since there is a cruc ial lack of reliable data due to various reasons such as, among others, the underground and illegal nature of human trafficking, the lack of anti trafficking legislation in many African countries, the reluctance of the victims to report their experiences t o the authorities, and the lack of a governmental priority given to data collection and research on the subject in West Africa and in Africa in general. To reverse the crucial lack of data collection systems, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (U NODC) in 2005 three years. Nevertheless the change expected still remains barely perceptible. With strict rational principles

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The Challenges of Transnational Human Trafficking in West Africa | 101 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a5.pdf aimed at minimizing risk and maximizing profit, traffick ers, as argued by Mazzitelli, have diversified their portfolios in order to tactically mitigate risks and make difficult, if not impossible, the traceability of their criminal activities by law enforcement agencies at various levels. 23 24 In a word, human trafficking is an egregious and profound abuse of human rights. It maintains people in a state of dependence since it hinders the freedom of individuals, which is akin to modern day slavery and thus a serious human rights violation. For example, the way trafficked peo ple are treated on plantations i or in min es in Burkina Faso Sierra Leone, and Liberia reveals the extent to which human rights violations appear to be rampant in West Africa. To corroborate our claims with respect to Burkina Faso, on e can take as example gold rich localities such as Djibo and Kongoussi where children mainly young girls are often trafficked for the purpose of profit maximization. 25 Trafficking in persons appears to

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102 | Sawadogo African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a5.pdf be a particular form of violence against women and c hildren. It deteriorates human relationship s since it drives the trafficked persons from their families and regions, thus creating an atmosphere of social frustration and a negative influence on the dynamics of regional integration, thereby compromising th e national and regional efforts of West African states to change the destiny of their societies. Corruption and laundering of money which are sometimes directly related to human trafficking activities remain so far the most essential means by which crimi nals benefit from their illicitly acquired revenues and expand their activities and power. For instance, through corruption criminal operators can obtain protection from public officials, influence political decisions and infiltrate legitimate businesses. Therefore corruption and money laundering contribute to the maintenance and proliferation of transnational human trafficking activities in West Africa. In sum, the transnational crimes in the form of trafficking or smuggling human beings are primarily and basically caused by limited economic alternatives, disparate socio economic conditions, regional imbalances, feminization of poverty, discrimination aga inst women, patriarchal socio cultural structures, lack of social supports for single mothers, shortage of employment and professional opportunities, and the universal greed for money and power. 26 They are also facilitated, among others, by : cultural perver sion (due to the influence of illicit activities from foreign nationals) ; illiteracy and partial literacy (due to the lack of an adequate educational environment) ; the lack of accurate information (due to a certain negligence from local authorities and com munication channels) ; and the unregulated enticement and movement of human capital via use of the internet (due to an unregulated access to the internet that has encouraged cybercriminal activities), leading ipso facto to disastrous socio economic instabil ity. Actually, human trafficking impedes legitimate economic activities (as the trafficked persons do not freely contribute to legitimate economic activities in their home countries ), disorganizes the national economy (as human trafficking activities cons titute an economic los s to the country of origin of the trafficked persons), and slows down foreign investment and its linked advantages (as transnational human trafficking activities send a negative message to foreign investors with re spect to the financial security risk that their investments may face in the host country which may have failed to tackle corruption and criminal activities or create a business friendly environment). It increases the cost of doing business to both foreign and life and pushing skilled workers overseas due to the lack of opportunities. It also damages access to employment and educational opportunities, discourages the accumulation of assets and encourages tax evasion (as criminal networks avoid paying tax es due to the illegal nature of their activities). It deters potential tourism (as tourists may be afraid of being themselves kidnapped as prostitutes and forced l abor), displaces productive investments and fosters consumption of imported items (as domestic industries remain disorganized due to transnational human trafficking hav ing taken away many of the young er generations that would have played a central role in domestic economies as productive forces). In short it diverts national and regional resources and drives business away from Africa, affecting ipso facto

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The Challenges of Transnational Human Trafficking in West Africa | 103 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a5.pdf Besides the above mentioned socio economic causes and consequ ences, it is worth noting that transnational human trafficking in West Africa to a certain extent is also caused and aggravated by the failure of domestic, regional and international politico institutional systems, which in return have a boomerang effect on state institutions. One must therefore be aware that the socio economic causes and politico institutional causes pointed out throughout this paper remain to a certain extent embedded in each other just like the two sides of a coin. So trying to separate them from one another appears to be a misleading enterprise. However, here the separation in two different sections is only for academic purposes and the search for better clarity. So the next paragraph s seek to analyze th e impact and consequences of politics and state institutions on transnational human trafficking. T he false conception that national natural and financial resou rces belong to the individual(s) in power has led to a disregard for domestic and regional regulations and a trend towards the use of institutional prerogatives for private goals; hence the spread of corruption as an easy way to achieve extraordinary ambit ions. Acting in the belief that the end justifies the means, an attitude of impunity has assumed horrendous proportions H uman traffickers in West Africa have gained more power and influence leading ipso facto to a relative weakening of state power vis vis globalizing criminal networks. 27 T raffickers were enjoying nearly complete immunity because until recently the vast majority of West African states did not consider trafficking in women and children a punishable offence Most states, even now, have done little to integrate human rights concerns or strategies into their laws or policies relating to human trafficking or smuggling. With few exceptions, trafficking in human beings remains a relatively low priority among officials. So for criminal network still presents a comparative advantage in reducing risks and consequently maximizing profits via transnational trafficking in human beings. T he available literature from NGOs such as H uman R ights W atch and Amnesty International and scholars of global governance such as David Held and Anthony G. McGrew (2002) makes it obvious that the causes of transnational crimes can also be explained through certain theories of international relations These include the political philosophy that promotes individual liberty and the free exchange of goods and market privatization that has in turn led to the illicit human trafficking for economic gain. For instance, linked to economic liberalization illicit human trafficking has taken a dramatic worldwide upturn and no more so than in W est Africa. This in turn threatens the i ntegrity countries and undermines their political stability. Furthermore, h uman trafficking inhibits the processes of democra tization and development. It challenges state authority, threatens public order, and undermines the rule of which will be increasingly view ed as weak and lacking credibility In addition, human trafficking weaken s the social contract between people and state or regional institutions, and leads t o tremendous national tragedies. It can even be a potential source for financing terrorist activities, giving de facto roots to political and institutional insecurity at th e national, regional and international level s 28 In a word, it goes without saying that transnational human trafficking has a negative impact on West African

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104 | Sawadogo African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a5.pdf regional endeavors to promote and implement good governance, a sine qua non for sustainable development. Hence the crucial need for a regional security framework to combat transnational human trafficking and which guarantees civilian safety and advances the national interests of West African countries. A Security Building Framew ork for Combating Human Trafficking i n W est Africa Responding to West African transnational human trafficking require s developing a comprehensive and multidisciplinary approach to tackle the phenomenon. N o country or region is immune from such trafficking. The e xperience of West Africa and elsewhere clearly demonstrates that human trafficking can only be successfully resisted when those concerned work together; hence the necessity of the creation of appropriate cooperation mechanisms at the nati onal regional, and international level s to tackle this deadly phenomenon. West African efforts to combat transnational human trafficking have been accompanied by the efforts of diverse NGOs and inter governmental organizations, whose contributions have he lped lead to a West African strategy to set up a regional security framework Role of Non Governmental Organizations International, regional, and local NGOs have been at the forefront of efforts to combat transnational human trafficking and build a West Africa n regional security environment. M ost government officials are ill informed about the causes and consequences of this trafficking. They also are un aware of the appropriate rights based approach to this issue Therefore, NGOs, conscience of go vernment and are representative of the civil society, usually bridge this gap by bringing in their expertise. Advocates for the development of human rights based responses to transnational trafficking, NGOs traditionally show up in situations where govern ments have failed to take crucial initiatives. Fear and distrust towards state based organizations have led trafficked persons to give preference to NGOs. So NGOs have always been the first line of action, raising awareness, lobbying for change, and providing assistance. As an example for the very firs t time, a Lome based NGO WAO Afrique was able in April 1998 to bring together officials from Togo and Benin to discuss the problem of transnational child trafficking in the presence of representatives from NGOs and UNICEF. During the same year, a Benines e NGO called ESAM also denunciation led in September 2000 to the creation of a commission of inquiry aim ed at curbing the phenomenon. Nowadays, a panoply of NGOs such as Save the Children, Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, the International Union for Human Rights, Global Survival Network (GSN), the Foundation for Traffick ing in Women, the Global Alliance against Traffic in Women (GATW), and the Human Rights Law Group, to only name a few, are very active in the West African region and their contributions remain very crucial to the West African regional security building. F or example Save the Children has addressed the escalating threats to children, including gender based violence and trafficking, in emergency situations resulting from severe economic and social disruption. 29

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The Challenges of Transnational Human Trafficking in West Africa | 105 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a5.pdf T he Dutch based Foundation A gainst Trafficking in Women was created in the early 1980's in response to the then highly publicized issue of prostitution tourism, especially in the regions where mass tourism was becoming an alternative paradigm for development. It has worked worldwide to spread anti viol ence programs and pro rights campaigns to benefit vulnerable women. In 1993 it launched a c ampaign to develop an international lobby to review existing instruments to prevent and combat human trafficking a campaign that ha s also generated benefits in West Africa. The Global Alliance A gainst Traffic in Women (GA A TW) was created to provid e a critical analysis of counter trafficking efforts and their implications for women as key players in social change and development. n 2007, GA A TW published a n in depth study about the impact of anti trafficking initiatives on the rights of trafficked persons and migrant workers. This study has covered eight countries, among them Nigeria, and spelled out recommendations on behalf of its members. 30 Thi s has been a tangible contribution towards setting up regional and global strategic alliances against transnational human trafficking. Despite their cultural, political and geographical differences, NGOs have been able to provide services to West African victims and survivors of transnational human trafficking For example NGO support for trafficked people and other vulnerable groups often includes social and psychological assistance, shelter provision, financial, return, and reintegration assistance, advice and counseling, housing, vocational training, legal advice and do cumentation assistance. However, NGOs remain powerless to protect a victim if s/he decides to testify in court because witness protection is basically a state prerogative. Hence the need of a real political will to accompany NGOs actions W ithout such po litical will, NGOs can essentially only hope, as Marina Tzvetkova states to dress the wound with sticking plaster. 31 Initiatives by Inter Governmental Organizations V arious inter governmental organizations have been created to promote directly or indirect ly human rights These include t he various agencies of the United Nations For example, t he UN Office on Drugs and Crime ( UNODC ) focus es on the criminal justice element of crimes that include human trafficking and the smuggling of migrants In 1999 it proposed a that would f ocus on the role of organized crime groups in smuggling and trafficking and on the development of criminal justice related responses. 32 In May 2011 it issued a report on organized c migrants into the EU. 33 T he UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights states at the At a time when some 214 million people are on the move globally, the UN Human Rights office has identified migration as a priority and is working to identify the protection gaps in law, policy and practice that leave migrants vulnerable to abuse at international borders. 34 Also, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) Article 3, states : eryone has the right to life, liberty and security of person. Article 4. No one shall be 35 Other specialized UN agencies such as the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF), the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), and the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) are address ing trafficking in relation to their education, relief, and development wo rk. It was particularly in 1998 that the issue of human trafficking began to receive the attention of international organizations starting with UNICEF which, in July 1998,

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106 | Sawadogo African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a5.pdf h eld a sub Trafficking in Child Domestic Workers, in particula r Girls in Domestic Ser vice in West and Central Africa 36 The UN Center for International Crime Prevention, the International Labor Organization (ILO) and the World Bank also stepped in by engaging themselves to work with ECOWAS to produce an ECOWAS Declar ation and Plan Action against Trafficking in Persons in December 2001. 37 T hese international organizations have sponsored programs and helped local and regional organizations in West Africa. Unfortunately, there is a lack of coordination among them that has diverted their strategies and led to contradictory demands on governments and societies involved. Such a situation has hampered the efficacy of their actions. The European Union (EU) : Since 1996, the European Commission (EC) has taken a number transnational human trafficking. For instance, the EU has funded African regional collaboration to combat trafficking, especially of children, involving seven French speaking countries in West and Central Africa (Benin, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Ivory Coast, Gabon, Mali and Togo). 38 The th the help of the ILO. So the EU has been able to squeeze the potential of West African countries by having them pledge to expand their preventive capacity and harmonize their legislation against the trafficking of human beings. The EU has also funded awa reness raising campaign on child trafficking in Benin. 39 By deduction, then, the EU has helped establish an inter regional network to fight human trafficking in West Africa. The International Organization for Migration (IOM) : The IOM has been active in cond ucting research on migration trends, including human trafficking in West Africa. It has provided technical cooperation on migration management and capacity building to West African countries through information dissemination for the prevention of irregular migration. It is currently playing a key role in assisting voluntary return of trafficked children in the ECOWAS zone. Moreover, the IOM has organized various international and inter sessional workshops aimed at discussing migration policy issues, in orde r to explore and study policy issues of common interest and cooperate in addressing them. Its activities have also benefited West Africa throughout its programs dedicated to Africa in general and specifically to the West African region. For example, the IO M has taken a leading role, together with West African governments, to promote and enhance research and information dissemination, policy advice, capacity building and technical cooperation, and project implementation with a goal of tackling West African s ocio economic problems, major factors in the flourishing of trans national human trafficking. 40 IOM has also developed a resource book containing best practices, recommendations, and techniques for combatting child trafficking. 41 The International Police Organization (Interpol) : One of Interpol priority crime areas is to provide its expertise toward end ing human abuse and exploitation. Thus, it has worked globally to support police forces to counter the rise of transnational crimes. For instance, Interpol has produced many documents, held several conferences on trafficking and is attempting to help co ordinate transnational law enforcement efforts against trafficking in women and children. It has also offered its experience in the investigation of various offences against human beings such as transnational commercial exploitation of human beings. Interpol continues to be a valuable resource for law enforcement agencies. 42 However, it is significantly

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The Challenges of Transnational Human Trafficking in West Africa | 107 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a5.pdf underutilized in West Africa and the need for In terpol services in West Africa should be better promoted. Interpol and has recently initiated steps to enhance its anti trafficking work in West Africa. One example has been to organize an Advanced Trafficking in Human Beings Training Programme to focus on transnational traffi cking. Workshops were held in 2 009 and 2010. 43 In sum, despite several incongruities, new laws have been implemented, international conferences hosted, new and existing conventions signed for the sake of alleviating, if not eliminating, transnational human trafficking in West Africa. In addition, the UN, the EU, and other IGOS have dedicated substa ntial resources to West Africa in order to develop more effective solutions to combat trafficking Beyond such international support, however, it is worth stating that the resolution of West Africa n problems lie s in the hands of West African leaders and pe ople Therefore it is imperative that West African states and Africa as a whole unite to address transnational human trafficking on the continent This requires political will, a strong engagement and commitment as well as regional and national unity. Con fronted with the problem of scarce resources regional and continental cooperation could help alleviate human capital economic, infrastructural and other resource shortage s to set up a workable and result s oriented cooperation framework. An important elem ent is for West African states to overcome their differences by defining shared objective s through a mutual understanding t hat the common denominator underlying all their efforts is the protection of the victims of trafficking and the punishment of its perpetrators TABLE 5 : Overview of the Organization al Personnel Interviewed Promotion au Burkina Faso des Principes de la Gouvernance Internationale en M atire de Criminalit Transnationale the Ouagadougou Institute of Diplomacy and International Relations (IDRI) in August 2005, p. 9. E fforts must be made to raise domestic and regional awareness on the reality and deadly consequences of human trafficking in domestic, regional and international frameworks. For example the Burkina Faso Ministry of Foreign Affairs under the sponso rship of the European Union conducted research on trans frontier criminality in August 2005 a project in which this author participated. 44 Such field research can make an important contribution to the fight

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108 | Sawadogo African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a5.pdf against transnational human trafficking. Indeed throughout this fieldwork, we collected information and disseminated information on the danger s of transnational criminality in Burkina Faso and similar developing societies The research project c overed the major cities of Burkina Faso. A questionnaire w as addressed to a number of specific important public and private local entities in order to measure their awareness of the phenomenon (Table 5 above ) I ts object ive was broader than just the issue of human trafficking, for it also included questions on dr ugs trafficking, arms trafficking, economic infractions (money laundering) and the phenomenon of cyber criminality (See Tables 6 and 7 for further details). These tables highlight the degree to which local officials and other notables kn e w or had heard ab out the phenomenon TABLE 6 : Answers to Research Questionnaire by Category Promotion au Burkina Faso des Principes de la Gouvernance Internationale en matire de Criminalit Transnationale Institute of Diplomacy and International Relations (IDRI) in August 2005, p. 31. of transnational crimes in their country There were three categories of answers: Known: for those who have clearly said that they have heard and know about the phenomenon of transnational crimes in Burkina Faso and its neighboring countries

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The Challenges of Transnational Human Trafficking in West Africa | 109 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a5.pdf Unknown: for those who have clearly expressed their opinion by saying that they do not know about the phenomenon of transnational crimes in Burkina Faso and its neighboring countries No comment: for those who have categorically refused to provide any clear answer by saying that they do not have any comments on the phenomenon of transnational crimes in Burkina Faso and its neighboring countries. TABLE 7 : Answers (by Percentage) to Research Questionnaire by Category Promotion au Burkina Faso des Principes de la Gouvernance Internationale en matire de Criminalit Transnationale Institute of Diplomacy and International Relations (IDRI) in August 2005, p. 32. T he findings of our field research have had a positive influence with regard to policy changes and concrete steps that have been undertaken to tackle transnational human trafficking both i n Burkina Faso and in the West African region in general. Our research has contributed to identify ing the main actors involved in the fight against transnational crimes, measur ing the scope of the phenomenon i n Burkina Faso, and finally making proposals fo r national and regional capacity building to combat transnational crimes Our enterprise has also contributed to an assess ment of the judicial and institutional mechanisms put in place to address transnational organized crimes in the country. T he follow up on our findings has contributed to

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110 | Sawadogo African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a5.pdf rais ing of the phenomenon. This has sp illed over to the central government which in turn has begun taking initiatives to consolidate democratic principles defined in terms of human rights promotion and good governance implementation with respect to transnational trafficking in human beings. Based upon the recommendations, concrete actions have then been taken at regional level to strengthen transnational controls This led to the establishment of the joint Ghana Burkina Faso and Benin Burkina Faso border commission s thus helping promote r egional stability and the security of the populace of the se countries Conclusion Highly complex by nature and interlocked with other phenomena such as globalization trafficking in human beings in West Africa is a crucial issue that constitutes a recent challenge to good governance for the entire region. Address ing the phenomenon requires a sharper strategy and an intelligent implementation of theoretical and practical solutions. The starting point is for West Africa governments to understand and objectively accept the existence of the phenomenon as a serious reg ional and international problem instead of somehow naively denying it. The only viable option for eradicating human trafficking in the foreseeable future is to fully cooperate and pool West African human and material resources in order to expand regional capacity and to form robust strategic alliances against crime and trafficking This requires creating and strengthening a West African border security management entity ( or entities ) with joint regional capacity building mechanisms based upon common training and exercises. On this specific point West African authorities have already established joint border controls such as the joint border posts initiatives between Ghana and Burkina Faso, Benin and Burkina Faso, and Mali and Burkina Fas o These initiatives ` contribute to the better regulat ion of transnational movements, enhance regional border security, and strengthen West African initiatives to fight transnational human trafficking. Combatting transnational human trafficking also requires the strengthening and universal ratification of anti trafficking protocols such as the UN A nti trafficking Protocol (which has been ratified by thirteen out of the fifteen West African countries), and the unification of regional and international institutional frameworks for coordination and strategic monitoring remain indispensable in the fight against transnational crime s, including of human trafficking The fight against transnational human trafficking, however, will remain ineffective if regio nal legislation and judicial systems are not properly harmonized to effectively respond to the lack of mechanisms for the expedient extradition and readmission agreements with countries of origin. To this can be added the necessity of exchanging crucial intelligence, expertise and security information between and among West African states In addition, a successful strategy against transnational human trafficking requires both the implementation of projects to fight human trafficking at local, regional and international levels and the enhancement of public awareness through programs aimed at sensitizin g local and regional populations about the problem Furthermore, it is necessary that regional and international actors maintain an accessible regional da ta bank that will also be a reference

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The Challenges of Transnational Human Trafficking in West Africa | 111 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a5.pdf source for future generations. Actually, the absence of reliable information and data collection techniques and effort contributes to the limited attention devoted to re solving human trafficking. It may also hamper the proper development of targeted technical assistance. This situation may then negatively impact the overall development of West African countries and all efforts by African governments and the international community to reverse the situation. Finally, the findings of our research should not be regarded as absolute and may require different approaches, dependent on time and place 45 Hence the necessity of ongoing research to define the sectors of priority related to transnational trafficking in human beings. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15

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112 | Sawadogo African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a5.pdf 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28

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The Challenges of Transnational Human Trafficking in West Africa | 113 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a5.pdf 29 Save the Children 2005. 30 31 32 UN Office for Drug Control and Crime Prevention 1999 This office was established in 1997 and renamed the UN Office on Drugs and Crime in 2002. 33 See UNDOC 2011. 34 Joy Ngozi Ezeilo of Nigeria s erves as the UN Special Rapporteur on Trafficking in Persons with a particular focus on women and children (2008 2011). 35 36 37 The Meeting of ECOWAS Heads of States, in December 2001, adopted a Declaration and the ECOWAS Plan of Action against Trafficking in Persons (2002 2003). It directed the ECOWAS Executive Secretariat to prepare proposals for controlling trafficking in persons in the sub region, with special consideration to the situation of trafficked childr en 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45

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114 | Sawadogo African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a5.pdf References Global Alliance Against Trafficking in Women ( GA A TW ). 2007. Collateral Damage : The Impact of Anti Trafficking Measures on Human Rights around the World Bangkok Thailand http://www.gaatw.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=420:background&cati d=153:How%20to%20get%20involved The Royal Institute of International Affairs 83.6 : 1071 90. Save the Children Save the Children Policy Brief 1.1 (Spring). http://www.savethechildren.org Sandouly Jeune Afrique 230, 13 19 February. http://www.jeuneafrique.com/Article/LIN13025auroylemrof0/

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The Challenges of Transnational Human Trafficking in West Africa | 115 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a5.pdf Tzvetkova Gender, Trafficking and Slavery (Oxfam Focus on Gender): 60 68. U nited N ations Office on Drug Control and Crime Prevention. 1999. Global Programme against Trafficking in Human Beings Vienna. UNODCCP. United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) 2006 a in Human UNODC Official Website September. http://www.unodc.org/documents/human trafficking/ht_research_report_nigeria.pdf Le Pays 28 November. http://www.lepays.bf/?TRAFIC DES ENFANTS

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African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1-2a7.pdf University of Florida Board of Trustees, a public corporation of the State of Florida; permission is hereby granted for individuals to download articles for their own personal use. Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Florida. ISSN: 2152-2448 BOOK REVIEWS Nwando Achebe. The Female King of Colonial Nigeria Ahebi Ugbabe Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2011. xiii, 305 pp. The Female King of Colonial Nigeria reconstructs the life and legacy of a powerful female leader in an appealing and engaging manner. Through substantive oral and archival research, Achebe provides an in-depth and extensive analysis of Ahebi Ugbabe. She begins by eloquently engaging her audience with a theoretically narrativized description of initial research undertakings and planning before the study. She takes the reader through her research journey from when she first set foot in Nigeria to study the female leader she curiously terms Th e Female King Male Daughters, Female Husbands (1989). Africa. It is packed with illuminating insights on the fluidity of gender and the colonial experience. A panoply of different issues become visible in her discussion, especially the centering of issues of gender performances and female masculinities, as well as the conceptions of female enslavement, female independence, and the definitions of prostitution in an African context. To illuminate the significance of the issues discussed, Achebe provides evidential even though some may question issues of memory and the validity of their expressions. Achebe begins by describing her initial research preparations and then grounds her study by contextualizing it around and about all other similar studies. The Female King of Colonial Nigeria as Achebe notes, speaks to all and above all criticisms she places or have been placed on other women (auto) biographies. But rather controversially, Achebe criticizes and discounts critics of her earlier critical works and elevates her text above other (auto) biographical texts written beforehand. Granted, Achebe clearly supports her text as critical in filling a gap in indigenous oral expressions, it advances an interdisciplinary approach to biographical study, and it forwards theoretical debates on sex, sexuality, gender, and enslavement as well as critical narrative conventions on the study of self. However, flaunting her text as the best is somewhat jarring. In the subsequent development through photos, and oral history. Achebe makes sure to include minute but necessary d re seen through her relationship with the British colonials as an informant, which may have impacted her various performances. Nonetheless, the author reveals the fascinating ambiguity whereby colonialism empowered women as much as it eroded their power in traditional societies.

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121 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1-2a7.pdf Finally, Achebe concludes by explicating the typical daily activities of an all-powerful Female King and warrant chief in her palatial palace. Part of her activities included adjudicating cases spanning from land to adultery, cases that she judged even without help and in opposition to the liking of the British colonial administrators. It is unfortunate that even though Achebe examines the conflict between Ahebi and the male elders in the community who felt ociation with the British colonials to keep her position as king, headman, and warrant chief, Achebe does not speak to or about the men in the society and how they negotiated their place under The Female King t pow her self commissioned burial rights. Achebe claims that Ahebi instituted her burial performances d -powerful stature alive, the story ends by a reconstruction of how Ahebi is presently remembered by her community. In my judgment, the book provides a comprehensive story of Ahebi. There is no doubt that Achebe made an effort to construct and create a detailed analysis of Ahebi, whose life story would otherwise be told in a single chapter. There is ample evidence that the book was cleverly crafted, pieced together to reconstruct Ahebi history and vignettes from the community including the authors own reconfiguration of the connections surrounding Ahebi. The Female King of Colonial Nigeria makes a solid contribution to the literature on women (auto) biography and the cogent treatments of gender, and sexualities. The book will benefit scholars, students, and those interested in issues of women and gender. There are, however, lengthy musical excerpts in the final chapters that may encourage or discourage a (non) musically oriented audience. Also, the text may push away readers who insist on gender parity, that of other scholars who have written on and provided insights on powerful Igbo women and studies on African women leaders. Anne Jebet Waliaula, University of Wisconsin, Madison Heike Behrend Resurrecting Cannibals: The Catholic Church, Witch-Hunts, and the Production of Pagans in Western Uganda Suffolk: James Currey, 2011. 214 pp. Africa is often regarded as home to witchcraft and cannibalism, two phenomena which have often been described in derogatory terms. In Resurrecting Cannibals Behrend ventures into the world of cannibals and witches and comes out with a book that is a must read for all interested in Africa. It is a useful resource in the study of history, religion, anthropology and sociology of Africa. With its catchy title readers would not be disappointed in the way cannibalism has been demystified in an unbiased professional manner. Behrend pinpoints some dimensions of African religion and sociology which have often been overlooked by researchers. For example, the fact that food produces substantial connection

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BOOK REVIEWS | 122 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1-2a7.pdf between persons other than just being a quench for hunger has not been fully explored. As a framework for the book, he identifies two factors as responsible for the origin and rise of occultism (cannibalism/witchcraft) in Africa AIDS and modern Christianity. He states that the strong increase in death rates caused by AIDS with its attendant quest to find meaning has contributed to the rise of cannibalism. Again, modern Christianity in Africa has not put an end to witchcraft and occultism but has provided a new context in which they make perfect sense (p. 70). Using Tooro, a community of Western Uganda as the study area, Behrend shows in his book how Christianity and African religious practices such as cannibalism and witchcraft on the other mirror each other. The first section of the book, discusses extensively the that gives an account of how the encounter with missionaries changed the socio-cultural dynamics, creating a situation of mutual suspicion betwe en Africans and whites. Finally, Behrend takes time to do a comparative analysis of complementary relationship between Christianity and cannibalism and how the former reinforced the latter instead of destroying it. The book identified paradoxical relationships; religion is supposed to promote peace but can also create violence (p. 112); Christianity condemns magic but promotes miracles (p. 124); eating and fasting are opposing actions with a common effect (p. 113); Falling down in the spiritual sense could be good and bad (p. 125). The book brings up an interesting story about the implementation of a democratic means of identifying witches (p. 80). In an attempt to ensure fairness, suspects were put at the mercy of community members who voted to decide whether or not they were witches or cannibals. Although the emphasis of this story in the book was to show how helpless government was in the wholesale adoption and implementation of ideas from the West to promote the development agenda of Africa. the African as notoriously religious plays out in advertisements and signboards in towns in Uganda (p. -Net Computer and Business how incurably religious the African can be. It is unfortunate that such an interesting and well researched book may appear to invite a limited number of readers because of its specialized and abstruse language that could cause it to be accessible to only academicians. For example, a sentence such as massacre and bureaucracy in the colonial world was the subject of experiment in a twilight zone 178) could potentially affect its possible readership. Moreover, even though Behrend did very well in presenting a fair and an unbiased account, the supplementary material in the form of a DVD included with the book portrayed stereotypical images of poor Africans in tattered clothes walking barefooted, images that negate his attempt to correct the misrepresentations of Africa. These observations notwithstanding, Resurrecting Cannibals is a great book. I would highly recommend it to researchers, students, and even those who would want to read for fun. In spite of its sole focus on Western Uganda, the book creates linkages with other African nations such

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123 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1-2a7.pdf as Sudan, Tanzania, Kenya, Nigeria, South Africa, et cetera, and the issues raised in the book are common and could conveniently be related to most African cultures. Coming from a Ghanaian background, I saw myself as an active participant in the stories as they unfolded in the book and I believe others would relate the same way upon reading it References Mbiti, J. S. 1969. African Religions and Philosophy New York: Anchor Books. Parrinder, E. G. 1962. African Traditional Religion London: Longman Richardson Addai-Mununkum, University of Wisconsin -Madison Elisabeth Bekers. Rising Anthills: African and African American Writing on Female Genital Excision 1960-2000. Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 2010. 262 pp. Rising Anthills is a chronological analysis of various literary works on the ritual of female genital excision (FGE). This custom, which is practiced on almost every continent and across the three major monotheistic religions, is attacked, defended, or a source of conflict in the plots of the texts covered in the book. The book is organized into three flexible time periods with the first looking at literature during the colonial period, where the characters are in conflict with Western missionaries over their traditional rites in rural villages. The second period focuses on authors writing in the newly independent states of Africa, situated in urbanized and growing towns. They are not battling European colonialists for progress but trying to find freedom in their own society. The third covers authors publishing in the 1990s with a more international perception of African women and their bodies. The introduction provides the reader with historical, linguistic (various terminology for FGE), and some cultural background to the significance of FGE to gender and ethnic identity and how the discourse of this practice has evolved in the latter half of the twentieth century. The timepieces she analyzes are a reflection of those changes and are undoubtedly shaped by local, national, and even global political thought and movement. The first time period of writings focuses mostly on literature of the Gikuyu ethnic group from Kenya. The author gives a detailed account of origin stories, social construction, and eventually ethnic solidarity that inscribes or literally carves womanhood onto the bodies of women in this community. The analyzed works The River Between by Ngugi, Daughter of Mumbi by Waciuma, and They Shall be Chastised by Likimani all take place in Kenya, in which the rural communities are colonized and occupied by European missionaries. The author carefully analyzes themes, narration point (female characters as focalizers), and deconstructs each fictional work to show how FGE's role in colonial Kenya served as a marker of ethnic identity in a struggle against European antagonists, and a post

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BOOK REVIEWS | 124 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1-2a7.pdf For the women in these novels, converted or not, mission-educated or traditionally trained in their ethnic rituals, FGE remained a nonnegotiable, significant marker of Gikuyu identity the Christian European context (p. 38). Bekers goes on to explain (p. 39) that both Christian and Gikuyu identities in the texts were drawing distinct idea s cultures failed in death of converted and excised Muthoni in The River Between the segregation of excised and unexcised girls at the missionary school in Daughter of Mumbi and Mr. Obadiah's staunch defence of FGE and Gikuyu women's submission to men, despite his western education and status as a school headmaster, in They Shall be Chastised This first chapter introduces the reader to many views of gender identity in the African vs. Western context, as well as socio-political ramifications of FGE and for the women who may or may not ch oose to undergo the procedure (unexcised girls not able to marry, being banned from community). This first wave African authors and literary pieces was a strong beginning to discussion of FGE and how it was politicized during this era, and what it meant for African women who seem to lose no matter what side they stood on. However, there is one connection which was no t iterated in Chapter One, with how FGE may have been a status marker in Gikuyu community. The missionaries were successful in converting many Africans, but as in Chinua Achebe's Things Falls Apart, some of the converts were already outsiders, men and women with little or no status in their community, or those who were already questioning their beliefs. it challenged those with high status within the Gikuyu community. Unexcised women are now the patriarchal constraints of the gender system in Kenya, and this challenged the status of excised women wh o gained respect and deference by following the norms of their community's sociocultural structure. They valued their tradition since they invested so much (physically and emotionally) to uphold it. Thus, this connection could also have contributed to politicization of ethnic identity and womanhood. The second time period brings us to the newly independent states of Africa with a new generation of authors and literary characters. Bekers analyzes a more diverse group authors who are from different countries, languages, and even genders. However, the omnipresence of FGE links the tragedy of the female principle characters. The writing styles and conflict ha ve also shifted: there are no European missionaries or colonial antagonists to defend a way of works of Kourouma's Les Soleils des Indpendence Farah's From a Crooked Rib El Saadawi's The Circling Song, Maga Ka's La Voie du Salut and many more. The protagonists are struggling for freedom and equality within their own society and culture. Many of the main characters in these second generation writings live in urban towns rather than small rural villages and suffer oppression at the hands of their kin, husbands, partner, or society at large. In these texts, however, it is really the violence of rape, military subjugation, poverty, forced marriages, war, and political corruption (on a national level) that take thematic precedence in these novels rather than FGE. The excision ritual, for protagonist Salimata in Les Soleils des Indpendence or

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125 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1-2a7.pdf Ebla in From a Crooked Rib or Hamida in The Circling Song is a distant but recurring memory that is part of a chronic chain of suffering, oppression, and violence against these women. Our principle characters are questioning the entire gender system that oppresses them and regulate their bodies as the properties of men, such as the rape of Amina in Sardines society where women are treated as man's exclusive property, a daughter's violation is a means In the end, the reader sees that the plight of African women continued after independence, the end of colonization brought no change to the oppressive gender system, and our focal characters' personal suffering (FGE, rape, difficult childbirth/infertility) paralleled the suffering of the nation on a whole. The second wave of authors brought more diverse insight into the plight of African women post-independence, one highlighted by Bekers in a connection to FGE. However, the diversity of voices may have made a weaker connection than in the first chapter, because it is only a connection and not a discussion. The second wave of authors do not seem to have a level of dialogue and congruity with each other, but seem to be writing inattentive to the FGE debate specifically and more to national politics. However, in contrast to the third chapter's literary analysis, this wave does highlight how African women viewed their plight of gender and national oppression versus how women in the African diaspora (living in America and elsewhere) viewed the scope of FGE and gender oppression. As Bekers states in her opening of objected to the condescension and reductionism of Western (feminist) interference, which sensationalized such issues as female genital excision instead of giving priority to African women's selfPerhaps, second generation authors, are addressing what they believe are women's self-defined needs, in which FGE plays a role, but not one that is central to gender oppression, as one may have originally believe. This brings us to the final chapter in Beker's book and the third generation of literary authors, who are more culturally diverse than our first two generations. The first few are African Americans like Gloria Naylor, Breena Clarke, Glenda Dickerson, and Pulitzer Prize winner Alice Walker. And some are African expatriates living in Europe and elsewhere like Fatou Keta, Saida Hagi-Dirie Herzi, and Evelyne Accad. First, there is an undoubtedly, united consensus that the authors and their characters are opposed to female genital excision. The controversy lies in the way these works were composed to typecast Africa and its people in a negative light. Alice Walker is the only author in this generation to receive a high level of criticism despite the fact that her work, Possessing the Secret of Joy gave more agency and positive light to her protagonist, Tashi, than other compositions during this time period; 164). In other works, such as Naylor's Outcast Virgin Mary or Clarke and Dickerson's Re/membering Aunt Jemima the excised female (or the woman avoiding her excision in Aunt Jemima ) hardly say any lines or narration in the story. It is the American women that speak on their behalf, for they are silent victims relying on enlightened Westerners to save them. In fact, as Bekers also point out, the protagonists end up emigrating from their native repressed culture

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BOOK REVIEWS | 126 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1-2a7.pdf to another country (such as America) to find liberation and peace. In these works, as well as Accad's L'excise patriarchy, prejudice, and lack of understanding are also relevant to the African men are the primitive violent aggressors in Walker's, Clarke and Dickerson's work, while African women were victims looking towards the West for salvation. The authors' focus of FGE has again shifted from ethnic identity to psychological trauma, to a physical health and human rights issue. Walker, Clarke and Dickerson, and Herzi, all bring up various health complications that may occur to a circumcised (specifically infibulated) women: hemorrhaging, infection, infertility, difficult childbirth, the pain of defloration, etc. All of the works in this chapter homogenizes the practice of FGE to all Africa, even though only some parts of Africa practice FGE (p. 173) and all of the writers use infibulation (which is the most extreme form of genital excision) as the ritual in question or they interchange between clitoridectomy and infibulation (p. 172) which may confuse an audience not familiar with the practice. These errors may work to further alienate African audiences and scholars from the debate, who may once more see ethnic and national identity under attack from imperialist westerners. Bekers ties up this final category very well in describing the last shift in literary writing of FGE and gender identity. However, there is no comparison between the second and third generation writings in her summation of how second generation Africans writers, as (cultural) insiders, describe their plight of gender oppression versus third generation African diaspora writers seeing FGE as central to the oppression and violence of African women. My earlier comparison of how these two generations saw the plight of African women showed a significant shift in the FGE debate; not only have the faces changed (African women to American women) of literary activists, but also the intended audience. Some of the erroneous assumptions and prejudices risk alienating African readers, the very people needed to instill change in the culture. Thus, one may ask, where are we today thirteen years after the latest work published in Beker's review? Is the plight of African women still in the global discourse, which vehemently opposes FGE as a central barrier to gender equality and freedom? Or has it returned back to national and local discourses of politics and social status? What will the fourth generation (assuming that we are in the fourth generation) of writers look like and how will they contribute to the debate of post-colonial, feminist, human rights, medical, economic, and gender construction of FGE? In the first chapter, due to the nature of colonialism and the growing grassroots efforts for independence, the authors described FGE as a marker of ethnic identity and not just patriarchy. Traditionalists (men and women) supported this rite as necessary for the cohesion of their community and their asymmetrical gender system as well as social status. In the second chapter, there is a shift in the debate; FGE is not the central theme in most of the works. However, it is explained in more detail as the physical and psychological pain as part of the protagonists' suffering through their long events of tragedies. Many of these post-independence authors are criticizing the oppressive state of newly formed African governments and the lack

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127 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1-2a7.pdf of improvement in women's status after colonialism. However, the dialogue of FGE in this generation is not a strong consensus, perhaps because FGE is not seen as central to plight as African women as it was in the first or third generation. By the late 80s and into the 90s, the debate goes global and literature now shows a unanimous disapproval of FGE. However, the lack of understanding of cultural traditions and prejudices that typecast Africans as homogenous and primitive may work to alienate African audiences; and in turn stall the debate or hinder any intercultural dialogue. The author chronologically reviewed over twenty works of literature to show the dynamic but yet sometimes subtle intricacies that helped shaped this complex cultural rite into the international discourse we have today. Bekers also shows a fascinating but albeit lesser known evolution of female African writers who have pioneered a genre since at least the mid-twentieth century. The general debate has many faces and perspectives that prove valuable to determining the plight of women (not just African); and how we can all work together to liberate ourselves from the subjugation of gender, violence, and race. Sabine Iva Franklin, Haitian Centers Council Inc Megan Biesele and Robert K. Hitchcock. Independence: Development, Democracy and Indigenous Voices in Southern Africa. New York: Berghahn Books, 2011. 269 pp. people) and their struggle for autonomy and political representation in Namibia under the colonial and the post-colonial administrations. While the authors emphasize the agency of the San in the realization of these goals, this book is about multiple actors, authors included, and how the interaction between the San and the outside world changed their plight. The political struggles of a group that constitutes less than 1 percent of total population is well articulated chapters and introduction. In summary the authors are able to demonstrate how the San, who were previously abducted to work on farms and mines and threatened with invasion by powerful local tribes, not only reorganized to defend their rights but also managed to start advocating for other San groups in Botswana. This book is a detailed anthropological piece; a must read for anyone interested in ethnic minorities, democracy, development, and southern Africa. The introductory chapter describes the earlier ethnographic work by Elizabeth Marshall Thomas and how her presence in Nyae Nyae transformed the lives of San people between 1951 and 1961. The encounter with Thomas creat that motivated them to transform their society. Chapter 1 traces the history land of reforms in Namibia and how the post in-dependence governance and their livelihood strategies and how they had to deal with the paternalism of the the colonial government that chose to relocate them to Tsumkwe instead of giving them secure rights on their land (Nyae Nyae). Chapters 3 a -

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BOOK REVIEWS | 128 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1-2a7.pdf down planning and the increasing role of formal institutions in transforming the established the Ju/Wa Bushman Development Founda ti (p. 68), to escape the social problems related to government subsidized alcohol, and to return to places where their ancestors were buried and they could live in contentment. The participation of externals, however, provided a basis for the colonial -operative (NNFC) provided an overarching framework for locals to speak with externals, including discussing 130) and enabled the Chapter 6, dence: The Years of Hope, the transition to independence. In particular, these institutions managed to deal with the South Africa Defense Forces (SADFC) anti-liberation pr opa ganda. After the 1990 elections, the number of visitors in Nyae Nyae increased and the new land reform proposal by the new government sought to dispossess the of their heritage based claims over Nyae Nyae. By 1991, nsitized and were able to strategically defeat the prescribed land reform models that were proposed by the post-independence government. When President Sam Mu -joma visited Nyae Nyae in 1991, he felt the area was fertile to sustain large herds of cattle, a poorly managing their environment in cluding the Herero who were eager to exploit Nyae Nyae for grazing resources. Chapter 7 details the work of the Nyae Nyae Development Foundation (NNDF) of Namibia, founded in 1981 by Marshall and Ritchie. The establishment of the development foundation was followed by an influx of international workers that created coordination and communication challenges. Chapter 8 looks at the role of NNDF after independence and highlights how the internal changes impacted internal power dynamics, the shift of San youths taking a leading role. Chapter 9 focuses on the first conservancy project in Namibia, an institution that legally empowers communities to derive financial benefits from wildlife resources. It also governance (see pp. 91, 92, and 110-11). Despite the challenges of dealing with externals, the n my view this work is facilitative rather than directive and provides a model for empowering local communities in a way that often times is not possible through short-term NGO projects. Shylock Muyengwa, University of Florida

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129 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1-2a7.pdf en-US Graham Bradshaw and Michael Neill (eds.). Farnham, UK and Burlington, VT: Ashgate Publishing Limited, 2010. 272 pp. en-US Th is volume consists a collection of twelve essays by different contributors that analyze creative works of J.M.Coetzee from different angles and present an all-round depiction of his creative activities, his deep psychological penetration into the inner world of his characters and, none the least, his treatment of the language as an indispensible tool of individual characteristics and the national South African English language as a whole. The volume will be of interest to literary critics, psychologists, sociologists, men and women of letters, linguists, and all lovers of good reading. The book appearance is timely and significant, in particular to those who are interested in the development of English literature in South Africa and the trends in the South African English language. en-US The literary work of J.M. Coetzee exerts a noticeable impact upon both South African public opinion and social consciousness and upon the existence and functioning of the national English language of South Africa. J.M.Coetzee is a protagonist and cultivator of a specific English style of South African prose, which presumes that narration referred to the past, is expressed in the present, events immediately preceding the narration in perfect, and those referred to a remoter past in simple past. In this style the function of the Definite Article is also somehow modified. These grammatical features are worth mentioning, since if this tendency persists and they become grammaticalised, it may lead to profound and fundamental structural changes in South African English. This was marked by J.Lamb who presents Coetzee as a realist, the realist who devoted much attention to the structure of the language (p. 179) and who, as one could see in his works, managed to introduce original specificity into the English of his own country. en-US Editors Bradshaw and Neill formulate their main goal as to align or realign the South and to most recent fiction (p. 2) The bo significance, however, goes far beyond these limits. en-US interesting is his South African period. It is this period when the specific language style and the controversial attitude to the events in the country were formed. Coetzee raises questions to which he often does not answer unequivocally and leaves them for the reader to answer. One can agree with D. striking but it is unlikely to produce as rich a harvest (p. 176). en-US D. Attrige justly remarks in his essay that the most favorable situation for the writer was that of political tension rather than relaxation that he met in Australia. Attrige tries to show the role of fine arts and nature in depicting the South African reality, which was characteristic of Coetzee, as well as of such South African writers as A. Brink, Z. Mda, and others. According to C. Clarkson, (p. 43). It is quite possible that the portrayal of such characters prompted Coetzee to create such language peculiarities that in future may grammaticalize and become established properties of the national version of English in South Africa.

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BOOK REVIEWS | 130 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1-2a7.pdf en-US novels. They agree with Attridge that reading occurs as an event, a living through the text which responds simultaneously to what is said and the intensiveness and singularity of the (p. 59). According to this statement, a question arises whether it is possible at all en-US to film fiction without losing its properties and intention. It is no wonder that Coetzee himself was very much concerned with the South Africannness of the film (p. 61). In agreement with (as well as works of any other writer beyond the place of its origin) will not distort the very idea of the original work. en-US Attwell discusses the role of the writer in society and the message the author is supposed to profound than teaching young people how to live. Co the experience and point of view of a particular personality whom the author portrays (p. 173). en-US All in all, one can agree with B. Dancygier in her concluding essay that the framework represented here is an interdisciplinary attempt to look at specific features of literary discourse through the lenses of conceptual structure (p.251). An attempt, one may add, that is very successful, instructive, and attractive. en-US Mark Diachkov, Institute of Linguistics Russian Academy of Sciences fr-FR Padraig Carmody. The New Scramble for Africa Cambridge, UK: Polity Press, 2011. X i 194 p p I was an avid student of African history during my high school years in the late 1980s where I had a chance to study the first scramble for Africa in the late nineteenth century. Consequently, The New Scramble for Africa motivated me to learn about the new and second scramble. As the title suggests, the current scramble is new, therefore, different from the first one that was mediated through the Berlin Conference of 1884 85. In my mind, the following questions arise, does book describe the newness of the new scramble, its cause and consequences and also offer policy recommendations? The nine chapters (plus an introduction and a conclusion) are concerned with one of the most debated issues today; the new scramble for Africa, or appropriately put, the new scramble from the very beginning (top of page 1). In this regard, Carmody appropriately borrows from then EU Commissioner for Development who, in 2009, stated that there is no denying that Africa has become a sought after continent in a short space of time, thanks to its strategic importa nce (p. 1). Carmody poses pertinent questions right at the beginning; i.e., why has Africa suddenly become strategically important for great and emerging powers? The book argues that the scramble is a consequence of the deepening process of globalisation and that one of the distinguishingfr-FR Having laid out the key features of the new scramble, the author states that the overarching

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131 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1-2a7.pdf fr-FR objective of the book is to explore reasons behind the new scramble, its nature and impacts? Thus, this review seeks to answer the question, did Carmody achieve this objective? Chapter One delimits the universe of the discussion by comparing/contrasting the old and new scrambles for Africa. Particularly, Carmody dispels the notion that Africans are helpless, passive and bemused spectators in the new scramble. Thus, through negotiations, African governments enter into deals that result in economic benefits, although in some, the rent is Two is concerned with the mosaic of powers, e.g., US, China, EU, Japan etc, that are competing for the e conomic hearts and minds of the Africans. Of particular interest is South Africa whose footprint has been planted all over Africa. Chapter Three discusses the hottest topic in political economy; that of Worthy of mention is the principle of flexigemony whereby China uses soft power and prioritises the economic over political and security concerns (p. 79). Relatedly, unlike western donors (the US as an example), Chinese aid is not tied to issues such as governance. Chapter Four comfortably links with Chapter Three whereby the role of other Asian investors, India and Japan, are discussed. In addition, the chapter discusses relatively new players in the new scramble for Africa; Brazil and Russia. Chapter Five deals with the familiar if not controversial topic of oil. Thus, given supply issues in the Middle East, African oil is regarded as a safer alternative. At the same time, Carmody argues that rent from oil extraction benefits a small section of the pop ulation as instanced by pockets of corruption in Equatorial Guinea and Angola. In C hapters Six and Seven the book takes the reader through the extraction of non oil resources: uranium and coltan (these are conflict causing), timber, bio fuels, plants, foo d and fisheries. Chapter Eight discusses Chinese investment in Zambia, highlighting issues of lack of skills transfer and strained labour relations. Chapter Nine development vis vis the new scramble. The conclusion, drawing from the nine chapters, asks, What is Afri scramble? Carmody optimistically opines th at there are potential benefits and hence exhorts African governments to develop win win situations with their suitors. Amongst others, they must sign mutuall y beneficial resource deals. The book has a number of strengths: objectivity, it is widely researched through the use of multiple sources and both the author and co-authors are experts in the area. Importantly, the book is an excellent reference source for those interested in understanding the new scramble for Africa. Notwithstanding these, it could do with shorter verbatim quotations. D id the book successfully explore reasons behind the new scramble, its nature and impact? Yes, it does as evidenced by its extensive coverage. Emmanuel Botlhale, University of Botswana

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BOOK REVIEWS | 132 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1-2a7.pdf Stephen Chan. Southern Africa: Old Treacheries and New Deceits New Haven: Yale University Press, 2011. 302 pp. The beauty of South Africa is always commented upon. It is only on arrival and taking in the tastes and smells and energy of its peoples, animals and environment can one begin to understand more keenly why throughout the twentieth century such a bitter battle was fought outstanding beauty of the Western Cape one is easily seduced. But Cape Town has its darker side like any city. From the wine growing regions of the C ape and the accompanying plethora of cuisines reflecting the multicultural heritages of the inhabitants; African, Mediterranean, European ,, or Asian, the tourist can easily get lost in the romance. Nevertheless the contrasts are there to see and cannot be hidden. Just riding from the airport the tourist is confronted with the harsh realities of life lived there. This is a pattern replicated throughout the country; Durban, Pretoria and Johannesburg all boasting modernity and pockets of affluence juxtaposed against enormous township areas dominated by the poor, dispossessed and increasing numbers of foreign migrant laborers. en-US To be fair this picture is the case to varying degrees for most cities around the world, though disparities of wealth are more or less it is more, and the situation ensures that the crippling legacies of Apartheid live on. The shortcomings of the current political leaders perpetuate what is human misery writ large. No surprise then that crime is endemic and ethnic conflicts threaten social cohesion as the unemployed compete for work with the foreign migrants fleeing their own nightmares. Crossborder neighbors, the Zimbabweans (not the only ones) also vote with their feet to escape the political and economic horrors of their rulers. Harare, too, offers contrasts of fate for its inhabitants, and thousands head into South Africa. These challenges and more lie at the cent er of the politics of the region. The grand aspirations fed by decades long fighting against Apartheid and its exports would have been difficult to meet under any circumstances. Furthermore the unrelenting long suppressed necessity to attend to domestic needs, such as job creation, housing, public health, building up of infrastructures, educational systems, and social justice would be a challenge for any country even without the extravagancies of an ambitious political class. en-US The insight provided by Professor challenges of the region to be foregrounded in a more multi-layered way than is often the case. Chan is well able to do so from a standpoint of the many years of work and travel in the region. In places the book is hard to put down and one is rem knowledge and access to the key movers and shakers. This can at times be grating but one cannot doubt the authority of experience from which he speaks. He contextualizes domestic politics against the history and interconnections of South Africa, Zimbabwe and Zambia. caricatures as complex astute politicians and diplomats. Chan purp ose is Western media has turned into black caricatures with the same sort of life we would

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133 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1-2a7.pdf automatically assume was inherent in Tony Blair, Gordon Brown, David Cameron, Nick Clegg, (pp. xii-xiii). Further by referring to the political intrigues of other central and southern Africa states in his analysis, readers are provided with a comprehensive and microscopic summary of the political, social and economic transitions of this region over the past thirty years. Refreshingly there are no hagiographic profiles or rose tinted visions. The colorful characters of Mandela, according to Chan Mugabe (speaks for itself!) Kenneth Kaunda, Thabo Mbeki, Jacob Zuma and Morgan Tsvan girai (few women are mentioned) present a warts and all portrait of these particular African leaders in their domestic and regional environs. This makes for a more nuanced and multi dimensional anal one di mensional portraits beloved by the Western media. Mind you with a character like Mugabe, it is hard to be balanced, though Chan manages not to make him a pantomime baddie. Chan is sticated vote rigging, the ugly violence and the corruption of generals siphoning off wealth from mineral deposits of neighboring Democratic Republic of Congo. Furthermore his ambivalent relation with Mbeki makes for interesting reading. Ambition and de ceit often underpin political life and Southern Africa is no different. en-US Chan is no great fan of Mbeki, and in the areas in the narrative where he attempts to put the book down. Zuma himself emerges as a chameleon able to reinvent and communicate with the mass in a way that the urbane Mbeki is clearly unable to do. He fatally lacks the common touch and Chan leaves the reader in no doubt of that. Neither does Chan spare his critique of European and other foreign interlopers. Whether i and Americans manipulating the resource rich region for their national and geo-political roles, or the perfidy of former colonial masters such as Britain, though their language is cloaked in politicalspeak suggesting no analysis to journalist commentary, peppered with anecdotes, does make for a compelling read about a complex region and state of political affairs. en-US se to the political leadership, western attention turned elsewhere. There were periodic dramas, however, that ensured the region kept in the World Cup, the ascendency of Jacob Zuma, a media dream if there ever was one, and the Tsvangirai, the main (but not exclusive) challenger. Through his easy writing style Chan enhances our understanding in a way that would appeal to a broad readership. We get a taste not only of the top table political strategizing but we are given an insight into the world of the current big men of Africa and the individuals who are affected by their governance. From the start, the story of the Zimbabwean Joseph, a migrant in South Africa, draws in the reader and presents the dilemmas facing individuals daily, while their political leaders try to outmaneuver each other for power. cal differences that developed in South

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BOOK REVIEWS | 134 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1-2a7.pdf organization that for too long has managed to hide behind its formidable mythology. For Chan, the ANC did not become the authoritarian party and fractious agglomeration of factions that it (p. 59). The problem started (some would argue it his failure to mediate intra-ANC conflicts played a role too. We are provided with a portrait of a far from liberal organization in its political ideology, or in its internal bureaucratic structure. It is a party rity. South Africans not only can see what is happening across the border, but its effects are felt on their own soil in the shape of the numerous Joseph ission to the people into a soap opera of personalities and (p. 65). Ironically this assessment sounds very much like the final years of Thatcher, t publication of the book missed the current ANC crisis over Julius Malema. Like other Southern Africa watchers, no doubt Professor Chan will be watching the unfolding events closely. Elizabeth Williams Goldsmiths College University of London en-US Alison Liebhafsky des Forges. Defeat is the Only B ad News: Rwanda under Musinga, 18961931. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2011. 306pp. en-US Des Forges carefully incorporat es the rich culture of the Rwandese people and also portrays the manner in which the Court system appeared in the late nineteenth and early twentieth ce nturies. She drew on oral histories and extensive archival research that shows how the separation of various groups in Rwanda led to their response of the colonial government, the traders, and the missionaries. Through her exploration and research she shows how Rwandese people used resources of the Europeans so as to enlarge their power even as they were seeking Newbury introduced and edited it thoroughly in order to provide a context that is deep to better understand the civil war in Rwanda a century later. en-US Defeat Is the Only Bad News is important for its content as well as its method. Through her comprehensive study of the ins and outs of the royal Court at a key time in its history, des Forges provides one of the most detailed and logical accounts available of an African political elite facing the twofold challenges of the early twentieth century through the establishment of colonial rule and the presence of large numbers of Christian missionaries. These were chaotic years, first as Germany then Belgium pursued a hostile plan of colonization in the country whereas the missionaries challenged the rite basics that had sustained kingship in Rwanda. en-US The author portrays how the Rwandan court served as the center stage of Shakespeare an proportions, which eventually emerges from her intelligent prose. By focusing on valuable oral accounts, missionary diaries, and a variety of other sources Des Forges sheds some light on the

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135 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1-2a7.pdf en-US intense atmosphere of the scheme, perceptive calculation, brutal betrayal, and sometimes murder that were the characteristics of the Court at this central moment in its history. en-US The reign of Yuhi Musinga offers rich material on the innermost rivalries that had long eroded the Rwandan Court against the powerful notables who ruled in its name or under its governance. It also gives perfect examples of the long old struggle between the Court and its agents, who were then trying to diversify their control on all sides, which was something that the common people opposed. The author also used one hundred and two Rwandans who took her through Rwandan history and shared their knowledge of their past experiences. They also helped des Forges understand how the court system of Rwanda operated back in the days. en-US The book well accomplishes the authors stated goals in various ways. There was the refinement of the royal culture where the Court developed its own beliefs, one which justified the rule of the leaders and expressed through an impressive array of highly formalized rituals and a set of historical stories explaining the origins of the dynasty. These elaborate ritual patterns justifying the royalty were the third attribute of court development. Des Forges writes but rather saw fit to control it from within. Therefore, the struggle for power and influence en-US The background to des Forges study introduces the social groupings of Rwanda to the reader, and the initial pages of her exposition gives a summary of the accepted social groups of pre -colonial Rwandan society as a set of clear, fixed and standardized administrative institutions. en-US Her thorough research reveals much more than the apprehension of power by a kinship group competing with the royal family. By examining the powerful politics at the Court over a range of fundamental issues, her study is seen to unveil the contested relations with many regions as the Court sought to expand its rule over the people in the southeast, north, the northwest, and southwest areas where the majority of people were opposed to rule by the Rwandan Royal Court at the beginning of the twentieth century and in some cases opted for outright resistance. This carefully researched, readable, and well detailed study about a critical perio understanding about court politics prior and after the beginning of the colonial rule. The a whether in English or in French, as its gives us the problems, anguish and turmoil that the people went through under the reign of Yuhi Musinga, who was a ruler who never valued the feelings of the common people and thus subjected them to a lot of suffering through the ruling that was made in the courts. en-US brings an understanding to the colonial situation that resulted in the rise of an uncertain future for Rwanda. The book potential audience is anyone who wishes to understand the catastrophe of people who live in Rwanda, and it can also be kept in the archives for children yet to be born, which will in turn aid in understanding how Rwanda people suffered in the face of Belgian

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BOOK REVIEWS | 136 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1-2a7.pdf en-US colonial rule, thus knowing the reason as to why Rwanda is in its current state, though it is now coming up from the ruins. Ilunga Tchoma Kitenge, Institut de R Europennes, IRERIE Mamadou Diawara, Bernard Lategan, and Jrn Rsen. Historical Memory in Africa: Dealing with the Past, Reaching for the Future in an Intercultural Context New York: Beghahn Books, 2010. vi, 248 pp. This is a diverse collection of essays related to an international research project sponsored by scholarly institutions in South Africa and Germany. For American scholars it provides a chance to read work based in a German and French bibliography, representing interdisciplinary academic networks from Germany, South Africa, and Canada. The articles are loosely organized around the analysis of historical memory, sometimes defined as public history or commemoration, in Africa during times of violence. The example of South Africa, and particularly its Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), dominate the book, with some space given to other places in Africa, like the Congo, and comparative examples from India, South Korea, and the Holocaust. The book ends with two articles on the praxis of forgiveness and reconciliation. What this collection adds to an already prolific field is attention to the link between memory of the past and anticipation of the future. The editors ask us to read history from the future backwards as we prioritize the possible over the real (p. 3). They posit that collective memory has been used in both constructive and destructive ways in postcolonial Africa. tion and group mobilization, with explicit consequences for human life. The authors are clearly concerned not just with documenting history but also with prescribing positive ways of using historical memory for inclusion rather than the justification of violence. They warn that those who appropriate historical memory, whether for building up or tearing down, control its future (pp. 104-5). While my first assessment of this book was its lack of coherence and clear contribution, I find myself still mulling over and talking with colleagues about many of its provocative points. Better editing and vetting for consistency, with a more theoretical introduction, would strengthen its impact. The wide range of writing genre and style is often distracting. It would be for me to fully grasp the role of the future in the process of memory, even though based on European theological examples. The theme of historical memory in relation to the future is only marginally addressed in many, nonetheless, interesting articles. For example, Macamo writes about the need for an African-generated Sociology to make sense of the experience of modernity (Mozambique). Diawara makes the case for the future-minded development industry to gain historical perspective (Mali). And Joubert argues that oral memory is still a significant way to

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137 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1-2a7.pdf access lived experience (South Africa). The collection will be useful to scholars already versed in the field but not as an introduction. The collection will certainly be useful for scholars interested in South Africa, the TRC, and memory around a new majority democracy and the need for unity after apartheid. South Africa provides a model for studying the effects of investing enormous energy and public funds in historical memory. Other articles on South Africa take up commemoration of the South African War (Grundlingh), the politics of memory (Harries), and the TRC (Gobodo-Madikizela), while others use the TRC as a comparative case. These scholars explore South Africa as a nation founded on trauma yet seeking to include all citizens. Other provocative issues surface without being fully resolved. New media, like internet and film, for housing public memory and transformations in concepts of time and space that affect historical memory (Jewsiewicki, Jourbert) suggest new avenues for research. Other authors focus public/commercial history in South Africa thrives while the historical profession sinks into crisis (Harries). Similarly, the discourse of victimhood and identification with suffering is increasingly powerful in the commemoration of genocide. The victim narrative of colonialism however begins to ring false fifty years later and a new narrative of meaning has not unfolded (Bisanswa). The unifying message is that how we commemorate the past matters for lives today and can be influenced by how we think about possible futures. Jan Bender Shetler, Goshen College Donald L. Donham. Violence in a Time of Liberation: Murder and Ethnicity at a South African Gold Mine, 1994. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2011. xiv, 237 pp. Violence in a Time of Liberation captures the oddity and enigma of political violence that accompanied the luster and euphoria of 1994 in South Africa. To the outside world 1994 represents a year liberation, first democratic elections, and the historic voting in of Nelson Mandela as the first president of democratic South Africa. However, to many black Africans inside South Africa 1994 also represents extreme violence symbolic of the last dying breaths of a brutal regime. Conflicts along political lines especially between Inkatha, the African National Congress (ANC) members, and the third force engulfed many townships before and after the historic elections. often mislabeled by western media as ethnic conflicts between Zulus (Inkatha) and Xhosas (ANC). The author states that reading violence as simply Zulu (Inkatha) and Xhosa (ANC) conflict is inaccurate as the founding president of the ANC was Zulu, as is the current president. The book is based on an ethnographic case study of a goldmine in Johannesburg in 1994. The author reveals complexity of violence in the gold mine through narratives from

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BOOK REVIEWS | 138 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1-2a7.pdf various stakeholders within the context of apartheid. The book is divided into eight chapter s excluding the preface and the post-script. It is a must read not only for anthropologists but also for people who want to understand the daily and intimate workings of the South African apartheid system within an institution, and the contradictions that marked the end of apartheid and the transition into political democracy. Photographs in the book (by Santu Mofokeng) enrich and complement narratives. The first chapter introduces the narrative of murders within the gold mine. The rest of the book provides an explication of why murders occurred according to the African workers, white workers, and the author himself. The author warns that narratives should be understood in the context of the general framework of apartheid, which simplified everything along racial and ethnic lines. He points out that simplification of everything along racial and ethnic lines was dialogic, externally imposed, and internally reified. Narratives in the book are reflective of the Above all, Donham delineates connectivity of forces, such as racialized capitalism and enforced segregation, which nurtured violence and brutality of the apartheid system. The author asserts that blood and sustained the economy and brutality of apartheid and also psychologically occupied a significant space in the narratives of both black and white gold mine workers. While the book is well researched, in the post-script the author implies that ANC aligned labor unions were well armed with modern weapons whereas Inkatha members had traditional weaponry. This implication overlooks evidence that emerged during the Truth and Reconciliation Commission hearings, which revealed that Inkatha and the third force were systematically armed with modern firearms by the apartheid government sympathizers. In sum, the book is well written and meets the goal of problematizing simplification of African conflicts to decontextualized ethnic conflicts. The author excellently delineates that narratives of violence in South Africa, or anywhere else, should be read as partial, incomplete, subjective, and located within a larger socio-political and economic context. Shirley Mthethwa-Sommers, Nazareth College David T. Doris. Vigilant Things: On Thieves, Yoruba Anti-Aesthetics, and the Strange Fates of Ordinary Objects in Nigeria. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2011. 420 pp. project. It is people, after all, who create, deploy, and interpret l and my goal has been to understand the objects as they fulfill their roles in the lives and thoughts of those people (p. 27). is of inestimable socio-cultural value because it thoroughly documents an aspect of Yoruba cultural semiotic l To the best of my knowledge the book is the first of its kind that seems to fully put in book form hitherto apparently under-researched aspect of believed to possess or imbued with some kind of power or authority to protect valuables and

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139 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1-2a7.pdf ward off or punish thieves who make away with such valuables. The enormity of the content of this book of l is a testimony to the relevance of the subject itself as an element of the traditions that organize the Yoruba ethnic group of Nigeria. The unreduced presence of l in the Yoruba socio-semiotic life is palpable, as recorded in the book. Putting the subject matter of l in an interesting and clearer perspective, Doris pervades his study with history and origin, cultural definitions, forms and kinds, power and authorities, functions and essences, people and places, photographs and images, witnessed demonstrations, translations and interpretations, graphic descriptions (p. 140), cultural boundaries and linkages (p. 148), cultural memes, idiosyncrasies and significances (pp. 148-59). Clearly, according to the author, l is n ot a pretty thing, it is repulsive and meant to repel with a promise to punish transgression of accepted behaviors in Yoruba society. In the Introduction Doris begins with a glimpse into the If-Modkk age long conflict Modkk conflicts. The subject of attraction was the l which Mr. Aflb erected on a pile of wood. The pile of wood, on which the l lies, makes meaning in the symbolic and pillaging of the Nigerian nation perpetrated by both military and civilian rulership. Do l cascade into description and definitions of what l is and what it is not (pp. 14-20), drawing contrastive and relationship perspectives in the episteme of se l ,wrn pp. 16-20) in the Yoruba semiotic world. The book is divided into three parts apart from the and : Part I, Crea ting l (segmented into two: Presence, Power and the Past, and Palm Fronts; mrw ), II, Call-and-Response (segmented into two as well: What We Look at and Remember, and Color; w ), and III, Portraits and Punishments (segmented into four: An Ontology of the Broken, Corncobs; Sk gbdo, Snail Shells; karawun gbn and Brooms; gbl ). According to the book, no particular locale or origin could be associated with l However, the book, citing and abstracting possible multiple sources in Yoruba orature, historical narratives, social origin linked to gbni society of honored elders, allegory drawn from If divination, which proffers mythic origin, documents left by foreign travelers and l have long played a significant role in the Yoruba cultural landscape, and that Yoruba people have long regarded them as power p. 38). In Part I, Doris engages both the relational dependency and epistemology of l to how it is created, the power it issues, its essences and significances in Yoruba semiotic milieu, This account is integrated with demonstrated photographs ( pp. 46 -48, 52-55) and the semiotic of meaning which l signifies. Most enlightening in this part is l relational power dependency on and abstraction of authority from Yoruba semiotics of oj (the index of power), lut (good hearing and appropriate response), pnhn (making agreement with l ), yaj (we borrow the day), and jb (paying homage to the source of power). For example, on how it is created, readers will experience a first-hand documentation of the ritualistic processes of l creation with the use of mrw (palm fronds) in which the author was directly involved (pp. 100-19). In this

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BOOK REVIEWS | 140 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1-2a7.pdf relational dependency of creation and power of l Doris concludes thus: In the production of l the person enters into a set of constitutive combinatory relationships, not only with the object, but also with the institutional forces that precede and exceed both subject and object. These collective forcesdivine, social familialauthorize all utterances of power in Yoruba culture, sanctioning a person to act on their behalf. In this way, l like better-known works of the Yoruba artistic canon, come to represent in traditional formenduring, genuine, and very realthe lawful forces that bind the society together (p. 49). Parts II and III are replete with categories of welll These elements range from those that may be imbued with sacredness to ordinary disused things like a piece of red cloth, a worn shoe, mrw (palm front) (pp. 86-119), corncobs (pp. 280302), rags, snail shell (pp. 303-23), brooms (pp. 324-42), broken pots and combinations of other things. Doris found that the creator of l has the latitude in the choice of objects depending on wer (p. 123) and the context of application. These sections are particularly interesting because the author, in her categorization, apart from explaining the l and how power issues to and from it, details the forms and types of things for the making of l (pp. 135-37). Their sources and descriptions (140), interpretation and symbolism (pp. 240-47) from Yoruba oral genre of If and orature, their ordinary and semiotic uses, their power abstractions and significances in relation to Yoruba pp. 123-24) are documented. In this, Doris discovered that the creation of fear an abstraction of the power of l is derived from the three-dimensional understanding of the presence of l image, the creator and the r kn (conscience) (p. 174) on the Yoruba metaphor of seeing (pp. 218-21) and semiotics of wrn (p. ld -be thief. Four major factors serve this book well: (1) an avalanche of sources of information; people and places, oral traditions, books and journals, history and archives, interviews and witnessed demonstrations; (2) a translation of Yoruba source language and cultural semiotics and interpretation into English; (3) photographs and images; and (4) an interpretive explanation of Yoruba semiotics like w (color) in interdependency relation with l and its signifying essence. These compelling factors will particularly attract Yoruba and none Yoruba readers to enjoy and understand the semiotics of l and its wider hermeneutics in Yoruba cultural milieu. Yomi Okunowo, University of the Western Cape, South Africa Toyin Falola and Saheed Aderinto. Nigeria, Nationalism, and Writing History. Rochester: Rochester University Press, 2010. xiii, 333 pp. It is not strange that Nigeria has been the subject of important publications on Africa by Africanist writers as well as Nigerian historians of different ilk and perspectives in the last two decades. The fact is that there are more publications on Nigeria written by non-Africans than those by Nigerians and other Africans. The cumulative effect of the ever-increasing interest in

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141 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1-2a7.pdf Nigeria by nonhistory and traditions beyond its limited confines. The book under review is majorly concerned about the representations of Nigeria by pre-colonial and post-colonial Nigerian historians as they sought to counter Eurocentric stereotypes about the peoples and cultures of Nigeria during the particular historical epoch of their preoccupation. Spurred by nationalist fervor, Nigerian historians of the first and second generations, according to the authors, reconstructed the objective in addition to reflecting on historical renditions on Nigeria, was to re-introduce Africans into history writing about Africa in view of the diminishing share of African historians in the global output of literature on Africa. In its sixteen chap comprising K.O.Dike, Adiele Afigbo, J.F. Ade Ajayi, J.A.Atanda, Bolanle Awe, Obaro Ikime, G.O.Olusanya, Tekena Tamuno, and Yusufu Bala Usman. A chapter each was devoted to the wo rks of these historians which also detailed their educational attainment as certified historians. The authors compared and contrasted the works of these historians to show how each of these historians interpreted such important topics as indirect rule, Christian missionary activities, the evolution of Nigerian state, the utility of oral traditions in historical writings, the origins of Nigerian peoples, and the formation of states and empire, among other subjects. In history within the context of African historiography while portraying the fragmented nature of the Nigerian nation as the trigger of its fragmented histories. It is evident that the authors all through the book believe that by reviewing the scholarship of their selected Nigerian historians, they could generalize on the important role of historians in the production of knowledge. There was a celebratory tone in their analyses of the works of rounds of their specific and unique focus, there is every reason to believe that some of the excluded Nigerian historians could have added value to the quality and substance of the book. For instance, the exclusion of E.A. Ayandele and Bolaji Idowu, foremost chroniclers of the Christian missionary incursion into Nigeria and Africa, activities in Nigeria an incomplete account. Aside from the fact that the selection of Nigerian historians would appear to be unrepresentative of the diverse schools and thoughts in Nigerian historiography, there is an erroneous belief that only those who studied history and acquired postgraduate degrees in the discipline deserve to be spotlighted as celebrated historiographers as our authors have done. It scholarship while in actual fact notable Nigerian scholars such as Claude Ake, Bade Onimode, Ola Oni, etc rendered richer and incredibly pungent radical historical analyses than Yusufu Bala Usman.

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BOOK REVIEWS | 142 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1-2a7.pdf However, the book under review is a well-written piece which highlights the different phases of -colonial era to the post-colonial times as captured through the histor methodological approach to the study of Nigerian history. It is analytical in its presentation of historical facts and renders its arguments in logical sequence under some selected themes and sub-themes a format that runs through the book. This style of presentation makes the book orderly and organized. The language us age of the authors is lucid and elegant thereby making the book comprehensible. It would appear that the objective of the authors for writing the book is achievable especially when viewed against the backdrop of the growing realization across developing countries of the world that globalization has the potential of obliterating their cultures and values. Thus, our and globalization is sagacious. This book is a must-read for students and teachers of Nigerian history and anyone who is interested in Nigerian, and indeed African historiography. John Olushola Magbadelo, Centre for African and Asian Studies, Garki-Abuja, Nigeria en-US Timothy Derek Fernyhough. Serfs, Slaves and Shifta: Modes of Production in PreRevolutionary Ethiopia Addis Ababa: Shama Books, 2010. 344 pp. en-US Tim Fernyhough passed away in 2003, and this book, which is based on his doctoral dissertation (University of Illinois, 1986), was later completed by his wife, Anna Fernyhough. The book offers new and original insights to economic structures and changes in various parts of Ethiopia. It is rich in details, well-documented, and treats a highly complex subject matter in period under question is from the late nineteenth to the early twentieth centuries. en-US The discussion of this vast theme is structured around three main topics (which also in Ethiopia. The investigation of feudalism in the first part (which is merely one chapter) is firmly situated within relevant research and contains interesting details and convincing arguments. Fernyhough embarks on a discussion of the relevance of the term feudalism for the Ethiopian context in general, and for southern Ethiopia in particular. He offers new and interesting insights to the existence of a feudal order in the states of south-western Ethiopia and his was in clear contrast to other parts of southern Ethiopia, where the feudal system was a novel introduction, and where ethnicity and religion exacerbated tensions between northern settlers and the indigenous population. The bulk of the chapter is, however, devoted to the southwestern part, and one could have wished for additional investigation into the economic structures of the south-east.

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143 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1-2a7.pdf en-US The second part (chapters 3-7), devoted to slavery and slaving in Ethiopia, discusses slave as a mode of production, the trajectories of the slave trade, and the gradual decline of slavery in the twentieth century. Fernyhough offers original insights into the institution of slavery in the south-western states, demonstrating that slavery coexisted with a feudal mode. Arguing that that the majority was engaged in domestic service, and that servile labor never surpassed forced agricultural labor and feudal rent. Whereas he touches upon the role of Muslims in the slave trade and Christian attitudes to slavery, more attention to this in relation to the particularities of Christian-Muslim relations in Ethiopia would surely have added value to the analysis. Fernyhough provides highly interesting insights on how international pressure and Haile convincingly that the increasing importance of tenant cultivators was a main factor in its demise. As he concludes, slavery became commercially irrelevant and socially anachronistic. en-US The third part (chapters 8concept of the social bandit as a point of departure, Fernyhough connects banditry to the feudal order, and rightly argues it was an expression of social protest, as well as a form for political and social mobility. He distinguishes between noble and peasant bandits, and provides relevant insights into differences between the north and the south, as well as within the southern regions. While the concept of banditry may be fitting for some cases, its general application arguably conceals some important nuances. My own ongoing research on this has revealed that armed insurgency in the south was, rather than banditry, an expression of political resistance to the Ethiopian state, and that ethnicity and religion were far more important factors than assumed. en-US This latter point relates to the theoretical perspective of the book, in which Fernyhough applies Marxian concepts with that of a mode of production as the primary analytical tool. The argument is that the unity of relations and forces of production determine the form of state authority and class structure, and the overall analysis is framed within a perspective in which economy and material realities are the fundamental forces. This consequently reduces the role of forces of a more ideological nature to merely a supra-structure. The book would have benefited from a broader approach, in which kinship, ethnicity, and religion ought to have been incorporated, and where such issues had been recognized as operating interchangeably with that of class. These comments notwithstanding, the book is a very important contribution to the field of Ethiopian studies, and should moreover be relevant for those interested in the economic history in Africa in general. Unfortunately, Shama Books has not done a very good job in producing this book, and a work like this would have deserved a better layout and c opy editing. Terje steb, University of Florida

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BOOK REVIEWS | 144 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1-2a7.pdf Jonathan Glassman. War of Words, War of Stones: Racial Thought and Violence in Colonial Zanzibar Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2011. xii, 398 pp In War of Words, War of Stones Jonathan Glassman seeks to reconcile the contradiction between "primordialist explanations of Zanzibar's racial divisions" and the common representation of cosmopolitan Zanzibar as "the epitome of ethnic fluidity and racial indeterminancy" (p. 5). Glassman challenges the perspective that Zanzibar's racial tensions were a direct result of colonial policy by arguing that it was in fact the influence of ideas produced by nationalist thinkers. This led to the "racialization of politics" that precipitated the violent pogroms of early 1960s Zanzibar (p. 108). Against the colonial backdrop where British rulers and educators played "important supporting roles" he analyzes how African protagonists developed the racial thought that precipitated and justified acts of violence in the years leading up to independence. The overarching narrative concentrates on how and why "Africans' efforts to imagine a postcolonial political community resulted in racial violence and dehumanizing racial thought" (p. ix). Readers familiar with Glassman's previous book, Feasts and Riot: Revelry, Rebellion, and Popular Consciousness on the Swahili Coast, 1856-1888 (Heinemann 1995) will see continuities in his approach to history. Here, in a study of a massive rebellion against the German colonial of lowerwere those of paternalism and community rather than of class and nation, and where popular struggles were rarely concerned explicitly with issues of state power or the organizing of economic production" (p. xi). His analysis in this earlier work is also embedded in a comprehensive understanding of how cultural idioms shaped the motivations of local actors. In both works, Glassman is careful to stress that these historical trajectories were not inevitable. In War of Words, War of Stones he tries to go beyond the simple stereotypes, despite the fact that his a normative mold of typecasting clear heroes and villains (p. x). In Part I's two introductory chapters, Glassman critiques dominant instrumentalist and structuralist "misapprehensions" of African ethnicity and race to explain why he instead focuses on the "role African thinkers played in the construction of race" (p. 8). Part II, "War of Words," looks at the emergence of "exclusionary ethnic nationalism" amongst the secular intelligentsia before turning to subaltern intellectuals' discourse. Glassman then emphasizes transformations in civil society during the late 1950s and early 1960s, which can be seen in the "newspaper wars" where the racially charged vitriol of the press contributed to "politicizing every day life" (p. 149). In the final part of the book, he shows how the "war of words" influenced and led to the "war of stones," the June 1961 election riots. The substantive part of this book ends on the eve of the 1964 revolution, which means the coup and its aftermath are not discussed. In his conclusion and epilogue he connects his argument to the formation of contemporary Zanzibari identities. Glassman offers a bold and persuasive argument that challenges much scholarship on

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145 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1-2a7.pdf ethnicity, race, and colonial influence in Africa. He contends that "the rise of racial thought in colonial Zanzibar was largely the work of indigenous intellectuals, including those at the forefront of mainstream nationalism, who in their debates and disputations created a locally hegemonic discourse of racial difference" (p. 7). This contrasts with much of the prevailing literature, which assumes that ethnic conflicts arise from colonial created social structures. Contrary to growing trend to use and insist on oral evidence, Glassman discounts oral "ingrained propensity in African studies to privilege oral sources" as more authentic, which he sees instead as "allowing nationalists to shape the historical record with their own post factor self-representations" (p. 7). This book is a well organized and well written account of Zanzibar's "time of politics," a period spanning from the first elections in 1957 until independence in 1963. A critical political and intellectual history, this book is required reading for anyone interested in Tanzania's history. It, moreover, is a valuable contribution to literature on racial thought and relations in Africa that will appeal widely to both scholars and students. Katrina Demulling, Boston Univeristy Robert A. Hill and Edmond J. Keller (eds). Trustee for the Human Community: Ralph J. Bunche, the United Nations, and the Decolonization of Africa. Athens: Ohio University Press, 2010. 205 pp. elationship to the continent, then, is the most useful purpose for the work. Although Trustee for the Human Community is comprised of conference papers from Africa, but it is notably the first major Trustee for the Human Community contains ten essays that analyze Bunche and Africa in three specific contexts. In Part One, Martin Kilson, Robert Edgar, Elliott P. Skinner, and Pearl T. lationship to Africa, writing on his experiences during dissertation research and the degree to which these intellectual pursuits influenced the future Crawford Young, and Georges Nzongolawith Patrice Lumumba during work in the Congo. These two parts do of course overlap. I t becomes readily apparent that Bunche saw his intellectual and diplomatic pursuits as intricately connected, and the essayists take care to describe the inner dissonance their subject often experienced when theoretical ideals and practical ones did not seem to prove compatible. Ralph A. Austen and Charles Henry conclude in Part Three by providing general reflections on Bunche and his accomplishments in both arenas.

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BOOK REVIEWS | 146 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1-2a7.pdf Though this book initially adopts a celebratory tone toward Bunche at his centenary, it doe s so with a fairly nuanced view of the subject. Rather than being a saviour or visionary, Bunche becomes a complex individual whose legacy remains subject to interpretation, as each essayist interprets it slightly differently. This, again, is the strength of the book. It is purely a work on African Americans in Africa more generally. Several of the authors do debate whether Bunche should be viewed as representative of Westerners involved in Africa or African Americans interested in Africa, and while the answer may sometimes be yes, Bunche remains unique in many important respects. The role of the United Nations in Africa may be a little overplayed, particularly toward the independent Congo but largely exclude a description of United States or European actions there. The UN does become a useful space for analyzing the conne academic and practical interests, as his work within the organization is based both upon the theoretical conclusions of his dissertation and its ramifications for reforming the Trusteeship system as well as on his lived experiences as an African American living in an imperial society. contradictory; the man who believed so strongly in the need for decolonization and independence still viewed African and Asian countries as needing guidance from the West under the Trusteeship and Mandate systems and refused to accept Pan-Africanism as a productive mechanism for facilitating decolonization despite his belief in connections between Africans in the Old and New Worlds. Bunche also becomes both a pawn of the UN and one of its directors. The differing and complicated person. Trustee for the Human Community remains, however, a highly Bunchecentered work, not only in terms of subject matter, but also in its discussions. While the essays to how African leaders or his UN colleagues viewed Bunche. Integrating these perspectives would have added to the discussion on the complexity of Ralph Johnson Bunche. Additionally, field. Although his intellectual and practical pursuits are related, they eventually culminate with his role at the UN. Toward the beginning of the book, Martin Kilson notes that Bunche became the first dissertator at an American university to utilize African fieldwork in his studies. The focus, however, remains on Bunche as a diplomat rather than an intellectual. Trustee for the Human Community does fulfil its goal of presenting an in-depth look at ip with the continent. While more information on perceptions of Bunche would have been welcome, it is overall a nuanced view of an often-celebrated and occasionally-maligned African American. As a short and fairly simple read, it should be appropriate for generalists or undergraduate audiences, as well as Africanists seeking a better understanding of Bunche. Myra Ann Houser, Howard University

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147 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1-2a7.pdf Douglas H. Johnson. Suffolk: James Currey, 2011. xix, 236 p p. Following the overwhelming vote of southern Sudanese for independence from Sudan in January 2011 and the establishment of the new Republic of South Sudan on 9 July 2011, Douglas Johnson has revised first published in 2003. This revised (and final) edition contains a new preface and concluding chapter and is targeted at students, policy makers, Johnson is well-qualified to explain the root with that country. He holds a PhD in Sudanese history and is the general editor at James Currey, which publishes quality academic works on Africa. The book under review relies on edge of Sudan, built from considerable time living and travelling by the central government, particularly in the south, but he is no apologist for the often destructive actions of some southern leaders. resolution and threaten the long-term reconciliation between the central government and excluded peoples throughout the country. The root causes are: An exploitive relationship between the centre and the peripheries Militant Islam Premature granting of independence in 1956 A nationalist movement narrowly based on the northern elite Economic weakness in the north, natural resources Self-interested involvement of foreign governments and investors in Sudanese affairs. analysis of Suda solution must address the grievances of the marginalised who have had little reason to date to trust the state (and international mediation efforts for that matter). Johnson concludes that these root causes of conflict can only be addressed by replacing the authoritarianism of the past with a long term process of democratic transition. However, his assessment of whether the current peace initiative based on the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) between the g on: Self-determination for the South has finally resolved the longest running dispute of ring a comprehensive peace for all root in the new republic of the South at the same time that the struggle to realise the promise of the CPA continues in the old Sudan. (p. 180) Although Johnson traces the origins of at least one of his root causes the exploitation of the peripheries by the cent ere to the early Nile states prior to the Turco-Egyptian conquest of

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BOOK REVIEWS | 148 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1-2a7.pdf and post-colonial Sudan takes 171 pages. Johnson is at his best in discussing the postindependence period and does an admirable job in making sense of the intricate politics of Sudan from the 1970s onwards. Those readers new to Sudan will find the chronology invaluable, but the usefulness of the bibliographical essay, which was a strength of the original edition, may be limited for some. Apart from a new section at the end of the essay on Dafar and the CPA, the rest of the esssay does not appear to have been updated since the book was first published in 2003. Thus, the A History of Modern Sudan (2008), which is also an excellent survey of Sudanese history. Similarly, the essay lists the Human Rights Watch publication, Sudan, Oil and Human Rights Abuses as forthcoming, when it was in fact published in 2003. My comment on the currency of the bibliography, however, is a very minor quibble that should not detract from the value of this book to the nonsis of independence, Johnson has given us a very important and useful survey history of Sudan. Sonny Lee Independent Scholar, Adelaide, Australia Michelle T. Kuenzi. Education and Democracy in Senegal. New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011. xiii, 190 pp. Education and Democracy in Senegal is an important contribution in the field of education in examines the effects of non-formal education (NFE) on civic participation and behaviors. Kuenzi compares NFE to both formal and Koranic education in Senegal and argues that NFE -23). To advance her argument, Kuenzi engages a qualitative research study in Seneg -formal education. Moreover, to investigate NFE at its core, she chooses to utilize a survey methodology of rural Senegalese citizens. The first chapter highlights the theoretical foundations of the NFE in general, and specifically NFE in Africa. She posits that NFE is more culturally relevant in comparison to formal education and therefore more pertinent to Senegalese citizens. Thereafter, the author takes the reader through a literary analysis of literature in modernization theories that support her argument that non-formal education fosters positive political and democratic attitudes in its citizens. Chapter Two provides a contextual background of the politics of Senegal from the pre-colonial to the post-independence period and how this contextual background influenced and continues to influence education in Senegal. Further in the chapter, Kuenzi brings in a discussion of the Senegalese presidential election in 2000 and its remarkable impact on ethnicity, history, politics, and religion in the

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149 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1-2a7.pdf country. Chapter Three offers an overview of the history of education in Senegal beginning with the French colonial rule and its influence on the education system through to the current education system. In Chapter Four, Kuenzi embarks on her qualitative research study by presenting the different aspects of her study including its design, sample population and its applicability to the countries around the world. Chapter Five presents an analysis of the findings as it relates to and supports civic and social political attitudes and participation. The results as is expected from the modernization theories advanced at the outset, suggested that NFE considerably appears to promote positive changes in political and civic behaviors and attitudes. Both Chapters Five and Six analyze research findings from the survey conducted in rural Senegal. While chapter five discusses at length a bivariate analysis of the findings, Chapter Six focuses on multivariate analysis of the findings. The final chapter offers Kuenzi thoughtful observation and presents policy implications of NFE in Senegal. She particularly focuses on how the findings affect and impact women empowerment in general, as this is the group mostly benefiting from NFE. In conclusion, with regard to validity of the study, Kuenzi applies different qualifying checks including giving specific details of the research context and methodology. She particularly presents the minute details as to the qualifying checks and measures that were put in place, most importantly, to minimize errors and to give the reader a comprehensive and substantive picture of the study. Kuenzi makes a solid contribution to the literature on education in Senegal and on nonformal education in general. She succeeds in advancing her argument that NFE has positive effects in its adult citizens by influencing their democratic choices in voting and in approaching community leaders. However, Kuenzi does not explicitly and evidentially show how the NFE helps individuals to reach for leadership positions or provide examples of individuals who benefited from NFE and made discernable changes in their lives, society or in their country as a whole. Rather the positive democratic behaviors and attitudes seem superficial and do not demonstrate active political participation and involvement. Also in putting emphasis on NFE as being more favorable to democratic practices, the author tends to underestimate the impact of other forms of education such as Koranic education in empowering its recipients. Furthermore, I found her selective use of modernization theory as appropriate but rather contrived, study would benefit more if an a priori research design was utilized to give room for emergent frameworks from the field. In conclusion, besides filling a gap in literature on non-formal education in Senegal, the book is a noteworthy addition to literature in education in Africa and literature on the scholars and students in the education field and to those engaged in African studies. Anne Jebet Waliaula, University of Wisconsin, Madison.

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BOOK REVIEWS | 150 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1-2a7.pdf Janie L. Leatherma. Sexual Violence and Armed Conflict. Cambridge and Oxford, UK, and Boston: Polity Press, 2011. 242 pp. Sexual Violence and Armed Conflict offers a comprehensive look at the issue of sexual violence in modern warfare. Leatherman asserts at the outset that sexual violence is neither a new or modern day phenomenon. History has informed us that rape has been part of warfare since time immemorial. It may not have been openly discussed as Leatherman explains that historically it was taboo to investigate sexual violence in armed conflict, one reason being it is seemingly impossible to understand these acts. But what has changed? Many people still find it hard to understand the barbaric acts of sexual violence, more so in an information age where graphic images of victims of modern warfare are easily accessible. Notwithstanding, the present information overload can lead to viewer fatigue and an ensuing lack of understanding and empathy. I recently read an article about Land of Blood and Honey the upcoming movie by the actress Angelina Jolie based on the Bosnia War. The readers were asked to comment on the article. The following comment was quite striking: War is war. Rape is a consequence of war. Every war known to man has had rapes in them. As wrong as it may be, it has happened and will always happen. Just as people are killed, Collateral damage is always there too. Stop looking for the ultimate answer because nothing you do or anyone else does will stop torture and rape in wars. I wish it would but that is not reality ( http://www.cnn.com/2012/01/04/opinion/lemmon-jolie-movie-womenwar/index.html?iref=allsearch ). Nonetheless, in this highly conceptualized book, Leatherman offer s an analytical framework to define the many reasons that have been put forward for sexual violence in arm ed conflict. The book offers a much needed structure to studying the issue as a subject in its own right and is a must read for students pursuing courses in m odern w arfare and other related courses. Leatherman draws from three theories essentialism, structuralism, and social constructivism which she used to complement the wealth of information drawn from case studies and research on conflict and post conflict countries like the DRC, Sierra Leone, Rwanda, and Bosnia. She regards sexual violence in war as a runaway norm that crosses four thresholds : ( i) the type of violence of which rape is the act most commonly associated with sexual violence in war,( ii) its target ( iii) agency and ( iv) the loss of neutrality and safe space. en-US patriarchy. Gender inequality predisposes women to the type of violence experienced not only in war but peace time. In true Feminist style it is argued that this subordinate position women occupy is no coincidence. In chapter 3 Leatherman successfully argues this point by drawing from crossnational studies that demonstrates the role of gender inequality in the social construction of violence. Numerous studies conducted by reputable organizations show that social and cultural practices in many societies go unquestioned and increasingly portray women and girls as vulnerable thereby exposing them to further risks when law and order breaks down. and is bound to spark the debate with critics of feminism, who are quick to draw from the few successes of gender equality to claim

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151 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1-2a7.pdf en-US that the feminist movement has achieved its goals. It is against this token achievement that I wish to urge caution when Leatherman claims that with the creation of national and international laws prohibiting the use of sexual violence as a weapon of war the day of impunity is over for the militarized capitalist system. But which of the players in that system can be held accountable? We know that key players mentioned in chapter the most insightful chapter of the book such as the mining companies in the eastern Congo are not. In 2011, Global Witness, a whistle blowing NGO, refusal to address the clear links between diamonds, violence, and tyranny. There is also the herculean task of institutional reforms in highly patriarchal countries like Sierra Leone where gender inequalities are entrenched through discriminatory laws and customs. High levels of poverty and illiteracy also prevents women in such societies from seeking to uphold their internationally recognized rights. en-US The silence may have ended but justice for women like Boali the courage to testify be is a long way off. Nonetheless, Sexual Violence and Armed Conflict is another milestone in the effort to end sexual violence, be it in peace or war time. Nafisatu Koroma School of Oriental and African Studies Simon Lewis. British and African Literature in Transnational Context Gainesville: Florida University Press, 2011. 257 pp. This book is a powerful call for ceasing to write the story of Africa and Africans from Anglocentric, metropolitan, racist, and hegemonic or narrowly nationalist perspectives. It advocates a liberation of African literature from any tutelage and insists on the place, contribution, and centrality of African literature in the British literary and world canons. Equally, it is about intersections, interrelations, and interconnectedness and shows how Africans and the British share a great deal of their literary and historical traditions. This, however, has not been reflected in the writing and rewriting of Africa and Africans, since African literature is still perceived as an appendage to the British one. A wide and rich variety of texts for analysis provide dialectical readings of nation, race, ethnicity, class, gender, and sexuality. Some belong to authoritative writers such as Chinua Achebe, Buchi Emecheta, Wole Soyinka, T.S Eliot, and Caryl Churchill; others are not yet part of the canons like Abdulrazak Gurnah, Alan Hollinghurst, Yvette Christianse, and Chris Van Wyck. All these writers belong to British and African traditions; span a long span of time extending from 1958 to 2007; represent different parts of Africa and different African identities; and come from different political orientations in terms of their national, racial, ethnic, gender, class, and sexual affiliations. and uses the same conceptual tools the latter used in Culture and Imperialism a new integrative or contrapuntal orientation in history that sees western and non-western experiences

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BOOK REVIEWS | 152 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1-2a7.pdf utopian vision which reinvestment in a particular sort of nomadic, migratory, and anti(Said, p. 279). constructions of Africa and Africans to go beyond the contrapuntal reading of africanism of colonialist discourse and that of pan-Africanist rhetoric. He rejects racially exclusive nationalism, which can solely produce narrowly national literary canons accompanied by local tyranny and advocates hybridity to subvert such nationalism. Yet, Lewis maintains that the national identity of individuals within a given state together with the national sovereignty for the national within the international community should be affirmed. One of the major objectives of this book is to thoroughly oppose Manichean impulses, which view history exclusively in conflict terms and reduces it to an ongoing binary opposition between them and us. Lewis is strongly critical of nativism, racism, and European colonialism and the supporting discourses that have lasted well beyond the formal period of colonialism. Race is a social construct, he suggests, with no biological basis, and this argument partly aims at undermining and eventually do away with it. That is the humanist aspect of the book in asserting the transnational nature of the whole field of writing in English about Africa in the second half of the twentieth century by demonstrating that British literature about Africa and African literature in English are one and cannot be perceived as separate lexicons because the history of Britain and that of Africa have been intersecting for long. For this purpose, Lewis claims the recognition and full inclusion of African literature written in English in the orthodox canon and histories of Englishla nguage literature. champion any single and uniform approach and does not claim to offer a comprehensive analysis of the selected texts in spite of the wide geography and history they cover. His motive is rather to undo whatever damage colonial Africanist and African nationalist discourses have done to Africa and African identity with words. d Africans and their stubborn insistence in reproducing generalizing tropes of African otherness and neglecting local specificities. His texts show the hegemonic role of English as a linguistic medium in which the narrative of the world became the sacred word. Englishness is moreover depicted as an exclusively male construction based on an amalgam of attitudes towards others, whether their otherness is defined in terms of race, nation, class or gender. For Lewis, English is still a racially exclusive category not yet prepared to house African writers of the calibre of Achebe or Soyinka. These and others remain invisible in the still selective and nationalist English literary history. It is not striking, therefore, that these Anglophone African writers each in his/her way travel between and most often blend narratives that focus on local differences and narratives that highlight universal commonalities. Adel Manai, University Tunis El-Manar

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153 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1-2a7.pdf en-US JoAnn McGregor. Crossing the Zambezi: The Politics of Landscape on a Central African Frontier Suffolk: James Currey, 2009. 237 pp. JoAnn McGregor undertakes a challenging endeavor: to historicize the processes of claimmaking developed between 1850s and 2000 along both margins of a mid-Zambezian landscape. This history of competing cultural, political, and economic claims to and appropriations of the Zambezi is limited to the section of the river between Victoria Falls and Lake Kariba. According to the author, imperial explorations of and colonial interventions in the mid-Zambezi and their unsettled legacies influenced post-colonial conflicts over the waters in this part of the river. Thus, McGregor begins this history of competing claims over the mid-Zambezi frontier during a impact on the landscape and the river populations. -nineteenth century, followed by the construction of the Victoria Falls Bridge in 1905 and of the Kariba Dam in the early1950s. The second storyline focuses on the struggle over the Zambezi as a borderland, an analysis that embraces both the complex dynamics of the pre-colonial frontier as well as the subsequent formation of the colonial state border. Here the author pays special attention to the politics of border identity and explores how imaginary as well as material aspects of colonial and postcolonial frontiers relate to pre-colonial hierarchical relations between decentralized groups and the major state systems in the nineteenth century. The book consists of ten chapters. The introductory first chapter sums up some of the recent scholarship on landscape that informs and frames the study. Drawing on the borrowed on counter-narratives, contestation, and alternative sites on the river, McGregor aims to avoid depoliticized and ahistorical constructions in this excellent study. Her analytical approach is clearly trans-disciplinary, combining concepts raised in historical geography, history, and anthropological oriented theory. The following two chapters contain insights into pre-colonial history and examine imperial discourses about the mid-Zambezi. Thus, chapter two discusses oral histories told by presentspecifically those related to river-crossing and to some ritual practices at particular landscape sites -colonial modes of ethnographic writings, tracing accurately the way local interpr influenced him and shaped his writings, as much as the transition process by which the river colonial states. The consequences of marking the border are analyzed in chapter four. Here, McGregor goes into detail on the impact that the new state structures of authority and colonial political and economic centers. Chapters five and six turn to the construction of two megaengineering works, the Victoria Falls Bridge and the Kariba Dam, emphasizing their political uses within the expansionist colonial state and the way they affected the formation of identity of the Tonga communities. Chapter six reconstructs the process of their displacement and

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BOOK REVIEWS | 154 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1-2a7.pdf resettlement in Northern and Southern Rhodesia after the damming of the river. Chapters seven and eight focus on the development of a nationalist consciousness in the Zambezi borderlands exemplified in the Tonga and Nambya ethnic mobilizations and on the politics of cultural recognition, its demands and stress on cultural difference, which took shape after independence. Methodologically innovative, chapter nine deploys commissioned diaries from Kariba Tonga gillnet fishermen to explore their present-day fishing and trading livelihoods, which shed light on local networks and on both legal and unregulated practices in relation to state authority. The last chapter discusses the post-colonial political uses of the landscape, tourism, and heritage industries at Victoria Falls, analyzing their influence on local claims tod ay. This excellent work is a pleasure to read and will be of interest not only to historians, geographers, and anthropologists concerned with southern and central Africa, but also to Africanist scholars and students at large. Perhaps a glossary listing the acronyms used in some chapters could be of help for readers unfamiliar with the area and the research topic. Despite the good selection of photographs and other visual aids supportive of the text, the addition of some more maps to locate the area of study in the districts of Hwange and Binga would have loy an extensive array of different sources throughout her analysis is exceptional and doubtless one of the attractions of this stimulating and well-documented book. -making processes in Africa within a framework of longue dure skilfully including the pre-colonial past into the analysis. Arguable is to what extent present-day oral sources of the Tonga (in myths, tales, -colonial modes of discourse this study is less about theorizing than about historicizing processes and transitions, and this goal is masterly fulfilled. Olga Sicilia, University of Vienna Elias Mpofu (ed ). Counseling People of African Ancestry New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011. xix, 332 pp. This book is aimed at psychologists, counselors, social workers, location to include anyone who proclaims African selfbook are divided in to three parts, and a concluding chapter synthesizes and integrates the counseling in African settings and includes chapters on such topics as the role of indigenous healing practices in Sub-Saharan Africa, the role of oral tradition, issues regarding assessments for counseling, the history of counseling research in African settings, and building an empowerment model in the context of racial oppression and colonization. The second section of

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155 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1-2a7.pdf the book examines counseling in various contexts, and chapters here focus on school counseling, counseling students at tertiary institutions, family therapy, pastoral care and counseling, refugees, orphans and vulnerable children, and the relationship of the social psychology of peace-building and conflict resolution to counseling. One chapter in the book focuses upon diversity counseling with African-Americans, and reviews issues regarding understanding culturally appropriate counseling interventions, notes barriers to counseling, considers the impact of counselor-client discussions of race, and identifies a paucity of research with such populations as elders and multiracials. The third part of the book offers several chapters devoted to various counseling applications, including trauma, HIV/AIDS, substance use disorder (including the most commonly abused substances in Africa, alcohol, cannabis, and khat, and lesser known ones, such as tik), careers, and people with disabilities. Australia. He brings over twenty years of experience to this project, with research interests in disability, complementary, and alternative health (CAM), and, of course, Africa. Most of the chapter contributors hail from Southern Africa (predominantly South Africa, as well as Botswana, Malawi, Namibia, Zambia, and Zimbabwe), though several are based at universities in the U.S., the U.K., Australia, and other nations around the globe. Most of the authors are PhD psychologists, though contributors also include a MD and a MSW. This geographic range permits discussion of a range of essential topics. One hopes that future projects adapt this contrary to the stereotypes held authors do discuss other regions in Africa and around the globe, for instance when discussing Somali refugees to Australia (p. 287) or refugees and displaced persons from the Great Lakes Region. Fur there is considerable diversity in cultural aspects salient to subgroups within the same generic mix, for which creative or innovative approaches to counseling services provision would be A number of the chapters emphasize the challenges involved when Western psychological approaches meet African cosmologies and ways of knowing. Repeatedly, the chapter authors note the value and importance of respecting traditional healers and indigenous healing and Africans seek health care services and by extension mental health care services fr om 314). Authors here argue that rather than accept a situation in which old and new systems operate at cross purposes, as has often been the case since colonial times, counselors and other helpers should focus on facilitating and improving collaboration and dialogue between counselors and traditional healers, and on improving integration of more formal counseling systems with indigenous healing systems. For thousands of years, traditional practices have been a source of comfort and healing for Africans in times of unbearable pain and despair. Rather than attempting to overturn such practices, which would largely be impossible, the authors argue for integration, collaboration, and mutual respect.

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BOOK REVIEWS | 156 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1-2a7.pdf Several chapter authors point out that research methods appropriate for the African context may include more qualitative, ethnographic, narrative, and phenomenological approaches in contrast to the positivistic, quantitative approach of some Western psychological work. However, one approach of the West that may more easily apply to Africa is family therapy, as the role of the extended family and community in many African societies has long been recognized by traditional healers and by people of African ancestry. Thus, the fact that published family therapy research thus far hails mostly from the USA is troubling, especially in light of such facts as in forty-seven years not one article with a first author from the Middle East or Africa has been published in the journal Family Process (p. 143). Indeed, many contributors note the paucity of research on psychological issues in Africa, particularly regarding questions concerning the appropriateness of Western psychological assessments and diagnoses in the Africa context. For instance, Western psychometric assessments for career development are often inappropriate for use in the South African context, where narrative approaches and qualitative career assessments may offer a better fit (p. 290). Other issues in cross-cultural assessment include differing conceptualizations and classifications of illnesses, linguistic equivalence of instruments such as surveys, appropriateness of test content, measurement, and delivery method, and the cultural relevance of the assessment. For example, does a given assessment really measure cognitive ability or only amount of formal education? in many societies the formal education system is essentially chauvinistic, patriarchal, racist, and sexist, groups in America and othe measures such education and its correlates is problematic at best. The present book never shies away from revealing uncomfortable information regarding racial oppression and the impact of colonization, or troubling statistics regarding health issues, yet it also offers evidence based reason for optimism and hope. For instance, readers learn that over eleven percent of South Africans have been victims of a violent crime in a one year period, twenty-three percent of adults there have been exposed to one or more violent events and eighty percent of adolescents in Cape Town have experienced at least one traumatic event (pp. 236-37). However, elsewhere in the book, authors point to inspiring stories such as how a community intervention in Stellenbosch (near Cape Town), based upon liberation and empowerment concepts transformed a group of youth. Approaches such as mentored field trips, including one to Robben Island, aimed at engaging youth with history and encouraging them to rise beyond adversities which may currently limit them. While such techniques seem far from the standard fifty-minute therapeutic counseling hour common in the Unites States, evidence presented in this book suggests that these positive psychological techniques are an appropriate fit for this African setting. One concept that is referred to extensively throughout the book is Ubuntu. The importance of this concept for counseling is underscored by the fact that it appears in so many chapters. This complex term is difficult to simply translate, but Watson and colleagues offer an extended discussion of it in their chapter, explaining how this Nguni term and related terms are common in Southern Africa, and how it derives from a Bantu word referring to personhood (p.

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157 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1-2a7.pdf 282). The term implies, among other dimensions, the meaning of life through human relations, communal spirituality and ceremony, the importance of respecting, caring for, and helping others, group solidarity, and human interdependence. The authors emphasize the process dimension of the concept, in the sense of becoming fully (that is, a moral) human and note that Nelson Mandela refers to a proverb which reflects the Ubuntu because o people of African ancestry as several authors make clear. In sum, this book represents a landmark contribution to our understanding of counseling people of African ancestry and offers an indispensable resource for psychologists and other care providers working with such populations. Additionally, each chapter of the book is carefully designed with features that make the book attractive as an instructional text, appropriate for college and university level students. Such features include chapter overviews and learning objectives printed at the start of each chapter, and full bibliographies, lists of useful websites, self-check exercises, and field-based experiential exercises at the end of each chapter. Chapters also include ample research, discussion, and case study boxes, each of which includes several questions that will certainly inspire reflection and stimulating conversation. Beyond those helping professionals already mentioned, all who care about Africa should read this book. Omar Ahmed and Grant J. Rich, International Psychology Bulletin,Juneau, Alaska Mara Naaman. Urban Space in Contemporary Egyptian Literature: Portraits of Cairo New York: Palgrave McMillan, 2011. Xxv, 227 pp. Urban Space in Contemporary Egyptian Literature is part of the exciting growing literature situated at the disciplinary crossroads of literary/cultural studies and urban studies/social geography. Writing in the tradition of the theoretical explorations of space and place pioneered by the likes of Walter Benjamin, Michel de Certeau, Henri Lefebvre, Guy Debord, Edward Soja, and Mike Davis, Naaman and other similarly oriented contemporary critics takes as their point of departure how sp ace being zoned, politicized, and symbolically laden pl aces produce tex pp. 1, 11-12). -Balad district of Cairo, a quarter developed b during the eighteen si A Piece of Europe Salih Hisa Po or (2005), and Alaa alThe Yacoubian Building (2003) negotiate the confluence of colonization, incipient nationalism, modernization, and spectacle that Wust al-Balad marked over the course of the twentieth century. Naaman admirably follows her program of charting literary responses to the manner in -Balad (p. 177), whose spatio-social psychological importance was recently highlighted by the

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BOOK REVIEWS | 158 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1-2a7.pdf revolutionary protests that erupted in its Tahir Square during the early months of 2011, leading to the downfall of pro-American dictator Hosni Mubarak. In her analysis of A Piece of Europe -Balad represented a European model of modernity foisted upon the people of Egypt and thus alienating them until, with the looting and burning of January 1952, they could popularly resist and reclaim this exogenous spatial imposition. Salih Hisa, on the other hand, poses an alternative, indigenous form of being modern and urbane through its evocation of the society and cultural exchanges of a ghurza (hashish caf) located adjacent to Wust al-Balad, according to Naaman. Much more critical of Egyptian society due to its marginalization of its Nub failed revolution that simply substituted an Egyptian military elite for the privileged Westerners whose former abodes in Wust al-Balad they came to occupy after Egypt achieved independence under Nasser. Finally, Naaman traces how in the popularly successful The Yacoubian Building alproje p. 140) by celebrating the grandeur of Wust althe corruption and stark socio-economic stratification of early twenty-first century Egyptian society. All told, Urban Space in Contemporary Egyptian Literature serves as a sterling example of how a work of literary criticism can take up the complex intersection of social and cultural forces that diachronically inform a quarter loaded with so much cultural and political significance, this study maintains an accessible level of focus and illustrates how the different registers of urban place (immediate physical surroundings, neighborhood, city, nation, region, etc.) mutually inform each other. Recommended for students and scholars of Arab-Islamic literature, postcolonial literature, and critical place studies (aka geocriticism). Michael K. Walonen, Bethune-Cookman University Krijn Peters. War and the Crisis of Youth in Sierra Leone London and Cambridge: International African Institute and Cambridge University Press, 2011. xvi, 274 pp. By now there are a number of in-depth ethnographies that are essential if we are to understand properly the violent civil wars in West Africa in general and Sierra Leone in particular. For Bush Wives and Girl Soldiers (Cornell UP, 2009) addresses the lives of young Sierra Leonean women under, before and after the war in a most powerful and The War Machines (Duke UP, 2011) is an path-breaking ethnography that offers a completely novel analytical framework for the anthropology of war in general, and for the interconnected wars in the West African Mano River Basin region in War and the Crisis of Youth in Sierra Leone

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159 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1-2a7.pdf P book is fresh, provocative, and brilliantly honest. He stresses that the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) rebel movement started out as something unexpectedly coherent, which proves it as something very different from the chaotic agent of the comin g builds on his PhD research in rural development sociology, mostly carried out in the post-war context, in three periods between 2001 and 2006, with some preliminary fieldwork carried out in 1996 and 2000. He ends his book with a useful chronology that helps the reader contextualize his fieldwork: the RUF rebels entered Sierra Leone in 1991, to finally demobilize and leave the scene around 2002, while the moveme In positioning his work, Peters notes that most of the material that has been produced on enemies and opponents of the RUF. Only a token effort, Peters argues, has been made to include information gathered from the RUF itself, whether leadership or rank-and-file. This is the gap any young people proved to be vulnerable to militia conscription in general, and more specifically how the -12). It is a powerful portrayal of the simplicity of participant observation and reflection. Still I personally would have appreciated reading more about how exactly the ethnographic field unfolded in front of the researcher, e.g. the everyday procedures of going there and listen to stories of war that were narrated after the fact. Anyway, in pursuing his ethnographic agenda, Peters formulates the central hypothesis of the book. The RUF is to be considered, he says, an extremely violent revolt of marginalized young rural Sierra Leoneans. collapsing neo-patrimonial one-party state. Peters combines a background description with a contextual and qualitative analysis presenting the reader with a clear narrative of the rise and fall of the RUF. It started out as a genuine revolutionary movement which however, with no way out for those part of it, soon unstable generalized description of the movement. important analysis does in no way deny this end station; indeed, as already mentioned, he outlines the general crisis that gave birth to the RUF, but also the evolving crisis that changed the movement, and finally, with some kind of peace at the horizon, destroyed it. What Peters basically does with his book is to start the analysis where many other observers effortlessly end up: if the RUF was something extremely unstable and unpredictably paranoid, the movement has only too easily been dismissed as incomprehensive. Even if the RUF indeed made itself into something that may be difficult to comprehend, emotionally more than intellectually perhaps, Peters offers an indispensable analysis of a violent social and

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BOOK REVIEWS | 160 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1-2a7.pdf historical process of collapsing powers, oscillating from the local to the global and back again, whereby incomprehensiveness was made. Well aware that he enters an academic debate that has turned out to be a bitter parallel to the Sierra Leonean war itself, Peters is careful to always position himself and his material in relation to the conventional wisdom he sets out to scrutinize. Written in a clear and frank way, it is a very revealing account, and an essential reference to the war in Sierra Leone. It is really suitable for any kind of readership, Africanists and non-Africanists alike, even if I doubt that students will think that they can afford yet another ridiculously expensive hardback of the International African Institute, now with a new partner in publishing, Cambridge University Press. There are Kindle and eBook editions as well, but also these are surprisingly expensive. Sverker Finnstrm, Uppsala University, Sweden William Reno. Warfare in Independent Africa: New Approaches to African History Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011. 271 pp. Organizing the totality of post-independence African history may be considered a reasonably daunting task when reflecting on the multiple influences from both the domestic and international environment account of armed conflict on the continent, as viewed through the milieu of rebellion, provides an intriguing examination of African history that succeeds in summarizing the general characteristics of African state development while simultaneously contributing detailed descriptions of rebel groups and their operations through the post-independence period. In other words, by examining the history of rebellion and conflict one gains an insight into how such rebel groups comprise elements of the state building project in independent Africa, as well as an alternative perspective of the historical record with regard to the manner of intrastate conflict, as opposed to interstate conflict. Through this lens of rebel conflict, Reno organizes post-independence African history by the nature of rebel groups operating in distinct periods. This includes a typology rebel groups categorized in five areas: (1) anti-colonial rebels (1961-1974), largely exemplified by rebel groups in Guinea, Mozambique, and Angola; (2) majority-rule rebels (1960s-1990s), incorporating rebel groups from Namibia, South Africa, and Zimbabwe; (3) reform rebels (1970s-1990s), including the National Resistance Movement in Uganda, the Rwandan Patriotic Front, the Eritrean rebels (1990s-2000s), largely characterized by groups in Somalia, Liberia, Sierra Leone, and the Democratic Republic of Congo seeking private interests with little regard to public administration; and (5) parochial rebels (1990s-2000s) consisting of groups with interests in protecting their perceived neglected communities. Reno organizes the text largely around this typology, with chapters dedicated to each type of rebel group. One noteworthy and recurring theme is the manner in which each type of group acted as a reflection of the state system in which they were embedded. As such, the manner in which rebels recruited supporters was heavily influenced by structural elements derived from within and outside of the state (p. 4).

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161 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1-2a7.pdf Furthermore, Reno highlights how rebels of all types expl described as areas of society where the state held little control, but where rebel groups could thrive through the extension of networks of support and obtainment of other needed resources (p. 32). Unlike earlier explanations of statebuilding that emphasize the significance of interstate warfare in relation to capacity-building endeavors (Tilly 1992; Herbst 2000), Africa remains rather distinct in not experiencing a similar trajectory of capacity-through-warfare that other regions experienced. In contrast to explanations emphasizing the development of the state rebel groups had to build the extractive tools of administration to collect taxes in their liberated zones and ensure the compliance and support of local people through courts and effective policing. In short, they had to create a state-within-a-state." (p. 30; Tilly 1985) plaining the development of the state in Africa in a manner that links with traditional explanations of statebuilding while also retaining (1975, p. 42), so too may this assessment be relevant to African history with regard to rebel conflict in the post-colonial era. This text not only describes the evolution of rebel conflict on the African continent, it furthermore provides a link towards theorizing the relationship between rebellion and state development. As such, this text would be a worthwhile addition for anyone interested in the development of the African state, as well as for those with more general interests in international security and state building. References Herbst, Jeffrey. 2000. States and Power in Africa: Comparative Lessons in Authority and Control Princeton: Princeton University Press. on the History of European State-Making n The Formation of National States in Western Europe ed. Charles Tilly (Princeton: Princeton University Press): 3-83. _____. 1990. Coercion, Capital, and European States: A.D. 900-1992. Cambridge: Blackwell. Nicholas D. Knowlton, University of Florida ul and Ralph A. Austen (eds.). Viewing African Cinema in the Twenty-First Century: Art Films and the Nollywood Video Revolution Athens: Ohio University Press, 2010. 237pp. Th is a collection of essays focuses on contemporary African video and art cinemas. According to the opening acknowledgements, this book is the fourth and most recent product in a string of conferences and anthologies that began with the International Film and History Conference at the University of Cape Town in 2002 (p. vii). In the cu bring together the two distinct traditions of art cinema and video films in Africa in order to forty-plus years[,] and to analyze specific FESPACO and Nollywood films from a fresh

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BOOK REVIEWS | 162 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1-2a7.pdf comparative perspective (p. 3). Although ultimately this comparative analysis is somewhat uneven in its considerations of African art cinema, for those interested in African video films and culture the collection offers useful analyses. The thirteen essays assembled in this anthology are organized into three sections. structure, in Africa, and examine topics relating to the Nigerian video industry including its study (Haynes, Chapter 1) and criticism (Okome, Chapter 2), its impact on other national video industries (Meyer, Chapter 3 and Krings, Chapter 5), and a look at religion and censorship in northern Nigerian video films (Adamu, Chapter 4). th is section consider the ways African audiences engage with foreign films by discussing commentary and oral viewing practices (Bouchard, Chapter 6) and audience tastes in Tanzania (Fair, C remaining six essays address African art films, covering topics including art and politics in hapter 8), the art film industry in Tanzania (Bryce, Chapter 9), style Emita (Rist, Chapter 10), differences between art films and Nollywood videos in pedagogy (Sereda, Chapter 11) and modernity (Green-Simms, Chapter 12), and California Chapter 13). Despite these many chapters on art film, the primary strength of this collection is in its Okome offers an insightful analysis of the critical discourse surrounding Nollywood, arguing persuasively that such practices are attempts at cultural mediation, and that they ultimately overlook the value and significance of the Nollywood video industry. In Chapters 3 and 5, respectively Birgit Meyer and Matthias Krings successfully articulate the effects of Nollywood on the development of the Ghanaian and Tanzanian video industries. In addition, although Lindsey GreenC with art films, it examines these films by putting them in conversation with video films, tracing the automobile as a metaphor for modernity through both forms and drawing meaningful conclusions about shifting attitudes in African society. Although the bulk of this volume is best suited for the study of video films and culture, for those interested in African art cinema, Mahir C a well-researched and clearly written analysis of celluloid cinema in francophone Africa. Similarly, Cornelius Moore als Chapter 13). However, while the succinct history of California Newsreel and its relationship with African art cinema is enlightening, the essay is short and includes no citations for future reference.

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163 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1-2a7.pdf Overall, Viewing African Cinema in the Twenty-First Century is a useful reference for those students generally interested in Africa than for film and media scholars in particular, both are likely to find value in the anthol unfocused after the first section on Nollywood, most essays are thoughtful and well written, and provide a valuable contribution to the study of contemporary cinema in Africa. Lorien R. Hunter, University of Southern California Symphony Way Pave Dwellers. No Land! No House! No Vote! Voices from Symphony Way Cape Town: Pambazuka Press, 2011. xvii, 141 pp. No Land! No House! No Vote! is a campaign and a movement of the poor in South Africa. It is a campaign that demands for the boycott of the vote as a way to make the government deliver on issues of basic importance to the poor such as land and housing. The title of this book is aconian land and housing policies. These people were illegally evicted from their homes by government with nowhere to go. They built shacks on pavements opposite the housing project from where they were evicted from and then organized themselves into the Symphony Way Anti-Eviction Campaign as a way to demand their housing rights. The theme of this book is hinged on their struggle for land and housing rights as well as for their dignity as human beings. The book is a compilation of different short stories from different persons and families in the pave-dwelling community. Beginning with an introduction, each of the stories forms a chapter of the book. All stories in the book draw solely from the personal, family, or community experiences of the contributors. The book comes with high quality illustrative color photographs showing the numerous plights of the contributors. It also begins with a glossary of people, places, and terms. Then a Foreword written is by Raj Patel (activist and author) and an Introduction written by Miloon Kothari (former UN Special Rapporteur for housing). This does not mean that the book makes for very easy reading. It is entirely written in the raw street style of the pave dwellers the Cape Flats slang. In general, the book challenges the assertion that there is only one genuine gives readers an authentic peek into their community. There is no thematic order to this collection of stories. The stories are only arranged according to where the authors live in the community. A community map showing aerial layout of Symphony Way community is included in the book (p. 6). inherent in world. To those who might have viewed South Africa as the Eldorado ub -Saharan Africa, these writers may have bluntly exposed their ignorance by showcasing the poverty that lies in the heart of that country. The story of Lola Wentzel (p. 15) describing an unusual account of

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BOOK REVIEWS | 164 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1-2a7.pdf sexual violence is bound to haunt a reader long after the book is read. The story of Florrie Langenhoven (p. 63) brings to fore the fact that poverty and hardship can have positive consequences the spirit of sharing. The story of Sharon and Conway Payn (p. 117) describing their sea of troubles in Symphony Way would leave tears of sympathy on the cheek of readers. These true stories throw more light on the insecurity of poor South African urban communities and how such a situation could result to strong community spirit amongst residents. Furthermore, they depict how residents of an informal settlement developed survival strategies through media press statements, popular education; as well as legal through direct and solidarity actions. In sum, the Symphony Way Pave Dwellers have written a uniquely unprofessional and thoroughly stimulating book. It will be of wide general appeal to many readers. However, it is an interesting anthology that seems primarily written for human rights activists, development experts, activist poets, and African politicians who have the courage to listen to poor voices on the street. Researchers with interests in urban community development, sustainable housing or land tenure security issues would find the book very resourceful. Readers with a general curiosity for the turbulent recent past of South Africa will find it really revealing. Within its expanded upon. Uchendu E. Chigbu, Technische Universitt Mnchen, Germany Aili Mari Tripp. Paradoxes of Power in a Hybrid Regime Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2010. 222 pp. serves as the case study of hybrid regimes, popularly known as semiauthoritarian regimes. Such regimes find themselves fraught with contradictions for while their leaders adopt trappings of democracy, they at the same time pervert democracy and this through patronage and largesse, use of violence, and repression for the sole purpose of remaining in power. And so, hybrid regimes like that in Uganda embody two divergent impulses: they promote civil rights and yet unpredictably curtail those same rights and liberties. After two decades of authoritarian governments, Ugandans broke from chaos under president Yoweri Museveni who brought much of the country under his control, pacifying and drawing in various fighting factions under the rubric of a national army and, for a long time Museveni was widely acclaimed by foreign correspondents, donors, diplomats, and some academics as a new style of African leader to be emulated. But though the conception was that Uganda was an oasis of stability, economic progress, and democracy, many Ugandans felt that this was a frustrating mirage and grossly deceptive image which, to them the true picture was different. That NRM government never built its house the way it said and was expected to build; its house became a troubled house and a home of dissention and NRM leadership experienced tensions between contradictory needs of maintaining control and pressure for greater openness

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165 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1-2a7.pdf and democracy. A group of loyal supporters of NRM known as Malwa Group resisted the efforts to change the constitution in order to lift presidential term limits, and some of their members were fired. Moving from a no -party state, the country opened to multipartyism and brought about opening up space for civil and political society. And, when in 1998 parliament began to show some independence, it was soon beaten to submission, sometimes quite literally. Though the human rights and political rights situation in Uganda improved considerably after Museveni came to power and has continued to improve overall, it eroded. promoted business and is less apt to interfere with the private ownership of property, liberalization of trade, lifting producer prices on export crops and liberalization of investment laws to facilitate export of profits and encourage foreign investment, opening up of capital markets has encouraged not only export growth but at the same time encouraged legitimizing some of his more undemocratic tendencies. The same can be said of donor support, which with the intension of strengthening political liberation at times unintentionally done the same. With Uganda as the case study, the book has brought to the fore the plight of building such regimes and presented him as a captive of the same system. If Museveni is only a captive of such, who is responsible for its construction or perpetuation? Does it mean the benefit of the system? If such leaders as Museveni step in leadership with an aim of democratizing and changing the leadership structures they find in place, what makes them not to go full throttle into system and leadership change? Why do they retract along the way? I find a common characteristic in semiauthoritarian regimes, the need to hold on to power: presidents like Omar Bongo Maummar Gaddafi, Ali Abdulla Saleh of Yemen, Eduardo Dos Santos of Angola, Egypt Hosni Mubarak, Zimbabwe Robert Mugabe, Zine-al-Abidine, and Yoweri Museveni remained or have continued in power for more than twenty years. Elsewhere I have asked that when leaders lead for such prolonged periods, what enable them to remain in power for such prolonged length of time in leadership. Ar e they endeared, endowed with capabilities, entrenched, viewed as entitled, or simply oblivious? (Kihiko, 2010) period of leadership based on his belief that he is the one who hunted and killed the animal (liberated Uganda from authoritarian regimes) and so is now entitled to eat at the table without being told to leave? Indeed, another dimension to this is that after the father has stayed for so long in leadership, he feels that the only person he can safely and comfortably hand over power to is his sibling, especially his son. How can donors keep an eye on the situation in a way that they do not in any way fund and thus entrench such a system? What can citizenry do to get themselves out of such a system? This book appropriately brought to the fore the issues underlying such a system, but more questions must be confronted to heal the wounds the writer notes.

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BOOK REVIEWS | 166 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1-2a7.pdf References Kihiko, Moses Kibe. 2010. Public Leadership: The Ten Defining Moments How Leaders Acquire and Handle Fame, Power, and Glory. Kansas City, MO: Miraclaire Publishing. Moses Kibe Kihiko, Practicum Leadership Peter VonDoepp. Judicial Politics in New Democracies: Cases from Southern Africa. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2009. vii, 185 pp. Thus far, research on African democracy has focused predominantly on elections, political parties, and voting behavior. However, in a region traditionally characterized by powerful executives, Africanists increasingly are studying the pivotal role played by institutions of horizontal accountability. welcome addition to this small but growing area of scholarship. either respected or undermined judicial autonomy and, in turn, how judiciaries have responded to instances of interference. VonDoepp argues that judicial autonomy in Southern Africa cannot other regions of the world. According to these models, judicial autonomy relies on the electoral market and the degree of power dispersion within the party system. Where electoral uncertainty is high and political power is broadly dispersed, political leaders are less likely to interfere in the judiciary because independent judicial institutions provide an insurance mechanism to such leaders when they leave office. By contrast, low electoral uncertainty and a high concentration of power encourage greater interference with judiciaries. judiciary (p.26). In his view, political leaders become more interested in restricting the their preferences and patterns of decisions, constitutes a second important factor. Finally, VonDoepp asserts that the broader political system in which a judiciary is embedded influences this regard, he focuses specifically on the prevailing degree of state weakness and neopatrimonialism. To test his hypotheses, VonDoepp engages in a careful comparison across Malawi, Namibia, and Zambia as well as applies process-tracing techniques within these countries over time. Based on fieldwork conducted between 2001 and 2006, he examined parliamentary records, statements by government officials, and press reports on judicial issues as well as interviewed a range of knowledgeable stakeholders and analyzed high and supreme court decisions. He convincingly demonstrates relatively high levels of interference in the judiciaries across the administrations of Bakili Muluzi and Bingu wa Mutharika in Malawi and those of Frederick Chiluba and Levy Mwanawasa in Zambia. These leaders did not use overt means of interference, such as institutional restructuring or packing the courts with supporters. Instead,

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167 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1-2a7.pdf he argues that as weak states with high levels of neopatrimonialism, the mode of influence was primarily through patronage, personal attacks, and personal linkages between executives and the judiciary. By contrast, in Namibia, where party concentration is higher and state weakness and neopatrimonialism is lower, judicial interference was relatively infrequent during the presidency of Sam Nujoma. Yet, while he illustrates that greater power dispersion can lead to more interference in the judiciary than is traditionally acknowledged, it is not clear whether this contradicts the essence If such strategic models are distinguished primarily by their emphasis on the electoral market and the party system, their explanatory power is reaffirmed by the cases. indeed very much driven by electoral uncertainty and the party system. Fissions within the Movement for Multi-Party Democracy (MMD) in Zambia and inter-party competition in -horizons in office. Cases of interference in these countries often were more extreme near elections or bids to change the constitution to stay dominant in Namibian politics since independence. Consequently, less was at stake for Nujoma, even when politically-relevant cases went to court. Thus, even though electoral uncertainty and power dispersion encourage more rather than less judicial interference in contradict the logic of a thin model but rather simply reverses the causal patterns traditionally associated with such models. concepts. The coding of judicial decisions as either antior pro-government is difficult for the reader to determine, as is the index of government interests that he presents in the Namibian chapter. Though he notes that these codings were done by expert observers, an appendix that briefly summarized what the cases were about and how the codings were deduced would have helped the reader draw her own conclusions about the strength of his evidence. Likewise, this would assist the reader with understanding how he differentiated between cases that were only those that he classified as directly affecting the president or major opposition figures (pp.52-53). State weakness, an inherently relative term, also is not sufficiently operationalized and is equated alternately with neopatrimonialism, aid dependence, and a high penetration of the state by civil society groups. Nevertheless, this book represents a valuable contribution to the literature on judicial underlying political context for judicial strengthening, which is a key lesson for the international democracy assistance community. In addition, scholars of African democracy the judges in these countries have continued to assert their authority. This indeed bodes well for Danielle Resnick, United Nations University-World Institute for Development Economics Research

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BOOK REVIEWS | 168 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1-2a7.pdf Elke Zuern. The Politics of Necessity: Community Organizing and Democracy in South Africa. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2011. xvii, 242pp. The movement toward democratisation in South Africa in the 1990s has inspired a diverse range of academic study, from biographical accounts of key political and cultural figures, to investigations on the forms and evolutions of political representation. In The Politics of Necessity, Elke Zuern adds to this rich body of work by illuminating the often overlooked role played by community organising pre and post-independence. The end of apartheid presented new opportunities for South Africans, not least the extension of political rights for all citizens to participate in parliamentary democracy. In spite of this, modern South Africa is a country of vast socioeconomic inequality with significant challenges regarding access to food, housing, and jobs. Such economic dispariti environment in which many (p. 13). In tracing the development of community organising in South Africa, Elke Zuern argues convincingly that the success and sustainability of the democratic state is dependent on addressing such socioeconomic inequalities. Th e book is structured thematically. The first two chapters are concerned with the construction of community associations and rights based discourses in South Africa, while the remaining three focus on the relations between protest and democracy at periods in South African history. Chapter 1 begins by tracing t ) in townships as forms of community organisation, exploring their expansion and relations with the apartheid state and exiled ANC leadership. Chapter 2 investigates the role played by community leaders political processes. The politics of resistance in apartheid South Africa were not uniform, yet activists drew common connections between rights, inequalities, and material necessities. Understandings of democracy were constructed that placed economic issues to the fore. Zuern shows how socio economic demands were not abated by democratisation; rather they remain central areas of concern around which people mobilise not least due to the s reduce economic inequality, introduction of neoliberal reforms, and attacks on the right to protest. Chapter 3 asks whether successful democratic organising is possible under a repressive regime, analysing the role of democratic principles in township organisation against apartheid in South Africa, and drawing from the experiences of social movements in Nigeria and Mexico. Chapter 4 explores the role played by community organisations in the formal democratic system, examining to what extent they are empowered by the creation of democracy and their relationship with the democratic state. In Chapter 5, Zuern moves to consider the viability of protest to effect change and the interactions between protesting groups and the state. As in Chapter 3, Chapters 4 and 5 draw from the experiences of movements elsewhere in Africa and in Latin America. In the final chapter Zuern exposes the evident divergence between the actions of the elites who shape the state on the one hand, and the expectation of citizens who

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169 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1-2a7.pdf democracy offers them due to a failure to address material demands. South African communities succeeded in achieving a democratic state, yet many are still waiting for the socioeconomic benefits which were so acutely present in calls for democratisation. Until these material concerns are addressed, Zuern contends that the South African state will continue to be challenged by social movements. Eloquent, timely, and influential, The Politics of Necessity is rich in both comparative analysis and empirical data. The author conducted interviews with over two hundred local residents and activists during more than a decade of political change in South Africa, supplementing this with a significant study of archival records, court transcripts and national newspapers. The Politics of Necessity is a must read for those interested in the power of social movements to effect change and the challenges they face in doing so. Owing to its accessible and readable style, it will be of appeal to the scholar and layperson alike. Risn Hinds, Trinity College, Dublin, Ireland



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African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue s 1 & 2| Spring 2012 Martin Oteng Ababio is a Lecturer in the Department of Ge ography and Resource Development at the University of Ghana. His research activities have focused on the connection between urban growth, informality and urban environmental health. The author would like to acknowledge the detailed and helpful comments of the editor and the two independent referees. Acknowledgement also goes to my Graduate/Teaching Assistants Ebenezer Amankwaa and Grace Akese for their support during the field work. http://www. africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf University of Florida Board of Trustees, a public corporation of the State of Florida; permission is hereby granted for indiv iduals to download articles for their own personal use. Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Florida. ISSN: 2152 2448 When Necessity Begets I ngenuity : E W aste Scavenging as a Livelihood Strategy in Accra, Ghana MARTIN OTENG ABABIO Abstract: This paper describes how due to lack of formal job opportunities e waste scavenging has emerged as a major livelihood ( survival ) st rategy for a rapidly growing urban population It documents how the process has been fueled by neo liberal economic policies adopted since 1983 that not only failed to create a vibrant urban economy but also exacerbated the unemp loyment and under employm ent rates and creat ed a general economic crisis The study relied on both q ualitative and quantitative data as well as discussions and interview s with stakeholders, affected and interested persons to provide data for analysis. The paper explores the vario us aspects of their work: economic, financial, environmental and social. S ince the equipment has both pollution and resource potentials, the need for proper control and monitoring of the informal handling and recycling practice is highlighted. The study ca lls for the formalization of th e informal activity not only to sustain the livelihood f o r the urban poor but also for efficient e waste management Introduction Many individuals within urban space especially in developing nations have adopted multiple an d diverse means of seeking a livelihood. One such strategy is e waste scavenging that has in recent years attracted many diverse disciples. The situation is aggravated in Ghana where years of economic decline resulted in the institution of the S tructural A djustment P r o gram (SAP) that was negotiated with the World Bank and the I nternational M onetary F und (IMF) This culminated in trade liberalization, privatization of state owned enterprises, removal of government subsidies and retrenchment usterity measures 1 The shrinkage in the formal economy was further propelled by neo liberal globalization, increasing unemp loyment levels and a weakening of capacity to respond to growing poverty. 2 These challenges assumed a pivotal positio n in defining the contemporary urban change. T he substantial cuts in expenditure on social services and the introduction of service charges on health care, electricity etc affected the basic livelihoods of many individuals and households 3 Many had to depe nd on survival industries for livelihood and according to the

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2 | Oteng Ababio African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf Intern ational Labo u r Organization (ILO) (2002 ) more than 50 percent of the urban workforce in sub Saharan Africa is engaged in th is informal sector. In Ghana the private sector remains the l argest employer, accounting for two thirds (66.7 percent ) of employment, with 28.5 percent in formal public sector employment 4 This realization is reflected i n the medium term objectives in the Vision 2020 document (1996 2000) that sought t o create an enabling environment for the private sector to thrive. One of the that ha s recently attracted many disciples is e waste scavenging U ntil the last three to four years this practice was virtually unknown in the Ghanaian urb an livelihood vocabulary 5 However, t he failure of t he formal sector to generate enough job opportunities to meet the grow ing numbers of urban job seekers has compelled many who are qualified but unemployed and th os e wi th low employability to turn to the i nformal sector for survival E waste (also known as waste electrical and electronic equipment [ WEEE ] ) refers to discarded electrical and electronic materials that enter the waste stream and are destined for reuse, resale recycling or disposal. It contain s secondary raw material s such as copper, steel, plastic, etc. The term scavenging is used in this conte x t to describe the act of : P icking recyclable elements from mixed waste wherever it may be temporarily accessible or disposed of ; and M anually dismantli ng computers monitors and TV sets for resalable ite ms at numerous small workshops 6 Conceptualizing the I nformal U rban E conomy in Ghana T he informal sector of urban economy has been well studied 7 T he consensus is that the sect or offers the best alternativ e to formal sector employment. It is said that t he contribution to the overall restructuring and functioning of the urban economy is most appreciated through the livelihood strategy perspective though initially that strategy was an instrument for assessing the dynamics of rural economy. 8 The application of the livelihood strategy in the urban milieu acknowledges that ability to achieve increased well being is determined by its access to capital assets and also that the effects of ext ernal conditioning variables constrain or encourage the productive use or accumulation of such assets 9 Owusu (2007) however suggests an alternative framework for understanding contemporary livelihood in urban areas t pp roach that according to him has its antecedent in t he household survival strategy and the informal sector literature He supports the definition of a livelihood system as the mix of individual and household strategies, developed over a given period of time that seeks to mobilize available resources and opportunities 10 T he present study also resonates with this thinking and focus es on how a transient population makes a living in a globalizing city where formal employment is not only limited but for whic h access may be restricted. Increasingly, studies in most African countries have shown that individuals and households of all social and economic background s within the urban milieu engage in multiple economic strategies to earn a living 11 These micro leve l strategies have been inspired by macro

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When Necessity Begets Ingenuity | 3 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf level ec onomic changes that are primarily the results of the economic cris e s of the 1970s and 1980s that culminated in the adoption of neo liberal reforms This economic restructuring intensified p overty and negati vely affected livelihoods because of the which led to policies such as liberalization of trade privatization of state owned enterprises and the introduction of cost recovery measures under a negotiated World Bank Structural Adjustme nt Programme ( SAP ) 12 The result s include d the state withdra w al from economic management leading to an escalation of prices of critical urban services while the real salaries of formal sector employees stagnated and in some cases even declined. 13 Ot he r ef fects included employment freeze public sector labor retrenchment (redeployment) and limited job creation potentials of the private sector 14 Ultimately the unemployment and by implication poverty levels in most African countries increased d uring the restructuring period and this was quite pronounced in urb an areas 15 As SAP w e situation in the city i ndividuals and households of varying socio economic background s also adopted different pract ices to with stand, cope with and manipulate the combined effects of the neo liberal economic reforms and urbanization of poverty 16 In Ghana the informal economy whose recent growth is a direct response to the economic crisis of the 1980s has beco me th e biggest receptacle for the urban poor in particular 17 It accounts for 60 percent of the total employment generated in the country and 93 percent of the private sector contributing 22 percent of real GDP 18 The agricultural sector which traditionally em ploy ed about 55 percent of the population is being shunned probably because of the un remunerative commodity prices. 19 The situation in the northern part of the country is worsened by protracted chieftaincy conflicts and intensified climate variability th at have rendered farming not only a t remendously risk y venture but has a l s o given impetus for households to move southwards in search of better livelihood opportunities 20 To such a vulnerable society, the development of multiple household strategies and t he dispersal of family members geographically is one of a variet y of strategies for surviving the effects of both the neo liberal policies and internal contradictions Other activities includ e street such as shoe repairs, vulcanizing and hairdressing all of which currently appear very saturated The situation has made e waste scavenging o ne of the most visible manifestations of such livelihood strategies particularly in the capital city Accra and pr incipally among the transient population from the north. Som e studies have highlighted the e waste activities at Agbogbloshie disposal site 21 A nalyzing critically the nature and scope of e waste scavenging as an efficient l ivelihood strategy and asset acc umulation process, h owever, has received very little scholarly attention. Such data deficiency tends to give justification for the occasional castigation of the practice by some media and environmental NGOs 22 Th is study contributes in filling this informat ion deficiency by examining how e waste scavenging serves as a source of livelihood and its impact on the urban space. The study is informative by documenting the changing livelihood strategies of a transient population, its implication for development a nd possible guidance for future research. It also helps bridge the gap in this nascent literature by examining the validity and variability of e waste scavenging as a livelihood strategy, using findings from

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4 | Oteng Ababio African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf Agbogbloshie, the biggest e waste recycling site in Ghana. The findings will help in developing an appropriate regulatory framework for e waste management in the country. M ethods Data C ollection The data for the study w ere collected at Agbogbloshie Scrap Yard whose genesis dates back to the early 1980s 23 The area is about 31.3 hectares, and currently less than a kilometer from Central Business District (CBD) of Accra with an estimated population of 79,684 (see Figure 1). 24 E waste scavenging as a work category emerge d some five to six years ago. Using p articipant observation, thi s study builds on earlier work 25 The study adopted an ethnographic approach that involved three months of critical participant observation of the operations of the scavengers, thus giving better insight into the diverse ways of o rganizing the e waste activities. The field work also incorporated other instruments like questionnaire and in depth interviews. The purposive random sampling technique was employed in order to obtain maximum information about the e waste space economy. 26 T his technique helped in identifying the chain of activities associated with e waste recycling : collection, disassembly, open burning, r efurbishing, and metal trading. A total of eighty participants ( sixty of them directly involved in e waste recycling and twenty in e waste related activities) were surveyed using a structured questionnaire. Critical economic characteristics, roles in the process of recycling, wages, profitability, among others The refusal rate was generally high (46 percent ) and this could be attributed to the growing public negative commentary about the activities of the recyclers in the study area in particular 27 In order to obtain a more balanced perspective, additional twe nty in depth interviews were also conducted with selected key stakeholders whose activities impact on the current e waste and some public officials from the Accra Metropol itan Assembly (AMA), the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), and Ministries of Local Government; Environment; Employment and Social Welfare; and Health to ascertain their perspective on the practice. I conducted the interviews with the recyclers persona work places which also provided another opportunity to observe labor intensities and recycling processes. I also observed the recyclers disassembling computers and their retrieval of resalable and reusable parts using rudimentary tools ( e.g. spanners, screw drivers). Further, I also observed the open incineration, retrieval of by products, weighing and metal trading during my field work. This participatory methodology was carried out conscious of the fact that such qualitative research (and in this instance, the luxury of previous studies in the area) entails the possibility of building relations and familiarity with research participants, which could introduce some biases. 28 The interviews were recorded with the consent of the interviewees and later transcribed to draw patterns along the themes identified. The processes were supplemented with a comprehensive literature review. This facilitated the appreciation of the possible impact

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When Necessity Begets Ingenuity | 5 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf Figure 1: Map of AMA Showing the Agbogbloshie E waste Recyclin g Site

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6 | Oteng Ababio African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf of the ir livelihood on the ir health and the enviro nment as well as i ts implications for development 29 The primary data was computed and analyzed with the S tatistical P ackage f or S ocial S ciences (SPSS 17 ) while the p ersonal observations and responses t o open ended interviews were organized into themes and u sed to complement the surv ey research results An Overview of E waste S caveng ers at Agbogbloshie T he demographic a spects of respondents captured during the su rvey include gender, ethnicity, level of education, age and marital status. As was expected, the scavengers were male dominated (86 percent ) with only 14 percent female representation. This is mainly because most of the activities involved rigorous hours of pu l ling handcarts to transport waste electronics from different parts of the city to the scrap yard for processing. The few women engage d with the industry center their activities on providing complementary services in the value chain including the sal s and spanners ) which is quite a crowded activity the merchandising of such as food, water etc In terms of nationality, o ut of the total respondents, 82 percent were Ghanaians, while the remain der were either of Nigerian or Liberia n origin Of great significance is the fact that as many as 90 percent of the respondents were born outside their current place of abode (Accra) and are possibly seeking greater economi c opportunity in Accra The results show that about 63 percent of the respondents were of northern extraction ( i.e. people from the three northern regions of Ghana) T his is an important indicator of the regional inequalities that partly sustain out migra tion and scavenging, mainly becoming an occupational niche for male migrants from the north. 30 The findings also show that scavengers are mostly youthful with fifty nine of them (81 percent ) below twenty nine years of age The Ghana National Youth Po licy ( 2010) defin es a within the age bracket of fifteen (15) and thirty five (35) from this group, the rest consists of the above thirty year olds (about 19 percent ) who probably have been unsuccessfu l in their quest for empl oyment or have been retrenched. However, the unifying factor is that all these groups depend on e waste as their source of employment and livelihood. In terms of education, 19 percent of the respondents had no formal education, 40 percent had either prima ry or secondary education and only one respondent (a Nigerian ) had a university education. By implication, the low l evel of education of most scavengers makes it difficult for them to obtain alternative employment opportunities in the formal sector of the economy, and as noted by Holmes (1999) higher school completion is an important determinant of future earnings. E waste scavenging can be seen as a direct response to the influx of used computers into the Ghanaian waste stream when the government in 2004, zero rated their importation in terms of import duties, and secondly, the widespread unemployment after SAP 31 Currently, it is estimated that three hundred to six hundred shipping containers arrive at the Tema port monthly with out any official re gulatory framework or infrastructure for its end of life management 32 This has created an opportunity for some individuals to ingeniously adopt and recycle the contents as a source of livelihood. Today, e waste scavenging plays a pivotal role in the consti tution of the urban economy, at least because it employs about 4,500 to 6,000 people in

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When Necessity Begets Ingenuity | 7 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf Accra directly and about 30, 000 within the broader chain of activities but also because it generate s about $10 5 million to $2 68 million annually and sustain s the livel ihood of about 200,000 people nati onwide. 33 Unlocking the Scavenging Trajectory in Ghana The current functional inter relationship involved in e waste scavenging (commo dity chain) is shown in Figure 2 It would s uffice to state that reuse of older electroni c products is a common practice and the most environmentally preferabl e option in dealing with electrical and electronic equipments (EEE) Economically, i t is also the means through which many people in Ghana ( where 28.5 percent of the population live belo w the poverty line ) can access such products. 34 I t also conserves energy and raw materials needed to produce new products and reduces pollution associated with energy use and manufacturing. After discussions with importers of second hand EEE refurbishers, scavengers and civil society as well as my personal experience after years of research into e waste, it is estimated that less than 5 percent of u sed e products get back to the dealers (importers and wholesalers) for possible exchange Apart from the fac t that the warranty system is non functional in the country, the dealers also have very limited outlets aside from Accra (and possibly, to a limited extent, Kumasi, Takoradi and Tamale) where non functional EEE could be deposited. Furthermore, there is cu rrently no official policy, regulation or channel in respect to used EEE. These setbacks in the face of growing importation of used EEE and poorly organized or monitored second hand market s have made e waste one of the fastest growing items in the Ghanaian waste stream. It is therefore not uncommon to see most individuals (about 95 percent ) discarding their repairers. The few that get to the dealers are tested for functionality and if repairable, re enter the second hand market. Those unserviceable ones are cannibalized for workable components that are then used to repair others for the second hand market. Those that cannot be used end up at the backyard of the scr ap dealers where every object, component and material tends to have some value. I t was gathered during the study that these scrap dealers were initially required to p with the daily entrance of new migrants. From the informal sector perspective, waste pickers collect used EEE from waysides, seashores, waste bins, dumpsites, etc and becaus e of the recycling economy has not only generated income earning opportunities for thousands of mostly extremely poor people, but it has also led to the emergence of dynamic entities with intense linkages between the formal and informal economy. Agbogbloshie has currently earned the reputation as the hub for the most rapid installers of used components and ha s an extensive inventory of accumulated parts that others travel from far and near to source. Even the non recyclable c omponents meant for disposal such as wires are burn ed to harvest copper, which also has ready market s both internally and internationally.

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8 | Oteng Ababio African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf F igure 2. The Current Recycling and Disposal Practices in the Study A rea Source: 2011 Informal l inkage own construct 2011 Source: construct 2011 F ormal linkage Middlemen (Building bulk of extracted/ recovered materials) Informal Sector Disposal of Electronic & Electrical Equipments Formal S ector Collection Dealers/Importers/Wholesalers Collection Segregation Check for functionality Service Station Refurbishing Extraction of usable materials Refurbished/Second hand Market Scrap Dealers (Wholesaling for recycling in industrie s) Final Disposal (Crude dumping of waste) Main Waste Stream Building bulk ( collectors ) Segregation Disassembling 5p erc ent 95 p erce nt Beneficiaries Cooperate institution In dividuals Street sides Se ashore Households Waste bins Cooperate institution Dump site Refurbishing Repairs Extraction of usable material Generation of feedstock for new products Recyclers Open burning to harvest metals Metal trading

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When Necessity Begets Ingenuity | 9 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf Table 1 presents a comparison of local and international metal prices. Evid ently, most local prices with the exception of that of steel are well below international market prices, which range from 40 percent to 150 percent higher than local pric es. I t can be inferred that the e waste enterprise is growing mainly due to the availa bility of market and the high price of its components (e.g., gold and copper). O ne significant aftermath of the current practice of retrieving copper is that, the site is constantly on fire which is also possibly an attempt to reduce the volume of waste generated. Be that as it may t hese fires lead to the accumulation of ash and partially burned materials which have health implications and probably explains why the Odaw River, which lie alongside the settlement 35 Table 1 : Local and International Scrap Metal Prices Metal Agbogblosie market price per kilogram in US dollars International market price per kilogram in US dollars Quantity in a PC (in grams) Copper 3.91 6.11 4.13 Brass 3.13 5.78 n.a. Zinc 0.93 2.33 2 5.9 Aluminum 0.78 1.80 550.2 Steel 0.78 0.67 6,737.5 Iron 0.21 0.30 n.a. Gold n.a. 48,834.97 0.26 raka sh et al (2010) Micro geographies of E waste S cavenging : Economic I mpact The study explored the working condition s and economic viability of e waste recycling in Accra Broadly, it captured three main categories of workers directly involved in the chain of activities : the crap d ealers. 36 The colle ctors who are the lowest barrier of entry for most collectors specialize in the picking of actual recyclable elements from dump sites, houses and companies to sell to the middlemen before or after processing. The middlemen build bulk and eventually sell to the scrap dealers who also sell to big companies and exporters in Tema. Like in most informal activities these scavengers do not maintain any records on quantities of collected commodities or financial revenues that accrue from their transactions. Howev er, the estimates of income derived from the sale of items, underscored the financial contribution of scavenging to the household economy. In terms of earnings, most collectors seemed to have no difficulty in remembering expenditure and profits, although t hey did not keep written records o f their cash flows. A ll participants described the industry as providing a better livelihood than the official daily minimum wage of GH¢ 3.11 ($2.15). 37 The study reveals that, e waste collectors earn on the average US $ 3.5 0 daily, which is about two and a half times the official average income for informal economic worker in Ghana. 38 Further, those e waste collectors who also engage in dismantling and metal recovery earn even more (US $8 a day) while the youth under fifte en many of whom participate in the process as part time collectors mainly after school activities or as truants, earn approximately

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10 | Oteng Ababio African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf US $20 per month. Bearing in mind that the overwhelming majority of informal workers have very low working capital, it is n from their activities. Nevertheless, the findings show that e waste scavengers make a reasonable profit from their activities, and that this return is favourable in comparison to other availabl e and accessible alternative sources of income 39 The study was however challenged when it came to assessing the earnings of the middlemen and scrap dealers partly because of tax fears. However, a few middlemen who obliged to this question reported earning averagely US $20 a day, while some scrap dealers mentioned netting US $50 daily, though that may be an exception rather that the rule. One important feature about their livelihood identified by all respondents was the variability of their earnings. That w ithstanding, the picture still appears positive when viewed against the fact that unemployment rate among the economically active population in Ghana is about 17.6 percent while about 28.5 percent of the total population lives below the poverty line 40 Inde ed, studies have shown that the national unemployment rate to be 3.6 percent compared to 6.3 percent recorded in urban areas and 8.9 percent r ecorded in Accra (See Figure 3). Figure 3: Unemployment Rate in Ghana Source: GLSS, 2008 To full y appreciate t new enterprise attempts were made to analyse respondents previous occupational experiences. The results clearly demonstrate why any enterprise whose start up capital is next to zero with virtu ally no entry requirements but substantial population, as exhibited in the study area. Figure 4 provides a breakdown of the previous employment of respondents before entering into the e waste trade. The number of workers in each category is expressed as a percentage of the sample.

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When Necessity Begets Ingenuity | 11 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf The findings shows that 31 percent of the respondents were either unemployed or retrenched and therefore were participating as a matter of survival while 41 percent were either into farming or self employed and 28 percent civil and public (formal) sector employees. Significantly the findings show that participation in e waste scavenging is not limited to the urban poor, but it also include other social class (formal sector employees) that were previ ously assumed to be immune to the pressures of economic change. involvement in multiple economic activities has a long history in Nigerian society, recent economic conditions have led to the intensification of the practice, bringing the professional class which traditionally was not part of the practice, into the dynamics. He distinguishes between the survival strategies of the working class and livelihood strategies of the pr ofessional class, arguing that, for most members of the latter (working) class, engagement in multiple modes of activities is critical to individual survival. For the professional class however, the as the c sector appears, and thus, is seen as a means of containing, and possibly reversing the slide in their living standards 41 Figure 4: Previous Employment of R espondents Source : Field Survey, February/April, 2010 A dmittedly, this study did not estimate the previous earnings of the respondents. However, earlier studies have revealed that public and civil servants earn an average basic monthly salary of approximately GH¢ 137.28 or GH¢ 0.78 per hour 42 In the same vein, farming, which is mostly subsistence, appears poorly paid and unattractive, with the lowest basic hourly earnings of GH¢ 0.41 43 The situation is even worse for the youth from the northern Ghana (forming 63 percent of respondents) who have very little con trol over the proceeds of their labour which is often at the discretion of the father. status of respondents. It is important to state that one has to treat incomes and expenditures generated from the operators in the informal economy with caution due partly to the significant

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12 | Oteng Ababio African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf fluctuations in their fortunes, and as already noted, they hardly keep books on their business transactions. They also tend to mix businesses, and these present a challenge when estimating their average monthly income. However, to have an idea of how well they were performing regarding capital accumulation, the waste collectors (the lowest paid in the industry) were asked to indicate the amount t hey earned in the month preceding the interview, after questions on profit level during the pilot test of the research instrument. The result shows that, an ave rage e waste collector at Agbogbloshie earns a monthly gross income of about US $380 whilst those engaged in metal recovery earn about US $460. Although they should account for their daily expenditure including shelter, bathing, food, and hiring of push t rucks for their daily expedition, the result glaringly puts them far and above that of an average public servant in Ghana who earns approximately US $93.04 a month This is significant not because the national daily minimum wage is GH ¢3.11 ( US $2.15), but because most participants (63 percent ) hail from the northern regions where majority live below the lower poverty line. 44 This might explain why e waste chain of activities remains the second largest employment category for the 79,684 residents of Agbobgl oshie afte r retailing 45 The findings contradict some other studies on the informal sector activities in other parts of Africa. Lighthelm (2004) for example states that the average monthly gross profit for informal market activity in Pretoria is R1010 ( app roximately US $ 151.0 0 ) which is only half the amount required to sustain an average African household in Pretoria. 46 Th i s compare s favorably with c raft and tra de workers in Ghana who earn GH¢ 114.4 (US $70.2) monthly. 47 The study however resonates with the study of Yankson (2007) which reveal ed that the mean daily profit levels per male and female street traders in Ghana wer e US $ 5.3 and US $ 7.62 respectively. The study has also empirically demonstrated that e waste scavenging provides a livelihood for man y urban poor and that at least in the short to medium term it has the potential of moving many out of the poverty zone. During the study, 65 percent of the respondent s rejected a ny suggestion for the ban of the current practice. Micro geographies of E wa ste S cavenging : Environmental and H ealth I mpact s The literature on e waste is replete with studies indicating that e waste contains intricate blends of plastics and chemicals, which when improperly handled can be harmful 48 L ead and mercury for example a re known to be high ly potent neurotoxins, particularly among children, who can suffer IQ deficiency and developmental abnormalities (BAN/SVTC 2002) while the brominated flame retardants (BFR) in plastics pose serious health risks 49 It is therefore to be e xpected that at Agbogbloshie where e waste is dismantled and recycled by hand, harmful chemicals and plastic are possibly introduced into the envi ronment via water, air and soil, while w orkers who burn the e waste to retrieve valuable metals are also expos ed to heavy metals, and organic acids, which have long term health risks 50 This possibility was re echoed in an interview with a medical officer from the Ghana Health Service Accra. Citing a World Bank Report ( 2007), she noted that in Ghana, about five million children die annually from illness caused by poor environment . . poor resource management cost s the country about 10 percent of GDP with 40 percent attributed to water and air pollution S he further conceded that although no epidemiological s tudies have been

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When Necessity Begets Ingenuity | 13 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf conducted in Agbogbloshie the recent increase in cases of convulsion in the area could be a striking coincidence that warrants further studies. Ironically participants in the study demonstrated some knowledge of the health and environme ntal impact of the practice. However, their perceived impact was restricted ma inly to accident related and other obvious effects (burns, cuts, etc) that are in sharp contrast with those reported in other epidemiological studies 51 In this study, 51 percent of the respondents carrying heavy loads and pulling handcarts over long distances across the city to the scrap yard. Additionally, in an environment where waste is routinely burn ed in an uncontrolled manner and in open dumps (burning to harvest metals, copper wires), coughing can be expected 52 A waste collector re counted : s every weekend (Sunday). I no rmally experience severe body and chest pains when we have to haul huge loads from outside Accra One commonality among most participants (90 percent ) however was their perception that the emission of smoke through the constant burning of e waste to ret rieve metals could pollute the environment. An e xecutive of Scrap D ealers Association re counted rather pessimistic ally : melt off the plastic and reclaim the copper wires may affe ct our health; I am not very sure. However I am very certain that it negatively affects the environment as toxic chemicals are Incidentally most shop owners, who are at a distan ce from the burning sites see the open burning on the hitherto derelict waterlogged land as a means o f control ling the breeding of mosquito s, which ha s been their major challenge 53 The position taken by this group appears to have been informed by the apparent poor sanitation, including op en defecation which they see as more environmentally polluting and threatening Indeed, the participatory technique helped to uncover an emerging but virtually neglected health hazard where some local butchers operating within the study area use e waste g enerated fire to singe livestock for the local restaurants (chop bars). A l though the observation is beyond the scope of this paper its potential to cause impairment of public health is very high and thus needs a detailed epidemiological investigation I t is important to stress that it is not possible from this study to comprehensively evaluate the damage likely to be caused to human health and environment from these widespread practic es. Nevertheless, the results indicate that the likelihood of exposure t o haza rdous chemicals arising from e waste scavenging (though the practice remains a major source of livelihood for many people from diverse background ) can be locally severe and nationally costly. It can affect development and therefore warrant s further s tudies. Rethinking E waste Scavenging as a Livelihood Strategy The changing dynamics of the Ghanaian urban economy especially in the capital city, Accra, orchestrated by neo liberal globalization and rapid urbanization, has made some informal activities l ike e waste scavenging not only a survival strategy but perhaps an opportunity for others (including formal sector employees) to either alleviate or shore against uncertainties The study has shown how migrant population s, particularly from the north ern r egions of Ghana

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14 | Oteng Ababio African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf subsist mainly on e waste scavenging not only by choice but also as a result of necessity T here is also empirical evidence to infer that some participate in the industry to cushion them selves against the vagaries of neo liberal policies. This finding th us questions whether theoretically, the long held notion that a segment of the urban society that exclusively participate s in informality tell s the complete story. 54 It demonstrates the functional linkages and fluidity between the formal and informal sector. For example, the reuse of older electronic products is a common practice and the only means through which many formal sector employees can economically access electronic products and participate in the in formation technology revolution. A lso the separation of working components for repairs of faulty electronics has become a common practice. It is also instructive how people move seamlessly from the civil/public sector or the dominant poorly remunerative agricultural sector to participate i n this new industry. Admittedly, the scope of the present study is limited. However, it provides useful insight s on how e waste scavenging serves as a strategic response to macro economic change and political contradiction within the broader urban space F urther studies will perhaps help to establish in detail s for example, the socio economic background of those involve d in the chain of activit ies associated with e waste and its impact on the national economy as a whole Ultimately, this will impact how co ntemporary urban economies and space s are conceptualized a nd how urban planning are conceived and executed. P roper appreciation and understanding of the nature and scope of activities and the geography of the opportunities for participation will inform po licy makers and city authorities to de sign targeted policies that take advantage of the spatial variations and nature of such activities This is particularly important s pursuit for economic growth cannot be independent of the ICT revolution, and the fact that inefficient management of the end of life of e products can cause serious environmental and health hazards. Hence, the need for policies that are based on empirically ascertained data to help regulate and integrate the practice into the f ormal sector. The overall goal for such integration should be to build a better functioning, more inclusive, healthier and socially sustainable city. This new partnership should see the local government playing a pivotal role and should be given greater a uthority, discretion and enhanced capacity to mobilize local support and resources, and take stakeholder needs and views into account in formulating and implementing policies and programes. This is premise d on the fact that local authorities are better pla ced than distant central governments to broker and harmonize the new partnerships among the various stakeholders. To play the envisaged role effectively, local authorities need improved technical, administrative and financial capacity through genuine decen tralization and increased support from national and international development agencies, including NGOs At the national level, government ought to realize that the informal sector in most cases fill s in the niches created by government inefficiencies. In t hat perspective, t he creation of dual and parallel urban systems formal and s hould give way for an appropriate mix. This is in line with the current advocacy for endogenizing formal institutions to reconcile them to local conditions, and g ive them greater social legitimacy. In the words of Mabogunje African cities still look like houses built from the roof down:

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When Necessity Begets Ingenuity | 15 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf A ll the institutions of modern urbanization are in place the banks, the factories, the legal system, the unions, etc. but all th ese appear to be suspended over societies that have no firm connections to them, and whose indigenous institutions, even when oriented in the right direction, lack the necessary scaffolding to connect to their modern surrogates 55 The government also has a legitimate duty to explore more actively national policies in order to slow down the rate of population growth in the cities and elsewhere through programs for reproductive health and family planning, which, together with purposeful urbanization policies, could help to lower fertility, and not overburden but ease pressure on the cities and urban services 56 Ultimately, the informal sector also has a role to play in terms of organizing and developing the much needed civic engagement skills to be able to enga ge more constructively with government s and other development partners, and to increase their power to lobby, negotiate and influence public policy in favo u r of their sector 57 Finally, this study support s t h e assertion by Owusu ( 2007 ) that planners who re fuse to think creatively about the emerging chal lenges risk becoming irrelevant Kazimbaya Senkwe also rightly argues: I f urban planners want to be relevant to the urban development agenda, then they should rethink their fixation with master planning ide as which hitherto has limited their role in the development of the informal sector. They must adopt approaches in which solutions do not come from master planning textbooks but rather are developed with the people concerned using planning tools that respec t the economic reality of the city and th e voices of other stakeholders. 58 After all, the informal sector activities take advantage of the failures of the formal sector and u s e sweat equity instead of money to create a living environment, however marginal. Conclusion Under the limitation of this study the following can be concluded. First, e waste scavenging as a livelihood strategy in Accra can be seen as a direct response to rapid urbanization, neoliberal globalization and a lack of formal job opportuni ties. Second, b cheap labo r, the e waste recycling economy has not only generated income earning opportunities for thousands of mostly extremely poor people but has also led to the emergence of dynamic entities with intense linkag es between formal and informal economy. Third, s ignificantly the findings show that participation in e waste scavenging is not limited to the urban poor, but it also include other social class es (formal sector employees) who were previously assumed to be i mmune to the pressures of economic change. Next, t hough the practice remains a major source of livelihood for many deprived urban poor, the results indicate the likelihood of exposure to hazardous chemicals that locally can be severe and nationally costly. Finally, i t is clear from th ese findings tha t there is the need for well co ordinated and deliberate technical and non technical integration of the formal and inf ormal sectors The study thus concurs regarding the need to restore the structural and functi onal disconnect between informal indigenous from outside 59

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16 | Oteng Ababio African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf Notes 1 Owusu 2007; Ferguson 2007. 2 Grant 2009; Grant and Oteng Ababio 2012 3 Francis 2000; Rakodi 2002. 4 GLSS 2008. 5 Brigden et al 2008; Oteng Ababio 2010. 6 Kuper and Hojsik 2008. 7 Owusu 2007; Yan kson 2007; ISSER 2009. 8 Oberhauser and Yeboah 2011. 9 Rakodi 2002. 10 Grown and Sebstaed 1989 p. 941. 11 Briggs and Yeboah 2001; Owusu 2007. 12 response, see Owusu 2001. 13 Aryeetey and Ahortor 2005; Baa Boateng and Turkson 2005; Aryeetey and Codjoe 2005. 14 Loureno Lindell 2004. 15 World Bank 2001; UN Habitat 2003. 16 Wood and Salaway 2000; Hapke and Ayyankeril 2004. 17 Owusu 2007. 18 GSS 2008. 19 Ibid. 20 Awumbila and Ardayfio Schandorf 2008. 21 Brigden et al 2008; Prakesh and Manhart 2010; Oteng Ababio 2010. 22 Brigden et al 2008; Frontline 2009; Afrol News 2010. 23 Grant 2009; Oteng Ababio 2010. 24 Housing the Masses 2010, p. 2. 25 See Grant and Oteng Ababio 20 11; Oteng Ababio 2011. 26 See Grant and Oteng Ababio 2011. 27 Ibid. 28 Skelton 2001. 29 Pinto 2008; Brigden et al 2005. 30 Post 1999; Oteng Ababio 2010. 31 Baud and Schenk 1994. 32 Afrol News 2010; Frontline 2009. 33 Prakash et al 2010 p. 51. 34 GSS 200 8.

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When Necessity Begets Ingenuity | 17 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf 35 For health implication, see UNEP 2005; Pinto 2008; Brigden et al 2008. Regarding the Odaw River, see Boadi et al 2002. 36 Bridgen et al 2008 37 As of December 2010, 1 Ghanaian New Cedi (GHS) = 0.67425 US Dollar (USD) accessed on 26th Dec, 2010 http://www.oanda.com/convert/classic 38 GSS 2007. 39 See GLSS, 2008; Oberhauser and Yeboah 2011. 40 GSS 2008. 41 Mustapha 1992, p. 201. 42 GSS 2008. 43 Ibid. 44 Ibid. In Ghana, poverty profile as the measure of the standard of living is based o n household and consumption, expenditure, covering food and non food (including housing). Hence, a lower poverty line focuses on what is needed to meet the nutritional requirements of household members. Individuals whose total expenditure fall below this line are considered to be in an extreme poverty position, since even if they allocated their entire budgets to food, they would not be able to meet their minimum nutritional requirements. Thus, there are two lines: a lower line of GH¢700 per adult equival ent per month, and an upper line of GH¢ 900 per adult equivalent per month. 45 Armah 2008, p. 8. 46 Martins 2004, p. 4. 47 GSS 2008. 48 Caravanos et al 2011; Widmer et al 2005. 49 Ching Hwa et al 2002. 50 Caravanos et al 2011. 51 Pinto 2008; Caravanos e t al 2011. 52 Sepulveda et al 2010. 53 Oteng Ababio 2011. 54 ILO 1995. 55 Mabogunje 2005. 56 Population Reports 2002. 57 World Bank 2003. 58 Kazimbaya Senkwe 2004 p. 119. 59 Dia 1996 p. 25. References was 2010 from Afrol News website at http://www.afrol.com/articles/36355

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18 | Oteng Ababio African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf Fadama Commun Sustainability Science, Lund University, Sweden. Awumbila, M., and E. Ardayfio Strategies of Female Porters in Accra, Gh Norwegian Journal of Geography 62.3 : 171 79. Baud, I. S. A., and H. Schenk. 1994. Solid Waste Management: Modes, Assessments, Appraisals and Linkages in Bangalore New Dehli: Manohar Publishers. BAN/SVTC. 2002. Exporting Harm: the High Tech Trashing of Asia The Basel Action Network and Silicon Valley Toxics Coalition. 25 February. The Environmentalist 22: 301 09. Brigden, K., I. Labunska, D. Santillo, and M. Laboratories Technical Note 09/2005. Publ. Greenpeace International, August 2005: 56. Brigden, K., I. Labunska, D. Santillo, Greenpeace Report Retrieved September 25, 2010 from Greenpeace website at http://www.greenpeace.org/international/en/publications/reports/chemical contamination at e wa/ Saharan African City. Area 33. 1: 18 26. Environmental Chemical Exposure Risks at an e Waste Recycling and Disposal Site in Accra, Blacksmith Institute Journal of Health and Pollution 1 .1: 16 25. Ching hwa, L., C. Ssu li, W. King min, and W. Lih Journal of Hazardous Material A73 : 209 20. Dia, M. 1996. African Man agement in the 1990s and Beyond: Reconciling Indigenous and Tr ansplanted Institutions. Washington, DC: World Bank. Ferguson, J. 2007. Global Shadows: Africa in the Neoliberal World Order Durham, NC: Duke University Press. Francis, E. 2000. Making a Living: Changing Livelihoods in Rural Africa London: Routledge. Fr ontline. 2009. Frontline website at http://www.pbs.org/frontlineworld/stories/ghana804/slideshow/ slideshow.html Ghana Statistical Service. 2007. Patterns and trends of poverty in Ghana 1991 2006 Accra, April.

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When Necessity Begets Ingenuity | 19 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf _____. 2008. Ghana Living Standards Survey. Report of the Fifth Round (GLSS 5). Grant, R. 2009. Globalizing City: The Urban and Economic Tran sformation of Accra, Ghana Syracuse: Syracuse University Press. _____ and M. Oteng Mapping the Invisib Urban E Urban Geography 33.1: 1 21 World Development. 17.7: 937 52. life Course, and Livelihood Strategies in Gender Place and Culture 11. 2 : 229 56. Hicks, C., in China Environmental Impact Assessment Review 25: 459 71. n Analysis University, New Haven. Housing the Masses. 2010. Community Led Enumeration of Old Fadama Community, A ccra Ghana. Unpublished Report. Accra, Ghana. International Labor Organization (ILO). 2002. Women and Men in the Informal Economy: A Statistical Picture Geneva: ILO. Institute for Statistical, Social and Economic Research (ISSER). 2009. State of the Ghana ian Economy. Accra: University of Ghana. and African Affairs 91.363: 207 26. Kazimbaya od of Economic Reconsidering Informality: Perspectives from Urban Africa Uppsala: Nordiska Afrikaininstitutet, pp. 99 119. Keirsten, S., and P. Michael 1999. A Report on Poison PCs and Toxic TVs, Silicon Valley Toxic Coalition, http://svtc.org/cleancc/puds/poisonpc.htm Kuper, J., and M. Hojsik. 2008. "Poisoning the Poor Electronic Waste in Ghana." Greenpeace International 155: 4 8. Ligthelm, Informal Markets in Tshwane: Entrepreneurial Incubators or Survivalist Report Number 335. Bureau of Market Research. Pretoria: University of South Africa. Loureno Bissau, Guinea In K. T. Hansen and M. Vaa (eds.) Reconsidering I nformality: Perspectives from Urban Africa Uppsala: Nordiska Afrikaininstitutet.

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20 | Oteng Ababio African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf Persp ectives on the City Toronto: University of Toronto Center for Urban and Community S tudies: 20 45. Minimum and Supplemented Living Levels in the Main and other Selected Report Number 334. Bureau of M arket Research. Pretoria: University of South Africa. Ministry of Youth and Sports. 2010. National Youth Policy of Ghana August. Government of G hana. waste: A New Challenge for Waste Management in I The International Journal of Environmental Studies 61 : 265 79. A. Ofstad (eds.) Seminar Proceedings No. 26, Authoritar ianism Democracy and Adjustment: The Politics of Economic Reform in Reform in Africa. Uppsala: Nordiska Afrikainstitutet: 188 216. Heavy Burdens: Gendered Livelihood Si ngapore Journal of Tropical Geography 32.1: 22 37. Oteng Private Public Partnership in Solid Waste Management in the Greater Accra Metropolitan Area in Ghana _____. 2010. E waste: An Emerg ing Challenge for Solid Waste Management in Ghana. International Development Planning Review 32.2: 191 206 _____. 2011. The Role of the Informal Sector in Solid Waste Management in the GAMA, Ghana : Challenges and Opportunities. Tijdscrift voor Econo mische en Sociale Geographie ; DOI : 10.1111/j.1467 9663.2011.00690.x. The Canadian Geographer 45.3: 387 403. n Cities: Planning and Journal of Planning Education and Research 26: 450 65. Pinto, V.N. 2008. E waste Hazard: Impending Challenge. Indian Journal of Occupational and Environmental Medicine 12 : 65 70. Habitat International 23. 2: 201 15. Prakash, S., A. Manhart, Y. Amoyaw economic Asessment and Feasibility Stud y on Sustainable E

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When Necessity Begets Ingenuity | 21 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf report: Institute for Applied Ecology, Freiburg, Germany. Retrieved November 25, 2010 from Institute for Applied Ecology website at http://www.oeko.de/oekodoc/1057/2010 105 en.pdf and T. Lloyd Jones (eds.) Urban Livelihoods: A People Centred Approach to Reducing Poverty. London: Earthscan, 2 23. Proc. International Symposium on Electronics and the Environment 2002 IEEE, May 6 9, 2002 San Francisco, CA, 79 84. Schmidt, O E Environmental Health Perspectives 110: 188 94. Limb and C. Dwyer (eds.) Qualitative Methodologies for Geographers: Issues and Debates London: Arnold, 87 100. United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP). 2005. E waste: The Hidden Side of IT Early Warnings on Emerging Environmental Threats no. 5. Geneva: United Nations Environment Programme. UN Habitat. 2003. Sl ums of the World: The Face of Urban Poverty in the New Millennium? Monitoring the Millennium Development Goal, Target 11 W orld wide Slum Dweller Estimation Working Paper. Nairobi, Kenya: United Nations Human Settlements Programme. Widmer, R., H. Oswald kr apf, S. Sinha Perspectives on E Environmental Impact Assessment Review 25 : 436 58. Journal of Int ernational Development 12: 669 88. World Bank. 2001. World Development Report 2000/2001. Attacking Poverty New York: Oxford University Press. _____. 2003. World Development Report 2004, Making Services Work for Poor People Washington, DC: World Bank. ___ __. 2005. IMF and World Bank Support US$3.5 Billion in Debt Service Relief for the Republic of Ghana. News release 2005/21/PREM available at http://go.worldbank.org/ 0QG869DT00 (accessed 8 January 2010). _____. 20 07. Ghana Country Environmental Analysis, Report No. 36985 GH, Nov. 2. Street Trading and Environmental Management in Central Accra: Research Review 23.1: 37 55.



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*g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gg+ L94Z9439"C9-"3--&(D" 98"%(9-8"-3W8= H ;3A("e3-4(= H JC929J8(2"-89'1-K )6* "" L94Z9439"C9 -"J$''('$298(D" i&((4">%3Z9F(8C+">%A3-":2(-%(= +" ]923%=4 ]$42$(+"94D"Y(22="R92J39 +" F&8"PE9'("BO2&'9C"C9-"=(8"8$"911(92K )6f "" SC3%("38"'9="F(" 82&(+"9-"Y9'(-"BK"P923$O3"-898(D"34" )_af+ 8C98"L94Z9439"E9-"\'&JC"'$2("J$''388(D"8$"8C("J9&-(" $;"7;23J94"&438="8C94"94=" $8C(2">9-8"7;23J94"J$&482=+\ L94Z9439 C9-"(W12(--(D"38" 1$$2%=" 34" 1C3%98(%= K )6` " j(8"EC98"$;"8C("2(53$49%"-89'1-" A9%3D"34"L94Z9439s"":(2C91-"8C(" \ P(4=9 @594D9 L94Z9439 \ 3--&(-"8$")_ab"J$4A(="-82$45":94 H 7;23J943-8"8C('(-K Q2$'"7123%")_b`"8$"Y94&92=")_ab+"8C("2 (53$49%"823192838("(4838="('1$E(2(D"8C(">9-8"7;23J94" ?$''$4"0(2A3J(-"k25943Z983$4"8$"12$D&J("9F$&8")a`" -89'1-" A9%3D 34"L94Z9439K )6b """ LC2(("-(23(-" 34D32(J8%="12$'$8(D":94 H 7;23J943-'K )6a "" 74$8C(2"8(4+"C$E(A(2+"J(%(F298(D"2(53$49%"&438="E38C" 8$13J-"8C98"%925(%=" -&11$28"8C(";32-8"-8(1"$;"B=(2(2(T-"A3-3$4"$;":94"7;23J943-' V 2( 53$49%" J$C(-3$4K )6g "" 7-"(W1(J8(D+" 8C("-('3$83J-"$;" B=(2(2(T-"2(53$49%":94 H 7;23J94"1C3%98(%3J"%(59J=" J$4829-8-" E38C" 8C98"$;"BO2&'9CT-"J$4834(489%"A3-3$4"34"-J$1("94D"348(4-38=K"" ,4"J$4829-8"8$"B= (2(2(+" R&34(9X-" 7C'(D"0[O$&"L$&2[" -C92(D"BO2&'9CX-"A3-3$4"$;":94 H 7;23J943-'+"94D C(" $;;(2(D"C3'"-94J8&92="34"?$49O2="EC(4"8C("RC949394"%(9D(2"E9-" $A(28C2$E4"34")_bbK""7-"34"RC949+"P93-(2"7%&'34&'"C9D"34D&-8239%"348(2(-8-"34"R&34(9K""LC(" 8E$"%(9D(2-"'&-8"C9 A("J$'192(D"4$8(-"$4"P93-(2K" I3O("B=(2(2("94D"BO2&'9C+"L$&2[" C9D" %(D" C3-"J$&482="8$"34D(1(4D(4J(K"k4"/*"B$A('F(2")_`g+"-C$28%="9;8(2"-&JJ(--;&%%="%(9D345"8C(" 34D(1(4D(4J("'$A('(48"95934-8"Q294J(+"L$&2["94D"BO2&'9C"-354(D"94"34;$2'9%"952(('(48" 1%(D5345"8$"J 2(98("9"&43$4"$;"S(-8"7;23J94"-898(-+"94D"-$%3D3;3(D"8C(32" : 94 H 7;23J943-8"(;;$28-"34" 8C("?$49O2="752(('(48"$4")"]9=")_`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h$8C" J$&4 823(-"9%-$"$A(212348(D"12( H 34D(1(4D(4J("J$%$439%"-89'1-"E38C"34D(1(4D(4J(" 12$J%9'983$4-K""R&34(9 %3O(E3-("3--&(D"9"A(2-3$4"$;"RC949T-"12$;$&4D"F%9JO"94D"EC38(" C94D-C9O(K ))* "" e&2345"BO2&'9CT-"(W3%("94D"9;8(2E92D-+"R&34(9"J$4834&(D"8$"3--&("-89'1-"$;" -3'3%92"8 C('(-K""L$ J(%(F298("8C("8(48C"9443A(2-92="$;"8C("k7@+"8$"9--$J398(":94 H 7;23J943-'"

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""" BO2&'9C H (29":C3%98(%3J",'95(-"$;">'(25345"RC 949"94D":94 H 7;23J943-'!" *_ !"#$%&'()*+,$-.(/+&#*#01 !" #$%&'(")*+",--&(-")"."/!"012345"/6)/ http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf E38C"8C("k7@+ 94D"-&F8%="8$"J$''('$298("BO2&'9CT-"D(98C"9"=(92"(92%3(2+"R&34(9T-"k7@" -(23(-"3-"-&2(%="9"1$%383J9%"-898('(48 V ;$&2"1 $282938-"$;"BO2&'9CK ))f """"" )%8**(=>>=( *+ \R&34(9\M"\:2$J%9'983$4"$;",4D(1(4D(4J(+"/"kJ8K")_`g+\")_`_+"1K"fb`+" 4$K")a* p 94D"\RC949\M""\,4D(1(4D(4J(+"]92K"b+")_`a+\"b"]92K")_`a+"1K"/6g+"4$K"/K e3;;(2345";2$' F$8C"RC949394"94D"L94Z94394"1C3%98(%=+" F(;$2("BO2&'9C"E9-"$A(28C2$E4" R&34(9 3--&(D" -('3$83 J"-89'1" D(13J8345" -$J39%3-8" 9JJ$'1%3-C'(48-K""L$&2["988('18(D"8$" & F9%94J(" $&8" 8C("J91389%3-8"94D"J$''&43-8"9DA(2-923(-"$;"8C("?$%D"S92"F=" 1C3%98(%3J9%%= J(%(F298345" F$8C" 7'(23J94"94D" G&--394" 9JJ$'1%3-C'(48-"34"-19J(K ))` "" Q3A("=(92-"%98(2"D&2345"8C(" C(35C8"$ ;"8C(" 7'(23J94"S 92"34"#3(8" B9'"94D"BO2&'9CT-"(W3%("34"R&34(9+"L$&2["E(48" ;&28C(2" 94D" J$''('$298(D"#%9D3'32",%=3JC"I(434"34"9";3A( H -89'1"-(23(-K ))b "" 0C$28%="9;8(2" BO2&'9C"D3(D+" L$&2[" 9%-$" J$''('$298(D"8C("h&%592394"J$''&43-8 %(9D(2 +"R($25("e3'382$AK ))a "" LC(-("8 E$" -(23(-"C9D"'&JC"34"J$''$4"E38C"8C("-JC$%92%="E$2O"$4" -$J39%3-8" 1$%383J9%"1C3%$-$1C="BO2&'9C 911%3(D"8$"7;23J9"94D 1&F%3-C(D" D&2345"C3-"(W3%("34"R&34(9K ))g """" "" """ """ "" 81;$ 7 45,+60%&<,0&=%0#0(0#&8%()0$")K & 7;8(2" RC949394"'3%3892="%(9D(2-"$A(28C2(E" PE9'("B O2&'9C"$4"/f"Q(F2&92=")_bb +" RC949":$-8" D3-J$4834&(D" Q$&4D(2T-"e9= 94D"G(1&F%3J"e9= 3--&(-K "" 7-"3-"8C(" 2$&834(+" 8 C$-("EC$"9--&'(" 1$E(2" 9;8(2"2(53'("JC945(-"-$$4" 12$D&J("1C3%98(%3J"-('3$83J-"8C98"988('18"8$"%(5383'3Z("94D" 12$'$8("8C(32" 5$A(24'(48-K"" LC("RC94 9394-"EC$" -&JJ((D(D"BO2&'9C E(2("4$"(WJ(183$4K ))_ """ B$4(8C(%(--+"8C(2("E9-"-$'("J$4834&38="E38C"BO2&'9C H (29"1C3%98(%=K"" LC2$&5C"8C(" )_g6-+ RC949394"%(9D(2-" J$4834&(D"8$" 3--&("-89'1-"D(D3J98(D"8$" C&'94"235C8-"94D"-$J39%"U&-83J( K )/6 "" h=")_g_+" C$E(A(2+" RC949":$8" U$34(D" '94="$8C(2"J$&4823(-"94D"9D$18(D" 1$1"1C3%98(%= 8$" 293-("2(A(4&( K""0$'("$;"8C(";32-8" 3&(-" 34J%&D(D"9"-(23(-"$;"Y9194(-("19348345-+"-='F$%-"$;"8C(" Q2(4JC"G(A$%&83$4+"94D"0C9O(-1(92(K""LC("h(98%(-+"Q294O"0349829+" 0 =%A(-8(2"089%%$4( +"94D"]3JO(=" ]$&(" ;$%%$E(D"-C$28%="8C(2(9;8(2K "" RC949":$-8"C9-"J$4834&(D"8C3-"82(4D"(A(2"-34J(K )/) "" 0('3$83J-" $;" 2(A$%&83$492=";(2A$2"94D"7;2$J(4823J"3'95(2=" 3438398(D"34" 8C("BO2&'9C"(29 92("4$E" %(--" ;2(^&(48%="3--&(D"94D"C9A("F((4" %925(%=" 2(1%9J(D"F=" S(-8(24"3'95(-"$;" 1$1& %92"J&%8&2( K""SC(2(" 3-"BO2&'9CT-" 1C3%$-$1C="$;"? $4-J3(4J3-'"8$D9=s "" PE9'("BO2&'9C" C9-"4$4(8C(%(--"'9D("8C2(("911(9294J(-"34"RC949394"1C3%98(%="-34J("C3-" D(98CM""3 4")_g6 9" 1928"$;"8C("\B983$49%"I(9D(2\"-(23(-+"34" )__) 9-"1928"$;"8C("\)68C"B$4 H 7%354(D" ]343 -8(2-"?$4;(2(4J(+"7JJ29+\"94D"34" /66) +"9"=(92"D$'3498(D"F="1$1"1C3%98(%=+ 34"49'("$4%="$4" 8C("\`68C"7443A(2-92="$;"PE9'("BO2&'9C"@43A(2-38="$;"0J3(4J("94D"L(JC4$%$5= K \ )// "" LC98"=(92" RC949":$-8"9%-$"3--&(D" -&JC"D3-19298( 8$13J-" 9-"Y9'(-"?954(=+"LC("0&12('(+" i&((4"#3J8$239T-"

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f6 !"S3%F&24" !"#$%&'()*+,$-.(/+&#*-#01 !"#$%&'(")*+",--&(-")"."/!"012345"/6)/ C881MNNEEEK9;23J9K&;%K(D&N9-^NA)*NA)*3) H /9)K1D; "" )668C"7443A(2-92="94D" ]9$ L-( H L&45K )/* "" k4("E$4D(2-"EC98"8C("k-95=(;$"E$&%D"C9A("'9D("$;" 38"9%%K "" " """"" cI(;8d ( )%8**(=>>=( *+"\RC949\M"\0(J$4D"7443A(2-92="$;",4D(1(4D(4J(+\"b"]92K")_`_+"1K"/6_+" 4$K"f`"94D"cG35C8d"\Q$&4D (2T-"e9=+\"/)"0(18K")_b*+"1K"/))+"4$K")f_K N1#/)+;(1# LC("1C3%98(%3J"C3-8$2="$;"8C("BO2&'9C H (29"-894D-"9-"94"9283-83J"823F&8("8$"8C("^&(-8";$2 34D(1(4D(4J(+"(J$4$'3J"D(A(%$1'(48+"-$J39%"U&-83J(+" RC949394"J&%8&2(+" 94D"8C("&43;3J983$4"$;" 7;23J9K""LC("-('3$83 J-"$;"RC949394"1C3%98(%=" F(8E((4")_`a"94D")_bb" F$8C"12$A$O(-"94D"34-132(-K" : C3%98(%3J"2(;%(J83$4-"$;"BO2&'9C H (29"RC949"92("J%(A(2"34"D(-354+"J$%$2;&%"34"-13238+"94D"12(54948" E38C"'(94345K""LC(="(W8$%"9"4$F%("8(-89'(48"8$"9%%"C&'94-p"8C98"3-+"8$"5%$F9%"7;23 J94-+"8C98"8C(2(" 3-"C$1(";$2"8C(";&8&2(K"""7-"PE9'("BO2&'9C+"8C("k-95=(;$+"$4J("-93D+"\S(";9J("4(38C(2">9-8"4$2" S(-8M"E(";9J(";$2E92DK\ )/f "" 74D";$2E92D"38"C9-"F((4"-34J(")_g6 +" 1C3%98(%3J9%%= -1(9O345+" EC(4" BO2&'9CT-":94 H 7;23J943-8"D2(9'";$&4D"(W12(--3$4"34"8 C(":94"7;23J94":$-89%"@43$4+"J$'123-(D" $;";$28= H ;$&2"7;23J94"J$&4823(-"34"/6))+"9'$45"EC$-("5$9%-"3-"8$"J2(98("9"-345%("1$-89%"8(2238$2=" 34"7;23J9K )/` & 4 1$"; & & 1 Biney 2008, p. 130. 2 See Child 2005, pp. 112 15 and Child 2008, pp.13 42. A brief article for non specialists is Krause 2002, pp. 430 33. 3 Child 2005, pp. 110 12, 136. For more detail from an African perspective, see Adedze 2009, pp. 1 24. 4 See Atkin in Zalta 2010, pp. 107 24. 5 Adedze 2009, pp. 6 7. 6 Posnansky 2004, pp. 53 54. 7 Adedze 2004, pp. 68 73, 96 and Adedze 2009, pp. 1 26. 8 Reid 1972, p. 209. 9 Adedze 2009, p. 1. 10 Scott 2002 3, "Gold Coast": various "Queen Victoria," July 1875 6 Oct. 1901, p. 253, nos. 1 37a.

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""" BO2&'9C H (29":C3%98(%3J",'95(-"$;">'(25345"RC 949"94D":94 H 7;23J943-'!" f) !"#$%&'()*+,$-.(/+&#*#01 !" #$%&'(")*+",--&(-")"."/!"012345"/6)/ http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf 11 Scott 2002 3, "Gold Coast:" "Various," 1 July 1948, pp. 254, nos. 130 41. See Adedze 2009, pp. 2 3 where he provides additional information on Ghanaian artists and photographers involved in this series 12 For details about controversies over the bidders, see Adedze 2009, pp. 8 9. 13 Email interview with J. Yossi Malamud New York City, 23 D ec. 2010 Unfortunately, pre 1970 contracts and records of IGPC (GPA) have been lost or destroyed. 14 A. Lehmann unpublished memoir, p. 1 and 5; email interview with A. Lehmann, 16 Feb. 2012. Komla Agbeli Gbedemah served as Minister of Finance from 1 954 May 1961 and Minister of Health afterwards. During Nkrumah's independence (1957 1960) and republican (1960 1966) governments, Krobo Edusei was Minister Without Portfolio, Minister of Interior, and Minister of Transport and Communications. Kojo Botsio served as Minister for Trade and Labor, Minister for Foreign Affairs, and Minister of Agriculture. 1 5 A. Lehmann unpublished memoir, p. 1. 16 Adedze 2009, p. 8 ; A. Lehmann unpublished memoir, p. 2. 17 Adedze 2009, p. 8 1 8 A. Lehmann unpublished mem oir, pp. 2 3. 19 Ibid., p. 4. 20 For more information, see "About IGPC 21 For information on the early Ghana stamp issues, see Scott 2002 3 : "Ghana": Gold Coast definitive issue, p. 208, nos. 5 13; "Kwame Nkrumah," 6 Mar. 1957, p. 208, nos. 1 4; and probably "Black Star Line," 27 Dec. 1957, p. 208, nos. 14 16. 22 Rob Moelis, Stamp News interview with Bill Herzig, Herrick Stamp Company, n.d. 23 Email interview with J. Yossi Malamud 23 Dec 2010. 24 Names of the g raphic designers of Ghanaian stamps are identified in Stanley Gibbons Stamp Catalogue, Part 1, British Commonwealth 1989 "Ghana," pp. 286 290 Sc ott Standard Postage Stamp Catalogue does not list g raphic artists for Ghanaian stamps. 25 The six graphic a rtists identified in Stanley Gibbons who contributed the most to Nkrumah era Ghanaian philately are M. Goaman (14 issues/sets), R. Hegeman (8 issues/sets), A.M. Medina (7 issues/sets), A.S.B. New (9 issues/sets), M. Shamir (10 issues/sets), and W. Wind (13 issues/sets). 26 Levey 2003, pp. 163 65. For an argument that Nkrumah's Pan Africanism and Zionism were incompatible, see Adewale 1995, especially pp. 129 44. On Manfred Lehmann, see h ttp://www.manfredlehmann.com/biography.html. 27 Eisenhower Library, Whitman File "Memorandum of Conversation" between President Dwight Eisenhower, Kwame Nkrumah, D. A. Chapman (Ambassador of Ghana), and Joseph Palmer (Bureau of African Affairs, Department of State), 24 July 1958 ; Levey 2003, pp. 159 61; Adewale 1995, p. 132; Biney 2011, p. 105. 28 Levey 2003, pp. 159 61 ; M. Lehmann, n.d., p. 216. 29 Adedze 2009, pp. 8 14. 30 Levey 2003, p. 169. In a further example of apparent irony, the Israeli ambassador to Ghana, Ehud Avriel, may have introduced Kwame Nkrumah to Pa trice Lumumba 31 Nkrumah 1961 note 1, p. 203. MacMillan visited Accra in 1960, not 1950 as dated

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f/ !"S3%F&24" !"#$%&'()*+,$-.(/+&#*-#01 !"#$%&'(")*+",--&(-")"."/!"012345"/6)/ C881MNNEEEK9;23J9K&;%K(D&N9-^NA)*NA)*3) H /9)K1D; "" 32 For Nkrumah's eloquent speech of 10 July 1953 to the Gold Coast Legislative Assembly calling for independence from Great Britain, see Padmore 197 1, pp. 375 389. Another copy appears in Nkrumah 1973, Revolutionary Path pp. 100 115; for Nkrumah's "Midnight Speech" of 5 6 Mar. 1957 on the occasion of independence, see pp. 116 121. 33 Child 2008, p. 19 Th ese are Scott 2002 3: "Ghana:" "Independ ence, Mar. 6, 1957," 6 Mar. 1957, p. 208, nos. 1 4. See Adedze 2009, p. 6, where he corrects Scott's description of the stamps, identifying the bird in Kofi Antubam's creation as an eagle, not a palm nut vulture. 34 "The Redeemed Empire." Time 29 June 1956, p. 6 3 5 Scott 2002 3, "Ghana": "Map of Ghana and Queen Elizabeth," 6 Mar. 1957, p. 208, included in nos. 5 13. 3 6 Founder's Day was Nkrumah's birthday, 21 Sep. Republic Day was 1 July. For Founder's Day issues, see Scott 2002 3, "Ghana" : Founder's Day 1960, p. 210, nos. 86 88; 1961, p. 210, nos. 104 06a; 1962, p. 210, nos. 124 27; 1963, p. 211, nos. 147 50; and 1964, p. 211, nos. 175 78a. For Republic Day issues, see Scott 2002 3, "Ghana": Republic Day 1960, p. 210, nos. 78 81a; 1961, p. 210, nos. 98 100; 1962, p. 210, nos. 121 23; 1963, p. 211, nos. 143 46; 1964, p. 211, nos. 167 70a. Neither Founder's Day nor Republic Day issues were produced in 1965, Nkrumah's last full year in office. 37 For the essay and film critical of Nkrum ah, see Mazrui 1966 and Mazrui 1986 38 Nkrumah to Erica Powell, 28 Mar. 1966, cited in Powell 1984, p. 217. 39 Scott 2002 3, "Ghana": "UN Day," 24 Oct. 1958, p. 208, nos. 36 38 The other independent African countries in 1958 who recognized UN Day were Ethiopia, Liberia, Egypt, Sudan, Tunisia, and Morocco. The thirteen African countries who recognized the seventeenth Olympics in 1960 were Ghana, Liberia, Egypt, Sudan, Tunisia, Morocco, Guinea, Peoples Republic of Congo, Chad, Central African Repub lic, Mauritania, Somalia, and Gabon. 40 An analysis of African country entries in Scott 2002 1 6 and listed here in order of independence, Ghana excepted, reveal s the following ten significant common issues during the Nkrumah era: Olympics (1960: Ghan a, Liberia, Egypt, Sudan, Tunisia, Morocco, Guinea, Peoples Republic of Congo, Chad, Central African Republic, Mauritania, Somalia, and Gabon); the WHO Malaria Eradication Campaign (1962: Ghana, Ethiopia, Liberia, Egypt, Sudan, Tunisia, Morocco, Guinea, Pe oples Republic of Congo, Dahomey, Nigeria, Ivory Coast, Mali, Niger, Senegal, Burkina Faso, Mauritania, Togo, Somalia, Congo, Gabon, Cameroun, Sierra Leone, and Burundi); Freedom from Hunger Campaign (1963: Ghana, Ethiopia, Liberia, Egypt, Sudan, Tunisia Morocco, Guinea, Peoples Republic of Congo, Dahomey, Nigeria, Ivory Coast, Malagasy Republic, Central African Republic, Mali, Niger, Senegal, Burkina Faso, Mauritania, Togo, Somalia, Congo, Gabon, Cameroun, Sierra Leone, Algeria, Burundi, Rwanda and Keny a Uganda Tanzania); Red Cross Centenary (1963: Ghana, Ethiopia, Liberia, Egypt, Sudan, Tunisia, Morocco, Guinea, Nigeria, Ivory Coast, Malagasy Republic, Central African Republic, Mali, Niger, Burkina Faso, Togo, Congo, Cameroun, Sierra Leone, South Africa Algeria, Burundi, Rwanda and Kenya Uganda Tanzania); Olympics (1964: Ghana, Ethiopia, Liberia, Egypt, Morocco, Guinea, Peoples Republic of Congo, Chad, Dahomey, Nigeria, Ivory Coast, Central African Republic, Mali, Niger, Senegal, Burkina Faso, Mauritani a, Togo, Somalia, Congo, Gabon, Cameroun, Burundi, Rwanda and Kenya Uganda Tanzania); UN Campaign to Preserve the

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""" BO2&'9C H (29":C3%98(%3J",'95(-"$;">'(25345"RC 949"94D":94 H 7;23J943-'!" f* !"#$%&'()*+,$-.(/+&#*#01 !" #$%&'(")*+",--&(-")"."/!"012345"/6)/ http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf Nubian Monuments (1964: Ghana, Liberia, Egypt, Sudan, Tunisia, Morocco, Guinea, Dahomey, Nigeria, Ivory Coast, Mali, Niger, Burkina Faso, Maur itania, Togo, Cameroun, and Algeria); International Cooperation Year (1965: Ghana, Ethiopia, Liberia, Egypt, Sudan, Tunisia, Morocco, Guinea, Peoples Republic of Congo, Chad, Dahomey, Malagasy Republic, Central African Republic, Mali, Niger, Senegal, Burk ina Faso, Togo, Congo, Gabon, Cameroun, Algeria, Burundi, Kenya Uganda Tanzania, and Zambia); Centennial of International Telecommunications Union (1965: Ghana, Ethiopia, Liberia, Egypt, Tunisia, Morocco, Guinea, Peoples Republic of Congo, Dahomey, Nigeria Ivory Coast, Malagasy Republic, Central African Republic, Mali, Niger, Senegal, Burkina Faso, Mauritania, Somalia, Cameroun, South Africa, Algeria, Kenya Uganda Tanzania, Zambia, and Gambia); Abraham Lincoln (1965: Ghana, Liberia, Egypt, Peoples Republic of Congo, Chad, Dahomey, Central African Republic, Mali, Niger, Burkina Faso, Mauritania, Togo, Gabon, Cameroun, and Rwanda); and John F. Kennedy (1965: Ghana, Liberia, Guinea, Peoples Republic of Congo, Chad, Dahomey, Nigeria, Ivory Coast, Central Africa n Republic, Mali, Niger, Senegal, Burkina Faso, Mauritania, Togo, Congo, Gabon, Cameroun, Sierra Leone, Burundi, and Uganda). 41 Scott 2002 3, "Ghana": "International Quiet Sun," 1 June 1964, p. 211, nos. 164 166a and Oct. 1964, p. 211, nos. 186 88a. Other African countries commemorating "International Quiet Sun included Dahomey, Nigeria, Central African Republic, Mali, Niger, Burkina Faso, Mauritania, Togo, and Gabon. 42 Nkrumah 1970 b, pp. 4, 78. See also Nkrumah 1968 b p. 100. 43 Scott 2002 3, "Ghana": "Independence, 2nd Anniversary 6 Mar. 1959, p. 209, nos. 42 45 and the general issues, 5 Oct. 1959, p. 209, nos. 48 60 See especially nos. 48 and 53 reissued in Akan as "Gye Nyame [ God's Omnipotence ] ," 29 Apr. 1961, p. 210, nos. 95 96. 44 Scott 2002 3, "Ghana": "West African Soccer Competitions," 15 Oct. 1959, p. 209, nos. 61 65, see especially no. 61 and "African Soccer Competition," 15 Nov. 1965, p. 212, nos. 233 235 See also "Ghana's Soccer Victory" overprinted with "Black Stars R etain Africa Cup/21 Nov. 1965," 7 Feb. 1966, p. 212, nos. 244 246. 45 "Daisy Ad 1964" and "Daisy: The Complete History o f a n Infamous a nd Iconic Ad 46 French nuclear bomb test data : 13 Feb. 1960: Gerboise Bleue ("Blue Jerboa") 70 kt; 1 Apr. 1960: Ger boise Blanche ("White Jerboa") <5 kt; 27 Dec. 1960: Gerboise Rouge ("Red Jerboa") <5 kt; and 25 Apr. 1961: Gerboise Verte ("Green Jerboa") <1 kt. Gerboise is French for jerboa, a hopping desert rodent. Data are contained in Bataille and Revol 2001. 47 McKown 1973, p. 125. 48 Scott 2002 3, "Ghana": "World Without the Bomb," 21 June 1962, p. 210, nos. 115 17. 49 R. Mahoney 1983 pp. 168 73. Scott 2002 3, "Ghana": "Conference of Non Aligned Nations, Belgrade," 1 July 1961, p. 210, nos. 98 100. 50 R. Mahoney p. 180. 51 Scott 2002 3, "Ghana": "UN Day," 24 Oct. 1958, p. 208, nos. 36 38. 52 Nkrumah 1967 a, p. 78. 53 Scott 2002 3, "Ghana": "Abraham Lincoln 's Birth Sesquicentennial, 12 Feb. 1959, p. 209, nos. 39 41a. The second series is Sco tt 2002 3, "Ghana": Centenary of the Death of Abraham Lincoln," Apr. 1965, p. 212, nos. 208 211a.

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ff !"S3%F&24" !"#$%&'()*+,$-.(/+&#*-#01 !"#$%&'(")*+",--&(-")"."/!"012345"/6)/ C881MNNEEEK9;23J9K&;%K(D&N9-^NA)*NA)*3) H /9)K1D; "" 54 Scott 2002 3, "Ghana": "Prince Phillip," 24 Nov. 1959, p. 209, No. 66 and "Queen Elizabeth Souvenir Sheet," Nov. 1961, p. 210, nos. 107 09a. 5 5 Scott 2002 3, "Ghana": Eleanor Roosevelt ," 10 Dec. 19 63 p. 211 nos. 160 163 56 T he twenty four African countries who philatelically recognized the Declaration of Human Rights were Ghana, Egypt, Sudan, Tunisia, Guinea, Morocco, Peoples Republic of Congo, Chad, Dahomey, Nigeria, Ivory Coast, Malagasy Republic, Central African Republic, Niger, Mali, Senegal, Burkina Faso, Mauritania, Togo, Gabon, Cameroun, Algeria, Burundi, and Rwanda. Data were extracted from the country entries in Scott 2002 1 6. 57 For Nkrumah's official state itinerary, joint Ghana USA statement, and addresses to Congress see "Visit of Kwame Nkrumah, Prime Minister of Ghana 23 26 July 1958, United States Department of State Bulletin 1958, p p. 28 3 86 58 Scott 2002 3, "Ghana:" "Prime Minister Kwame Nkrumah's Visit to the US and Canada, July, 1958," 18 July 1958, p. 209, nos. 28 31. 59 For Nkrumah's version, see Kwame Nkrumah: Speech at the Formal Inauguration of the Volta River Project." 22 Jan 1966. For the US version, see Eisenhower Library, Whitman File "Memorandum of Conversation" between President Dwight Eisenhower, Kwame Nkrumah, D. A. Chapman (Ambassador of Ghana), and Joseph Palmer (Bureau of African Affairs, Department of State), 24 July 1958 pp. 28 3 86. 60 Hart 1980, pp. 13 16. 61 R Mahoney 1983, p. 161. 62 Scott 2002 3, "Ghana": "Prince Phillip," 24 Nov. 1959, p. 209, no. 66. 63 See Scott 2002 3, "Ghana": "Queen Elizabeth," 10 Nov. 1961, p. 210, nos. 107 109a, especially the latter for h er commemorative souvenir sheet. 64 Hart 1980, p. 31. 65 Ibid., pp. 175 78. 66 Nkrumah 1968 a, p. 84. 67 Nkrumah 1966 b, pp. x xi. For his reassuring statement to the West in 1958 defining his policy of non alignment, see Nkrumah 1968 pp. 45 53. 68 F or example, see Mazrui 1966 p. 17; Mazrui 1967 a pp. 48 52; Mazrui 1986 ; Onoge and Gaching'a 1967, p. 25; Agyeman 1992, pp. 171 74; W M ahoney 1968, p p. 248 250; Grundy and Weinstein 1967, pp. 23 24; Karioki 1974, p. 63; Hart 1980; Killick 1978, p p. 249 a nd 337; Boateng 1995, p. 119 ; and Roger Rowe et al. 1966, especially pp. 7 11. 69 Siekman 1961, p. 206. 70 "Kwame Nkrumah Speech at the Formal Inauguration of the Volta River Project 22 Jan. 1966 71 Chambers 1970, pp. 267 6 8. 72 Scott 2002 3, "G hana": "Opening of the Volta River Dam and Electric Power Station at Akosombo," 22 Jan. 1966, p p. 212, 240 43. 73 R Mahoney 1983, pp. 172 174; see also Stockwell 1978, 160n and 201n and Hersh 1978. Scott 2002 3, "Ghana": President John F. Kennedy, 1 917 1963 ," 15 Dec. 1965, p. 2 12 nos. 2 36 39a. 74 R Mahoney 1983, pp. 232 33; analysis is attributed to Henry Kissinger. 75 W M ahoney 1968, p. 248. See especially R Mahoney 1983, pp. 168 70 and 175 78.

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""" BO2&'9C H (29":C3%98(%3J",'95(-"$;">'(25345"RC 949"94D":94 H 7;23J943-'!" f ` !"#$%&'()*+,$-.(/+&#*#01 !" #$%&'(")*+",--&(-")"."/!"012345"/6)/ http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf 76 R M ahoney 1983, pp. 235, 244 45. 77 Nkruma h 1963 p. 135. 78 Ibid., p. 136; R Mahoney 1983, p. 163. 79 Scott 2002 3, "Ghana": "First Conference of Independent African States," 15 22 Apr. 1958, p. 209, nos. 21 24; for the annual five year series (1959 1963) of the anti colonial "Africa Freedo m Day" see: 15 Apr. 1959, p. 209, nos. 46 47; 15 Apr. 1960, p. 209, nos. 75 77; 15 Apr. 1961, p. 210, nos. 92 94; 15 Apr. 1962, p. 210, nos. 112 14; and 15 Apr. 1963, p. 211, nos. 135 38 African countries that joined Ghana in commemorating "Africa Freedo m Day" follow: Liberia and Tunisia (1959); only Ghana (1960); Egypt, Tunisia, and Ethiopia (1961); Tunisia (1962); and only Ghana (1963). 80 For Nkrumah's Pan African and foreign policy comments and speeches at events generally commemorated by Nkrumah era stamp issues, see Nkrumah 1973, for speeches [not italicized] and Scott 2002 3, "Ghana" for stamps [italicized]: Independent African states at the Accra Conference, 15 April 1958, pp. 127 29 [ 15 Apr. 1958, p. 209, nos. 21 24 ]; Lighting the Torch of the Flame of African Freedom at the Declaration of the Republic, 1 July 1960, p. 144 [ 1 July 1960, p. 210, nos. 78 81a ]; Non Aligned States in Belgrade, 1 6 Sep. 1961 and Cairo, 5 10 Oct. 1964, pp. 436 438 [ 1 Sep. 1961, p. 210, nos. 101 103; the Cairo conf erence was not commemorated ]; c lose of the Casablanca Conference, 7 Jan. 1961, pp. 138 40 ["First Anniversary," 6 Mar. 1962, p. 201, no. 111 ]; to Ghana's National Assembly on the formation of the OAU at the Addis Ababa 25 May meeting, 21 June 1963, pp. 259 75 ["First Anniversary," 6 July 1964, p. 211, nos. 171 74 ]; and his OAU speech in Accra, 21 Oct. 1965, pp. 302 09 [ 21 Oct. 1965, p. 212, nos. 227 232 ]. 81 Nkrumah 1963, pp. 141 49. 82 Hochschild 2011. 83 Nkrumah 1967 b pp. xv xvi and 28 31. For a copy of the Lumumba Nkrumah se cret agreement and Nkrumah's analysis, see Nkrumah 1973, pp. 145 150. 8 4 Scott 2002 3, "Ghana": "First Anniversary of the Death of Patrice Lumumba," 30 June 1962 p. 210, nos. 118 120. Lumumba's actual death date was 12 Feb. Egy pt, Morocco, Guinea, and Mali also issued memorial stamps. 85 R Mahoney 1983, p. 235. For the involvement of the CIA, see Stockwell 1978, pp. 160n and 201n. For comments on Stockwell's book, see Hersh 1978. 86 Hutchful 1987, p. 38. 87 Rowe et al 1966, especially pages 7 11. 88 Scott 2002 3, "Ghana": "Black Star Line Inauguration," 27 Dec. 1957, p. 208, nos. 14 16; "Inauguration of Ghana Airways," 15 July 1958, p. 209, nos. 32 35; "60th Anniversary of Ghana Railways," 1 Nov. 1963, p. 211, nos. 156 59; "Fourth Anniversary of the Republic: Communal Labor and Harvesting Corn on a State Farm," 1 July 1964, p. 211, nos. 167 70a; and "Centenary of the International Telecommunications Union," p. 211, 12 Apr. 1965, nos. 204 07a. 89 For a summary of the strong relationship between the three Pan Africanists, see Afari Gyan 1991, pp. 1 10 90 Scott 2002 3, "Ghana": "Great Black Writers of the 20th Century," 25 Mar. 1998, p. 234, no. 2027f.

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fb !"S3%F&24" !"#$%&'()*+,$-.(/+&#*-#01 !"#$%&'(")*+",--&(-")"."/!"012345"/6)/ C881MNNEEEK9;23J9K&;%K(D&N9-^NA)*NA)*3) H /9)K1D; "" 91 For W.E.B. Du Bois see Scott 2003 1, "United States": 31 Jan. 1992, p. 72, no. 2617 and 28 Jan. 1998, no. 3182l The turbulent relationship between Du Bois and the US is well known. Given that the US agency responsible for selecting, designing, and issuing US stamps, the Citizens' Stamp Advisory Committee (CS AC), carries out its discussions in secret and whose minutes are exempt from the Freedom of Information Act, one wonders how discussion went when the CSAC granted approval for two separate issues of Du Bois. 92 Shivji 2010. For a lengthy examination, se e Agyeman 1992, pp. 78 95. A complete copy of Nkrumah's c omments is in Nkrumah 1973, pp. 276 97. 93 Scott 2002 6, "Tanganyika": "Tanganyika's Independence," 9 Dec. 1961, p. 324, nos. 45 56 and "Establishment of the Republic," 9 Dec. 1962, p. 324, nos. 5 7 60. 94 Stanley Gibbons 1989 "Tanzania," commentary, p. 878. 95 Scott 2002 6, "Tanzania": "Union of Tanganyika and Zanzibar," 7 July 1964, p. 325, nos. 1 4. 96 Scott 2002 6, "Tanzania": "Various," 9 Dec. 1965, p. 325, nos. 5 18. 97 Scott 2002 6 "Tanzania": "Fish," 1967, p. 325, nos. 19 34 98 Scott 2002 6, "Tanzania": "Pan African Postal Union Plenipotentiary Conference, Arusha, 8 18 Jan. 1980," 1 July 1980, p. 327, nos. 153 58. 99 Scott 2002 6, "Tanzania": "25th Anniversary of Economic Com mission for Africa," 12 Sept. 1983, p. 327, nos. 225 28a. 100 Scott 2002 6, "Tanzania": "Various," 15 Apr 1976 25 Nov. 1985, pp. 325 28, nos. 54 289. 101 Scott 2002 6, "Tanzania": "Rail Transport in East Africa," 4 Oct. 1974, p. 326, nos. 62 65a; "Anti Apartheid Year," 24 Oct. 1978, p. 326, nos. 113 16a; and "5th Anniversary of the Southern African Development Coordination Conference," 1 Apr. 1985, p. 328, nos. 254 57a. 102 Nyerere 1968, p. 211. 103 Scott 2002 6, "Tanzania: "Mickey Mouse, 60th Annivers ary," 9 Sept. 1988, p. 330, nos. 424 31; "Disney Characters, Automobiles," 20 Mar. 1990, p. 331 nos. 570 579; "International Literac y Year," 12 Dec. 1990, pp. 332 33, nos. 679a i, 680a i, and 681a i (a Disney character for each letter of the alphabet, plu s similar issues in Hebrew and Russian); "Mickey Mouse," 11 Feb. 1991, p. 333, nos. 689 98; "Mickey's Portrait Gallery," 30 Nov. 1992, p. 335 nos. 913 927. For a commentary on revenue raising "pop" postage (Mickey Mouse, Elvis Presley, and Marilyn Monro e, for example) produced by IGPC for countries other than the US, see Jack Mingo 1997. 104 For example, see Scott 2002 6, "Tanzania: "Queen Elizabeth," 23 Nov. 1977, p. 326, nos. 87 90; "Elvis Presley," 15 Feb. 1992, p. 334, nos. 808a i and "Marilyn Monroe," nos. 809a i; and "Jerry Garcia," mid 1995, p. 341, nos. 1412 13b. 105 Karioki 1974, p. 58. 106 Scott 2002 4, "Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania": various issues, 15 Apr 1965 to 2 Jan. 1976, pp. 125 28, nos. 148 323. 107 Scott 2002 4, "Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania ": "Rinderpest Campaign by the OAU," 5 July 1971, p. 127, nos. 233 36; "First All Africa Trade Fair, 23 Feb. 1972, p. 127, nos. 242 45; "OAU Summit Conference," 28 July 1975, p. 128, nos. 308 11. 108 Scott 2002 4, "Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania": "Tourist P ublicity," 4 Apr. 1966, p. 126, nos. 160 63; "Archaeological Relics of East Africa," 2 May 1967, p. 126, nos. 176 79; "Establishment of the East African Community," 1 Dec. 1967, p. 126, no. 180; "Opening of the East African

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""" BO2&'9C H (29":C3%98(%3J",'95(-"$;">'(25345"RC 949"94D":94 H 7;23J943-'!" fa !"#$%&'()*+,$-.(/+&#*#01 !" #$%&'(")*+",--&(-")"."/!"012345"/6)/ http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf Satellite Earth Station, 18 M ay 1970, p. 126, nos. 213 16; "10th Anniversary of the Independence of Tanzania," 9 Dec. 1971, p. 127, nos. 238 41; "5th Anniversary of the East African Community," 1 Dec. 1972, p. 127, nos. 258; "10th Anniversary of Independence," 12 Dec. 1973, p. 127, no s. 276 79; "Union of Tanganyika and Zanzibar, 10th Anniversary," 24 Apr. 1974, p. 127, nos. 284 87; "Game Lodges of East Africa," 24 Feb. 1975, p. 128, nos. 300 03; "African Artifacts," 5 May 1975, p. 128, nos. 304 07; and "East African Airways," 2 Jan. 1 976, p. 128, nos. 320 23. 109 McKown 1973, p. 123. 110 Ibid. 111 For example, see Scott 2002 3, "Guinea": "Patrice Lumumba and Map of Africa," 13 Feb. 1962, p. 465, nos. 229 31; "First Anniversary of the conference of African Heads of State at Casablanca," 15 Mar. 1962, p. 465, nos. 232 33; "Heroes and Martyrs of Africa," 2 Oct. 1962, p. 466, nos. 258 62; "Conference of African Heads of State for African Unity, Addis Ababa," 22 May 1963, p. 466, nos. 305 08; "Eleanor Roosevelt, 15th Anniversary of the Universa l Declaration of Human Rights (in 1963), p. 466, nos. 336 39; and "UNESCO Campaign to Preserve Nubian Monuments," 19 Nov. 1964, p. 467, nos. 350 54. 112 Compare Scott 2002 3, "Ghana": "Kwame Nkrumah," 6 Mar. 1957, p. 208, nos. 1 4 with Scott 2002 3, "Guinea": "Proclamation of Independence, 2 October 1958," 1959, p. 465, nos. 170 74. Scott has given Gold Coast and Ghana separate enumeration, but French West Africa and Guinea have a combined system, which explains the high numbers for Guinea's first non overprinted independence stamps. 113 Compare Scott 2002 3, "Ghana": "United Nations Day, Oct. 24," 24 Oct. 1958, p. 209, nos. 36 38 with Scott 2002 3, "Guinea": "Conference of African Heads of State for African Unity, Addis Ababa" 22 May 1963 p. 466, nos. 305 08. 114 Scott 2002 3, "Guinea": "OAU, 10th Anniversary," 25 May 1973, p. 470, nos. 642 45. 115 Scott 2002 3, "Guinea": "American Achievements in Space," 19 July 1965, p. 467, nos. 382 87a and "Russian Achievements in Space," nos. 388 3 93a. 116 Scott 2002 3, "Guinea": "Lenin (1870 1924), Russian Communist Leader," 16 Nov. 1970, p. 469, nos. 564 69. 117 Scott 2002 3, "Guinea": "George Dimitrov (1882 1949), Bulgarian Communist Party Leader and Premier," 28 Sept. 1972, p. 470, nos. 630 33 118 Nkrumah's scholarly work while exiled in Guinea includes The Last Stage of Imperialism 1966, Axioms of Kwame Nkrumah 1967 Challenge of the Congo 1967 Dark Days in Ghana 1968 Handbook of Revolutionary Warfare 1968 Neo Colonialism, Class Struggle in Africa 1970 Consciencism: Philosophy and Ideology for Decolonization 1970 and Revolutionary Path 1973 119 For example, see Scott 2002 3, "Ghana": "First Anniversary of the Revolution which Overthrew the Regime of Kwame Nkrumah," 24 Feb. 1967, p. 212 nos. 273 76a; "2nd Anniversary of the Feb ruary 24th Revolution," 24 Feb. 1968, p. 213, nos. 319 22; "Lt. Gen. Emmanuel Kwasi Kotoka (1926 1967), Leader of the Revolution of 1966 Against Kwame Nkrumah," 17 Apr. 1968, p. 213, nos. 327 30; "International Hu man Rights Year -Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. and Joseph Boakye Danquah," 7 Mar. 1969, p. 213, nos. 348 51a; "3rd Anniversary of the Revolution," Sept. 1969, p. 213, nos., 352 55a; and "Inauguration of Kotoka Airport," Apr. 1970, p. 214, nos. 382 85.

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fg !"S3%F&24" !"#$%&'()*+,$-.(/+&#*-#01 !"#$%&'(")*+",--&(-")"."/!"012345"/6)/ C881MNNEEEK9;23J9K&;%K(D&N9-^NA)*NA)*3) H /9)K1D; "" 120 F or example, see Scott 2002 3, "Ghana": "WHO, 20th Anniversary," 11 Nov. 1968, p. 213, nos. 336 339a; "International Human Rights Year," 7 Mar. 1969, p. 213, nos. 348 51a; "International Education Year," 10 Aug. 1970, p. 214, nos. 390 93; "International B ook Year," 21 Apr. 1972, p. 215, nos. 445 49a; "World Food Program, 10th A nniversary," 1973, p. 215, 490 94b; "Examination for River Blindness," 15 Dec. 1976, p. 217, nos. 592 95; "TB Bacillus Centenary," 9 Aug. 1982, p. 219, nos. 812 16; "Namibia Day," 26 Jan. 1984, p. 220, nos. 881 85; "UN Child Survival Campaign," 16 Dec. 1985, p. 221, nos. 997 1000; "International Peace Year," 2 Mar. 1987, p. 221, nos. 1021 24; and "Solidarity with South Africans for Abolition of Apartheid," 18 May 1987, p. 221, nos. 10 33 37. 121 For example, see Scott 2002 3, "Ghana": "European Painters Birth Anniversaries: Peter Paul Rubens, Titian, and Thomas Gainsborough," Sept. 1977, p. 217, nos. 626 30d; "Japanese Paintings," 21 Aug. 20 Nov. 1989, p. 222, nos. 1097 1123; "425th Birt h Anniversary of William Shakespeare," 9 Oct. 1989, p. 223, nos. 1147a u; "The Beatles," 8 Dec. 1995, p. 231, nos. 1851 53; "Sylvester Stallone in Movie, Rocky II," 21 Nov. 1996, p. 232, no. 1911; and "Mickey and Friends," 29 Jan. 1998, p. 233, nos. 2008 1 2a. 122 Scott 2002 3, "Ghana": "National Leaders," 21 Jan. 1980, p. 218, no. 702; "10th Non Aligned Ministers Conference, Accra," 2 Sep. 1991, p. 225, no. 1341; and in Scott 2009 3, "Ghana": "50th Anniversary of Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology," 2001, p. 276, nos. 2275 80 featuring scenes of the university. 123 Scott 2009 3, "Ghana": "James Cagney," 16 Apr. 2001, p. 274, no. 2210; "The Supremes," 16 Apr. 2 001, p. 275, nos. 2240g i; "Queen Victoria's 100th Anniversary," 27 Aug. 200 1, p. 275, nos. 2248 49; and "Mao Tse Tung," 27 Aug. 2001, p. 275, nos. 2241 42. 124 Nkrumah 1967 a p. 66. 1 25 Pan African Postal Union 2011. References Adedze, Agbenyega. 2004. "Commemorating the Chief: The Politics of Postage Stamps in West Africa." African Arts 3. 2: 68 73, 96. _____. 2004. "Re Presenting Africa: Commemorative Postage Stamps of the Colonial Exhibition of Paris (1931)." African Arts 37.2: 58 61, 94 95. _____. 2009. "Ghana at Fifty: A Review of Ghana's Official History through P ostage Stamps." Presented to CODESRIA, 12th General Assembly (Yaounde, Cameroun, 11 12 July): 1 26 viewed 15 July 2011. < http:// www.codesria.org/IMG/pdf/Agbenyega_Adedze.pdf Adewale, Toks. 1995. Pan Africanism and Zionism: Political Movements in Polar ity. Chicago: Research Associates and Frontline Distributors International. Adkin, Albert. 2010. "Peirce's Theory of Signs," in Edward N. Zalta (ed.), The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy Stanford University viewed 14 August 2011 < http://plat o.stanford.edu/archives/win2010/entries/peirce semiotics > Afari Gyan, Kwadwo. 1991. "Kwame Nkrumah, George Padmore, and W.E.B. Du Bois." Institute of African Studies: Research Review. N.S. 7, nos. 1 2: 1 10 viewed 4 June 2011 < http://archive.lib.ms u.edu/DMC/African%20Journals/pdfs/Institue%20of%20

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""" BO2&'9C H (29":C3%98(%3J",'95(-"$;">'(25345"RC 949"94D":94 H 7;23J943-'!" f_ !"#$%&'()*+,$-.(/+&#*#01 !" #$%&'(")*+",--&(-")"."/!"012345"/6)/ http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf African%20 Studies%20Research%20Review/1991v7n1&2/asrv007001&2002.pdf > Agyeman, Opoku. 1992. Nkrumah's Ghana and East Africa Madison: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press. Allibone, T.E. 1992. "Ph ilately and the Royal Society." Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London 46.1: 129 54. _____. 1999. "Philately and the Royal Society II." Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London 53. 1: 107 19. Anonymous. 1964. "Financing of the Volt a River Project," Africa Special Report 9.3: 32. _____. 2008. "New Bauxite Mine and Alumina Refinery for Ghana as It Buys Alcoa Stake in VALCO." Miningprocessing.com, Seayun Technology: 23 June viewed 15 June 2011 < http://www.mineprocessing.com/New s/detail a11 b0 c d e f.html > _____. 1892. "Philately in America." The Collector 3 .18: 280 81. _____. "The Redeemed Empire." Time 29 June 1959 viewed 20 June 2011 < http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,864652 6,00.html > Atkin, Alber t. 2010. "Peirce's Theory of Signs." In Edward N. Zalta (ed.), The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy viewed 21 Aug. 2011 < http://plato.stanford.edu/archives/win2010/entries/peirce semiotics/ > Bataille, M. Christian and M. Henri Revol 2001. Les I ncidences Environnementales et Sanitaires des Essais Nucleaires Effectues par la France entre 1960 et 1996 et Elements de Comparaison avec les Essais des autres Puissances Nucleaires. Office Parlementaire D'Žvaluation des Choix Scientifiques et Technologi ques. AssemblŽe Nationale, No. 3571 and SŽnat No. 207 viewed 14 May 2011 < http://www.assemblee nationale.fr/rap oecst/essais_nucleaires/i3571.asp >. Biney, Ama. 2008. "The Legacy of Kwame Nkrumah in Retrospect." The Journal of Pan African Studies 2. 3: 129 59. _____. 2011. The Political and Social Thought of Kwame Nkrumah New York: Palgrave MacMillan. Birmingham, Walter, I. Neustadt, and E.N. Omaboe (eds). 1966. A Study of Contemporary Ghana Vol. 1. The Economy of Ghana I n Evanston: Northwes tern University Press. _____. 1967. A Study of Contemporary Ghana Vol. 2. Some Aspects of Social Structure Evanston: Northwestern University Press. Boateng, Charles A. 1995. Nkrumah's Consciencism: An Ideology for Decolonization and Development. Dubuque, Iowa: Kendall/Hunt Publishing Company. Bretton, Henry L. 1966. The Rise and Fall of Kwame Nkrumah New York: Frederick A. Praeger. Chambers, Robert (ed ). 1970. The Volta Resettlement Experience New York: Frederick A. Praeger. Child, Jac k. 2008. Miniature Messages: The Semiotics and Politics of Latin American Postage Stamps Durham: Duke University Press. _____. 2005. "The Politics and Semiotics of the Smallest Icons of Popular Culture: Latin American Postage Stamps." Latin Amer ican Research Review 40. 1: 108 37.

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`6 !"S3%F&24" !"#$%&'()*+,$-.(/+&#*-#01 !"#$%&'(")*+",--&(-")"."/!"012345"/6)/ C881MNNEEEK9;23J9K&;%K(D&N9-^NA)*NA)*3) H /9)K1D; "" "Daisy Ad 1964 viewed 12 May 2011. "Daisy: The Complete History o f a n Infamous a nd Iconic Ad," viewed 12 May 2011. < http://www.conelrad.com/daisy/index.php > D avidson, Basil. 1973. Black Star: A View of the Life and Times of Kwame Nkrumah New York: Frederick A. Praeger. Dei Anang, Michael. 1975. The Administration of Ghana's Foreign Relations, 1957 1965 University of London: Athlone Press Di Napoli, Th omas. 1982. "Reception of the Holocaust in the German Democratic Republic: A Philatelic Commentary." Jewish Social Studies 44. 3/4: 255 70. _____. 1980. "Postage Stamps and the Teaching of GDR Culture and Civilization." Die Unterrichtspraxis/Teaching German 13.2: 193 205. Du Bois, William Edward Burghardt. 1957. "The Prime Minister of Ghana." Mainstream. May: 11 16. Extracted from "Black Thought and Culture." East Carolina University viewed 10 June 2010 < http://www.ecu.edu/cs lib/reference/er dbs_description.cfm?id=410 > _____. "Kwame Nkrumah, A Word of Introduction [to the 15th Session of the General Assembly of the United Nations, 23 Sep. 1960 ] ." Nkrumah.net viewed 5 Mar. 2011 < http://www.nkrumah.net/un 1960/kn at un 1960 ntro.htm > Eise nhower Library, Whitman File, International File. Secret. Drafted by Palmer. Derived from Foreign Relations of the United States, 1958 1960 Vol. XIV, Africa, Document 295, "Memorandum of Conversation" between President Dwight Eisenhower, Kwame Nkrumah, D A. Chapman (Ambassador of Ghana), and Joseph Palmer (Bureau of African Affairs, Department of State), 24 July 1958 viewed 3 Apr. 2011 < http://images.library.wisc.edu/FRUS/EFacs/1958 60v14/reference/frus.frus195860v14.i0012.pdf > Evans, Kristi S. 1992 "The Argument of Images: Historical Representation in Solidarity Underground Postage, 1981 87." American Ethnologist 19.4 : 749 67. alola, Toyin (ed). 2003. Ghana in Africa and the World: Essays in Honor of Adu Boahen Trenton, N.J.: Africa World Pr ess. Foster, Philip and Aristide R. Zolberg (eds). 1971. Ghana and the Ivory Coast, Perspectives on Modernization Chicag o: University of Chicago Press. Fry, Donn. "For Black Authors, A Stamp of Recognition: Johnson, Angelou and Others are Honored on N ew Postage Issued by Ghana, Uganda." Yale University Library viewed 12 July 2011. < http://www.library.yale.edu/~fboateng/stamp.htm > Geiss, Imanuel. 1968. The Pan African Movement: A History of Pan Africanism in America, Europe and Africa New York : Africana Publishing Co. Gelber, Steven M. 1992. "Free Market Metaphor: The Historical Dynamics of Stamp Collecting." Comparative Studies in Society and History 34. 4: 742 69. Grant, Jonathan. 1995. "The Socialist Construction of Philately in the Ear ly Soviet Era." Comparative Studies in Society and History 37 3: 476 93. Grundy, Kenneth and Michael Weinstein. 1967. "The Political Uses of Imagination." Transition 30: 20 24.

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""" BO2&'9C H (29":C3%98(%3J",'95(-"$;">'(25345"RC 949"94D":94 H 7;23J943-'!" `) !"#$%&'()*+,$-.(/+&#*#01 !" #$%&'(")*+",--&(-")"."/!"012345"/6)/ http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf H Africa Thread: Martin Klein, Merrick Posnansky, Jonathan Reynolds et al. 2000. Discussion re "African Stamps." 14 19 Feb, viewed 3 Feb. 2011. < http://www.h net.org/logsearch/ ?phrase=Afr ican+Stamps&type=keyword&list=h africa&hitlimit=25&field=EDSJ&nojg=on&sm onth=01&syear=2000&emonth=02&eyear=2000&order=@DPB > Hart, David. 1980. The Volta River Project. A Case Study in Politics and Technology Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Herpin, Georges. 1864. "BaptŽme," Le Collectionneur de Timbres Poste 1: 20 ( cited in L.N. and M. Williams. 1971. Fundamentals of Philat ely. State College, York, PA: The American Philatelic Society ) Hersh, Seymour. 1978. "On the CIA's C omplicity in the C oup d'Žtat A gainst Nkrumah." New York Times 9 May. Hochschild, Adam. 2011. "An Assassination's Long Shadow." New York Times 16 J an Hutchful, Eboe. 1987. The IMF and Ghana. The Confidential Record London: Zed Books, Ltd. James, C.L.R. 1977. Nkrumah and the Ghana Revolution Westport: Lawrence Hill and Co. Karioki, James N. 1974. "African Scholars versus Ali Mazrui." Tr an sition 45: 55 63. Killick, Tony. 1978. Development Economics in Action, A Study of Economic Policies in Ghana London: Heinemann. Klein, J. Douglass, Teresa Meade, David Serlin, and Geoffrey Swan. 2006. "Licking Disability: Reflections on the Pol itics of Postage Stamps." Radical History Review 94: 228 32. Krause, Barry. 2002. "The Secret Language of Stamps." American Philatelist (May): 430 33. Kwame Nkrumah Information and Resource Site viewed 10 Aug. 2011 < http://www.nkrumah.net/ > "The L egacy of Africa's Greatest Hero." All Afri can People's Revolutionary Party, viewed 2 Mar. 2011 < http://www.aaprp intl.org/pdfs/NkrumahLeaflet.pdf > "Was Nkrumah Good for Ghana?" 2008. The Pan Africanist 8, No. 1. All African People's Revolutionary Pa rty viewed 2 Mar. 2011 < http://www.aaprp intl.org/pdfs/NkrumahsContributionToGhana.pdf > Legum, Colin. 1962. Pan Africanism, A Short Political Guide London: Pall Mall Press. Lehmann, Anne. You're Only a Girl Unpublished memoir. Excerpt, "The Golden Bed Ghana -1957," pp. 1 12. _____. Interviews by Author, Telephone and Email. Greenville, NC New York City, NY, 19 21 Feb. 2012. Lehmann, Manfred Raphael. "Ghana," extract from Collected Writings of Manfred Raphael Lehmann n.d. Pro vided b y Anne Lehmann, 21 Feb. 2012. L evey, Zach. 2003. "The Rise and Decline of a Special Relationship: Israel and Ghana, 1957 1966." African Studies Review 46 .1: 155 77. Levin, Jessica. 2004. "Architectural Decoration on Gabonese Stamps." African Arts 37. 2: 62 67, 95 96.

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`/ !"S3%F&24" !"#$%&'()*+,$-.(/+&#*-#01 !"#$%&'(")*+",--&(-")"."/!"012345"/6)/ C881MNNEEEK9;23J9K&;%K(D&N9-^NA)*NA)*3) H /9)K1D; "" Mahoney, Richard D. 1983. JFK: Ordeal in Africa New York: Oxford University Press. Mahoney, William P., Jr. 1968. "Nkrumah in Retrospect." The Review of Politics 30. 2: 246 50. Manfred and Anne Lehmann Foundation viewed 15 Aug. 2 011 < http://www.manfredlehmann.com > Mazrui, Ali. 1966. "The Leninist Czar." Transition 26: 8 17. _____. 1967 a "A Reply to Critics." Transition No. 32: 48 52. _____. 1967 b On Heroes and Uhuru Worship London: Longmans, Green and Co, Ltd. __ ___. 2002. "Nkrumahism and the Triple Heritage in the Shadow of Globalization." Draft Lecture, Mar. 2002, University of Ghana, Legon. Institute of Global Cultural Studies, Binghamton University, State University of New York viewed 10 Sep. 2011 < http ://igcs.binghamton.edu/igcs_site/dirton15.htm > _____. 1986. "Tools of Exploitation." Part 4 of the 9 Part Series, The Africans: A Triple Heritage. Washington, DC: WETA and PBS. VHS and DVD. Mbonjo, Pierre Moukoko. 1998. The Political Thought of K wame Nkrumah: A Comprehensive Presentation. Lagos, Nigeria: University of Lagos Press. McKown, Robin. 1973. Nkrumah : A Biography Garden City, NY: Double Day. Milne, June. 1990. Kwame Nkrumah : The Conakry Years, His Life and Letters. London: Pana f Press. Mingo, Jack. 1997. "Postal Imperialism." New York Times 16 Feb. : sec 6, 36. Moelis, Rob. "An Interview with Bill Herzig of Herrick Stamp Company," Marketing Commentary, Part 3." Herrick Stamp Collecting Marketing Article viewed 14 Mar. 2011 < http://www.herrickstamp.com/articles_stamp_marketing_intp3.php > Nkrumah, Kwame. 1957 Ghana, The Autobiography of Kwame Nkrumah New York: Thomas Nelson & Sons ______. 1958. "Africa Prospect," Foreign Affairs 37. 1: 45 53. ______ 1960. "Addres s by Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah to the 15th Session of the General Assembly of the United Nations on Friday, 23rd September 1960." Nkrumah.net viewed 5 July 2011 < http://www.nkrumah.net/un 1960/kn at un 1960 ntro.htm. 1 22 > _____. 1961. I Speak of F reedom, A Statement of African Ideology New York: Frederick A. Praeger. _____. 1963. Africa Must Unite New York: Frederick Praeger. _____. 1966 a "Kwame Nkrumah: Speech at the Formal Inauguration of the Volta River Project." 22 Jan. Ghana. Net .com viewed 15 Feb. 2011. < http://ghana et.com/Kwame_Nkrumah_ s peech_ at_the_formal_inauguration_of_the_Volta_River_Dam.aspx >. _____. 1966 b Neo Colonialism, The Last Stage of Imperialism New York: International Publishers. _____. 1967 a Axioms o f Kwame Nkrumah. London: Thomas Nelson and Sons.

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""" BO2&'9C H (29":C3%98(%3J",'95(-"$;">'(25345"RC 949"94D":94 H 7;23J943-'!" `* !"#$%&'()*+,$-.(/+&#*#01 !" #$%&'(")*+",--&(-")"."/!"012345"/6)/ http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a1.pdf _____. 1967 b Challenge of the Congo New York: International Publishers. _____. 1968 a Dark Days in Ghana New York: International Publishers. _____. 1968 b Handbook of Revolutionary Warfar e. New York: International Publishers. _____. 1970 a Class Struggle in Africa New York: International Publishers. _____. 1970 b Consciencism: Philosophy and Ideology for Decolonization Revised Edition. New York: Modern Reader Paperbacks. _____ 1973. Revolutionary Path New York: International Publishers, 1973. Nuessel, Frank and Caterina Cicogna. 1992. "Postage Stamps as Pedagogical Instruments in the Italian Curriculum." Italica 69.2: 210 27. Nyerere, Julius. 1968. Freedom and Soci alism ( Uhuru na Ujamaa ): A Selection of Writings and Speeches, 1965 1967 New York: Oxford University Press. Ofosu Appiah, L.H. 1974. The Life and Times of Dr. J.B. Danquah Accra: Waterville Publishing House. Omari, T. Peter. 1970. Kwame Nkrumah: Th e Anatomy of an African Dictator New York: Africana Publishing Corporation. Onoge, O.F. and K.A. Gaching'a. 1967. "Mazrui's 'Nkrumah': A Case of Neo Colonial Scholarship." Transi tion 30: 25 27. Padmore, George. 1971. Pan Africanism or Communism Ga rden City, NY: Doubled ay and Co. Pan African Postal Union. 2011 viewed 10 Sep. 2011 < http://www.upap papu.org/index.htm > Posnansky, Merrick. 2004. "Propaganda for the Millions: Images from Africa." African Arts 37. 2: 53 57, 94. Powell, Erica. 19 84. Private Secretary, (Female)/Gold Coast. New York: St. Martin's Press. Raento, Pauliina and Stanley D. Brunn. 2005. "Visualizing Finland: Postage Stamps as Political Messengers." Geografiska Annaler. Series B. Human Geography 87 2: 145 63. Th e Redeemed Empire." Time 29 June 1956, p. 6 viewed 15 Sep. 2011.< http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,864652 6,00.html > Reid, Donald Malcolm. 1972. "Egyptian History through Stamps, Introduction The Muslim World; a Quarterly Review of H istory, Culture, Religions, & the Christian Mission in Islamdom 62.3: 209 29. _____. 1984. "The Symbolism of Postage Stamps: A Source for the Historian." Journal of Contemporary History 19.2: 223 49. Rowe, Roger, Lorne T. Sonley, Kurt Gall, Maurice F enn, and Joany Guillard: Economic Advisory Mission to Ghana (Sept. Nov. 1965) for the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development 1966. Public Sector Development Problems and Programs in Ghana (Vol. 2, Annexures 1, 3 5, and 7), mimeo, Washing ton. Schenk, Gustav 1959. The Romance of the Postage Stamp Translated from the German Sie War Dabei by Mervyn Savill. Garden City, New York: Doubleday & Company.

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`f !"S3%F&24" !"#$%&'()*+,$-.(/+&#*-#01 !"#$%&'(")*+",--&(-")"."/!"012345"/6)/ C881MNNEEEK9;23J9K&;%K(D&N9-^NA)*NA)*3) H /9)K1D; "" Schmidt, Elizabeth. 2007. "Black Liberation and the Spirit of '57: The Ghana Guin ea Legacy." Paper presented to the Conference on "Black Liberation and the Spirit of '57", Binghamton University, Nov. 2 3, 2007. Binghamton University viewed 5 Apr. 2011 < http://fbc.binghamton.edu/schmidt.pdf > Scott 2002 Standard Postage Stamp Catalo gue, Volume s 1 6 Countries of the World, A Z 2001. Sidney, Ohio: Scott Publishing Co. Scott, David. 1995. European Stamp Design: A Semiotic Approach to Designing Messages. London: Academy Editions. _____. 2002. "The S emiotics of the lieu de memo ire: The Postage Stamp as a Site of Cultural Memory." Semiotica 142: 107 24. Shamir, Maxim and Gabriel. 1969. The Story of Israel in Stamps New York: Sabra Books. Shivji, Issa G. 2010 "Pan Africanism and the Challenge of East African Community Integ ration." Awaaz 7. 2 V iewed 15 February 2012. < http://www.awaazmagazine.com/index.php/archives/item/104 pan africanism and the challenge of east african community integration >. Siekman, Philip. 1961. "Edgar Kaiser's Gamble in Africa Fortune 64 5: 128 3 1, 199 206. Smertin, Yuri. 1987. Kwame Nkrumah New York: International Publishers. Stamp, Dudley. 1966. "Philatelic Cartography: A Critical Study of Maps on Stamps with Special Reference to the Commonwealth." Geography 53 3: 179 97. Stanley Gibbon s Stamp Catalogue, Part 1, British Commonwealth 1989 London: Stanley Gibbons Publications Stockwell, John. 1978. In Search of Enemies, A CIA Story. New York: W.W. Norton & Company. Stoetzer, Carlos. 1953. Postage Stamps as Propaganda. Washington DC. Thompson, Scott W. 1969. Ghana's Foreign Policy, 1957 1966 Princeton, NJ : Princeton University Press. Time 1951 1967 viewed 3 Aug. 2011. < http://www.time.com/time/magazine > "Visit of Kwame Nkrumah, Prime Minister of Ghana 23 26 July 1958 ." United States Department of State / Foreign Relations of the United States, 1958 1960. Africa viewed 15 October 2011. < http://www.archive.org/stream/departmentofstat391958unit#page/282/mode/2up >, pp. 283 86. Wi lliams, L.N. and M. 1963. Fundamentals of Philately. State College, PA: The American Philatelic Society. Woodward, Robert E. 1931. "Both Sides of Postage Stamps." Junior Senior High School Clearing House 6.1: 52 54.



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African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue s 1 & 2| Spring 2012 Osman Antwi Boateng is Visiting Assistant Professor of International Relations at St. Lawrence University and holds a P h. D in Political Scien ce and International Relations from University of Delaware. He is the co Framework for the Analysis of Peace Agreements and Lessons Learned: The Case of the Sudanese Comprehensive Peace Agreement Politics and Policy ( February 2008): 1 32 178. http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a 3 .pdf University of Florida Board of Trustees, a public corporation of the State of Florida; permission is hereby granted for ind ividuals to download articles for their own personal use. Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Florida. ISSN: 2152 2448 The Transformation of the U S Based Liber i an Diaspora from Hard Power to Soft Power Agents OSMAN ANTWI BOATENG Abstract : A s a result of a hurting stalemat and the failure to capture power through coercion, moderate elements within the US based Liberian d iaspora resorted to s oft power in order to have a greater impact on homeland affairs The effectiveness of the diaspora is aided by the attractiveness of dias pora success and US culture, the morality of diaspora policies and the credibility and legitimacy of the diaspora. The US based Liberian diaspora exert s soft power influences towards peace building via the following mechanisms : persuasion and dialogue; public diplomacy; media assistance ; and development assistance/job creation campaigns The study con cludes that development assistance/job creation campaigns are the least sustainable because of cost compared to the other mechanisms that attract a buy in from the community. This research is based on snowball and in depth interviews with forty US based Li berian diaspora leaders that also include s leaders of non Liberian advocacy groups and participatory observation of selected diaspora activities from 2007 2010. It is also supplemented with content analysis of US based Liberian diaspora online discussion f orums and a rchival records of c ongressional hearings on Liberia during the civil war Introduction The emergent literature on diaspo ras and conflict as captured by Eva Ostergaard Nielsen (2006) ; Hazel Smith and Paul Stares (2007) ; Feargal Cochrane (2007) ; Terrence Lyons (2004), and Camilla Orjuela (2008) points to contentious politics and the exercise of hard power which tends to generate conflict in the homeland In international politics, power can be defined as having the ability to influence another to act in ways in which that entity would not have acted otherwise. Hard power is the capacity to coerce them to do so. 1 The diaspora often exerts hard power influence via military an d/or economic coercion of its opponents in the purs uit of a desired pol itical outcome T his form of polit ical power often relies on confrontational policies imposed by one powerful poli tical body upon a lesser economically or militarily endowed body The US based Liberian diaspora by virtue of its relative economic strength v is vis its home based compatriots exercised wanton hard powe r in the course of the fourteen year c ivil war This paper argues via the US based Liberian diaspora case that in a post c onflict environment, diaspora s are capable of exercising soft power inf luence towards peace building even when some of its prominent members have expended hard power for conflict. H ard power such as financial resources that were cha nneled for coercive purposes can be channeled for

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56 | Antwi Boateng African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a 3 .pdf persuasive purposes and co optation in order to achieve a desired outcome towards moderation or pea ce. Buttressing this point, Nye has observed that h ard and soft power are related because fecting the behavior of others. 2 The transf ormation of the US based occurred when the use of hard power for coercive powers failed and led to a hurting stalemate among stakeholders in the Liberian conflict. The effectiveness of the diaspora in exerci sing soft power was boosted by the following: attractiveness of diaspora success in the US ; diaspora credibility and legitimacy; morality of diaspora policies ; and attractiveness of US culture, values and norms. T he following are the avenues through which the US based Liberian diaspora uses to exert s soft power influence: persuasion and dialogue; public d iplomacy; media assistance; and development assistance/job c reation Methodology The Liberian diaspora in the US is organized along different type s of vol untary associations that play various roles on behalf of its members in the host country and at home. Some of the identifi ed groups include the following : (i) Liberian county organizations which are organized along ethnic county lines ; (ii) l ocal community organizations organized geographically by US state/city chapter s and loosely federated at a national level under the Union of Liberian Associ ations in America (ULAA) ; (iii) p olitical organization branches of political parties at home ; (i v ) a dvocacy groups i.e. Association of Liberian Journalist in America (AJLA) ; (v) i mmigration a dvocacy groups organized to lobby for permanent residents for Liberians ; (v i ) r eligious groups ( Christian and Muslim organizations ) ; and ( v ii ) a lumni a ssociations. 3 The above orga nizations are the formal channels via which members of the US based Liberian diaspora exert their influence at home from abroad and how they collaborate with some non Liberian advocacy groups in the USA. This paper is based on snowball technique interviews with forty leaders of the aforementioned organizations made up of at least two leaders from each category of voluntary association s as well as leaders of non Liberian advocacy organizations and Liberian government officials I nterview ees were promised con fidentiality and anonymity in order to solicit participation in the interview and to encourage candid responses. Hence, this paper uses pseudonyms for their names and organizations where appropriate. For verification purposes and to check for bias, these i nterviews were supplemented with US Congressional records on Liberian hearings in the heat of the civil war and participator y observations via visits to meetings and annual conventions of selected c ounty organizations and regional branches of ULAA. In addi tion, the discourse on popular diaspora websites and list serves were monitored in order to provide more contexts for data analysis From Hard Power to Soft Power Joseph Nye defines soft power as the ability to affect others to obtain outcomes you want. O ne can affect other s behavior in three main ways: threats of coercion (sticks), inducements and makes others want what you want 4 Also, soft power relies on three main resources: cultural p laces where it is attra ctive; political values w hen the promoter adheres to them at home and abroad ; and foreign policies regarded as legitimate and having moral authority. 5 This is contrasted wit h hard power which relies on military and

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The Transformation of the US Based Liberian Diaspora | 57 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 htt p://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a 3 .pdf economic might to make others change the ir position. Hard power utilizes inducements or threats in the form of carrots and sticks might not necessarily be the best alternative in achieving a desired outcome 6 Charles Taylor, the primary architect of the c ivil war was a major leader of t he US based Liberian diaspora, having chaired the Union of Liberian Associations in the Americas (ULAA), the umbrella organization of US based Liberian diaspora organizations in the 1980s This position enabled Taylor to raise his profile among fellow US based Liberians, some of whom gave him financial, moral and material support for his armed rebellion in 1989 which triggered the c ivil war One such member of the US based Liberia diaspora who provided moral and s the current President of Liberia, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf. In a February 12, 2009 testimony before the Liberian Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), the President admitted to contributing US Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL) via the Association of Constitutional Democracy (ACDL) ostensibly for relief operations in Nimba County at the height of the conflict. Also admitting iliation C ommission, she said: I will admit to you that I was one of those who did agree that the Liberia) 7 In spite of the role that the diasporas plays in conflict, it is indeed very troubling that when it comes to peace building they are under u tilized by the international community in the quest Truth and Reconciliation Commissi ons (TRC), forty one TRCs have been set up since 1973 aimed at find a lasting solution to a conflict as part of a post conflict mechanism for peace building. 8 Regrettably, only one commission the Liberian Truth and Rec onciliation Commission, explicitly m ade provision fo r the inclusion of the diaspora in the process of healing war afflicted wounds. The existing literature on the positive role that the African diaspora plays in the development of the continent is often centered on its potential or ability t o contribute towards the economic development of the continent mostly via remittances. While this focus is understan dable post conflict peace building, particularly after using hard powe r f or conflict has been under explored. Failure of Hard Power Aft er exerting hard power via financial and material support for s fourteen year c ivil war a consensus emerged among the US based Liberian diaspora and compatriots in Liberia that in de ed the use of hard power had strategy was needed The concept is ba sed on the notion that when the parties find themselves locked in a conflict from which they cannot escalate to victory and this deadloc k is painful to both of them (although not necessarily in equal degree or for the same reasons), they seek a n alternative policy or w ay o ut. 9 In addition, hu rting stalemates create the conditions for warring parties to suspend violent confrontation and se ek a negotiated settlement. This is because a hurting stalemate creates via prolonged violence an elusive military solution and the cost becomes unbearable to all vested parties 10 In the case of the US based Liberian diaspora,

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58 | Antwi Boateng African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a 3 .pdf although some aided Charles Taylor to capture power through hard power (military means), most were disappointed that Taylor failed to abandon hard power and operated without a democratic system. Thus after Taylor was forced out of power via a combination of international and domesti c pressure, the US based Liberia diaspora was determined to support a candidate who could adopt soft power by adopting democratic ideals. Hence the overwhelming US based Liberian diaspora support for Ellen Johnson Sirleaf who went on to win the presidency in 2005. Ikram warns that advocates for h ard p ower must remember that image, however just the cause. 11 Factors Enabling the Effectiveness of Diaspora Soft Power Nye adds that th e ability to obtain the desired outcome depends on a set of i ntangible assets that includes an attractive personality, culture, political values and institutions and policies that are seen as legitimate or having morality. If a leader presents values that others want to fo llow, it will cost less to lead 12 Although the US based Liberian diaspora does not fully possess all these intangible assets, they certainly have some attractive attributes that gives them an advantage in affecting the behaviors of the ir fellow compatriots at home. These include attractiveness of diaspora success, morality of diaspora policies, attractiveness of American culture and diaspora credibility and legitimacy. Attractiveness of Diaspora Success The ability to shape the prefer ences of others lies at the core of soft power. This can be manifested at the personal level through the power of attraction and seduction. In the course of a relationship or marriage, the bigger partner does not necessarily have the power; instead power i s manifested through the mysterious chemistry of attraction. Smart leaders in the corporate world know that effective leadership involves leading by example and attracting others to do what you want instead of just barking out commands. Also, the success o f any community based policing is dependent upon a friendly police force that is attractive and approachable enough in order to illicit community support to help achieve mutually shared objectives. 13 One of the biggest assets of the US based Liberian diaspo ra and a source of attraction to their compatriots in the homeland is the fact that the former is the most educated constituency of all Liberians. This is mainly due to the favorable educational opportunities available in the United States for anyone will ing to work hard. US based Liberians place a very high value on education as evidenced by the fact that working adults often seek avenues for self improvement and general education classes. Some Liberian organizations in the United States support scholars hips for prospective students while graduates maintain strong loyalties to their high schools by forming and joining h igh s chool alumni a ssociations. Even though young Liberian immigrants enrolled in the US educational system face a myriad of challenges s uch as poor preparation due to the c ivil war which broke down the Liberian educational system and interrupted the educational calendar for years, many are able to persevere, attend college/universities and eventually earn degrees. They are able to secure employment in various fields such as teaching, m edicine, science and technology. 14 Thus the average Liberian sees the educational and financial success of their US based Liberian

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The Transformation of the US Based Liberian Diaspora | 59 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 htt p://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a 3 .pdf counterparts as something worthy of aspiring to and thereby gi ving the latt er leverage in affecting the behavior of their fellow compatriots at home. Morality of Policies US based diaspora institutions such as the Union of Liberian Associations in the Americas (ULAA) have built a reputation through years fighting against dictato rship and human rights abuses in Liberia such that its members are generally viewed favorably at home. However, this trust is in jeopardy because of growing concerns that the current leadership is too close to the current Liberian government to be an impar tial player for peace building in Liberia. Furthermore, members of the Liberian County Associations which represent the various ethnic groups of Liberia in the US have also earned the trust of their fellow Liberians at home because of numerous material, fi nancial and moral support that these associations continue to offer their respective communities back home. In fact, durin g the brutal c ivil war the remittances of the US based Liberian diaspora were very crucial for the sustenance of thousands of Liberi ans who remained in the country and those who fled to neighboring countries as refugees. Some members of the US based Liberian diaspora have not always promoted legitimate policies such as funding the c ivil war and as such have jeopardized their standing in Liberia. However, most Liberians are discerning enough not to use the illegitimate actions of a few to over generalize about the stance of the overall diaspora community in the US In addition, US based diaspora funding for the war in Liberia was not done in the name of the various organizations representing the Liberian diaspora in the US This is because these diaspora organizations have membership that cuts across the ethnic, religious and political divide s along which the war was fought in Liberia Second, US laws governing non profit status under which most diaspora organizations operate forbade the raising of money for war or violence abroad. However, the funding occurred in an informal way where like minded people rallied together and were able to send money via the normal channels of diaspora remittances such as money order s and Western Union. Thus when it comes to the ability to exercise any degree of soft power influence, US based Liberian diaspora members who are deemed to have pursued illeg itimate policies by their fellow citizens at home will not be able to lead by example or promote any changes no matter how needed and useful their polices or ideas may be. For example, although President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf initially supported violent re bellion against the Doe regime, she is not perceived by many Liberians as a hardliner who crossed the red line compared to fellow former diaspora members such as Charles Taylor and Alhaji Kromah who went on to lead rebel factions that committed major atroc ities. Thus it will be inconceivable for the aforementioned rebel le aders to ever exercise soft power in Liberia because of their bloody past On the other hand, US based Liberian diaspora members recognized at home as having a track record of pursuing le gitimate polices aimed at peace and reconstruction are more likely to be effective in exercising soft power. This influence could be demonstrated through leadership by example backed by a reservoir of good will among the people. The conferment of the Nobel Peace P rize on President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf further enhance s her soft power influence in Liberia because it bestows a high degree of moral authority. In addition, former President Amos Sawyer who was a professor at Indiana University returned to Libe ria to head the Governance Commission, an important organization mandated to propose government reforms. Similarly, Massa

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60 | Antwi Boateng African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a 3 .pdf Washington a longtime diaspora stalwart, served as a member of the TRC in charge of diaspora affairs. Diaspora groups often fall und er the purview of n on g overnmental o rganizat ions (NGOs) claiming to act as a global conscience 15 They represent broad public interests beyond state boundaries and seek to create new norms by indirectly pressing governments and corporations to change poli cies. Indirectly, NGOs shape public perceptions of what constitute appropriate actions and behaviors of governments and corporations. The soft power of these non state actors is fuele d by the information revolution that enables them to attract followers. A s such, governments have to consider NGOs as both allies and adversaries. 16 In the case of US based Liberian diaspora, most of them served as adversaries to the governments in power in the course of the c ivil war but are now serving as allies to the current government and new democratic experiment via soft power in peace building NGOs such as diaspora associations and organizations have become adept at penetrating states with a disregard for state boundaries. This is because they build partnership with cit izen s who are well placed in the domestic politics of several countries. These local partners are able to focus media attention and pressure governments on issues of their interests, thereby creating new types of transnational political coalitions. 17 Attrac tiveness of American Culture Liberians have a long and unique historical connection with the United States compared to other African countries. Further, the Liberian d iaspora can be classified as a state linked for as Sheffer (2003 ) defines it, state linked diasporas are those groups that are in host countries but are connected to societies of their own ethnic origin that constitute a m ajority in an established state 18 This is because the Liberian diaspora, unlike other stateless diasporas suc h as the Kurdish diaspora, is actually connected to a recognized state that it seeks to influence or solicit its assistance in times of need. with Americaniz ation This p henom enon can be traced to the early freed American slave settlers who came to Liberia with a set of values and culture rooted in the New World and used it to dominate the indigenes David Wippmann citing Alao et al sums up the superiority complex of the Americo Liberians over the indigenous people as follows: They created the social hierarchy they had experienced in the ante bellum (of the United States) but with themselves as the socially dominant, land owning class. They considered the indigenous po pulation primitive and uncivilized, and treated it as little more than an abundant source of forced labor. 19 Through their dominance of the indigenous born Liberians, they frowned on native culture as backwards and institutionalized a se t of norms that in cluded literac y, Christianity monogamy, dress etc which denot ed For example, in mo st Liberian parlance, native is used to denote uncivilized, a person u nfamiliar with western culture. 20 Thus most Liberians of all persuasions that make up the US based diaspora are looked upon favorably at home for their acculturation to western culture, courtesy of their sojourn in the

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The Transformation of the US Based Liberian Diaspora | 61 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 htt p://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a 3 .pdf United States. A US based Liberian diaspora leader traces the historical background behind Liberians affinity with American culture and values as follows: The only difference between the Liberian flag and the United States flag is they have 50 stars and we have one star. If you look at the American Constitution the Liberian C onstitution is modeled after it So pr etty much everything was transported from Liberia; all the values because of the culture, eh the language we are speak ing, the educati on you know, the book, the text books are from the United States. And so the United States has a greater influence on the c ulture and on the value s of Liberia 21 The aforementioned historical and cultural connection between the US and Liberia makes it relatively easier for the US based Liberian diaspora to receive a favorable hearing vis vis any peace building message being p romoted by the latter. Credibility and L egitimacy The aforementioned historical connection between the US and Liberia enhances the credibility and legitimacy of the US based Liberian diaspora in their quest to exert soft power influence in Libe ria. Accord ing to Nye t he reputation and credibility of a state or group seeking to exert soft power influence also matte rs particularly because of the paradox of plenty Thus any information perceived as propaganda may not just be treated with contempt but may al so be counterproductive if it undermines the reputation of the provider of the information. 22 Fortunately for the US based Liberian diaspora, the United States is the most popular foreign country among Liberians based on its unique position for founding Li beria and as its biggest donor and investor In fact in the course of the c ivil war it was not uncommon for many Liberians to seek refuge in the US embassy in Monrovia even when security was not guaranteed. Furthermore, the long exposure of Liberians to American culture and norms courtesy of the freed sla ves who settled in Liberia made it easier for the promotion of what is American Cre ed 23 According to interviewees, aspects of the American creed that most attracts them are: the rela tive racial harmony among the various races in the US in spite of a history of animosity; political, ethnic and religious tolerance ; value for education; a culture of rule of law ; and respect for human rights. In Liberia, American culture, values and norms have become the measurement of civility and hence worthy of emulation. 24 This is in a mbassadors as evidenced by the fact that some prominent members of the US based Li berian diaspora provided financial and material support towards the brutal c ivil war With such popular friends, the US based diaspora is able to exert soft power influence in Liberia by mobilizing resources from the United States for peace building Altho ugh there are large Liberian diaspora groups within the West African sub region and Europe, they do not have the same domestic legitimacy as their US based counterparts enabl ing them to actively exert soft power influence. B oth the West African countries a nd European countries that host Liberian refugees do not have the unique historical relationship that the US has with Liberia as the founding nation of modern Liberia. In addition, these c ountries do not have the level of influence that the US has had over Liberia for years when it comes to foreign policy. A s such the Liberian diaspora in Europe and the West African sub region have very

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62 | Antwi Boateng African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a 3 .pdf limited leverage in deriving any soft power influence via their presence in the aforementioned regions. Third, the Liberi an diaspora in neighboring West African countries such as Guinea, Sierra Leone and are viewed with suspicion in Liberia because some of them were supported militarily by the governments of the aforementioned countries in the course of the c i vil war In fact, Charles Taylor launched his rebellion from neighboring in December of 1990 with a small band of dissidents that had received training in Libya and were based in Lastly, unlike their US based counterparts, the majority of the West Afri can based Liberian diaspora is less resourced and l eads a difficult life as refugees because of unfavora ble host country conditions. This inhibits their capacity to effectively mobilize and exert any form of soft power influence in their homeland. Diaspora association with an unpopular host country in the view of compatriots in the homeland de legitimizes the diaspora regardless of the utility of whatever peace building initiative that the diaspora may be promoting. For example, th e over whelming anti American/Western sentiment among Afghans and Iraqis has seriously compromised the ability of the Afghan and Iraqi diaspora s to exert soft power influence over their homeland compatriots This is because the Afghan and Iraqi diaspora ar e viewed as traitors by their compatriots for collaborating with an immoral power in support of an unjust cause in vasion Buttressing this point, Turner (2008) points out that Ahmed Chalabi whose Iraqi National Congress was propped up by the US g overnment in waiting, faced a hostile reception from Iraqis and resistance which ultimately fueled the Iraqi insurgency. 25 Similarly, in the Afghan case, the fact that three quarters of President Kha r zai administration was made up of Afgha n diaspora members transplanted by the international community eager to re shape war torn societies sparked a lot of resentment from local stakeholders 26 Under such circumstances, the credibility and legitimacy of the diaspora led government is compromised because in the view of local stakeholders the government was constituted by an immoral external power. Such perception seriously undermines the effectiveness of any diaspora entity to exert soft power influence because the latter is viewed in the same una ttractive and negative light as its benefactors. Mechanisms for the Exercise of Soft Power T he diaspora has the leverage to manipulate conflict situations towards desirable peaceful resolution. Apart from exercising the roles of communicator or facilitato r, diasporas are capable of effective persuasion as well. Diaspora leverage in conflict resolution is backed by the ability to wield carrots and sticks in the form of continuous political and financial support or a withdrawal of such support. Any withdrawa l of diaspora support could be devastating for the homeland if the government lacks political legitimacy and is facing economic difficulty. 27 Withdrawal of remittances and investment is another strong card diaspora groups can play. particularly if the country is a developing one 28 This is further reinforced by the neo patrimonial nature of Liberian society where many families depend on their diaspora relatives for sust enance, thereby giving diaspora members much clout in communities. Thus the US based Liberian diaspora exercise soft powers influence through persuasion/dialogue, public

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The Transformation of the US Based Liberian Diaspora | 63 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 htt p://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a 3 .pdf dialogue, public diplomacy, diaspora civic engagement, and d evelopment/j ob creation p r ograms. Persuasion/Dialogue Some members of the US based Liberian diaspora have been exercising soft power influence on their fellow Liberian citizens back home on an inter personal level through the power of persuasion and dialogue. In a post war environm ent where ethnic and factional nerves are still raw, such attempts are helping in the reduction of tensions, confidence building and reconciliation. A US based Liberian diaspora leader discovered some of the simmering ethnic tensions during an encounter wi th an elderly woman who was refusing to acknowledge her own grandchildren because her son had married a woman from a rival ethnic group. The follows: Liberia, I came across a woman whose son was married to a girl from Nimba and this lady told me those children will never be my grand children. And this lady told me that as long as those children have Nimba blo od, they will never be my grand children. I told her to look at it this way, even a wrong indictment of the entire Nimba race if there is anything like that. My e to blame 29 Most African countries lack effective conflict resolution mechanisms and in a country such as Liberia that is recovering from a brutal civil war the situation is very precarious, particularly in the hi nterlands. This is because there are inadequate and often corrupt law personnel and infrastructure. Such a situation does not inspire confidence among the local populace who are quick to take matters into their own hands thereby blowing petty local dispute s out of proportion and risking the escalat ion of conflict. The leadership of County Associations in the US has often intervened in cases of stalemates in their respective counties by using their good offices directly to mediate and resolv e conflicts and d is putes. Sometimes these diaspora leaders use their privileged positions to refer a conflict or grievance to the relevant central authorities in Monrovia for redress. For example, in one such instance, the leadership of the Bong County diaspora in the US r esolved tensions that arose between the Bong County Superintendent and a local contractor that threatened peace. The diaspora leadership issued a position statement on the dispute to the President, resulting in a peaceful resolution of the dispute. Describ ing some of the unique advantages that members of the diaspora have over their Liberian counterparts that enable them t o be effective at exerting soft power influence, a diaspora leader I ref Mark posits as follows: I have certain authority that can speak to the minister, I can speak to the solicited general or the dean of the law school or the president of the university, heads of civil societies, ze your placement in society... Socially, in the family context, if you are a male in the African family, you may have older sisters but you are the male, you are much respected and people

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64 | Antwi Boateng African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a 3 .pdf listen to your views. Much more so if you are from America. You ha ve education, you have money, and you are from America. They listen to you! 30 A major post war legacy of the Liberian c ivil war is the thousands of former child soldie rs who are now young adults that the Liberian government and international co mmunity stru ggle to integrate Aid workers estimate up to 20,000 child soldiers, some as young as seven or eight, were recruited by both government and rebel forces during Liber ia's latest war 31 This legacy, coupled with the inadequate aven ues for conflict resolution, provides a breeding ground for angry youth that can escalate into violence if left unchecked. Thus one of the avenues used by some US based diaspora members to assist in peace building is by training some of the youth on how t o channel their grievances to appropriate authorities without resorting to mob action and demonstrations. For example, a visiting US based Liberian diaspora l ecturer who served temporarily in the University of Liberia pointed out that when he once heard th at students, some of whom were ex combatants were about to go on demonstration lay in paying the salaries of l ecturers, he reached out to the student leadership to tone down their heated rhetoric. Instead, he taught them how to write petitions, organize press conferences and articulate their grievances in a non threatening manner. The visiting l ecturer argued that these were skills and leadership tools that someone needed to teach these students and he was glad to have offered i t. Although the demonstration still went ahead, it did not escalate into violence as previously feared. Members of the US based Liberian diaspora community also played crucial roles in preventing post election violence after the 2005 elections when George Weah and his supporters threatened to reject the outcome of the run off elections. A US based Liberian diaspora leader, who was himself disqualified from contesting the elect ions on a legal technicality, worked eventually accept the outcome of the results. In doing so, he cited the case of Al Gore who conceded defeat to George W. Bush in 2000 in the back to war. He points out that he was granted the necessary audience and was successful in that he had personally exercised moderation when the Supreme Court upheld his disqualification fr om participation in the 2005 election as a presidential candidate. He did not make a fuss about his disqualification as his supporters urged at the time. Instead, he resorted to a peaceful avenue in the form of a press conference where he announced his acc eptance of the verdict and admonished his disappointed supporters to remain calm and realign themselves with any other political party of their choice. This personal experience gave him the necessary also demonstrates the utility of soft power via leadership by example. T he situation changes dramatically however, when locals have to compete with diaspora returnees for much coveted top government positions and economic opportunities. Suc h circumstances have created a c old war between the diaspora returnees and locals fueling resentment from the latter who believe that they deserve more opportunities over their diaspora compatriots because the latter did not endure the war and the former did. A high ran king US based diaspora woman leader summed up the tensions between returnees and their local compatriots over high profile jobs as follows:

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The Transformation of the US Based Liberian Diaspora | 65 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 htt p://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a 3 .pdf You know, there is always little tension that people think that some of us were not there during the civil war and s ome Liberians want to go back to take their jobs. T hese are little tensions but overall we run the economy. You know through MoneyGram and Western Union organizations, people have put money into the country to make sure that people wil l start to up lift the mselves. 32 In addition, while some US based diaspora members are using their privileged positions to reduce tensions, mitigate and resolve conflicts, their efforts are not sustainable and should not be a substitute for the provision of long term conflict re solution institutions throughout the whole of Liberia. This is because most diaspora members have permanent bases abroad and only come back to Liberia periodically. Also, most of the diaspora strategies for peace building seem to be a d hoc. Whatever influe nces the diaspora brings to bear on peace building and the overall benefits of their efforts each require institutional backing to be sustainable. Public Diplomacy Public diplomacy is another avenue where the US based diaspora exerci ses soft power to prom ote peace building in Liberia. Shaping public opinion becomes even more important where authoritarian governments have be en replaced by new democracies. 33 A parallel can be drawn with Liberia, where the 2005 elections ushered in a new democratic dispensat ion after a long period of complete state collapse and anarchy. National platforms at important national events such as Independence Day celebration s offer an opportune forum for the US based diaspora to help shape the national debate towards peace. This i s because such occasions have a national character with high public participation that can be a mass communication gold mine. The occasion is also a unifying one devoid of partisanship or divisive ethnic and factional politics so it tends to attract a bipa rtisan audience. As a ritual in Liberia, during national occasions such as Independence Day, a national orator is chosen based on his/her accomplishments to deliver an inspirational national speech. The speech is meant to address an important issue of con cern that affects the country and acts as a call to action for the nation. For example, d uring the 160 th independence anniversary, the national orator for the occasion was US based Liberian Kimmie Weeks, a child advocate and founder of Youth Action Interna tional who talked about the importance of education A 2007 government press release reported that Mr. Weeks stressed in his address that the government should prioritize education and youth development goals wil l be in vain unless the government invested in development of the youth and admonished the government to come up with a National Educational Policy to address the educational needs of the country. 34 The views on education that Weeks championed on the indepe ndence anniversary occasion went a long way to persuade President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf to introduce a free and compulsory primar y education policy for Liberia. D iaspora leaders such as Weeks, a successful international advocate and speaker on rights have been described alternative peacemakers. 35 This category also includes poets, writers, musicians, prominent scholars, and sports stars such as football players. They are chosen to speak during imp they have a moral authority and command public respect across ethnic, clan, and group lines and, above all, cannot be accused

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66 | Antwi Boateng African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a 3 .pdf of seeking political office. This innovative initiative is commendable and deserves to be more widely po pularized. 36 Diaspora Civic Engagement Th e involvement of the Diaspora in the social and political dynamics of the homeland is not confined to the realm of politics. Indeed, some diaspora groups choose neutrality over political partisanship with regards to homeland conflicts and instead focus on domestic development through civil society. These diaspora groups sense a natural affinity with homeland civil society constituency in the homeland. The impact is felt at the sub national, local, and village levels rather than national levels. Civic minded diaspora groups believe that for viable peace to be attained in the homeland, the re should also be a bottom up approach that compliments a top down approach as p art of due diligence. They believe that peace building can only be effective if there is a linkage of national, sub national local processes and initiatives with different strate gic sites and actors. Hence, support is provided for local human rights organi zations, oriented programs 37 The US based L iberian diaspora exercises soft power influence through civil engagement via local media assistance aimed at changing the attitudes of fellow Liberians towards peace building norms. This takes the form of diaspora media persons and their organizations offering professional training to their counterparts or providing funds and equipment for the establishment of radio stations. In doing so, the US based diaspora is able to shape the agenda for bro adcast and a personnel is policy Once the agenda is shaped, the content will also reflect peace building norms and values preferred by the diaspora and this goes a long way to shape the public debate and ulti mately, public policy. A characteristic of these radio stations are that they de emphasize political issues which have the tendency to polarize the society. Instead, the focus is on community empowerment and social issues such as human rights, democracy, c orruption and women issues that all spheres of society can embrace. In other words, divisive political issues that could lead to tensions are avoided. Another characteristic is that these diaspora assisted radio stations are community based and as such address issues that are of critical importance to peace building in a particular community thereby allowing for a well targeted audience. The US based Tappita District Development Association (TADDA) has upgraded the Voice of Tappi ta ( VOT, 89.9FM) from a 50 watt community rad io station into a 500 watt station that has extensive coverage throughout central Liberia. The UN o riginally donated station to help equipment such as computers, mixers, digital recorders, studio microphones etc. In recognition peace building the government of the Netherlands selected Voice of Tapita as one of three local radio stations in Li beria for collaboration. As part of the benefits of this collaboration, three operators of the station were chosen to undergo further training in the Netherlands 38 With the US based diaspora providing the funding for equipment and personnel of some FM stat ions and also educational materials, the latter is able to influence coverage on issues that promote peace building provided the issues are deemed legitimate by the targeted audience. However, while techno dramatic reduction in the cost of

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The Transformation of the US Based Liberian Diaspora | 67 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 htt p://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a 3 .pdf processi it has also led to the explosion of information creating what Nye dubs paradox of information. 39 He cautions that under this par adox, too much information can lead to a scarcity of attention. This is because people become over saturated with information to the point where attention instead of information bec omes the scarce those who can distinguish valuable information from background clutter gain power. 40 The ability of the US base d Liberian diaspora to select the relevant peace building issues and policies for promotion that people can rally around goes a long way to enhance their soft power influence. In conducting public diplomacy and advocacy, the diaspora should guard against t he perception of pursuing a hidden agenda otherwise their messages risk being viewed as pr opaganda. Under such conditions their credibility and reputation as an attractive agent for change becomes tarnished. In many African countries such as Liberia, the s tate has a stranglehold on the broadcast media such as radio and television and oftentimes they serve as the official mouthpieces of the government devoid of any critical national debate. As a result of this, the public tends to be very skeptical about sta te media programming contents and seek s alternative sources of information. This is where diaspora assisted media that is devoid of partisanship or parochialism can fill the void with credible peace building programs. Citing two RAND Corporation experts, N ye observes that i n an information age, politics may ultimately b e about those whose story wins. 41 Development/Job Creation Programs Another avenue through which the US based Lib erian diaspora is exerting soft power influe nce towards peace building is direct development assistance and job creation avenues. This is essential with unemployment ra te is currently estimated at 80 percent sligh tly down from a 2003 high of 85 percen t 42 government recognizes that a high unemployment rate poses a great security threat to the stability of the country and hence has launched a national poverty reduction plan to tack le the problem. President Johnson Sirleaf has acknowledged the correlation between unemployment a nd violence by stressing that one overarching aim of the poverty reduction plan is to enable the country to b reak away from its violent past 43 In addition, t he poverty alleviation plan also includes the rehabilitation of basic infrastructures, revitalizing the country's shattered economy, building a post war security system to consolidate peace, and the provision of basic social services such as healthcare, ro ad network, water and electricity. 44 For some diasporas, one of the most effective ways to peace in the homeland is through development. The rationale behind this approach is that most domestic conflicts are caused not only by power struggles at the natio nal level but also by unequal distribution of the national resources, extreme social and economic imbalances, marginalization, and widespread poverty. Therefore it is imperative that all these conflict triggers be separately addressed. In this regard, d ia spora groupings seek to address some of the economic causes of conflicts by making a positive contribution towards the reduction and stabilization of the social tensions of the downtrodden in society. 45 This effort is undertaken at the local level through c ommunity and welfare projects set up by the diaspora. Diaspora funded projects are targeted at rehabilitating health centers and

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68 | Antwi Boateng African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a 3 .pdf facilities, building schools, supporting rural farmers, and initiating income generating activities for destitute and marginali zed groups. Projects initiated by d iaspora groupings are carried out through individual and collective efforts. For example, some individual diaspora members and groups within a diaspora community donate cash, materials, and needed equipment to various bod ies and institutions in the homeland in order to help improve community facilities at the village and town levels. Not only do these efforts greatly contribute towards poverty alleviation among individuals through job creation but also provide much needed services to the communities through the provision of basic public goods and service delivery. 46 With all the post war challenges faced by Liberia, it is obvious that the government cannot meet the challenge of job creation alone. As such, other non governme ntal bodies such as the US based Liberian diaspora have a role to play in creating job opportunities. It is in this arena of job creation that the US based Liberian diaspora can exert soft power influence through its ability to marshal financial and materi al resources. The more jobs that are created by government and the diaspora, the higher the likelihood that the youth, some of whom are ex combatants, will stay away from violent and criminal activities that are inimical to the peace. A president of one th e Liberian diaspora c ounty a ssociations in Maryland points out that his organization has an ongoing project in Bong County aimed at rehabilitating former child soldiers. Aiming to kill two birds with one stone via the provision of safe drinking water and e mployment, former child soldiers have been hired to install water pumps in local communities in order to keep them engaged and out of trouble. A leader of a ULAA break away faction also noted the job creation work of the Alumni Association of Konola Academ y. This includes hiring and paying local artisans to work on the rehabilitation and maintenance of the school and providing school uniforms to encourage school enrollment. The group links job seekers to diaspora returnees in positions of authority for job assistance and relevant information about rehabilitation programs. In addition, the Konola Alumni Association has supplied farming equipment to promote local agriculture which is a major source of employment for the community. According to this leader because there are several competing needs and demands from home, the Konola Academy Alumni Association only supports projects that have been initiated by the community. This is also aimed at reducing the dependency syndrome that can stifle innovation and a lso to promote a culture of self help. A society that is striving towards self sufficiency is more likely to be stable than one that is dependent on handouts. A self help society is more likely to be motivated if it gets the extra assistance and encouragem ent being offered by the members of the US based diaspora. The society will also be more amenable to persuasion and dialogue in the resolution of disputes instead of resorting to violence to settle disputes for fear of jeopardizing any future assistance fr om a major benefactor such as the diaspora. Diaspora, in using the threat of withdrawal of support can potentially move the hard liners in the homeland to soften their views and o pt for a negotiated settlement. 47 The US based diaspora is also exerting sof t power influence in the areas of refugee resettlement by providing financial and material support towards reintegration into society. Such assistance minimizes the risk of returnees pursuing violence or a path of crime out of necessity. According to the L iberian Refugee and Resettlement Commission (2009), in the prior year 10,567 Liberian refugees were repatriated from West African refugee camps. The

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The Transformation of the US Based Liberian Diaspora | 69 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 htt p://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a 3 .pdf breakdown of the number is as follows: Ghana (9,703), Nigeria (422), Guinea (170), Sierra Leone (230), Cote d'Ivoire (14), The Gambia (27) and Senegal (1). This number is made up of 9, 329 returnees from the organized voluntary repatriation program and 420 documented spontaneous returnees. 48 Returning refugees face a myriad of problems. Most of them are vulnera ble when they arrive with virtually nothing and face a tough time re adjusting to life in Liberia after having lost family members and all their possessions. According to the Liberian Refugee and Resettlement Commission (2009), the Commission is raising fu nds in the form of loans and grants for the successful reintegration of both the skilled/unskilled and vulnerable people into their communities. The Commission is also training unskilled returnees in vocations that will enable them obtain employment or bec ome self employed. However, the Commission is seriously constrained by inadequate funding and resources. The ability of Liberia to effectively resettle and integrate its refugees will impact the security and stability of the country as desperation and dest itution among returnees could lead to a spike in crime and violence. Thus any support from the Liberian diaspora towards the resettlement and integration of returnees will go a long way in ensuring the stability and security of Liberia and thus guarantee p eace. An example of US based diaspora support for the resettlement of refuges has been demonstrated by Rev which has provided returning refugees with basics such as water wells and educat ion on water safety acr oss the country. The US based Liberian diaspora has also provided financial assistance towards the sponsorship of the education of returning refugees. For example, in 2008 the leadership of ULAA under then President Emmanuel S. Wettee instituted a US $5,00 0 Scholarship Fund to aid the education of needy but bright young refugees re turning from Ghana. As of 2009 two students had received scholarships to attend technical colleges. 49 The Tappita District Development Association (TADDA) is also heavily engaged in the rehabilitation of some basic amenities that were destroyed in the Tappita District of Nimba County. Nimba County was one of the places that experienced massive physical destruction in the course of the civil war As part of its efforts, TADDA has re built Tappeh Memorial High School the only public high school in Lower Nimba County, which was burned down during the war. The rebuilt school has been equipped with a functional library and computer lab. The organization has also built the new Gblougeay E lementary School and the one in Towehtown. 50 Such diaspora development assistance goes a long way toward restoring normalcy to war torn communities. This in turn attracts refugees to resettle whenever they hear such progress via word of mouth from trusted r elatives and friends even in far away refugee camps. The importance of providing educational opportunities in the resettlement and reintegration of refugees and former combatants as part of a peace building strategy cannot be under estimated. According to a 1999 research by Collier t he presence of a high proportion of young men in a society also increases the risk of conflict, whereas the greater the educational e ndowment, the lower is the risk 51 Thus diaspora efforts at providing support for educationa l opportunities constitute a soft power that contributes immensely in minimizing the prospect of the rene wal of war in Liberia. The same research also shows that an increased level of education significantly reduces the risk of war even with a higher popul ation of young men : Education is relatively more important than the proportion of young men. For example, if we double the

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70 | Antwi Boateng African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a 3 .pdf proportion of young men its effect can be offset by increasing the average educational endowment by around two months. Each year of education reduces th e risk of conflict by around twenty percent 52 D iaspora assistance empowers people to use their maximum potential for self development, abandon the past and take control of their lives. Many diasporas pursue the aforementioned developm ent projects in order to build peaceful constituencies and to promote a culture of good governance in their homelands. They therefore persuade donor partners and development organizations in their host countries to channel their development assistance in t he homelands toward these goals. In so doing the diaspora sets an alternative agenda for peace building An alternative approach is a welcome development because good governance can only emerge in homelands if it is rooted in solid sub national and local social institutions. 53 Conclusion The US based Liberian di aspora is able to exercise soft power influence in aid of peace building by transforming some of its hard power assets i.e. financial advantage from coercive activities such as war into persuasive ventures ai med at promoting peace. The US based Liberian diaspora is a m ajor source of attraction to their compatriots in Liberia because of the following: the attractiveness of diaspora success, morality of diaspora policies, attractiveness of US culture/ norms/values and the credibility and legitimacy of the US based Liberian diaspora in the eyes of home based Liberians This soft power influence manifest s itself via the combination of diaspora persuasion of fellow citizen s towards liberal ideas that are backed by economic incentives aimed at making life bearable for fellow citizens in the homeland However, not all US based diaspora members will have an automatic capacity and credibility to effectively exercise soft power influence : history and track reco rd matter. Thus moderate diaspora members who may have initially supported war but were considered less radical and later on promoted peace by advocating negotiation or moderate views are more likely to be effective at exercising the needed soft power infl uences for peace. Such people can lean on belligerents by citing their own transformation and experiences as role model s N ot all the soft power efforts of the diaspora are sustainable however For example diaspora job creating efforts are directly li nked to t he state of the economy in the host country and with the US economy still recovering from a recession the diaspora is likely to be more cautionary in charitable giving and financial investments in the homeland. The most sustainable of diaspora sof t power efforts are public diplomacy, interpersonal persuasion and civic engagement involving the sharing of peace building norms either on the interpersonal level or via radio stations or public forums This is mainly because they are less costly. While the reach of interpersonal prodding is limited as it involves a few people at a time, it is sustainable in the long run as it requires less financial cost. In additio n, because a relationship is built in a micro setting between the purveyor of change and t he receiver of change, mutual trust develops that helps in attitudinal change. Similarly, once radio stations are set up to provide public service awareness and to promote c ivil discourse, it becomes a community project with the community becoming respons ible for its future sustainability through voluntary service or token financial donations In addition, the interactive nature of most radio stations makes it possible for listeners and communities to build long standing relationships with those stations t hat can

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The Transformation of the US Based Liberian Diaspora | 71 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 htt p://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a 3 .pdf empower moderate voices in the community In terms of policy, there is the need for conflict peace building to identify and institutionalize sustainable diaspora mechanisms for soft power influence in order to prevent a backslide to destructive hard power tendencies. N otes 1 Wilson 2008, p. 114. 2 Nye 2006, p. 4 3 Lubkemann 2008. 4 Nye 2008, p. 4. 5 Ibid. p. 11. 6 Bohorquez 2005. 7 BBC 200 9. 8 http://www.usip.org/search/google_appliance/TRCs 9 Zartman 2001, p. 8. 10 Schrodt, Yilmaz, and Gerner 2003. 11 Ikram 2003. 12 Nye 2004, p. 6. 13 Ibid. p p. 5 6. 14 Wells, accessed online on 29 April 2010. 15 Nye 2004, p. 90. 16 Ibid 17 Ibi d. p. 91. 18 Sheffer 2003, p. 74. 19 Whippmann 1999, p. 14. 20 Moran 1990, p. 2 21 US based Liberian d iaspora l eader, 2009. 22 Nye 2004, p. 107. 23 Yossi 1999. 24 Moran 1990. 25 Turner, 2008, p. 13. 26 Ibid. 27 Basar and Swain p. 21. 28 Ibid., p. 22. 29 US based Liberian d iaspora leader, 2008. 30 US based Liberian d iaspora l eader, 2008. 31 CNN 2003. 32 US based Liberian d iaspora leader, 2009 33 Nye 2004, p. 105. 34 Weeks 2007. 35 Mahamoud 2005, p. 9.

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72 | Antwi Boateng African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a 3 .pdf 36 Ibid., p. 19. 37 Ibid., p p. 7 8. 38 Tapita.org 2009. 39 Nye 2004, p. 106. 40 Ibid. 41 Ibid 42 CIA 2003. 43 The Integrated Regional Information Networks (IRIN) 2007. 44 Ibid. 45 Mahamoud 20 05, p.10. 46 Ibid. 47 Baser and Swain 2008, p. 23. 48 Union of Liberian Associations in Americas (n.d.) 49 Ibid. 50 Tappita District Development Association (TADDA), 2009. 51 Collier 1999, p. 6. 52 Ibid. 53 Maham oud 2005, p. 8. R eferences Baser, B International Journal on World Peace 7.7: 7 28. 12 October. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/7887117.stm Tysha Bohorquez Reviews Joseph Nye Jr.'s Book on the Importance of 23 February, 2009. http://www.international.ucla.edu/article.asp?parentid=34734 s Armed Struggle and the Utility of Soft Journal of Peace Research, 44: 2 15 31. CNN. 2003 Liberia's Child Sold A ccessed 18 November, 2008. http://edition.cnn.com/2003/WORLD/africa/08/31/liberia.child.soldiers.reut/index.html Colli Accessed 17 May, 2009. http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTKNOWLEDGEFORCHANGE/Resources/ 491519 1199818447826/28137.pdf . A ccessed 10 May, 2009. h ttps://www.cia.gov/library/publications/theworldfactbook/rankorder/2129rank.html?countryN me=Liberia&countryCode=li®ionCode=af&rnk=199#li

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The Transformation of the US Based Liberian Diaspora | 73 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 htt p://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a 3 .pdf A ccessed 7 April, 2011. http://www.ewi.info/limitations hard power Diaspora in War Making and to the United States Institute of Peace and the Guggenheim Foundation http://www.diaspora centre.org/DOCS/ PILPG_Engaging_Dia.pdf Untapped Potential for Peace building in the Homelands A ccessed 16 January, 2010. http://www.peoplebuildingpeace.org/thestories/article.php?typ=theme&id=108&pid=2 Moran, Mary. 1990. Civilized Women Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press Nye, Joseph. 2004. Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics New York: Public Affairs. _____ Soft Power, A ccessed 15 July, 2009. http://www.hks.harvard.edu/netgov/files/talks/docs/11_06_06_seminar_Nye_HP_SP_Leadershi p.pdf _____ The ANAALS of the American Academy o f Political Science and Social Science, 616: 110 24. Global Networks, a Journal of Transnational Affairs, 8: 436 52. stergaard Nie Part of the Problem or A ccessed 12 July, 2009. http://www .diis.dk/graphics/Publications/Briefs2006/%F8stergaard nielsen_diaspora_conflict_resolution.pdf Sheffer, Gabriel. 2003. Diaspora Politics United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press. Schrodt, Philip, Yilmaz, and D J Gerner. 2003. A ccessed 23 March, 2009 http://web.ku.edu/~keds/p apers.dir/Schrodt.etal.ISA03.pdf Smith, Hazel and Paul Stares. 2007. Diaspora in Conflict: Peace maker or Peace wreckers? Tokyo and N ew Y ork : United Nations University Press. TADDA. 2009. http://www.tappita.org/pag_cms_id_16_p_about us.html A ccessed 14 February 20 09. http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=70456

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74 | Antwi Boateng African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a 3 .pdf A ccessed 18 October, 2011. www.wiscnetwork.org/ljubljana 2008 /getpaper.php?id=157 Union of Liberian L AA Scholarship Benefit Liberian A ccessed 21 February, 2009. http://www.lrrrc.org/doc/microsoft%20word%20%20ulaa%20scholarship%20benefit%20liber ian %20returnees%20from%20ghana.p df Educati ng the Youth must be Liberia's Priority, Says Kimmie Weeks A ccessed 13 December 2008. http://www.emansion.gov.lr/press.php?news_id=325 Wells, Ken. n.d. A ccessed 29 Ap ril 2010. http://www.everyculture.com/multi/Le Pa/Liberian Americans.html The ANAALS of the American Acade my of Political and Social Science 616: 110 24 Yossi, Shain. 1999 Marketing the American Creed Abroad: Diasporas in the US and Their Homelands United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press (New Shain addition). Zart man, William. 2001. The Timing of Pea ce Initiatives: Hurting Stalemates and Ripe Moments The Global Review of Ethnopolitics 1: 8 18



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African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issue s 1 & 2| Spring 2 012 Olivier Walther is a geographer with the Center for Population, Poverty and Public Policy Studies in Luxembourg and a research associate at the University of Bordeaux CNRS in France. He holds a Ph.D. from the University of Lausanne and Rouen. His ma jor research interests lie in cross border economic networks and regional integration in West A f rica. Acknowledgments: This paper was written in part while the author was a visiting researcher at the University of Basel in 2010. Support received from the E uropean Science Foundation (ESF) for the activity Luxembourg (FNR) is gratefully acknowledged. The author would also like to thank Elisabeth Boesen, Ross Jones, Jen Nelles, Paul Nugent, Michel Tenikue and Bernard Zuppinger for their helpful comments on earlier drafts of the paper. Moustapha Kon provided valuable research assistance. http://www.africa .ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a4.pdf University of Florida Board of Trustees, a public corporation of the State of Florida; permission is hereby granted for ind ividuals to download articles for their own personal use. Published by the Center for African Studi es, University of Florida. ISSN: 2152 2448 Sons of the S oil and C onquerors W ho C ame on F oot: The H istorical E volution of a West African B order R egion OLIVIER WALTHER Abstract: This article discusses the historical evolution of Dendi, a border region now located across Niger, Benin and Nigeria. Dr awing on colonial literature and mythological accounts collected in the city of Gaya, t he article shows that the two subgroups at the origin of the historical identity of Dendi were affected very differently by colonization and the independence of West Afr ican states. While Songhay chiefdoms managed to build alliances with colonial powers and have adapted to post colonial political changes, Kyanga religious authorities have been progressively marginalized under the pressure of Islam, urban development and the state administration. The article also shows that the histo rical distinction between first settlers and conquerors has been challenged since the 1980s by the arrival of businessmen from Niger and neighboring countries, which turned the Dendi into a reg ional economic crossroad. Some of the se new immigrants have become important actors in the local urban market, challenging the came on foot which had long served to define the Dendi identity. Introduction Since colonial times West African socio political systems have often been discussed in terms of comers oppositions played a key role in the construction of identities of West African societies and remain highly significant in the control over land and building development, political privileges, labor and taxes as well as in defining belonging in West Africa 1 In Yatenga, for example, a strong opposition was documented between the Nyonyose indigenous people who were responsible for the religious cults with the spirits of the land and the Nakombse conq uerors who held political authority 2 In the Borgu states of Benin and Nigeria, the socio political system was also dominated by an alliance between the Baatombu autochthonous people and aristocratic conquerors 3 A similar phenomenon was also observed in the

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76 | Walther African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v 13i1 2a4.pdf Keleyadugu chiefdom in southern Mali, in the Mawri society in Niger, and in the Hombori Mountains in Mali where local power was divided between animist Dogon populations and aristocratic conquerors of Songhay origin 4 The Dendi region examined in this paper shares strong similarities with those case studies that have been documented in the historical and anthropological literature. In Dendi, conquerors coming from the declining Songhay e mpire of Gao supplanted the authority of local Kyanga chiefs. The power over animist cults, land administration and natural resources. This division of function between Songhay and Kyanga subgroups, unified by a common language, is the basis of Dendi identity. In contrast to other studies, what makes the Dendi interesting from a scholarly perspective, however, is the fact that the region was divided between French and English colonial powers in the early twentieth century and then by three nation states in the early 1960s (Map 1). This permits an investigation of the historical evolution of the binary opposition between when a historical frontier area is divided by different colonial rules and, later on, by a modern state border. As discussed in studies by Lentz, Miles and Nugent West African border regions offer interesting and original characteristics for the analysi s of local political systems 5 In such regions, the political border between states is added to the well known social boundary between Our paper explores two related questions First, we wish to know whether the interaction of internal social stratification remained constant between warriors vs. religious subgroups even in the context of changing political boundaries. Second, we wish to examine how the relationship between autochthones and conquerors has been transformed ove r time by the arrival of more recent immigra nts. Using a corpus of colonial literature and mythological accounts referring to the foundation of the border city of Gaya ( Niger ), the article shows that the two subgroups at the origin of the Dendi were very differently affected by colonization and the independence of West African states. While Songhay chiefdoms have managed to build alliances with colonial powers and have adapted to post colonial political changes, Kyanga religious authorities have been progr essively marginalized under the pressure of Islam, urban development and the state administration. The article also shows that the historical distinction between autochthones and conquerors has been challenged since the 1980s by the arrival of businessmen from elsewhere in Niger and neighboring countries. These new immigrants were strongly attracted by opportunities in the border region and turned the Dendi into a regional economic crossroad populated by vigorous trade diasporas. Some of the large entrepre neurs of the region have become important actors in the local urban market, challenging the distinction between Songhay and Kyanga, which had long serve d to define Dendi identity. This article is structured as follows. In the next section we briefly prese nt the main characteristics of the Dendi border region and discuss our methodology. In section three we present the urban myths of foundation regarding the city of Gaya, in which the distinction between indigenous and conquerors took root in Dendi cultura l consciousness. Section s four and five then presents some of the changes which occurred in colonial and post colonial times

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Sons of the Soil and Conquerors Who Came on Foot | 77 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a4.pdf to both Songhay political authorities and Kyanga religious powers. In the final section, we conclude with a summary of our key fin dings. Case S tudy and M ethodology regions in West Africa: the southernmost historical province of the Songhay empire ( sixteenth to seventeenth centuries), located dow nstream from the capital of Gao, and the contemporary border area intersected by the Niger River over 120 km between Niger, Benin and Nigeria (Map 1) 6 Map 1. Location of the Dendi B order R egion Cartography: the author, adapted from Dambo 2007. The lat ter, which will be investigated in this paper, is populated by six main ethnic groups: Kyanga, Zarma, Songhay Hausa, Baatombu, and Fulani 7 The region was long situated on the fringe of pre colonial socio political entities, such as the Hausa states, the Songhay Empire, and the Borgu states and was not recognized as a major political or commercial center in pre colonial times. Far from being an autonomous political entity, the Dendi was a peripheral set of cities and villages connected by a similar languag e known as D endi. The region was also characterized by the dominance of aristocratic and warrior groups that emerged from the disintegration of the Songhay Empire over a Kyanga population responsible for traditional cults

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78 | Walther African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v 13i1 2a4.pdf and ownership of the land. The des cendants of these two populations are still called Dendi today whatever their Nigerienne, Nigerian or Beninese nationality The transformation of the Dendi from a periphery into a regional commercial center resulted from its strategic location on the bord er of three West African countries. Petty trade had been present since colonial times, but it was only in the second half of the twentieth century that the region emerged as a commercial hub specialized on regional agricultural products (rice, millet, maiz e), manufactured goods (second hand cars and clothes, cement, cigarettes), and oil. Such development was mainly due to alien traders, who established vigorous trade diasporas in the main cities of the Dendi. Previous studies show that the majority of Zarma Hausa and Igbo merchants that settled in the Dendi came from other regions in Niger and West African countries 8 This pattern is comparable to that found in the northeast of Ghana or the north of Benin where commercial diasporas are also strongly attrac ted to border regions 9 These merchants contributed to the growth and prominence of the three main border markets of the Dendi: Malanville (Benin), Kamba (Nigeria), and Gaya (Niger), whose evolution we investigate in depth in this article. With an estimat ed population of 36,709 in 2010, Gaya is now composed of four old neighborhoods (Koyzey Kounda, Lawey, Sakabatama and Badjeizey) that are controlled by the Songhay and two neighborhoods (Koussou Kourey and Sokondji) that are dominated by the Kyanga. 10 Thes e six neighborhoods, which make up the old town of Gaya called Map 2. The C ity of Gaya Cartography: the author, adapted from Department of Geography 2006. Dendikourey, are surrounded by the more recent developments of Kwara Tegui, Plateau, Carr, Acajou and Wadata that have expanded around the old city of Gaya since the 1950s and that

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Sons of the Soil and Conquerors Who Came on Foot | 79 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a4.pdf are populated by more recent immigrants from Niger and the surrounding countries (see Map 2 above ). T he city of Gaya is an ideal case in which to study the interaction of internal social stratification and external influences because it combines both a strong chiefdom and a booming border market dominated by recent immigrants. In the neighboring city of Malanville, located across the River Niger, representatives from the fo rmer chiefdom have experienced difficulties in regaining their power in local politics despite a recent revival of traditional chieftaincies that followed the advent of democracy in the early 1990s. Consequently, this case is less instructive in examining the contemporary relevance of the binary opposition between first and late comers. In the Nigerian city of Kamba, located fifteen miles east of Gaya, traditional chiefdoms are still influential, but the market has severely declined, due to the increase in customs checks, a state of insecurity marked with armed attacks, increasing petroleum product prices, and the implementation of Sharia law. As noted by Walther (2009) this situation has led to the departure of most of the foreign (Christian) traders from southern Nigeria, which also limits the utility of this case in examining contemporary economic elites arrangements with local authorities. We draw on urban foundation myths which establish the boundaries between first comers and late comers to examine how binary oppositions could legitimize the respective positions of social groups and how they evolved over time. In doing so, we were interested in the various arguments used by local actors to support their own classification of the society. The myths were collected from different sources: We used colonial literature devoted to the cities located in Dendi and conducted semi structured face to face interviews with fifteen different key informants from 2004 to 2005 selected on the basis of their genealogical a nd historical knowledge. 11 This included local community leaders (village, neighborhood and canton chiefs) as well as town elites, local historians and teachers 12 Different versions of how Gaya was originally founded were collected from oral histories. In this article, we focus on the two main Kyanga and Songhay historical accounts, without trying to identify which is the more legitimate. Our interest is rather to establish the social and political consequences of the division between the two populations on the organization of the society. Particular attention was paid to ensuring the diversity of the sources of oral historical information, because foundation narratives very often hide the conflicts which take place between indigenous people and conquerors in West Africa. 13 The Dendi border region is certainly no exception in this and we thus attempted to collect as many different versions of the same myths as possible in order to get beyond the standardized accounts that aim to preserve harmony vis vis th e outside world. The F oundation of Gaya Gaya was founded at the end of the eighteenth century by Kyanga and Songhay populations. The following sections present different versions of the foundation myth and discuss the opposition between the so There W ere O nly Wi ld A nimal s T he Kyanga V ersion Oral history indicates that the origin of the Kyanga population, which today occupies both

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80 | Walther African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v 13i1 2a4.pdf banks of the River Niger, dates back to the battle of Badr in 62 4 AD in which the armies of the Prophet overcame a caravan of Quraysh pagans. Kyanga populations claim to have fled to Yemen and crossed the Red Sea before embarking on a long journey across the Sahara to their current location 14 These elements of the myth which are also reported in the Borgu region, contradict linguistic studies, which find that the Kyanga and other Mande family language groups are of West African origin in which the Kyanga/Busa group was the easternmost of all 15 Nevertheless, such a myth ological origin is an important element in the construction of the identity of the Kyanga who, in contrast to Songhay groups, cannot claim a Muslim origin but nevertheless wish to situate their history within a larger mythological framework. For the Kyanga Gaya The oral tradition identifies three pivotal moments: the quest for the perfect location; the urban foundation; and the meeting with the Songhay The story indicates that Kokoa Monzon, the founding ancestor, arrive d at Dallassi, a village opposite the current city of Gaya. In Dallassi, the Kyanga came into conflict with Borgu people whose political entities were located around Bussa, Nikki, and Illo in contemporary Nigeria and Benin. Kokoa Monzon consulted his rel igious adviser, who told him: everyone else will die 16 Unwilling to take such a risk, Kokoa Monzon decided to leave Dallassi and settled in front of Kombo, a small hill located close to the current Nigerien Customs Authorities. But Kombo was not safe and the Kyanga were once again forced by the Borgu people to find another location. At this point, Kokoa Monzon confided in his own spirit and said: ur day. Today, I will see if you are really powerful 17 Having uttered these words, he noticed a large snake extended across the Niger River, which served as a bridge to help him and his people to cross the river. Oral myths state that after several tempor ary settlements, the Kyanga reached Sokondji, one of the neighborhoods of contemporary Gaya. There, according to collected accounts, the Kyanga asked Lta and Ouza, their two main protective spirits, whether the location was safe enough to build a new city and received a positive answer. Kokoa Monzon said: to me. I will suck your breast. Be a father to me, defend me and protect me from all things 18 At the foot of a baobab tree located close to what is now the Koussou Kourey quarter, the religi ous leader (locally known as gagna koy ) responsible for traditional worship, the bountifulness of the harvest and the ownership of the land, was inducted. At this point the stories collected state that the bush surrounding Koussou Kourey was inhabited onl that the freshly founded human settlement was the first. Very soon, however, the Kyanga were forced to come into contact with the Songhay who also arrived in the region. According to the Kyanga elders interviewed, the Songh ay conqueror Samsou Bri chose to settle in Koyzey Kounda, one of the oldest parts of the city of Gaya, whose etymological Songhay The Kyanga remained in Sokondji and Koussou Kourey. Mythological accounts state that Songhay were separated by a forest. They heard noise [coming from the other group] but they could not see each other at the beginning. Then, they finally met in the forest but were unable to understand each other. Th e Songhay waved their hands at the Kyanga, indicating that they were thirsty and wanted to drink some water. The Kyanga showed them the [Niger] river [ our translation 19

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Sons of the Soil and Conquerors Who Came on Foot | 81 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a4.pdf Later, the Kyanga and the Songhay agreed on the need to build a city wall to protect Gaya from slave raids conducted by the Fulani. At this time, the spirits of the earth warned the two groups that this construction would have important consequences: the man in charge of the construction of the wall would, they said, die after completing h is work. The Songhay Samsou Bri refused to build the wall, which symbolized the foundation of the city and instead urged Kyanga chief Kokoa Monzon to take on the task. Despite the risk involved in building the wall, Kokoa Monzon accepted and designated Fa ra Monzon as his successor in a symbolic gesture of resignation to the military superiority of the Songhay 20 When the city of Gaya was finally surrounded by its wall, the division of functions between the Songhay and the Kyanga was completed: the former wo uld be responsible for political authority, and the latter would exercise religious authority. The Dendi identity would from now on be based primarily on the historical alliance between native and immigrant, these two groups being unified by a common langu age of Songhay origin. We H ave K ept the P lace The Songhay P erspective Songhay populations established themselves in the Dendi in several waves of settlement, the oldest dating back to the campaigns of Askia Muhammad from 1505 to 1517 21 The second wave wa s linked to the fall of the Songhay Empire in 1591 and the third gave birth to the current Songhay chiefdoms of the region that probably left the region located between Ansongo and Niamey at the very beginning of the eighteenth century and reached Gaya af ter having followed the Niger River. Among them, the two brothers Daouda and Hanga of ten considered as descendants of Askia Mohammed in local accounts are regarded as the first Songhay immigrants. Daouda and Hanga are said to have founded the city of Tanda and Gaya before establishing themselves on both banks of the Niger River. Their descendants still rule the neighborhood and canton chiefdoms of Gaya. The Songhay have their own narrative of the founding of the city, which differs significantly from that o f the Kyanga. While the Kyanga claim that their ancestors established themselves in Gaya prior to the arrival of the Songhay the descendants of the Songhay claim that the Kyanga had only temporarily occupied Gaya. Chief Ekoye (1985) former canton chief o f Gaya from 1970 to 2011, tells the following story about the establishment of the Songhay : Hadj Hanga, founder of Dendi, left the Songhay [Empire] to settle in Garou (Benin). There, he Samsou Bri and Hari Gani. When Dakou died, Dizi was designated as his successor. When Samsou grew up, he tried to overthrow Dizi and proclaim himself village chief. But his mother objected. Faced with opposition from his mother, he crossed the river to t he left bank with a few disgruntled allies and founded the village of Tara [our translation] After the founding of Tara, the story indicates that Samsou Bri looked for another site, which eventually became Gaya. This story shares many similarities with the historical socio political organization of Borgu, notably because in both regions the aristocracy allied with the indigenous people by marrying Such an alliance had the advantage of ensuring some security for the indigeno us leaders and allowed aristocrats to secure the support of traditional deities and a legitimate political sovereignty 22 Furthermore, both regions have faced significant conflicts among members of the aristocracy, which in turn led to the migration of smal l groups of

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82 | Walther African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v 13i1 2a4.pdf conquerors, who then increasingly imposed their cultural characteristics on indigenous peoples over whom they ruled When in Gaya, the Songhay apparently found a clearing and, after having consulted their ir na gayi n ago Songhay for Chief Ekoye adds that when the Songhay arrived in Gaya, they found that the Kyanga were cultivating the area but had not yet founded a village. Kyanga populations lived on a river island for fear of Fulani raide rs from the east. The encounter between the two groups occurred once the Kyanga were informed of the peaceful intentions of the Songhay Songhay met in a place after having pledged their word of honor, says Chief Ekoye. The Songhay then asked t o see the village of the Kyanga, which did not exist at the time. They asked the Kyanga for permission to build a village [ our translation ] 23 Figure 1. Genealogy of the Songhay princes of Dendi Sources: Tilho 1911, Delafosse 1912, Perron 1924, Ardant du Picq 1931, Urvoy 1936, Pri and Sellier 1950 2005. The dates indicate the reigns. Names mentioned in the text are in bold type.

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Sons of the Soil and Conquerors Who Came on Foot | 83 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a4.pdf Another Songhay version states that the city of Gaya was founded from the neighborhood of Lawey 24 Stories collected in Gaya indicate that El Hadj Hanga, the Songhay ancestor who came to the border region in the eighteenth century, had several religious advisors who settled with him in Tara. These religious advisors noticed smoke coming from the east, indicating that other people inhabited the area where the current city of Gaya is located. The Songhay went in that direction to try to get in touch with those unidentified people through a thick bush. When they found the burning fire El Hadj Hanga and hi s people saw an uninhabited clearing. The Kyanga had obviously left. Their own earth priests had indicated that another group of people was trying to get in touch with them. Over the following days a competition between the Kyanga and Songhay religious adv isors took place, and after several unsuccessful attempts a meeting was organized between the two groups. On this occasion the question of why the Kyanga were not permanently settled in their clearing but had instead taken refuge on the islands of the rive r was raised; the Kyanga claimed, as in other oral accounts discussed so far, that they feared being enslaved by the Muslim Fulani. The C olonial Period and the R ise of Nigerien C hiefdoms After the foundation of Gaya the history of the Songhay princes of Ga ya appears rather hectic and involves a large number of towns along the Niger River. Often rivalries of succession led to open or latent conflicts based on shifting and conflicting alliances 25 During the two centuries preceding colonization the leadership of Gaya dominated political disputes. In 1798 for example, the chieftaincy passed to the descendants of the Songhay Samsou Bri as described in the genealogy in Figure 1 The reigning princes of Gaya built on this genealogy to justify their exclusive rig ht for the chieftaincy of the city against the descendants of Harigani and Samsou Kana who also rule d Gaya from 1779 to 1798 and inhabit the nearby towns of Tanda and Tara. Again, this evolution presents interesting similarities with that of the Borgu st ates, which are marked by a strong tendency towards territorial division. This lack of centralization has been interpreted in the literature as a result of the elective system of succession, which induced conflict between brothers because all sons were eli gible to succeed their father. This forced them to look for new villages to rule and cultivated a strong attachment of the Wasangari aristocracy to the values of honor and war 26 Starting in the late nineteenth century the British, French and Germans worke d to expand the dominion of their colonies of Nigeria, Dahomey and Togo, respectively. Over the course of several campaigns and settlements military outposts were established such that the territorial limits of English and French territories and those sepa rating the French Soudan from Dahomey were finally fixed. In 1909 a permanent outpost was constructed at Gaya attaching the region decisively to the Cercle of Niamey, part of the Colony of Niger. The colonial period radically changed power relationships i n favor of the traditional chiefs eager to ally with the French and establish their own zone of influence. The local chiefdom of Dosso, for example, located north of Gaya progressively became a regional power extending over the Zarma country through the s kills of Aouta, the chief of the Zarma or Zarma koy, who actively collaborated with the French 27 The memory of this episode remained alive among the people of Gaya. As one elder reported : Upon arrival of the White Men the Zarmakoye

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84 | Walther African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v 13i1 2a4.pdf destroyed the Tessa ki ngdom and other chiefdoms . . Finally the whole district of Dosso belonged to him whereas before the arrival of the whites, there were chiefs who had their portion of land and Dosso was only a village which was controlled by rotation 28 Locally, the privileges and spatial limitations of the chiefdoms were transformed according to the attitudes of local elites vis vis the French military. A new territorial division was introduced by the creation of the cantons (districts) and quartiers (neighborhood s) and their respective chiefs. As a consequence certain representatives of the Songhay gained significant power in terms of traditional chiefdoms. This division enabled the French commander to levy taxes and to mobilize local workers for forced labor 29 Th is fragmentation of political territory also sharpened the emerging hierarchy of chiefdoms within the Dendi 30 For example, in Gaya the creation of canton chiefdoms in 1927 allowed the city chiefs to administratively control the affairs of the neighboring v illage of Tanda, which had comparable influence in the region during the pre colonial period. The institutional inequality between the central canton and the villages increased as village boundaries outside of Niger grew by incorporating neighboring hamle ts while those of the canton remained static 31 One consequence of this manipulation of political territory was that the chiefs of important villages refused to allow the s e cession of hamlets located within their jurisdictions. If they did allow hamlets the ir independence it came at the price of a reduction of their territorial power and of their share of taxes collected from the village. The socio political evolution of the Kyanga followed a very different trajectory. In contrast to other W est African regio ns such as the southwest of Burkina Faso, where territorial chiefs maintained their traditional authority, the power of the Kyanga chiefs progressively declined. 32 This occurred for two reasons. First, colonization contributed to reducing the influence of t he chiefs of the land ( gagna koy ) in subordinating them to the village or canton chiefs. The former did not have official status in the colonial political administration and were not permitted financial compensation while the canton chiefs were granted th e right to collect taxes on harvests and livestock in 1953. Secondly, the power of the chiefs of the land also declined as a consequence of the expansion of Islam, which contributed to the declining legitimacy of the traditional animist cults that sustaine d them. The Gaya region was well known for the Hausa bori cult that included special rituals, dances of spiritual possession, and a distinctive music as well as unique therapeutic practices. The cult was forbidden by the caliphate of Sokoto and by the Brit ish administration in Nigeria but it continued to be practiced in the region of Birni 33 In time bori practices were limited to individual and family observance before they become stigmatized as fetish by the expansi on of Islam that affected every rung of society and in the rural areas of the Dendi region. The cult temporarily gained popularity following catastrophic events such as droughts or epidemics but by the mid 1950s it had almost completely disappeared. The d ecline of animist cults profoundly affected the Kyanga who, in the process, lost their traditional privileges. By contrast, the traditional chiefdoms of the Songhay were legitimized by the colonial structures.

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Sons of the Soil and Conquerors Who Came on Foot | 85 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a4.pdf Since Independence Following the independenc e of Niger in 1960 the religious authorities of the Kyanga became further marginalized and were replaced by different actors whereas the Songhay chiefs emerged as territorial administrators. Songhay C hiefdoms and the S tate In contrast to Benin where after independence in 1960 the Marxist regime of Mathieu Krkou restricted the power of traditional chiefs, Nigerien traditional chiefs have retained their influence. 34 Thus, in Niger, traditional political leaders first became closer to the government of Diori Hamani (1960 1974) when the President found it necessary to consolidate national unity and fight the Sawabe P arty before gradually moving away from the regime because of its heavy taxation of rural populations. Later, President Seyni Kountch (1974 1987 ), himself from a noble Zarma family, showed a strong willingness to reform traditional chiefdoms so as to exert greater control over them 35 Yet there never was a fundamental questioning of the chiefdom in Niger, perhaps because as colonization, the rulin g Nigerien bourgeoisie rely on the (reformed) traditional aristocracy and entrusted the aristocracy to hold firm the rural areas and control the peasant masses [ our translation ] 36 In the ensuing decades the Nigerien chiefdoms adapted to political chang e. In some areas, such as land use, they become privileged interlocutors in land conflicts. They also benefited from reforms designed to align land use and agricultural administration that charged traditional chiefs with certain decisions about the use of land for development or cultivation by newcomers 37 In other areas, such as urban governance, traditional chiefs were forced to redefine their prerogatives. Neighborhood chiefs and canton chiefs, in particular, have seen their influence diminish considerabl y in local affairs in urban areas. Chiefs look back with nostalgia on earlier years: and the title of chief remain. We the chiefs are obliged to work and we can no longer count on the chieftaincy to make a living 38 Traditional authorities currently perform a mediation role in local affairs between households, or between state representatives and the decentralized municipality on one side and the citizens on the other side. Stat e or municipal authorities, as well as numerous community committees set up by aid agencies multiply the possibilities of action or protest and allow urban dwellers to circumvent traditional leaders and to air their grievances to official bodies, which ar e sometimes regarded as more legitimate than chiefdoms. State representatives and the new mayors of urban agglomerations must engage with the traditional chiefs in order to prevent them from obstructing their agendas. Despite their waning official and tra ditional power in local affairs this relationship vis vis state and local officials means that they remain important players in local politics. Similarly, even though the political decentralisation project of the 1990s has diluted the prominence of the t raditional chiefdoms in according more responsibility to the locally elected officials of new municipalities it has simultaneously increased the capacity of chiefs to function as political impediments due to the persistence of statutory provisions that pre date the reforms. The interesting relationship between the former canton chief of Gaya on one side and the current departmental prefect of Gaya and the mayor of Gaya on the other side illustrates the degree to which traditional chiefs

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86 | Walther African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v 13i1 2a4.pdf have retained their c ustomary functions as intermediaries and mediators. The canton chief of Gaya held office since 1970 and has remained an important local authority despite the accession of the prefect and the mayor. Drawing on his vast experience he has been able to maintai n an interesting position relative to the prefect whose assignment has evolved and powers eroded in the course of successive regime changes. Confronted with the transfer of some of his power to communal authorities the prefect must also be careful to avo id affronting the traditional chief. In this sense the chief has retained a certain, if informal, influence in neighborhood concerns, issues related to health, taxes, education and conciliation. The chief has also retained impressive influence relative t o the mayor by affirming that his support is necessary to and to effectively collect taxes. Mayors must, therefore, take traditional structures into account in the expectation that they will then permit them to impose suff icient taxes to fund the urban improvement projects that, they hope, will secure their re election. As the mayor of Gaya impatiently commented: current situation I would prefer to focus on infrastructure investments first . to show the people t 39 relationship with traditional authorities is actually less conflicted than it would appear at first glance since decentralization did not significantly affect the ba lance of power at this level. A certain kinship exists between traditional and local government institutions in the same way that there is a strong bond between the new local and prefectural governments that are united under the banner of the National Move ment for the Society of Development (MNSD) the ruling party from 1989 1993 and from 1999 2010. This type of relationship is not isolated to the department of Gaya where mayors have managed to balance local issues by positioning themselves as authorities t hat listen to the demands of their citizens and mediate between different neighborhood and village chiefs. New I mmigrants and the Ma rginalization of Kyanga A uthorities Since the 1980s, when Gaya first emerged as an international commercial center, the merc hant elite have become more active in local real estate markets. These investors have been most interested in agricultural land that can be exploited with modern irrigation techniques situated in the Niger River V alley on the periphery of the city of Gaya. Recent studies have shown that real estate investments in the region have increased since the 2000 to the benefit of a small group of brokers responsible for 17 percent of agricultural land sales in the region between 2001 and 2008 40 For new immigrants fr om other parts of Niger and neighboring countries acquiring land is one of the only ways to invest in agricultural product ion to the extent that they cannot rely on land gifts or inheritance. The real estate investments of new immigrants have also focuse d on suburban areas, which allowed them to take part in real estate speculation that accompanied the urbanization of Gaya. At the time of Niger independence in 1960 Gaya had fewer than 5,000 inhabitants and occupied only the eastern area around the road to Benin (around the present site of Dendikourey). Internal growth and the influx of migrants encouraged by the trading opportunities close to the border subsequently reorganized the dense urban space of the neighborhood of Dendikourey. The explosion of resi dential growth initially occurred in the west in Kwara Tegui, the customary seat of the canton chief since 1957, and h oused a significant population of migrants

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Sons of the Soil and Conquerors Who Came on Foot | 87 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a4.pdf from the Dosso region. In response to an annual growth rate of over 5 percent the city emba rked on massive residential development to the north 16 7ha for the neighborhood of Acajou, 21ha for Carr and 44ha for the area known as Fara in a total of over 257ha of subdivisions. This figure is in stark contrast to the original area of Dendikourey, w hich covered only 24ha, indicating that the area of subdivision development represented more than ten times the area of the historical center of Gaya. These residential real estate developments, strongly colored by speculation and clientelism, did not gen erate revenue windfalls for the Kyanga. Kyanga property owners were able to purchase land (one lot per hectare or half a lot per group of ten bounded parcels) and settle in these new neighborhoods. However, in several instances agents appropriated their pr operties without adequate compensation under the pretext of developing public infrastructure (i.e. Koranic schools or high schools) to serve the expanding city 41 These practices created grievances among Kyanga property holders whose agricultural land was l osing value in the face of urban development. As one Gaya representative stated: have less chance than one who wants to develop it and build a house. You can build a house on everyone who owns a field near the city is 42 Traders became important actors in the urban real estate market as land speculators but also as developers of industrial areas for the warehous es that supported booming commerce. These investments served the traders based in Niger as well as their Nigerian counterparts based in Malanville, the neighboring city in Benin, who had also invested heavily in the development of Gaya in the 1990s 43 In Ga ya these property acquisitions served the thrift and illegal export trade to Nigeria that both required large scale storage capacity. In the space of several decades the massive real estate investments combined with increasing public investments transforme d the urban fabric of the small city of Gaya but also affected the ancient balance of power between the Songhay and the Kyanga. Conclusion Founded in the second half of the eighteenth century jointly by the Kyanga and Songhay populat ions, the Dendi border region has long been structured around a binary opposition who used to be responsible for the traditional religion, and responsible for the political power, a common occurrence in West Africa. For the Kyang a, the narratives collected evoke a succession of key moments: forced migration with the spread of Islam, the search for the ideal location under the leadership of a founding hero, the attempts to establish contact with the newly arrived Songhay conquerors, and t he sharing of power which results from this encounter between the Kyanga religious leader and the Songhay political leader For the Songhay oral history emphasizes the important lineage linking the former askias of the Songhay Empire to the populations wh canton chiefdoms, and the superiority of a highly hierarchical society over peasant chiefdoms. The foundation myths present two different historical justifica tions for this social structure. The Kyanga defined themselves as the f irst settlers of an estate whereas t he Songhay, in contrast, claim permanent occupation of the region to justify their social seniority.

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88 | Walther African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v 13i1 2a4.pdf Since colonization at the beginning of the twentieth century, the authority of traditional chiefdoms of the Songhay a nd the religious classes of the Kyanga has evolved along starkly different paths. Niger independence was hardly a historical break for the Songhay chiefdoms which managed to forge alliances with the colonial powers and develop a formal political status within the apparatus of the young Nigeri e n state. By contrast, the authority of Kyanga chiefs began to decline in the colonial period, and then disappeared completely in the second half of the twentieth century in both of their traditional domains. On the one hand this decline was a result of the disappearance among all segments of society of animist cults and practices. On the other hand Kyanga authority was profoundly affected by its loss of control over natural resources an d land use which became the do main of the state (in the areas of water, forests, flora and fauna) and the canton chiefs (resolution of land disputes and property tax collection). In terms of recent external influences, the development of Gaya as a regional commercial center played an important role in the decline of Kyanga influence to the extent that the attractiveness of the city led to the development of massive subdivisions on their ancestral lands on the urban periphery. These developments certainly benefited local officials and the numerous merchants that established themselves in the region. These actors dabbled in profitable real estate speculation with the parallel goal of developing commercial properties to stock the goods from cross historical decline of Kyanga influence over real estate and the consolidation of the Songhay chiefdoms and realigned the binary opposition that had, until recently, characterized the Dendi. Notes 1 Kuba and Lentz 2006, pp. 1 30; Meillassoux 1971, p. 23; Lentz 2010. 2 Izard 1985, pp. 378 93; Izard 2003, p. 185. 3 Jones 1998; Lombard 1998; Brgand 1998, pp. 23 30; Kuba 1998. 4 Amselle 1990, p. 59; Piau lt 1971, p. 286; Walther 2006. 5 Lentz 2003; Miles 1987; 1994, pp. 42 51 and pp. 145 74; Nugent 2008. 6 Urvoy, 1936. 7 Bako Arifari 1998; Dambo 2007. 8 Walther 2008, pp. 173 202; Walther 2009; 2012. 9 McKim 1972 ; Grtz 2004. 10 Demographic projection based on Africapolis, a harmonized database on urbanization in West Africa available at: http://e geopolis.eu. 11 Tilho 1911, pp. 505 12; Delafosse 1912, pp. 238 52; Perron 1924; Ardant du Picq 1931, pp. 477 500; Urvoy, 1936 pp. 23 117; Pri and Sellier 1950. 12 See Walther 2008 for a more detailed description of the methodology; see also Walther 2011 for an earlier version of this paper published as a working paper. 13 Amselle 1990, p. 61. 14 Interview with M. Moumouni, notable, 06.12.05, Gaya. 15 For Bo rgu, see Kuba 1998 ; for the relevant linguistic studies, see Jones 1998. 16 Interview with A. Amadou and M. A. Diafago, notables, 25.11.04, Gaya.

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Sons of the Soil and Conquerors Who Came on Foot | 89 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a4.pdf 17 Ibid. 18 Ibid. 19 Interview with A. Bri, A. Amadou and A.A. Diafago, notables, 23.11.04, Gaya. 20 Ibid. 21 Pri and Sellier 1950. 22 Kuba 1998. 23 Ekoye 1985. 24 Interviews with M. Gani, chief of Lawey, 20.11.04, and 06.10.05, Gaya. 25 Dambo 2007; Sr de Rivires 1965, pp. 79 83. 26 Lombard 1998. 27 Rothiot 1988, p. 11. 28 Interview with A. Na Argoungou, notable and former teacher, 22.11.04, Gaya. 29 Interview with Sambou Daouda, chief of Koyzey Kounda, 15.12.04, Gaya. 30 Bako Arifari 1997, p. 5. 31 Ibid. 1997, p. 19. 32 Lentz 2006; Kuba 2006. 33 Pasian 2010 ; Masquelier 2009. 34 Jones 1998. 35 Abba 1990. 36 Olivier de Sardan 1984, p. 203. 37 Bako Arifari 2002, p. 4. 38 Interview with M. Gani, chief of Lawey, 29.11.04, Gaya. 39 Interview with H. Dan Barro, mayor of Gaya, 04.09.05, Gaya. 40 Walther 2008, pp. 130 132; Cantoreggi et al. forthcoming; Jaubert et al. 2011. 41 Bako Arifari 2002, p. 22. 42 Interview with A. Na Argoungou, notable and former teacher, 19.11.04, Gaya. 43 Bako Arifari 2002, p. 21. References Politique Africaine 38: 51 60. Ardant d 14.4: 471 704. Amselle, J. L. 1990. Paris: Payot. Bako Paysage Politique Administratif Local au Niger (Canton de Gaya) Working Papers on African Studies 8 Berlin: Das Arabische Buch Bako Arifari, N. 200 2. "La Politisation du Foncier dans les Rgions de Gaya (Niger) et Gomparou (Bnin)." Niamey : LASDEL Working Papers 8.

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90 | Walther African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v 13i1 2a4.pdf Bako Arifari, N. 2006. Dynamique et Formes de Pouvoir Politique en Milieu Rural Ouest Africain: Etude Comparative sur le Bnin et le Nige r Lille: Atelier national de reproduction des thses. Brgand, D. 1998. Cantoreggi, N., L. Dambo, and R. Jaubert Fort h Dp artement de Gaya: Dynamiques et Acteurs In B. Amadou and L. Dambo (eds.), Mutations Socio Economiques au Sahel (P a Majeures Unpublished Ph.D di ssertation, University of Lausanne. Delafosse, M. 1912. Haut Sngal Niger (Soudan Franais). 1. Le Pays, les Peuples, les Langues Paris: Larose. Histoire de Gaya Gaya, mimeo. ust: A Case Study from Northern Africa Izard, M. 1985. Gens du Pouvoir, Gens de la Terre. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Izard, M. 2003. A fricain au XVIe Sicle Paris: Karthala. Jaubert, R., L. Dambo, N. Cantoreggi, and j. E xclusion of S mal l holders from Irrigation Projects and Policies in S outhern Niger Paper presented at the Luxembourg 2011 RISC Conference. Jones, R. E thnic Groups of Present D ay Borgou I n E. Boesen, C. Hardung, and R. Kuba (eds.), Regards Sur le Borgou. Pouvoir et Altrit Dans une Rgion Ouest Africaine (Paris: 89. culturelle In E. Boesen, C. Hardung, a nd R. Kuba (eds.), Regards Sur le Borgou. Pouvoir et Altrit Dans une Rgion Ouest Africaine 120. _____ : competing earth priests in a context of migration in Southwestern Burkina Faso In R. Kuba and C. Lentz (eds.), Land and the Politics of Belonging in West Africa (Leiden: Brill): 57 75. _____ and C. Lentz (eds) 2006. Land and the Politics of Belonging in West Africa Leiden: Brill. : Land Conflicts on a West African Border American Ethnologist 30.2: 273 89.

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Sons of the Soil and Conquerors Who Came on Foot | 91 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a4.pdf _____ comers and L ate comers: Indigenous T heories of L andownership in West Africa In R. Kuba and C. Lentz (eds.), Land and the Politics of Belonging in West Africa (Leiden: Brill): 35 56. _____ Northern Ghana Africa 80.1: 56 80. cio Politique des Peuples du Borgou dans les Socits In E. Boesen, C. Hardung, a nd R. Kuba (eds.), Regards Sur le Borgou. Pouvoir et Altrit Dans une Rgion Ouest Africaine 37. Masquelier, A. 2009. Women and Isl amic Revival in a West Africa Town Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Economic G e ography In C. Meillassoux (ed.), The Development of Indigenous Trade and Markets in West Africa (Oxford: Oxford University Press): 3 50. Miles, W.F.S. 1987. "Partitioned R oyalty: The Evolution of Hausa Chiefs i n Nigeria and Niger The Journal of Modern African Studies 25.2: 233 258. _____ 1994. Hausaland Divided. Colonialism and Independence in Nigeria and Niger Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press. Murphy, W.P. and C.H. Bledsoe rritory in the History of a Kpelle Chiefdom (Liberia) In I. Kopytoff (ed.), The African Frontier: The Reproduction of Traditional African Societies (Bloomington: Indiana University Press): 121 47. : Enslavement, Religion and Cultural Brokerage in the Construction of Mandinka/Jola and Ewe/Agotime Identities in West Africa, c.1650 1930 Comparative Studies in Society and History 50.4: 920 48. Olivier de Sardan, J. P. 1984. Les Socits Songhay Zarma (Niger Mali): Chefs, Guerriers, Esclaves, Paysans Paris: Karthala. Pasian, M. 2010. Anthropologie du Rituel de Possession Bori en Milieu Hawsa au Niger Paris: Karthala. Bulletin de 12.4: 1015 71. 7.1: 51 83. Politiques In C. Meillassoux (ed.), The Development of Indigenous Trade and Markets in West Africa (Oxford: Oxford University Press): 285 302.

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92 | Walther African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v 13i1 2a4.pdf Rothiot, J. P. 1988. Conqurant (Dosso, N iger) Sr de Rivires, E. 1965. Histoire du Niger Paris: Berger Levrault. Tilho, J. 1911. Documents Scientifiques de la Mission Tilho (1906 1909) Paris: Imprimerie Nationale. Urvoy, Y. 1936. Histoire des Populations du Soudan centra l (Colonie du Niger) Paris: Larose. Walther, O. 2006. Neuchtel, Report for the Hombori Biodiversity Monitoring Project. _____ 2008. Affaires de Patrons. Villes et Commerce T ransfrontalier au Sahel Berne: Peter Lang. _____ Border Economy in Sahelian Africa Journal of Borderlands Studies 24.1: 34 46. _____ onstruction of the Dendi Border Region (West Africa) Luxembourg: CEPS/INSTEAD Working Papers 20 _____ Border Regions in West Afr ica Entrepreneurship and Regional Development (in press).



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African Studies Quarterly | Vol ume 13, Issue s 1 & 2| Spring 2012 Wilfried R. Sawadogo Ming Chuan University, Taiwan He is currently a Ph.D. student, Politics and International Relations, University of Reading, UK. http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a5.pdf University of Florida Board of Trustees, a public corporation of the State of Florida; permission is he reby granted for individuals to download articles for their own personal use. Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Florida. ISSN: 2152 2448 The Challenges of Transnational Human Trafficking in West Africa Abstract : A m ajor challenge to good governance, transnational trafficking in human beings has been a serious problem for years in West Africa. Attempts to understand the phenomenon have then been initiated, which unfortunately have resulted in contradictory viewpoints amongst researchers and the impacted populations. Indeed, seen by some as a mere entertainment, a source of profit or an abstract notion with no influence and no bearing upon their lives, transnational human trafficking is, in contrast, considered by othe rs as a crucial preoccupation, a deadly reality that has drastically influenced their daily routine s Complex in its nature and forms, transnational human trafficking has raised deep divisions on issues of principles, theories, perceptions and the strate gy to address it; hence the necessity for domestic and international actors to pay serious attention on the phenomenon. My present work seeks to provide an in depth understanding of the phenomenon, its causes and consequences while trying to draw out sugg estions and recommendations which could contribute to better strengthen the West African regional security framework. In a word, governance in West Africa needs to be transformed into an effective cooperative framework where enhancing the dignity of human beings and their rights becomes a priority. T he majority of West African states, despite their huge and enviable natural resources, have failed to develop their economies. Empirical evidence demonstrates West Africa's peripheral role in the world economy. For example West African countries have in common the lowest standards of living in the world. Eleven out of the fifteen members of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) are among the bottom thirty countries in the 2011 Hum an Development Index (HDI) compiled by the United Nations Development Program (UNDP). 1 The conscientization of African people in general and West African population in particular has led to the creation and proliferation of regional entities to address the obstacles of African economic development. ECOWAS, founded by the Treaty of Lagos ( 1975 ) aims to promote the region's economy. To this, can be added the West African Monetary Union (or UEMOA, Union Economique et Montaire Ouest Africaine) which is limit ed to eight mostly Francophone countries that employ the CFA franc as their common currency. The Liptako Gourma Authority, composed of Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger, also seek s to jointly develop the contiguous areas of the three countries. All these regio nal organizations denote West African

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96 | Sawadogo African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a5.pdf to fight common threats such as, among others, transnational crimes and their perverse consequences. Despite being an old phenomenon, transna tional crimes have recently taken complex, dramatic, shocking, and even deadly new dimensions with the wake of globalization. In much of Africa, globalization has ironically increased the power vacuum by empowe ring criminal networks so much that assault s o n human dignity continue to increase proportionally to the growing globalization. Such a claim can be supported by the realist perspective according to which the weakening of state power has resulted in the empowering of criminal activities because with the wake of globalization, political boundaries and national loyalties are no longer as relevant. The consequences thus of this new old threat to West African society are as destructive as the 2004 t sunami that hit Southeast Asia and Hurrican e Katrina ( 2005 ) that caused horrendous damages in the United States 2 A serious threat to the international community and Africa in particular, transnational human trafficking has become a global industry. The lack then of a real African perspective on the subject, the timeliness of the topic and the exciting nature of the debate that surrounds this question in the contemporary globalizing world are the main reasons that drive us to explore the problem and negative influence of transnational human traff icking on the domestic and regional security framework in West Africa T o do so, th is article examine s from an African perspective the causes and consequences of transnational human trafficking in West African context ( p art one ). Beyond such a theoretical and empirical approach, it will also attemt to figure out practical mechanisms that could help frame a viable regional security framework aimed at tackling transnational hu man trafficking in West Africa, a framework that could also be applied to other regions as well ( p art two ). Causes and Consequences of Transnational Human Trafficking in West Africa West African economies are mainly based on the exploitation of natural resources. Mining and agricultural activities constitute the leading economic sector s of most West African countries. The fast growth of West African populations, the uncontrolled urbanization in the region, poor security and economic hardship s associated with wide inequalities in the distribution of wealth contribute to an increased salience of human trafficking as an available option to break out of poverty. 3 For example, trouble and violent unrest across West Africa in la te March and beginning of April 2008 were undoubtedly potential factors leading to transnational and interc ontinent al human trafficking as a potential means for both traffickers and trafficked persons or victims to cope with surging food prices, bridge poor economic conditions and overcome hunger. 4 As we ha ve seen across the African continent and elsewhere in the world, the soaring price s of commodities remains a security risk since it destabilizes vulnerable gov ernments and can therefore constrain people to behave even in contradiction with social

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The Challenges of Transnational Human Trafficking in West Africa | 97 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a5.pdf moral norms in order to break thr ough their miserable conditions. By the same token, on April 22, 2008, the UN World Food Program (WFP) compared the escalating global f ood crisis to a into hunger and poverty. 5 The current growing economic crisis coupled with rising food prices will remain, without any doubt, fertile ground for transnational human trafficking in West Africa and Africa in general. Besides poverty, West African cultural patterns fertilize the expansion of human smuggling. For example in the context of the extended family, tribal and religious affiliation, children are often placed outside their biologic family with the objective of securing better entrusting their child to other persons in t his era of a greedy race for economic achievement associated with the desire of young people for emancipative adventure contribute inexorably to the growth of transnational trafficking in persons. 6 For instance in Africa, family solidarity is sometimes so over valued that parents usually do not pay much attention on inquiring on the morality of the relative s to whom they entrust their children. backing the statistics of the International Labor Organi zation (ILO), around 200,000 to 300,000 children are trafficked each year for forced labor and sexual exploitation in West and Central Africa. 7 In addition, according to a 2001 survey on child labor in West and Central Africa, about 330,000 children were e and Nigeria. the cocoa farmer or any local farm in the country, and 2,500 were rec ruited by intermediaries in 8 An alarming reality is that girls are more frequently the victims of child trafficking than boys. Table 1 shows the e mpirical evidence from a 2003 study for Benin, Nigeria and Togo. The Benin sample includes information on gender from the 284 (182 children and 102 adults) victims interviewed and the information contained in the 13 case files. ** The Nigerian sample includes information on 30 victims interviewed. *** The Togo sample includes information on 45 victims obtained from case files. One of the case files involved 16 Nigerian girls and young women stopped in transit through Togo. They were being trafficked to The Netherland s and Italy for work in prostitution Source: United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime 2006 a.

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98 | Sawadogo African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a5.pdf In addition, in a study on child trafficking between Benin and Gabon, 86 per cent of the 229 children interviewed we re female, and more than 50 per cent were under the age of sixteen 9 Table 2 below corroborates our argument with empirical data from three West African countries (Benin, Nigeria, and Togo) Benin sample based on data gleaned from 13 case files ; ** Nigeria sample based on interviews with 19 child victims ; *** Togo sample based on data gleaned from 10 case files Source: United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime 2006 a. Moreover, in transnational trafficking, as revealed by a research done under UNICEF sponsorship, followed by a field study published by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), Benin, Burkina Faso, Guinea Bissau, Guinea, Ghana, Mali, Nigeria and Togo constitute the main countries from w hich child workers are exported to the main urban centers and agricultural sites of coun tries including the Democratic Republic of Congo, Equatorial and Senegal. 10 As an example, Table 3 below shows a sample of Togolese recruitment regions and destination sites 11 T able 3: Togo R egions of R ecruitment, T ransit, and D estination Countries Source: United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime 2006 a.

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The Challenges of Transnational Human Trafficking in West Africa | 99 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a5.pdf To illustrate our argument, the maps below show the itinerary and destination sites of transnational human trafficking victims from three West African countries ( Maps 1, 2, and 3) Even though the y display specific areas of recruitment, transit and destination, it is worth noting that it is also common for a country to both supply and receive young boys, girls, and young women while also serving as a transit country. Children are most of the time trafficked for exploitation in the agricultural, fishing and informal sectors, or for begging. 12 Most of them remaining children usually labor on farms in Ghana, Cameroon and Nigeria. Another sad reality of transnatio nal human trafficking in West Africa is that m any young victims are employed neither in the primary nor in the informal sectors but on battle fields as soldiers children soldiers. 13 T his was also du ring a particularly the troubled period of the country from 2002 to 2010 as well as in Liberia and Sierra Leone during the war s in th o se countries. Transnational Human Trafficking Routes in West Africa Map 1 The Case of Benin Map 2 The Case of Nigeria Map 3 The Case of Togo Source: United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime 2006 a.

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100 | Sawadogo African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a5.pdf As human rights organizations have noted after the end of the war in Liberia in 2003, 11,000 children aged thirteen to seventeen were demobilized under the UN sponsored program. 14 The situation could even be wors e, for according to Amnesty International, Liberia n government and rebel forces alon e recruited up to 21,000 children, sometimes as young as six insurrection broke out in September 2002, money (around US $300 to $400), food and clothing were offere d to encourage children to fight on behalf of the Ivorian government. 15 The same situation held for the r ebel camp as well r a ising the total number of child soldiers in Cote to thousands. 16 T he severity of transnational human trafficking is further aggravated by, among other things the porosity of regional and continental boundaries and the shocking scope of this deadly reality. For instance, trafficked girls and young women are mainly destined for either domestic services or forced into prostituti on in Europe, the Middle East and the United States (refer to M aps 1, 2, 3 above ) As a palpable example, Nigerian and Italian authorities estimate that there are 10,000 to 15,000 Nigerian prostitutes in Italy (See Table 4 below for further details on the global reach with regard to repatriated victims based on the single case of Nigeria). 17 And according to the US Department of State 2004 data, the Moroccan police arrested seventy Nigerian traffickers and rescued 1,460 Nigerian victims hidden by trafficker s near Mount Gourougou, outside the Spanish enclave of the Autonomous City of Melilla. 18 Traffickers of children are both women and men, and in many cases they are relatives of the victims who are animated by the deadly agenda of maximizing profit. Traffic king in persons for sexual exploitation or forced labor is one of the largest sources of revenue of organized human trafficking. And as a clandestine activity, transnational human trafficking is hard to measure. Nevertheless in a typical child trafficking scenario, as Antonio L. Mazzitelli has 19 By going a step further, Mazzitelli added, citing the United States Immigration and Naturalization 20 According to a July 2006 UNODC report, the business of smuggling migrants from Africa t o Europe has a turnover in excess of $300 million per year. 21 Mazzitelli highlighted t he situation A recruiter and transporter of a woman to Europe for commercial sexual exploitation spends approximately $2,000 to bribe appropriate officials, procure travel 22 Although it is not clear how the above data were collected and calculated, the figures may even be higher since there is a cruc ial lack of reliable data due to various reasons such as, among others, the underground and illegal nature of human trafficking, the lack of anti trafficking legislation in many African countries, the reluctance of the victims to report their experiences t o the authorities, and the lack of a governmental priority given to data collection and research on the subject in West Africa and in Africa in general. To reverse the crucial lack of data collection systems, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (U NODC) in 2005 three years. Nevertheless the change expected still remains barely perceptible. With strict rational principles

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The Challenges of Transnational Human Trafficking in West Africa | 101 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a5.pdf aimed at minimizing risk and maximizing profit, traffick ers, as argued by Mazzitelli, have diversified their portfolios in order to tactically mitigate risks and make difficult, if not impossible, the traceability of their criminal activities by law enforcement agencies at various levels. 23 24 In a word, human trafficking is an egregious and profound abuse of human rights. It maintains people in a state of dependence since it hinders the freedom of individuals, which is akin to modern day slavery and thus a serious human rights violation. For example, the way trafficked peo ple are treated on plantations i or in min es in Burkina Faso Sierra Leone, and Liberia reveals the extent to which human rights violations appear to be rampant in West Africa. To corroborate our claims with respect to Burkina Faso, on e can take as example gold rich localities such as Djibo and Kongoussi where children mainly young girls are often trafficked for the purpose of profit maximization. 25 Trafficking in persons appears to

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102 | Sawadogo African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a5.pdf be a particular form of violence against women and c hildren. It deteriorates human relationship s since it drives the trafficked persons from their families and regions, thus creating an atmosphere of social frustration and a negative influence on the dynamics of regional integration, thereby compromising th e national and regional efforts of West African states to change the destiny of their societies. Corruption and laundering of money which are sometimes directly related to human trafficking activities remain so far the most essential means by which crimi nals benefit from their illicitly acquired revenues and expand their activities and power. For instance, through corruption criminal operators can obtain protection from public officials, influence political decisions and infiltrate legitimate businesses. Therefore corruption and money laundering contribute to the maintenance and proliferation of transnational human trafficking activities in West Africa. In sum, the transnational crimes in the form of trafficking or smuggling human beings are primarily and basically caused by limited economic alternatives, disparate socio economic conditions, regional imbalances, feminization of poverty, discrimination aga inst women, patriarchal socio cultural structures, lack of social supports for single mothers, shortage of employment and professional opportunities, and the universal greed for money and power. 26 They are also facilitated, among others, by : cultural perver sion (due to the influence of illicit activities from foreign nationals) ; illiteracy and partial literacy (due to the lack of an adequate educational environment) ; the lack of accurate information (due to a certain negligence from local authorities and com munication channels) ; and the unregulated enticement and movement of human capital via use of the internet (due to an unregulated access to the internet that has encouraged cybercriminal activities), leading ipso facto to disastrous socio economic instabil ity. Actually, human trafficking impedes legitimate economic activities (as the trafficked persons do not freely contribute to legitimate economic activities in their home countries ), disorganizes the national economy (as human trafficking activities cons titute an economic los s to the country of origin of the trafficked persons), and slows down foreign investment and its linked advantages (as transnational human trafficking activities send a negative message to foreign investors with re spect to the financial security risk that their investments may face in the host country which may have failed to tackle corruption and criminal activities or create a business friendly environment). It increases the cost of doing business to both foreign and life and pushing skilled workers overseas due to the lack of opportunities. It also damages access to employment and educational opportunities, discourages the accumulation of assets and encourages tax evasion (as criminal networks avoid paying tax es due to the illegal nature of their activities). It deters potential tourism (as tourists may be afraid of being themselves kidnapped as prostitutes and forced l abor), displaces productive investments and fosters consumption of imported items (as domestic industries remain disorganized due to transnational human trafficking hav ing taken away many of the young er generations that would have played a central role in domestic economies as productive forces). In short it diverts national and regional resources and drives business away from Africa, affecting ipso facto

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The Challenges of Transnational Human Trafficking in West Africa | 103 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a5.pdf Besides the above mentioned socio economic causes and consequ ences, it is worth noting that transnational human trafficking in West Africa to a certain extent is also caused and aggravated by the failure of domestic, regional and international politico institutional systems, which in return have a boomerang effect on state institutions. One must therefore be aware that the socio economic causes and politico institutional causes pointed out throughout this paper remain to a certain extent embedded in each other just like the two sides of a coin. So trying to separate them from one another appears to be a misleading enterprise. However, here the separation in two different sections is only for academic purposes and the search for better clarity. So the next paragraph s seek to analyze th e impact and consequences of politics and state institutions on transnational human trafficking. T he false conception that national natural and financial resou rces belong to the individual(s) in power has led to a disregard for domestic and regional regulations and a trend towards the use of institutional prerogatives for private goals; hence the spread of corruption as an easy way to achieve extraordinary ambit ions. Acting in the belief that the end justifies the means, an attitude of impunity has assumed horrendous proportions H uman traffickers in West Africa have gained more power and influence leading ipso facto to a relative weakening of state power vis vis globalizing criminal networks. 27 T raffickers were enjoying nearly complete immunity because until recently the vast majority of West African states did not consider trafficking in women and children a punishable offence Most states, even now, have done little to integrate human rights concerns or strategies into their laws or policies relating to human trafficking or smuggling. With few exceptions, trafficking in human beings remains a relatively low priority among officials. So for criminal network still presents a comparative advantage in reducing risks and consequently maximizing profits via transnational trafficking in human beings. T he available literature from NGOs such as H uman R ights W atch and Amnesty International and scholars of global governance such as David Held and Anthony G. McGrew (2002) makes it obvious that the causes of transnational crimes can also be explained through certain theories of international relations These include the political philosophy that promotes individual liberty and the free exchange of goods and market privatization that has in turn led to the illicit human trafficking for economic gain. For instance, linked to economic liberalization illicit human trafficking has taken a dramatic worldwide upturn and no more so than in W est Africa. This in turn threatens the i ntegrity countries and undermines their political stability. Furthermore, h uman trafficking inhibits the processes of democra tization and development. It challenges state authority, threatens public order, and undermines the rule of which will be increasingly view ed as weak and lacking credibility In addition, human trafficking weaken s the social contract between people and state or regional institutions, and leads t o tremendous national tragedies. It can even be a potential source for financing terrorist activities, giving de facto roots to political and institutional insecurity at th e national, regional and international level s 28 In a word, it goes without saying that transnational human trafficking has a negative impact on West African

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104 | Sawadogo African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a5.pdf regional endeavors to promote and implement good governance, a sine qua non for sustainable development. Hence the crucial need for a regional security framework to combat transnational human trafficking and which guarantees civilian safety and advances the national interests of West African countries. A Security Building Framew ork for Combating Human Trafficking i n W est Africa Responding to West African transnational human trafficking require s developing a comprehensive and multidisciplinary approach to tackle the phenomenon. N o country or region is immune from such trafficking. The e xperience of West Africa and elsewhere clearly demonstrates that human trafficking can only be successfully resisted when those concerned work together; hence the necessity of the creation of appropriate cooperation mechanisms at the nati onal regional, and international level s to tackle this deadly phenomenon. West African efforts to combat transnational human trafficking have been accompanied by the efforts of diverse NGOs and inter governmental organizations, whose contributions have he lped lead to a West African strategy to set up a regional security framework Role of Non Governmental Organizations International, regional, and local NGOs have been at the forefront of efforts to combat transnational human trafficking and build a West Africa n regional security environment. M ost government officials are ill informed about the causes and consequences of this trafficking. They also are un aware of the appropriate rights based approach to this issue Therefore, NGOs, conscience of go vernment and are representative of the civil society, usually bridge this gap by bringing in their expertise. Advocates for the development of human rights based responses to transnational trafficking, NGOs traditionally show up in situations where govern ments have failed to take crucial initiatives. Fear and distrust towards state based organizations have led trafficked persons to give preference to NGOs. So NGOs have always been the first line of action, raising awareness, lobbying for change, and providing assistance. As an example for the very firs t time, a Lome based NGO WAO Afrique was able in April 1998 to bring together officials from Togo and Benin to discuss the problem of transnational child trafficking in the presence of representatives from NGOs and UNICEF. During the same year, a Benines e NGO called ESAM also denunciation led in September 2000 to the creation of a commission of inquiry aim ed at curbing the phenomenon. Nowadays, a panoply of NGOs such as Save the Children, Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, the International Union for Human Rights, Global Survival Network (GSN), the Foundation for Traffick ing in Women, the Global Alliance against Traffic in Women (GATW), and the Human Rights Law Group, to only name a few, are very active in the West African region and their contributions remain very crucial to the West African regional security building. F or example Save the Children has addressed the escalating threats to children, including gender based violence and trafficking, in emergency situations resulting from severe economic and social disruption. 29

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The Challenges of Transnational Human Trafficking in West Africa | 105 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a5.pdf T he Dutch based Foundation A gainst Trafficking in Women was created in the early 1980's in response to the then highly publicized issue of prostitution tourism, especially in the regions where mass tourism was becoming an alternative paradigm for development. It has worked worldwide to spread anti viol ence programs and pro rights campaigns to benefit vulnerable women. In 1993 it launched a c ampaign to develop an international lobby to review existing instruments to prevent and combat human trafficking a campaign that ha s also generated benefits in West Africa. The Global Alliance A gainst Traffic in Women (GA A TW) was created to provid e a critical analysis of counter trafficking efforts and their implications for women as key players in social change and development. n 2007, GA A TW published a n in depth study about the impact of anti trafficking initiatives on the rights of trafficked persons and migrant workers. This study has covered eight countries, among them Nigeria, and spelled out recommendations on behalf of its members. 30 Thi s has been a tangible contribution towards setting up regional and global strategic alliances against transnational human trafficking. Despite their cultural, political and geographical differences, NGOs have been able to provide services to West African victims and survivors of transnational human trafficking For example NGO support for trafficked people and other vulnerable groups often includes social and psychological assistance, shelter provision, financial, return, and reintegration assistance, advice and counseling, housing, vocational training, legal advice and do cumentation assistance. However, NGOs remain powerless to protect a victim if s/he decides to testify in court because witness protection is basically a state prerogative. Hence the need of a real political will to accompany NGOs actions W ithout such po litical will, NGOs can essentially only hope, as Marina Tzvetkova states to dress the wound with sticking plaster. 31 Initiatives by Inter Governmental Organizations V arious inter governmental organizations have been created to promote directly or indirect ly human rights These include t he various agencies of the United Nations For example, t he UN Office on Drugs and Crime ( UNODC ) focus es on the criminal justice element of crimes that include human trafficking and the smuggling of migrants In 1999 it proposed a that would f ocus on the role of organized crime groups in smuggling and trafficking and on the development of criminal justice related responses. 32 In May 2011 it issued a report on organized c migrants into the EU. 33 T he UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights states at the At a time when some 214 million people are on the move globally, the UN Human Rights office has identified migration as a priority and is working to identify the protection gaps in law, policy and practice that leave migrants vulnerable to abuse at international borders. 34 Also, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) Article 3, states : eryone has the right to life, liberty and security of person. Article 4. No one shall be 35 Other specialized UN agencies such as the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF), the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), and the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) are address ing trafficking in relation to their education, relief, and development wo rk. It was particularly in 1998 that the issue of human trafficking began to receive the attention of international organizations starting with UNICEF which, in July 1998,

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106 | Sawadogo African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a5.pdf h eld a sub Trafficking in Child Domestic Workers, in particula r Girls in Domestic Ser vice in West and Central Africa 36 The UN Center for International Crime Prevention, the International Labor Organization (ILO) and the World Bank also stepped in by engaging themselves to work with ECOWAS to produce an ECOWAS Declar ation and Plan Action against Trafficking in Persons in December 2001. 37 T hese international organizations have sponsored programs and helped local and regional organizations in West Africa. Unfortunately, there is a lack of coordination among them that has diverted their strategies and led to contradictory demands on governments and societies involved. Such a situation has hampered the efficacy of their actions. The European Union (EU) : Since 1996, the European Commission (EC) has taken a number transnational human trafficking. For instance, the EU has funded African regional collaboration to combat trafficking, especially of children, involving seven French speaking countries in West and Central Africa (Benin, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Ivory Coast, Gabon, Mali and Togo). 38 The th the help of the ILO. So the EU has been able to squeeze the potential of West African countries by having them pledge to expand their preventive capacity and harmonize their legislation against the trafficking of human beings. The EU has also funded awa reness raising campaign on child trafficking in Benin. 39 By deduction, then, the EU has helped establish an inter regional network to fight human trafficking in West Africa. The International Organization for Migration (IOM) : The IOM has been active in cond ucting research on migration trends, including human trafficking in West Africa. It has provided technical cooperation on migration management and capacity building to West African countries through information dissemination for the prevention of irregular migration. It is currently playing a key role in assisting voluntary return of trafficked children in the ECOWAS zone. Moreover, the IOM has organized various international and inter sessional workshops aimed at discussing migration policy issues, in orde r to explore and study policy issues of common interest and cooperate in addressing them. Its activities have also benefited West Africa throughout its programs dedicated to Africa in general and specifically to the West African region. For example, the IO M has taken a leading role, together with West African governments, to promote and enhance research and information dissemination, policy advice, capacity building and technical cooperation, and project implementation with a goal of tackling West African s ocio economic problems, major factors in the flourishing of trans national human trafficking. 40 IOM has also developed a resource book containing best practices, recommendations, and techniques for combatting child trafficking. 41 The International Police Organization (Interpol) : One of Interpol priority crime areas is to provide its expertise toward end ing human abuse and exploitation. Thus, it has worked globally to support police forces to counter the rise of transnational crimes. For instance, Interpol has produced many documents, held several conferences on trafficking and is attempting to help co ordinate transnational law enforcement efforts against trafficking in women and children. It has also offered its experience in the investigation of various offences against human beings such as transnational commercial exploitation of human beings. Interpol continues to be a valuable resource for law enforcement agencies. 42 However, it is significantly

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The Challenges of Transnational Human Trafficking in West Africa | 107 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a5.pdf underutilized in West Africa and the need for In terpol services in West Africa should be better promoted. Interpol and has recently initiated steps to enhance its anti trafficking work in West Africa. One example has been to organize an Advanced Trafficking in Human Beings Training Programme to focus on transnational traffi cking. Workshops were held in 2 009 and 2010. 43 In sum, despite several incongruities, new laws have been implemented, international conferences hosted, new and existing conventions signed for the sake of alleviating, if not eliminating, transnational human trafficking in West Africa. In addition, the UN, the EU, and other IGOS have dedicated substa ntial resources to West Africa in order to develop more effective solutions to combat trafficking Beyond such international support, however, it is worth stating that the resolution of West Africa n problems lie s in the hands of West African leaders and pe ople Therefore it is imperative that West African states and Africa as a whole unite to address transnational human trafficking on the continent This requires political will, a strong engagement and commitment as well as regional and national unity. Con fronted with the problem of scarce resources regional and continental cooperation could help alleviate human capital economic, infrastructural and other resource shortage s to set up a workable and result s oriented cooperation framework. An important elem ent is for West African states to overcome their differences by defining shared objective s through a mutual understanding t hat the common denominator underlying all their efforts is the protection of the victims of trafficking and the punishment of its perpetrators TABLE 5 : Overview of the Organization al Personnel Interviewed Promotion au Burkina Faso des Principes de la Gouvernance Internationale en M atire de Criminalit Transnationale the Ouagadougou Institute of Diplomacy and International Relations (IDRI) in August 2005, p. 9. E fforts must be made to raise domestic and regional awareness on the reality and deadly consequences of human trafficking in domestic, regional and international frameworks. For example the Burkina Faso Ministry of Foreign Affairs under the sponso rship of the European Union conducted research on trans frontier criminality in August 2005 a project in which this author participated. 44 Such field research can make an important contribution to the fight

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108 | Sawadogo African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a5.pdf against transnational human trafficking. Indeed throughout this fieldwork, we collected information and disseminated information on the danger s of transnational criminality in Burkina Faso and similar developing societies The research project c overed the major cities of Burkina Faso. A questionnaire w as addressed to a number of specific important public and private local entities in order to measure their awareness of the phenomenon (Table 5 above ) I ts object ive was broader than just the issue of human trafficking, for it also included questions on dr ugs trafficking, arms trafficking, economic infractions (money laundering) and the phenomenon of cyber criminality (See Tables 6 and 7 for further details). These tables highlight the degree to which local officials and other notables kn e w or had heard ab out the phenomenon TABLE 6 : Answers to Research Questionnaire by Category Promotion au Burkina Faso des Principes de la Gouvernance Internationale en matire de Criminalit Transnationale Institute of Diplomacy and International Relations (IDRI) in August 2005, p. 31. of transnational crimes in their country There were three categories of answers: Known: for those who have clearly said that they have heard and know about the phenomenon of transnational crimes in Burkina Faso and its neighboring countries

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The Challenges of Transnational Human Trafficking in West Africa | 109 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a5.pdf Unknown: for those who have clearly expressed their opinion by saying that they do not know about the phenomenon of transnational crimes in Burkina Faso and its neighboring countries No comment: for those who have categorically refused to provide any clear answer by saying that they do not have any comments on the phenomenon of transnational crimes in Burkina Faso and its neighboring countries. TABLE 7 : Answers (by Percentage) to Research Questionnaire by Category Promotion au Burkina Faso des Principes de la Gouvernance Internationale en matire de Criminalit Transnationale Institute of Diplomacy and International Relations (IDRI) in August 2005, p. 32. T he findings of our field research have had a positive influence with regard to policy changes and concrete steps that have been undertaken to tackle transnational human trafficking both i n Burkina Faso and in the West African region in general. Our research has contributed to identify ing the main actors involved in the fight against transnational crimes, measur ing the scope of the phenomenon i n Burkina Faso, and finally making proposals fo r national and regional capacity building to combat transnational crimes Our enterprise has also contributed to an assess ment of the judicial and institutional mechanisms put in place to address transnational organized crimes in the country. T he follow up on our findings has contributed to

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110 | Sawadogo African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a5.pdf rais ing of the phenomenon. This has sp illed over to the central government which in turn has begun taking initiatives to consolidate democratic principles defined in terms of human rights promotion and good governance implementation with respect to transnational trafficking in human beings. Based upon the recommendations, concrete actions have then been taken at regional level to strengthen transnational controls This led to the establishment of the joint Ghana Burkina Faso and Benin Burkina Faso border commission s thus helping promote r egional stability and the security of the populace of the se countries Conclusion Highly complex by nature and interlocked with other phenomena such as globalization trafficking in human beings in West Africa is a crucial issue that constitutes a recent challenge to good governance for the entire region. Address ing the phenomenon requires a sharper strategy and an intelligent implementation of theoretical and practical solutions. The starting point is for West Africa governments to understand and objectively accept the existence of the phenomenon as a serious reg ional and international problem instead of somehow naively denying it. The only viable option for eradicating human trafficking in the foreseeable future is to fully cooperate and pool West African human and material resources in order to expand regional capacity and to form robust strategic alliances against crime and trafficking This requires creating and strengthening a West African border security management entity ( or entities ) with joint regional capacity building mechanisms based upon common training and exercises. On this specific point West African authorities have already established joint border controls such as the joint border posts initiatives between Ghana and Burkina Faso, Benin and Burkina Faso, and Mali and Burkina Fas o These initiatives ` contribute to the better regulat ion of transnational movements, enhance regional border security, and strengthen West African initiatives to fight transnational human trafficking. Combatting transnational human trafficking also requires the strengthening and universal ratification of anti trafficking protocols such as the UN A nti trafficking Protocol (which has been ratified by thirteen out of the fifteen West African countries), and the unification of regional and international institutional frameworks for coordination and strategic monitoring remain indispensable in the fight against transnational crime s, including of human trafficking The fight against transnational human trafficking, however, will remain ineffective if regio nal legislation and judicial systems are not properly harmonized to effectively respond to the lack of mechanisms for the expedient extradition and readmission agreements with countries of origin. To this can be added the necessity of exchanging crucial intelligence, expertise and security information between and among West African states In addition, a successful strategy against transnational human trafficking requires both the implementation of projects to fight human trafficking at local, regional and international levels and the enhancement of public awareness through programs aimed at sensitizin g local and regional populations about the problem Furthermore, it is necessary that regional and international actors maintain an accessible regional da ta bank that will also be a reference

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The Challenges of Transnational Human Trafficking in West Africa | 111 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a5.pdf source for future generations. Actually, the absence of reliable information and data collection techniques and effort contributes to the limited attention devoted to re solving human trafficking. It may also hamper the proper development of targeted technical assistance. This situation may then negatively impact the overall development of West African countries and all efforts by African governments and the international community to reverse the situation. Finally, the findings of our research should not be regarded as absolute and may require different approaches, dependent on time and place 45 Hence the necessity of ongoing research to define the sectors of priority related to transnational trafficking in human beings. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15

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112 | Sawadogo African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a5.pdf 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28

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The Challenges of Transnational Human Trafficking in West Africa | 113 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a5.pdf 29 Save the Children 2005. 30 31 32 UN Office for Drug Control and Crime Prevention 1999 This office was established in 1997 and renamed the UN Office on Drugs and Crime in 2002. 33 See UNDOC 2011. 34 Joy Ngozi Ezeilo of Nigeria s erves as the UN Special Rapporteur on Trafficking in Persons with a particular focus on women and children (2008 2011). 35 36 37 The Meeting of ECOWAS Heads of States, in December 2001, adopted a Declaration and the ECOWAS Plan of Action against Trafficking in Persons (2002 2003). It directed the ECOWAS Executive Secretariat to prepare proposals for controlling trafficking in persons in the sub region, with special consideration to the situation of trafficked childr en 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45

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114 | Sawadogo African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a5.pdf References Global Alliance Against Trafficking in Women ( GA A TW ). 2007. Collateral Damage : The Impact of Anti Trafficking Measures on Human Rights around the World Bangkok Thailand http://www.gaatw.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=420:background&cati d=153:How%20to%20get%20involved The Royal Institute of International Affairs 83.6 : 1071 90. Save the Children Save the Children Policy Brief 1.1 (Spring). http://www.savethechildren.org Sandouly Jeune Afrique 230, 13 19 February. http://www.jeuneafrique.com/Article/LIN13025auroylemrof0/

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The Challenges of Transnational Human Trafficking in West Africa | 115 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2| Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v13/v13i1 2a5.pdf Tzvetkova Gender, Trafficking and Slavery (Oxfam Focus on Gender): 60 68. U nited N ations Office on Drug Control and Crime Prevention. 1999. Global Programme against Trafficking in Human Beings Vienna. UNODCCP. United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) 2006 a in Human UNODC Official Website September. http://www.unodc.org/documents/human trafficking/ht_research_report_nigeria.pdf Le Pays 28 November. http://www.lepays.bf/?TRAFIC DES ENFANTS



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African Studies Quarterly | Volume 1 3 Issue s 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1 2a7.pdf University of Florida Board of Trustees, a public corporation of the State of Florida; permission is hereby granted for indiv iduals to download articles for their own personal use. Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Florida. ISSN: 2152 2448 BOOK REVIEWS Nwando Achebe. The Female King of Colonial Nigeria Ahebi Ugbabe Bloomington, IN: Indiana University P ress, 2011. x iii, 305 pp The Female King of Colonial Nigeria reconstructs the life and legacy of a powerful female leader in an appealing and engaging manner. Through substantive oral and archival research, Achebe provides an in depth and extensive analysis of Ahebi Ugbabe. She begins by eloquently engaging her au dience with a theoretically nar r ativized description of initial research undertakings and planning before the study. She takes the reader through her research journey from when she first set foot in Nigeria to study the female leader she curiously terms Th e Female King Male Daughters, Female Husbands (1989). Africa. It is packed with illuminating insights on the fluidity of gender and the colo nial experience. A panoply of different issues become visible in her discussion, especially the centering of issues of gender performances and female masculinities, as well as the conceptions of female enslavement, female independence and the definitions of prostitution in an African context. To illuminate the significance of the issues discussed, Achebe provides evidential even though some may question issues of memory and the validity of their expressions. Achebe begins by describing her initial research preparations and then grounds her study by contextualizing it around and about all other similar studies. The Female King of Colonial Nigeria as Achebe notes, speaks to all and above all criticisms she places or have been placed on other women (auto) biographies. But rather controversially, Achebe criticizes and discounts critics of her earlier critical works and elevates her text above other (auto) biographical texts written beforehand. Granted, Achebe clearly supports her text as critical in filling a gap in indigenous oral expressions, it advances an interdisciplinar y approach to biographical study and it forwards theoretical debates on sex, sexuality, gender and enslavement as well as critical narrative conventions on the study of self. However, flaunting her text as the best is somewhat jarring. In the subsequent development through photos, and oral history. Achebe makes sure to include minute but necessary d re seen through her relationship with the British colonials as an informant, which may have impacted her various performances. Nonetheless, the author reveals the fascinating ambiguity whereby colonialism empowered women as much as it eroded their power in traditional societies.

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121 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1 2a7.pdf Finally, Achebe concludes by explicating the typical daily activities of an all powerful Female King and warrant chief in her palatial palace. Part of her activities included adjudicating cases spanning from land to adultery, cases that she judged even without help and in opposition to the liking of the British colonial administrators. It is unfortunate that even though Achebe examines the conflict between Ahebi and the male elders in the community who felt ociation with the British colonials to keep her position as king, headman and warrant chief, Achebe does not speak to or about the men in the society and how they negotiated their place under The Female King t pow her self commissioned burial rights. Achebe claims that Ahebi instituted her burial performances d powerful stature alive, the story ends by a reconstruction of how Ahebi is presentl y remembered by her community. In my judgment, the book provides a comprehensive story of Ahebi. T here is no doubt that Achebe made an effort to construct and create a detailed analysis of Ahebi, whose life story would otherwise be told in a single chapter. There is ample evidence that the book was cleverly crafted, pieced together to reconstruct Ahebi history and vignettes from the community including the authors own reconfiguration of the connections surrounding Ahebi. The Female King of Colonial Nigeria makes a solid contribution to the literature on women (auto) biography and the cogent treatments of gender, and sexualities. The book will benefit scholars, students and those interested in issues of women and gender. T here are however lengthy musical excerpts in the final chapters that may encourage or discourage a (non) musically oriented audience. Also, the text may push away readers who insist on gender parity that of other scholars who have written on and provided insights on powerful Igbo women and studies on African women leaders. Anne Jebet Waliaula, University of Wiscon sin, Madison Heike Behrend Resurrecting Cannibals: The Catholic Church, Witch Hunts, and the Production of Pagans in Western Uganda Suffolk: James Currey, 2011. 214 pp Africa is often regarded as home to w itchcraft and c annibalism, two phenomena which have often been described in derogatory terms. In Resurrecting Cannibals Behrend ventures into the world of cannibals and witches and comes out with a book that is a must read for all interested in Africa. It is a useful res ource in the study of h istory, r eligion, a nthropology and s ociology of Africa. With its catchy title readers would not be disappointed in the way c annibalism has been demystified in an unbiased professional manner. Behrend pinpoints some dimensions of Afr ican religion and sociology which have often been overlooked by researchers. For example, the fact that food produces substantial connection

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BOOK REVIEWS | 122 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1 2a7.pdf between persons other than just being a quench for hunger has not been fully explored. As a framework for the book he identifies two factors as responsible for the origin and rise of occultism ( c annibalism/ witchcraft) in Africa A IDS and m odern Christianity. He states that the strong increase in death rates caused by AIDS with its attendant quest to find meaning has c ontributed to the rise of c annibalism. Again, modern Christianity in Africa has not put an end to witchcraft and occultism but has provided a new context in which they make perfect sense (p. 70). Using Tooro, a community of Western Uganda as the study are a, Behrend shows in his book how Christianity and African r eligious practices such as c annibalism and w itchcraft on the other mirror each other. T he first section of the book , discusses extensively the that gives an account of how the encounter with m issionaries changed the socio cultural dynamics, creating a situation of mutual suspicion betwe en Africans and w hites. Finally, Behrend takes time to do a comparative analysis of complementary relationship between Christianity and c annibalism and how the former reinforced the latter instead of destroying it. The book identified paradoxical relations hips; r eligion is supposed to promote peace but can also create violence (p. 112); Christianity condemns magic but promotes miracles (p. 124); eating and fasting are opposing actions with a common effect (p. 113); Falling down in the spiritual sense coul d be good and bad (p. 125). T he book brings up an interesting story about the implementation of a democratic means of identifying witches (p. 80) In an attempt to ensure fairness, suspects were put at the mercy of community members who voted to decide wh ether or not they were witches or cannibals. Although the emphasis of this story in the book was to show how helpless government was in the wholesale adoption and implementation of ideas from the West to promote the development agenda of Africa. the African as notoriously religious plays out in advertisements and signboards in towns in Uganda (p. Net Computer and Business how incurably religious the African can be. It is unfortunate that such an interesting and well researched book may appear to invite a limited number of readers because of its specialized and abstruse language that could cause it to be accessible to only academician s. For example, a sentence such as massacre and bureaucracy in the colonial world was the subject of experiment in a twilight zone 178) could potentially affect its possible readership. Moreover, even though Behrend did very well in presenting a fair and an unbiased account, the supplementary material in the form of a D VD included with the book portrayed stereotypical images of poor Africans in tattered clothes walking barefooted, images that negate his attempt to correct the misrepresentations of Africa. These observations notwithstanding, Resurrecting Cannibals is a g reat book I would highly recommend it to researchers, students, and even those who would want to read for fun. In spite of its sole focus on Western Uganda, the book creates linkages with other African nations such

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123 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1 2a7.pdf as Sudan, Tanzania, Kenya, Nigeria, Sou th Africa et cetera, and the issues raised in the book are common and could conveniently be related to most African cultures. Coming from a Ghanaian background, I saw myself as an active participant in the stories as they unfolded in the book and I believ e others would relate the same way upon reading it References Mbiti, J. S. 1969. African Religions and Philosophy New York: Anchor Books. Parrinder, E. G. 1962. African Traditional Religion London: Longman Richardson Addai Mununkum University of Wisc onsin Madison Elisabeth Bekers. Rising Anthills: African and African American W riting on F emale G enital E xcision 1960 2000 Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press 2010 262 p p Rising Anthills is a chronological analysis of various literary works on the ritual of f emale g enital e xcision (FGE). This custom which is practiced o n almost every continent and across the three major monotheistic religions is attacked, defended, or a source of conflict in the plots of the texts covered in the book. The book is organized into three flexible time periods with the first looking at literature during the colonial period, where the characters are in conflict with Western missionaries over their traditional rites in rural villages. The second period focus es on authors writing in the newly independent states of Africa, situated in urbanized and growing towns T hey are not battling European colonialists for progress but trying to find freedom in their own society. The third covers authors publishing in the 1 990s with a more international perception of African women and their bodies. The introduction provides the reader with historical, linguistic (various terminology for FGE), and some cultural background to the significance of FGE to gender and ethnic identi ty and how the discourse of this practice has evolved in the latter half of the twentieth centu ry. The timepieces she analyzes are a reflection of those changes and are undoubtedly shaped by local, national, and even global political thought and movement. The first time period of writings focuses mostly on literature of the Gikuyu ethnic group from Kenya. The author gives a detailed account of origin stories, social construction, and eventually ethnic solidarity that inscribes or literally carves womanhood onto the bodies of women in this community. T he analyzed works T he River Between by Ngugi, Daughter of Mumbi by Waciuma, and They S hall be Chastised by Likimani a ll take place in Kenya, in which the rural communities are colonized and occupied by European missionaries. The author carefully analyzes themes, narration point (female characters as focalizers), and deconstructs each fictional work to show how FGE's role in colonial Kenya served as a marker of ethnic identity in a struggle against European antago nists, and a post

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BOOK REVIEWS | 124 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1 2a7.pdf For t he women in these novels, converted or not, mission educated or traditionally trained in their ethnic rituals F GE remained a nonnegotiable, significant marker of Gikuyu identity the Christian European context (p. 38). Bekers goes on to explain (p. 39) that both Christian and Gikuyu identities in the texts were drawing distinct idea s cultures failed in death of converted and excised Muthoni in The River Between the segregation of excised and unexcised girls at the missionary school in Daugh ter of Mumbi and Mr. Obadiah's staunch defence of FGE and Gikuyu women's submission to men, despite his western education and status as a school headmaster in They Shall be Chastised This first chapter introduces the reader to many views of gender identity in the African vs. Western context, as well as socio political ramifications of FGE and for the women who may or may not ch oose to undergo the procedure (u nexcised girls not able to marry, being banned from community). This first wave African authors and literary pieces was a strong beginning to discussion of FGE and how it was politicized during this era, and what it meant for African women who seem to lose no matter what side they s tood on. However, there is one connection which was no t iterated in Chapter One with how FGE may have been a status marker in Gikuyu community. The missionaries were successful i n converting many Africans, but as in Chinua Achebe's Things Falls Apart, som e of the converts were already outsiders, men and women with little or no status in their community, or those who were al ready questioning their beliefs. it challenged t hose with high status within the Gikuyu community. Unexcised women are now the patriarchal constraints of the gender system in Kenya, and this challenged the status of excised women wh o gained respect and deference by following the norms of their community's sociocultural structure. They valued their tradition since they invested so much (physically and emotionally) to uphold it. Thus, this connection could also have contributed to p oliticization of ethnic identity and womanhood. T he second time period brings us to the newly independent states of Africa with a new generation of authors and literary characters. Bekers analyzes a more diverse group authors who a re from different count ries, languages, and even genders H owever the omnipresence of FGE links the tragedy of the female principle characters. The writing styles and conflict ha ve also shifted: there are no European missionaries or colonial antagonists to defend a way of works of Kourouma's Les Soleils des Ind pendence Farah's From a Crooked Rib El Saadawi's The Circling Song Ma ga Ka's La Voie du Salut and many more. The protagonists are struggling for freedom and equality within their own society and culture. M any of the main characters in these second generation writings live in urban towns rather than small rural villages and suffer oppression at th e hands of their kin, husbands, partner, or society at large. I n these texts, h owever it is really the violence of rape, military subjugation, poverty, forced marriages, war, and political corruption (on a national level) that take thematic precedence in these novels rather than FGE. The excision ritual, for protagonist Salimata in Les Soleils des Indpendence or

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125 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1 2a7.pdf Ebla in From a Crooked Rib or Hamida in The Circling Song is a distant but recurring memory that is part of a chronic chain of suffering, oppr ession, and violence against these women. Our principle characters are questioning the entire gender system that oppresses them and regulate their bodies as the properties of men, such as the rape of Amina in Sardines society where women ar e treated as man's exclusive property, a daughter's violation is a means In the end, the reader sees that the plight of African women continued after independence, the end of colonization brought no change to the oppressi ve gender system, and our focal characters' personal suffering (FGE, rape, difficult childbirth/infertility) paralleled the suffering of the nation on a whole. The second wave of authors brought more diverse insight into the plight of African women post i ndependence, one highlighted by Bekers in a connection to FGE. However, the diversity of voices may have made a weaker connection than in the first chapter, because it is only a connection and not a discussion. The second wave of authors do not seem to hav e a level of dialogue and congruity with each other, but seem to be writing inattentive to the FGE debate specifically and more to national politics. However, in contrast to the third chapter's literary analysis, this wave does highlight how African women viewed their plight of gender and national oppression versus how women in the African diaspora (living in America and elsewhere) viewed the scope of FGE and gender oppression. As Bekers states in her opening of objected to the condescension and reductionism of Western (feminist) interference, which sensationalized such issues as female genital excision instead of giving priority to African women's self Perhaps, second generation authors are addressing what they believe are women's self defined needs, in which FGE plays a role, but not one that is central to gender oppression, as one may have originally believe. T his brings us to the final chapter in Beker's book and the third generat ion of literary authors, who are more culturally diverse than our first two generations. The first few are African Americans like Gloria Naylor, Breena Clarke, Glenda Dickerson, and Pulitzer Prize winner Alice Walker. And some are African expatriates livi ng in Europe and elsewhere like Fatou Keta, Saida Hagi Dirie Herzi, and Evelyne Accad. First, there is an undoubtedly, united consensus that the authors and their characters are opposed to female genital excision. The controversy lies in the way these wo rks were composed to typecast Africa and its people in a negative light. Alice Walker is the only author in this generation to receive a high level of criticism despite the fact that her work, Possessing the Secret of Joy gave more agency and positive lig ht to her protagonist, Tashi, than other compo sitions during this time period; 164). In other works, such as Naylor's Outcast Virgin Mary or Clar ke and Dickerson's Re/membering Aunt Jemima the excised female (or the woman avoiding her excision in Aunt Jemima ) hardly say any lines or narration in the story. It is the American women that speak on their behalf, for they are silent victims relying on enlightened Westerners to save them. In fact, as Bekers also point out, the protagonists end up emigrating from their native repressed culture

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BOOK REVIEWS | 126 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1 2a7.pdf to another country (such as America) to find liberation and peace. In these works, as well as Accad's L'excise patriarchy, prejudice, and lack of understanding are also relevant to the African men are the primitive violent aggressors in Walker's, Clarke and Dickerson's work, while African women were victims looking towards the West for salvation. The authors' focus of FGE has again shifted from ethnic identity to psychological trauma, to a physical health and human rights issue. Walker, Clarke and Dickerson, and Herzi, all bring up various health complications that may occur to a circumcised (specifically infibulated) women: hemorrhaging, infection, infertility, difficult childbirth, the pain of defloration etc. All of the works in this chapter homogenizes the practice of F GE to all Africa, even though only some parts of Africa practice FGE (p. 173) and all of the writers use infibulation (which is the most extreme form of genital excision) as the ritual in question or they interchange between clitoridectomy and infibulation (p. 172) which may confuse an audience not familiar with the practice. These errors may work to further alienate African audiences and scholars from the debate, who may once more see ethnic and national identity under attack from imperialist w esterners. Bekers ties up this final category very well in describing the last shift in literary writing of FGE and gender identity. However, there is no comparison between the second and third generation writings in her summation of how second generation Africans writers, as (cultural) insiders, describe their plight of gender oppre ssion versus third generation African diaspora writers seeing FGE as central to the oppression and violence of African women. My earlier comparison of how these two generations saw the plight of African women showed a significant shift in the FGE debate; n ot only ha ve the faces changed (African women to American women) of literary activists, but also the intended audience. Some of the erroneous assumptions and prejudices risk alienating African readers, the very people needed to instill change in the cultu re. Thus, one may ask, where are we today thirteen years after the latest work published in Beker's review? Is the plight of African women still in the global discourse which vehemently opposes FGE as a central barrier to gender equality and freedom? Or has it returned back to national and local discourses of politics and social status? What will the fourth generation (assuming that we are in the fourth generation) of writers look like and how will they contribute to the debate of post colonial, feminist human rights, medical, economic, and gender construction of FGE? In the first chapter, due to the nature of colonialism and the growing grassroots efforts for independence, the authors described FGE as a marker of ethnic identity and not just patriarch y. Traditionalist s (men and women) supported this rite as necessary for the cohesion of their community and their asymmetrical gender system as well as social status. In the second chapter, there is a shift in the debate; FGE is not the central theme in mo st of the works. However, it is explained in more detail as the physical and psychological pain as part of the protagonists' suffering through their long events of tragedies. Many of these post independence authors are criticizing the oppressive state of n ewly formed African governments and the lack

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127 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1 2a7.pdf of improvement in women's status after colonialism. However, the dialogue of FGE in this generation is not a strong consensus, perhaps because FGE is not seen as central to plight as African women as it was in t he first or third generation. By the late 80s and into the 90s, the debate goes global and literature now shows a unanimous disapproval of FGE. However, the lack of understanding of cultural traditions and prejudices that typecast Africans as homogenous an d primitive may work to alienate African audiences; and in turn stall the debate or hinder any intercultural dialogue. The author chronologically reviewed over twenty works of literature to show the dynamic but yet sometimes subtle intricacies that helpe d shaped this complex cultural rite into the international discourse we have today. Bekers also shows a fascinating but albeit lesser known evolution of female African writers who have pioneered a genre since at least the mid twentieth century. The genera l debate has many faces and perspectives that prove valuable to determining the plight of women (not just African); and how we can all work together to liberate ourselves from the subjugation of gender, violence, and race. Sabine Iva Franklin Haitian Cen ters Council Inc Megan Biesele and Robert K. Hitchcock. Independence: D evelopment, D emocracy and I ndigenous V oices in Southern Africa. New York: Berghahn Books, 2011. 269 pp. people) and their struggle for autonomy and political representation in Namibia under the colonial and the post colonial administrations. While the authors emphasize the agency of the San in the realization of these goals, this book is about multiple actors, authors included, and how the interaction between the San and the outside world changed their plight. The political struggles of a group that constitutes less tha n 1 percent of total populati on is well articulated chapters and introduction In summary the authors are able to demonstrate how the San who were previously abducted to work on farms and mines and threatened with inva sion by powerful local tribes, not only reorganized to defend their rights but also managed to start advocating for other San groups in Botswana. This book is a detailed anthropological piece; a must read for anyone interested in ethnic minorities, democra cy, development, and southern Africa. The introductory chapter describes the earlier ethnographic work by Elizabeth Mar shall Thomas and how her presence in Nyae Nyae transformed the lives of San people between 1951 and 1961. The encounter with Thomas creat that motivated them to transform their society. Chapter 1 traces the history land of reforms in Namibia and how the post in dependence governance and their livelihood strategies and how they had to deal with the paternalism of the the colonial government that chose to relocate them to Tsumkwe instead of giving them secure rights on their land (Nyae Nyae). Chapter s 3 a

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BOOK REVIEWS | 128 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1 2a7.pdf down planning and the increasing role of formal institutions in transforming the established the J u/Wa Bushman Development Founda ti (p. 68) to escape the social problems related to government subsidized alcohol, and to return to places where their ancestors were buried and they could live in co ntentment. The participation of externals however, provided a basis for the colonial operative (NNFC) provided an overarching framework for locals to speak with externals, including discussing 130) and enabled the Chapter 6 dence: The Years of Hope the transition to independence. In particular, these institutions managed to deal with the South Africa Defense Forces (SADFC) anti liberation pr opa ganda. After the 1990 elections, the number of visitors in Nyae Nyae increased and the new land reform proposal by the new government sought to dispossess the of their heritage based claims over Nyae Nyae. By 1991, nsitized and were able to strategically defeat the prescribed land reform models that were proposed by the post independence government When President Sam Mu joma visited Nyae Nyae in 1991, he felt the area was fertile to sustain large herd s of cattle, a poorly managing their environment in cluding the Herero who were eager to exploit Nyae Nyae for grazing resources. Chapter 7 details the work of the Nyae Nyae Develo pment Foundation (NNDF) of Namibia, founded in 1981 by Marshall and Ritchie. The establishment of the devel opment foundation was followed by an influx of international workers that created coordination and communication challenges. Chapter 8 looks at the r ole of NNDF after independence and highlights how the internal changes impacted internal power dynamics, the shift of San youths taking a leading role. Chapter 9 focuses on the first conservancy project in Namibia, an institution that legally empowers communities to derive financial benefits from wildlife resources. It also governance (see p p 91, 92, and 110 11). Despite the challenges of dealing with externals, the n my view this work is facilitative rather than directive and provides a model fo r empowering local communities in a way that often times is not possible through short term NGO projects. Shylock Muyengwa, University of Florida

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129 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1 2a7.pdf Graham Bradshaw and Mic hael Neill ( e ds.). Farnham, UK and Burlington, VT: Ashgate Publishing Limited 2010 272 p p Th is volume consists a collection of twelve essays by different contributors that analyze creative works of J.M.Coetzee from different angles and present an all round depiction of his creative activities, his deep psychological penetration into the inner world of his characters and, none the least, his treatment of the language as an indispens ible tool of individual characteristics and the national South African English language as a whole. The volume will be of interest to literary critics, psychologists, sociologists, men and women of letter s linguists and all lovers of good reading. The book appearance is timely and significant, in particular to those who are interested in the development of English literature in South Africa and the trends in the South African English language. The literary work of J.M. Coetzee exerts a noticeable impact upon both South African public opinion and social consciousness and upon the existence and functioning of the national English language of South Africa. J.M.Coetzee is a protagonist and cultivat or of a specific English style of South African prose which presumes that narration referred to the past, is expressed in the present, events immediately preceding the narration in perfect, and those referred to a remoter past in simple past. In this styl e the function of the Definite Article is also somehow modified. These grammatical features are worth mentioning, since if this tendency persists and they become grammaticalised, it may lead to profound and fundamental structural changes in South African E nglish. This was marked by J.Lamb who presents Coetzee as a realist, the realist who devoted much attention to the structure of the language (p. 179) and who, as one could see in his works, managed to introduce original specificity into the English of his own country. E ditors Bradshaw and Neill formulate their main goal as to align or realign the South and to most recent fiction (p. 2) T he bo significance h owe ver goes far beyond these limits. interesting is his South African period. It is this period when the specific language style and the controversial attitude to t he events in the country were formed. Coetzee raises questions to which he often does not answer unequivocally and leaves them for the reader to answer. One can agree with D. st riking but it is unlikely to produce as rich a harvest (p. 176). D. Attrige justly remarks in his essay that the most favorable situation for the writer was that of political tension rather than relaxation that he met in Australia. Attrige tries to show the role of fine arts and nature in depicting the South African reality, which was characteristic of Coetzee, as well as of such South African writers as A. Brink, Z. Mda and others. According to C. Clarkson, (p. 43). It is quite possible that the portrayal of such characters prompted Coetzee to create such language peculiarities that in future may grammaticalize and become established properties of the national version of English in South Af rica.

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BOOK REVIEWS | 130 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1 2a7.pdf novels. They agree with Attridge that reading occurs as an event, a living through the text which responds simultaneously to what is said and the intensi venes s and singularity of the (p. 59). According to this statement, a question arises whether it is possible at all to film fiction without losing its properties and intention. It is no wonder that Coetzee himself was very much concerned with the South Africannness of the film (p. 61). In agreement with (as well as works of any other writer beyond the place of its origin) will not distort the very idea of t he original work. Attwell discusses the role of the writer in society and the message the author is supposed to profound than teaching young people how to live. Co the experience and point of view of a particular personality whom the author portrays (p. 173). All in all, one can agree with B. Dancygier in her concluding essay that the framework represented here is an inter disciplinary attempt to look at specific features of literary discourse through the lenses of conceptual structure (p.251). An attempt, one may add, that is very successful, instructive and attractive. Mark Diachkov, Institute of Linguistics Russian Academy of Sciences Padraig Carmody. The New Scramble for Africa Cambridge, UK: Polity Press, 2011. X i 194 p p I was an avid student of African history during my high school years in the late 1980s where I had a chance to study the first scramble for A frica in the late nineteenth century. Consequently, The New Scramble for Africa motivated me to learn about the new and second scramble. As the title suggests, the current scramble is new, therefore, different from the first one that was mediated through the Berlin Conference of 1884 8 5. In my mind, the following questions arise, does book describe the newness of the new scramble, its cause and consequences and also offer policy recommendations? The nine chapter s (plus a n introduction and a conclusion) are concerned with one of the most debated issues today; the new scramble for Africa, or appropriately put, the new scramble from the very beginning ( top of page 1). In this regard, Carmody appropriately borrows from then EU Commissioner for Development who, in 2009, stated that there is no denying that Africa has become a sought after continent in a short space of time, thanks to its strategic importa nce (p. 1). Carmody poses pertinent questions right at the beginning; i.e., why has Africa suddenly become strategically important for great and emerging powers? The book argues that the scramble is a consequence of the deepening process of globalisation and that one of the distinguishing Having laid out the key features of the new scramble, t he author states that the overarching

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131 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1 2a7.pdf objective of the book is to explore reasons behind the new scramble, its nature and impacts? Thus, this review seeks to answer the question, did Carmody achieve this objective? Chapter One delimits the universe of th e discussion by comparing/contrasting the old and new scrambles for Africa. Particularly, Carmody dispels the notion that Africans are helpless, passive and bemused spectators in the new scramble. Thus, through negotiations, African governments enter into deals that result in economic benefits, although in some, the rent is Two is concerned with the mosaic of powers, e.g., US, China, EU, Japan etc, that are competing for the e conomic hearts and minds of the Africans. Of particular interest is South Africa whose footprint has been planted all over Africa. Chapter Three discusses the hottest topic in political economy; that of Worthy of mention is the principle of flexigemony whereby China uses soft power and prioritises the economic over political and security concerns (p. 79). Relatedly, unlike western donors (the US as an example), Chinese aid is not tied to issues such as governance. Chapter Four comfortably links with Chapter Three whereby the role of other Asian investors, India and Japan, are discussed. In addition, the chapter discusses relatively new players in the new scramble for Africa; Brazil and Russia. Chapter Five deals with the familiar if not controversial topic of oil. Thus, given supply issues in the Middle East, African oil is regarded as a safer alternative. At the same time, Carmody argues that rent from oil extraction benefits a small section of the pop ulation as instanced by pockets of corruption in Equatorial Guinea and Angola. In C hapters Six and Seven the book takes the reader through the extraction of non oil resources: uranium and coltan (these are conflict causing), timber, bio fuels, plants, foo d and fisheries. Chapter Eight discusses Chinese investment in Zambia, highlighting issues of lack of skills transfer and strained labour relations. Chapter Nine development vis vis the new scramble. The conclusion, drawing from the n ine chapters, asks, What is Afri scramble? Carmody optimistically opines th at there are potential benefits and hence exhorts African governments to develop win win situations with their suitors. Amongst others, they must sign mutuall y beneficial resource deals. The book has a number of strengths: objectivity, it is widely researched through the use of multiple sources and both the author and co authors are experts in the area. Importantly, the book is an excellent reference source for those interested in understanding the new scramble for Africa. Notwithstanding these, it could do with shorter verbatim quotations. D id the book successfully explore reasons behind the new scramble, its nature and impact? Yes, it does as evidenced by its extensive coverage. Emmanuel Botlhale, U niversity of Botswana

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BOOK REVIEWS | 132 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1 2a7.pdf S tephen Chan. Southern Africa: Old Treacheries and New Deceits N ew Haven: Yale University Press, 2011. 302 pp. The beauty of South Africa is always commented upon. It is only on arrival and taking in the tastes and smells and energy of its peoples, animals and environment can one begin to understand more keenly why throughout the twentieth century such a bitter bat tle was fought outstanding beauty of the Western Cape one is easily seduced. But Cape Town has its darker side like any city. From the wine growing regions of the C ape and the accompanying plethora of cuisines reflecting the multicultural heritages of the inhabitants; African, Mediterranean, European , or Asian, the tourist can easily get lost in the romance. Nevertheless the contrasts are there to see and cannot be hidden. Just riding from the airport the tourist is confronted with the harsh realities of life lived there. This is a pattern replicated throughout the country; Durban, Pretoria and Johannesburg all boasting modernity and pockets of affluence juxtaposed against enormous township areas dominated by the poor, dispossessed and increasing numbers of foreign migrant laborers. To be fair this picture is the case to varying degrees for most cities around the world though disparities of wealth are more or less it is more and the situation ensures that the crippling legacies of Apartheid live on. The shortcomings of the current political leaders perpetuate what is human misery writ large. No surprise then tha t crime is endemic and ethnic conflicts threaten social cohesion as the unemployed compete for work with the foreign migrants fleeing their own nightmares. Cross border neighbors, the Zimbabweans (not the only ones) also vote with their feet to escape the political and economic horrors of their rulers. Harare, too, offers contrasts of fate for its inhabitants and thousands head into South Africa. These challenges and more lie at the cent er of the politics of the region. The grand aspirations fed by decades long fighting against Apartheid and its exports would have been difficult to meet under any circumstances. Furthermore the unrelenting long suppressed necessity to attend to domestic need s, such as job creation, housing, public health, building up of infrastructures, educational systems and social justice would be a challenge for any country even without the extravagancies of an ambitious political class. The insight provided by Professor challenges of the region to be foregrounded in a more multi layered way than is often the case. Chan is well able to do so from a stand point of the many years of work and travel in the region. In places the book is hard to put down and one is rem knowledge and access to the key movers and shakers. This can at times be grating but one cannot doubt the authority of experience from which he speaks. He contextualizes domestic politics against the history and interconnections of South Africa, Zimbabwe and Zambia. caricatures as complex astute politicians and diplomats. Chan purp ose is Western media has turned into black caricatures with the same sort of life we would

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133 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1 2a7.pdf automatically assume was inherent in Tony Blair, Gordon Brown, David Cameron, Nick Clegg, (pp. xii xiii). Further by referring to the political intrigues of other central and southern Africa states in his analysis, readers are provided with a comprehensive and microscopic summary of the political, social and economic transitions of this region over the past thirty years. Refreshingly there are no hagiographic profiles or rose tinted visions. The colorful characters of Mandela, according to Chan Mugabe (speaks for itself!) Kenneth Kaunda, Thabo Mbeki, Jacob Zuma and Morgan Tsvan girai (few women are mentioned) present a warts and all portrait of these particular African leaders in their domestic and regional environs. This makes for a more nuanced and multi dimensional anal one di mensional portraits beloved by the Western media. Mind you with a character like Mugabe, it is hard to be balanced, though Chan manages not to make him a pantomime baddie. Chan is sticated vote rigging, the ugly violence and the corruption of generals siphoning off wealth from mineral deposits of neighboring Democratic Republic of Congo. Furthermore his ambivalent relation with Mbeki makes for interesting reading. Ambition and de ceit often underpin political life and Southern Africa is no different. C han is no great fan of Mbeki, and in the areas in the narrative where he attempts to put the book down. Zuma himself emerges as a chameleon able to reinvent and communicate with the mass in a way that the urbane Mbeki is clearly unable to do. He fatally lacks the common touch and Chan leaves the reader in no doubt of that. Neither does Chan spare his critique of European and other foreign interlopers. Whether i and Americans manipulating the resource rich region for their national and geo political roles, or the perfidy of former colonial masters such as Britain, though their language is cloaked in political speak suggesting no analysis to journalist commentary, peppered with anecdotes does make for a compelling read about a complex region and state of political affairs. se to the political leadership, western attention turned elsewhere. T here were periodic dramas h owever that ensured the region kept in the World Cup, the ascenden cy of Jacob Zuma, a media dream if there ever was one, and the Tsvangirai the main (but not exclusive) challenger. Through his easy writing style Chan enhances our understa nding in a way that would appeal to a broad readership. We get a taste not only of the top table political strategizing but we are given an insight into the world of the current big men of Africa and the individuals who are affected by their governance. From the start, the story of the Zimbabwean Joseph a migrant in South Africa draws in the reader and presents the dilemmas facing individuals daily, while their political leaders try to outmaneuver each other for power. cal differences that developed in South

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BOOK REVIEWS | 134 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1 2a7.pdf organization that for too long has managed to hide behind its formidable mythology. For Chan the ANC did not become the authorit arian party and fractious agglomeration of factions that it (p. 59). The problem started (some would argue it his failure to mediat e intra ANC conflicts played a role too. We are provided with a portrait of a far from liberal organization in its political ideology, or in its internal bureaucratic structure. It is a party rity. South Africans not only can see what is happening across the border but its effects are felt on their own soil in t he shape of the numerous Joseph ission to the people into a soap opera of personalities and (p. 65). Ironically this assessment sounds very much like the final years of Thatcher, t publication of the book missed the current ANC crisis over J ulius Malema. Like other Southern Africa watchers, no doubt Professor Chan will be watching the unfolding events closely. Elizabeth Williams Goldsmiths College University of London Alison Liebhafsky des Forges. Defeat is the O nly B ad N ews: Rwanda under Musinga, 189 6 1931 Madison: University of Wisconsin P ress, 2011. 306pp. Des Forges carefully incorporat es the rich culture of the Rwandese people and also portray s the manner in which the Court system appeared in the late nineteenth and early twentieth ce nturies. She drew on oral histories and extensive archival research that shows how the separation of various groups in Rwanda led to their response of the c olonial government, the traders, and the missionaries. Through her exploration and research she show s how Rwandese people used resources of the Europeans so as to enlarge their power even as they were seeking New b ury introduced and edited it thoroughly in order to provide a context that is deep to better understand the civil war in Rwanda a century later. Defeat Is t he Only Bad News is important for its content as well as its method Through her comprehensive study of the ins and outs of the royal Court at a key time in its history, d es Forges provides one of the most detailed and logical accounts available of an African political elite facing the twofold challenges of the early twenti eth century through the establishment of colonial rule and the presence of large numbers of Christian missionaries. These were chaotic years, first as Germany then Belgium pursued a hostile plan of colonization in the country whereas the missionaries chall enged the rite basics that had sustained k ingship in Rwanda. The author portrays how the Rwandan court served as the center stage of Shakespeare an proportions which eventually emerges from her intelligent prose. By focusing on valuable oral accounts, mis sionary diaries, and a variety of other sources Des Forges sheds some light on the

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135 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1 2a7.pdf intense atmosphere of the scheme, perceptive calculation, brutal betrayal and sometimes murder that were the characteristics of the Court at this central moment in its hist ory. The reign of Yuhi Musinga offers rich material on the innermost rivalries that had long eroded the Rwandan Court against the powerful notables who ruled in its name or under its governance. It also gives perfect examples of the long old struggle betwe en the Court and its agents, who were then trying to diversify their control on all sides, which was something that the common people opposed. The author also used one hundred and two Rwandans who took her through Rwandan h istory and shared their knowledge of their past experiences. They also helped d es Forges understand how the court system of Rwanda operated back in the days. The book well accomplishes the authors stated goals in various ways. There was the refinement of the r oyal culture where the Court developed its own beliefs, one which justified the rule of the leaders and expressed through an impressive array of highly formalized rituals and a set of historical stories explaining the origins of the dynasty. These elaborate ritual patterns justifying the royalty were the third attribute of court development. Des Forges writes but rather saw fit to control it from within. Therefore the struggle for power and influence The background to d es Forges study introduces the social groupings of Rwanda to the reader, and the initial pages of her exposition gives a summary of the a ccepted social groups of pre colonial Rwandan society as a set of clear, fixed and standardized administrative institutions. Her thorough research reveals much more than the apprehension of power by a kinship group competing with the royal family. By exami ning the powerful politics at the Court over a range of fundamental issues, her study is seen to unveil the contested relations with many regions as the Court sought to expand its rule over the people in the southeast, north, the northwest and southwest a reas where the majority of people were opposed to rule by the Rwandan Royal Court at the beginning of the twentieth century and in some cases opted for outright resistance. This carefully researched, readable and well detailed study about a critical perio understanding about court politics prior and after the beginning of the colonial rule. The a whether in English or in Fre nch as its gives us the problems, anguish and turmoil that the people went through under the reign of Yuhi Musinga, who was a ruler who never valued the feelings of the common people and thus subjected them to a lot of suffering through the ruling that wa s made in the courts. brings an understanding to the colonial situation that resulted in the rise of an uncertain future for Rwanda. The book potential audience is anyone who wishes to understand the catastrophe of people who live in Rwanda, and it can also be kept in the archives for children yet to be bo rn, which will in turn aid in understanding how Rwanda people suffered in the face of Belgian

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BOOK REVIEWS | 136 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1 2a7.pdf colonial rule thus knowing the reason as to why Rwanda is in its current state, though it is now coming up from the ruins. Ilunga Tchoma Kitenge, Institut de R Europennes, IRERIE Mamadou Diawara, Bernard Lategan and Jrn Rsen. Historical Memory in Africa: Dealing with the Past, Reaching for the Future in an Intercultural Context New York: Beghahn Books, 2010. vi, 248 p p. This is a diverse collection of essays related to an international research project sponsored by scholarly institutions in South Africa and Germany. For American scholars it provides a chance to read work based in a German and French bib liography, representing interdisciplinary academic networks from Germany, South Africa and Canada. The articles are loosely organized around the analysis of historical memory, sometimes defined as public history or commemoration, in Africa during times of violence. The example of South Africa, and particularly its Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), dominate the book, with some space given to other places in Africa, like the Congo, and comparative examples from India, South Korea and the Holocaust. The book ends with two articles on the praxis of forgiveness and reconciliation. What this collection adds to an already prolific field is attention to the link between memory of the past and anticipation of the future. The editors ask us to read history from the future backwards as we prioritize the possible over the real ( p. 3). They posit that collective memory has been used in both constructive and destructive ways in postcolonial Africa. tion and group mobilization, with explicit consequences for human life. The authors are clearly concerned not just with documenting history but also with prescribing positive ways of using historical memory for inclusion rather than the justification of vi olence. They warn that those who appropriate historical memory, whether for building up or tearing down, control its future ( pp. 104 5). While my first assessment of this book was its lack of coherence and clear contribution, I find myself still mulling o ver and talking with colleagues about many of its provocative points. Better editing and vetting for consistency, with a more theoretical introduction, would strengthen its impact. The wide range of writing genre and style is often distracting. It would be for me to fully grasp the role of the future in the process of memory, even though based on European theological examples. The theme of historical memory in r elation to the future is only marginally addressed in many, nonetheless, interesting articles. For example, Macamo writes about the need for an African generated Sociology to make sense of the experience of modernity (Mozambique). Diawara makes the case f or the future minded development industry to gain historical perspective (Mali). And Joubert argues that oral memory is still a significant way to

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137 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1 2a7.pdf access lived experience (South Africa). The collection will be useful to scholars already versed in the field but not as an introduction. The collection will certainly be useful for scholars interested in South Africa, the TRC, and memory around a new majority democracy and the need for unity after apartheid. South Africa provides a model for studying the effects of investing enormous energy and public funds in historical memory. Other articles on South Africa take up commemoration of the South African War (Grun dlingh), the politics of memory (Harries) and the TRC (Gobodo Madikizela), while others use the TRC as a comparative case. These scholars explore South Africa as a nation founded on trauma yet seeking to include all citizens. Other provocative issues su rface without being fully resolved. New media, like internet and film, for housing public memory and transformations in concepts of time and space that affect historical memory (Jewsiewicki, Jourbert) suggest new avenues for research. Other authors focus public/commercial history in South Africa thrives while the historical profession sinks into crisis (Harries). Similarly, the discourse of victimhood and identification with suffering is increasingly powerful in the commemoration of genocid e. The victim narrative of colonialism however begins to ring false fifty years later and a new narrative of meaning has not unfolded (Bisanswa). The unifying message is that how we commemorate the past matters for lives today and can be influenced by how we think about possible futures. Jan Bender Shetler Goshen College Donald L. Donham. Violence in a Time of L iberation: Murder and Ethnicity at a South African G old M ine, 1994. Durham, NC: Duke University Press 2011 xiv, 237 pp. Violence in a Time of L iberation captures the oddity and enigma of political violence that accompanied the luster and euphoria of 1994 in South Africa. To the outside world 1994 represents a year liberation, first democratic elections, and the historic voting in of Nelson Mand ela as the first president of democratic South Africa. However, to many black Africans inside South Africa 1994 also represents extreme violence symbolic of the last dying breaths of a brutal regime. Conflicts along political lines especially between Inkat ha, the African National Congress (ANC) members, and the third force engulfed many townships before and after the historic elections. often mislabeled by western m edia as ethnic conflicts between Zulus (Inkatha) and Xhosas (ANC). The author states that reading violence as simply Zulu (Inkatha) and Xhosa (ANC) conflict is inaccurate as the founding p resident of the ANC was Zulu, as is the current president. The book is based on an ethnographic case study of a goldmine in Johannesburg in 1994. The author reveals complexity of violence in the gold mine through narratives from

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BOOK REVIEWS | 138 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1 2a7.pdf various stakeholders within the context of apartheid. The book is divided into eight chapter s excluding the preface and the post script. It is a must read not only for anthropologists but also for people who want to understand the daily and intimate workings of the South African apartheid system within an institution, and the contradictions that marked the end of apartheid and the transition into political democracy. Photographs in the book (by Santu Mofokeng) enrich and complement narratives. The first chapter introduces the narrative of murders within the gold mine. The rest of the book provides an explication of why murders occurred according to the African workers, white workers, and the author himself. The author warns that narratives should be understood in the context of the general framework of apartheid, which simplified every thing along racial and ethnic lines. He points out that simplification of everything along racial and ethnic lines was dialogic, externally imposed and internally reified. Narratives in the book are reflective of the Above all, Donham delineates connectivity of forces, such as racialized capitalism and enforced segregation which nurtured violence and brutality of the apartheid system. The author asserts that blood and sustained the economy and brutality of apartheid and also psychologically occupied a significant space in the narratives of both black and white gol d mine workers. While the book is well researched, in the post script the author implies that ANC aligned labor unions were well armed with modern weapons whereas Inkatha members had traditional weaponry. This implication overlooks evidence that emerged d uring the Truth and Reconciliation Commission hearings, which revealed that Inkatha and the third force were systematically armed with modern firearms by the apartheid government sympathizers. In sum, the book is well written and meets the goal of problem atizing simplification of African conflicts to decontextualized ethnic conflicts. The author excellently delineates that narratives of violence in South Africa, or anywhere else, should be read as partial, incomplete, subjective and located within a larg er socio political and economic context. Shirley Mthethwa Sommers, Nazareth College David T. Doris. Vigilant Things: On Thieves, Yoruba Anti Aesthetics, and the Strange Fates of Ordinary Objects in Nigeria. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 201 1. 420 pp. project. It is people, after all, who create, deploy, and interpret l and my goal has been to understand the objects as they fulfill their roles in the lives and thoughts of those people ( p. 27). is of inestimable socio cultural value because it thoroughly documents an aspect of Yoruba cultural semiotic l To the best of my knowledge the book is the first of its kind that seems to f ully put in book form hitherto apparently under researched aspect of believed to possess or imbued with some kind of power or authority to protect valuables and

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139 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1 2a7.pdf ward off or punish thieves who make away with such valuables. The enormity of the content of this book of l is a testimony to the relevance of the subject itself as an element of the traditions that organize the Yoruba ethnic group of Nigeria. The unre duced presence of l in the Yoruba socio semiotic life is pal pable, as recorded in the book. Putting the subject matter of l in an interesting and clearer perspective, Doris pervades his study with history and origin, cultural definitions, forms and kinds, power and authorities, functions and essences, people and places, photographs and images, witnessed demonstrations, translations and interpretations, graphic descriptions ( p. 140), cultural boundaries and linkages ( p. 148), cultural memes, idiosyncr asies and significances ( pp. 148 59). Clearly, according to the author, l is n ot a pretty thing, it is repulsive and meant to repel with a promise to punish transgression of accepted behaviors in Yoruba society. In the Introduction Doris begins with a glimpse into the If Modkk age long conflict Modkk conflicts. The subject of attraction was the l which Mr. Aflb erected on a pile of wood. The pil e of wood, on which the l lies, makes meaning in the symbolic and pillaging of the Nigerian nation perpetrated by both military and civilian rulership. Do l cascade into description and definitions of what l is and what it is not ( pp. 14 20), drawing contrastive and relationship perspectives in the episteme of se l , wrn pp. 1 6 20) in the Yoruba semiotic world. T he book is divided into three parts a part from the and : Part I Crea ting l (segmented into two : Presence, Power and the Past, and Palm Fronts; mrw ), II Call and Response (segmented into two as well : What We Look at and Remember, and Color; w ) and III Portraits and Punishments (segmented into four : An Ontology of the Broken, Corncobs; Sk gbdo, Snail Shells; karawun gbn and Brooms; gbl ). According to the book, no particular locale or origin could be associated with l However, the book, citing and abstracting possible multiple sources in Yoruba orature, historical narratives, social origin linked to "gbni society of honored elders, allegory drawn from If divination, which proffers mythic origin, documents left by foreign travelers and l have long played a significant role in the Yoruba cultural landscape, and that Yoruba people have long regarded them as power p. 38). In P art I, Doris engages both the relational dependency and epistemology of l to how it is created, the power it issues, its essences and significances in Yoruba semiotic milieu, This account is integrated with demonstrated photographs ( pp 46 48, 52 55) and the semiotic of meaning which l signifies. Most enlightening in this part is l relational power dependency on and abstraction of authority from Yoruba semiotics of oj ( t he index of power), lut ( g ood hearing and appropriate response), pnhn ( m aking agreement with l ), yaj ( w e borrow the day), and jb ( p aying homage to the source of power). For example, on how it is created, readers will experience a first hand documentation of the ritualist ic processes of l creation with the use of mrw (palm fronds) in which the author was directly involved ( pp. 100 19). In this

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BOOK REVIEWS | 140 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1 2a7.pdf relational dependency of creation and power of l Doris concludes thus: In the production of l the person enters in to a set of constitutive combinatory relationships, not only with the object, but also with the institutional forces that precede and exceed both subject and object. These collective forces divine, social familial authorize all utterances of power in Yor uba culture, sanctioning a person to act on their behalf. In this way, l like better known works of the Yoruba artistic canon, come to represent in traditional form enduring, genuine, and very real the lawful forces that bind the society together ( p 49). Parts II and III are replete with categories of well l These elements range from those that may be imbued with sacredness to ordinary disused things like a piece of red cloth, a worn shoe, mrw (palm fron t) ( pp. 86 119), corncobs ( pp. 280 302), rags, snail shell ( pp. 303 23), brooms ( pp. 324 42), broken pots and combinations of other things. Doris found that the creator of l has the latitude in the choice of objects depending on wer ( p. 123) and the context of application. These sections are particularly interesting because the author, in her categorization, apart from explaining the l and how power issues to and from it, details the forms an d types of things for the making of l ( pp. 135 37). Their sources and descriptions (140), interpretation and symbolism ( pp. 240 47) from Yoruba oral genre of If and orature, their ordinary and semiotic uses, their power abstractions and significances in relation to Yoruba pp. 123 2 4) are documented. In this, Doris discovered that the creation of fear an abstraction of the power of l is derived from the three dimensional understanding of the presence of l image, the creator and the r kn (conscience) ( p. 174) on the Yoruba metaphor of seeing ( pp. 218 21) and semiotics of wrn ( p. ld be thief. Four major factors serve this book well : ( 1) an a valanche of sources of information; people and places, oral traditions, books and journals, history and archives, interviews and witnessed demonstrations ; ( 2) a t ranslation of Yoruba source lang uage and cultural semiotics and interpretation into English ; (3) p hotographs and images ; and (4) an i nterpretive explanation of Yoruba semiotics like w (color) in interdependency relation with l and its signifying essence. These compelling factors wil l particularly attract Yoruba and none Yoruba readers to enjoy and understand the semiotics of l and its wider hermeneutics in Yoruba cultural milieu. Yomi Okunowo, University of the Western Cape, South Africa Toyin Falola and Saheed Aderinto Niger ia, Nationalism, and Writing History. Rochester: Rochester University Press, 2010. xiii, 333 pp. It is not strange that Nigeria has been the subject of important publications on Africa by Africanist writers as well as Nigerian historians of different ilk and perspectives in the last two decades. The fact is that there are more publications on Nigeria written by non Africans than those by Nigerians and other Africans. The cumulative effect of the ever increasing interest in

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141 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1 2a7.pdf Nigeria by non history and traditions beyond its limit ed confines. The book under review is majorly concerned about the representations of Nigeria by pre colonial and post colonial Nigerian historians as they sought to counter Eurocentric stereotypes about the peoples and cultures of Nigeria during the partic ular historical epoch of their preoccupation. Spurred by nationalist fervor, Nigerian historians of the first and second generations, according to the authors, reconstructed the objective in addition to reflecting on historical renditions on Nigeria, was to re introduce Africans into history writing about Africa in view of the diminishing share of African historians in the global output of literature on Africa. In its sixteen chap comprising K.O.Dike, Adiele Afigbo, J.F. Ade Ajayi, J.A.Atanda, Bolanle Awe, Obaro Ikime, G.O.Olusanya, Tekena Tamuno, and Yusufu Bala Usman. A chapter each was devoted to the wo rks of these historians which also detailed their educational attainment as certified historians. The authors compared and contrasted the works of these historians to show how each of these historians interpreted such important topics as indirect rule, Chr istian missionary activities, the evolution of Nigerian state, the utility of oral traditions in historical writings, the origins of Nigerian peoples, and the formation of states and empire, among other subjects. In history within the context of African historiography while portraying the fragmented nature of the Nigerian natio n as the trigger of its fragmented histories. It is evident that the authors all through the book believe that by reviewing the scholarship of their selected Nigerian historians, they could generalize on the important role of historians in the productio n of knowledge. There was a celebratory tone in their analyses of the works of rounds of their specific and unique focus, there is every reason to believe that some of the excluded Nigerian historians could have added value to the quality and substance of the book. For instance, the exclusion of E.A. Ayandele and Bolaji Idowu foremo st chroniclers of the Christian missionary incursion into Nigeria and Africa activities in Nigeria an incomplete account. Aside from the fact that the selection of Nigerian historians would appear to be unrepresentative of the diverse schools and thoughts in Nigerian historiography, there is an erroneous belief that only those who studied history and acquired postgraduate degrees in the discipline deserve to be spotlighted as celebrated historiogra phers as our authors have done. It scholarship while in actual fact notable Nigerian scholars such as Claude Ake, Bade Onimode, Ola Oni, etc rendered richer and incredib ly pungent radical historical a nalyses than Yusufu Bala Usman.

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BOOK REVIEWS | 142 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1 2a7.pdf However, the book under review is a well written piece which highlights the different phases of colonial era to the post colonial times as captured through the histor methodological approach to the study of Nigerian history. It is analytical in its presentation of historical facts and renders its arguments in logical sequence under some sel ected themes and sub themes a format that runs through the book. This style of presentation makes the book orderly and organized. The language us ag e of the authors is lucid and elegant thereby making the book comprehensible. It would appear that the object ive of the authors for writing the book is achievable especially when viewed against the backdrop of the growing realization across developing countries of the world that globalization has the potential of obliterating their cultures and values. Thus, our and globalization is sagacious. This book is a must read for students and teachers of Nigerian history and anyone who is interested in Nigerian, and indeed African historiography. John Olushola Magbadelo, Cen tre for African and Asian Studies, Garki Abuja, Nigeria Timothy Derek Fernyhough. Serfs, Slaves and Shifta: Modes of Production in Pre R evolutionary Ethiopia Addis Ababa: Shama Books, 2010. 344 pp. Tim Fernyhough passed away in 2003, and this book, which is based on his doctoral dissertation (University of Illinois, 1986), was later completed by his wife, Anna Fernyhough. The book offers new and original insights to economic structures and changes in various parts of Ethiopia. It is rich in details, well documented, and treats a highly complex subject matter in period under question is from the late nineteenth t o the early twentieth centur ies The discussion of this vast theme is structured around three main topics (which also in Ethiopia. The investigation of feu dalism in the first part (which is merely one chapter) is firmly situated within relevant rese arch and contains interesting details and convincing arguments. Ferny h ough embarks on a discussion of the relevance of the term feudalism for the Ethiopian contex t in general, and for southern Ethiopia in particular. He offers new and interesting insights to the existence of a feudal order in the states of south western Ethiopia and his was in clear contrast to other parts of southern Ethiopia, where the feudal system was a novel introduction, and where ethnicity and religion exacerbated tensions between northern settlers and the indigenous population. The bulk of the chapter is, howe ver, devoted to the south western part, and one could have wished for additional investigation into the economic structures of the south east.

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143 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1 2a7.pdf The second part (chapters 3 7) devoted to slavery and slaving in Ethiopia, discusses slave as a mode of product ion, the trajectories of the slave trade, and the gradual decline of slavery in the twentieth century. Ferny h ough offers original insights into the institution of slavery in the south western states, demonstrating that slavery coexisted with a feudal mode. Arguing that that the majority was engaged in domestic service, and that servile labor never surpassed forced agricultural labor and feudal rent. Whereas he touches upon the role of Muslims in the slave trade and Christian attitudes to slavery, more attention to this in relation to the particularities of Christian Muslim relations in Ethiopia would surely have added value to the analysis. Ferny h ough provides highly i nteresting insights on how international pressure and Haile convincingly that the increasing importance of tenant cultivators was a main factor in its demise. As he concludes, slavery became commercially irrelevant and socially anachronistic. The third part (chapters 8 concept of the social bandit as a point of departure, Ferny h ough connects bandi try to the feudal order, and rightly argues it was an expression of social protest, as well as a form for political and social mobility. He distinguishes between noble and peasant bandits, and provides relevant insights into differences between the north a nd the south, as well as within the southern regions. While the concept of banditry may be fitting for some cases, its general application arguably conceals some important nuances. My own ongoing research on this has revealed that armed insurgency in the s outh was, rather than banditry, an expression of political resistance to the Ethiopian state, and that ethnicity and religion were far more important factors than assumed. This latter point relates to the theoretical perspective of the book, in which Fern y h ough applies Marxian concepts with that of a mode of production as the primary analytical tool. The argument is that the unity of relations and forces of production determine the form of state authority and class structure, and the overall analysis is fr amed within a perspective in which economy and material realities are the fundamental forces. This consequently reduces the role of forces of a more ideological nature to merely a supra structure. The book would have benefited from a broader approach, in w hich kinship, ethnicity, and religion ought to have been incorporated, and where such issues had been recognized as operating interchangeably with that of class. These comments notwithstanding, the book is a very important contribution to the field of Ethi opian studies, and should moreover be relevant for those interested in the economic history in Africa in general. Unfortunately, Shama Books has not done a very good job in producing this book, and a work like this would have deserved a better layout and c opy editing. Terje steb, University of Florida

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BOOK REVIEWS | 144 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1 2a7.pdf Jonath a n Glassman. War of Words, War of Stones: Racial Thought and Violence in Colonial Zanzibar Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2011. xii, 398 pp In War of Words, War of Stones Jonathan Glassman seeks to reconcile the contradiction between "primordialist explanations of Zanzibar's racial divisions" and the common representation of cosmopolitan Zanzibar as "the epitome of ethnic fluidity and racial indeterminancy" (p. 5). Glassm an challenges the perspective that Zanzibar's racial tensions were a direct result of colonial policy by arguing that it was in fact the influence of ideas produced by nationalist thinkers. This led to the "racialization of politics" that precipitated the violent pogroms of early 1960s Zanzibar (p. 108). Against the colonial backdrop where British rulers and educators played "important supporting roles" he analyzes how African protagonists developed the racial thought that precipitated and justified acts of violence in the years leading up to independence. The overarching narrative concentrates on how and why "Africans' efforts to imagine a postcolonial political community resulted in racial violence and dehumanizing racial thought" (p. ix). Readers famili ar with Glassman's previous book, Feasts and Riot: Revelry, Rebellion, and Popular Consciousness on the Swahili Coast, 1856 1888 (Heinemann 1995) will see continuities in his approach to history. Here, in a study of a massive rebellion against the German c olonial of lower were those of paternalism and community rather than of class and nation, and where popular struggles were rarely concerned explicitly with issues of state power or the organizing of economic production" (p. xi). His analysis in this earlier work is also embedded in a comprehensive understanding of how cultura l idioms shaped the motivations of local actors. In both works, Glassman is careful to stress that these historical trajectories were not inevitable. In War of Words, War of Stones he tries to go beyond the simple stereotypes, despite the fact that his a normative mold of typecasting clear heroes and villains (p. x). I n Part I's two introductory chapters, Glassman critiques dominant instrumentalist and structural ist "misapprehensions" of African ethnicity and race to explain why he instead focuses on the "role African thinkers played in the construction of race" (p. 8). Part II, "War of Words," looks at the emergence of "exclusionary ethnic nationalism" amongst th e secular intelligentsia before turning to subaltern intellectuals' discourse. Glassman then emphasizes transformations in civil society during the late 1950s and early 1960s, which can be seen in the "newspaper wars" where the racially charged vitriol of the press contributed to "politicizing every day life" (p. 149). In the final part of the book, he shows how the "war of words" influenced and led to the "war of stones," the June 1961 election riots. The substantive part of this book ends on the eve of t he 1964 revolution, which means the coup and its aftermath are not discussed. In his conclusion and epilogue he connects his argument to the formation of contemporary Zanzibari identities. Glassman offers a bold and persuasive argument that challenges m uch scholarship on

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145 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1 2a7.pdf ethnicity, race, and colonial influence in Africa. He contends that "the rise of racial thought in colonial Zanzibar was largely the work of indigenous intellectuals, including those at the forefront of mainstream nationalism, who in the ir debates and disputations created a locally hegemonic discourse of racial difference" (p. 7). This contrasts with much of the prevailing literature which assumes that ethnic conflicts arise from colonial created social structures. Contrary to growing trend to use and insist on oral evidence, Glassman discounts oral "in grained propensity in African studies to privilege oral sources" as more authentic, which he sees instead as "allowing nationalists to shape the historical record with their own post factor self representations" (p. 7). This book is a well organized and well written account of Zanzibar's "time of politics a period spanning from the first elections in 1957 until independence in 1963. A critical political and intellectual history, this book is required reading for anyone interested in Tanzania's history. It, moreover, is a valuable contribution to literature on racial thought and relations in Africa that will appeal widely to both scholars and students. Katrina Demulling Boston Univeristy Robe rt A. Hill and Edmond J. Keller (eds). Trustee for the Human Community: Ralph J. Bunche, the United Nations, and the Decolonization of Africa. Athens: Ohio University Press, 2010. 205 pp. elationship to the continent, then, is the most useful purpose for the work. Although Trustee for the Human Community is comprised of conference papers from Africa, but it is notably the first major Trustee for the Human Community contains ten essays that analyze Bunche and Africa in three specific contexts. In Part One, Martin Kilson, Robert Edgar, Elliott P. Skinner, and Pearl T. lationship to Africa, writing on his experiences during dissertation research and the degree to which these intellectual pursuits influenced the future Crawford Young, and Georges Nzongola with Patrice Lumumba during work in the Congo. These two parts do of course overlap. I t becomes readily apparent that Bunche saw his intellectual and diplomatic pursuits as intricately connected, and the essayists take care to describe the inner dissonance their subject often experienced when theoretical ideals and practical ones did not se em to prove compatible. Ralph A. Austen and Charles Henry conclude in Part Three by providing general reflections on Bunche and his accomplishments in both arenas.

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BOOK REVIEWS | 146 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1 2a7.pdf Though this book initially adopt s a celebratory tone toward Bunche at his centenary, it doe s so with a fairly nuanced view of the subject. Rather than being a saviour or visionary, Bunche becomes a complex individual whose legacy remains subject to interpretation, as each essayist interprets it slightly differently. This, again, is the strengt h of the book. It is purely a work on African Americans in Africa more generally. Several of the authors do debate whether Bunche should be viewed as representativ e of Westerners involved in Africa or African Americans interested in Africa, and while the answer may sometimes be yes, Bunche remains unique in many important respects. The role of the United Nations in Africa may be a little overplayed, particularly to ward the independent Congo but largely exclude a description of United States or European actions there. The UN does become a useful space for analyzing the conne academic and practical interests, as his work within the organization is based both upon the theoretical conclusions of his dissertation and its ramifications for reforming the Trusteeship system as well as on his lived experiences a s an African American living in an imperial society. contradictory; the man who believed so strongly in the need for decolonization and independence still viewed A frican and Asian countries as needing guidance from the West under the Trusteeship and Mandate systems and refused to accept Pan Africanism as a productive mechanism for facilitating decolonization despite his belief in connections between Africans in the Old and New Worlds. Bunche also becomes both a pawn of the UN and one of its directors. The differing and complicated person. Trustee for the Human Community r emains, however, a highly Bunche centered work, not only in terms of subject matter, but also in its discussions. While the essays to how African leaders or his UN colleagues viewed Bunche. Integrating these perspectives would have added to the discussion on the complexity of Ralph Johnson Bunche. Additionally, fie ld. Although his intellectual and practical pursuits are related, they eventually culminate with his role at the UN. Toward the beginning of the book, Martin Kilson notes that Bunche became the first dissertator at an American university to utilize Afric an fieldwork in his studies. The focus, however, remains on Bunche as a diplomat rather than an intellectual. Trustee for the Human Community does fulfil its goal of presenting an in depth look at ip with the continent. While more information on perceptions of Bunche would have been welcome, it is overall a nuanced view of an often celebrated and occasionally maligned African American. As a short and fairly simple read, it should be appropriate fo r generalists or undergraduate audiences, as well as Africanists seeking a better understanding of Bunche. Myra Ann Houser, Howard University

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147 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1 2a7.pdf Douglas H. Johnson. Suffolk: James Currey, 2011. xix 236 p p. Following the overwhelming vote of southern Sudanese for independence from Sudan in January 2011 and the establishment of the new Republic of South Sudan on 9 July 2011, Douglas Johnson has revised first published in 2003 This revised (and final) edition contains a new preface and concluding chapter and is targeted at students, policy makers Johnson is well qualified to explain the root with that country. He holds a PhD in Sudanese history and is the g eneral e ditor at James Currey, which publishes quality academic works on Africa. The book under review relies on edge of Sudan, built from considerable time living and travelling by the central government, particularly in the south, but he is no apologist for the often dest ructive actions of some southern leaders. resolution and threaten the long term reconciliation between the central government and excluded peoples throughout th e country. The r oot causes are: An exploitive relationship between the centre and the peripheries Militant Islam Premature granting of independence in 1956 A nationalist movement narrowly based on the northern elite Economic weakness in the north, natural resources Self interested involvement of foreign governments and investors in Sudanese affairs. analysis of Suda solution must address the grievances of the marginalised who have had little reason to date to trust the state (and international mediation efforts for that matter). Johnson concludes th at these root causes of conflict can only be addressed by replacing the authoritarianism of the past with a long term process of democratic transition. However, his assessment of whether the current peace initiative based on the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Ag reement (CPA) between the g on: Self determination for the South has finally resolved the longest running dispute of ring a comprehensive peace for all root in the new republic of the South at the same time that the struggle to realise the promise of the CPA continues in the old Sudan. (p. 180) Although Johnson traces the origins of at least one of his root causes the exploitation of the peripheries by the cent er e to the early Nile states p rior to the Turco Egyptian conquest of

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BOOK REVIEWS | 148 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1 2a7.pdf and post colonial S udan takes 171 pages. Johnson is at his best in discussi ng the post independence period and does an admirable job in making sense of the intricate politics of Sudan from the 1970s onwards. Those readers new to Sudan will find the chronology invaluable, bu t the usefulness of the bibliographical essay, which was a strength of the original edition, may be limited for some. Apart from a new section at the end of the essay on Dafar and the CPA, the rest of the esssay does not appear to have been updated since t he book was first published in 2003. Thus, the A History of Modern Sudan (2008), which is also an excellent survey of Sudanese history. Similarly, the essay lists the Human Rights Watch publication, Sudan, Oil an d Human Rights Abuses as forthcoming, when it was in fact published in 2003. M y comment on the currency of the bibliography h owever, is a very minor quibble that should not detract from the value of this book to the non sis of independence, Johnson has given us a very important and useful survey history of Sudan. Sonny Lee Independe nt Scholar, Adelaide, Australia Michelle T. Kuenzi. Education and Democracy in Senegal. New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011. x iii, 190 pp. Education and Democracy in Senegal is an important contribution in the field of education in examines the effects of non formal education (NFE) on civic participation and behaviors. Kuenzi compares NFE to both formal and Koranic education in Senegal and argues that NFE 23). To advance her argument, Kuenzi engages a qualitative research study in Seneg formal education. Moreover, to investigate NFE at its core, she chooses to utilize a survey methodology of rural Senegalese citizens. T he first chapter highlights the theoretical foundations of the NFE i n general, and specifically NFE in Africa. She posits that NFE is more culturally relevant in comparison to formal education and therefore more pertinent to Senegalese citizens. Thereafter, the author takes the reader through a literary analysis of literat ure in modernization theories that support her argument that non formal education fosters positive political and democratic attitudes in its citizens. C hapter T wo provides a contextual background of the politics of Senegal from the pre colonial to the pos t independence period and how this contextual background influenced and continues to influence education in Senegal. Further in the chapter, Kuenzi brings in a discussion of the Senegalese presidential election in 2000 and its remarkable impact on ethnicit y, history, politics, and religion in the

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149 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1 2a7.pdf country. C hapter T hree offers an overview of the history of education in Senegal beginning with the French colonial rule and its influence on the education system through to the current education system. In Chapter F our, Kuenzi embarks on her qualitative research study by presenting the different aspects of her study including its design, sample population and its applicability to the countries around the world. C hapter F ive presents an analysis of the findin gs as it relates to and supports civic and social political attitudes and participation. The results as is expected from the modernization theories advanced at the outset, suggested that NFE considerably appears to promote positive changes in political an d civic behaviors and attitudes. Both C hapters F ive and S ix analyze research findings from the survey conducted in rural Senegal. While chapter five discusses at length a bivariate analysis of the findings, C hapter S ix focuses on multivariate analysis of t he findings. T he final chapter offers Kuenzi thoughtful observation and presents policy implications of NFE in Senegal. She particularly focuses on how the findings affect and impact women empowerment in general, as this is the group mostly benefiting fr om NFE. In conclusion, with regard to validity of the study, Kuenzi applies different qualifying checks including giving specific details of the research context and methodology. She particularly presents the minute details as to the qualifying checks and measures that were put in place most importantly, to minimize errors and to give the reader a comprehensive and substantive picture of the study. Kuenzi makes a solid contribution to the literature o n education in Senegal and on non formal education in g eneral. She succeeds in advancing her argument that NFE has positive effects in its adult citizens by influencing their democratic choices in voting and in approaching community leaders. However, Kuenzi does not explicitly and evidentially show how the NFE helps individuals to reach for leadership positions or provide examples of individuals who benefited from NFE and made discernable changes in their lives, society or in their country as a whole. Rather the positive democratic behaviors and attitudes seem superficial and do not demonstrate active political participation and involvement. Also in putting emphasis on NFE as being more favorable to democratic practices, the author tends to underestimate the impact of other forms of education such as Koranic edu cation in empowering its recipients. Furthermore, I found her selective use of modernization theory as appropriate but rather contrived, study would benefit more if an a priori research design was utilized to give room for emergent frameworks from the field. In conclusion, besides filling a gap in literature on non formal education in Senegal, the book is a noteworthy addition to literature in education in Africa and literature on the scholars and students in the education field and to those engaged in African studies. Anne Jebet Wa liaula, University of Wisconsin, Madison.

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BOOK REVIEWS | 150 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1 2a7.pdf Janie L. Leatherma n Sexual Violence and Armed Conflict Cambridge and Oxford, UK and Boston: Polity Press 2011. 242 pp Sexual Violence and Armed Conflict offers a comprehensive look at the issue of sexual violence in modern warfare. Leatherman asserts at the outset that sexual violence is neither a new or modern day phenomenon. History has informed us that rape has been part of warfare since time immemori al. It may not have been openly discussed as Leatherman explains that historically it was taboo to investigate sexual violence in armed conflict, one reason being it is seemingly impossible to understand these acts. But what has changed? M any people stil l find it hard to understand the barbaric acts of sexual violence more so in an information age where graphic images of victims of modern warfare are easily accessible. Notwithstanding, the present information overload can lead to viewer fatigue and an e nsuing lack of understanding and empathy. I recently read an article about Land of Blood and Honey the upcoming movie by the actress Angelina Jolie based on the Bosnia War. The readers were asked to comment on the article. The following comment was quit e striking : W ar is war. Rape is a consequence of war. Every war known to man has had rapes in them. As wrong as it may be, it has happened and will always happen. Just as people are killed, Collateral damage is always there too. Stop looking for the ultimate answer because nothing you do or anyone else does will stop torture and rape in wars. I wish it would but that is not reality ( http://www .cnn.com/2012/01/04/opinion/lemmon jolie movie women war/index.html?iref=allsearch ) Nonetheless, in this highly conceptualized book, Leatherman offer s an analytical framework to define the many reasons that have been put forward for sexual violence in arm ed conflict. The book offers a much needed structure to studying the issue as a subject in its own right and is a must read for students pursuing courses in m odern w arfare and other related courses. Leather man draws from three theories e ssentialism, s truc turalism and s ocial c onstructivism w hich she used to complement the wealth of information drawn from case studies and research on conflict and post conflict countries like the DRC, Sierra Leone, Rwanda and Bosnia. She regards sexual violence in war as a runaway norm that crosses four thresholds : ( i) the type of violence of which rape is the act most commonly associated with sexual violence in war,( ii) its target ( iii) agency and ( iv) the loss of neutrality and safe space. p atriarchy. Gender inequality predisposes women to the type of violence experienced not only in war but peace time. In true Feminist style it is argued that this subordinate position women oc cupy is no coincidence. In chapter 3 Leatherman successfully argues this point by drawing from cross national studies that demonstrates the role of gender inequality in the social construction of violence. Numerous studies conducted by reputable organizat ions show that social and cultural practices in many societies go unquestioned and increasingly portray women and girls as vulnerable thereby exposing them to further risks when law and order breaks down. and is bound to spark the debate with critics of f eminism, who are quick to draw from the few successes of gender equality to claim

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151 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1 2a7.pdf that the feminist movement has achieved its goals. It is against this token achievement that I wish to urge caution when Le atherman claims that with the creation of n ational and i nternational laws prohibiting the use of sexual violence as a weapon of war the day of impunity is over for the militarized capitalist system. But which of the players in that system can be held accou ntable ? W e know that k ey players mentioned in chapter t he most insightful chapter of the book s uch as the m ining companies in the e astern Congo are not. In 2011 Global Witness a whistle blowing NGO, refus al to address the clear links between diamonds, violence and tyranny. There is also the herculean task of institutional reforms in highly patriarchal countries like Sierra Leone where gender inequalities are entrenched through discriminatory laws and cust oms. High levels of poverty and illiteracy also prevents women in such societies from seeking to uphold their i nternationally recognized rights. The silence may have ended but justice for women like Boali the courage to testify be is a long way off. Nonetheless, Sexual Violence and Armed Conflict is another milestone in the effort to end sexual violence be it in peace or war time. Nafisatu Koroma School of Oriental and African Studies Simon Lewis. British and African Literature in Transnational Context Gainesville : Florida University Press, 2011. 257 p p This book is a powerful call for ceasing to write the story of Africa and Africans from Anglo centric, metropolitan, racist and hegemonic or narrowly nationalist perspectives. It advocates a liberation of African literature from any tutelage and insists on the place, contribution, and centrality of African literature in the British literary and world canons. Equally, it is about intersections, interrelations and interconnectedness and shows how Africans and the British share a great deal of their literary and historical traditions. This, however, has not been reflected in the writing and rewriting of Africa and Africans since African literature is still perceived as an appendage to the British one. A wide and rich variety of texts for analysis provide dialectical readings of nation, race, ethnicity, class, gender and sexuality. Some belong to authoritative writers such as Chinua Achebe, Buchi Emecheta, Wole Soyinka, T.S Eliot and Caryl Churchill; others are not yet part of the canons like Abdulrazak Gurnah, Alan Hollinghurst, Yvette Christianse and Chris Van Wyc k. All these writers belong to British and African traditions; span a long span of time extending from 1958 to 2007; represent different parts of Africa and different African identities; and come from different political orientations in terms of their nati onal, racial, ethnic, gender, class and sexual affiliations. and uses the same conceptual tools the latter used in Culture and Imperialism a new integrative o r contrapuntal orientation in history that sees western and non western experiences

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BOOK REVIEWS | 152 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1 2a7.pdf utopian vision which re investment in a particular sort of nomadic, migratory, and anti (Said, p. 279). constructions of Africa and Africans to go beyond the contrapunt al reading of africanism of colonialist discourse and that of pan Africanist rhetoric. He rejects racially exclusive nationalism, which can solely produce narrowly national literary canons accompanied by local tyranny and advocates hybridity to subvert suc h nationalism. Yet, Lewis maintains that the national identity of individuals within a given state together with the national sovereignty for the national within the international community should be affirmed. One of the major objectives of this book is t o thoroughly oppose Manichean impulses, which view history exclusively in conflict terms and reduces it to an ongoing binary opposition between them and us. Lewis is strongly critical of nativism, racism and European colonialism and the supporting discour ses that have lasted well beyond the formal period of colonialism. Race is a social construct, he suggests, with no biological basis and this argument partly aims at undermining and eventually do away with it. That is the humanist aspect of the book in a sserting the transnational nature of the whole field of writing in English about Africa in the second half of the twentieth century by demonstrating that British literature about Africa and African literature in English are one and cannot be perceived as s eparate lexicons because the history of Britain and that of Africa have been intersecting for long. For this purpose, Lewis claims the recognition and full inclusion of African literature written in English in the orthodox canon and histories of English la nguage literature. champion any single and uniform approach and does not claim to offer a comprehensive analysis of the selected texts in spite of the wide geography and his tory they cover. His motive is rather to undo whatever damage colonial Africanist and African nationalist discourses have done to Africa a nd African identity with words. d Africans and their stubborn insistence in reproducing generalizing tropes of African otherness and neglecting local specificities. His texts show the hegemonic role of English as a linguistic medium in which the narrative of the world became the sacred w ord. Englishness is moreover depicted as an exclusively male construction based on an amalgam of attitudes towards others, whether their otherness is defined in terms of ra ce, nation, class or gender. For Lewis, English is still a racially exclusive catego ry not yet prepared to house African writers of the calibre of Achebe or Soyinka. These and others remain invisible in the still selective and nationalist English literary history. It is not striking, therefore, that these Anglophone African writers each i n his/her way travel between and most often blend narratives that focus on local differences and narratives that highlight universal commonalities. Adel Manai University Tunis El Manar

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153 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1 2a7.pdf JoAnn McGregor. Crossing the Zambezi : The Politics of Landscape on a C entral African Frontier Suffolk: James Curr e y, 2009. 237 pp. JoAnn McGregor undertakes a challenging endeavor: to historicize the processes of claim making developed between 1850s and 2000 along both margins of a mid Zambezian landscape. This history o f competing cultural, political, and economic claims to and appropriations of the Zambezi is limited to the section of the river between Victoria Falls and Lake Kariba. According to the author, imperial explorations of and colonial interventions in the mid Zambezi and their unsettled legacies influenced post colonial conflicts over the waters in this part of the river. Thus, McGregor begins this history of competing claims over the mid Zambezi frontier during a impact on the landscape and the river populations. nineteenth century, followed by the construction of t he Victoria Falls Bridge in 1905 and of the Kariba D am in the early1950s. The second storyline focuses on the struggle over the Zambezi as a borderland, an analysis that embraces both the complex dynamics of the pre colonial frontier as well as the subsequ ent formation of the colonial state border. Here the author pays special attention to the politics of border identity and explores how imaginary as well as material aspects of colonial and post colonial frontiers relate to pre colonial hierarchical relatio ns between decentralized groups and the major state systems in the nineteenth century. The book consists of ten chapters. T he introductory first chapter sums up some of the recent scholarship on landscape that informs and frames the study. Drawing on the b orrowed on counter narratives, contestation, and alternative sites on the river, McGregor aims to avoid depoliticized and ahistorical constructions in this excell ent study. Her analytical approach is clearly trans disciplinary, combining concepts raised in historical geography, history, and anthropological oriented theory. The following two chapters contain insights into pre colonial history and examine imperial di scourses about the mid Zambezi. Thus, chapter two discusses oral histories told by present specifically those related to river crossing and to some ritual practices at particular landscape sites colonial modes of ethnographic writings, tracing accurately the way local interpr influenced him and shaped his writings, as much as the transition process by which the river colonial states. The consequences of marking the border are analyzed in chapter four. Here, McGregor goes into detail on the impact that the new state structures of authority and colonial political and economi c centers. Chapters five and six turn to the construction of two mega engineering works the Victoria Falls Bridge and the Kariba D am emphasizing their political uses within the expansionist colonial state and the way they affected the formation of identi ty of the Tonga communities. Chapter six reconstructs the process of their displacement and

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BOOK REVIEWS | 154 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1 2a7.pdf resettlement in Northern and Southern Rhodesia after the damming of the river. Chapters seven and eight focus on the development of a nationalist consciousness in t he Zambezi borderlands exemplified in the Tonga and Nambya ethnic mobilizations and on the politics of cultural recognition, its demands and stress on cultural difference, which took shape after i ndependence. Methodologically innovative, chapter nine deplo ys commissioned diaries from Kariba Tonga gillnet fishermen to explore their present day fishing and trading livelihoods, which shed light on local networks and on both legal and unregulated practices in relation to state authority. The last chapter discus ses the post colonial political uses of the landscape, tourism and heritage industries at Victoria Falls, analyzing their influence on local claims today. This excellent work is a pleasure to read and will be of interest not only to historians, geographe rs, and anthropologists concerned with southern and central Africa, but also to Africanist scholars and students at large. Perhaps a glossary listing the acronyms used in some chapters could be of help for readers unfamiliar with the area and the research topic. Despite the good selection of photographs and other visual aids supportive of the text, the addition of some more maps to locate the area of study in the districts of Hwange and Binga would have loy an extensive array of different sources throughout her analysis is exceptional and doubtless one of the attractions of this stimulating and well documented book. making processes in Africa within a framework of longue dure skilfully including the pre colonial past into the analysis. Arguable is to what extent present day oral sources of the Tonga (in myths, tales colonial modes of discourse this study is less about theorizing than about historicizing processes and transitions, and this goal is masterly fulfilled. Olga Sicili a University of Vienna Elias Mpofu ( e d ). Counseling People of African Ancestry New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011. xix, 332 p p This book is aimed at psychologists, counselors, social workers location to include anyone who proclaim s African self book are divided in to three parts, and a concluding chapter synthesizes and integrates the counseling in African settings and includes chapters on such topics as the role of indigenous healing practices in Sub Saharan Africa, the role of oral tradition, issues regarding assessments for counseling, the history of counseling research in African settings, and bu ilding an empowerment model in the context of racial oppression and colonization. The second section of

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155 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1 2a7.pdf the book examines counseling in various contexts, and chapters here focus on school counseling, counseling students at tertiary institutions, family the rapy, pastoral care and counseling, refugees, orphans and vulnerable children, and the relationship of the social psychology of peace building and conflict resolution to counseling. One chapter in the book focuses upon diversity counseling with African Ame ricans, and reviews issues regarding understanding culturally appropriate counseling interventions, notes barriers to counseling, considers the impact of counselor client discussions of race, and identifies a paucity of research with such populations as el ders and multiracials. The third part of the book offers several chapters devoted to various counseling applications, including trauma, HIV/AIDS, substance use disorder (including the most commonly abused substances in Africa, alcohol, cannabis, and khat, and lesser known ones, such as tik), careers, and people with disabilities. Australia. He brings over twenty years of experience to this project, with research interest s in disability, complementary and alternative health (CAM), and, of course, Africa. Most of the chapter contributors hail from Southern Africa (predominantly South Africa, as well as Botswana Malawi, Namibia, Zambia, and Zimbabwe), though several are ba sed at universities in the U.S., the U.K., Australia, and other nations around the globe. Most of the authors are PhD psychologists, though contributors also include a MD and a MSW. This geographic range permits discussion of a range of essential topics O ne hopes that future projects adapt this contrary to the stereotypes held authors do discuss other regions in Africa and around the globe, for instance when discussing Somali refugees to Australia (p. 287) or refugees and displaced persons from the Great Lakes Region. Fur there is considerable diversity in cultural aspects salient to subgroups within the same generic mix, for which creative or innovative approaches to counseling services provi sion would be A number of the chapters emphasize the challenges involved when Western psychological approaches meet African cosmologies and ways of knowing. Repeatedly, the chapter authors note the value and importance of respecting t raditional healers and indigenous healing and Africans seek health care services and b y extension mental health care services fr om 314). Authors here argue that rather than accept a situation in which old and new systems operate at cross purposes, as has often been the case since colonial times, counselors and other helpers should focus on facilitating and improving collaboration and dialogue between counselors and traditional healers, and on improving integration of more formal counseling systems with indigenous healing systems. For thousands of years, traditional practices have been a source of comfort and healing for Africans in tim es of unbearable pain and despair. Rather than attempting to overturn such practices, which would largely be impossible, the authors argue for integration, collaboration, and mutual respect.

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BOOK REVIEWS | 156 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1 2a7.pdf Several chapter authors point out that research methods appropr iate for the African context may include more qualitative, ethnographic, narrative, and phenomenological approaches in contrast to the positivistic, quantitative approach of some Western psychological work. However, one approach of the West that may more e asily apply to Africa is family therapy, as the role of the extended family and community in many African societies has long been recognized by traditional healers and by people of African ancestry. Thus, the fact that published family therapy research thu s far hails mostly from the USA is troubling, especially in light of such facts as in forty seven years not one article with a first author from the Middle East or Africa has been published in the journal Family Process (p. 143). Indeed, many contributors note the paucity of research on psychological issues in Africa, particularly regarding questions concerning the appropriateness of Western psychological assessments and diagnoses in the Africa context. For instance, Western psycho metric assessments for career development are often inappropriate for use in the South African context, where narrative approaches and qualitative career assessments may offer a better fit (p. 290). Other issues in cross cultural assessment include differi ng conceptualizations and classifications of illnesses, linguistic equivalence of instruments such as surveys, appropriateness of test content, measurement, and delivery method, and the cultural relevance of the assessment. For example, does a given assess ment really measure cognitive ability or only amount of formal education? in many societies the formal education system is essentially chauvinistic, patriarchal, racist, and sexist, groups in America and othe measures such education and its correlates is problematic at best. The present book never shies away from revealing uncomfortable information regarding racial oppression and the impact of co lonization, or troubling statistics regarding health issues, yet it also offers evidence based reason for optimism and hope. For instance, readers learn that over eleven percent of South Africans have been victims of a violent crime in a one year period, t wenty three percent of adults there have been exposed to one or more violent events and eighty percent of adolescents in Cape Town have experienced at least one traumatic event (pp. 236 3 7). However, elsewhere in the book, authors point to inspiring storie s such as how a community intervention in Stellenbosch (near Cape Town), based upon liberation and empowerment concepts transformed a group of youth. Approaches such as mentored field trips, including one to Robben Island, aimed at engaging youth with hist ory and encouraging them to rise beyond adversities which may currently limit them. While such techniques seem far from the standard fifty minute therapeutic counseling hour common in the Unites States, evidence presented in this book suggests that these p ositive psychological techniques are an appropriate fit for this African setting. One concept that is referred to extensively throughout the book is Ubuntu. The importance of this concept for counseling is underscored by the fact that it appears in so many chapters. This complex term is difficult to simply translate, but Watson and colleagues offer an extended discussion of it in their chapter, explaining how this Nguni term and related terms are common in Southern Africa, and how it derives f rom a Bantu word referring to personhood (p.

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157 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1 2a7.pdf 282). The term implies, among other dimensions, the meaning of life through human relations, communal spirituality and ceremony, the importance of respecting, caring for, and helping others, group solidarity, an d human interdependence. The authors emphasize the process dimension of the concept, in the sense of becoming fully (that is, a moral) human and note that Nelson Mandela refers to a proverb which reflects the Ubuntu because o people of African ancestry as several authors make clear. In sum, this book represents a landmark contribution to our understanding of counseling people of African ancestry and offers an indispensable resource for psychologists and other care providers working with such populations. Additionally, each chapter of the book is carefully designed with features that make the book attractive as an instructional text, appropriate for college and university level students. Such features include chapter overviews and learning objectives printed at the start of each chapter, and full bibliographies, lists of useful websites, self check exercises, and field based experiential exercises at the end of each chapter. Chapters also include ample research, discussion, and case study boxes, each of which includes several questions that will certainly inspire reflection and stimulating conversation. Beyond those helping professionals already m entioned, all who care about Africa should read this book. Omar Ahmed and Grant J. Rich International Psychology Bulletin Juneau, Alaska Mara Naaman Urban Space in Contemporary Egyptian Literature: Portraits of Cairo New York: Palgrave McMillan, 2011. X xv, 227 pp. Urban Space in Contemporary Egyptian Literature is part of the exciting growing literature situated at the disciplinary crossroads of literary/cultural studies and urban studies/social geography. Writing in the tradition of the theoretical explorations of space and place pioneered by the likes of Walte r Benjamin, Michel de Certeau, Henri Lefebvre, Guy Debord, Edward Soja, and Mike Davis, Naaman and other similarly oriented contemporary critics takes as their point of departure how sp ace being zoned, politicized, and symbolically laden pl aces produce tex pp. 1, 11 12). Balad district of Cairo, a quarter developed b during the eighteen si A Piece of Europe Salih Hisa Po or (2005), and Alaa al The Yacoubian Building (2003) negotiate the confluence of colonization, incipient nationalism, modernization, and spectacle that Wust al Balad marked over the course of the twentieth century. Naaman admirably follows her program of charting literary responses to the manner in Balad ( p. 177), whose spatio social psychological importance was recently highlighted by the

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BOOK REVIEWS | 158 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1 2a7.pdf revolutionary prote sts that erupted in its Tahir Square during the early months of 2011, leading to the downfall of pro American dictator Hosni Mubarak. In her analysis of A Piece of Europe Balad represented a European model of modernity foisted upon the people of Egypt and thus alienating them until, with the looting and burning of January 1952, they could popularly resist and reclaim this exogenous spatial imposition. Salih Hisa on the other hand, poses an alternative, indige nous form of being modern and urbane through its evocation of the society and cultural exchanges of a ghurza (hashish caf) located adjacent to Wust al Balad, according to Naaman. Much more critical of Egyptian society due to its marginalization of its Nub failed revolution that simply substituted an Egyptian military elite for the privileged Westerners whose fo rmer abodes in Wust al Balad they came to occupy after Egypt achieved independence under Nasser. Finally, Naaman traces how in the popularly successful The Yacoubian Building al proje p. 140) by celebrating the grandeur of Wust al the corruption and stark socio economic stratification of early tw enty first century Egyptian society. All told, Urban Space in Contemporary Egyptian Literature serves as a sterling example of how a work of literary criticism can take up the complex intersection of social and cultural forces that diachronically inform a quarter loaded with so much cultural and political significance, this study maintains an accessible level of focus and illustrates how the different registers of urban place (imme diate physical surroundings, neighborhood, city, nation, region, etc.) mutually inform each other. Recommended for students and scholars of Arab Islamic literature, postcolonial literature, and critical place studies (aka geocriticism). Michael K. Walonen Bethune Cookman University Krijn Peters. War and the Crisis of Youth in Sierra Leone London and Cambridge: International African Institute and Cambridge University Press, 2011. xvi, 274 pp. By now there are a number of in depth ethnographies that are essential if we are to understand properly the violent civil wars in West Africa in general and Sierra Leone in particular. For Bush Wives and Girl Soldiers (Cornell UP, 2009) addresses the lives of young Sierra Leonean women under, before and after the war in a most powerful and The War Machines (Duke UP, 2011) is an path breaking ethnography that offers a completely nove l analytical framework for the anthropology of war in general, and for the interconnected wars in the West African Mano River Basin region in War and the Crisis of Youth in Sierra Leone

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159 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1 2a7.pdf P book is fresh, provocative, and brilliantly honest. He stresses that the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) rebel movement started out as something unexpectedly coherent, which proves it as something very different from the chaotic agent of the comin g builds on his PhD research in rural development sociology, mostly carried out in the post war context, in three periods between 2001 and 2006, with some preli minary fieldwork carried out in 1996 and 2000. He ends his book with a useful chronology that helps the reader contextualize his fieldwork: the RUF rebels entered Sierra Leone in 1991, to finally demobilize and leave the scene around 2002, while the moveme In positioning his work, Peters notes that most of the material that has been produced on enemies and opponent s of the RUF. Only a token effort, Peters argues, has been made to include information gathered from the RUF itself, whether leadership or rank and file. This is the gap any young people proved to be vulnerable to militia conscription in general, and more specifically how the 12). I t is a powerful portrayal of the simplicity of participant observation and reflection S till I personally would have appreciated reading more about how exactly the ethnographic field unfolded in front of the researcher, e.g. the everyday procedures of goin g there and listen to stories of war that were narrated after the fact. Anyway, in pursuing his ethnographic agenda, Peters formulates the central hypothesis of the book. The RUF is to be considered, he says, an extremely violent revolt of marginalized you ng rural Sierra Leoneans. collapsing neo patrimonial one party state. Peters combines a background description with a contextual and qualitative analysis presenting the reader with a clear narrative of the rise and fall of the RUF. It started out as a genuine revolutionary movement which however, with no way out for those part of it, soon unstable generalized description of the movement. important analysis does in no way deny this end station; indeed, as already mentioned, he outlines the gene ral crisis that gave birth to the RUF, but also the evolving crisis that changed the movement, and finally, with some kind of peace at the horizon, destroyed it. What Peters basically does with his book is to start the analysis where many other observers e ffortlessly end up: if the RUF was something extremely unstable and unpredictably paranoid, the movement has only too easily been dismissed as incomprehensive. Even if the RUF indeed made itself into something that may be difficult to comprehend, emotional ly more than intellectually perhaps, Peters offers an indispensable analysis of a violent social and

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BOOK REVIEWS | 160 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1 2a7.pdf historical process of collapsing powers, oscillating from the local to the global and back again, whereby incomprehensiveness was made. Well aware that he enters an academic debate that has turned out to be a bitter parallel to the Sierra Leonean war itself, Peters is careful to always position himself and his material in relation to the conventional wisdom he sets out to scrutinize. Written in a clear and f rank way, it is a very revealing account, and an essential reference to the war in Sierra Leone. It is really suitable for any kind of readership, Africanists and non Africanists alike, even if I doubt that students will think that they can afford yet anot her ridiculously expensive hardback of the International African Institute, now with a new partner in publishing, Cambridge University Press. There are Kindle and eBook editions as well, but also these are surprisingly expensive. Sverker Finnstrm, Uppsala University, Sweden William Reno. Warfare in Independent Africa: New Approaches to African History Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011. 271 pp. Organizing the totality of post independence African history may be considered a reasonably daunting t ask when reflecting on the multiple influences from both the domestic and international environment account of armed conflict on the continent, as viewed through the milieu of rebellion, pr ovides an intriguing examination of African history that succeeds in summarizing the general characteristics of African state development while simultaneously contributing detailed descriptions of rebel groups and their operations through the post independ ence period. In other words, by examining the history of rebellion and conflict one gains an insight into how such rebel groups comprise elements of the state building project in independent Africa, as well as an alternative perspective of the historical r ecord with regard to the manner of intrastate conflict, as opposed to interstate conflict Through this lens of rebel conflict, Reno organizes post independence African history by the nature of rebel groups operating in distinct periods. This includes a ty pology rebel groups categorized in five areas: (1) anti colonial rebels (1961 1974), largely exemplified by rebel groups in Guinea, Mozambique, and Angola; (2) majority rule rebels (1960s 1990s), incorporating rebel groups from Namibia, South Africa, and Z imbabwe; (3) reform rebels (1970s 1990s), including the National Resistance Movement in Uganda, the Rwandan Patriotic Front, the Eritrean rebels (1990s 2000s), lar gely characterized by groups in Somalia, Liberia, Sierra Leone, and the Democratic Republic of Congo seeking private interests with little regard to public administration; and (5) parochial rebels (1990s 2000s) consisting of groups with interests in protec ting their perceived neglected communities. Reno organizes the text largely around this typology, with chapters dedicated to each type of rebel group. One noteworthy and recurring theme is the manner in which each type of group acted as a reflection of the state system in which they were embedded. As such, the manner in which rebels recruited supporters was heavily influenced by structural elements derived from within and outside of the state (p. 4).

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161 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1 2a7.pdf Furthermore, Reno highlights how rebels of all types expl described as areas of society where the state held little control, but where rebel groups could thrive through the extension of networks of support and obtainment of other needed resources (p. 32). Unlike earlier expl anations of statebuilding that emphasize the significance of interstate warfare in relation to capacity building endeavors (Tilly 1992; Herbst 2000), Africa remains rather distinct in not experiencing a similar trajectory of capacity through warfare that o ther regions experienced. In contrast to explanations emphasizing the development of the state rebel groups had to build the extractive tools of administration to collect taxes in their liberated zones and ensure the compliance and support of local people through courts and effective policing. In short, they had to create a state within a state." (p. 30; Tilly 1985) plaining the development of the state in Africa in a manner that links with traditional explanations of statebuilding while also retaining (1975, p. 42), so too may this assessment be relevant to African history with regard to rebel conflict in the post colonial era. This text not only describes the evolution of rebel conflict on the African continent, it furthermore provides a link towards theorizing the relationship between rebellion and state development. As such, this text would be a worthwhile addition for anyone interested in the development of the African state, as well as for those with more general interests in international security and state building. References Herbst, Jeffrey. 2000. States and Power in Africa: Comparative Lessons in Authority and Control Princeton: Princeton University Press on the History of European State Making n The Formation of National States in Western Europe ed. Charles Tilly ( Princeton: Princeton University Press ): 3 83. _____ 1990. Coercion, Capital, and European States: A.D. 900 1992. Cambridge: Blackwell. Nicholas D. Knowlton University of Florida ul and Ralph A. Austen (eds.). Viewing African Cinema in the Twenty First Century: Art Films and the Nollywood Video Revolution Athens: Ohio University Press, 2010. 237p p Th is a collection of essays focuses on contemporary African video and art cinemas. According to the opening acknowledgements, this book is the fourth and most recent product in a string of conferences and anthologies that began with the International Film and History Conference at the University of Cape Town in 2002 (p. vii). In the cu bring together the two distinct traditions of art cinema and video films in Africa in order to forty plus years[,] and to an alyze specific FESPACO and Nollywood films from a fresh

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BOOK REVIEWS | 162 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1 2a7.pdf comparative perspective (p. 3). Although ultimately this comparative analysis is somewhat uneven in its considerations of African art cinema, for those interested in African video films and culture the collection offers useful analyses. The thirteen essays assembled in this anthology are organized into three sections. structure, in Africa, and examine topics relating to the Nigerian video industry including its study (Haynes, C hapter 1) and criticism (Okome, C hapter 2), its impact on other national video industries (Meyer, C hapter 3 and Krings, C hapter 5), and a look at religion and censorship in northern Nigerian video films (Adamu, C hapter 4). th is section consider the ways African audiences engage with foreign films by discussing commentary and oral viewing practices (Bouchard, C hapter 6) and audience tastes in Tanzania (Fair, C remaining six essays address African art films, covering topics including art and politic s in hapter 8), the art film industry in Tanzania (Bryce, C hapter 9), style Emita (Rist, C hapter 10), differe nces between art films and Nollywood videos in pedagogy (Sereda, C hapter 11) and modernity (Green Simms, C hapter 12), and California C hapter 13). Despite these many chapters on art film, the primary strengt h of this collection is in its Okome offers an insightful analysis of the critical discourse surrounding Nollywood, arguing persuasively that such practices are attem pts at cultural mediation, and that they ultimately overlook the value and significance of the Nollywood video industry. In C hapters 3 and 5, respectively Birgit Meyer and Matthias Krings successfully articulate the effects of Nollywood on the development of the Ghanaian and Tanzanian video industries. In addition, although Lind sey Green C with art films, it examines these films by putting them in conversation with video films, tracing the automobile as a metaphor for modernity through both forms and drawing meaningful conclusions about shifting attitudes in African society. Although the bulk of this volume is best suited for the study of video films and culture, for those interested in African art cinema, Mahir C a well researched and clearly written analysis of celluloid cinema in francophone Africa. Similarly, Cornelius Moore als C hapter 13). However, while the succinct history of California Newsreel and its relationship with African art cinema is enlighten ing, the essay is short and includes no citations for future reference.

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163 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1 2a7.pdf Overall, Viewing African Cinema in the Twenty First Century is a useful reference for those students generally interested in Africa than for film and media scholars in particular, both are likely to find value in the anthol unfocused after the first section on Nollywood, most essays are thoughtful and well written, and provide a valuable contribution to the study of contemporary cinema in Africa. Lorien R. Hunter, Universit y of Southern California Symphony Way Pave Dwellers. No Land! No H ouse! No Vote! Voices from Symphony Way Cape Town: Pambazuka Press, 2011. xvii, 141 pp. No Land! No House! No Vote! is a campaign and a movement of the poor in South Africa. It is a campaig n that demands for the boycott of the vote as a way to make the government deliver on issues of basic importance to the poor such as land and housing. The title of this book is aconian land and housing policies. These people were illegally evicted from their homes by government with nowhere to go. They built shacks on pavements opposite the housing project fr om where they were evicted from and t hen organized themselves into the S ymphony Way Anti Eviction Campaign as a way to demand their housing rights. The theme of this book is hinged on their struggle for land and housing rights as well as for their dignity as human beings. The book is a compilation of different short stories fr om different persons and families in the pave dwelling community. B eginning with an introduction, each of the stories forms a chapter of the book. All stories in the book draw solely from the personal, family or community experiences of the contributors. The book comes with high quality illustrative color photographs showing the numerous plights of the contributors. It also begins with a glossary of people, places and terms. Then a Foreword written is by Raj Patel (activist and author) and an Introductio n written by Miloon Kothari (f ormer UN Special Rapporteur for housing). This does not mean that the book makes for very easy reading. It is entirely written in the raw street style of the pave dwellers the C ape Flats slang. In general, the book challenges the assertion that there is only one genuine gives readers an authentic peek into their community. There is no thematic order to this collection of stories. The stories are only arranged according to where the authors live in the community. A community map showing aerial layout of Symphony Way community is included in the book (p. 6). inherent in world. To those who might have viewed South Africa as the Eldorado ub Saharan Africa, these writers may have bluntly exposed their ignorance by showcasing the poverty that lies in the heart of that country. The story of Lola Wentzel (p. 15) describing an unusual account of

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BOOK REVIEWS | 164 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1 2a7.pdf sexual violence is bound to haunt a reader long after the book is read. The story of Florrie Langenhoven (p. 63) brings to fore the fact that poverty and hardship can have positive consequences the spirit of sharing. The story of Sharon and Conway Payn (p. 117) describing their sea of tr oubles in Symphony W ay would leave tears of sympathy on the cheek of readers. These true stories throw more light on the insecurity of poor South African urban communities and how such a situation could result to strong community spirit amongst residents. Furthermore, they depi ct how residents of an informal settlement developed survival strategies through media press statements, popular education; as well as legal through direct and solidarity actions. In sum, the Symphony Way Pave Dwellers have written a uniquely unprofessiona l and thoroughly stimulating book. It will be of wide general appeal to many readers. However, it is an interesting anthology that seems primarily written for human rights activists, development experts, activist poets and African politicians who have the courage to listen to poor voices on the street. Researchers with interests in urban community development, sustainable housing or land tenure security issues would find the book very resourceful. Readers with a general curiosity for the turbulent recent p ast of South Africa will find it really revealing. Within its expanded upon. Uchendu E. Chigbu, Technische Universitt Mnchen, Germany Aili Mari Tripp. Paradoxes of Power in a Hybrid R egime Boulder CO : Lynne Rienner Publishers 2010. 222 pp. serves as the case study of hybrid regimes, popularly known as semiauthoritarian regimes. Such regimes find themselves fraught with contradicti ons for while their leaders adopt trappings of democracy, they at the same time pervert democracy and this through patronage and largesse, use of violence and repression for the sole purpose of remaining in power. And so, hybrid regimes like that in Ugand a embody two divergent impulses: they promote civil rights and yet unpredictably curtail those same rights and liberties. After two decades of authoritarian governments, Ugandans broke from chaos under president Yoweri Museveni who brought much of the country under his control, pacifying and drawing in various fighting factions under the rubric of a national army and, for a long time Museveni was widely acclaimed by foreign correspondents, donors, diplomats and some academics as a new style of African leader to be emulated. But though the conception was that Uganda was an oasis of stability, economic progress and democracy, many Ugandans felt that this was a frustrating mirage and grossly deceptive image which, to them the true picture was different. That NRM government never built its house the way it said and was expected to build; its house became a troubled house and a home of dissention and NRM leadership experienced tensions between contradictory needs of maintaining control and pressure for grea ter openness

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165 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1 2a7.pdf and democracy. A group of loyal supporters of NRM known as Malwa Group resisted the efforts to change the constitution in order to lift presidential term limits, and some of their members were fired. Moving from a no party state, the country opened to multipartyism and brought about opening up space for civil and political society And, when in 1998 parliament began to show some independence, it was soon beaten to submission, sometimes quite literally. Though the human rights and political rig hts situation in Uganda improved considerably after Museveni came to power and has continued to improve overall, it eroded. promoted business and is less apt to interfere with the private ownership of property, liberalization of trade, lifting producer prices on export crops and liberalization of investment laws to facilitate export of profits and encourage foreign investment, opening up of capital markets has encouraged not onl y export growth but at the same time encouraged legitimizing some of his more undemocratic tendencies. The same can be said of donor support, which with the intension of strengthening political liberation at times unintentionally done the same. With Ugan da as the case study, the book has brought to the fore the plight of building such regimes and presented him as a captive of the same system. If Museveni is only a captive of such, who is responsible for its construction or perpetuation? Does it mean the benefit of the system? If such leaders as Museveni step in leadership wit h an aim of democratizing and changing the leadership structures they find in place, what makes them not to go full throttle into system and leadership change? Why do they retract along the way? I find a common characteristic in semiauthoritarian regimes the need to hold on to power: p residents like Omar Bongo Maummar Gaddafi, Ali Abdulla Saleh of Yemen Eduardo Dos Santos of Angola, Egypt Hosni Mubarak, Zimbabwe Robert Mugabe, Zine al Abidine and Yoweri Museveni remained or have continued in power for more than twenty years. Elsewhere I have asked that when leaders lead for such prolonged periods, what enable them to remain in power for such prolonged length of time in leadership. Ar e they endeared, endowed with capabilities, entrenched, viewed as entitled, or simply oblivious? (Kihiko, 2010) period of leadership based on his belief that he is the one who hunted and killed the animal (liberated Uganda from auth oritarian regimes) and so is now entitled to eat at the table without being told to leave? Indeed, another dimension to this is that after the father has stayed for so long in leadership, he feels that the only person he can safely and comfortably hand ove r power to is his sibling, especially his son. How can donors keep an eye on the situation in a way that they do not in any way fund and thus entrench such a system? What can citizenry do to get themselves out of such a system? This book appropriately brou ght to the fore the issues underlying such a system, but more questions must be confronted to heal the wound s the writer notes

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BOOK REVIEWS | 166 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1 2a7.pdf References Kihiko, Moses Kibe 2010 Public Leadership: The Ten Defining Moments How Leaders Acquire and Handle Fame, Power and Glory. Kansas City, MO: Miraclaire Publishing Moses Kibe Kihiko Practicum Leadership Peter VonDoepp. Judicial Politics in New Democracies: Cases from Southern Africa. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2009. v ii, 185 pp. Thus far, research on African democracy has focused predominantly on elections, political parties, and voting behavior. However, in a region traditionally characterized by powerful executives, Africanists increasingly are studying the pivotal role played by institutions of h orizontal accountability. welcome addition to this small but growing area of scholarship. either respecte d or undermined judicial autonomy and, in turn, how judiciaries have responded to instances of interference. VonDoepp argues that judicial autonomy in Southern Africa cannot other regions of the world. According to these models, judicial autonomy relies on the electoral market and the degree of power dispersion within the party system. Where electoral uncertainty is high and political power is broadly dispersed, political lea ders are less likely to interfere in the judiciary because independent judicial institutions provide an insurance mechanism to such leaders when they leave office. By contrast, low electoral uncertainty and a high concentration of power encourage greater i nterference with judiciaries. judiciary (p.26). In his view, political le aders become more interested in restricting the their preferences and patterns of decisions, constitutes a second important factor. Finally, VonDoepp asserts tha t the broader political system in which a judiciary is embedded influences this regard, he focuses specifically on the prevailing degree of state weakness and neopatrimonialism. To test his hypotheses, VonDoepp engages in a careful comparison across Malawi, Namibia, and Zambia as well as applies process tracing techniques within these countries over time. Based on fieldwork conducted between 2001 and 2006, h e examined parliamentary records, statements by government officials, and press reports on judicial issues as well as interviewed a range of knowledgeable stakeholders and analyzed high and supreme court decisions. He convincingly demonstrates relatively high levels of interference in the judiciaries across the administrations of Bakili Muluzi and Bingu wa Mutharika in Malawi and those of Frederick Chiluba and Levy Mwanawasa in Zambia. These leaders did not use overt means of interference, such as institut ional restructuring or packing the courts with supporters. Instead,

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167 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1 2a7.pdf he argues that as weak states with high levels of neopatrimonialism, the mode of influence was primarily through patronage, personal attacks, and personal linkages between executives and the judiciary. By contrast, in Namibia, where party concentration is higher and state weakness and neopatrimonialism is lower, judicial interference was relatively infrequent during the presidency of Sam Nujoma. Yet, while he illustrates that greater po wer dispersion can lead to more interference in the judiciary than is traditionally acknowledged, it is not clear whether this contradicts the essence If such strategic models are distinguished primarily by their emphasis on the elec toral market and the party system, their explanatory power is reaffirmed by the cases. indeed very much driven by electoral uncertainty and the party system. F issions within the Movement for Multi Party Democracy (MMD) in Zambia and inter party competition in horizons in office. Cases of interference in these countries often were more extreme near elections or b ids to change the constitution to stay dominant in Namibian politics since independence. Consequently, less was at stake for Nujoma, even when politically relevant cases went to court. Thus, even though electoral uncertainty and power dispersion encourage more rather than less judicial interference in contradict the logic of a thin model but rather simply reverses the causal patterns traditionally associated with such models. concepts. The coding of judicial dec isions as either anti or pro government is difficult for the reader to determine, as is the index of government interests that he presents in the Namibian chapter. Though he notes that these codings were done by expert observers, an appendix that briefly summarized what the cases were about and how the codings were deduced would have helped the reader draw her own conclusions about the strength of his evidence. Likewise, this would assist the reader with understanding how he differentiated between cases t hat were only those that he classified as directly affecting the president or major opposition figures (pp.52 53). State weakness, an inherently relative term, also is not sufficiently operationalized and is equated alternately with neopatrimonialism, aid dependence, and a high penetration of the state by civil society groups. Nevertheless, this book represents a valuable contribution to the literature on judicial underlying political context for judicial strengthening, which is a key les son for the international democracy assistance community. In addition, scholars of African democracy the judges in these countries have continued to assert their au thority. This indeed bodes well for Danielle Resnick, United Nations University World Institute for Development Economics Research

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BOOK REVIEWS | 168 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1 2a7.pdf Elke Zuern. The Politics of Necessity: Community Organizing and Democrac y in South Africa. Madison : University of Wisconsin Press, 2011. xvii, 242pp. The movement toward democratisation in South Africa in the 1990s has inspired a diverse range of academic study, from biographical accounts of key political and cultural figures, to investigations on the forms and evolutions of political representation. In The Politics of Necessity, Elke Zuern adds to this rich body of work by illuminating the often overlooked role played by community organising pre and post independence. The end of apartheid presented new opportunities for South Africans, not least the extension of political rights for all citizens to participate in parliamentary democracy. In spite of this, modern South Africa is a country of vast socioeconomic inequality with si gnificant challenges regarding access to food, housing, and jobs. Such economic dispariti environment in whi ch many (p. 13). In tracing the development of community organising in South Africa, Elke Zuern argues convincingly that the success and sustainability of the democratic state is dependent on addressing such socioeconomic inequalities. Th e book is structured thematically. The first two chapters are concerned with the construction of community associations and rights based discourses in South Africa, while the remaining three focus on the relations between protest and democracy at periods i n South African history. Chapter 1 begins by tracing t ) in townships as forms of community organisation, exploring their expansion and relations with the apartheid state and exiled ANC leadership. Chapter 2 investiga tes the role played by community leaders political processes. The politics of resistance in apartheid South Africa were not uniform, yet activists drew common connections between rights, inequalities, and material necessities. Understandings of democracy were constructed that placed economic issues to the fore. Zuern shows how socio economic demands were not abated by democratisation; rather they remain central areas of concern around which people mobilise not least due to the s reduce economic inequality, introduction of neoliberal reforms, and attacks on the right to protest. Chapter 3 asks whether successful democratic organising is possibl e under a repressive regime, analysing the role of democratic principles in township organisation against apartheid in South Africa, and drawing from the experiences of social movements in Nigeria and Mexico. Chapter 4 explores the role played by community organisations in the formal democratic system, examining to what extent they are empowered by the creation of democracy and their relationship with the democratic state. In Chapter 5 Zuern moves to consider the viability of protest to effect change and the interactions between protesting groups and the state. As in Chapter 3, Chapters 4 and 5 draw fr om the experiences of movements elsewhere in Africa and in Latin America. In the final chapter Zuern exposes the evident divergence between the actions of the elites who shape the state on the one hand, and the expectation of citizens who

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169 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studies Quarterly | Volume 13, Issues 1 & 2 | Spring 2012 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v13i1 2a7.pdf democracy offers them due to a failure to address material demands. South Af rican communities succeeded in achieving a democratic state, yet many are still waiting for the socio economic benefits which were so acutely present in calls for democratisation. Until these material concerns are addressed, Zuern contends that the South African state will continue to be challenged by social movements. Eloquent, timely, and influential The Politics of Necessity is rich in both comparative analysis and empirical data. The author conducted interviews with over two hundred local residents and activists during more than a decade of political change in South Africa, supplementing this with a significant study of archival records, court transcripts and national newspapers. The Politics of Necessity is a must read for those interested in the p ower of social movements to effect change and the challenges they face in doing so. Owing to its accessible and readable style, it will be of appeal to the scholar and layperson alike. R is n Hinds Trinity College Dublin, Ireland