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African Studies Quarterly Volume 1 2 Issue s 3 Summer 20 1 1 Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Florida ISSN: 2152 2448
African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 201 1 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq African Studies Quarterly Executive Staff R. Hunt Davis, Jr. Editor in Chief Todd H. Leedy Associate Editor Shylock Muyengwa Managing Editor Emily Hauser Book Reviews Editor Corinna Greene Production Editor Editorial Committee David Anastas Robin Brooks Leif J B ullock Erin Bunting Nicole C. D'Errico Dan Eizenga Cerian Gibbes John Hames Cara Jones Claudia Ho ffmann Nicholas Knowlton Alison M. Ketter Ashley Leinweber Meredith Marten Asmeret G. Mehari Chesney McOmber Jessica Morey Patricia Chilufya Mupeta Anna Mwaba Greyson Nyamoga Levy Odera Levi C. Ofoe Gregory Parent Musa Sadock Noah I Sims Erik Timmons Amanda Weibel Advisory Board Adlk Adko Ohio State University Timothy Ajani Fayetteville State University Abubakar Alhassan Bayero University John W. A rthur University of South Florida, St. Petersburg Susan Cooksey University of Florida Mark Davidheiser Nova Southeastern University Kristin Davis International Food Policy Research Institute Parakh Hoon Virginia Tech Andrew Lepp Kent State University Richard Marcus California State Universit y, Long Beach Kelli Moore James Madison University James T. Murphy Clark University Lilian Temu Osaki University of Dar es Salaam Dianne White Oyler Fayetteville State University Alex Rdlach Creighton University Jan Shetler Goshen College Mantoa Rose Smouse University of Cape Town
African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 201 1 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq Roos Willems Catholic University of Leuven Peter VonDoepp University of Vermont
African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 201 1 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq University of Florida Board of Trustees, a public corporation of the S tate of Florida; permission is hereby granted for individuals to download articles for their own personal use. Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Flori da.
African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 201 1 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq Table of Contents Coal Sector Revitalization, Community Memory, and the Land Question in Nigeria: A Paradox of Economic Diversification? Ikechukwu Ume jesi ( 1 2 1 ) Oil Extraction and the Potential for Domestic Instability in Uganda Jacob Kathman & Megan Shannon ( 23 45 ) Environm ental Legacies of Major Events: Solid Waste Management and the C ommonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) i n Uganda Mersharch W. Katusiimeh & Arthur P. J. Mol ( 47 65 ) Women's R esistance i n Cameroon's Western Grassfield : Power of Symbols, Superb Organization and Leadershi p, 1957 1961 Henry Kam Ka h (67 91) Nigeria's Fourth Republic and the Challenge of a Faltering Democratization Dhikru Adewale Yagboyaju (93 106) Book Reviews Tosha Grantham. 2009. Darkroom: Photography and New Media in South Africa since 1950 Richmond: Virginia Museum of Fine Arts. 150 pp. Erin Haney. 2010. Photography and Africa London: Reaktion Books. 192 pp. Review by Todd Leedy (107 109) Sefi Atta. News from Home Northampton, Massachusetts: Interlink Publishing G roup, Incorporation, 2010. 293 pp. Review by Rosetta Codling ( 109 110) Ivan Bargna. Africa naries of N 6. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2008. 385 pp. Review by Yves Laberge (110 112) Ama Biney and Adebayo Olukoshi. Speaking Truth to Power: Selected Pan African Postcards Cape Town: Pambazuka Press, 2010. ix, 248 pp. Review by Kelli N. Moore (112 113) Barbara Bompani and Maria Frahm Arp. Development and Politics from Below: Exploring Religious Spaces in the African State. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010. xiii, 257pp. Review by Lady Jane Acquah (113 115)
African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 201 1 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq Babacar Camara. Reason in History: Hegel and Social Changes in Africa Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2011. 135 pp. Review by Robert Munro (115 117) Peter Cunliffe Jones. My Nigeria: Five Decades of Independence New York: Palgrave Macmillan Publishers, 2010. 238 pp. Review by Kawu Bala (117 118) Irit Eguavoen. The Political Ecology of Household Water in Northern Ghana. Berlin: Lit Verlag, 2008. xi, 309 pp. Review by Heidi G. Frontani (119 120) Linda K. Fuller. Vulnerabilities to HIV/Aids: Communication Perspectives and Promises New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008. iv, 309 pp. Review by Ridwa Abdi (120 122) Sandra E. Greene. West African Narratives of Slavery: Texts from Late Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Cen tury Ghana. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2011. ix, 300 pp. Review by Toni Pressley Sanon (122 123) Larry Grubbs. Amherst, Massachusetts: University of Massachusetts Press, 20 09. vii, 243 pp. Review by Farah Abdi (124 12 5 ) John W. Harbeson and Donald Rothchild (eds.). Africa in World Politics: Reforming Political Orde r. Boulder: Westview Press, 2009. xvi, 408 pp. Review by Percyslage Chigora (126 127) Kassim Mohammed Khami s Promoting the African Union Washington, DC: Lilian Barber Press, Inc., 2008. 421 pp. Review by Antonia Witt (127 129) Stephen J. King. The New Authoritarianism in the Middle East and North Africa Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University Press, 2009. 290 pp. Review by Steven Stottlemyre (129 130) Herbert S. Klein. The Atlantic Slave Trade 2 nd edition Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010. xx, 242pp. Review by A. T. Gorton (130 131) Kofi Oteng Kufuor. The African Human Rights System: Origin and Evolution New York, NY: Palgrave MacMillan, 2010. vii. 182 pp. Review by Eric M. Moody (132 133) John McAleer Representing Africa, Landscape, Exploration and Empire in Southern Africa, 1780 1870 Manchester and New York: Manchester University Press, 2010. 241 pp. Review by Adel Manai (133 134)
African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 201 1 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq Hassimi Oumarou Maga. Balancing Written History with Oral Tradition: The Legacy of the Songhoy People. New York: Routledge, 2010. xi, 206 pp. Review by Helena Cantone (135 136) Cedric Mayson. Why Afric a Matters Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 2010. 217 pp. Review by Lily Sofiani (136 137) Janet McIntosh. The Edge of Islam: Power, Personhood, and Ethnoreligious Boundaries on the Kenya Coast Durham: Duke University Press, 2009. xi, 325 pp. Review by T erje steb (137 138) Augustine S. O. Okwu. Igbo Culture and the Christian Missions: Conversion in Theory and Practice, 1857 1957 New York: University Press of America, Inc., 2010. x, 336pp. Review by Jason Bruner (139 140) Tejumola Olaniyan and James Sweet. The African Diaspora and the Disciplines. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2010. viii, 363 pp. Review by Ken Walibora Waliaula (140 142) Brett L. Shadle. 1890 1970 Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 2006. x, 256 pp. Review by Jacqueline Bethel Mougou ( 142 144 ) Elinami Veraeli Swai. Agency Review by Emmanuel Botlhale (144 146) United Nations Economic Commission for Africa. African Governance Report II 2009 New York : Oxford University Press. xii, 274 pp. Review by Uchendu Eugene Chigbu (146 147) Michael Vickers. A Nation Betrayed: Nigeria and the Minorities Commission of 1957 Trenton, New Jersey: Africa World Press. 2010. xxvii, 324 pp. Review by Okechukwu Edward Okeke (147 149) Cherryl Walker, Anna Bohlin, Ruth Hall, and Thembela Kepe (eds.). Land, Memory, Reconstruction, and Justice: Perspectiv es on Land Claims in South Africa Athens Ohio : Ohio University Press, 2010. xiv, 335 pp. Review by Harvey M. Feinberg (149 152)
African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 Dr. Ikechukwu Umejesi is a Research Fellow in the Department of Sociology, University of Fort Hare, East London Campus South Africa. He is a 2009 YS P Fellow of the International Institute for Applied Systems Analysis (IIASA), Laxenburg Austria. http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v12/v12i3a1.pdf University of Florida Board of Trustees, a publi c corporation of the State of Florida; permission is hereby granted for individuals to download articles for their own personal use. Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Florida. ISSN: 2152 2448 Coal Sector Revitalization, Community M emory and the Land Question in Nigeria: A Paradox of E conomic D iversification? IKECHUKWU UMEJESI Abstract: In 1999 the Nigerian government unveiled new policies aimed at revitalizing the mining, agricultural, to urism, financial services and manufacturing sectors in a broader effort to diversify the national economy. While this was a response to the reality of underdevelopment in the country, it was also a response to research that velopmental and governance failures to decades of over dependence on its vast petroleum resources. The new plan has attracted unprecedented attention from foreign and local mining firms to previously under exploited minerals such as coal, gold, tin, bitume n, talc, limestone, uranium, asbestos, limestone and iron ore (known es of resource sector reforms and interrogates coal sector revitalization agains t narratives of entitlement, land disp ossession and repossession in the mining communities. The central question is: h ow does privati s ation impact on the revitalization proces s, and what role does community memory and material interests in land, play in the emerging conflict between the mining communities and the Nigerian state? The analysis is based on ethnographic data obtained in the South eastern Nigerian town of Enugu Ngwo from the Nigerian petroleum sector Economic Reforms and Grassroots Concerns The return to democratic governance in Nigeria in 1999 after almost two decades of military rule coi ncided with a surge in grassroots militancy in the oil producing Niger Delta region, where local communities are engaged in violent contestations with the state and transnational oil companies over unsustainable socio ecologic practices and what they see a s inadequate compensation for land expropriated for oil exploitation 1 The implication of this conflict on crude oil production N h as been a gross shortage in industry
http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v12/v12i3a1.pdf output to Angola in 2008 of its p lace as the highest producer of crude oil in Africa 2 major so urce of revenue has come under serious threat 3 As a way of stemm ing the negative impacts of over depende nce on single export product c rude oil t he Government of Nigeria in 1999 initiated its economic reform agenda through the passage of Public Enterprises (Privatisation and Commercialisation) Act, No. 28, in which the revitalisation and privatisation of the moribund solid minerals sector was targeted as one of the possible complement s to the threatened oil sector. 4 The stated goals of the Nigerian government in the reform program comprises: creation of new enterprises, market expansion, increased tax revenue higher income, increased employment efficient management of the enterprises, general entrepreneurial innovations, investment inflows and poverty reduction 5 The privatisation exercise was expected to be successful in the hope that the growing global de mand for primary products especially from Asia would attract foreign investors and economic reform objectives The growth of the Asian market since the 1990s ha s led to an increased flow of foreign capital into Africa for the sourcing and control of primary products. The in tense search for primary produ cts in Africa by global markets has led to what scholars have rightly or wrongly likened to a scramble for Africa 6 In other words, an attempt by global economic powers to car v e out spheres of economic hegemony i n different parts of Africa reminiscent of the nineteenth and twentieth centur y pre colonial and cold war era competition among European nations for the control of Africa 7 While the earlier scrambles highlighted the p olitical economy interplay among contending foreign powers, the primary aim of th e post independen ce scramble is the control of Africa its natural resource endowments. Some of the resources targeted in the continent include: crude oil, coal, tin, and uranium among others Although the nature of th is scramble or heightened interests in is outside the purview of this article, it is re enacting certain characteristics of earlier Europe an political a nd economic relations with Africa. I ssues such as an official disregard of grassroots concerns for their land ownership rights, exclusion of local people in the discussion of concessions and issues regarding the fate of land acquired under colonial instit utional provisions have also characterised the current economic reform agenda of the Government of Nigeria as well as other states in Africa P rivatised enterprises are desirable because they yield revenues and the proceeds from the sale become available to finance new governmental programs 8 While privatisation as an instrument of achieving corporate efficiency and realising the has of late been de emphasised even by its most ardent advocates s uch as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), it has continued to be used as an instrument of economic reform in most developing countries. For instance, in 2003, the Wall Street Journal published the World Bank as Privati sation Agnostic officials H ave now decided it does not matter whether infrastructure is in public or private hands 9 Bayliss and privati za tion and commerciali z ation as a tool in the achievement of M illennium Development Goals (MDG s ) has identified different factors other than privatisation
Coal Sector Revitalization | 3 http: //www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v12/v12i3a1.pdf that motivate efficient public sector management and profitability. These include citizenship equality in the workplace and an ability to deal with institutional p roblems and official corruption 10 In developing countries, the sense of urgency among state officials to privatise moribund or less profitable public enterprises and attract foreign capital inflow has often exposed their economies to the abuses of interna tional capital 11 This dilemma has in the new rush natural resources raised questions a bout the stake of local communities and their socio ecologic concerns 12 Fraser and Lungu noted in the case of the privatisation of Zambia Consol idated Coppe r Mines (ZCCM) that the desperation to remove the burden of ZCCM through concessioning to foreign firms coupled with weak state institutions gave international mining corporations undue advantages in their negotiations with the state that compromised nat ional security, community health, and socio ecologic wellbeing. According to them, Some investors have taken advantage of the fact that Zambian state institutions are too weak to effectively regulate their behaviour. The state itself also seems to have de veloped political relationships with certain mining houses that mean health and safety, labour, immigration and environmental regulations can be ignored with impunity, causing significant [grassroots] resentment 13 Also writing on the privatisatio n of copper mines in Zambia and the effects of its DA s) Rohit Negi notes : Among other things, neoliberal cosmologies prescribe that the state enact and enforce mechanisms to make its territory attractiv e to capital 14 Since these fra meworks were primarily made to attract foreign invest ment s, grassroots concerns are often bypassed It is against this background that the privatisation process in Nigeria as it relates to coal mines and a ective memory over its land acquired for colliery development in 1915 is interrogated T he article therefore, poses the question of how has the privatisation exercise impacted or likely to impact on local discourses in com munities where state owned enterp rises are located? D iscourses on natural resources in Nigeria often focus on community based revolts in the Niger Delta against what local people see as state and corporate insensitivity to their ecolog y Little or nothing is heard of evolving di scourses of discontent in solid minerals producing communities such as Enugu Ngwo the premier coal producing community in South east T discontent is rooted in colonial era land acquisition for the establishment of the co lliery and agitation for the return of their land is based on its relivin g colonial era land acquisition agreement s wh ich stated that the mines were acquired for a public purpose In other words, the community quest ions the imperative of selling their mines to corpor ate firms when the land (on which the mines are located) was supposedly acquired for a pub lic purpose in the first place. The article examines the relationship between the state and local communities regarding land ownership rights from the colonial era T his relationship as the article will show, has impacted postcolonial land related conflicts. macro economic agenda could i
http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v12/v12i3a1.pdf reaction to what they see as official neglect could forestall the economic objectives of the state. The analysis is based on archival and ethnographic data obtained between November 2007 and M arch 2008 from Enugu Ngwo 15 Contesting for L and: the S tate and C ommunities Since the evolution of the modern nation state in Africa the identity of indigenous communities beca me subsumed in the state, although the local communities did not willingly give up their sovereignty during the formation of the supra state that has come to dominate them. The birthing of the powerful state over previously independent indigenous communities perhaps demonstrated parallel s in the development and decline in influence between the state and local communities respectively I n other words, the growth of the state led to the decline of the influence the formerly independent communities wielded over their common property resources, especially their land To explain this phenomenon the Libertarian Albert Jay Nock equated the rise of State power to the decline of individua l and societal rights. He noted : E very assumption of State power, whether by gift or seizure, leaves society with so much less power; there is never nor can there be, any strengthening of Stat e power without a corresponding ...equivalent depletion of social power 16 Also Bertrand de Jouvenel stated that history i s the picture of a concentration of forces growing to...the state, which disposes, as it goes, of ever ampler resources, claims over the community ever wider rights, and tolerates less and less any au thority existing outside itself 17 The skewed relat ionship that exists between independent African states and local communities in rel ation to cont rol and allocation of resources in wh ich the state is mirrored as a leviathan by the communiti es gave rise to an attitude of hatred for the nation state among local people Whereas the state demands citizenship responsibilities from the lo cal peoples, it is seen to give back little or nothing to the communities in terms of physical developments 18 As a result of this, Davidson and Munslow stated: state as a curse 19 The perception generated by thi s relationship produces centrifugal feelings and conflicts on the part of the local communities, whereby local people begin to question the relevance of the state to their communities. The colonial economy depended primarily on commodities such as agricu ltural products and mineral resources In order to grow its economy the colonial government acquired indigenous land, hence resulting to conflicts with local people over ownership rights 20 David Lea h s of the state/corporate bodies and 21 In other words, the grassroots often oppos e s a situation where by the state superimposes new a tenure system over indigenous tenure. This form of institutional framework developed durin g the colonial era in Nigeria when the colonial state took possession of land under the Crown Land regime 22 Crown ten ure implied that the state now owned an y acquired land for public good on behalf of the people of Nigeria 23 The c rown tenure system replic ate d what was applicable in England and in British imperial territories not mind ing the effects of such impor t ed tenure on the local people. Writing on the introduction of c rown tenure in parts British e mpire C K Meek noted : [of England] had c omplete freedom of disposal of the crown lands, which were constantly being increased by
Coal Sector Revitalization | 5 http: //www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v12/v12i3a1.pdf conf iscation, escheat or forfeiture 24 T his manner of acquisition and control of land by a centralised authority was a novelty for indigenous communities in Southern Nigeria where land is more or less owned collectively In Northern Nigeria, it was relatively adapted to the centuries old feudal instit ution established by the Muslim e mirs. 25 L S Amery, a former d ominion s ecretary in Britain differed with the imperial i dea of making the colonies look like England. To him, w experience and to try to fit them int o its own formulas, regardless o f their relevance to local conditions 26 The dev elopment and the growth of the solid minerals sector during the colonial era witnessed the elaborate application of this new tenure in certain communities where mineral resources were discovered 27 T he local communities whose lands were acquired for public good seem ed not to have underst oo d the full implication of the acquisitions; the y thought that the colonial state held their land in trust for their community. 28 In other words, local people did not understand that the colonial state had acquired such land s permanently Hence, while the state treat ed c rown land s as belonging to the state, the local people regarded these lands as part of their commun ity but held in trust for them 29 With the prospects of independence the thinking among local communities in the emerging states was that the ir postcolonial governments would address the injustices of the colonial state including land thought to have been wrongfully taken unemployment, socio economic inequalities and lack of b asic infrastructure in rural areas 30 In Kenya and Zimbabwe for instance where grassroots disenchantment with discriminatory land policies that favored European settler s ha d been entrenched for several decades, the expectation of sw eeping reform s that would see local people repossessing their land fr om the state and settlers was high 31 In his reminiscences and regrets of the decolonisation process Chinua Achebe recounted the hopes ordinary people had for redressing perceived colonial injustices and and how good it was to be in the movement that would liberate us after centuries of denigration and deprivation 32 Incidentally, the postcolonial state was much more concerned with strengthening its authorit y over component parts than with returning indigenous land or relinquishing sovereignty to former independent kingdoms. Jefferey Herbst saw the failure of postcolonial African states to change the basic institutions of the colonial state that affected ordinary citizens as an endorsement of the colonial regime in post independent A frica. He reasoned that while the new states and their leaders still recognised and romanticised with the glorious names of past empires (e.g., Ghana, Mali and Benin ) they rejected any suggestion of restoring the old institutions 33 In Kenya Ngugi wa Thi Homecoming captured the dashed hopes of Kenyans for postcoloni al land redistribution this way: Independence has not given them back their land 34 Kaniye Ebeku observed the same grassroots disappointment in Nigeria with the failure of the postcolonial government to reform the institutional and legal frameworks they had inherited : same persons who had so resented colonial statutes on mineral oils moved to retain the essence of these l aws after independence 35
http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v12/v12i3a1.pdf Postcolonial Nigeria strengthened its hold on land with more stringent and far reaching laws T he passage of the Republican Constitution of 1963, the Petroleum Act of 1969 and the L and Use Decree of 1978 meant a steady decrease o f the indigenous hold on land and the right of obtaining compensation when land was acquired. The official reason given for these laws especially the Land Use Decree of 1978 touched on strengthening statutory accessibility to land whenever the need for l and acquisition arose 36 The implication of Land Use Decree of 1978 to the indigenous owner varied. I t means f irst, the loss of his so in Southern Nigeria since the Native Land Act of 1916 ; second the loss of the right to negotiate compensation for surface rights; third and perhaps the most intriguing of all, the loss of ownership status whereby the indigenous owner becomes an occupier 37 In other words, since ownership has been expropriated by the state, the indigenous owner s beco me merely an occupier and also lose their right to negotiate compensation 38 The effect of this provision on the communities is that the state in the exercise of its powers of overriding interest (or eminent domain ) could allocate indigenous l and to a corporate mining company without consulting the community that owns the land Interestingly, other laws in Nigeria since the promulgation of the Land Use Decree in 1978 ( such as the Nigerian Minerals And Mining Act, 2007 which is the substantive l aw in Nigeria th at regulates activities in the solid minerals s ector ) have followed this pattern in which statutory authority over land and n atural resources is given primac y over the rights of the local people It is perhaps this same thinking that the s tate is applying in relation to the privatisation of its moribund enterprises located in local communities. Although the state might justify its actions based o n statutory provisions that allows it to exercise powers of overriding interest on such establis hments, in the case of Enugu Ngwo, the exercise has thrown up grassroots discourses around colonial era agreements that seem to question the legitimacy of privatisation of coal mines Research Methods The Study Community This st udy was conducted in Enugu Ngwo community Enugu State in South eastern Nigeria. Although in 1928 the colonial government separated Enugu the town, from Ngwo the village whose ancestral la nd were ceded in the agreements of 1915 and 1917 for the development of the colliery and the town 39 It was discovered during the field research in 2007/2008 that local people as well as recent court cases refer to the town and the village as Enugu Ngwo P rior to British colonialism, much of the local populace lived at the foot of the Milliken Hill s where the city (or town) of Enugu later developed 40 However, colonialism and the d iscovery of coal in Enugu Ngwo altered the settlement pattern and location of the people 41 With the state acquisition of 16, 700 acres of farmland in 1915 and the subsequent demographic shift that ensued, some of their villages including Ajaagu Agangwu Uwani farmlands and parts of other Enugu Ngwo settlements were acquired for m ining, the rail station and urbanisation 42 The implication of this demographic dislocation resulted in the development of cluster villages on the hilltops overlooking Enugu city and the valleys.
Coal Sector Revitalization | 7 http: //www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v12/v12i3a1.pdf Study T echniques Ethnography and in depth interview s const ituted the main methods of primary data collection During field research ( from November 2007 to March 2008) field observations, in depth interviewing and focus group discussions were conducted with a wide array of respondents. The y included chiefs, poli tical leaders, youth and student leaders, ordinary citizens, women leaders and former miners A f ocus group discussion was held with six retired coal miners aged above 60 years. The respondents we re purposively selected, based on their knowledge of state community relations regarding the colliery. Some of the issues addressed by the respondents include land acquisitions made by the colonial government privatisation of the colliery and the availability of land for indigenous uses The National Archives and National Museum provided documented historical accounts of the evolution of the colliery, land acquisition agreements between the indigenous rulers and the colonial authority and local reactions to these acquisitions T hese documents and photographic displays of the colliery from its earliest times provided good accounts of colliery history and some insights that the Enugu Ngwo community and the Nigerian Coal Corporation did not provide. Background to the C oal I ndustry in Nigeria Coal i s said to have been discovered unexpectedly in Enugu Ngwo in 1909 by Albert Ernst Kitson, a colonial British mining engineer attached to the Mineral Survey of Southern Nigeria 43 He was s eated on the head carriage of carriers when suddenly he spotted a sub bituminous coal outcrop 44 After this initial discovery, there arose the need to acquire land for the exploitation of this new find. Prior to commenc ing of mining, the colonial government in 1915 acquired from the indigenous owners 16,700 acres conta ining the coal deposi t by means of A greement 45 The Agreement reads in part : We, the undersigned chiefs of Udi division of the Southern Provinces of Nigeria, fully appreciating the benefits which will be derived by us and by our people by the opening of a government colli ery at Enugu Ngwo in the said Udi division do hereby grant without charge, free and voluntarily unto the government of Nigeria all such lands as may be required by the said government for the purposes of a [rail] station and colliery, for the working of al l coal and other minerals, all and any other purposes for which the said government may think fit to use the said lands; the said lands so required having been clearly marked by beacons on the ground and pointed out to us as delineated and shown on the pla And we do hereby acknowledge the receipt of the sums set forth in the schedule attached to this agreement in full payment of all compensation due to us, our towns and our people, and to all persons residing on or having an interest in the said lands for ( emphasis added ).
http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v12/v12i3a1.pdf These acquisitions ( or c rown land) were made in perpetuity a framework that does not seem to be fully understood by the local people (see the emphasis above ) In other words, the community lost ownership of the land to the state, permanently. 46 c rown acquisitions, perhaps, differentiates it from the acquisitions in the oil rich Niger Delta where land owners are allowed limited rights t Land owners are also paid periodic rents every ten years by the i n ternational o il c ompanies 47 It might be pertinent to know if local signatories understood the implications of the cession to their community. To show that t he indigenes of Enugu Ngwo community may not have understood the content of the agreement of cession w ith the colonial officials, local people c ontinued to intrude into the ceded land for farming and other activities 48 A petition written by the Enugu N gwo community in 1938 to the Colonial Enquiry into a land dispute between the Nike and Enugu Ngwo communities also suggest s that the community may not have been properly informed of the implication s of the cession. The petition read s Do you bel ieve that a man can sell his land and sell up to his dwelling place ( reference to their lan d acquired in the Crown cession) we beg most respectfully to say that we and our Chiefs ( those who thumb printed the said agreements ) did not know anything about it 49 I n relation to the 1915 and 1917 agreements between the Enugu Ngwo c hiefs and the colonial o fficials, Onoh observed as follows: [T]he so called chiefs were not as the British then thought, autocratic rulers who could dispense communal land as they wished; they were not empowered to grant any land; the villagers had no idea that their land was being disposed of and it is very likely that many of the chiefs were no nearer grasping the real situation as they have not seen a coalfield before, and w ould not have 50 By this acquisition, the area fell under c rown land administration. In other words, the acquired land ha d become state owned land a development local people had never experienced. I t contravened indigenous tenure by concentrating decision s on alienation and administration i n the colonial system and denied the people participation in land management. This aberration was a failure on the part of colonial officers who did not understand indigenous land use practices in the region. Indigenous societies in Eastern Nigeria were not hierarchical. Decisions especially on matters related to land originated with the people through their representatives. Since there was no strongly institutio nalised authority in these communities, decisions on common property resources revolved around the people 51 The new tenure system alienated the local communities and benefited the colonial state Commenting on how the British colonial system of land admini stration alienated indigenous Australians Val Plumwood no ted that the system nterests of the dominant party were disguised as universal and mutual, but in which the colonizer actually prospered at the expense of the colonized 52 I nd ependent Nigeria did not dispense with the c rown land system I t christened such land government land and increased its reach with more stringent land use laws such as the Land U se D ecree of 1978 even though local people contin ue to see the land as thei r own. Local discourses on the persistent intersection of ownership claims between the state and local people in Enugu Ngwo F indings e ction
Coal Sector Revitalization | 9 http: //www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v12/v12i3a1.pdf T he C orporatisation of the C olliery : C ollapse and Pri vati s ation The Nigeria n Coal Corporation (NCC) was established in 1950 by the Coal Ordinance Act No. 20 which gave it a full monopoly for coal exploration and exploitation in Nigeria 53 The when the Nigeria n g overnment deregulated coal mining and opened up the industry to private participation With dwindling output and rising costs of production, NCC divested completely from the sector in 2001 when production dropped to a low of 2, 712 tons 54 Prior t o its divestment, NCC was the sole supplier of energy fuel to the then Electric Corporation of Nigeria ( ECN ) fired The corporation also supplied the fuel need s of the Nigerian Railway Corporation (NRC) a nd much of the pre and immediate post independen ce heavy industries in Nigeria It also exported coal to other West African countries Production peaked, from 583 487 tons to 905 397 tons between 1950 and 1959 55 However, mainly due to official neglect t h is growth rate could not be s ustained in the 1960s and 1970s post independence era. Many reasons have been given for the remote and immediate causes of the collapse of the Nigerian coal industry. These include dieselisation of the railway system the impact of the Nigerian civil war the introduction of gas powered electric turbines by the defunct National Electric Power Authority (NEPA), the closure of certain industries that patronised the NCC ( such as cement factories and steel plants ) officia l neglect of the coal sector as a result of oil price boom in the 1970s, and an alleged installation of inappropriate mining equipment in the mines by Polish partners among others 56 Figure 1: Coal Production in Nigeria, from 1916 2001 (Source: MS MD: Information Memorandum on Onyeama Coal Concessions) 1999 saw th e launch of privatisation and commercialisation of different government corporations declared moribund or non profitable by the civilian government This initiated the process of concessio ning the Onyeama and Okpara mines in Enugu Ngwo (the two most productive mines in Nigeria ) which were closed in 2001 when production slumped to bottom
http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v12/v12i3a1.pdf levels (see F igure 1). In May 2007, the coal mines in Enugu Ngwo were concessioned to Global Infrastruct ure Incorporated of India, although the community had in 2004 obtained a substantive court injunction restraining the privatisation of the mines. The comm unity had argued that based on the A greement of 1915 the mines were established primarily for public p urpose and not for private ownership 57 In other words, the community vie w s privatisation o f the mines as a breach of the A greement of C ession. The local people also contended that private ownership of the mines presented some socio ecologic uncertainties f or their community To the majority of the respondents in our survey privatisation implies dispossession of their comm on property resource ( i.e., land) without a renegotiation of the terms of acquisition 58 T he next section presents local narratives of lan d deprivation and also the role of communal memory in the evolving discourses. F ield F indings B eyond the B enefits of P rivatisation : L S ocial A Beyond the economic benefits expected to accrue to the Enugu Ngwo community from privatisi ng the mines, one interesting area of the privatisation discourse is the perception that years of coal production constitute defilement of the land. A local chief saw it as mother earth naked noted that land in Eastern Nigeria is not just a factor of production to its owners but i s also regarded as a source of life, hence the popular adage that life 59 The connectedness between the living and the dead that the land signifies is often expressed in proverbs and idioms. In an intervi ew, the chief quoted above somewhat regret ted the years of m i ning in his community Although he acknowledged what he said was the good side of NCC (he meant infrastructural development and scholarships awarded to his people) he no ted that : To us in Ngw o, l and is life. In Igbo tradition, land is our mother that gives us life. However, o ur mother [ the earth] is now naked and she is dying of thirst Her throat is parched from a century of coal mining. Her fertility prowess has gone away from her and she ca nnot yield again. 60 A similar sense of cultural reminiscence was shared by a retired school teacher now a shop owner. 61 To him: Although I am a communicant in the Catholic Church here in Ngwo I have not lost knowledge of what our land means to our spiritu ality. I believe that our land needs rest from much troubles [he meant coal mining]. For example, we swear by the land to show it is a god with the power of life and death. So it needs respect. If they sell the mines and the land surrounding them to any bu yer, be assured that we may not survive th e wrath that will come out of that The implication of such views is that while it is obvious that certain benefits of privatisation such as employment opportunities and the growth of small scale businesses that m ay accrue to the community, these benefits do not convince all sections of the community. A n evolving discourse on earth spirituality and its essence to the survival of th e community is the concern of th ese cultural protagonists in the population. While th ey oppose privatisation, they do so based
Coal Sector Revitalization | 11 http: //www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v12/v12i3a1.pdf on the need to respect the sanctity of the land, not necessarily on the need to redistribute the land as the mainstream opponents of the privatisation exercise suggest. Co al Sector P rivati sation and Community M emo ry The struggle for land repossession is seen as a response to privatisation program, which those o pposed to it believe breaches the 1915 and 1917 state community agreements. T he ir major conten tion is that communal land was acquired for pu blic g ood. The privatisation program thus evoked co llective memory of what is to them the spi rit of the agreement s of 1915 and 19 17 that their land was not sold, but held by the state in trust for public good Privatisation of the mines without renegotiati on of terms of acquisition, hence became for the community a breach of agreement s between their forefathers and the colonial state For the local people, land related negotiations must be based on the recognition t hat their land must be held as a trust b y the state or returned to the pre 1915 status. As a y outh leader complained : Land has left us since the so called 1915 agreement with c olonial o fficials. The city developers have bought the few land s that were left by the colonial o fficers and we are jus t boxed tight between the high hills and steep valleys of Ngwo. We are living on the edge as far as land is concerned Now the opportunity provided f o r us by the divestment of the Federal Government [of Nigeria] to regain our land is being denied us by the Indians (the concessionaire is an Indian company) 62 Although the community obtained a court injunction from the Federal High Court in Enugu in 2004 restraining the Federal Government of Nigeri a from carrying out the privatis ation the state did not appea l this judgment. In May 2007, an Indian company G lobal Infrastructures Inc emerged as the winner of the concession The state action or what a school headmistress and women leader saw as the generated a sense of frustration in th e community According to her : You are free to read the agreements of 1915 and 1917. These agreements said the land is ours and that it was not sold. Our fathers gave the British the land to mine coal. When NCC failed and the mines closed, I had expected the government to hand over our property to us. I think it is not just privatisation alone; I see state lawlessness in it, especially after Enugu High Court in 2004 where do you expect us to farm? Alienation is a soft word. We are raped by the system we found ourselves in. Anytime I drive across those contentious areas, I feel like a raped woman, my pride is taken away. My grandfather to ld me that his mother planted pepper and o k ra on some parts of t his land. Some of the areas have been fallow over the decades, some are built up; but the corporation is dead and gone because of corruption. We want to live like humans. If we have the land we can share it among the various families 63
http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v12/v12i3a1.pdf There is a not e of injustice in the narrative s of the indigenes who question ed the legality of the privati s ation exercise in which they claim the community was not consulted before the government privatis ed the mines Hence, to the respondents th e gover down approach to privatisation and disregard for the judicial process i s a n insult These r espondents who believed that the the colliery lacked grassroots support, pointed to the violent contestation in the Niger Del ta as a likely scenario to emerge in the ir community once the concessionaire assumes contr ol of the mines. This view expressed by a traditional title holder in the community touches on the opinions expressed by other respondents who oppose the sale of th e mines: We do not have enough land in this community to farm or build our houses. We live on the mountaintops since our lands were taken over by the colonial masters when coal was discovered in this community. I believe it was on the premise that the mine s will be a commonwealth of the country that our fathers surrendered the land free of charge. These people [Enugu Ngwo chiefs] were not paid for their land; they were only given £273 for their trees and crops on the land. Privatising the mines when they di d not buy its land is very unfair and we reject it. Why did they do this? W e are against the procedure the federal government [of Nigeria] adopted. We were never consulted; they did not refer to the process and content of the acquisition agreements. This c ommunity can mobilise enough resources to buy back the land, I mean all the investments made on the land. We are capable 64 A C ommunity P olarised Apart from the allegation of unfair official treatment levelled by a section of the community one significant dimension of the controversy divid ing the community is the disagreement between different groups on what should be done with the mines and the land. While the popular voice expresses an anti privatisation sentiment, a minority ( mostly ex miners) supports p rivatisation The pro privatisation group is referred to as which is a derogat ory reference to their supporting a foreign interest in the mines against what the dominant group see as communal interest 65 The opponents of privatisation identif community privatisa seemed to have more grassroots support because of its land reacquisition and distribution agenda some respondents especially among the ex miner s did not see any thing wrong with privatis ing the mines if that will en sure the mines are revitalised. A s tudent leader from the Hilltop village accused t his group of working against the indigenous land from the govern ment because the y believe that government mediated privatisation would safeguard the future of their pensions: You see, I do not know why a few people should be working against the desire of the entire Enugu Ngwo. I understand their frustration, they wa nt their pensions, good ; but what of the future of their children? I think the y should not support those who rob Peter to pay Paul I mean the government who wants to please Indians at our expense 66
Coal Sector Revitalization | 13 http: //www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v12/v12i3a1.pdf While he called their agitation Enugu Ngwo the focus group discussion with former miners revealed that al t hough the opposition to privatisation cuts across different segments of the community (the youth, women, local rulers), privatisation nevertheless has strong support among the for mer miners. 67 On the allegation of their indifference to what has been described as the the ex miners need for land and the prevalence of anti privatisation opinion However, they accused their opponent s of intolerance to other views relating to the future of the mines. To one of them, community opinion leaders use the debate on the mine differing group One discussant, who reflected the position of those who support the privatisation put it this way: I think these boys [the youth] and their leaders are misinformed. The problem started when the corporation [NCC] collapsed as a result of mismanagement and corruption. Is it n ot a wise decision to get the foreigners [Indians] or any private company to revive the mines? I was an underground miner for 26 years and anytime I pass through Onyeama mine area, I often cry. The mine is now flooded and overgrown with bushes. The worksho ps and the conveyor machines have been stolen by vandals. If the mines are given to us [the community], can we revive them? I assure you that those who wan t the mines only want to sell them to whoever they wanted. They are selfish. I worked there for 26 ye ars and now I am not receiving any pension...If the mines are revived, they might restart the payment of pension. 68 Although the groups differ on their approaches towards the privatisation exercise one issue that unite s them is the need fo r land. None of the respondents disagreed with this issue. My research assistan t an indigene of the community led me to the Hilltop terrace farm land overlooking the Coal Camp ( a section of the city ) where he showed me family farms. The land has been ove r used and gradually eroded by fast running water from the sloping hills. My assistant also not ed how youth migration from the community has affected the socio economic life of the Hilltop dwellers. A ccording to him O ver 60 percent of those who live on th e hilltop settlement are the elderly because the youths have no future in the community as a result of shortage of land to farm or build homes This has become a colony for the elderly; life is no longer vibrant here 69 T here is overwhelming altho ugh not universal support to retake the land Against the backdrop of the understanding of the 1915 and 1917 agreements one wonders if recovering the land is an attainable goal, especially in light of the passage of certai n land and mineral la ws such as the Mineral Oils O rdinance s of 1945 and 1953, the Petroleum Act of 1969, the Land Use Decree of 1978 and the Minerals and Mining Act of 2007 70 These laws have one thing in com mon, the strengthening of state powers to expropriate communal and in dividual properties for the so called public use and the corresponding decrease of communal and individual rights to their land.
http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v12/v12i3a1.pdf Conclusion Th is article has sought to demonstrate firstly, that land related controvers ies between the state and local commun ities has been entrenched since the evolution of the Nigerian nation state with the introduction of c rown tenure ; secondly, t he privatisation of the coal mines shows a parallel understanding of land ownership rights between the state and the study communit y In other words, the state and the community had different conce ptions of public good While the state did not limit public good to running the colliery as a state owned enterprise, the overwhelming view in the community is that public good does not ex tend to privatising the coal mines The community believes that the colliery must remain state owned ; for them anything to the contrary becomes a breach of the agreement of acquisition A n examination of the framework in state community land use relations in Nigeria reveals that the introduction of c rown land tenure in the colonial era (1900 1960) alienated local people from their land by shifting indigenous land rights to the state. It was based on the c rown framework that other l aw s were enacted in postco lonial Nigeria wh ich consolidated the official hold on expropriated land. This continued hold on land by the state against the will of local people has led to agitations for the recovery of what local people see as a lost right In exercising the powers of eminent domain, the state determines what it considers as public good even when such interests conflict with that of indigenous landowners. Since the state owns the subsurface mineral rights and could in addition dispossess the surface owner s of their rig hts, it implies therefore that the state could transfer ownership of privatised mines to any foreign or local firm that emerges the winner of a bid process It does not seem to matter to the state whether the community immediate environment will be under the threat from the mining company. Consideration is often given to the profitability of the investment rather than any other issues 71 The exercise of eminent domain on community or private properties has been found to be prone to state abuse. The Cato I nstitute, a Washington DC based policy think tank described the abuse of powerless, and transferring it to another, often large and politically more connected, all in the name of public go od 72 For Anthony Gregory the state is likened the way it abuses eminent domain 73 In the coal producing community of Enugu Ngwo, privatisation of the coal mines has awakened co llective memory of a near century old colonial pac t in which conditions for the acquisition of their land w ere stated For local people, land related negotiations must be based on the recognition that land either belonged to the community or was held in trust by the state for public good It could not be A common sentiment in Enugu Ngwo is that the state either takes direct control of the mines for the public good or returns the land to the communities. Mines in private hands could never meet the definition of the common good. The 2007 privatisation of the coal mines was based on the understanding that the state owns all land in Nigeria and that coal development, whether undertaken directly by the state or by private companies, was for the common g ood. 74 This, to the c ommunities i s eminent domain abuse ; robbing communities of their land and handing it over to private companies. Although the coal mines in Enugu Ngwo are statutorily owned by the state ( based on legislative appropriation s such as th e Land Use Decre e of 1978 and the Nigerian Minin g And
Coal Sector Revitalization | 15 http: //www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v12/v12i3a1.pdf Minerals Act of 2007 ) experience in st ate community resource related conflict in Nigeria ha s shown that the legality of ownership of resources is not usually enough to en s ure a safe atmosphere for reso urce exploitation This is demonstrated by the oil rich Niger Delta whe r e sustained grassroots agitation against the state an d oil multinational companies has affected crude oil production. The success of the Niger Delta militants in affecting crude oil pr oductio n has bolstered restiveness among other mineral rich communities Emphasis on c ommunal good will (community licence) rather than much emphasis on economic considerations or legality of ownership might help the state achieve its economic reform agenda especially in the privatisation of coal mines and other resources in the solid minerals sector. Notes 1 Obi 2008a. 2 Guardian 2008. 3 Nigeria earns about 95 percent of its foreign exchange from crude oil production (Shell, 2006). Its oil industry production capacity of 3.2 million barrels per day was reduced to 1.8 million barrels per day in 2008 through the activities of Niger Delta militants. 4 The Solid Minerals Sect or in Nigeria comprises all non oil and gas mineral resources. 5 www.bpeng.org. 6 Ghazvinian 2007. 7 Obi 2008b. 8 Ibid., p. 1. 9 See Hall and Lobina 2004, p. 2 (see also, IMF, 2004). 10 Bayliss and Kessler 2006 11 Negi 2011 p. 10. 12 Fraser and Lungu 2007. 13 Ibid., p. 3. 14 Negi, p. 36. 15 The fieldwork was done between November 2007 and March 2008. 16 Nock 1935. 17 Cited in Woltermann 1992, p. 1. 18 Zolberg 1968, p. 72 76. 19 Davidson and Munslow 1990. 20 T he local communities practised an agrarian economy T hey also had mystical understanding of land as the abode of ancestors and a trust for the unborn generation (Shipton 1994). 21 Lea 1993. 22 Although the Crown tenure was first introduced in Northern N igeria in the first decade of 1900s, it was used expediently in the South to acquire land where the colonial state discovered mineral resource deposits.
http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v12/v12i3a1.pdf 23 Meek 1946. 24 Ibid p.87 88. 25 Mabogunje 1979, p. 21. Feudal system of land ownership had preceded colonial rule in parts of Northern Nigeria. It was part of the Islamic institution that was introduced in Northern Nigeria in the 14th century. This system lasted till the period of Crown acquisitions. 26 Amery 1953, p. 181. 27 NAE: OP/2917/1948. 28 Onoh 1 997. 29 Ibid. 30 Zolberg 1968. 31 Betts 2006. 32 Achebe 2009, p. 1. 33 Herbst 1997. 34 35 Ebeku 2001, p. 3. 36 Adedipe et al 1997. The Land Use Decree of 1978 is often regarded as the most drastic land use law in Nigeria. 37 Ibid ; se e also Land Use Decree 1978 in Allott 1978. 38 See Section 2(2C) of Land Use Decree 1978 in Allott 1978. 39 Ikejiofor 2004. 40 JCR 2001. 41 Onoh 1997. 42 Hair 1954. 43 NMM Presentation 2006. 44 Carriers were local men who knew the geography of their neig hborhood well enough. their white officials to their destinations under very harsh service conditions comparable to slavery. They used wooden planks as carriages. NMM Presentation 2006. 45 Agreement of Cession 1915, p. 1. Another agreement was signed by chiefs in 1917 which recognized Nike community as part owner of a section of the land used for the development of the railway and the town (Hair, 1954). This part of th e land has remained contentious between Enugu Ngwo and Nike communities. The new agreement also contained the signature of Chief Onyeama, a prominent Enugu Ngwo Warrant chief missing in the first agreement (Onoh 1997). 46 S Receipts 1997. 47 Ibid. 48 During the wars of conquest and pacification in the first quarter of 20th Century, colonial officials drafted the terms of these so people and their rulers. The indigenous rulers were usually coerced into accepting to abide
Coal Sector Revitalization | 17 http: //www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v12/v12i3a1.pdf by the terms of the agreement to avoid reprisals from the colonial authorities (see NAE OP1867 1938; Hair 1954; Isichei 1976). 49 Cited in Onoh 1990, p. 5. 50 Onoh 1997, p. 4. 51 Isichei 1976; see also Brown 1 996. 52 Plumwo od in Adams and Mulligan, eds. 2003 p. 5 1. 53 MSMD 2006. 54 SFCD 2008. 55 Ibid. 56 MSMD op cit. The civil war was fought between Nigeria and the breakaway Republic of Biafra from 1967 1970, the coal mines are located in the heartland of th e war zone. 57 See Court file: FHC/EN/CS/216/2004. 58 Ibid. 59 John Okeke. 2008. Personal intervie3w, Coal Camp Enugu City, Nigeria. 8 February 60 Ibid. 61 Ekene Ugwu. 2008. Personal interview, Hill top community, Enugu Ngwo, Nigeria. 1 62 Peter Nwodo. 2007. Personal interview, Ogbette Market in Central Enugu City, Nigeria. 11 in 2004 for protesting the privatisation of the colliery. 63 Agnes Ugwu. 2008. Personal interview, Hilltop Village Enugu Ngwo, Nigeria. 6 February indigenes. It only r estricted the government from privatizing the mines. 64 John Okeke. 2008. Personal interview, Coal Camp Enugu City, Nigeria. 8 February 2008 65 The company that bought the mines is an Indian owned company. This group consists of mostly ex miners. They want the colliery privatized not because of what the community will benefit but for the chances of getting paid their pension arrears. A few of them expressed feelings of deep attachment to an industry they spent much of their youthful age opposition to privatization cuts across all segments. 66 Interview with a student leader from Hilltop Enugu Ngwo (aged 26 years). Hilltop villa ge is one of the villages of Enugu Ngwo community. As the name indicates, it is situated on top of the Milliken Hill. It is believed that the inhabitants of this community ran up hill as a result of displacement when the exploitation of coal began in 1915. 67 A Focus Group Discussion was held with six ex miners in Enugu. All of the participants are from Enugu Ngwo. Their age ranged from 63 to 75 years. The discussion was held at Ogbette Enugu on the 19th February 2008.
http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v12/v12i3a1.pdf 68 A retired miner, petty shop owner a t Ngwo market. Interviewed at his shop on the 18th of February 2008. 69 My research assistant was an undergraduate of Electrical/Electronic Engineering at the Enugu State University. I engaged him because of his knowledge of what local people refer to as: Ngwo (aged 28 years). 70 Although the mines and the issue of land seem to affect the entire community, yet I found some in the community who showed apathy to discuss the state community face off. 71 Fraser and Lungu 2006. 72 Cato Institute in Akpan 2005, p.135 73 Gregory 2006, p.1 74 See Nigerian Land Use Decree of 1978 in Allot (1978). References Daily Sun Newspaper Nigeria 26 January. www.sunnewsonline.com/webpages/features/newsonthehour/2009/jan/26/newsbreak ... d ownership in Western Nigeria Land Reform Bulletin 2: 1 13. Agu, Josiah O. 1990. Ngwo: Its People and Culture. Enugu: Ohio Publishers. Allott, Anthony Nicholas. 1978. Nigeria: Land Use Decree, 1978. Journal of African Law 22 .. 2: 136 60. Amery, LS. 19 African Affairs 52 208 : 179 85. Working Paper 22 : 1 45. Betts, Raymond F. 2006. Decolonisation: Making of the Contemporary World. NewYork: Routledge. Brown, Carolyn. 1996. Testing the Boundaries of Marginality: Twentieth Century Slavery and Emancipation Struggles in Nkanu, Northern Igboland 1920 29. Journal o f African History 37.1 : 51 80. related Land Use Controversies in Nigeria. African Sociological Review 9. 2: 134 52. Davidson, Basil, and Barry Munslow. 1990. The Crisis of the Nation State in Africa. Review of African Political Economy 17. 49: 9 21. Dike, Kenneth Onwuka. Trade and P olitics in the Niger Delta 1830 1885. London: Oxford University Press, 19 56.
Coal Sector Revitalization | 19 http: //www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v12/v12i3a1.pdf P eople: the I njustice of the L and U se A ct CEPMLP Online Journal 9 June 2007. www.dundee.ac.uk/cepmlp/journal/html/vol9a rticle9 14.html Mine Water and the Environment 12. 1:53 61. FHC/EN/CS/216/2004. Federal High Court Enugu Suit: In t he matter of Privatisation and the Bureau for Public Enterprises. Fraser, Alistair and John Lungu 2008. For Whom the Windfalls? Winners and Losers in the Privatisa Lusaka: Civil Society Trade Network of Zambia. http://www.liberationafrique.org/IMG/pdf/Minewatchzambia.pdf www.slate.com/id/21633898/ http://www.mises.org/st ory/2379 Gazette. The Guardian Online Newspapers Lagos Nigeria. 27 July 2008. http://www.guardiannewsngr.com/business/article02//indexn4_html Hall, David and Emanuele Lobina. 2008 The R elative E fficiency of P ublic and P rivate S ector W ater. Public Services Interna tional (PSI) 2005. 24 August. www.world psi.org Unpublished Manuscript National Archives Enugu. Herbst, Jefferey. 1997. Responding to State Failure in Africa International Security 21. 3: 120 44. Poor in Enugu, Nigeria Informal Land Delivery Processes in African Cities. DFID Working Paper 2. International Monetar y Fund, 2004. Public Washington DC. Isichei, Elizabeth. 1976. The History of Igbo People. London: Longman.
http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v12/v12i3a1.pdf tomary Communal Ownership and Environmental Reasons Papers Fall: 39 59. Mabogunje, Akinlawon Ladipo. 1979. Land and Peoples of West Africa. In J.F. Ade Ajayi and M. Crowder (eds ) History of West Africa Vol. II. London: Longman. Meek, Char Journal of Comparative Legislation and International Law 3.28: 87 91. Ministry of Solid Minerals Development. 2006. Okpara Coal Concession: Information Memorandum. Abuja, Ministry of Solid Mineral s Development. National Archives Enugu, file OP2250: Agreement of Cession (1915) National Archives Enugu OP. 1867/370. Cited in Federal High Court, Enugu suit n o. FHC/EN/CS/216/2004. National Museum and Monuments. 2006. National Museum and Monument Presentation. Enugu. The Micropolitics of Mining an d Development in Zambia: Insights from the Northwestern Province African Studies Quarterly 12 2: 27 44. Nock, Albert J. 1935. Our Enemy, t he State New York: William Morrow & Company. Paper presented at the XIV South African Sociological Association (SASA) Congress on _____ Review of African Political Economy 35. 3: 417 34. Onoh, Christian C. 1997. Whose Coal City. Enugu: Frontline Publishers. Adams and Martin Mulligan (eds.), Decolonizing N ature: S trategies for C onservation in a P ost C olonial E ra (London: EarthScan): 44 63. Port Harcourt.
Coal Sector Revitalization | 21 http: //www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v12/v12i3a1.pdf Shipton, Parker. 1994. Land and Culture in Tropical Africa: Soils, Symbols, and th e Metaphysics of the Mundane. Annual Review of Anthropology. 23: 347 77. Strategy For Coal Development in 2008. Enugu: Nigerian Coal Corporation. Homecoming : Essays on African and Caribbean Literature, Culture and Politics Cite d in Hugh Web Passion Spaces: African Literature and the Post colonial Context Perth: Postcolonial Press. Land Use Decree Journal of African Studies. 6. 2: 62 74. Woltermann, Chris. 1992. tate. The Free Market. 10.1: 1 3. The Free Market Monthly. 22 February 2007. http://mises.org/freemarket_detail.aspx?control=559 www.bpeng.org Privatization and Commercialization Policy. 12 February 2009. http://www.bpeng.org/en/privatization/policy.htm e Structure of Political Conflict in the New States of Tropical Africa American Political Science Review 62. 1: 70 87.
African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 Jacob Kathman is assistant professor of political science at the University of Missis sippi. Megan Shannon is assistant research was provided by the Foundation for Environmental Sustainability and Security. We would like to th ank Christine Mataya and Jeffrey Stark for their helpful comments and suggestions. University of Florida Board of Trustees, a public corporation of the State of Florida; permission is hereby granted for indiv iduals to download articles for their own personal use. Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Florida. ISSN: 2152 2448 Oil Extraction and the Potential for Domestic Instability in Uganda JACOB KATHMAN & MEGAN SHANNON Abstract: The exportation of oil offers tremendous opportunities for Uganda. It in Uganda, as well as archival research, this paper identifies three potential sources of domestic ins tability stemming from oil exportation: increased urbanization, unpredictability in tax revenue collection, and the formation of rebel groups. The paper concludes that government transparency is crucial in avoiding most of the pitfalls associated with oil extraction and makes several recommendations for improving transparency in Uganda. Introduction This article explores the potential risks associated with oil development and exportation in Uganda. It is based on field research conducted in July 2009 a s well as on archival research and simulations using established sources of data. Th is paper assesses the influence of oil extraction noting the potential for a resource curse associated with oil exportation. The paper then identifies and discusses in detail three sources of domestic volatility that may arise as a result of oil development The first factor is declining competitivene ss of non oil exporting sectors of the economy, and the increased urbanization associated with the decline of these sectors. The second factor is the potential for oil exportation to foster increased presidential power and a declining ability to collect t ax revenues. The final factor is the susceptibility of oil to the formation of rebel groups. All three factors may encourage civil unrest and strife in Uganda if the negative externalities of oil extraction are not properly managed. The paper concludes t hat government transparency is crucial for avoiding and offers recommendations for increasing transparency Background: Oil Exploration, Discovery, and Exploitation in Uganda Uganda confirmed the pr esence of significant oil reserves for commercial extraction in 2006. One billion barrels of oil in reserve have been confirmed 1 Representatives from the UK oil and gas company, Tullow Oil (Tullow ) believe that between one and two billion barrels exist in Uga nda. 2 If extracted, those resources would put Uganda among the top fifty oil producers in
24 | Kathman & Shannon African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3| Summer 2011 the w orld 3 potentially doubling or tripling its current export earnings of two billion dollars a year 4 Oil reserves are predominantly located in the Lake Albertine Graben region between Uganda and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). The Lake Albert region is an ecologically sensitive area with an enormous amount of biodiversity. It is also a politi cally sensitive area that lies between two countries with a history of violent conflict and border disputes. Plans are somewhat formative, but Uganda intends to build a refinery to process its crude oil, and Tullow has said it anticipates production to begin in early 2012. The refined crude is intended for both domestic and export use, as the East African Community has announced plans to build an oil pipeline linking Rwanda, Uganda, and Burundi. 5 Theory: Oil Devel opment the Resource Curse and the Potential for Instability in Uganda While there are many benefits that could accrue to Uganda, oil exploitation also poses a nda and the DRC, increasing the value of their riparian boundary. This has increased tensions and the Armed Forces of the DRC (FARDC). Moreover, oil deposits are lo cated near and within wildlife protection areas and environmentally sensitive regions. If not properly managed, environmental degradation could lead to local strife While these issues are important to the overall stability of the region, the primary sec urity threat posed to Uganda lies in the domestic effects of large scale oil exploitation. In many cases, sizeable petroleum reserves in less developed countries have not improved overall national economic performance. Indeed, for many petroleum rich, und erdeveloped states, exploitation has reduced the competitiveness of previously productive economic sectors, leading to declining wealth, social and political unrest, increasingly disaffected populations, emergence of rebel organizations, government corrupt ion, and destabilized domestic security 6 While not a deterministic relationship, access to such a valuable resource has pitfalls for less developed states lacking the capacity to properly develop the resource. In the following sections, we describe a phe nomenon known as the resource curse, discuss how it may apply to Uganda, and highlight opportunities for avoiding the plight of so many other oil rich developing countries. oward poor economic performance and domestic unrest is well established. 7 This relationship has led some to claim that access to petroleum reserves is nothing inherently destabilizing about access to large oi l reserves petroleum lends itself to mismanagement, yielding unfortunate economic and security consequences for the extractive state. As Uganda advances toward export capacity in the next several years, it faces many of the same hurdles as current export countries in avoiding the pitfalls of exploiting valuable resources. claims to recognize the dangers inherent in the process, noting that Uganda intends to avoid the track taken by countries like Nigeria. Nigeria, a fter discovering and tapping enormous oil reserves in the 1950s, has been wracked by civil
Oil Extraction and the Potential for Domestic Instability in Uganda | 25 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3| Summer 2011 war, economic stagnation, and petro political terrorism. As a stark example, in the time that Nigeria has been exporting oil, its per capita income has remained sta gnant, changing very little from its value of four decades ago. 8 Museveni has at least paid lip service to avoiding such misfortunes. Ideally, Uganda hopes to benefit from a more stable and the management of oil profits, ma king exploitation and structur ing oil revenue investments to avoid many of the economic hazards that have befallen other large oil exporting countries 9 Emmanuel Mutebile, Governor of the Bank of Uganda, who has worked closely with Museveni, highlighted the importance of responsibly managing the oil sector W e must be Africa's Norway. We must manage our oil resources in the stellar manner i n which Botswana has managed it s wealth from diamonds 10 However, the proper management of the resource is not easy. It is t herefore worth outlining the issues that hold the greatest potential for causing domestic instability over time. forces create pressures for over reliance on the oil secto r, leaving other domestic economic sectors to deteriorate. Over reliance then dramatic swings in the global price of petroleum. Recent discourse on the resource curse highlights a number of political and s ociological processes that lend petroleum extraction to increased civil unrest. Below, we discuss several of these issues as they relate to the current state of affairs in Uganda. Declining Competitiveness of the Economy and Increased Urbanization While oil exportation can bring a great deal of revenue to the state, a massive inflow of oil is especially true for less developed countries where nascent economic s ystems are too fragile to absorb large economic shocks. On its face, increased oil revenues and wealth brought to the export country are positive developments. However, as the demand for oil from foreign markets grows, so too does the demand for the export exchange rate upward. As a result, the other export oriented sectors of the oil economy become less competitive 11 To date, President Museveni has not provided a plan that clearly details how the government w ill attempt to manipulate these macroeconomic processes, although his public statements indicate his acknowledgement of such dangers. For example, had this pro 12 To remain competitive, states must invest heavily in improving the efficiency of other export sectors so that non petroleum products sold in foreign markets can remain competi tive. In most cases, this requires states to redistribute a substantial portion of oil revenues. States often have difficulty committing to this, as it is tempting to invest oil revenues back into the oil sector, especially when high prices promise large r eturns on continued investment. 13 Previously productive sectors are all too often ignored and therefore begin to deteriorate in efficiency, productive capacity, and profitability.
26 | Kathman & Shannon African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3| Summer 2011 Like most African countries, agriculture composes a significant portion o economy. In 2009, agriculture accounted for 25 percent with primary exports including coffee and tea Considered in light of the fact that the global average of agricultural production as a percentage of GDP was less than 3 percent it is clear 14 For its agricultural sector to remain competitive, Uganda must invest oil revenues to improve efficiency and increase crop yields. Like many S ub Saharan African nations, Uganda is deficient in sophisticated irrigation systems, relying upon weather patterns and routine rainfall. With improved irrigation systems, reliance upon seasonal weather patterns should decrease, crop yields should increase, and agriculture should remain competitive in foreign markets, even as Ugandan Investment Authority (UIA), an investment institution which is semiautonomous from the Ugandan government, a portion of oil revenues will be invested in improving agricultural system. 15 However, the level of investment necessary to modernize agr icultural practices is unclear as this has not been publicly addressed by Ugandan government ministries It is also not apparent what portion of the oil revenues will be made available to such programs. In theory, investing in productive agricultural sec tors is a positive mechanism that helps of such investment. For one, improving irrigation systems and beginning the process of commercializing agriculture will si gnificantly reduce the manpower necessary to manage farmland. Should the Ugandan government invest heavily in this transition, a short term result may be the reduction of necessary employment in the agricultural sector, raising the issue of how to compensa te farm workers in need of transitioning to other occupations UIA officials were questioned by the authors about this issue and responded simply that former farmers would be welcomed to move to the cities where they would be able to find other work 16 Ind eed this is a process that has played itself out in other nations as advances are made in agricultural productivity. Increasing technological advancement of the agricultural sector may attenuate already rapid migration to urban areas in Uganda. Urbanizat ion is often associated with domestic unrest and civil war and such societal changes can be disruptive if not managed well The movement of people to metropolitan centers increases the stress on fragile urban infrastructures 17 This is especially true whe n population movements happen relatively quickly, as is already occurring in Uganda. As of 2009, 13 percent areas. The average annual growth rate of the urban population between 2000 and 2009 was 4.2 percent compare d to less than 3 percent population has been steady over the past four decades, averaging 5.7 percent between 1970 and 1990 and 4.1 percent between 1990 and 2000. 18 It is also one of the highest rates of urbani zation in Africa. Between 1992 and 2003, the urban population in Uganda grew at a rate of 4%, percent 19 the third highest in the world, and its urbanization rate is mo re than tw ice the global average. 20 In addition to an increasingly urban population, Uganda has a young population. The median age in Uganda is a mere fifteen years old the lowest in the world according to the
Oil Extraction and the Potential for Domestic Instability in Uganda | 27 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3| Summer 2011 United States Central Intelligence Agency. R esearch has found that poor and disaffected youths are the most likely to turn to violence in order to redress socio political g rievances. 21 A young, growing, and increasingly urban population indicates the potential for civil strife in Uganda. The added stress of urban migration associated with oil production may only exacerbate the dynamics behind civil strife. Updating and securing quality public systems in urban areas are important for cushioning the stress of urban migration and demographic changes. 22 Employment, shelter, road networks, sewage and electrical systems, access to clean water, communication systems, education programs, and other infrastructure systems are required to accommodate rising urb an populations Achieving this, however, requires a large investment of resources in public works that may not have been necessary without the discovery and exploitation of oil. Should the government fail to soften this societal transition, unrest and violence can result as people urban power centers. While emigration to Kampala, Kira, Gulu, and most populous cities should be expected to continue, potentially at much higher rates. Unfortuna tely, the National Oil and Gas Policy (NOGP) for Uganda has little explanation for how it will manage these indirect consequences of oil exploitation. 23 Increased Presidential Power and Instability in Tax Revenue Collection Under normal circumstances, go vernments are dependent upon tax revenues for funding their continued operation. In other words, the government is beholden to the public in order maintain its hold on power. This is not to say that regimes are then required to provide quality governance in return for taxes collected. However, in all but the most strictly dictatorial regimes where power is highly concentrated, the reliance of the government on tax revenue creates a principal ntributions is expected in the form of government programs and public works projects. Yet, governments that have routine, and sometimes massive, access to oil revenue do not require as much in the way of tax revenue to fund their operations Increasingly oil rich regimes often become less dependent upon the people for their hold on power. This is especially the case when a government is a strong presidential system that is less reliant upon the cooperation between the president and the legislature, as is the case in Uganda. Power is becoming increasingly centralized and concentrated in President Museveni particularly because of the declining ability of local governments to levy and collect taxes. 24 P ower plays by President Museveni have included the extension of constitutionally mandated term limits on his stay in office and the arrest of political opponents prior to elections If Museveni gains access to substantial oil revenue, the combination of considerable oil funds and strong presidential powers could increase the ability of his government to remain in power indefinitely. 25 The fact that President Museveni has recently proclaimed that he sees no potential replacement to his role as p resident within his own party, the National Resistance Mo vement (NRM), leads one to believe that he has no plans to abdicate his position in the near future 26 As the Ugandan news source, The Daily Monitor ] told the NRM parliamentary caucus that he does not see an able successor from his own party to take over
28 | Kathman & Shannon African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3| Summer 2011 from him as president. Mr. Museveni, who will have spent 25 years in power when his current term ends in 2011, told the MPs that whereas he would be happy to hand over power, he does not see anybody ready to assume the daunting task of leading this country 27 Further, T he New Vision democracy in Uganda, reporting t atic and was tantamount to hijacking the 28 Some observers fear curse could al of securing a life presidency could only be sustained through a very expensive patron client system. In order to keep his sycophants happy, Museveni will have to handsomely dish out expensive goodies or allow them to indulge in corrupt practices 29 Increases in corrupt behavior would essentially require secrecy in government dealing s. A reduction in government government to become increasingly autocratic in its relationship with the public and political opponents, as has so often been the pattern in oth er oil producing states. Additionally, if the Ugandan government turns too fully toward petroleum financing of its operations, spending projects may become overly sensitive to price fluctuations in the global market for oil. Oil is especially susceptible to price volatility, and the potential for dramatic changes in the price of oil over short periods of time, as is evident in Figure 1, can make it rather difficult to accurately forecast future government revenues. Inexact forecasts and volatile revenue fl ows detrimentally affect the ability of the government to fulfill its missions. Plummeting prices could force the Ugandan government to cease financing existing public works projects unless the government engaged in significant deficit spending. Incurring revenue streams and its ability to finance debts appropriately. The presence of a stabilization fund to draw upon in such times of declining oil revenues is an important measure to policy that includ es such a fund 30 Susceptibility of Extraction to Rebel Activity Unlike other primary commodities such as gemstones, narcotics, timber, and some agricultural products, petroleum does not easily lend itself to the financing of rebel organizations. For example, diamonds and opium are easily extractable and sold on the black market, allowing rebel groups to flo urish. 31 Oil, on the other hand, requires a complex national extractive infrastructure, production system, and access to international markets. Such capacity is not easily attainable for rebel groups. 32
Oil Extraction and the Potential for Domestic Instability in Uganda | 29 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3| Summer 2011 Source: United States Department of Energy (www. energy.gov) T his is not to say h owever, that rebels are unable to take advantage of petroleum extraction directly overlaps areas of the country that have previously seen significant rebel activity. Th e of the country, nearest to the exploration block licensed to Neptune Petroleum Ltd., a subsidiary of London based Tower Resources nd atrocious behavior toward the civilian populations is a potentially destabilizing element. The LRA has become known for killing and raping innocent civilians, abducting children for the purposes of serving as child soldiers, and maiming the bodies of n oncombatants. Uganda and the DRC have engaged in cooperative attempts to combat the LRA, including the late 2008 joint operation 33 However, these joint military engagements have failed to destroy the LRA and have led to repr isals in the form of violence against civilians. 34 The continuing presence in the region and its unwillingness to end peacefully its war with the Ugandan government has continued the unrest in the nor thern Uganda DRC border region. 35 While the LRA has been recently weakened by ( UPDF ) attacks, its continued ability to persist and terrorize the northwestern Ugandan continued stable access to o il. 36
30 | Kathman & Shannon African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3| Summer 2011 Furthermore, the oil rich region on the Ugandan side of Lake Albert was also the site of rebel activity that resulted in a great deal of insecurity in the 1990s. The Allied Democratic Forces, a rebel organization whose rationale for insurgency is som ewhat unclear, engaged in violence against civilians. The group was vaguely organized along the puritanical Tabliq Muslim ideology and claimed that they had been discriminated against by the Ugandan government. While the fighting was rather limited, the violence perpetuated by the group caused approximately 160,000 civilians to flee their homes 37 Still, the instability in the regions tion of the resource. While oil is not easily exploited by rebel organizations to finance their operations, the extractive and distributive systems constructed by oil rich states offer an attractive target for rebel violence and sabotage. Given that the r egimes governing oil rich states often become increasingly dependent upon the continued development of the resource, rebel efforts to fruitful efforts toward weakeni pump stations, and other fixed emplacements offer easy targets for rebel attacks that hold the Delta offers an example of this. Recent attacks by the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND) rebel group are the latest in a long history of rebel attacks on the Nigerian oil network 38 Another example is found in Colombia where the Revolution ary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and the National Liberation Army (ELN) rebel organizations have for extortion, and civilian killing s as par t of their resistance c ampaigns. 39 With the recent weakening of the LRA, there may not be significant rebel activity in the region currently. However, there is indeed a great potential for rejuvenated rebel groups to reconstitute themselves, or even for new rebel organizations to form around the petroleum exploitation issue. In fact, there are indications that social unrest could be on the rise in the region. First, as news of the oil deposits has spread, large numbers of people from outside the region have begun to move into are as that they expect to be rich in oil. The goal of such squatters is to obtain future oil rents from the government 40 The presence of squatters generates animosities among the Banyoro people who are the longstanding inhabitants of the region on the Ugand an side of Lake Albert. 41 migrants, has increased fears that migration will eventually lead to a loss of jobs and political clout for the Banyoro. Recent reports of unrest have led the government to invest more heavily in establishing a stronger police presence in the oil rich regions, in part to protect oil assets in the region from any potential social unrest. 42 Furthermore, given that the oil reserves have been discovered under what is largely Bunyoro land, the Bunyoro kingdom has called for a greater share of oil revenues as compensation for hosting the oil extraction infrastructure. 43 Yet, such an agreement would likely promote migration to oil rich regions, and the government hopes to avoid t he unrest the produced by such migration. Recognizing this, the NOGP states that: E xperience from some countries shows that oil and gas producing regions may attract labour and threaten other sources of productivity thus leading to the abandonment and col lapse of other sectors of the economy. It is therefore
Oil Extraction and the Potential for Domestic Instability in Uganda | 31 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3| Summer 2011 possible that large numbers of people may move to the Albertine Graben where oil and gas activities are likely to be concentrated...this policy recognizes the need to guide population movements and se ttlements triggered by oil and gas activities Local industries supplying the oil and gas activities should, as far as possible, be spread throughout the country to avoid concentration around typically oil and gas centres of activity This policy will supp ort enforcement of regulations res 44 However, the process by which these decisions will be made and the mechanisms to implement them are rather unclear. Further, the NOGP is short on specifics for how revenues will be distrib uted across the various provinces within Uganda. Public perceptions of favoritism toward some regions over others could generate discord, especially given Bunyoro calls for a greater share of the resource distribution 45 If, for example, oil revenues are shared government should increase, because their land will be developed and exploited for the purposes of extraction. On the other hand, if it is determined that a preferentia l share of the revenue should be allocated to those in the oil rich provinces as payment for the obligation of housing the oil extraction infrastructure, publics in other less privileged provinces may begin to decry the lack of equitability. Further, the continued arrival of increasingly large numbers of provinces if the oil rich territories receive a preferential share of the profits. Each of these situat ions could significantly increase the level of civil strife in the country. Yet, the NGOP has no developed mechanism for dealing with these likely outcomes of any future government revenue distribution practices. At the very least, the seeds of disaffect ion exist, which could civil unrest. Thus, Museveni must not only strike a balance in revenue distribution, but his government must also prepare its administrative capacity for managing the type of civil strife that could arise like those situations described above. Yet states with easy access to petroleu m revenues feel less beholden to investing in the administrative organization of state territory, much like the tendency of states to avoid reinvesting oil revenues in their productive economic sectors. 46 Conversely, potential rebel organization s recognize the value of obtaining control of the government given the wealth generated from oil exploitation. Rebels are therefore more notes: States with high oil revenues have less incentive to develop administrative competence and control throughout their territory. So while oil revenues help a state against insurgents by providing more financial resources, compared to other countries with the same per capita income they should tend to have mar kedly less administrative and bureaucratic capacity. Furthermore, easy riches from oil make the state a more tempting prize (for rebels) relative to working in th e regular economy. 47 In essence, then, the presence of a profitable oil extractive system makes the overthrow of the government a more lucrative and attractive goal for potential rebel groups. Yet, at the same
32 | Kathman & Shannon African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3| Summer 2011 time, governments have fewer incentives to counteract the proliferation of rebel groups by investin g heavily in the administrative instituti ons that would help to maintain peace throughout the country. The combination of these two factors can make for a rather destabilizing situation in Uganda. The above d strife. As an individual case, many of the notable factors that are associated with the resource curse are present in the country. These factors have been uncovered in countless qualitative case studies and increasingly in quantitative statistical research. One of the benefits of social, economic, and political realities with th ose of all other states that have experienced an oil boon. Indeed, recent quantitative studies have noted a statistically significant relationship between rising oil production and the likelihood of substantial civil unrest. While we will not engage in a full statistical analysis here, previously conducted work unrest. One of the most recently published quantitative studies was conducted by Fjelde in 2009. She finds support for much of the conventional wisdom in the literature in terms of the factors that are significantly associated with civil unrest. 48 In her work, civil unrest is defined narrowly in order to capture rather high levels of domestic instability The definition requires that a rebel group be formally constituted, it must have stated political grievances against the government, and it must choose to pursue those grievances in a violent manner for which there are at least twenty five fatalities ca armed forces in a given year. ( 2001 ) statistical research on the independent predictors of civil war which is one of the most well largely consistent with those of previous work in the literature. 49 The advantage of her work is that she includes in her analys per capita and the level of government corruption in each state. The oil production and corruption variables in her analyses are consistently statistically significant and positively rela civil unrest also increases. This pattern also holds for incr easing corruption levels. Furthermore, Fjelde finds that civil wars are less likely to occur in established democracies and more likely under autocratic regimes. and quality of governance. The benefit of this process is that a statistical simulation essentially civil strife based on the experiences of all other countries in the world in the time period
Oil Extraction and the Potential for Domestic Instability in Uganda | 33 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3| Summer 2011 analyzed. In this sense, a statistical simulation is a strong comparative tool that is not reliant upon the vagaries of single ca se comparisons. Figure 2 below reports the results of our simulation. First, we hold all of the independent model at their Ugandan equivalents. At the current point in time, this status quo situation includes zero oil production. Therefore, the oil production per capita variable takes a value of zero 50 Furthermore, the Museveni government is currently conside red to be an anocracy in that the country has neither a fully democratic nor a fully autocratic government and rather has elements of both democracies and autocracies. 51 In addition, ssessment scales as being moderately corrupt. 52 Armed with this Uganda specific data, we can say that compared to substantial civil unrest is approximately 8.41 perce nt as is reflected in Figure 2. corroborate, that increasing oil production has the effect of increasing the likelihood of civil unrest. However, this is not the full story. From the discussion above, we note that rising oil production also often causes regimes to engage in increasingly corrupt behavior and to retreat from democratic governance toward more authoritarian forms of rule. For Uganda, we are able to two and 2.5 billion ll be dependent upon the reserves should easily put it in the global top fifty producers. With increased rates of extraction, its global oil production rank may rise substantially. civil unrest by increasing its rate of oil production from the status quo to ever higher productive amounts that are consistent with the top fifty forty thirty and twenty oil producing countries in the world. At the same time, the trajectory of this line is determined by equivalently transformative process indicated b y the resource curse theory. 53 The grey line clearly indicates the detrimental consequences of expanding oil production and degrading governance. If Uganda follows the pattern of other resource cursed becomes increa singly closed, non transparent, authoritarian, and corrupt, the result would be a significant increase in the likelihood of severe civil strife. Specifically, if Uganda transitions from its status quo position and increases its petroleum production capaci ty to levels consistent with the top twenty global producers, reaches high levels of political corruption, and likelihood of a new civil conflict onset from 8.41 perc ent to 14.05 percent This is an astounding 67.1 percent increase in the probability of civil conflict.
34 | Kathman & Shannon African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3| Summer 2011 A s the gray line in Figure 2 indicates, however, growing oil production is not deterministically associated with an increased potential for civil conflict. The conflict inducing effect of greater oil production is not only muted by beneficial governance reforms. Rather, if reforms are implemented that make the political system increasingly transparent, fight corruption, and facilitate a transition to open, compe titive, and representative democracy, the likelihood of civil conflict drops dramatically from status quo levels to 1.96 percent 54 This is a reduction of 76.7 percent in the probability of civil conflict in Uganda. These simulations thus indicate the impo rtance of political reform in Uganda for managing the resource curse effect of increasing oil production. Policy Recommendations: Pursuing Government Transparency to Avoid Instability ty to the oil curse, we argue that t he key to sustainable oil extraction and domestic stability in Uganda is government transparency. If gover nment makes its decisions public and is held accountable, it is more likely to choose anti corruption p olicies that are favorable to the public interest. Government responsibility and accountability flow directly from the transparency of government activities to interested parties. 55 When important information is kept secret, the public, civil society, non governmental organizations, and even entire branches of government are unable to determine what monies are being channeled to the government and how fairly 8.41% 9.48% 10.69% 12.17% 14.05% 8.41% 5.80% 3.98% 2.76% 1.96% 0% 2% 4% 6% 8% 10% 12% 14% 16% No Oil Production Top 50 Oil Producer Top 40 Oil Producer Top 30 Oil Producer Top 20 Oil Producer Likelihood fo Civil Strife Figure 2: Effect of Oil Production on Likelihood of Civil Strife in Uganda Autocratic Regress Extreme Corruption Status Quo: Anocratic Moderate Corruption Democratic Reforms Minimal Corruption
Oil Extraction and the Potential for Domestic Instability in Uganda | 35 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3| Summer 2011 and effectively those funds are being allocated. Important information that governments have often kept secret include oil company contracts, revenue shares taken by both oil companies and the government, and spending on government programs made available by access to oil revenues. When this information is not made publicly available, there is no way t o make certain that potentially corrupt government officials are not exploiting their access to resource funds for personal gain. Transparency can go a long way toward softening the detrimental effects of oil extraction on other domestic industries, avoid ing aggressive policies toward and avoiding the resource curse. Currently, the public perception of transparency in Uganda is quite low. However, the Ugandan government publicly acknowledges the importance of transparency. Its National Oil and Gas Policy purports that: This policy shall therefore promote high standards of transparency and accountability in licensing, procurement, exploration, development and production operations as well as management of revenues from oil and gas. The policy will also support disclosure of payments and revenues from oil and gas using si mple and understood principles in line with accepted national and international financial reporting standards. 56 Other pieces of legislation in Uganda also provide for transparency in public offices. The 2005 Access to Information Act outlines a process by which Ugandans can acquire government insuffici ent procedural guarantees 57 Despite legislative provisions for transparency, government has kept much of its oil policy secret, specifically by failing to widely disclose revenue sharing agreements between the oil companies and the government. The revenue sharing agreement details what percentage the government will take once companies begin pumping and selling oil. Although it has reportedly released some details of the revenue sharing plan to members of Parliament on the National Resource Com mittee, it has not made the agreement available to Parliament as a whole or to the public 58 Conflicting reports abound in the media as to the terms of the would b e 80 percent a deal quite favorable to the government. 59 But a British environmental watchdog organization, Platform, disputes those figures, claiming that internal figures within the gove rnment put its revenue share at 67 percent to 74 percent. Platform even lower, arguing that based on external influences such as the price of oil and developmental costs, the government will receive 47.4 percent to 79.5 percent. Without such information about the revenue sharing agreement, independent e xperts and the public are unable to determine if the government is getting a good, or even fair, deal with the oil companies. Civil society is also unable to hold the government accountable for investing oil revenues into public goods if it does not know website. The EITI is a British initiative that has b ecome a standard bearer for good governance
36 | Kathman & Shannon African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3| Summer 2011 including widespread dissemination of information regarding revenues collected by governments from oil companies. It also provides for civil society and peer reviews of such a plan 60 Govern ment officials have not formally begun the process of joining EITI, claiming that it does not make sense to start proceedings until the framework on managing oil revenue is updated. Also, no oil company exploring in Uganda has signed EITI, although Tullow has expressed interest in doing s o Furthermore, t he NOGP itself cannot fully ensure transparency, as it is more a statement of principles t han a guide to good governance. 61 Uganda must take bold, specific measures if it is to credibly communicate its co mmitment to transparency and a sustainable oil policy, such as joining and implementing the policies outlined by EITI. Transparency is particularly important to communities local to the extraction sites. The Independent g Act, eighty percent of oil revenue goes to the national government, seventeen percent goes to local governments, and three percent goes to from 15 percent to 50 percent share of the revenues be distributed to locals. 62 The Bunyoro the kingdom argue that they deserve a larger share of oil revenues. In fact, m any respondents in districts surrounding the oil said that they should be given a gr eater share of revenue, according to survey by the NGO International Alert Naturally, members of parliament have made statements about the distribution of benefits according to whether thei r districts are located inside or outside the regions where exploration is occurring. MPs from districts outside the Lake Albert area claim that oil should be thought of as a national, not local, resource, and revenues should be distributed accordingly. Until more specific legislation is passed and the government announces the revenue sharing agreement, identity based tension persists over how oil profits will affect local communities versus Uganda as a whole. Not all relevant experts interviewed for th is manuscript believe the government is maliciously secretive about its oil extraction policies, especially regarding the production sharing agreements. Daniel Rutabingwa of the African Development Bank expressed that failure to disclose revenue sharing in formation is an effort by the government to protect the industry. Other individuals noted that Uganda is new to oil exploration and that the government is not yet fully equipped to produce a transparent policy. Still, to obtain compliance with the princi ples of EITI, Uganda will eventually need to offer more information about the production sharing agreements. Ugandan policy has a chance to implement increased transparency in the near future, as the government plans to develop additional legislation to ma nage oil activities and revenues. The Minister of Energy and Mine ral Development has reported that such legislation will be passed in the near future. 63 The legislation provides an opportunity to inject transparency into the current policy. To date, howeve r, no such legislation has been enacted. The Minister of Finance claims that signing and implementing the principles of EITI is not appropriate until legislation
Oil Extraction and the Potential for Domestic Instability in Uganda | 37 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3| Summer 2011 regarding oil management is passed. Once this pending legislation is adopted, the government w ill go a long way in building public confidence if it takes measures to implement EITI. E ven if the government becomes more transparent in its decision making, h owever, it does not necessarily follow that the Ugandan public will be able to hold the gover nment accountable. There exist a number of challenges in keeping the public informed about policies and the influence of oil extraction. Current Ugandan law may overestimate the ability of the public to acquire information, and civil society organizations basic competencies and knowledge to get meaningfully involved in the decision making processes that affect 64 Uganda lacks much of the infrastructure necessary to communicate information and improve accountability. Most of the public facilities do not have internet or other telecommunication systems. The rural areas surrounding the oil extraction sites are especially deficient in this regard. Much public legislation, written in English, is only acces sible to a small number of Ugandans, as the government acknowledges. Overall, the ability of the public to obtain specific information about the petroleum policies is quite limited. they cannot demand that the government implement policies to improve public works. Government frustrations that stem from these inherent deficiencies may then make the secretive backroom dealings a more attractive means of doing business. However, as t he statistical results above indicated, such corrupt and autocratic tendencies can only make costly civil conflict more likely. Conclusion The extraction of oil has the potential to provide tremendous economic benefits for Uganda. It conomy less competitive. If the government does not reinvest revenues into public works to soften the blow of economic change, domestic instability may ensue. Uganda must be aware and plan for increased urbanization and demographic changes resulting from the economic transformation that may accompany oil exportation. It should also be wary of the potential for rebel groups to form and target oil infrastructure. The Ugandan government can take a number of measures to mitigate the risks associated with o il extraction. Transparency is crucial to mitigating much of the potential domestic instability arising from oil exploitation. The government should make known its planned responses to increased urban migration and the need for new jobs for newly arriv ing rural migrants. In addition to transparency is the political will and capacity to implement good policy to cushion the social impact of oil exploration. Uganda should engage in and publicize welfare programs to ease social changes resulting from the sub stantial shock to the economy from a productive oil sector. It should also implement fiscal policies to reinvest oil revenues into competitive sectors of the economy. There should be provisions made for an increased role of civil society in monitoring the governmental organization operating in Uganda, calls for a resource and information office to be set up in the Ministry of Energy to disseminate information in more languages and through various med ia 65 Uganda would also be well served in the realm of transparency to become a candidate for EITI. Pursuing these
38 | Kathman & Shannon African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3| Summer 2011 policy recommendations will prove beneficial to Uganda in avoiding the experience of so many other developing nations that have been blessed with access to abundant petroleum reserves and seemingly cursed with the inability to manage the riches that oil can provide. Notes 1 Wakabi 2011. 2 Meijers and Demetriou 2009. 3 Kasita and Temmerman 2009. 4 International Alert 2009. 5 Denge 2011. 6 See Fearon 2005, Karl 1997, Humphreys 2005, Humphreys et. al. 2007, Ross 1999, 2001, 2004a, 2004b, 2007, 2008. 7 Fearon 2005, Karl 1997, Ross 1999, Sachs and Warner 2001. 8 For global data on national economic measures for the post World War I I era including gross domestic product (GDP), GDP per capita, and import and export volumes, see Gleditsch 2002. 9 Velculescu 2008, Wigglesworth and Kennedy 2007. 10 Muhumuza 2010. 11 Ebrahim zadeh 2003, Ross 2001. 12 Muhumuza 2010. 13 Sachs and Warner 2001. 14 World Bank 2011. 15 Ministry of Energy and Mineral Development 2008, Mutende 2009. 16 Mutende 2009. 17 Cincot ta, Engelman, and Anastasion 2003. 18 United Nations Population Division. 19 Grant 2005. 20 CIA 2011. 21 Cincotta, Engelman, and Anastasion 2003. 22 especially its roads, the availability of clean water and electricity, and improved security syst ems in the metropolitan areas. If significant migration to metropolitan areas occurs, these programs will help to ease the transition. 23 Ministry of Energy and Mineral Development 2008 24 Manyak and Katono 2010. 25 usefully described as an anocracy, which is a regime type that displays both authoritarian and democratic characteristics (Marshall and Jaggers 2002). These characteristics are sometimes contradictory and have been shown to be the regime type most closely a ssociated with instability (Hegre et. al. 2001). Anocracies also tend to be highly
Oil Extraction and the Potential for Domestic Instability in Uganda | 39 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3| Summer 2011 personalistic, relying on the leadership of t he executive to function effectively. However, such personalistic, anocratic systems are prone to corruption and bribery for the executive to maintain his or her hold on power. Under such conditions, access to enormous oil revenues, like those expe cted in Uganda, could be highly susceptible to government mismanagement. 26 Wanyama 2009. 27 Ibid. 28 Mukasa 2008. 29 Okumu 2010. 30 The importance of creating a stabilization fund is apparent in an example provided by Chad. With assistance from the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, Chad agreed to create a stabilization fund in which excess revenues would be set aside as reserves for future use during economic downturns or budget shortfalls, and Chad would receive a loan from the World Bank to produce a pipeline that would allow it to export its crude through Cameroon to the Atlantic Ocean (Carrington and Milverton 2006; New Vision 2009). However, while several oversight and regulatory bodies were created to effectively manage the oil network and the stabilization fund, these steps have not been able to avoid wasteful uses of revenues to corruption and conflict. 31 See Lu jala et. al. 2005; Snyder and Bhavnani 2005. The literature connecting petroleum endowments to civil unrest is a subset of a broader literature on the relationship between national economies dependent upon primary commodities and their tendency to produce civil war. For examples see Collier and Hoeffler 2004, Humphreys 2005, Humphreys, Sachs, and Stiglitz 2007, Ross 2004a, 2004b, 2008, and Fearon 2005 among many others. 32 One way in which rebels have been able to profit directly from stealing oil has bee n through the process of oil bunkering in which oil is siphoned from pipelines and sold on the black market. Rebels in Nigeria have used oil bunkering in taking advantage of the 008. Still, the process of oil bunkering is complex and requires significantly greater capacity than is available to most rebel organizations. 33 Gettleman and Schmit 2009. 34 Rice 2009. 35 Gettleman and Okeowo 2008, Johnson 2009. 36 Johnson 2009. 37 Hov il and Werker 2005. 38 CNN 2009. 39 Hanson 2009. 40 Kajwenge 2009. 41 based property rights system coupled with unclear, legally recognized divisions between separately owned land holdings has made the incr eased presence of squatters a rising problem for regional security. 42 Izama 2009.
40 | Kathman & Shannon African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3| Summer 2011 43 Bariyo 2010, Kajwenge 2009. 44 Ministry of Energy and Mineral Development 2008. 45 Bariyo 2010. 46 Fearon 2005, Humphreys 2005, Humphreys et. al. 2007, Karl 1997, Ross 2004a, 2004b. 47 Fearon 2005, 487. 48 For instance, Fjelde accounts for economic factors such as per capita wealth, political factors like the democratic or autocratic nature of state governments, ethnic and religious compositions of countries, and many ot her variables. 49 For readers interested in technical issues regarding the statistical model, the approach used by Fjelde is standard in the literature. Her dependent variable is dichotomous, coding the onset of civil unrest as defined above for every sove reign state in the world for every year during the 1985 to 1999 time period. The analysis includes standard independent control variables, and the models specifications remedy common concerns for reverse causality, autocorrelation across observations, and she includes several alternative specifications in order to be certain that her results are robust. For further information about the statistical model used for the simulations conducted herein, see Fjelde 2009, Table 1, model 2. 50 The data for the oil p roduction variable used by Fjelde is provided by Humphreys 2005 and records the average barrels of oil produced per day per capita. 51 The regime type data are taken from the Polity IV dataset (Marshall and Jaggers 2002) which codes regime types on a +10 t o 10 scale for which the most democratic nations take a value of +10. This n umber becomes lower as states become less democratic, sliding to the extreme of 10 in the most fully autocratic nations. The Polity IV dataset codes its values based on a number of factors including the relative openness of executive recruitment, the level of constraints on executive authority, and the v itality of political competition. 52 The scale used by Fjelde is the International Country Risk Guide which is published by the Political Risk Services Group. This guide measures government corruption based on the assessments of country experts and takes into account the prevalence of patronage, bribery, nepotism, non transparency in government funding allocations, and extraordin arily close ties between political leaders and businesses. While other corruption indices are available, the rating scales across indices are very similar to one another in 53 corruption level takes a value of four out of a maximum of six. Its status quo autocracy level is zero on a dichotomous scale from 0 to 1. Thus, this graph reports corruption increases from 4 to 4.5, 5, 5.5, and 6 to reflect an increase from moderate leve ls of corruption at the status quo to maximal amounts of corruption in Uganda. Furthermore, the autocracy values are increased from 0 to .25, .5, .75, and 1 to reflect a transition from anocratic government to increasingly high levels of authoritarianism. These incremental increases in corruption and autocracy comport directly to the respective oil production values reported on the x axis. 54 Functionally, this line reports corruption decreases from 4 to 3, 2, 1, and 0 to reflect a decrease from moderate levels of corruption at the status quo to minimal amounts.
Oil Extraction and the Potential for Domestic Instability in Uganda | 41 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3| Summer 2011 Furthermore, the democracy values are increased from 0 to .25, .5, .75, and 1 to r eflect a transition from anocratic government to increasingly high levels of democracy. These incremental changes once again comport directly to the respective oil production values reported on the x axis. 55 While we focus here on issues of transparency, we do not wish to diminish the importance of policy reforms that could increase government accountability. Rather, we simply posit that the first and most important step in this process is opening access to vital information. Without increased transpare ncy, reforms that focus on government accountability and responsibility become less meaningful. 55 Ministry of Energy and Mineral Development 2008, Section 5.1.3. 56 Schwarte 2005. 57 International Alert 2009. 58 Kasita and Temmerman 2009. 59 Allen 20 08. 60 International Alert 2009. 61 Ibid. 62 Ibid., 26. 63 Schwarte 2008, 11. 64 International Alert 2009, 79. References Allen, Elizabeth Palchik. 2008. La P roducer. Sunday Monitor September 14. Dow Jones Newswires June 11. Carrington, Timothy and Damian S. Milverton. 2006. ign Memorandum of Und erstanding News Release No: 2007/19/EXC, July 14. C entral Intelligence Agency. 2011. The World Fact Book www.cia.gov Cincotta, Richard, Robert Engelman, and Daniele Anastasion. 2003. The Security Demographic Population and Civil Confli ct after the Cold War Washington, DC : Population Action International Collier, Paul, V. L. Elliott, Hvard Hegre, Anke Hoeffler, Marta Reynal Querol, and Nicholas Sambanis. 2003. Breaking the Conflict Trap: Civil War and Development Policy Washingto n,
42 | Kathman & Shannon African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3| Summer 2011 DC: World Bank and Oxford University Press. Collier, Paul and Anke Hoeffler. 2004. ar. Oxford Economic Papers 56.4 : 563 95. CNN. 2009. ipeline. Cable News Network June 19. Reuters, May 11. Ebrahim zadeh, Christine. 2003. nwisely. Finance and Development 40.1 Energy Information Administration. 2009. World Crude Oil P rices. US Department of Energy. Fearon, James D. 2005. ar. Journal of Conflict Resolution 49.4 : 483 507. Gettleman, Jeffrey and Alexis Okeowo. 2008. s Peace E fforts in Uganda. The New York Times April 12. _____ and Eric Schmit. 2009. ebels. The New York Times February 6. Gleditsch, Kristian S. 2002. "Expanded Trade and GDP Data," Journal of Conflict Resolution 46 .5 : 712 24. 2009 Chronic Poverty Report. Chronic Poverty Research Centre. www.chronicpoverty.org American Political Science Review 97.1: 75 90. Journal of Peace Research 46.2: 199 219. Hanson, Stephanie. 2009. Wing G uerrillas. Council on Foreign Relations August 19. www.cfr.org. Hegre, Hvard, Tanja Ellingsen, Scott Gates, and Nils Petter Gleditsch. 2001. Toward a Democratic Civil P eace? Democracy, Political C hange, and Civil W ar, 1816 1992. American Political Science Review 95 .1 : 33 48.
Oil Extraction and the Potential for Domestic Instability in Uganda | 43 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3| Summer 2011 Hovil, Lucy and Eric Werker. 2005. optimal Violence in W estern Uganda. Rationality and Society 17.5 : 5 34. Humphreys, Marcartan. 2005. Uncovering the M echanisms. Journal of Conflict Resolution 49.4: 508 37. _____ Jeffrey D. Sachs, and Joseph E. Stiglitz. 2007. Escaping the Resource Curse New York, NY: Columbia University Press. International Alert. 2009. evelopment in Uganda. Investing in Peace 2 : 1 92. Izama, Angelo. 2009. eadache. The Monitor July 12. Johnson, Scott. 2009. unt for Afr arlord. Newsweek May 25. Karl, Terry Lynn. 1997. The Paradox of Plenty: Oil Booms and Petro States Berkeley: University of California Press. Kasita, Ibrahim. 2010. ear. New Vision, January 27. Kasita, Ibrahim, and Els de Temmerman. 2009. Tullow Oil Deal R evealed. New Vision, September 25. Lujala, Paivi, Nils Petter Gleditsch, and Elisabeth Gilmore. 2005. and a Lootable R esource. Journal of Conflict Resolution 49.4 : 538 62. African Studies Quarterly 11.4: 1 24. Marshall, Monty G. and Keith Jaggers. 2002. Polity IV Project: Politi cal Regime Characteristics and Transitions, 1800 2002 College Park, MD: Center for International Development and Conflict Managemen t, University of Maryland. http://www.cidcm.umd.edu Ministry of Energy and Mineral Development. 2008. National Oil and Gas Policy for Uganda Muhumuza, Mark. 2010. conomy. East African Business Week June 4. New Vision, May 13. The New Vision. 2009. Lessons from the Chad O il Pipeline P roject. October, 28.
44 | Kathman & Shannon African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3| Summer 2011 Okumu, Wafula. 2010. il C urse. AfricaFiles June 1. www.icrgonline.com Rice, Xin. 2009. errorise s Congo after Ugandan Crackdown The Guardian September 14. Ross, Michael L. 1999. urse. World Politics 51 .2 : 297 322. emocracy? World Politics 53.3 : 325 361. ____ 2004a. ar? Evidence From Thirteen C ases. International Organization 58.1: 35 67. _____ 2004b. ar? Journal o f Peace Research 41.3 : 243 252. _____ 2007. onf I n Michael Walton, Anthony Bebbington, Anis Dani, and Arjan de Haa n, eds. Institutional Pathways to Equity: A ddressing Inequality Traps World Bank Publ ications 193 215. _____ 2008. onflict. Foreign Affairs May/June. Sachs, Jeffrey D. and Andrew M. Warner. 2001. Development: The Curse of Natural R esources. European Economic Review 45: 827 838. Schwarte, Christopher. 2008. Public Participation and Oil Exploration in Uganda. London : International Institute for Environment and Development. Snyder, Richard and Ravi Bhavnani. 2005. Cen tered F ramework for Explaining Political O rder. Journal of Conflict Resolution 49.4 : 563 597. www.transparency.org United Nations: Department of Economic and Social Affairs. IMF Survey Magazine July 9: www.imf.org
Oil Extraction and the Potential for Domestic Instability in Uganda | 45 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3| Summer 2011 Wakabi The East African Online, May 22. BBC News July 27. Wanyama, Don. 2009. Museveni Remarks Anger Kenyans, No H eir in NRM. Sunday Monitor Online May 17. New York Times October 17. World Bank. 2011. World Development Indicators Data http://data.worldbank.org/ Interviews Adoko, Judy. 2009. Programme Coordinator, Land and Equi ty Movement in Uganda. Personal interview, July 07. Demetriou, Andy. 2009. External Relations, Tullow Oil, Uganda Ope rations Pty Limited. Personal interview, July 16. Kajwenge, Robinah. 2009. Project Officer, International Alert. Personal interview, July 15. Meijers, Hans. 2009. Development Manager, Tullow Oil, Uganda Operations Pty Limited. Personal interview, July 16. Mutende, James Shinyabulo. 2009. Senior Investment Executive, Investment Promotion Division, Uganda Investment Authority. Personal interview, July 8.
African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 Mesharch W. Katusiimeh is a Lecturer in Political Science and Public Administration at Uganda Christian University. Arthur P. J. Mol is a Professor and Chair, Environmental Policy Group, Wageningen University and Research Center (WUR), the Netherlands. http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v12/v12i3a3.pdf University of Florida B oard of Trustees, a public corporation of the State of Florida; permission is hereby granted for individuals to download articles for their own personal use. Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Flori da. ISSN: 2152 2448 Environmental Legacies of Major Events : Solid Waste M anagement and the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) in Uganda MESCHARCH W. KATUSIIMEH & ARTHUR P.J. MOL Abstract : Important political, cultural or sports events can accelerate improvements in environmental policy and performance. This study investigates whether environmental improvements and especially those related to solid waste materialized during the 2007 Commonw ealth Heads of Government meeting (CHOGM) in Kampala, Uganda, and whether these improvements lasted well after that event. A quantitative survey was used to investigate the state of solid waste management before, during and after CHOGM measured through t he perceptions of urban residents. Interviews and documents were used to interpret survey results. The study concludes that additional resources and institutional changes in solid waste management in the lead up to CHOGM, resulted in considerable improveme nts. Some of these effects on solid waste management lasted up to at least one year after hosting the CHOGM event. In addition, CHOGM lifted the differences in perceptions of solid waste management between the city center and peripheral divisions. Introd uction In November 2007 Kampala hosted the biannual Commonwealth Heads of Government meeting (CHOGM). All fifty three heads of government of the Commonwealth nations grouped together for one week (November 23 to 30), to discuss matters of common interest. In preparation for this CHOGM meeting Kampala was upgraded: roads were repaired and improved (sometimes at the costs of small shops adjacent to the roads), graffiti was removed, buildings were upgraded, and solid waste management was improved. The national Uganda government as well as the Kampala City Council (KCC) spent significant resources in this urban upgrading. And this is not unlike what other large cities hosting similar major events have experienced, whether it be political meetings of heads of states (such as Earth summits, UN conferences ), major sports events (such as Olympic Games, World C ups), or large cultural festivals (such as World Expos). But do such urban upgrading and improvement ef forts ha ve an impact, and if so does the impact last beyond these events? This study investigates whether environmental improvements and especially those related to solid waste that materialized during the 2007 CHOGM meeting in Kampala
48 | Katusiimeh & http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v12/v12i3a3.pdf continued, and whether t hey lasted until at least one year after that event. As with many s ub Saharan African cities f or a long time Kampala has experienced many problems related to solid waste management 1 These problems are related but not limited to lack of access to solid waste services especially by poor communities, a reluctance to create partnerships with major actors such as community based organizations ( CBOs ) and informal enterprises, and disorganized, unregulated and not sufficiently supervised solid waste ma nagement ( SWM ) operations, resulting in heaps of garbage on the streets. 2 It was hoped that the CHOGM would be more than a tempora ry improvement of solid waste collection and treatment; that the improvements in solid waste management would become instituti onalized, such that Kampala would not fall back to the old, pre CHOGM, situation. So, the central research question that motivated this study is whether and to what extent there are environmental legacies (of at least one year) related to solid waste manag em ent from hosting the 2007 CHOGM. O r in other words, to what extent have CHOGM induced environmental reforms become institutionalized in solid waste management in Kampala city? After providing an overview of the literature on the major events and their legacies, the paper reports on empirical survey research carried out in Kampala on solid waste perceptions, investigating temporal and spatial differences of solid waste management following the CHOGM event. Major Events and Their Environmental L egacies Mega and Major E vents Hallmark or mega events are short term events of fixed duration. The British sociologist Maurice Roche has laid out the critical characteristics that define mega events: Mega events (....) are short term events with long term consequences for the cities that stage them. They are associated with the creation of infrastructure and event facilities often carrying long term debts and always requiring long term use programming. In addition, if successful, they project a new (or rene wed) and perhaps persistent and positive image and identity for the host city through national and international media, particularly TV, coverage. This is usually assumed to have long term consequences in terms of tourism, industrial relocation, and inward investments. 3 out of the ordinary, international and simply big in composition. They have the ability to transmit promotional messages to billions of people via television and other developments in telecommunications. Mega events attract large international audiences and have an international composition 4 Defined as events that achieve sufficient size and scope to affect whole economies and receive sus tained global media attention, Fairs; World Cups in soccer, rugby and cricket; the larger regional sports gatherings (e.g. European championships, Asian Games, Pan American Games); and the Olympic Games 5 But mega events can also have a more economic or poli tical character, such as United Nations conferences, Earth Summits, special World Trade Organization meetings and other political gatherings where a considerable number of heads of state and government gather together and draw large scale media attention. Often, these mega events are organized in more
E nvironmental L egacies | 49 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq /v12/v12i3a3.pdf wealthy locations, as once awarded primary responsibility for financing and organizing the event then rests with the host. But also the African continent has hosted mega events : the 1995 Rugby World Cup, the 2002 Earth Summit in Johannesburg (also known as Rio +10), the 2003 Cricket World Cup and the recently held World Soccer Cup 2010, all in South Africa. South Africa is the first African nation to host an event of such magnitude as the Football World Cup, prompting former South African President Thabo Mbeki to pronounce that this was not a South African event but an African one. 6 South Africa with a per capita income of about USD 5,570 is economically richer than most developing n ations especially on the African continent and has the capabilities to host such mega events. 7 It is often characterized as one of the most developed among the developing countries. For example, approximately USD 52 billion was spent on preparations to h ost the 2010 soccer World Cup, especially on infrastructure development But more often significant events in the African region are what we would call major events, rather than mega events, having a less dramatic budget and a less global audience These i nclude African football championships, African Union (AU) meetings and other important summits. In Uganda approximately UGX 300 billion (USD 100 million ; almost the equivalent to one tenth of the annual revenue collections in the 2006/2007 fiscal year) wa s spent on CHOGM preparations. 8 With a GDP of about $42 billion it is unlikely that Uganda or any other African nation with a similar size of its economy can host mega events of the magnitude of the so ccer World Cup, but it can host something major as the CHOGM. In December 2003, the Commonwealth Heads of Gover nment meeting in Abuja, Nigeria decided that Uganda would host the 2007 CHOGM. This decision was reaffirmed at the 2005 CHOGM in Malta. CHOGM have been held before on the African continent: in Zambia (1979), in Zimbabwe (1991) in South Africa (1999) and in Nigeria (2003). Beginning in 2003, Uganda started preparing for a meeting that would bring fifty three Commonwealth heads of government together to consult, share experiences and deliberate on issues of pan C ommonwealth and international significance. Her Majesty the Queen of England attended, Prince Charles visited and participated in a number of civil society events and the CHOGM was preceded b y two weeks of activities. There was a Business Forum attended by more than two hundred young people from forty five countries, a peoples forum attended by fifteen hundred delegates from fifty nine countries (including non C ommonwealth members) and the Fo reign Ministers Forum meeting. Uganda had not previously hosted a major international meeting of the magnitude of CHOGM. Although considerably smaller in participants, (media) audience, and budget than mega events, it shared with mega events the internatio nal character and media coverage, the still considerable investments (for Uganda), and national self confidence and civic pride. Major events and the environment As the range of festivals and major events has grown over the years, their impacts have inc reasingly come under scrutiny. Various evaluations and more in depth studies have found that large scale events have a variety of potential impacts, including economic, social, cultural, political, physical and environmental ones 9 The high profile nature of such events generates the analysis of their favorable consequences, such as increases in tourism, economic performance, urban infrastructural improvements, or the more intangible benefits 10 There is however, growing
50 | Katusiimeh & http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v12/v12i3a3.pdf skepticism over the extent to which hosting such events results in significant developmental impacts. 11 The argument of these skeptics is that while there are some positive legacy impacts, they may be intangible and ambiguous. 12 T often seen as no more than public relations ventures far removed from the realities of urban 13 Once a city has been chosen as the site for a major event, the event begins to take on a life of it s own. The hosting of an international event triggers city beautification measures and clearance exercises. 14 The urgency and goal orientation of the project within tight timelines may require that normal procedures be set aside. Sometimes, the urgency over rides the traditional participatory planning processes. 15 Concerns over (construction) deadlines and external requirements, as well as the desire to maximize international impact, means that event preparation and operation become an absolute national priori ty. Furthermore, for the sake of a successful event, people are urged to pull together and to minimize criticism in the face of the need for cooperation. Research and analysis on most major events is piecemeal and fragmentary, with a strong focus on (i) western, industrialized countries/cities where most major events take place; (ii) the favorable economic, infrastructural and tourism effects 16 There is surprisingly little scholarship on the role of major events in developing countries; on the impact of e vent related developments on low income communities either in wealthy or developing countries; and on the short and longer term environmental consequences and legacies of major events especially in relation to the above mentioned two points. 17 The enviro nmental legacies of major events and the sustained improvement in the quality of life for local/city communities have recently become more popular themes for research 18 However, the evidence for sustained environmental improvements following major events r emains limited, anecdotal and restricted to sports events such as the Olympics. Constructing positive environmental legacies, instead of only capturing the economic rewards, involves the inclusion of event (re)constructions (both physical and institutiona l) into long term sustainable development strategies, as happened with the Sydney and Beijing Olympics 19 Key to constructing environmental legacies is the institutionalization of environmental upgrading activities and strategies, so that these last well be yond the event. For example, it can be hypothesized that city authorities work more efficiently and effectively after hosting a major event, that physical infrastructure is improved, and that people have increased expectations and demand s after having expe rienced how good it is to live in a clean city. But such hypotheses have hardly been tested with empirical research, especially not with respect to developing countries and non sporting events. Solid W aste M anagement in Uganda: Preparing for CHOGM For long, Kampala experienced many problems of solid waste management 20 For example, Kampala failed to have regular city wide collection of waste, resulting in the accumulation of solid waste in drainage channels and along roads especially in poor neighborhoo ds. Irregular collection was also caused by irregular payment for the collection of solid waste by citizens. Lack of capacity of the Kampala City Council (KCC) and private contractors increased the amount of small scale informal solid waste service providers. Unfortunately, these many small players were not registered, supervised or regulated by authorities, resulting in confusion, animosity and differentiated charges. Disorganized, unregulated a nd not sufficiently supervised solid waste collection and transportation by (private) solid
E nvironmental L egacies | 51 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq /v12/v12i3a3.pdf waste collecto rs le d also to illegal dumping 21 Solid waste transportation trucks were not covered as they ferried solid waste through the city. Light solid waste wa s often blown by winds and spread along the way while inconveniencing other road users or, in extreme cases, causing road accidents. Mesh nets when used, were often burnt by fire in the solid waste. KCC and private contractors used old vehicles, and a lot of money was spent on repair and maintenance of this fleet. Though the Kampala City Council (KCC) has contracted solid waste collection and treatment to private firms since the late 1990s, KCC still is in business of collecting and transporting part of the city garbage to the disposal site. As a result, private contractors are un motivated as there is hidden and sometimes unequal, competition between the private enfor ce the law and sensitize the population regarding solid waste. But there were no instituted monitoring and evaluation mechanisms for the performance of the new privatized solid waste management system. It is against this background of relatively poor solid waste management that CHOGM was held in Kampala city in 2007, and improvements were made to upgrade the solid waste management infrastructure. Preparing for CHOGM As a host country, the Uganda go vernment was mandated to put in place facilities that meet requirements of the C ommonwealth Secretariat and were in accordance with the specifications contained in the g uidelines and the budget on the organization of the CHOGM. To fulfill that objective, t he government through the Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development provided around UGX 300 billion (USD 100 million) for hosting the CHOGM. 22 The Ministry of Local Government was assigned the responsibility for the beautification of the Kampala Entebbe road corridor. The purpose was to improve the road corridor reserve and the general ambience of Kampala city and Entebbe municipality. Effective interventions started in June 2007 The total amount of money that w as allocated and released to the Ministry of Local Government to cater for the beautification of Kampala amounted to UGX 6,327,568,145 (approximately USD 3 million). Part of this included extra funds for among others things, upgrading waste management ser vices. Other activities in line with the beautification of Kampala included installing security lights, repair ing roads and pedestrian walkways, working on pavements and drainages, beautification of parks and open spaces, landscaping and greening the road reserves, removal of kiosks, planting trees and grass, and removal of signage and unsightly structures. As already highlighted, SWM was a key component o f the beautification of Kampala. In fact the KCC received budget support from the National CHOGM Prep aratory Fund through the Ministry of Local Government for solid waste management. Contracts worth USX 193 ,964,521 (approximately USD 100, 000) were made with four garages for the repair of refuse trucks in an attempt to boost the garbage collection exercise ahead of the CHOGM meeting. 23 These additional funds were related, but not limited, to: refuse collection from generation and storage points and transportation to the disposal site; implementation of acceptable standards; provision and maintenance of perso nnel, vehicles, containers and other equipment for solid waste management service; design and implementation of a billing and revenue collection system (for all categories of clients); ensuring adequate cost recovery and sustainability of the service; publ icity, sensitization and marketing of the service; and assistance in enforcement and compliance with the solid waste ordinance.
52 | Katusiimeh & http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v12/v12i3a3.pdf divisions also received UGX 6,000,000 (approximately USD 3000) per month from June 2007 to December 2007. 24 In total about UGX 400 million (USD 200,000) was spent on SWM related services for the CHOGM preparations. This amount was in addition to the KCC annual budget for SWM of around UGX 1.4 billion (USD 600,000) 25 Before CHOGM, neither KCC nor the central gov ernment released any money to the districts for solid waste management. KCC (the employer) on behalf of the five Kampala divisions also initiated sealed bids from eligible bidders for the execution of solid waste management services around CHOGM. For these so called CHOGM contracts, the bidding Disposal of Public Assets Act, 2003. The method of procurement was by National Competitive Bidding (NCB). The i nvitation for bi ds was open to eligible bidders from eligible countries. An invitation for bids was advertised in the main national newspapers. According to the Public procurement and Disposal Compliance Check Report, the Ministry of Local Government and the Ministry of Works a nd Transport handled CHOGM procurements in the areas of beautification, roads, drainage, street lighting and toilets, of which solid waste management was a key component. 26 KCC took part in the evaluation process of the solid waste tenders. The companies c ontracted to manage solid waste collection and transportation in the two investigated divisions were: Nabugabo, TERP Group and ESCOM joint venture in Kampala Central division, and Hilltop Enterprises and NOREMA in Kawempe division. The providers were direc tly paid by the Ministry of Local Government for these CHOGM contracts, which ran from June 2007 to November 2007. As already noted above, as part of the beautification of Kampala, KCC advanced extra funds for fuel and the Ministry of Local Government for repairing of KCC trucks. Fuel, a key ingredient in solid waste management, was sufficiently available during CHOGM to transport garbage to the dump site, while it was often not sufficiently available before CHOGM. After CHOGM, the amount of fuel allocated to KCC refuse trucks again became scarce. On average 990 liters of diesel was allocated monthly for KCC refuse trucks after CHOGM, compared to approximately 4500 liters which was claimed KCC needed, resulting in underutilization of both the trucks and wor kers. Efforts were made to involve as many public and private stakeholders as possible in solid waste management around CHOGM. The central and local government worked together harmoniously, unlike before CHOGM. In addition, community based organizations ( CBOs), non governmental organizations (NGOs) and other private sector organizations were actively involved. A formal contract was negotiated between the Ministry of Local Government and the private sector through the KCC. Several meetings with private sector stakeholders resulted in the formation of the Kampala Solid Waste Management Association, whose objectives were to cooperate with government to improve solid waste management practices such as carrying out sensitiz ation and publicity with respect to keeping Kampala clean. It remains to be seen whether these improvements lasted well after the event. Data and M ethods of I nvestigation To investigate whether major political events in developing countries construct posi tive environmental legacies, we analyzed solid waste management improvements during and after the Commonwealth Heads of Government meeting ( CHOGM) in Kampala. Through a quantitative survey urban citizens of Kampala were asked about their satisfaction with the
E nvironmental L egacies | 53 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq /v12/v12i3a3.pdf way solid waste collection and transportation was organized and implemented. Several studies existed where the level of satisfaction enjoyed by residents on the various attributes of urban services were determined through such ratings 27 Purposive sampling was used because we had to verify that the respondent met the criteria for being in the sample. To be selected for the study, a respondent should have stayed in Kampala city and in the same place of residence since the beginning of 2006 until one year after CHOGM. Respondents were selected from two (out of five) pre selected Kampala divisions: Kawempe D ivision and Kampala Central D ivision. Kampala Central D ivision is the major business district, is at the center of Kampala, also has poo r slum areas and was the location of most of the CHOGM events. Kawempe D ivision is at so me distance from the city center has a mixed population and was less central as a location for CHOGM events. Data collection took place through a (mostly) structured and self completion quest ionnaire, using a five point Li kert scale for the closed questions. Self completion of the questionnaire was meant to make sure that we interviewed the right people who have lived in Kampala since 2006 and therefore were knowledgeable about the (changing) state of solid waste management in the city over th e years. But self completion of the questionnaire als o made sure that the respondents understood the questions and that no bias occurred in terms of illiteracy or education level. Survey interviews were carried out in two rounds. The first round was carried out in March 2008 (only four months after CHOGM) and the second round of interviewing was carried out in October 2008 (one year after CHOGM). During the first round of interviewing, questions were asked on the perceived solid waste management situation before CHOGM (early 2006), during CHOGM (November 20 07) and four months after CHOGM (March 2008). During the second round of interviewing respondents were asked how they felt about the solid waste management situation in early 2006, November 2007, March 2008 and October 2008 (one year after CHOGM). A tot al of 500 respondents were randomly selected in the first round (March 2008), of which 454 respondents answered the questionnaire. In the second round (October 2008), 447 respondents were randomly selected and 410 questionnaires were returned. To ensure re presentativeness, we followed a stratified random sampling strategy, in which random sampling of respondents in the parishes selected involved targeting all income groups (neighborhoods) and areas near and far away from where the CHOGM event was held. If t he sampled respondent was not available or not interested or not part of the target group (those who had not come to Kampala two years before the CHOGM event), we would move to the next random sampled respondent in that cluster. In addition to the survey, monthly data were collected of recorded solid waste mass brought to the central Mpererwe Sanitary Landfill during 2006 2008 and also for 2009 and early 2010 Formal and informal in depth face to face interviews were held with five KCC officials, ten division officials and fifteen licensed service providers. Other techniques of data collection included document review, especially official letters, policy documents, and correspondence. This material was later used to interpret survey results. Data anal ysis centered around the assessment of the (temporal/semi permanent) effects of CHOGM on solid waste management, measured through the perceptions of urban residents. In addition, geographical differences were analyzed between the Central D ivision and Kawem pe D ivision, in relation to the distance from the CHOGM event. The data were analyzed using percentages and non parametric tests: Wilcoxon signed rank test and Wilcoxon Mann Whitney test. T he test was used to determine whether there is a significant
54 | Katusiimeh & http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v12/v12i3a3.pdf differ ence in median littering and illegal piles of solid waste, nuisance from solid waste transfer points, smell of solid waste, solid waste collection from enterprises and s tre et sweeping before CHOGM, during CHOGM and after CHOGM. Before moving to the resu lts, we first report on a test whether results are affected by recall bias or by time differences between the first and second survey s We checked whether the respondents of the first survey in March value the quality of the environment four months after C HOGM the same as the respondents of the second survey in October value the quality of the environment four month after CHOGM. For this the Wilcoxon signed rank test was used. The low Z values and p values > 0.05 in Table 1 below show that the first survey respondents value of the solid waste management situation four month after CHOGM is not statistically different from how the second survey respondents value the solid waste management situation four month after CHOGM. This implies that questionnaire results have not been affected by a recall bias or by time differences. Table 1: Recall bias between first and second survey for solid waste management four months after CHOGM, using Wilcoxon signed rank test Z value P value Littering & illegal piles of waste 0.059 0.953 Nuisance from solid waste transfer points 0.234 0.815 Smell of solid waste 0.228 0.820 Solid waste collection from households 0.053 0.958 Solid waste collection from enterprises 0.084 0.933 Street sweeping 0.645 0.519 Since respondents of the first survey value the quality of the environment the same as the respondents in the second survey, we analyzed them together. Both Kawempe and Central divisions are put together. In other words we pool across locations and across surveys. Research F indings The information collected from the above research methodology is discussed under the various sub headings below. Perceptions of S olid W aste M anagement P ractices and E nvironmental E ffects B efore, D uring and A fter CHOGM The questionnaire that was administered addressed solid waste management practices and environmental effects before, during and after CHOGM. Six indicators were used, measured by the perceptions of residents: littering and illegal piles of solid waste, nuisan ce of solid waste transfer points, smell of solid waste, solid waste collection from households, solid waste collection from enterprises, and s treet sweeping.
E nvironmental L egacies | 55 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq /v12/v12i3a3.pdf The perceptions of all respondents in the two Kampala divisions are compared between before and during CHOGM on six solid waste items, using the Wilcoxon signed rank test. The results indicate that the median value of the six variables for the period before CHOGM are statistically significantly (P<0.001) different from those during CHOGM. Z is a mea sure of the magnitude of the effect; the larger Z the larger the difference of the values between before and CHOGM. Hence, for all variables solid waste management during CHOGM was better than solid waste management before CHOGM, according to th e respondents ( see Table 2 below ). We also compared perceptions of solid waste management during CHOGM with solid waste management four months after CHOGM. The results indicate that the median value of all six variables during CHOGM are statistically significantly (p<0.001) different from t hose after CHOGM ( see Table 2 below ). This means that there was significantly better solid waste collection and less related environmental nuisance during CHOGM, compared to solid waste collection and solid waste nui sance four months after CHOGM. The considerable amount of money and resources advanced to KCC for the cleanup of Kampala, management and environmental effects during CH OGM. To analyze solid waste management legacies of CHOGM we compared the solid waste management situation before CHOGM with the solid waste management situation after CHOGM. Without any lasting environmental legacy the situation before and after CHOGM wou ld be similar in terms of perceived solid waste management. The results indicate that the median value for the six solid waste variables for before and four month after CHOGM are statistically (p<0.001) different. In other words, the state of solid waste m anagement before and four months after CHOGM is statistically different, with better functioning solid waste management and less environmental effects four months after CHOGM than before. This first indication of a solid waste management legacy of the 2007 CHOGM major event is further strengthened by taking a larger time span of one year for investigating post CHOGM effects. The median values of the six solid waste management variables for the period before CHOGM are statistically significantly (p<0.001) di fferent from those on e year after CHOGM (see Table 2 ). This implies that one year after CHOGM solid waste management was still significantly better than before CHOGM. Or to put it differently: solid waste management improvements achieved during (and becau se of) CHOGM did become institutionalized to some extent and lasted well beyond this major event.
56 | Katusiimeh & http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v12/v12i3a3.pdf Table 2: Results of Wilcoxon signed rank test for before CHOGM, during CHOGM and after CHOGM A B C D Variables Results of Wilcoxon signed rank test for before CHOGM and during CHOGM (1 st and 2 nd survey) Results of Wilcoxon signed rank test for during CHOGM and four months after CHOGM (1 st and 2 nd survey) Results of Wilcoxon signed rank test comparing before CHOGM with Four month after CHOGM (1 st and 2 nd survey) Results of Wilcoxon signed rank test comparing before CHOGM with one year after CHOGM (2 nd survey) N Z N Z N Z N Z Littering and illegal piles of waste 858 25.264*** 860 22.596*** 857 22.198*** 409 7.899*** Nuisance from solid waste transfer points 857 24.740*** 858 21.610*** 856 22.472*** 410 5.377*** Smell of solid waste before privatization 857 24.894*** 856 22.042*** 853 21.622*** 408 6.849*** Solid waste collection from households 852 18.729*** 850 13.039*** 848 15.627*** 447 6.006*** Solid waste collection from enterprises 851 17.202*** 855 12.274*** 851 14.536*** 402 4.102*** Quality of street sweeping 847 16.616*** 848 12.753*** 844 13.283*** 406 4.305*** *** All the Z values were significant at 5% level of significance Assessment of E nvironmental Legacy I nstitutionalization Is this environmental legacy fully institutionalized and thus constant over time? In order to measure whether the positive CHOGM effect wears down or stays constant over time the Z values (a measure of the magnitude of the effect) of before CHOGM four mon th after CHOGM need to be compared with the Z values of before CHOGM one year after CHOGM Table 3 below shows that the Z values before CHOGM one year after efore CHOGM four month after CHOGM Since the Z values here r epresent the degree of disparity between before and after CHOGM it can be concluded that solid waste management practices four month s after CHOGM were better than those one year after CHOGM. The fact that over time Z values are declining for all variables implies some erosion of the CHOGM effect. Obviously, CHOGM induced improvements have not been fully institutionalized in solid waste management. However, still, one year after CHOGM, solid waste management remained significantly better than before CHOGM. T hese findings are consistent with collected solid waste data recorded at the Mpererwe Sanitary Landfill. During January October 2006 the average monthly amount of solid waste brought to the landfill was 13,817 tons. In the ten months directly preceding CHO GM (January October 2007) this average monthly amount increased to 18,961 tons of solid waste, to decrease to an average monthly amount of 16,685 tons of solid waste for the
E nvironmental L egacies | 57 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq /v12/v12i3a3.pdf months January October 2008 (after CHOGM). The amount of solid waste recorded at the Mpererwe S anitary Landfill increased slightly to an average monthly 17,113 for the months November 2008 September 2009. It increased further to an average monthly 19,154 for the months o f October 2009 March 2010. four nd survey) Z values* (2 nd survey) Before and four months after CHOGM Before and one year after CHOGM Littering & illegal piles of waste 14.059 7.899 Nuisance from solid waste transfer points 12.370 5.377 Smell of solid waste 12.679 6.849 Solid waste collection from households 9.868 6.006 Solid waste collection from enterprises 8.255 4.102 Street sweeping 9.974 4.305 All the z values were significant at 5% level of significance How to explain this environmental legacy of CHOGM and the watering down of that legacy? In our in depth interviews we came across t hree reasons that contribute to an explanation for this legacy. First, the office of the solid waste engineer was institutionalized in all divisions in Kampala to handle the day to day business of solid waste collection. Before CHOGM, solid waste management was handled by health inspectors at the division level and even then the posts were vacant in most of KCC divisions. The medical department did not give solid waste management much priority due to the urgent and highl y demanding health care responsibilities of the divisions 28 The fact that separate solid waste management offices were created formed a good start for institutionalizing solid waste management at the division level, while it was formerly only articulated a s such at the city level by KCC. Division solid waste management engineers, for example, began to streamline activities to ensure that CHOGM standards were maintained. The fact that some divisions are copying best practices learnt from CHOGM, such as trans parent procurement processes and zoning of divisions, is related to the establishment of the division solid waste management offices. But there is also constant (political) opposition. A case in point is Kawempe D ivision, where a solid waste management com mittee was established to manage private contractors around and after CHOGM. This effort was frustrated by politicians engaged with the NOREMA and Hilltop private companies, which both had signed a memorandum of understanding with Kawempe D ivision to colle ct and transport waste without any competition from other service providers. Second, relations between KCC and the five divisions have been improving. The
58 | Katusiimeh & http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v12/v12i3a3.pdf transportation of garbage, a process that started with CHOGM. After CHOGM, KCC disbursed a sum of UGX seven to twelve million ( USD 4000 to 6500 ) per month to the four divisions (except the C entral D ivision which is perceived to be richer in resources by KCC) for solid waste collection and transportation. Although, money transfer is sometimes delayed, with substantial consequences for solid waste management, this delegation of solid waste management resources and authority to the division works better than the centralized process before CHOGM. Third, the new equipment and vehicles acquired especially by the private sector contractors in the months leading to CHOGM (in anticipation of money from the National CHOGM Preparatory Fund) enlarged their capacity an d improved service, also in areas further away from the city. Compactor trucks, though allegedly disadvantageous, were purchased by NOREMA and Nabugabo Updeal Joint Venture for serving Kawempe D ivision and were still in operation one year after CHOGM. Resi dents have also noted an improvement in the way garbage is transported to the dump site. KCC vehicles that were not functioning before CHOGM were repaired and this boosted the garbage collection exercise after CHOGM. These material improvements, caused by additional CHOGM budgets, contributed to positive environmental legacies well after CHOGM. But there were also institutional discontinuities after CHOGM. For instance, the Kampala Solid Waste Management Association, formed just before CHOGM, became inactiv e four month s after CHOGM and never met to put into practice what they had agreed to achieve, according to members of the association. Public and private sector sensitization and publicity with respect to keeping Kampala clean subsided a bit. And most impo rtantly, the central government provided l ess attention and resources to solid waste management after CHOGM. The KCC and its divisions ha ve taken full responsibility for solid waste management again with little central government support, quite comparable to the situation before CHOGM. Most of the so called CHOGM contracts with private waste collectors were not continued under the same (favorable) conditions after CHOGM. Geographical D ifferentiation of E nvironmental L egacies As mentioned earlier, the two Kampala divisions were selected especially due to the geographical differences between the m vis vis the CHOGM location. To examine whether CHOGM impacts on solid waste management in the Central D ivision differed significantly from those in Kawempe D iviso n, the Wilcoxon Mann Whitney test was used. The results the two division s are only statistically significant before CHOGM. Only for one variable (smell of solid waste) can a difference be noted during CHOGM and one year after CHOGM (p< 0.05). This means that significant differences in the status of solid waste management between the division s existed before CHOGM. But during and up until one year after CHOGM overall signif icant differences between the m are not observable. This implies that CHOGM had a leveling effect. While originally the differences were big, CHOGM leveled that difference. Impact on G eographical D istance with R espect to CHOGM L ocation To determine the impact of geographical distance with respect to CHOGM, divisions are not a very precise categorization. There are areas in Kampala Central that are far away from the
E nvironmental L egacies | 59 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq /v12/v12i3a3.pdf city center (and from the CHOGM events), and there are areas in Kawempe D ivision, such as Makerere University and Wandegeya, that are near to the CHOGM site In order to determine more precisely the effect of distance the respondents of both divisions were re categorized as those living close t o where CHOGM events took place a nd those living far away from CHOGM events. Again, a Wilcoxon Mann Whitney test was used to compare both categories of respondents. The results show that for before CHOGM, during CHOGM and one year after CHOGM waste management between areas close to the CHOGM event location and areas far away from it (see table 4 below ). This means that solid waste management differs between areas close to CHOGM and areas far away from CHOGM. However, some striking differences are observed between the three points in time. For example, the Z values before CHOGM are higher than those during CHOGM in all the six varia bles of waste management. This implies that before CHOGM there was a large disparity between areas close to and far away from CHOGM as far as solid waste management is concerned. This disparity substantially diminished during CHOGM. However, one year after CHOGM the disparity is gaining momentum again as depicted by the increasing Z values for all solid waste management variables (except solid waste collection f rom enterprises ; see Table 4 below ). It can also be noted that in some aspects of solid waste ma nagement, the disparity has increased to levels higher than it was before CHOGM (e.g. street sweeping). Overall if we compare parishes close to CHOGM with those located far away from CHOGM, the leveling effect of CHOGM seems to fade away one year after CHO GM. According to KCC officials this might be explained by the fact that due to a growing scarcity of government funding private companies concentrate on areas that are densely populated and rich (those closer to the CHOGM areas). The richer parishes pay more and contractors enjoy economies of scale in densely populated areas as compared to areas far away from the CHOGM location, which have scattered homesteads.
60 | Katusiimeh & http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v12/v12i3a3.pdf Table 4a and 4b: Results of the Two sample Wilcoxon rank sum test depicting the differenc es in solid waste management between Central division and Kawempe division around CHOGM & also between areas close to and areas far away from CHOGM Table 4a: Variables A Two sample Wilcoxon rank sum test depicting the differences in solid waste management between Central division and Kawempe division around CHOGM Before CHOGM During CHOGM One year after CHOGM Littering and illegal piles of waste 4.031 (0.000) 1.499 (0.134) 1.556 (0.120) Nuisance from solid waste transfer points 5.113 (0.000) 0.468 (0.640) 1.215 (0.224) Smell of solid waste before privatization 3.665 (0.000) 3.665 (0.000) 2.350 (0.019) Solid waste collection from households 5.168 (0.000) 0.261 (0.794) 2.405 (0.016) Solid waste collection from enterprises 2.742 (0.006) 0.560 (0.576) 0.349 (0.727) Quality of street sweeping 3.849 (0.000) 1.432 (0.152) 1.527 (0.127) Table 4b: Variables B Two sample Wilcoxon rank sum test depicting the differences in solid waste management between areas close to and areas far away from CHOGM Before CHOGM during CHOGM One year after CHOGM Littering and illegal piles of waste 9.488 (0.000) 2.206 (0.027) 4.400 (0.000) Nuisance from solid waste transfer points 10.011 (0.000) 1.712 (0.087) 7.852 (0.000) Smell of solid waste before privatization 8.951 (0.000) 2.248 (0.025) 4.841 (0.000) Solid waste collection from households 11.510 (0.000) 1.709 (0.000) 12.624 (0.000) Solid waste collection from enterprises 9.779 (0.000) 8.325 (0.000) 3.438 (0.000) Quality of street sweeping 10.910 (0.000) 7.839 (0.000) 13.446 (0.000) A (Z values; p values between brackets; 2 nd survey, N=410); B (Z values; p values between brackets; 2 nd survey, N=410)
E nvironmental L egacies | 61 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq /v12/v12i3a3.pdf It can be concluded that CHOGM, as a major event, had a leveling effect between Kawempe and Central D ivision s that lasted for at least a year. The leveling effect of CHOGM lasted shorter between areas nearby and areas far away from the CHOGM locations. This suggests that innovations of CHOGM or new standards to some extent spread across Kampala city. This might be exp lained by the sensitization campaigns through various media during CHOGM. Poorer areas seemed to have learn ed how to better manage their garbage, even when KCC and the private collectors do not reach them. From interviews conducted and through observations it was revealed that most people living in areas far away from the CHOGM locations have learn ed to burn the garbage and some have now their own incinerators. In places like Katanga in Kawempe D ivision, near Makerere University, the community started to become self organized in cleaning the area and it appears to be working well. This community initiative started immediately after CHOGM and remained very popular according to interviews with the local s and opinion leaders in the area. It is also worth no ting that the new equipment of private collectors enabled them to reach areas that were formerly poorly or not served and that transportation capacity was still large one year after CHOGM. For example private contractors, notably NOREMA and Nabugabo Updeal Joint V enture, acquired compactor trucks that are able to load more garbage than the tipper trucks that they were previously using. Conclusions Although CHOGM was not a mega event (in terms of massive infrastructure construction, masses of people attending, and intense global media coverage), for Uganda and Kampala it was a major event with international visibility. Hence, significant efforts were made by the Uganda and Kampala authorities to invest in the city o n the road toward CHOGM 2007. Solid waste management was one of the main areas that received additional resources and faced institutional changes. This resulted in considerable improvements in solid waste management practices and effects during C HOGM, as could be expected. But there are still clear positive solid waste management legacies one year after hosting a major event like CHOGM, related to among others new institutional arrangements and material improvements. As solid waste management o ften differs throughout metropolitan cities in developing countries and major events are not equally spread over these cities one can expect that environmental legacies are unequally distributed over the city. Following CHOGM, we found that there are no l onger significant ly different perceptions in solid waste manageme nt between Central and Kawempe D ivisions. Both are perceived as equally clean (or equally dirty), suggesting that solid waste management innovations are gradually spreading across divisions. In a more fine tuned comparison between citizens living close to places where the CHOGM events took place and locations more peripheral to CHOGM, the distinction in solid waste management started to fade somewhat during CHOGM, but there are signs of a reem erging distinction, indicating the erosion of leveling effects. T his does not, however, dispute the fact that one year after CHOGM, solid waste management was perceived to be still significantly better than before CHOGM. Hosting cities including those in developing countries can secure positive future environ mental effects of major events up until at least one year after the event concludes. What happens after one year needs further study. One could speculate that at least some of the institutional innova tions that were installed through CHOGM will continue to contribute to positive environmental legacies. C ompared to mega
62 | Katusiimeh & http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v12/v12i3a3.pdf events such as the 2010 soccer World Cup, however, major events such as CHOGM lack major infrastructural works and a truly global audi ence, thus limiting their environmental legacies in the further future. Notes 1 See Owusu, et al., 2010; Baudouin et al., 2010; Kaseva, et al., 2005; Karanja, 2005; Awortwi, 2004; Spaargaren, et al., 2005; Golooba Mutebi, 2003; Tukahirwa et al., 2011; Okot Okumu et al., 2011. 2 Obirih Opareh et al., 2002; Post et al., 2003; Tukahirwa et al., 2011; Baud, 2004; Tukahirwa, et al., 2010; Baudouin, et al., 2010; Karanja, 2005; Tukahirwa et al., 2010. 3 Roche, 1994, p. 1. 4 Horne & Manzenreiter, 2006. 5 Gold & Gold, 2008. 6 Pillay et al., 2008. 7 World Bank, 2009. 8 Auditor General, 2008. 9 Impacts 08 Langen & Garcia, 2009. 10 See Hall, 1992; Hiller, 1998. 11 Pillay et al., 2008; Andranovich et al., 2001; Lenskyj, 2000. 12 Pillay et al., 2008. 13 Hiller et al., 2000, p. 440. 14 Lindell, 2010 15 Pillay et. al, 2009. 16 e.g., Hiller 1998, 2000; Teigland, 1999; Moragas Spa, Kennett and Puig, 2003; Roche, 2006; Cratton et al., 2006; Impacts 08 Langen & Garcia, 2009. 17 Schimmel, 2006; Mason & Beaumont Kerridge, 2004; Hayes and Karamichas, 2006. 18 Karamichas, 2007; Close, Askew and Xin, 2007; Collins et al., 2009; Raj and Musgrave, 2009; Mol, 2010. 19 Mol, 2010. 20 KCC, 2006. 21 Tukahirwa et al., 2010. 22 Auditor General, 2008. 23 Auditor General, 2008. 24 Auditor General,2008. 25 KCC, 2006 26 KCC, 2007. 27 Afon, 2007; Anand, 1999. 28 KCC, 2002. References system of Urban Solid Habitat International 31: 193 204.
E nvironmental L egacies | 63 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq /v12/v12i3a3.pdf Anand, Prathivadi. 1999 Environment a nd Urbanization 11: 161 76. Cities: Lessons Learned from Mega event P olitics. Journal of Urban Affairs 23.2: 113 31. Auditor General. 2008. Special Audit on C ommonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) Expenditure. Kampala: Office of the Auditor General. Awortwi Private Public Administration and Development 24: 213 324. Baud, Issa, Johan Post, and Christine Furedy (eds). 2004. Evol ving Partnerships in the Collection of Urban Solid Waste in the Developing World 76. Springer, Netherlands: The Geo Journal Library. Baudouin, Axel, Camilla Bjerkli, Habtemariam Yirgalem, and& Chekole Zelalem Fenta. Questioning Partnerships and the Integration of I nformal Actors in Public Solid Waste Management in Addis Ababa, African Studies Quarterly 11. 2 & 3: 29 42. Close, Paul, David Askew, and Xu Xin. 2007. The Beijing Olympiad: The Political Econom y of a Sporting Mega event London: Routledge. Tourism Management 30. 6: 828 37. Gold, John R., and Margaret M. Gold. Geography Compass 2.1: 300 18. Golooba Public Admin istration and Development 23: 405 18. Hall, Colin M. 1992. Hallmark Tourist Events: Impacts, Management, and Planning London: Belhaven Press. Hayes, Joseph G., and John Karamichas (eds). 2006. Mega events and Civil Societies: Environment and Globalization, Accommodation and Resistance London: Palgrave Macmillan. Current Issues in Tourism 1.1: 47 57. Events, Urban Boosterism and Growth Strateg ies: An Analysis of the Objectives and Legitimations of the Cape Town 2004 Olympic Bid International
64 | Katusiimeh & http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v12/v12i3a3.pdf Journal of Urban and Regional Research 24. 2: 449 58. Impacts 08 Langen, Floris, and Beatriz Garcia. 2009. Measuring Impacts of Cultural Events University of Liverpool. Mega The Sociological Review 54. 2: 1 24. Kampala City Council. 2002. Kampala Solid Waste Management Strategy. Kampala: MLG. _____ 2006. Kampala Solid Waste Management Strategy. Kampala: MLG. _____. 2007. Public Procurement and Disposal Compli ance Check Report. Kampala: Kampala City Council, Public Procurement and Disposal of Public Assets Authority. mpic Games as an Opportunity for the Ecological n Sociological Association Conference, Glasgow, 3 6 September. Institutional Studies, Institute of Social Studies, The Hague, The Netherlands. n Habitat International 29,: 353 66. Lenskyj, Helen Jefferson. 2000. The Best Olympics Ever? SociaI Impacts of Sydney 2000 Albany: State University of New York Press. Lindell, Ilda Agency African Studies Quarterly 11. 2 &3: 1 11. Mason, Peter and John Beaumont Impacts of the 2001 Sidmouth International Knight, S. Drummond, and U. McMahon Beattie (eds.) Festival and Events Management: An International Arts and Culture Perspective Oxford: Elsevier Butterworth Heinemann. y as Global Attractor: The Greening of the 2008 Beijing Olympics Global Networks 10.4: 510 28. Moragas, Spa de, Miquel, Chris Kennett, and Nuria Puig (eds). 2003. The Legacy of the Olympics Games 1984 2000 Lausanne: IOC. Pillay, Udesh & Bass Orli. 20 events as a Response to Poverty Reduction:
E nvironmental L egacies | 65 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq /v12/v12i3a3.pdf The 2010 FIFA World cup and its Urban Development Implications Urban Forum 19: 329 46. _____, Richard Tomlinsom, and Orli Bass (eds). 2009. Development and Dreams: The Urban Legacy of the 2010 Football World Cup Cape Town: HSRC Press. Post, Johan, and Nelson Obirih Assessing the Performance of Public Private Collaboration in Solid Waste Collection in Accra. Space and Polity 7.1: 45 63. Raj, Razaq, and James Musgrave (eds). 2009. Event Management and Sustainability Oxfordshire: CABI. Events and Urban Policy Annals of Tourism Research 21: 1 19. events and Modernity Revisited: Globalizat ion and the Case of the Olympics. Sociological Review 54. 2: 24 40. events and Urban Social Conditions in the USA. Sociological Review 54. 2: 160 74. Spaargaren, Gert, Peter Oosterveer, J. Van Bureen, an Modernities: Towards Viable Urban Environmental Infrastructure. Development in East Okot ntralization in Habitat International 35: 537 43. Obirih Habitat International 26: 95 112. Owusu, George, and Robert Lawrence Afutu Municipal Interface in Ghana: A Case Study of Accra and Sekondi Takoradi Metropolis. African Studies Quarterly 12.1: 1 16. events and Impacts on Tourism: The Predictions and Realiti es of the Lillehammer Olympics. Impact Assessment and Project Appraisal 17: 305 17. Tukahirwa, Judith, Arthur. P. J. Mol, and Peter O Society Participation in Urban Sanitation and S olid Waste Management in Uganda. Local Environment 15. 1: 1 14. supplied Sanitation and Solid Waste Services in Uganda: The Role of Social Proximity. Habitat International 35: 582 91. World Bank. 2009. World Development Indicators Data Base Washington, DC.
African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 Henry Kam Kah is a Lecturer of History at the University of Buea, Cameroon. His research focuses on gender, globalization, governance, popular music, kinship and culture. His current research is on the feminization of migration in the colonial and post independence Cameroon and faces behind the mask in the women revolt in the Western Grassfields of Cameroon. http://www.africa.ufl.edu/a sq/v12/v12i 3 a 4 .pdf University of Florida Board of Trustees, a public corporation of the State of Florida; permission is hereby granted for ind ividuals to download articles for their own personal use. Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Florida. ISSN: 2152 2448 Women Re sistance The Power of Symbols, Organiz ation and Leadership 1957 1961 H ENRY K AM K AH Abstract: The contribution of women in the Bamenda western Grassfields of Cameroon to the struggle for liberation from colonial rule manifested itself in many diverse forms, including mass mobilization, petitions, boycotts, and engag ement in overtly hostile acts. The women revolt in this region was well thought out and their activities in the different fondoms carefully synchronized. This organization was also the upshot of an authoritative and menacing u se of institutions like kuiifuai or kwifoyn which out r ightly or tacitly supported the colonial subjugation of women. These were forced into lassitude and the result was the sovereignty of British Southern Cameroons through reunification with the Republic of Cameroon on 1 October 1961 with the territory renamed the West Camer oon State. 1 Introduction The women of the western Grassfields of Cameroon played a cutting edge role in the liberation struggle against colonial rule, as did women throughout the continent. The role of women however, has unfortunately not achieved the same attention as that of men. The works of Awasom (2002 2006 ) Shanklin (1990 ), Nkwi (19 76, 1985 ) and Diduk (1989, 2004) though ration strugg le in the western G rassfields of Cameroon. Nkwi and Nkwain ( 1963 ) have however examined some aspects of organization but the focus of the literature on the liberation struggle in Africa has been on the role of male elites. 2 This paper seeks to elevate th e role of women from the footnotes of history to which they have been relegated in the official narratives and restore them to their rightful place in securing the reunification of British Southern Cameroons with the Republic of Cameroon. I n the colonial e ra the western Grassfields (see Map 1) formed part of the m andate of the League of Nations (1922 to 1945) and then a t rust t erritory of the United Nations (1946 1961) and was governed on behalf of these international organizations by the British as Southern Cameroons (see Map 2) which they administered through Nigeria but not as part of that colony It was and r emains largely a high northern rural grassland plateau and was initially governed as the Bamenda Division. 3 In 1949 the territory was t ransformed into the Bamenda
68 | Kah African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v12/v12i 3 a 4 .pdf Province one of two provinces of Southern Cameroons (the other being the Cameroons Province with Buea formerly Victoria as its capital) The province consisted of the Bamenda, Wum and Nkambe Divisions. Upon the independence an d reunification of the Cameroons on 1 October 1961, the territory was renamed the North West Province and then re baptized the North West Region on 12 November 2008 through a presidential decree. It is one of the ten regions of Cameroon and consists of sev en divisions namely Boyo, Bui, Donga Mantung, Menchum, Mezam, Momo and Ngo Ketunjia. The region is one of the most thickly populated regions According to estimates of 1987 its population of 1,237,348 with a density of 69 inhabitants per km 2 ranked second in the country. Its surface area is 17,812 km 2 According to the 2010 census the estimated population is 1, 804,695 people. 4 Map 1 Ethnic Map of the Bamenda (Western) Grassfields
1961| 69 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v12/v12i 3 a 4 .pdf Map 2 British Southern Cameroons Maps 1 and 2 p repared for author by Forba Cletus, Ph.D. Candidate, University of Buea In British Southern Cameroons, elite individuals such as Dr. E.M.L. Endeley, John Ngu Foncha, and Nerius Namaso Mbile, as well as chiefs formed parties or otherwise acted militantly t o advance the cause of independence. 5 Political pressure groups and tribal assoc iations from the late 1930s created a political consciousness in British Southern Cameroons as well as French Cameroon through the creation of organizations such as the Cameroo ns Welfare Union (CWU), Cameroons Youth League (CYL), Cameroons National Federation (CNF), Kamerun United National Congress (KUNC), the Kamerun Society, Bakweri Land Committee (BLC), and French Cameroons Welfare Union (FCWU) in the Southern Cameroons and t he Union Camerounaise (UC), Jeunesse Camerounaise Francaise (Jeucafra), and the Union
70 | Kah African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v12/v12i 3 a 4 .pdf Camerounaise Francaise (Unicafra) in French Cameroon. 6 The politicians of Southern Cameroons went through their apprenticeship in these pressure groups, which prepared t hem to challenge colonial rule and push for self government and independence. This was and has remained the case in other parts of Africa. 7 Accounts of the liberation struggle have not accorded African women the same attention as their male counterparts. In some cases, they are lumped with small shopkeepers and petty traders who did not have the opportunity for wage employment within the colonial enterprise as did their male counterparts. 8 It has been noted that women played a significant role in the women parliaments. T here is no gainsaying however, that women played a cutting edge role in the liberation struggle in the continent. From north to south and east to west th ey held their own in many different ways against earlier and eventually colonial subjugation. 9 This was because colonialism presented African sexuality as demeaning and intimidated people regarding the exploitation of the continent. 10 The colonizers tried to and/or dismantled African social, political and economic structures and created a European persona out of the African (fe)male. 11 The description of society through the works of ethnographers, male and female, argues Chapman reinforce maleness. This dominance has been described by Chapman as a problem in human history that no revolt has succeeded in undo ing 12 new ideas and a proving ground for political leaders, thus refuting the official narratives that 13 Cameroonian w omen as elsewhere on the continent acted in such a way that they thumb printed their names in the sands of time. 14 Women petty traders from British Southern Cameroons boycotted the Douala market in protest against the imposition of price restrictions by the French colonial administrators. 15 In the Bamenda western Grassfields region, the anlu and kelu women uprising that was based on women grievances against suppression and exploitation. 16 During the colonial period, women contribution to the e mancipation of their people, region and country was substantial. The successful contribution of women as a group poses a challenge to weaker collective power. 17 The women of the western Grassfields of Cameroon during the last decade of the independence struggle were more militant in their demand for independence as a well coordinated group from different fondoms including Kom, Kedjom Keku, Baisso, Mughom, Teitengem, Mbengkas and Bu than as individuals. Although women made individual choices with regards to freedom in their lineages or families, they enjoyed and exercised greater freedom and power when they came together in organized groups. This was facilitated by a n adept leadership that successfully opposed and weakened the forces of division epitomized in the British colonial system of administration. Many examples of contributions have been recorded among various ethnic groups of the western Grassfields region i ncluding the Kom, Kedjom Keku, Aghem and Laimbwe. 18 T able 1 below shows the Laimbwe fondoms and their satellite settlements as well as the neighboring and some related Tikar fondoms. Other cases include the market to border
1961| 71 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v12/v12i 3 a 4 .pdf restriction s between British and French Cameroons and the women protest in Douala in 1930 against French colonial policies. Such mass mobilization when joined with other forces yielded fruit T he ultimate result was the independence of Southern Cameroons in 1961 a nd reunification with the Republic of Cameroon which had obtained its own independence from the French on January 1, 1960. Table 1 Showing the Laimbwe Fondoms, Satellite Settlements and some Tikar Fondoms Laimbwe Fondoms Satellite Settlements Neighboring and Related Fondoms Bu Aguli (Kekuli) Aghem Mbengkas Mughom, Teitengem, Mbueni Kom Baisso Kedjom Keku Source: Compiled by Author from Field Interviews In spite of visible signs of women resistance in the Cameroons, they have not formed a fundamental part of the existing literature on the contribution of women and subalterns to the same extent as for Nigeria and Ghana 19 While this study focuses on the contribution of women i n the w estern Grassfields during the colonial era there is need to acknowledge the contribution of women in other parts of Cameroon and for further i nvestigat ion to enrich the existing literature on Cameroon and more decisively the literature that addresses the liberation struggle mounted by women all over Africa to free their territory from colonial subjugation. The e xisting literature on the role of women in libera ting the w estern Grassfields from the grip of colonial rule is drawn from different disciplin es that i nclude anthropology, sociology, history, literature and ethnography. 20 This literature has intensely focused on the activities of the women in the differe nt fondoms that are under study. The omitted link is the near absence and/or mediocre examination of the nature and nourishment of cooperation among their movements against continued British rule of Southern Cameroons Several scholars who have written abo ut women revolts in the western Grassfields have focused but on other issues. Nkwain (1963) and Nkwi (1976 and 1985) have examined the origins, organization and activities of anlu in the Kom Fondom while Chilver and Kaberry (1967) argue that the anlu wom en in British Southern Cameroons. Writing also about the anlu women revolt in Kom, Konde Neil ( 1991 ), Shanklin (1990) and Milne (1999) argue that the revolt exploited the womenfolk to empower men, impacted on the Catholic M ission in Njinikom Kom and also weakened the powers of the Fon of Kom respectively. With regards to the f uenbw en (fuembuen) takembeng and kelu Diduk (1989 2004) examines the importance of symbolism in the f uenbw en women revolt in the fondom of Kedjom Keku but handles it superficially Jua (1993) discusses anlu and takembeng (takembeng) as a major force for political change in Cameroon and Awasom (2006) examines the forces behind and resu lts of the fuenbw en women mobilization. The common missing link in these works is the failure to
72 | Kah African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v12/v12i 3 a 4 .pdf discuss coordination, organised and efficient leadership as well as symbolism playing crucial role s in the women revolts in the western Grassfields of Camero on. Our field investigation has shown that in many instances there were conscious efforts to mobilize women across ethnic groups under a recognized and well coordinated leadership from the base to the top by means of the effective use of local and other symbols to convey messages that were tacitly assimilated by the local people but not always correctly or rightly interpreted by the colonial officials. The result s were often embarrassing to the administration and it occasionally submitted to the wi ll of the people. Such measures were instrumental in bringing about decolonization in British Cameroons as a whole. 21 In addition the study surmises that proper organization was an important contributory factor to the success of the women revolt in the w estern Grassfields during the evening years of British colonial administration. Method and Importance o f Study In this study we have combined a number of methods from different disciplines including history, ethnography, linguistics, sociology and anth ropology. We conducted interviews in the field with participants in the liberation movement In the ev ent of the death of some of the key participants we discussed the uprising against the colonial administration with their contemporaries, family members and children We also employed systematic content analysis of some of the published works on women mobilization efforts in the different fondoms among them Kom, Kedjom Keku, Aghem, Befang, and the Laimbwe fondoms of Bu, Mbengkas and Baisso and their s atellite chiefdoms of Mughom, Teitengem and Mbongkesso. Among these fondoms however, only Kom and Kedjom Keku including the Ngemba speaking fondoms have received a consistent scholarly consideration with the latter for the most part due to the re intro duction of multiparty politics in the 1990s. Most of the other ethnic groups have either only recently received scholarly attention or none at all. Many of them are still terra incognita as far as women resistance is concerned. This study also elucidate s symbols and other secret messages within their cultural perspective and how these were helpful in mobilizing women against colonial exploitation and also startl ing some imposing male notables into acquiescence. To achieve this, we consulted works that ha ve examined symbols in different societies and how these shaped civic estimation of newsworthy activities within these societies. Since bodily symbols were an essential weapon of resistance in the fondoms under examination, we also employed literature on t he allegory of the body. This literature facilitated our understanding of symbolic action with regards to sexuality when used correctly and/or otherwise depending on a number of variables which include age group and intent. From a closer examination and interpretation of these symbols and symbolic acts within colonial history, we have tried to situate the power of symbols in the liberation struggle in this part of Cameroon and Africa more broadly The very nature of the structure and organization of the w s have been interrogated to establish the link between these and the success of the rural women to pull the rock from under the colonial officials and some supporting male institutions or individuals of eminence and stature. Leadership wit hin and between ethnic groups was effective and also well coordinated to the extent that the
1961| 73 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v12/v12i 3 a 4 .pdf combination of symbols and other factors made a serious impact on loosening the attitude of the British towards independence for the British Cameroons Frame work of Investigation This study focuses on symbolism to explain how women organized and carefully led the struggle to liberate the Bamenda w est ern Grassfields of Cameroon. Symbols enable people to communicate with one another on issues that embarrass, terrori ze, or make it difficult for them to deal with unutterable and other invisible entities. 22 of the symbols of body, power and sacrifice in Equatorial Africa, the present study argues that symbols were powerful inst ruments of protest and change among the Laimbwe women of Cameroon and other ethnic regions of the country. 23 Bernault contends that the symbols of body, power and sacrifice in Equatorial Africa from the 1880s onwards made Europeans and Africans associate t hem with fetishism that ably manipulates sacred power. 24 It is for this reason that she described bodily configurations as being able to defy criminal acts. 25 Be r reflection on the body and power clearly revealed the European hegemonic visions and power tactics which met with African grassroots confrontations especially their use by women in different parts of Equatorial Africa to harass over zealous colonial offi cials into compliance. Symbolism or symbolic actions allow people to communicate with one another on issues that embarrass, terrorize or make it knotty for them to deal with unutterable and other invisible entities. 26 In different cultures, the body is t he symbol of power through the choreography of authority. 27 Dress is associated with the body and among the Kuba (Congo) Turkana (Kenya) Igbo (Nigeria) and Frafra (Ghana) dress is used as a form of shared views and experience. 28 In fact, it is important to note that bodies are used for self expression People use bodies to become who they would like to be. 29 practices and struggles for self determination and e mpowerment. 30 Sharing his views rapidly changing world and has remained the source of fundamental truths about who people 31 The body of the African woman was used in response to civic participation in the democratization of the continent. The display of the nakedness of the African woman was and remains her expression of utter anger and outrage at both public injustice and private male viciousness. 32 There is therefore no gainsayin g that the women subjected their bodies to various frightful and disturbing acts as a direct affront to debasement from the British colonial and to challenge indigenous collaborators of colonial exploitation. In addition, dress is a powerful langu age that is only comparable to the potency of the spoken word of the most skillful orator and the written word of the most compelling propagandist. It has the power to unify, differentiate, challenge, contest and dominate. 33 Aware of the power of dress, wom en of the Western Grassfields used it as a potent weapon against the particularly frightful way T he result was very positive because they were able to push the colon ial system into reconsidering some of its reforms that affected rural women like the Agricultural Law of 1955 M en were not only flabbergasted by this but acceded to the
74 | Kah African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v12/v12i 3 a 4 .pdf demands Sooner rather than later the British colonial officials yielded to pressure and it quickened the decolonization process in the territory. In a similar vein, Veit Wild and Naguschewski describ e to argue that these the 34 Such extraordinary use of the body results in the invasion of male space to renegotiate power relations in the society. During the colonial period it was also used to invade the space of coloni al leadership to renegotiate or impose a patt ern of behavior in the Bamenda w estern Grassfields. Women would probably have appealed more to the body as a weapon for resistance because in this part of the country the body is also symbolized through the powe r of the chiefs. 35 It was thus an invasion of this male space to renegotiate power relations not only between the genders but more so to challenge the Victorian philosophy of male dominance which had long defined power relations in English history. The Wome Avenues of Mobilization The Bamenda w estern Grassfields of Cameroon has histor ically witnessed women mobilization for diverse reasons. In the different fondoms there were/are still found women societies of reverence, graciousness and pre eminence. They often met on Sundays, following the death of one of their husband s or when an emergency demanded tactful handling to forestall a catastrophe or embarrassment within the fondom These and other avenues facilitated the dissemination o f information to other women and the wider community. In some areas such as among the Laimbwe people of Wum Division (today Menchum and Boyo Division s ), effective diffusion of message s was the collective responsibility of the women regulatory society, the and its male counterpart, the kuiifuai 36 Other women used their traditional rotating associations to assist one another in the cultivation of crops and other forms of material assistance before the introduction of the money economy in the colon ial period. Many other clubs served the purpose of amusement but also helped rally women from different social backgrounds and lineages to have fun together while discussing the problems of their communities on a lighter note. When a very critical issue was to be deliberated upon, the Queen Mother known as nafoyn zhehfuai or mafo in the Kom, Laimbwe and Bamileke ethnic groups respectively would summon the women elders of the different quarters and families to a meeting. During this meeting, they exam ined the issue and made suggestions for correction or improvement. Following on the heels of the meeting of these women elders there was a general assembly of women to discuss the practical implementation of decisions taken by the elders. Other appropriate channels were used to disseminate info rmation to women in the wards of the villages and lineages or families Women were generally mobilized from the level of the compound, lineage, quarter and village to carry out certain projects such as the cleaning o f footpaths leading to farms, different quarters and neighboring villages. The advent of colonialism and its incapacitating effects transformed many of these women groups into political associations through which grievances were expressed in various
1961| 75 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v12/v12i 3 a 4 .pdf forms against the ruling authorities. This was the case with the anlu of Kom which initially was meant to sanction the exiling of people who became an irritation to the community. In the Laimbwe fondoms of Bu, Mbengkas and Baisso, the kelu served a simil ar purpose of banishment of culprits but came to play a revolutionary role when it became clear that the policies of the Southern Cameroons government were becoming doubtful to some people. 37 Similarly, among the Kedjom Keku and Ngemba people the fuenbwen (also spelt fuembuen ) and takembeng (also spelt takumbeng ) took on a more radical political role and were easily used to mobilize women both during the colonial and post independence periods for political reasons. 38 The anlu was easily mobilized by the Kame run National Democratic Party (KNDP) and the fuenbwen and takembeng by the Social Democratic Front (SDF) after the re introduction of multiparty politics in 1990s Cameroon. The Use of Symbols In a general sense, symbols have been used in history to serve different purposes and occasions. Different people for different reasons give varying interpretations to symbols and in some cases symbolic actions take place but are not fully understood by a majority of onlookers. In the different fondoms of the western Grassfields of Cameroon, women made use of bodily symbols and other environmentally related symbols to control an overzealous colonial administration. The results were positive because it undermined men power and the revolt took on a religio magical dimension never known in the history of colonial rule in this part of the African continent. It was also well coordinated by the leaders. The symbols women used in their struggle for the liberation of the Grassfields region were not only symbolic ally powerful but also greatly impacted the people in such a way that it enabled them to achieve victory. Although the British seemed/pretended not to have understood the message through women symbolic actions, it spoke as powerfully as the greatest word written by a propagandist. 39 Among the different women symbolic actions were those surrounding the power of the body when used correctly to address an anxiously expectant audience. Others included music, dress and other material of traditional significanc e like the dry banana leaves and a garden like egg called funya in the Kom and Laimbwe fondoms. Many of these symbols could only be fully appreciated within the socio cultural cosmological and aesthetic environment of the people. The Kom and Laimbwe women made use of their bodies as a weapon of revolt against colonial rule. They would threaten to strip naked when men challenged their authority to champion the struggle for political space and the liberation of the territory. The sight of the vagina was an il l omen and no one was willing to see women display their vaginas in public because the vagina is meant for the private and not public space. No Kom or Laimbwe man in the right frame of mind would stand the sight of the women stripped naked and exposing th eir vaginas. The symbolic power of the vagina in very difficult circumstances was used by the women of the takembeng traditional organization to frighten gun t o ting military men in Bamenda into submission in the early 1990s following the reintroduction of multiparty politics in Cameroon. 40 These women not only strip ped naked but used their breasts as guns of war. Many of the over zealous military men could not stand the sight of these women and simply fled for their lives.
76 | Kah African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v12/v12i 3 a 4 .pdf Other bodily actions signifying re volt inc luded uttering a shrill high pitched sound at interrupted intervals with four fingers placed on the lips. 41 This was a call to mobilization and war against tyrants and other oppressive forces. The use of the whistle among the Laimbwe women complemen ted the production of sounds which were indicative of preparation for war. Besides the fear created among the people by such actions, they also thought and believed that it had a miraculous effect of healing its sick members. 42 W omen ululations were followed by dancing which created an emotional response from the women against acts of the administration considered to be unpardonable. Among these acts were the restricted exploitation of resources in the Kom/Wum Forest Reserve by the i ndigenous population and the enforcement of cross contour cultivation that challenged the traditional methods of crop cultivation by the rural women This included the rationale for cultivation along mountain slopes that revolved around the child, bush mea t and an abundance of food. According to the Laimbwe people the importance of life and the provision of food for the people are linked to a trinity which is symbolized by child, bush meat and abundance of food. The need to work farms is to feed the child with abundance of food and also increase his/her protein intake by giving this child bush meat. This philosophy of life is represented in the drawing of three marks on important shrines to represent the trinity of a child as a gift of God, bush meat and a bundance of food as what the parents need to do in order to feed this child and give him/her the necessary care. This bush meat and food can only be obtained in large quantities from the forest and fertile soils. The intermittent ululations successfully mo bilized women into a formidable bulwark against what they considered retrogressi ve forces Women also used their bodies to dance and to gather and desecrate compounds of trouble makers in the Laimbwe and Kom territories. Through indiscriminate urination an d defecation women rendered such compounds desolate. Those who resisted the women or supported the colonial administration were ostracized from their compounds and prevented from returning to these compounds. The urine in their compounds from women vaginas added to their fears of returning home until a traditional cleansing ritual was performed by leaders of the community. The compound ritual usually set men on their heels in Bu village. 43 In this way, the women liberation struggle gained currency day by d ay The wearing of regalia of torn male dresses, shirts, trousers, dry banana leaves, fresh creeping plants and the painting of faces with charcoal and wood ash were all intended to send a message of liberation although some people saw this as a mere humorous act. One of the reasons for the body adornment and the wearing of dresses of this nature w as to wa rd off men from subjugating women to their whims and caprices during the period of the revolt. The Babanki w omen consciously disguised themselves in old clothing intentionally mix ing bright and often ga r ish colors, necklace s of old bottle tops or wild seeds and some times wearing dried grass tied knots. 44 The combination of different material was not fun but a ma nifestation of disagreement with the colonial and other negative forces. and cause untold harm if their message fell on deaf ears. Their adoption of male dress was a challenge to masculinity epitomized by the male centered colonial dispensation. Dry banana leaves and fresh creeping plants re presented two sides of a coin. D ryness was a protest against British exploitation of their economy and fresh creeping plants w ere an indication of renewal and rebirth once the colonialists vacat ed the territory. The invasion of male space through juju
1961| 77 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v12/v12i 3 a 4 .pdf performance was a call for the renegotiation of gender during the colonial period for mutual benefit of all in the societies that were in revolt In Kom women organized mock burials of leaders of t he Kamerun National Congress (KNC) such as Joseph Ndong Nkwain. 45 The women did this because as the local leader of the KNC party, he supported the implementation of new farming rules which the women opposed Secondly, he defied their instructions to close at Nijinkom which was ordered by the leadership of anlu When ever this act was performed in traditional Kom society, it was a mark of seriousness of a resistance or protest against someone or something. The act of mock burial before one dies in the tradition of the western Grassfields region usually sends shock waves down the spine of the victim, family members, and his/her followers and sympathizers. It was partly because of this that the then leading party in British Southern Cameroons the KNC lost elections and its platform of integration with Nigeria failed to materialize. The Kamerun National Democratic Party (KNDP) took over and st ee red the ship of state towards separation from Nigeria and reunification with the Republic of Cameroon through a plebiscite organized and sponsored by the United Nations The contest between the KNC and KNDP influenced anlu in the sense that Augustine Ngom Jua, one of the leaders of the KNDP from Njinikom Kom used the grievances of th e women against a KNC led government to mobilize the Kom women to rise against the party and new farming rules. Besides, political parties with a Southern based leadership like the KNC led by Dr Emmanuel M bella Liffafe Endeley ty (KPP) led by Nerius Namaso Mbile closed ranks in the build up to the general elections in British Southern Cameroons in 1959 These elections were to determine the destiny of Southern Cameroons following the political polarization in the territory. The KNDP reacted to this KNC K P P marriage of convenience by creating an alliance with the One Kamerun (OK) party whose leaders, Ndeh Ntumazah and Albert Mukong were also from the G rassfields region as was John Ngu Foncha of the KNDP. In the face of this dich otomy between politicians of the different regions, some leaders of the KNDP rallied women to support them. These included Josepha Mua, Patrick Mua Augustine Ngom Jua Etchi Kinni of Wum Division. The rift between political parties with a forestland base d leadership like the KNC/KPP those with a leadership from the western Grassfields namely the KNDP and the OK was based on a number of outstanding differences. After the German annexation of Cameroon on July 1884 and the eventual control of British Southern Cameroons by Britain after the defeat of Germany in the First World War, many people were forced to migrate to the coastal region for employment in the plantations set up by German planters. Their continuous influx eventually led to conflict with the receiving ethnic groups of the forest region to the extent that they were derogatorily referred to as graffi people, a corrupted word for Grassfields. Even after the ind ependence of Cameroon and the re introduction of multiparty politics in Cameroon in the 1990s, regional sentiments ran high and people from the present day North West Region (formerly western Grassfields) were given all kinds of names such as come no go es 46 (Rubin 1971: 71 88; Ngoh 2001: 122 144; Kah 2003: 103 125; and Kah Forthcoming) This appellation was a form of criticizing people from the western Grassfields as not willing to return to their region of origin. W hen John Ngu Foncha and Augustine Ngom J ua left the KNC which was formed in
78 | Kah African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v12/v12i 3 a 4 .pdf 1953 and formed the KNDP in 1955, and coming from the western Grassfields region, some of the leaders of the KNC argued that the KNDP was a western Grassfields party. This explains the tension that existed between the le aders and their parties during elections. The differences among the leaders of the political parties were exploited by the KNDP party in 1957 and 1958 when the anlu women of Kom rose against the implementation of a agricultural law passed in the Southern 1957 in Wum Division by the Wum Divisional Native Authority Council (WDNAC) This was at a time that the political parties of Southern Cameroons were gearing up for general elections in January 1959. The KNDP at the time was in the opposition and wanted to win the impending elections of the following year. The party carefully mobilized the women of Kom through Augustine Ngom Jua, one of the founding fathers of the KNDP and Etchi Kinni a local leader of th e KNDP party. The visit of Dr E.M.L. Endeley to Wum Division and especially to Njinikom was frustrated by a mass boycott at a critical time that the out going Premier was out to convince the people to renew their confidence in him. The failure of the KNC t o remain a Kinni. The use of music in the struggle for liberation was a successful weapon. Singing in general represents many things and includes anger, hatred, sorrow and anxiety. 47 Besides, music serves different purposes and includes rituals, healing, group identity and battle. 48 W omen used song compositions to express sorrow and anger over the wanton exploitation of their resources, to express disenchantment with local collaborators of the colonial administration and to press for the liberation of their territory from alien domination. One such song went: Ndonyam collaborate s with foreigners to stop the people from using their God given resources in the forest. He has even colluded with the British administration that he dies a bad death. 49 Ndonyam otherwise known as Joseph Ndong Nkwain was the local KNC leader in Kom at the time of the outbreak of the women revolts in the western Grassfields in the late 1950s. Since many women of Kom including those of the Laimbwe villages of Bu, Mbengkas and Baisso had turned their backs to the KNC government in favor of the KNDP leadership, they did not support any one who did you join them and Joseph Ndong Nkwain was one of them. Although Kom was a distance from Bu, the other fondoms of Mbengkas and Ba isso had a direct relationship with Kom because they were under the sphere of influence of Kom. A good portion of the Kom/Wum Forest Reserve is under Kom. When the colonial authorities demarcated farmland from the reserve restricting farming activities in the reserve, the women accused Ndonyam and other KNC collaborators for a conspiracy against them. Through the propaganda of the KNDP they even thought that land was sold to the Igbos considered rightly and/or wrongly as ruthless to Cameroonians in their b usiness dealings F olksongs were very satirical toward the oppressive system and were also intended to ridicule individuals who set a bad example in the society. 50 Music was used to speak to women
1961| 79 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v12/v12i 3 a 4 .pdf inwardly and also to outwardly manifest a dislike for that which was debasing of women and their communities namely separation and exploitation of their forest resources. Coordination/Organization of Activities, and Leadership The nature, level and coordination of the women revolt from bottom to top, top to bottom, village to village and one geographical region to another and within the same ethnic group contributed immensely to the success of the women mobilization and criticism of the colonial administration. In many instances the coordinated activities were either under estimated or never fully recognized and understood by the colon ial authorities B efore long the activities of these women destabilized the colonial administrative machinery and many of them were disempowered economically 51 For a better appreciation of a coordinated women mobilization, we have chosen for analysis two ethnic groups namely Kom and Laimbwe. The success of coordination in these two ethnic groups produced results that ended with the independence of the British Southern Cameroons f irst as a self governing region within the Federation of Nigeria and then through a UN organized plebiscite to reunite with the Republic of Cameroon in 1961. Although different terminologies were used to describe the lev els of coordination and leadership in these fondoms, both served similar purposes and produced a similar result namely, the independence of the territory from foreign domination. The efficient mobilization of Kom and Laimbwe women was due to several socio economic factors. In both territories especially in Kom women had started organizing protests from the 1940s against the destruction of food crops from the cattle of Fulani herders. 52 These protests increased with time and forced the women to occasionally stage open demonstrations to publicize their plight. Such were the humble beginnings of an efficient organization strategy in the last four years of British colonial rule in the area. Other long term factors were rumor s of the seizure of indigenous land by the Igbos of Nigeria at a time that Southern Cameroons formed an integral part of the Federation of Nigeria. 53 The British establishment of the Kom/Wum Forest Reserve in 1951 and rest rictions on the exploitation of resources therein as well as the cultivation of food crops within the reserve were some of the most vexing issues to the Laimbwe people located around and within the Forest Reserve. Still other factors such as the Christian doctrine and other social changes orchestrated by the western educated elite ; contributed to the 1957 1961 revolt in the Bamenda w estern Grassfields of Cameroon. These changes came with social segregation and attacks on tradition and customs. In addition, the recruitment of labor for the commercial plantations many of them from Wum Division was socially destabilizing and gender insensitive. Then came the enforcement of a law enacted in 1955 on cross contour rather than slope wise cultivation in 1957 that acted as a spark to the women uprising. The women were so embittered beyond control and formed themselves into groups to torpedo the efforts of the colonial officials at introducing new farming rules The organization of the s was basical ly at two broad levels namely internal and external mobilization and coordination. At the level of the fondom, coordination was further streamlined to avoid the conflict of functions. At the inter ethnic level it took on family directed mobilization as we ll as the willingness of women in one region to join forces with those of another region to have their case better presented to the recalcitrant colonial administration for a greater impact. In the Laimbwe and Kom ethnic groups were lineages like
80 | Kah African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v12/v12i 3 a 4 .pdf Ejelesong Ekai and Itinala that were conduits of the dissemination of revolutionary ideas from fondom to fondom. In the Laimbwe villages of Baisso, Bu and Mbengkas as in the Kom fondom, the zhehfuai (Queen Mother) for the Laimbwe villages, or nafoyn in Kom was the titular head trying to oversee everything as a stationary field commander. Next to her in command and hierarchy in the Laimbwe polities were t he Utuotekpwei (leaders of the others) I n Kom this leader was called the Na anlu (mother of anlu ). The funct ion of these coordinators was to regulate the activities of all the other women. These leaders were ably assisted by spies called ugwesii in Kom and tekpwei in Laimbwe. These were usually women of standing and chosen from among noble families or on the bas is of their skills in mobilization. Some of the outstanding women in Bu and Mbengkas came from such noble lineages as the Ehzem, Eselemei, Ukwosuuh and Nduokang. They were at the implementation end of the decisions of the women movement and were assisted by other officials in Laimbwe called the basinjas (also balinjas) In all, these layers of coordination were strictly respected and those who disobeyed their instructions were severely punished. The flow of information vertically and horizontally was one of the strongest uniting forces in the in these fondoms. They reported difficulties encountered in the field to their superiors and field assistants were deployed or r edeployed to sustain the revolt Other people served as court jesters, creat ing fun and enliven ing the spirit of those who were at the forefront of the struggle for liberation. At the inter chiefdom level, the Queen Mothers and other influential noble women were the main crusaders. They contacted their counterparts and family members in neighboring fondoms through special emissaries to convince them to join in the struggle for political space and liberation of their people from colonial subjugation. In the Laimbwe and Kom fondoms, top ranking officers communicated with their c ounterparts in the other villages. They also systematically sent people to assist their neighbors. The women of Mbengkas for example assisted their Bu counterparts of kelu materially (eggs, beans, groundnuts, and meat) and vice versa. In all, the three Laimbwe villages made donations of groundnuts, eggs, maize and other material items which were sent to Kom to assist the struggle for independence Similarly, the Kom women used their family links with the Kedjom people as well as their very strong sens e of organization assisted by a local politician Augustine Ngom Jua to pull their Kedjom Keku kindred in to the streets. T he kedjem lineage is found in both Kom and Kedjom Keku and members of this lineage through kin group networks mobilized their members towards the opposition to colonial policies. This became visible during the march of the women to Bamenda from Kom which could be likened to the march of the women to Versailles in the 1789 French Revolution. Other Kom villages mobilized and sent material assistance to the women revolt at Wombong which was the linchpin of the anlu women revolt in Kom In the case of the Laimbwe women neighboring villages housed those who went to Bamenda to secure the release of their leaders who were arrested in 1959. S uch organized mobilization and coordination went a long way to encourage the women to fight on It is therefore not surprising that during the consultations leading to the independence of Southern Cameroons these grievances contributed in no small way as the leaders of the women revol t continued to press for freedom.
1961| 81 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v12/v12i 3 a 4 .pdf Leadership In as much as a revol t is the collective effort of every participant, it is also a result of a carefully chosen, empowered and coordinated leadership. For every community, there was a recognized local leader who worked closely with her subordinates. This local leader also worked very closely with other selected leaders from the different wards or quarters of the village and s olicited at all times the support of other leaders in neighboring communities. In Mbengkas and Bu fondoms of the Laimbwe ethnic group, these leaders included Njughekai, Esa ah Fueh Induum, Kebwei Mbonghelesam and Ngem Ibo oh of Mbengkas and Kebwei Zei, Fu ehlejheh, Musso Mbong, Futele Chou, Sangah Buh, Naiisi and Ngwo Ndai of Bu. 54 Put together, these local leaders were each responsible to a central leadership and gave an account of their stewardship to a commanding officer at the center. In Bu fondom, the commanding leader to whom others reported was the Queen Mother at the time, Kebwei Zei. The interesting thing to note here is that these bold and enterprising women leaders have not received any scholarly attention in the historiography of the western Gras sfields of Cameroon In the villages and quarters of Kom and Laimbwe, women leaders provided inspiring leadership for all women to emulate. Their selection often followed a meeting of the women leaders and their field supervisors with the Queen Mother abo ut their activities. This was carefully done and the ir commitment to the cause for which they stood and to providing account s of their stewardship became a source of reinvigorated strength for those women who wanted fairness and justice to be the watchwor ds of the colonial administration. The meeting of these leaders at regular intervals and the assistance provided by each and every one of them greatly strengthened the women cause. Leadership was also in the form of inter village meetings. Through these meetings, the different delegations were briefed on the developments that unfolded and whether this had an impact on them or not. A glaring example of this was the journey undertaken by the Mbengkas women to Bu in 1957 to officially put in place the same sort of revolutionary kelu in the Laimbwe community. The group of three who were led by women of the caliber of Njughekai , Kebwe Mbonglesam and Esa ah Fueh Induum played a momentous role in the spread of the women revolutionary spirit in the Laimbwe community and by extension the satellites villages of Teitengem, Mughom and other neighboring villages like Befang. This single act of the Mbengkas women changed the phase of the women revoluti onary activities in estern Grassfields at least in the Laimbwe and related ethnic groups The leadership qualities and steadfastness of Fuam and Muana of Kom were also recognized as inspiring other women leaders. These women rose to the pinnacle of the anlu in Kom and they commanded respect and admiration of other women far afield. On a regular basis, the Laimbwe women leaders of Baisso, Bu and Mbengkas travelled to Kom, listened to these leaders and implemented some of their suggestions in a bid to sustain the up rising. Upon return, some of these Laimbwe women leaders deified Fuam and made their collaborators believe that she possessed extraordinary powers. The supposed invincibility and invisibility of Fuam was used by the Laimbwe leaders to frighten recalcitrant fellows into submission. Such mobilization using a myth associated with Fuam reached its apogee when the District Officer for Wum Division Ken Shaddock visited Bu fondom in 1958. During the visit at in present ing themselves as leaders of the
82 | Kah African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v12/v12i 3 a 4 .pdf community by threatening to beat him up. Upon return ing to the divisional headquarters, he cabled the hierarchy about the seriousness o f the matter before police w ere sent to pick up the ringleaders. The synchronized inter chie fdom leadership using personalities and mysticism has yet to form part of the literature so far written on this w estern Grassfields. The importance of leadership was also seen during the march of women from different chie fdoms to Bamenda to secure the release of their leaders and to make their case to the Resident against the British colonial administration. When the women leaders were picked up and locked up at the German Fort in Bamenda, their subordinates mobilized the rest of the women and trekked to Bamenda to ensure their release. Their presence created panic and caused some elite and traditional rulers such as Jeremiah Chi Ka ngsen, Thomas Ngong Amaazee, Nyooh Wei Induum and Chief Ndzeghi of the Aghem, Bu and Mbengkas respectively to provide bail to secure their release. Conclusion This study has shown that three main factors contributed to the liberation of the western Grassfields of Cameroon namely symbols, a well coordinated leadership and the force of its character and charisma. At the end of this paper we have achieved a number of things namely a new direction in the research on the women revolt in the Grassfields which has caught the attention of scholars since the 1960s. This new direction was wh at Awasom, Shanklin and Diduk superficially talked about b ut was not as a central factor in their scholarly published papers. Others like Nkwi and Nkwain have mentioned aspects of organization but the force of a clearly focused leadership has been overlo oked by most of the other authors who have written about the 55 This study point s out areas of research that should be focused on for a better understanding of the complex implications of the women revolt in It is therefore a new direction for the re evaluation of the research that has so far been carried out on the women revol t of th e w estern Grassfields. It also support s the argument that symbols are an unspoken but forcefu l way of liberating a people from captivity. If the women revolt eventually gave way it is not that it failed to achieve something. Rather, through the ir revol t the women p rove d that they were more organiz ed than it had been thought and that the ir leadership was grounded in grassroots support and coordination New direction s of research mobilization in the liberation struggle in the Western G rassfields of Cameroon. Notes 1. This held at Algiers, Algeria, 13 16 July 2009. I am grateful to organizers of the symposium who made it possible for this paper to be presented on my behalf by my colleague Walter Gam Nkwi (who also read through the paper) and the participants who
1961| 83 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v12/v12i 3 a 4 .pdf offered valu able criticisms towards its improvement in its present form. I am particularly grateful to the internal and external reviewers of African Studies Quarterly for their review comments because they contributed towards the improvement of the content of this pa per. 2 Nkwain 1958; Nkwi 1976, 1985; Shanklin 1990; Awasom 2002; Gam Nkwi 2003; Diduk 2004. 3 Ardener 1967, p. 290. 4 http://www.statemaster.com/encyclopedia/Northwe st Province, Cameroon ; Doh and Binde 2010. 5 Chiabi 1990, pp. 24 41; Chiabi 1989, pp. 170 99; Fo Angwafo 2009, pp. 23 2 8; Mbile 2000, pp. 47 153. 6 Ngoh 2004; Goodridge 2004, pp. 18 25. 7 Abimbola uprising in Eastern Nigeria. While many other examples could be cited, women to a larg e extent still unrecognized and in the dust bin of history because official narratives have of ethnographers, male and female, reinforces maleness. Yet many heroine s and rural women in different African countries during the colon 8 Tordoff 1997, pp. 49, 58 62 63. 9 Ifeka Moller 1975, pp. 127 57; Akosua 1977, pp. 1 14; Sweetman 1984; Kanogo 1987; Bohannan and Curtin 1988, pp. 373 74; Chiabi 1989, pp. 170 99; Chiabi 1990, pp. 24 41; Iliffe 1995, p. 212, 229 33; Falola 1995; van Allen 1997; Milne 1999, pp. 379 82; Geiger 1999, p. 331; Sheldon et al 2002, p. 158; Mwangola 2006, pp. 6 7; Odotei 2006, p. 81; Boahen 2008, p. 28. 10 Carton 2006, p. 85. 11 12 Chapman 1989, pp. 187 88. 13 Ifeka Moller 1975, pp. 127 57; Kanogo 1987; van Allen 1997 and Mahamane 2008. 14 Nkwain 1958; Ritzenthaler 1960; Nkwi 1985; Shanklin 1990; Konde 1990; Jua 1993; Awasom 2002; Gam Nkwi 2003; Kah 2004a; Diduk 2004. 15 Kah 2004b, p. 125. 16 Jua 1993; Kah 2004a and 2008; Gam Nkwi 2003; Diduk 2004. 17 Amadiume 2006, p. 26. 18 Nkwain 1958; Diduk 1989, 2004; Nkwi 1976, 1985; Kah 2004a, 2008; Gam Nkwi 2003; Westerman. 19 Ifeka Moller 1975, pp. 127 57; AKosua 1977, pp. 1 14; Oduyoye 1979, pp. 9 14; Manuh, pp. 50 66; Boaten 1992, pp. 90 100; van Allen 1997; Bastian 2002, pp. 260 81; Odotei 2006; Fayorsey 2006, pp. 651 62.
84 | Kah African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v12/v12i 3 a 4 .pdf 20 Nkwain 1958; Ritzenthaler 1960; Nkwi 1976, 1985; Diduk 1989, 2004; Shanklin 1990; Konde 1990; Chilver 1992; Jua 1993; Awasom 2002, 2006; Westerman; Gam Nkwi 2003; Kah 2004a, 2008, f orthcoming. 21 It is worth noting tha t German Kamerun was divided unequally between Britain and France after the defeat of Germany during the First World War. Approximately one fifth of German Kamerun was taken over by Britain and was administered within the British colony of Nigeria as separ ate administrative units. While British Northern Cameroons was governed from Northern Nigeria, British Southern Cameroons was administered from Southern and subsequently Eastern Nigeria. Following the UN organized plebiscite of 11 February 1961, the northe rn portion voted for integration with Nigeria and the southern portion for reunification with the French sphere which had obtained its independence on 1 January 1960 to form the Federal Republic of Cameroon. 22 Roberts 1997, p. 195. 23 Bernault 2006, p. 21 0. 24 Bernault 2006, p. 210. 25 Bernault 2006, p. 217. 26 Roberts 1997, p. 195. 27 Connerton 1989, p. 74. 28 Smith 1997, pp. 184 86. 29 Crawford 1984, p. 80; Bordo, 1993; Davis 1997, p. 2. 30 Davis 1997, p. 7. 31 Frank 1990, p. 133. 32 Fatton 1995, p. 86. 33 Allman 2004, p. 2. 34 Veit Wild and Naguschewski 2005, pp. xiii xiv. 35 Warnier 1993, pp. 306 07. 36 Personal Communication, January 12, 2009. 37 Personal Communication, January 8, 2009. 38 Chilver 1992; Awasom 2002, 2006; Did uk 2004. 39 Allman 2004, p. 2. 40 Awasom 2002, p. 2. Bamenda occupies an important place in the history of Cameroon. It d eveloped as a trade center and evolved to become the administrative headquarters of the North West Region. It is one of the largest towns in Cameroon. During the colonial period, it became an important town for the party politics that chall enged the policy of integration of British Southern Cameroons with Nigeria. In 1985, the ruling Cameroon Peoples Democrati c Movement (CPDM) was born on the ashes of the defunct Cameroon National Union (CNU). Co incidentally, Bamenda is also the birth place of the opposition Social Democratic Front (SDF), which was launched May 26, 1990. Since the re introduction of
1961| 85 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v12/v12i 3 a 4 .pdf multiparty politics in the 1990s, Bamenda has remained the hotbed of the political opposition, with the takembeng women organization playing an important role. 41 Gam Nkwi 2003, pp. 158 59; Kah 2008, p. 15. 42 Personal Communication, January 3, 2009. 43 Pers onal Communication, March 1, 1997. 44 Diduk 2004, pp. 32 3 4. 45 Gam Nkwi 2003, p. 163. 46 Rubin 1971: 71 88; Ngoh 2001: 122 44; Kah 2003: 103 25; and Kah forthcoming. 47 Gam Nkwi 2006, p. 65. 48 Olusoji 2007, p. 63. 49 Discussion with Kaifetai Bu Village, 22 December 2000. 50 Mbunda 2008, p. 23. 51 Through oral interviews in the field, the people argue that if the women revolt lasted that long, it was because the colonial authorities undermined their influence. 52 Awasom 2002, p. 4. 53 Gam Nkwi 2003; Kah 2003. 54 Kah 2004, p. 32. 55 Nkwain 1958; Gam Nkwi, 2003. References Nordic Journal of African Studies 12.1: 39 48. Akosua Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria IX.1: 1 14. Fashioning Africa: Power and the Politics of Dress (Indianapolis : Indiana University Press). Cultural Traditions and Modernity: Expanding CODESRIA Bulletin Special Issue : The African Woman 1 and 2: 26 28. Andr A.C. North and D.J. Hargreaves (eds.), The Social Psychology of Music ( New York: Oxford University Press). Ardener, E African Integration and Disintegration: Case Studies in Economic and Political Union (London: Oxford University Press).
86 | Kah African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v12/v12i 3 a 4 .pdf ______. Edwin Ardener the Voice of Prop hecy and Other Essays (Oxford: Basil Blackwell): 72 85. _____. Edwin Ardener the Voice of Prophecy and Other Essays (Oxford: Basil Blackwell). Ardener, Shirley. 1975. Perceiving Women London: Mal aby Press. Awasom, Susanna Adaptation of Traditional African Female Political Institutions to the Exigencies of Modern Politics in the 1990s: The Case of the Takumbeng Female Society in Ca CODESRIA 10 th General Assembly(Kampala, Uganda). _____ CODESRIA Bulletin Special Issue The African Woman 1 and 2. Bastian, M.L. (eds.), Women in African Colonial Histories (Bloomington: Indiana University Press): 260 8 1. Bernault, F Journal of African History 47 2: 207 39. Boahen, K. A. gies in a Male Dominated Reading the History and Historiography of Domination and Resistanc Institute of African Studies Research Review 8.1&2: 90 100. Bohannan, P an d P. Curtin. 1988. Africa and Africans ( Third Edition ). Illinois: Waveland Press. Bordo, S. 1993. Unbearable Weight : Feminism, Western Culture and the Body. Berkeley: University of California Press. The International Journal of African Historical Studies 39.1: 49 83. Chapman, M. ed. 1989. Edwin Ardener the Voice of Prophecy and Other Essays. Oxford: Basil Blackwell.
1961| 87 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v12/v12i 3 a 4 .pdf Chem Annals of the Faculty of Arts, Letters and Social Sciences VI.1&2: 3 22. Chiabi, E mmanuel M. Cameroons, 1914 Introduction to the History of Cameroon Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries (London: Macmillan ). _____. 1 Annals of the Faculty of Arts, Letters and Social Sciences VI.1&2: 23 41. Ardener (ed.), Persons and Powers of Women in Diverse Cultures (Oxf ord: Berg Publishers): 105 33. Connerton, P. 1989. How Societies Remember Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Crawford, R. 1984. : Control, Release and the Social Body. In McKinlay (ed.), Issues in the Political Economy of Health Care (New York: Tavistock): 60 103. Davis, K athy 1985. Reshaping the Female Body: The Dilemma of Cosmetic Surgery. New York: Routledge. _____ Embodied Practices : Feminist Perspectives on the Body (London: Sage Publications) : 1 23. DeLancey, Mark W. 1989. Cameroon: Dependence and Independence. Boulder: Westview Press. Diduk, S usan Grassfi Africa 59.3: 338 55. _____ African Studies Review 47. 2 : 27 54. Bessie House Midamba and Felix K. Elechi (eds.), African Market Women and Economic Power: The Role of Women in African Economic Development (London: Grenwood Press). Fatton, R. 1995 Democratization : The Civic Limitations African Studies Review 38 2 : 67 99 Chieftaincy in Ghana: Culture, Governance and Development. (Accra, Ghana: Sub Saharan Publishers): 651 62. Fo Angwafo III, S.A.N. 2009. Royalty and Politics: The Story of my Life. Bamenda: Langaa RPCIG.
88 | Kah African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v12/v12i 3 a 4 .pdf Review. Theory, Culture and Society 7.1: 131 62. Social Identities: Journal of the Study of Race, Nation and Culture 5. 3 : 331 43 Goodridge, R Victor Julius Ngoh (ed.), Cameroon: From a Federal to a Unitary State, 1961 1972: A Critical Study (Limbe: Design House): 13 47. Ifeka Moller, C Perceiving Women (London: Malaby Press): 127 57. Iliffe, J. 1995. Africans: The History of a Continent. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Jua, R Bole Butake (eds.), Cameroon Anglophone Writing (Bayreuth: University of Bayreuth Press): 180 8 3. Epasa Moto: A Bilingual Journal of Arts, Letters, and the Humanities 1. 6 : 103 125. _____. 2004 a Wum Cameroon, 1957 CASTALIA: Ibadan Journal of Multicultural and Multidisciplinary Studies 17: 12 40. _____ 2004 b 61: Socio Economic Journal of Applied Social Sciences 4. 2: 116 47. _____ Symbolism: An Historical Interpretation of the Kelu Women Resistance in Bu Cameroon, 1957 Reading the History and Historiography of _____ Wum 1966 Nsoh Fonchingong and John Bobuin Gemandze (eds.), CAMEROON: The Stakes and Challenges of Governance and Development (Bamenda: Langaa RPCIG): 185 99. Anglophone Dichotomy, 1961 Cameroon Journal of Democracy and Human Rights.
1961| 89 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v12/v12i 3 a 4 .pdf Dona ld, P. Holden and S. Ardener (eds.), Images of Women in Peace and War (London: Macmillan): 170 89. African Gender Scholarship: Concepts, Methodologies and Paradigms Dakar: CODESRIA: 9 26. Konde, E Working Paper #47. Boston: Boston University African S tudies Cent er. e anti coloniale ignore par (Kampala, Uganda). Court and its Jurisdiction over Women: A Study in Legal Institute of African Studies Research Review 4. 2: 50 66. Mbile, N. N 2000. Cameroon Political Story: Memories of an Authentic Eye Witness. Limbe: Presprint. Mbunda, F.M. Nekang Nee. 20 Epasa Moto: A Bilingual Journal of Arts, Letters and the Humanities 3. 2: 10 50. Milne, Malcolm. 1999. No Telephone to Heaven: From Apex to Nadir Colonial Service in Nigeria, Aden, the Cameroons an d the Gold Coast, 1938 61. Hants: Meon Hill Press. CODESRIA Bulletin Special Issue The African Woman 1&2: 6 7. Ngoh, V.J. 2001. Southern Cameroons, 1922 1961: A Constitutional H istory Aldershot: Ashgate: 122 144. _____2004. (ed.) Cameroon: From a Federal to a Unitary State, 1961 1972: A Critical Study Limbe: Design House Nkwain, F. I 1963. National Archives Buea (NAB) Cameroon (Mimeographed). Nkwi, Paul Nchoji. 1976. Traditional Government and Social Change: A Study of the Political Institutions among the Kom of the Cameroon Grassfields. Fribourg, Switzerland: Fribourg University Press. _____ Traditional Femmes du Cameroun: Meres Pacifiques Femmes Rebelles (Paris: Karthala): 181 193.
90 | Kah African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v12/v12i 3 a 4 .pdf Cameroons: The Case of Ko m Fondom, 1958 Epasa Moto: A Bilingual Journal of Arts, Letters and the Humanities 1. 6: 154 175. _____ Humanities Review Journal 6: 62 76. Odotei, I. Awedoba (eds.), Chieftaincy in Ghana: Culture, Governance and Development ( Accra: Sub saharan Publishers). African Notes: Bulletin of the Institute of African Studies VIII. 2: 9 14. st Century Nationalistic Revisiting History through the Arts ( Lagos: Talors Press): 63 7. O ` Neil, R. 1991. Mission to the British Cameroons London: Cambridge African Studies 19. 3 : 151 56 Roberts, A.F. 1997. Symbolism: Overview. In John Middleton (ed.), Encyclopaedia of Africa South of the Sahara V ol. 4 (London: Macmillan) : 192 97 Rubin, Neville. 1971. Cameroon: An African Federation. London: Pall Mall: 71 88. Shanklin, E. Dialectical Anth ropology 15. 2 3: 159 81. Sheldon, K. J. Allman, S. Geiger and N. Musisi ( eds. ). 2002. Women in African Colonial Histories Bloomin gton: Indiana University Press. Encyclopaedia of Africa South of the Sahara vol. 1 (London: Macmillan) : 184 87. Nordic Journal of African Studies 5. 2 : 71 82 Sweetman, D. 1984. Women Leaders in African History. Oxford: H einemann.
1961| 91 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v12/v12i 3 a 4 .pdf Takougang, J. and M. Krieger. 1998. African State and Society in t Crossroads. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press. Tordoff, W. 1997. Government and Politics in Africa ( Third Edition ) Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Van Allen, J. 19 76 Nancy J. Hafkin and Edna G. Bay (eds.) Women in Africa: Studies in Social and Economic Change (St anford University Press): 59 86; R eprinted in Emmanuel Konde, Janice Sumler Edmond and Linda Tomlinson (eds.), The United States, Africa and the World: A Reader (Acton, MA: Tapestry Press): 308 14. Veit Wild F. and D. Naguschewski 2005 Wild and Dirk Naguschewski (eds.), Body, Sexuality and Gender: Versions and Subversions in Literature V ol 1 ( New York: Rodon ). Lateral Development of Music In Bode Omojola (ed.), Music and Social Dynamics in Nigeria (Ilorin: University of Ilorin Press). Paideuma 39. Westerman, V. Aufstand bei den Kom ( Kamerun) 1958 1960 Hamburg Zur Afrikanischen Greschichte, 3. Colonialism in Africa 1870 1960 Vol. 2 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press) : 450 502.
African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 Dhikru Adewale Yagboyaju specializes in P olicy Studies and Comparative Po litics and has many publication in these areas. He teaches Political Scie nce at Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile Ife, Nigeria University of Florida Board of Trustees, a public corporation of the State of Florida; permission is hereby granted for individuals to download articles for their own personal use. Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Florida. ISSN: 2152 2448 Democratization DHIKRU ADEWALE YAGBOYAJU Abstract : Fourth Republic on May 29, 1999 started amidst great hope and expectations. Although the military regime that mid wived the process could not significantly convince the generality of the citizens on its success, a huge section of the populace still believed it could herald the d awn of good governance in the country. Disturbingly, twelve years after the commencemen t of democratization in Nigeria the political landscape is yet to show clear evidences of good governance. The rule of law is merely pronounced, elections and electoral processes are subverted, and political parties and other important public institutions are manipulated in favor of the privileged few. T his essay critically examin es the probable sources and dimensions of the impediments confronting the democratic desires of Nigeria and its people who often proclaim their preference for democracy. The research methodology is both descriptive and analytical, while the framework of an alysis is eclectic It combines the s (1975) concept of patrimonialism with such list perspective of Joseph (199 conclusion, it suggests that the state and its institutions in Nigeria need to be strengthened for democracy to thrive in this country. In the light of this, it is noted that although the role of emphasized more. Introduction four general elections (1999, 2003, 2007 and 2011), i s yet to show profound evidence of a growing democracy. All of these elections were marked with controversie s, just as their processes and end products encountered credibility and legitimacy crises. Obviously, all of these account for the lack of appropriate policy formulation and effective implementation that are needed for the improvement of the standard of li ving of the people and development of the country as a whole. The net effect is that the ordinary citizens seem to have gradually lost hope in the system that replaced the military regime, while the rulers and supposed representatives of the people who liv e in opulence that does not conform to the current economic realities in the country s eem less bothered. Apparently, it
94 | Yagboyaju African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3| Summer 2011 may take some time to feel the full impact of the slight improvement recorded in the conduct of the 2011 general elections. s present ly faltering democr atization facilitate true democracy in the country? What led to the gradual squandering of the initial hope and expectations that accompanied the process in the late 1990s? Can the process be remedied? What significant roles can the present political institutions and the individual beneficiaries play? Can civil society groups and other non governmental organizations re enact their activities that contributed to the fall of past military regimes? These are some of the questions th at this paper sets out to answer. In addition to these introductory remarks, the paper has four sections : conceptual clarifications the Nigerian state and p olitics in t heoretical p erspective the e xperience of the Fourth Republic and c oncluding r emarks. Conceptual Clarifications The concept of democratization, which is our main focus in this paper, is well covered in the extant literature. Apparently most of these existing works, especially since the mid 80s in southern Europe and Latin America, and fro m the 1990s onward for the African continent, emphasize a common trend in the sense that democratization is a process that implies a series of continuous actions and changes. Remarkably, these are geared toward the replacement of an existing order or syste m of authoritarian and undemocratic rule with one that is participatory and democratic in nature. More explicitly, Gunther et al (1995) contend that the democratization process has three phases: t he f all of the authoritarian regime, c onsolidation and e nd uring democracy Obviously, the foregoing opinion and similar others do not specify a time frame for the actualization of the three highlighted phases. It, therefore, means that the peculiarities in each system would play a profound role in the process of actualization. In the case of Nigeria, the slow pace of the process raises doubt in the minds of the generality of the people who, for instance, are confounded as to why s uch basic aspects of democracy as elections and legislative duties still lack signifi cant purposiveness, ten years after the Fourth Republic commence d. Additionally the executive arms at different levels of government have also performed so abysmally that discerning minds now wonder how long it will take democracy to flourish in the count ry. Indeed, the observation political liberalization, or genuinely a democratic transition to aptly capture the Nigerian situation at the moment. 1 Political liberalization is, undoubtedly, part of the democratization process but it is susceptible to dangerous reverses. 2 Even as the present process in Nigeria is yet to manifest any strong evidence of relapse, it is worrisome that the democratic space is not expanding or deepenin g as rapidly as expected. Some of the area s where the democratic ethos is visibly lacking include the scant regard for the rule of law or constitutional rule; stifling of critics and opposition, especial ly from other political parties, thus hindering effec tive multiparty i sm; controversial and fraudulent elections; and political corruption. Although the effects of the foregoing factors vary their combination, in positive terms, vitalizes democracy. For instance, while the existence of a viable opposition ma kes an alternative choice possible, sacrosanct
| 95 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3| Summer 2011 elections serve the purpose of the driving force for the actualization of alternative choice They, just like other factors, are the linchpins of democracy. For now, the slow pace of d emocratization in Nigeria in spite of the profound pro democracy activism in the aftermath of the 1993 annulment and the conduct of four general elections in 1999, 2003, 2007 and 2011, clearly exposes a process that probably commenced with great deformities. In this sense, the e ntire process, regardless of the amount of efforts, might produce insignificant positive results. It is, perhaps, another 3 For a better understanding of the peculiarities of the challenges confronting Niger need to examine critically the nature of the Nigerian state and its politics. The Nigerian State and i ts Politics in Theoretical Perspective ements in economic and political fortune and misfortune, as argued in several scholarly works, have helped to establish that th e probability of Nigeria present form, is quite low if not for the superior fire power and diplomacy of the colonialists. This, they attributed to the existence of diverse ethnic nationalities, which were forcefully amalgamated in 1914. In essence, the colonial state and its succe ssor had no legitimating ideals. It was, therefore, not surpri sing that authoritarianism became its major defining character. On the other hand, it also helped in raising ethnic consciousness and the salience of the ethnic factor, but mostly in negative perspectives. Scholarly works that have sufficiently discussed a ll of these include Coleman (1958), Crowder (1962), Schwarz (1965), Lewis (1965), Sklar (1966), and Dudley (1973 ) among others. Similarly, Ekeh (1975), in his seminal essay on the concept of the two publics, crystallized the negative effects of colonialism and primordialism on the socio political development of Nigeria. Weber (1948) had much earlier adopted patrimonialism for the explanation of similar challenges, albeit on a lager scale. The patrimonial perspective has also been adopted variously as decent ralized patrimonialism, neo patrimonialism and the p atrimonial administrative state by such scholars as Theobold (1982), Callaghy (1987) and Ikpe (2000) for explanations on t perspective to further explain the dynamics of socio dangers associated with the political tendencies that these scholars highlighted include clientelism, godfatherism, nepotism, administrative in efficient cy political corruption, poverty, and political instability. Hope was once again raised with the euphoric reintroduction of civil ian rule in 1999. This was expected to serve as a new beginning and as an end to the long period of military rule an d its characteristics such as intimidation, personalization, egoism, debauchery, sycophancy and poverty. Amazingly, the situation has not significantly changed. In our own opinion, this can wived the present democratization in the country 4 Invariably, most of the conceptualizations by these scholars point to the incapacitation of the state in Nigeria by the officials in charge of various public institutions and their sponsors the godfather s. For a better understanding, we may situate all
96 | Yagboyaju African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3| Summer 2011 these explanations within the context of such relatively more recent conceptualizations as the social closure and state capture. According to Parkin social closure is: The process by which social collective seeks to maximize rewards by restricting access to resources and opportunities to a limited circle of eligibles. This entails the singling out of certain physical attributes as the justificatory basis of exclusion. Vi rtually, all group attributes race, language, social origin, religion may be seized upon provided it can be used for the monopolization of specific, Its purpose is always the closure of social and economic opportunitie s to outsiders. 5 In contemporary Nigeria, this practice of social closure is carried on with little or no restriction because the actors have, more than ever before, seized the machinery of the state for their own interest. It is in this sense that the explanation s in the concept of state capture can be adopted According to the World Bank state capture stands for: The actions of individuals, groups or firms both in public and private sectors to influence the formation of laws, regulations, decrees an d other government policies to their own advantage as a result of the illicit and non transparent provision of private benefits to public officials. 6 While such institutions as the legislature, executive, judiciary and regulatory agencies represent the st ructure s that are seized or captured, the captors are private firms, political leaders, political parties and other narrow interest groups. The main thesis in the foregoing explanations on the nature of the Nigerian state and its politics is mostly exploited by the modern day Nigerian political clas s for its own selfish interest 7 In the second place, these activities of transactional and predatory political and economic leaders are possible largely because of the weak nature of the state, especially exemplified by its rapidly eroded autonomy and fu nctionality. Furthermore, the second point work for its restoration, as the weakening effects of their activities on the democratization process clearly show 8 The Experience of the Fourth Republic A key aspect of the eclectic framework of analysis that is adopted in this study is it s emphasis on certain exclusionary tendencies that ensure that the entire public policy process functions largely in the interest of the privileged few. The Abubakar transition program that gave birth to the Fourth Republic, not surprisingly, exhibited these traits in many ways. In the first major assignm ent of the transition program, for example, the draft of the constitution was considered and approved by the military populated Provision al Ruling Council (PRC). It should be noted that neither the membership nor the professional skill of this body qualifi ed it to perform such a sensitive democratic exercise. Thereafter, the I ndependent National Electoral Commission (INEC), the body saddled with the responsibility of supervising the entire electoral process was put in place. Obviously, the formation of thi s body was also faulty mainly because its members
| 97 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3| Summer 2011 were chosen not necessarily on merit but, most probably based on political connections or Democratic Party (PDP and Alliance for Democracy (AD) that was selective and discriminatory character. Nonetheless, it should be noted that PDP and APP appeared to have suffi ciently satisfied the electoral requirement of physical presence in the thirty six states of the n Party (PRP) and some others were not registered until 2003 when the political landscape was further liberalized by a judicial pronouncement on the registration of political parties. Apparently, the first three political parties lacked significant ideo logical differences just as they did not have sufficiently convincing manifestos. It is in the light of this that Obi noted that they were probably registered to merely pursue an unwritten agenda between the various factions of the hegemonic elite, which w as geopolitical power shift from the North to the South 9 In fact, the logic of this assertion can further be established by referring to the fact that the AD, the only s outh w estern Nigerian dominated party at that time, was hurriedly approved for registration on the last day of the image and, probably par ia h nation as at that time. The self inflicted image problem of the military was, however different from another interest of its political arm. Essentially, this had to do with the protection of the for tunes acquired by many retired army g ene ral s esp ecially those who were in government or indirectly connected to go vernment between 1985 and 1999, when participation in the governance of the country provided huge opportunities for illicit wealth. In the light of all of these, the Abubakar regime, after the well publicized strategic meeting of all former military heads of s tate (except Olusegun Obasanjo and Muhammadu Buhari), retired army g enerals and ex police chiefs that it convened on October 3, 1998, embarked on a l credentials it was no coincidence t hat General Obasanjo, the only s o utherner out of the two former heads of s tate absent at the strategic meeting, eventually emerged as the presidential candidate of the winning PDP in 1999. It was not surprising that the initial opposition from the Gr o up of 34 (G34), the originators of PDP, was not formidable enough to stop the choice of Obasanjo. Undoubtedly, it did not surprise any discerning mind to see the domination of the list of PD tired g enerals as Lt. General T.Y. Danjuma, Major Ge neral Alli Mohammed Gusau, Lt. G eneral I. Wus hishi, General I.B. Babangida, and several others 10 With everything seemingly in place, it electoral victory as well as for other PD P candidates at other electoral levels across the country. T here were slight differences in other areas outside the presidency however, particularly where the APP and AD had greater influence. Remarkably, this setting further fuelled skepticism and attrac ted criticisms from different sections of the society. In fact, an election monitor in 1999 observed that: No one had any illusion that anything but high stakes bargaining would determine the structures of powers in the civilian government. Elections woul d influence this process to the extent that the crowd influences a soccer match 11
98 | Yagboyaju African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3| Summer 2011 More than a has since wit nessed four g eneral elections and several others at different level s has not shown any remarkable improvement. Rather, elections have over the years become more controversial public institutions increasingly manipulated and the generality o f the citizens impoverished. We shall discuss all of these by concentrating on thr ee key areas that should assist in understanding the persistent threats confronting the Fourth Republic s faltering democratization These are: Institutions, which pretend to be democratic but lack the basic ingredients of democracy. They include INEC poli tical parties, the legislature, and so forth. Political elites who can no longer empathize with the electorate because they disregard for those they are supposed to serve 12 A d espondent electorate that is increasingly forced into sycophancy and higher criminalities because of poverty and intolerable standards of living. It should be noted that the first key area on our list is central to the development of any society in the co ntemporary world, whil e the second and third should assist us in understanding how the reciprocal exchanges between leaders and follower s can catalyze development in a country like Nigeria with her failing public institutions. Perhaps the most important institution in Ni in te rms of electoral administration is the INEC. This is mainly because of its sensitive assignment, which includes the registration of political parties and the monitoring of their fina ncial activities b ut more importantly the conduct of elections for various political offices. These include the supervision of party primaries and the actual conduct of general elections. The performance in all of these functions since 1999 has been abysmal. It should be noted that the INEC did not appropriately sanction any of the political parties for their primaries that were most of the time scarcely democratic in nature. It is not surprising that most of these political parties that suffered from a lack of internal democracy have been unable to imbibe a democratic ethos at higher levels. In addition, most of these parties do not publish their financial activities including campaign and elections funding as regularly as required by the electo ral laws. Incidentally, elections and campaign finance has been discovered to be one of the greatest sources of abuse and im epublic 13 In this connection, it is appropriate to recall some of the activities of political godfat hers and election financiers especially in the PDP whose electoral slates for obvious reasons, are the most attractive. While the governorship tickets of the party in Edo and Ekiti States were, for instance, given to those who did not win the primaries be fore the 2007 elections, the candidacy for the same office in Rivers State was awarded to a candidate who did not participate in the exercise. In the latter case, Honourable Rotimi Amaechi, who was illegally prevented from contesting in the 20 07 exercise, was declared the governor by the elections tr ibunal about a year after. Similarly, Senator Ifeanyi Araraume from Anambra State was also allowed to contest the senatorial elections, in 2007, only after the court intervention that returned his ticket, which he had earlier won in the PDP primaries. N one of these activities however, exposed the conduct of general elections since 1999. In the controversial 2007 general elections that were followed by the court ordered r e r un exercises in such s tates as K ogi, Adamawa, Osun and
| 99 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3| Summer 2011 Ekiti, the electoral body displayed incompetence and, s ometimes outright bias. Perhaps there is no better evidence for this than the open cases of ballot box snatching, falsification of results and other forms of electoral malpractices many of which were confirmed in places like Edo and Ondo States where the initial governorship results were overturned in favor of Adams Oshiomhole and Olusegun Mimiko respectively in 2009. Similarly, the results of the governorship elections in Ekiti and Osun States were later overturned in 2010 in favor of Dr. Kayode Fayemi and Rauf Aregbesola respectively. It should also be noted that in all of these, the police as an institution is also constantly indicted for its ineffective role that compounded whatever challenges the INEC probably encountered from the exploitative acts of the political class. In a similar vein, the open declaration by Pr Adua, shortly after the inauguration of his administration in 20 07, that the process of his election was faulty and the establishment of the Uwais Electoral to confirm that the INEC did not sufficiently perform its role. In another related ma tt er, several of the re ports and comments of election observers from within and outside the country supported the shoddy and controversial nature of most of these exercises. While the European Union (EU) criticized the legitimacy of the outcome of the election basic international standards 14 In vie w of the bloody violence and rig ging of monumental proportions, the Vanguard the lack of transparency and evidence of fraud, particularly in the result collation process, there can be no confidence in the result of these elections 15 Obviously, all of these and the unending squabbles over the verdicts of the various e lection t ribunals across the country constitute great challenges for The legislature is another weak pu blic institution whose lackluster performance over the last decade has been a sou rce of worry. In view of its central role, particularly being the most distinctive feature that differentiates democracy in Nigeria from other forms of government that the country has had, we shall critically examine two key aspects of its activit i es since 1999 : policy formulation and oversight duties In terms of policy formulation, it should be noted that the quality of life and standard of living of the entire citizenry can easily be traced to the type of policies formulated by the legislature, while the oversight function s of this same body requires it t o monitor and ensure that the executive arm implements the policies efficiently and effectively. It may be appropriate to evaluate the effectiveness of policies in Nigeria by closely looking at the condit ions of physical infrastructure and social services in the country in the last decade. The obvious decay in the health sector; collapse of education; deplorable conditions of road networks; increasing insecurity from robbery, abduction and other polymorp hous violence; scarcity of potable water; and the collapse of the remnant manufacturing s ector among others are evidence of the rapidly deteriorating living conditions of ordinary Nigerians. Although a school of thought is of the opinion that the ailing economy bequeathed by the military to civilians in 1999 requires a lot of corrective measure s to facilitate the resuscitation of decrepit physical infrastructure and social amenities, many aspects of the activities of the legislators and other political el ites do not portray them as the change agents. We can cite several instances to support this assertion.
100 | Yagboyaju African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3| Summer 2011 First, the legislative arms at different governmental levels have sin ce 1999 been frequently engaged with the executive in squabbles over their sitting allowances and other such mundane issues It is on record that at the national and regional levels the demands by legislators are too often completely out of tune with economic realities. It should, for instance, be noted that legislative duties at the National Assembly were suspended for several weeks in 1999 before it was resolved that each legislator could have between 14,000 and 21,000 naira ($ 156 to $234 ) as a daily accommodation allowance. 16 the legislators demanded to equip their new official quarters by awarding the contracts by themselves also erupted before the end of their first year in office. This was subdued by the More than ten years later there are still strong evidences of unrealistic and unreasonable demands from lawmakers. For example, in May 2010, a majority of the legislators in the lower chamber of the National Assembly demanded a new quarterly allocatio n of N42 million ($277,000) each. This is apart from their monthly salary of about N1.3 million ($8,600) each. Obviously, the request of the upper chamber of the same Assembly should be higher and thus more provocative in a country where the vast majority of ordinary citizens earn less than $2 or N300 per day! Incidentally, in view of the fact that such allowances were not considered in the 2010 budget of the National Assembly, the most probable way to accommodate this may be to collapse the capital vote of the c hambers. In other words, no capital project shall be executed by the legislative arm in the year 17 Surprisingly, all of these seem not enough to discourage law makers from various forms of malpra ctice such as contract scams, bribery in connection with oversight functions and sundry activities that have led to the removal of most of the principal officers in the various legislative chambers across the country between 1999 and 2010. In a similar ve in, it should be noted that although prosecution is still ongoing, Dimeji Bankole, the immediate past Speaker of the House of Representatives was arrested in June 2011, shortly after the expiration of his tenure, over serious allegations of abuse of office and financial mismanagement. Secondly, it is most disturbing that the annual budget, both at the national and regional level s, is unnecessarily delayed by the legislators during the statutory process of approval. Right from the days of President Obasanjo national budget was approved before the end of March in any particular year that such budget requests for upward r eview of allocations directly affecting their allowances and other privileges. At the regional level, the case of Anambra State may serve a useful purpose for illustration. I n 2008, Governor Peter Obi presented a budget proposal of N84.2 billion ($706 mi llion) to the s tate s House of Assembly, but t his was slashed to N57.6 billion ($483 million) by 18 In other societies, such a reduction could be for altruistic purposes ; b ut in this case, j ust as in some other s tates since 1999, it seemed not. It should, for instance, be noted that while the reduction affected recurrent expenditure that was cut down from N24.2 billion ($203 million) to N21.9 billion ($184 million) and capital expenditure from N60 billion ($503 million) to N35.7 billion ($299 million) it curiously increased the allocation to the State House o f Assembly by more than fourfold from N284 million ($2.4 million) to N1 235 billion ($10.4 million) without cogent reasons. The legislature is, how ever, not alone in such act s of insensitivity. The governors, ministers and
| 101 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3| Summer 2011 local government chairmen constantly evoke the negative memories of military rule when the executive, with its huge vote to disburse, was the most attractive arm of government. Up till now, the p re sident and g overnors still have access to certain unspecified amount s of money that they refer to as security votes, which they often spend without giving an account. In fact, at one ut in the salaries and allowances of political office holders. From all indications, even as this call was not collected by the political class were absurd. In a lik e manner, the executive can also be faulted for the non implementation or poor implementation of the national budget. In 2008, for instance, the Federal Ministry of Health was in the news over the N400 million ($2.7 million) unspent budget allocation scan dal. Having ended the year 2007 without fully implementing the budget, the then m inister, Professor Adenike Grange and some other top ministry officials with the connivance of the Senate Committee on H ealth, were alleged to have shared the unspent alloca tion. Investigations into the matter are yet to be concluded more than t hree years after. More disturbingly, the legislators have over the years also exploited the constitutional provision on the impeachment of an erring c hief e xecutive, just as their cou nterparts in the executive do with the immunity clause in the 1999 Constitution. In the case of the legislative arm, it is confounding that both President s with impeachment over the poor implementation of co nstituency projects probably because this could negatively affect the image of the legislature, while the latter overlooked a more connection with the vacuum created in the p l ed out of the country in November 2009 for medical attention without appropriately informing the National Assembly or handing over to the then Vice President Goodluck Jonathan. The crisis was eventually resolved through political intrigues, which included the adoption of an interview in Saudi Arabia granted by the then ailing p resident instead of the letter of n otification as required by the c onstitution. It also inc luded the invocation of the doctrine of necessity to proclaim Goodluck Jonathan as acting p resident in Februar y 2010. Even then, the ailing p resident was brought back into the country and kept incommunicado by relations and close aides until his death in May 2010. Yet, it appeared not to be any serious problem or threat stakeholders dominate d National Assembly w In another vein, the seeming unwillingness of the National Assembly to adopt the recommendations of the Justice Muhammadu Uwais Electoral Reforms Panel constituted a serious threat recommendations could have significantly helped to put in place the necessary framework to resolve all issues concerning election petitions before a candidate is sworn into offi ce. By this, the practice whereby an illegitimate occupant is allowed to remain in office for up to three out of the four year tenure, in some instances, shall be resolved. It should be noted that the present arrangement, which allows a beneficia ry of a fraudulent election to have access to state r esources that he deploys to defe democratic process. This is because it indirectly encourages every contestant to adopt all
102 | Yagboyaju African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3| Summer 2011 means, fair or foul, to gain access to office recommendations would most probably further insulate the judiciary against total descent into the murky water of politics and the corruptive influence of the high ly monetized political landscape to which the long drawn out legal battles on election petitions expose the judiciary. So far, the judicial arm of government has won accolades for its role in sustaining a modicum of cases that have been overwhelmingly applauded, the judiciary has also helped in resolving many inter and intra governmental conflicts. These included the case between the Federal Government and Lagos ernor Bola Tinubu ; the issue of minimum wage ; the illegal termination of the appointment of some lecturers at the University of Ilorin ; and several others. T he judiciary with the support of the National Judicial Council (NJC) has also appropriately dealt with erring judges and other judicial officers by dismissing or prematurely retiring such individuals who threatened the democratization process. In this connection, we can cite the case of Justices Wilson Egbo Egbo, Stanley Nnaji and Chris Selong who were dismissed for official corruption in 2006 19 Others such as Justice Naaron and his team that initially looked into the petitions from the 2007 general elections in Osun State are still being investigated. We can now return to the list of paramete rs from an earlier part of this section by linking our explanations on the abysmal performances of the key organs of government in a democracy with the attitude of most officials in charge of these institutions. It should be noted, for instance, that the and other categories of public officials portray them as being too far removed from the realities of their environment. In simple terms, it clearly shows that most of these people in the p rivileged class can no longer em pa t h ize with the electorate that they are supposedly representing. Undoubtedly, the abysmal performance of the democratization process, in terms of the economic well being of the large population of ordinary citizens, confirms the nexus between wealth creation and good governance especially in a democratic system. It also s in the country and the general communal nature of African tradi tional societies. It is, therefore, not surprising that many ordinary Nigerians over the last decade or so have been pilloried into sycophancy, while some others are engaged in armed robbery, abduction, kidnapping, electoral violence, oil bunkering and il licit drug trafficking among other criminal activities that have risen phenomenally over the course of the decade. Undoubtedly, all of these can also be linked to different reports on the national economy and the general living conditions of Nigerians. The Manufacturers Association of Nigeria (MAN), for example, reported that 820 companies either closed shop or suspended production between 2000 and 2008. About twelve months later, 37 additional companies joined the list 20 In a similar vein UNICEF reported in 2009 that ten million Nigerian children were out of school, while the United Nations Human Development Report in 2009 ranked Nigeria 158 th out of 182 countries surveyed. The global agency used such parameters as life expectancy, educat ion and income and purchasing power. year democratization is yet significantly to fulfill the hope and aspirations of the generality of the citizens. In fact, it seems to have created more anxieties in such areas as securi ty of life and property, electoral violence and the national economy.
| 103 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3| Summer 2011 Remarkably, the evidently slow pace of preparations for the 2011 general elections by the INEC, s controversial zoning arrangement, bomb blasts, abductions, assassinatio ns and even the apocalyptic prediction by American Ambassador John Campbell that Niger ia may disintegrate before 2015 t in the outcome of the 2011 general elections, which local and international observers applauded and which, unlike not attract too many petitions, the election backlash particularly in some parts of Northern Nigeria still constitute s an imminent danger to the democratization process. Until all of these are effectively addressed, Nigeria s democratization and developmental processes and, indeed, governance in general remain threatened. Concluding Remarks year old democratization is faltering. Rather than matur ing h democratic experience has continuously shown evidences of a possible relapse into its im mediate past autocratic experience. Although the most recent electoral exercise in the country, the April/May 2011 general elections, showed elements of improvement and possibly restoration of hope in the democratization process, other aspects of public l ife such as political violence and corruption still constitute great threats. Obviously, the initial high hopes and expectations could have been sustained and probably have led to democratic consolidation if the autonomy and functionality of the modern st ate and its agencies had been strengthened in contemporary Nigeria. Troublingly, not only is democracy threatened in the country, but the activities of many influential public officials who seem to be ab ove the l aw. Just as many of these well connected elected and appointed public officials as well as their associates escape reproach for different offen s es, many of the ordinary citizens who increasingly perpetrate other forms of crime that further inca pacitate the state also escape from the law Incidentally, this has over the years also become very weak in Nigeria. In order to address effectively these negative impacts on ps and other professional bodies that actively participated in the termination of military rule in the country should rise up again. Similarly, the role of transformational leaders who, preferably, should be identified at the local community levels cannot democratization and developmental processes. Notes 1 Diouf 1998, p. 1. 2 Ibrahim 2003, p. 1. 3 Friedman 1994. 4 Yagboyaju 2008a, p. 44.
104 | Yagboyaju African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3| Summer 2011 5 Parkin 1982, p. 175. 6 World Bank 2000, p. xv. 7 Egwu, 2006, p. 14. 8 Yagboyaju 2008b, p. 5. 9 Obi 2000, p. 76. 10 Adekanye 2005, p. 12. 11 Kew 1999, p. 33. 12 Abiola 2006, p. 2. 13 Yagboyaju 2009. 14 Okunade 2008, p. 11. 15 Vanguard August 23, 2007. 16 Nai ra have been converted into dollars for the years indicated for specific naira amounts, using the currency convertor at http://www.oanda.com/currency/converter/. 17 The Punch May 24, 2010, p. 6. 18 The Punch April 21, 2008, p. 14. 19 The Punch June 21, 200 6, p. 14. 20 Sunday Punch May 30, 2010, p. 10. References Abiola, D. 2006 What Makes D emocracy T ick : Quality of Leadership or Sunday Punch June 18 p 2. A Military Relations for Democratic Governance in Nigerian After 1999 Social Sciences, University of Lagos, Nigeria. Callaghy, T. I n Zaki Ergas (ed.) The African State in Transition ( ) Coleman, J. S. 1958. Nigeria: Background to Nationalism Berkley: University of California Press. Crowder, M. 1962. The Story of Nigeria. London: Faber and Faber. Diouf, M. 1998. Political Liberalisation or Dem ocratic Transition: African Perspective s Dakar, Sengal: CODESRIA. Dudley, B. J. 1973. Instability and Political Order: Politics and Crisis in Nigeria Ibadan: Ibadan University Press. Egwu, S. 2007 Nigeria I n Issac Albert, Derrick Marco and Victor Adetula (eds.), Perspectives on the 2003 Elections
| 105 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3| Summer 2011 in Nigeria ( Abuja: IDASA ) Ekeh, P. 1975 T wo Publics in Africa: A Theoretical Statement Comparative Studies in Society and Hist ory 17 1: 91 112. Friedman, J (ed.). 1994 Johannesburg. Ravan. Gunther, R.P.N, P.N. Diamandurous and H.J. Puhle (eds.) 1995 The Politics of Democratic Consolidation: Southern Eu rope in Comparative Perspective Baltimore : The John s Hopkins University Press. Ibrahim, J. 2003 Democratic Tran sition in Anglophone West Africa Dakar Senegal : CODESRIA Ikpe, U. 2000. Political Behaviour and Electoral Politics in Nigeria, Uyo: Golden Educational Publishers. Joseph, R. 1991 Democracy and Prebendal Politics in Nigeria: The Rise a nd Fall of the Second Republic Ibadan: Spectrum Books. Kew, D. 1999 Issue: A Journal of Opinion 27.1: 29 33. Lewis, A. 1965 Politics in West Africa Toronto and New York: Oxford University Press. Obi, C. African Journal of Political Science 5 .2: 67 86. Okunade, B. 2008. The April 2007 Elections in Nigeria: What delivered by Professor Maurice Iwu at the Department of Political Science, University of Ibadan, Nigeria, Tuesday, April 15. Parkin, F. I n Anthony Giddens and David Held (eds.) Classes, Power and Conflict: Classical and Contemporary Debates ( B erkeley: University of California Press ). Schwarz, F.A.O. 1965. Nigeria: Th e Tribe, the Nation or the Race. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Sklar 65 I n Gwendolyn Carter (ed.) Politics in Africa : Seven Cases (New York: Harcourt, Brace and World Inc. ). Theobold, R. 1982. Patrimonialism World Politics 34.4 : 61.
106 | Yagboyaju African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3| Summer 2011 Weber, M. ureaucracy H.H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills, eds., From MaxWeber: Essays in Sociology (New York: Oxford University Press, 1958). World Bank. 2000. Anti corruption in Transition: A Contribution to the Policy Debate Washington, D.C: The World Bank. Yag boyaju, D.A 2008a. Nigeria and the Challenge of Democratic Consolidation: The Fourth Republic Experience African Journal of International Affairs and Development 12 1&2 : 44. ________. Democratization P Nigeria University of Lagos, Nigeria, November 25 26. ________ 2009. Electoral Pro cess P aper presented at the 37 th Annual Conference of the National Association San Diego, California, April 2 4. Newspapers/Magazines Sunday Punch 30 May 2010 : 10 The Punch June 21 2006 : 14 ; 14 April 2008: 14 ; 24 May 2010 : 6 The Vanguard 23 August 2007 : 3.
African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12 Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v12i3aBR.pdf University of Florida Board of Trustees, a public corporation of the State of Florida; permission is hereby granted for indiv iduals to download articles for their own person al use. Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Florida. ISSN: 2152 2448 BOOK REVIEWS Tosha Grantham. 2009. Darkroom: Photography and New Media in South Africa since 1950 Richmond: Virginia Museum of Fine Arts. 150 pp. Erin Haney. 2010. Photography and Africa London: Reaktion Books. 192 pp. These two works, each by independe nt curators, attempt a synthesis of the studies of photography of, by, and for Africans which have primarily emerged over the past twenty years. While quite different in their scope Darkroom is an extended museum catalog; Photography and Africa cont ains several lengthy treatments of specific subthemes they both provide essential substance for readers to understand why Enwezor and media has been more instrumental in creating a great deal of visual fictions of the African continen photographers purposefully created visual images that challenged a variety of cultural and Darkroom begins with several curatorial essays, each equipping t he reader in differing ways for the images to follow. Tosha Grantham, the primary force behind this exhibition at the Virginia Museum of Fine Arts in Richmond, begins with a brief examination of the various exhibit sections and the logic(s) for their selec tion. Grouped into eight thematic sections and chronologically ordered (although frequently overlapping), the exhibit features what could be 30s 40s whose work featu red prominently in publications such as Drum magazine; those born in the 50s 60s whose work brought the political realities of high apartheid to international attention; and those born in the 70s who have expanded the realm of photography to include a vari ety of video installation art and computer/digital techniques. useful introduction to the central trends since 1990 in the exhibition of African photography, including sign ificant installations in Johannesburg, Miami, New York, Paris, and Washington, DC. But she also highlights the important tension between approaches that treat photography as art, with the resultant canonical tendency, and those approaches more driven by an antham, p p 11 12). Africa over the past century: the ethnographic work of A.M Duggan Cronin and documentary style of Leon Levson and Ernest Cole; the photojournalis m of Drum magazine and the Bang Bang Club; and finally to the photographic and video art of Thando Mama and Robin Rhode. Mosaka also highlights an important aspect of the apartheid era work that dominates the first half of the catalog: namely, that the lat er photojournalist penchant for capturing the continual
BOOK REVIEWS | 108 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 2i3a6 .pdf The shots of daily life included in Darkroom e.g. by Ian Berry, David Goldblatt, Alf Kumalo, Santu Mof okeng, and J rgen Schadeberg remind us that resistance to oppression does not only occur through irregular protest or violence but also happens almost continuously through various forms of everyday practice. photography which she convincingly pairs with turn of the twentieth century images illustrating Belgian atrocities in the Congo Free State. The 1904 photo by missionary Alice hand and foot of his five year old daughter murdered by produced by Peter Magubane over seventy years later. Despite a connecting thread across many decades, Haney maintains that early images of oppression in the Congo did not produce a local mode of resistance through photography when compared to South Africa, where Photography and Afr ica begins, however, by tracing the earliest inroads of photography to the coastal entrep ts that predated colonial rule. Recent evidence has challenged the long held assumption that foreigners comprised all early photographers in these fascinatingly cosmo politan urban centers, with locally run studios emerging alongside their European counterparts in West Africa by the 1850s. These early studios maintained a wide range of clientele and adapted their techniques accordingly. So it should come as no surprise that the archival corpus of traveller, missionary and colonial official photographs differ significantly in subject and composition from those more recently emerging in local family collections. While the earliest consumers of African studio work remained urban elites of local and foreign origin the steady growth of portrait photography over the latter part of the nineteenth evidenced in South Africa by Santu Mo Black Photo Album/Look at Me (Grantham, pp. 93, 100). Such portraiture production presents a continuum of control between photographer and subject. On one side, the portraits turned postcards so widely circulated in the early twentieth century e ta and Malick Sedib Both Haney and Grantham conclude their works with sections that introduce and interrogate recent de velopments of photography in Africa, from changing subject matter to manipulations of new technologies/techniques. For Haney, the trajectory of this process begins quite early, with the influence of photography on drawing, painting, and printmaking in the colonial period. The most durable and widely dispersed evidence of this process surely stems role in the transformation of commemorative arts in Ghana, Nigeria, and elsewhere. The definitions of
109 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studi es Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 2i3a6 .pdf documentary and activist photography have also been challenged by recent works, to the extent ographs as art and as socially useful Readers seeking comprehensive treatments of photography in South Africa or the continent more broadly will still need to look beyond these volumes. Darkroom is necessarily limited by it s essential purpose as an exhibition specific catalog aimed at a mixture of specialist and general audiences while the selected key themes of Photography and Africa leave some important topics on the margins. Scholars who already possess a richer expertis e in the visual anthropology of Africa might find these volumes somewhat lacking in theoretical depth, yet may wish to see them in their collections for the high quality production and numerous beautiful plates. However, those with a serious interest in ph otography as a global medium who wish to extend their knowledge to Africa will not be disappointed. Todd Leedy, University of Florida Sefi Atta. News from Home Northampton, Massachusetts: Interlink Publishing Group, Incorporation, 2010. 293 pp. Sefi Atta is a master storyteller and griot. The short story collection News from Home is the commencement of a new genre of storytelling which does not adhere to the traditional British canon. There is the distinct genre of the African novel and now there is the distinct genre of the African short story. Sefi Atta abides in two worlds. The stories of the women in her works relate the conflicting experiences and roles of African women at home and in America. This may result from the fact that the author, Atta, is B i Continental in the truest sense of the term. She has a physical residence in Mississippi, b ut she retains her psychological residency in Nigeria News from Home beckons you to become immersed in the worlds of different Nigerian women. Some characters ar e dependent. Other characters are self reliant. All of the women face challenges which are universally indigenous to women. In the selection Hailstones on Zamfara an abused and battered wife is charged with adultery. The punishment for such a crime is s toning. The wife is physically and spiritually deaf. She has become numbed to silence, unable to respond to the many atrocities that she has suffered over the years. Symbolic is her single act of defiance. It is an act that may lead to her death, but she is invigorated by her act of African women included, muffled by ch auvinistic traditions. However, the defining difference of her characters. Thus, she is able to communicate from within to the audience The read er, in return, is thoroughly enthralled and involved in the perils of her female protagonists. Atta shifts to a male persona in The Miracle Worker selection. Makinde, a panel beater is married to a deeply religious Bisi. She tithes faithfully. And she h as a prayer request for her husband to attend church service with her. He is adamant; he does not wish to attend church.
BOOK REVIEWS | 110 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 2i3a6 .pdf opportunity to make money from the pilgri ms that flock to his grounds. With few illusions about faith, religion, or God, he seizes this time as a chance to make money. He extracts money from those who possess blind faith coming to his plot. Fate, however, renders Makinde a lesson regarding his gr church service. The prayerful, faithful wife comes to the rescue and maintains the balance of the family. In developing this resolution, Atta provides a balanced illustration here of the role of the dutiful wife. She is not always a weak victim that is abused and maligned. She can be savvy and orchestrate positive change in an unwilling subject. Such is the nature of the dutiful, traditional African wife. The tragic heroines of the haunt the reader long after you progress to another selection. Are these women too vulnerable? Are we contributors to their vulnerability because we are idle and seek only to preoccupy ourselves wit which prompts you to question the nature your own aspirations. Unbridled ambition can be a dangerous thing. And the simple, short expressions in the selection Green il luminates the dual nature that the African permanent resident assumes (involuntarily or voluntarily) to survive in the culture American. The full cost of such an association (through the eyes of a young girl) is well chronicled within nine pages. Atta re sides in America and may know too well the cost of her residency. The selection sheds light upon the crisis and conflict that the African immigrant must face. News from Home e to the ne xt perimeter of story telling. This text will serve as a body or the stories can be communicated within singular units to audiences for pedagogical purposes. One knows that all of the works of this writer (thus far) have all been thoroughly engaging. And if the past is an Rosetta Codling Independent Scholar Ivan Bargna. Africa Civilization Series N 6. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2008. 385 pp. Not really a dictionary in the common A Z sense, this impressive cultural guide is the English translation of a book initially published in Italy in 2007 (under the title Africa Nera ). Professor Ivan Bargna ap tly presents an overview of the s ub Saharan heritage, arts, and material cultures. This excludes North African countries like Egypt, which is dedicated a whole volume in the Unlike most dictionarie s, the author avoided the usual alphabetical, chronological, or by of six core sections: (1) some of the peoples or nations from Africa (from the Volta populations to Madagascar); (2) power a nd society in various African kingdoms and chiefless societies; (3) the divinities and
111 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studi es Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 2i3a6 .pdf various examples of African religions; (4) ancestor worship; (5) everyday life; and finally (6) the human habitats. The first section presenting individually the peoples of s ub Saharan Africa is the most detailed, with a thematic presentation, a brief chronology, some examples of their traditions and heritage, and the geographical locations for each ethnic group (pp. 11 111). For instance, a schematic figure presents the worldview and cosmology of the Kongo people (in , , , and The num ber of sub themes and angles in this book are impressive (more than one hundred) and their descriptions are vivid, focusing on ethnic groups, traditions social meanings rather than dates, conflicts, aesthetics or artistic value. Therefore, symbols and emblems are the essential dimensions discussed here in various African manifestations and ceremonies, from body art to the selection of colours in craftworks (p. 77). In fact, the term pp. 21, 53, 57, 77, 105, 106, 110, 192, 206, 210, 227, 256, 287, 341). Among many examples, the author mentions the case of the Maasai people in e All these accounts and remarks related to symbols and their meanings in specific contexts are the most interesting dimensions of this book. For exampl e, in Elsewhere, explaining the social significance of food, the author argues that according to the ower, the spoon is a female Texts are concise and clear; images aboun d, with detailed captions. Colo r photographs are generally recent; art works are mostly taken from various museum collections (from the Muse du Quai Branly to the Br itish Museum). Among many topics discussed here, o ne can find 66), s 70 7 4), 77), but also griots (bards), clothes, dance, literature, and big cities. T his book h owever, is not just a testimony of the past and a mourning about some lost traditions: many images and texts related to contemporary visual arts, filmmaking, body art, traditional music and contemporary music in Africa are to be found here. T here are neither a conclusion nor endnotes. University of California Press as the most dynamic academic press in the USA. First, the small size of this pocket book can be f rustrating because the images are so fascinating and well selected, but also so small P erhaps one should understand this reduced format is the condition to o short and does not indicate much about its contents A librarians who try to search for this specific title in an ocean of publicat ions with similar titles. Lastly, the one page index does not include enough terms, dimensions, names, and entries for such a reference book; in its actual form, this index does not allow the reader to search for a
BOOK REVIEWS | 112 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 2i3a6 .pdf given country and find all the occurrence s in the book. As a consequence, many important themes and keywords are missing in the index. However, the chronology, the bibliography and the list of museums are informative; these addendums bring an international perspective (including sources in variou s languages). The translation from Italian made by Dr. Rosanna Giammanco is excellent and fluid. Africa is clearly a valuable resource for a general audience with an interest for African heritage and cultures. It depict s the richness, pride, diversity, and deepness of the art and material culture in various African regions, avoiding to Allusions to poverty and diseases are minim al. Undergraduates in search of a possible theme for a dissertation may find here a variety of ideas and topics in a lavish presentation. But its college stude nts and casual readers will find here an excellent introduction to African Studies and ethnology. Public libraries will benefit from it. Yves Laberge Universit Laval Qubec, Canada Ama Biney and Adebayo Olukoshi. Speaking Truth to Power: Selected Pan A frica n Postcards Cape Town: Pambazuka Press, 2010. ix, 248 p p Speaking Truth to Power: Selected Pan African Postcards pays homage to the work and life of Dr. Tajudeen Abdul Raheem. The book is a collection of Tajudeen Abdul wrote regularly for Pambazuka news, a progressive Pan African publisher. The editors have out contemporary African issues comes from many sources, among them his commitment to and involvement in a number of international non governmental and inter governmental organizations. The book is divided into ten egacy and to create a cohesive message on a variety of broad themes including gender issues, leadership, Pan Africanism and the appreciation of African culture and language, all with an eye toward advancing the continent today. The preface is written by Dr. Salim Ahmed Salim, the former prime minister of Tanzania H many important positions, made him an important co ntribution to Africa as a whole and more specifically, to the Pa n African movement. This book is not an academic study; rather, it is a compilation of essays and commentary written by an international leader, activist, and scholar. The book has been compiled in such a way as to create a theme, capture the essence of c ritical issues, and maintain the salience and integrity of each issue discussed. He engages the reader to think about current challenges and conundrums. Each postcard speaks to larger political, social, and economic issues and
113 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studi es Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 2i3a6 .pdf challenges are front and c progressive and reflect the present moment of post colonial Africa during the first decade of the chal lenges. He is not afraid to challenge traditional social ideas or critique poor leadership. customs, gender violence, and patriarchal leaders, and his writing and opi nions are hard hitting. Contemporary and persistent issues such as the enforcement of laws; the relationship of women and the peasantry to big men; corruption; and the effectiveness of the International Criminal Court are a few examples where Tajudeen is both thoughtful and critical As a Pan Africanist, Tajudeen is comparative in his approach to recognizing issues, similarities, and modeling solutions from other countries. He writes on leadership in Venezuela, the approach to curbing corruption in Asia, and about hurricane Katrina in the United States as a Pan theoretically and practically. Although he is supportive of democracy and human rights, he is observant of the issues and s ocial phenomena that make the practice of democracy and function deepening or hindering democracy? ...How do they hinder or enhance the full participation o f marginalized groups, be they women, youth, ethnic/religious or other political minorities? Is democracy better served by national parties or could a case be made for decentralized party organization that may address the political interests of marginaliz p. 149) As a contemporary issues. The editors who compiled Speaking Truth to Power held true to the goal of honoring the legacy of Tajudeen by highlighti ng his writing, his causes, and his tireless work for unity and progress within Africa. This book is recommended for those seeking snapshots of contemporary African issues. The first decade of the millennium is nicely captured as a critical and political log from an active leader. Several decades from now, this book will still serve as a Millennium Development Goals are discussed in the volume and whether ta king a of the development landscape is a useful assessment and marker. The book might also be used as one of several supplements for instructors teaching about so me of the major issues covered. The book is readable and accessible, yet stimulating and does not sell the intellectual abilities of the reader short. Kelli N. Moore, James Madison University Barbara Bompani and Maria Frahm Arp. Development and Politics from Below: Exploring Religious Spaces in the African State. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010. xiii, 257p p Religion in Africa plays a central role in every aspect of people Using Western benchmarks to study African religious experiences ha s oft en produced results that do not do
BOOK REVIEWS | 114 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 2i3a6 .pdf justice to the African experience. The book contributors seek to answer how different the African religious experience is and how it interplay s with politics and development to impact various societies. The focus is on ordinary people who through religion have become agents of positive transformations, which recognized political structures seem to have failed. Professors from diverse disciplines in Europe, United States of America and Africa share d their thoughts and re search on religion, politics, and developmental issues in a 2008 conference with a title similar to that of the book. The ten chapters are divided into three sections. In Part Challenging the Secul ar: Stephen Ellis is conv inced that African states do not share Western concepts of separation between religion and state. Spiritual thoughts supersede the physical T principles that le ave out religious roles do not work for Africa. Gerrie ter Haar uses Emmanuel Milingo, the Catholic Archbishop of Lusaka, as a case study to show how religion (Christianity) extract self help programs to generate change in food production through the Mubli uli Economic Principle. T er Haars seeks human dignity through self improvement Abdulkader Tayob also looks at dignity in religious traditions, spaces, and identities in South Africa by examining the kramat burial sites for Muslim saints. Dorothea Schulz a ccesses Muslim women of Bamako, Mali, and how foreign donors have helped to transformed them over the years The underlining argument in this chapter is that change through religious activism emanates from self recognition and mutual group support that doe principles and pace. Part II, Religion between State and Society reflects on the carved space of religion that exists between the state and the society and the relationship that accrues from this. Skinner surveys this religious space in Gambia, Ghana, and Sierra Leone in looking at the tremendous growth Islam has attained in exerting its influence into the social (education and health), political and economic public spaces, locally and internationally, thereby beco ming more open to secular developments. Ernest Mallya continues with a study of the relationship between faith based organizations (FBOs), NGOs, and the government in Tanzania and concludes that religious groups are at the mercy of the government which is appropriating the resources of the FBOs and NGOs. Linda van de Kamp evaluates the Universal Church of Christ in Mozambique to expose the negativity in some religious activities. This church encourages its members to give money to the church, reminiscent o f the early Catholic Church selling indulgences. The result is the continual poverty of the congregation while the men of God become rich. The emphasis of these chapters is on the religious groups filling the vacuum created by political institutions and helping to foster a new process of advancement for the people. In addition, they espouse that religious activism does sometimes have negative implications even though the intention may be noble. In Part III, Health Care Pro vision: R eflections on Religion James Cochrane offers a theoretical framework for the study of religions to arrive at a public acceptance of the relationship between religion and politics. Elizabeth Graveling uses the village of Ndwumizili to elaborate on how people alternate between d
115 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studi es Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 2i3a6 .pdf while Ezra Chitando assesses how the World Council of Churches is dealing with the HIV epidemic in Africa. The selection of papers in this book all speak to the relationship between religion and developmen t that most Western countries downplay. The contributors have all shown that religion can help bring about development and societal cohesion in instances where politics fail. Using salient information gleaned from books, journal articles, radio broadcasts, interviews change in their society. The synthesis of all the papers have successfully interrogated and c action that manifest themselves in non p. 3) This is an important contribution for policy makers, development agencies, and religious groups to acquaint themselves with formulating policies that will be beneficial to the people they are serving. Lady Jane Acquah University of Texas at Austin Babacar Camara. Reason in History: Hegel and Social Changes in Africa Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2011. 135 p p. llways, institutions, syllabi, instructional practices, and journals of Euro Geist which continues to pervade the American ethos. The above philosop her who is not alone in his criticism of Hegel condition represents the standard critical argument leveled against western philosophical practices in general and G.W.F Heg from world history in his The Philosophy of History has appeared so lucid to countless Africana philosophers that mentioning anything to the contrary would seem almost blasphemous and obstinate to ( p. 3 2). p. etoric is instead much more apologetic in nature, which gives the piece an air of vindication. Apologetic in the sense that Hegel represents the most appropriate theoretical background for analyzing change in Africa from a contemporary point of view. The v indication is noted in the author wishes for his readers to regard the aforementioned philosopher not as a racist but instead as a scholar whose work is best suited for an historical and political analysis of the African tradition. For the reader (this rea der included) familiar with the anti offers a nuanced, if not radical new idea: what if we take, as a presupposition, the fact that Hegel was not racist and moreover agreed that his scholarship illuminates the inherent internal dialectic and dynamic reality of African societies? Reason and History attempts to tackle this bold thesis through Hegelian dialectical and Marxis t historical materialist theory. I n the end however the reader is left with the sent iment that his lofty goals far surpassed the
BOOK REVIEWS | 116 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 2i3a6 .pdf conceptual and empirical justifications presented in the text. This reader found this to be the case, ironically, through the authors own dialectical method. Through a careful and thorough analysis of both Hege lian and Marxian political and extremely static in nature. Appealing to bot complex internal dialectical institutions and relationships, Camara concludes that when discussing the evolution of the modes of production, labor, exchange, and other social relations in Africa, they are al l best understood as operating in a constant dialectical relationship with each other at both an internal (nation state/Kingdom) level, but also on an external (European and Arab) level. xplicate, in great detail, the history of scholarship from both European and African, as well as pioneer and contemporary scholars, on a wide range of issues that have spearheaded debates on the African social condition for the last sixty years. A monstrou s task indeed, yet one that is handled in this both as a methodology and interpretive tool was clearly demonstrated throughout the text I t is however thi s very concept dialectical reasoning that ultimately blinded him. Hegel was a racist, and his universal philosophical system is a detriment to the African e specifically in his chapters on African labor and cultural phenomena. I found these chapters full of value and importance I could not however part with the idea that Camara was hypocritically static in his analysis of hitherto debates on Hegel and Africa. Would n o t a dialectical thinker posit that one could potentially be both critical of Hege tendencies while simultaneously embrac ing aspects of his philosophical system? Could n o t the Africanist philosopher acknowledge and interrogate the former while recognizing and perhaps adopting, in specific situations, the latter? It seemed that Camara was operating under the pretense that those scholars who base their critique of Hegel on racialist grounds have failed to properly see the necessity of the philosopher in many instances. Marketing Hegel as anti racist to Africana philosophers target audience would indeed be a tough ticket to sell. Proclaiming that his philosophical system exposed the very internal dynamism of the African continent would seem near impossible! The purpose of dialectical thinking embraces the expression of movement, change, and development as wel s in n o t do Africa any favors, yet, as Camara informs us, his political philosophy can aid in our reinterpretation of economic and cultural changes in Africa. This I acknowledge to be Contrary to his earlier position, we must not be reluctant to remain on guard against the blatant
117 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studi es Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 2i3a6 .pdf racism of Hegel; indeed such an investigation has been effectively justified. At the same time we must also remember that the af orementioned need not be a forgotten mode of analysis of irreverent critiques as that of Jacques Derrida, who takes Plato seriously as an opponent, which aintain this framework with Hegel, his racism, and his system. References: Robert Scholes 1989. On Reading a Video Text. obert Scholes (e d.), Protocols of Reading ( New H aven: Yale University Press). O. Taiwo 1998. Exorcising Hegel's Ghost. Africa n Studies Quarterly 1 4 : 3 16. Robert Munro Michigan State University Peter Cunliffe Jones. My Nigeria: Five Decades of Independence New York: Palgrave Macmillan Publishers, 2010. 238 pp. Nigeria has been getting its share of analysis from various writer s who incessantly have asked from the desired development since independence. My Nigeria by veteran journalist Peter Cunliffe Jones, who is privileged to ha book that provides a valuable insight about this complex country with myriad issues. It comes at a time when Nigeria celebrated fifty years of independence. amily connection with Nigeria. His great cousin, Edward Burns, arrived in the country in search of a living, and subsequently the ojourn many years later as part of his journalism career in Nigeria provides readers with many personal experiences he had while covering the news and events as r eliable evidence and is why Cunliffe Jones calls his book My Nigeria. Not surprisingly, Cunliffe Jones in the beginning describes the potentials of Nigeria and the ironic poverty, bo side of Lagos where people troop daily to get their share of, in local parlance understanding of Nigeria. substantial role and the eff ects of regional rivalry of the 1960s that ushered in the civil war followed by later coups and counter coups, the murder of prominent politicians, and the cumulative years of neglect and lack of vision by successive governments. The return to civilian
BOOK REVIEWS | 118 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 2i3a6 .pdf ru le in 1999 did not have much positive impact, as Cunliffe Jones argues that it wasted the aspirations of Nigerians after more than twenty years of military misadventures. The insight the t what else they meant by there is still no light at the end of the tunnel. What else do you expect when the very ingredients Cunliffe Jones offers another crucial element in understanding Nigeria when he explores e period of colonization that amalgamated the southern and northern provides honest criticism about the reality now Nigeria lives with, that of having different peopl e with multiple backgrounds. But, this is not as bad an omen as Cunliffe Jones wants among Nigerians into reactionary groups is a new occurrence. The fact that Nige ria has multiple ethnic groups would have provided a way for the country to be prosperous through tapping the wisdom from millions of her resourceful and resilient citizens. But, alas, that has not been the case at least for now. Readers will agree with th e authors view that underdevelopment in Nigeria is largely the creation of the colonialists (p. 73). Cunliffe Jones, From a different perspective, Cunliffe Jones compares Nigeria with Singapore. Here the author recounts his departure from Nigeria in 2002. He attempts to answer the question of why development seems to have eluded Nige ria. To the author, unlike Singapore there is too much background. Cunliffe with the corruption that he sees as endemic. Other dimensions of the economy have been In my assessment, this is an important book about Nigeria and how best it can move forward from horrible history toward greatness. Cunliffe Jones presents sound options to get Nigeria out of the woods. One significant option is the need for Niger ians to be serious to see that they get the best Nigeria they have been dreaming of. To him it requires a change of hopes will happen though not as soon as he migh t have hoped or envisioned. A revealing and insightful analysis, My Nigeria is useful as an added contribution to the discourse on the experience it should be read by al should add, however, that Cunliffe various Nigerian languages so that it is read widely by the people at the grass roots. Kawu Bala, Attorney Generals Ministry, Belize
119 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studi es Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 2i3a6 .pdf Irit Eguavoen. The Political Ecology of Household Water in Northern Ghana. Berlin: Lit Verlag, 2008. xi, 309 pp. The Political Ecology of Household Water in Northern Ghana is volume 10 in a University of Bonn Center for Development Research (ZEF) series that seeks to find solutions to global development issues. Volume 10 is part of a larger German project (GLOWA) that uses an interdisciplinary approach to understand six river basins in Europe, North and West Africa, and Southwest Asia. Topically volume 10 is quite similar to another title in the series, Demand oriented Community Water Supply in Ghana (2006). sense of household water use across Northern Ghana, but mostly how it works in a handful of tiny villages in the far north, near the b order with Burkina Faso. The author does not clearly explain the rationale behind her main study site of Sirigu at which she conducts surveys, interviews, and engages in participant observation; the villagers of Sirigu are mostly Nankane speaking Catholics in a predominantly Muslim region, whereas the author has Hausa language skills and admits difficulties finding people literate in English and Nankane who could translate 39). Concepts that are rather basic to experts on African development are often explained at length, especially in the introductory chapters, although it is unlikely that general readers would be attracted to the book. The author claims that a key value o but other than in a portion of chapter three, focuses much of her study on recent decades. The first map provided is a close up of the study area with no insert map to help the reader better underst big picture information is provided in a somewhat blurry Map 3 on page 30 that depicts the entire river basin, and the best o rientation to the area is provided in a crisp and well labeled Map 5 on page 34. Although based on her doctoral dissertation work, at times the book lacks an academic tone; the author refers to herself in the first person and describes which of her finding s she personally found om help initiatives that are intentional and lead to positive change, unless they are tied to an externally variation of water availability is a central issue for local live work thus suffers from seasonal bias, one of six key development project biases described by Robert Chambers in his 1983 class ic, Rural Development: Putting the Last First The author indicates that political ecology, environmental history, and legal anthropology frame her study, but the use of these approaches is not clearly evident until well into chapter four. Furthermore, muc h of chapter four (on Nankane social organization), like the three introductory chapters, has surprisingly little mention of or direct connection to household water management.
BOOK REVIEWS | 120 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 2i3a6 .pdf contain a wealth of site specific ethnographic information on water management and use. Chapter five examines local knowledge and discourses on water as well as changes in water availability since the introduction of drilling and lifting technologies and describes some of the shortcomings of development projects that provide initial funds and infrastructure, but do not follow up to determine whether wells and boreholes they supported are operational years later. A key finding was that the improved availabi lity of water during the dry season due to technology has meant that local people no longer perceive the dry sea son to be a water short period. Nonetheless, some local practices, including the maintenance of sacred groves, continue to have a water conserva tion effect, albeit a minor one, given that such groves can be quite small uses as they relate to rural livelihoods; chapters seven and eight focus on decision m aking with regard to water allocation as well as changing household water rights in Sirigu. Chapter nine revisits the shortcomings of development projects aimed at improved water access and is followed by a very brief concluding chapter. Key findings in t he final chapters include that governments often have water regulations that do not vary by region that differ substantially from one another, leaving local people unable or unwilling to fulfill them. In addition, an overall increase in the number of water pumps does not mean an increase in decision making ability about water because users might be required to join pump groups or other entities that reduce their ability to choose water sources. The book has a considerable number of tables, photographs, map s, and inserts. Geographers, anthropologists, environmental historians, development specialists, and others with advanced level study and a combined interest in Africa, culture, and the environment, will Heidi G. Frontani Elon University Linda K. Fuller. HIV /Aids: Communication Perspectives and Promises New York : Palgrave Macmillan 2008. i v, 309 pp. Although it is a highly publicized fact that the disheartening levels of new HIV/A ids infections as well as deaths in Africa are incomparable, a lesser promulgated reality is that women are the ones disproportionately affected. Linda K Fuller presents the factors that have created this reality using a holistic approach to demonstrate the biomedical, social, economic, political and educational vulnerabilities that African women experience. As clearly outlined in her introduction, F in particular, enough to take a main argument is that communication is the answer to creating the attitude, behavioral, and developmental changes that are necessary to eliminate the existence of these vulnerabilities. Full er makes use of an abundant number of sources from varied disciplines ranging from scientific and medical publications to politics and economics to help her effectively frame the unique predicament of women with regards to HIV / A ids. Perhaps what is most ap preciable
121 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studi es Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 2i3a6 .pdf about this book is the fact that although topics like medicine and economics have their own and at times intimidating language, F uller is prudent in ensuring that any esoteric jargon is clearly defined. Her straightforward and clear organization of each vulnerability issue contributes greatly to making the book accessible to the wide readership she strives for. The book is organized into sections each addressing the aforementioned issues and then concludes by discussing the potential for more util ization of diverse forms of communication in combating the pandemic on the continent. T he first chapter goes into biomedical vulnerabilities where the issues of contraception, fistula, and childbirth are examined to demonstrate how the unique physiology of women places them at a higher risk than men. T his chapter brings to light the complexity of addressing issues like female genital mutilation and gum tattooing that are rooted in cultural tradition and encourages readers to approach such topics with sensit ivity. The lengthiest chapter explores sociocultural practices and traditions that place women in a place of unique risk. Fuller presents the many familial obligations and expectations that most African societies have for women and the aspects of these de legated roles that can contribute to the burdens of women. African F uller is careful in identifying the location of her examples of tradition and practices to underscore the impor tance of context. Through the discussion of gender based violence, she is able to somberly illustrate the pervasive reality of rape on the continent and how greatly exacerbated it is by conflict. Furthermore, through the discussion of marriage, polygamy, religion and traditional rituals, she exposes readers to the social dynamics and systems through which women navigate and construct behavioral responses as they relate to HIV/A ids. T he following two chapters on the economic, legal and political vulnerabi lities present the in personal decision making. In the educational vulnerabilities section F uller discusses the widespread gender imbalance that exists in Afric an schools across various regions of the continent. She touches on what a sex education curriculum entails and how financial educational responsibilities sometimes lead young women to make risky choices to meet those expenses. The last two chapters presen t her argument for what she sees as the real solution to addressing the problem: communication. She clearly defines her usage of the term to include nt, electronic, visual) and ICTs [ information an d communication technologies ] 145) After introducing how African media is disseminated through various outlets (i.e. p rint, radio, and TV /film), she then discusses where opportunities exist for harnessing this power to change societal behaviors and attitudes towards HIV/A ids. Fuller welcomes and sees merit in utilizing many traditional communication methods that would help make HIV/A ids and sensitive topics surrounding HIV/A ids more approachable. Fuller includes the arts, music, song, dance and even puppetry all as effective and valuable forms of instruction and dialogue. Linda F today in Africa i llustrating to the reader not only the structural, societal, and personal vulnerabilities but also helps demonstrate the complexity of the issue and the sensitivity it deserves. Research on
BOOK REVIEWS | 122 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 2i3a6 .pdf growing and what sets F book apart is the inclusion of her communication perspective. This book is highly recommended as a beginning resource to anyone interested in the issues of HIV/A ids, the role issues in general. Ridwa A bdi University of California Los A ngeles Sandra E. Greene. West African Narratives of Slavery: Texts from Late Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Century Ghana. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2011. ix, 300 pp. West African Narratives of Slavery analyzes five stories from what is today Ghana. As the author states at the outset, there are many things about the trade that have come to light in the past forty years thanks to the groundbreaking work of historians (and I w ould add, at the least, (p. 1). Greene repeatedly states throu ghout the text that her purpose in undertaking the task of o expand the discussion of the slave trade and slavery on West Africa by highlighting how West Africans themselves, specifically those who never left the continent, thought about, remembered, and were prepared 1 2). She also alerts the reader to her analytical framework which she locates both within the Africanist and African Ameri canist scholarly tradition s She draws upon African history methodology for checking the personal narrative against the historical record and looks to scholars of North American slavery p articularly those who study the slave narrative for a sense of the me diation of texts under such conditions as slavery and post emancipation. Even when people tell their own stories, the messages that come through are mediated by who is doing the telling, to whom, the economic, social and political conditions under which th e stories are told and to what end. The book consists of four parts. The first is the narrative of Aaron Kuku, an evangelist whose story is told by an Ewe minister named Samuel Quist. The second part is composed of two biographies: one of a woman named L ydia Yawo; the other of a man named Yosef who did so specifically to encourage more European women to take up mission work in Africa. en in Ewe by his neighbor, friend and minister, Rev. G. K. illustrate his inse trajectory given his history. Finally, the fourth part discusses a story from the oral tradition that was reinvigorated many years after the incident was rumored to have occurred. discussion of why the particular story is remembered and retold over others is particularly illuminating and builds upon work that histor ian Anne Bailey has done around the same story.
123 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studi es Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 2i3a6 .pdf While Greene disagrees with some of the conclusions that Baile y comes to in her own reading of the story, the two analyses of the story are complementary. and cultural context. This analysis is then followed by a short preface in whi ch Greene discusses the subject of the story, giving personal background, and alerting the reader to interventions that she has made to the original text. The importance of her intervention as a scholar who is sensitive to the personal and political invest ments that descendants of sellers and sold have in the history of slavery discusses her use of pseudonyms for a number of individuals that Mr. Sands mentions in order to protect him and his descendants, as the issue of slavery is still a fraught topic in Ghana. The words of folklorist Harold Scheub seem most prescient to a reading of the narrative from Aaron Kuku through his amanuensis, Rev. Samuel Quist. Scheub write us with truth; they take the flotsam and jetsam of our lives and give those shards a sense of ve gone into making the story that follows, of the narrative so that it would conform to the pietistic goal that it was written to serve. What may seem like sm all omissions leaves gaps in the narrative that sometimes result in the reader having more questions than answers. Of course, the obvious response is that these read the narratives for their literary value she seems to utilize a methodo logy posed by literary theorist Pierre Macherey in the project that she undertakes here. That is, she reads the silences in the texts recognizing that they are just as important as what is included. However, the texts along with their silences are rich and can be read in a number of different ways. What may be missing in her reading of the narratives is attention to the way that things are said (and not just what is said) as integra l to the meaning of both the oral and written texts. Because of the way that Greene sets up her arguments, poses and reposes her questions and diligently contextualizes the stories that she analyzes, the text would be very useful to other historians as we ll as anthropologists who are interested in conducting similar research. The book is an important contribution as well to the fields of memory and trauma studies. I expect that others will seek out the narratives that Dr. Greene has introduced and continue uncovering, on multiple leve ls and from various disciplines the tales that these important voices from the past have to tell. References Pierre Macherey. 1978. A Theory of Literary Production Boston: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Harold Scheub. 1998. Story Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. Toni Pressley Sanon, University at Buffalo
BOOK REVIEWS | 124 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 2i3a6 .pdf Larry Grubbs. Amherst, Massachusetts: University of Massachusetts Press, 2009. vii, 243 pp. The e European political, cultural, and economic influences, particularly that of the United States. This particular relationship between the United States and Africa durin g the decade that followed Secular Missionaries Focusing on the economic and cultural dimensions of the relationship that was forged during the decade, 4). Weaving together scholarship from political science, sociology, history and anthropology while also bringing in the wo rks of travel writers and journalists, Grubbs intends to impart the the theory and policies implemented to spur African development, Grubbs argues that the inclin ations, assumptions, and beliefs that underla y chose the to convey that proselytizing had not ended with decolonization. R ather, missionaries remained in great numbers, only this time they were preaching modernization. perceptions would require an effort to increase knowledge about the continent. Grubbs provides an analysis of the emerging sources of scholarship on Africa during the time. His discussion about the formation of African Studies as a field and the African Studies Association (ASA) does much to highlight the intellectual cha sm between African American scholars and those shapin g African Studies at the time. I n the first quarter of the book, Grubbs a lso outlines the impetus and reasoning for he book perceptively complicates the predominant narrative of American innocence by discussing how it ignored the treatment of African Americans in the United States who were fighting for civil rights at that very moment. This discussion about the domestic challenges facing the U.S. provides needed context in understanding the ability of African Americans to influence policy during the decade. Grubbs m oreover provides a discussion of the international challenges posed to the U.S. by the looming Cold War as one of the main motives behind this increased interest in Africa. According to Grubbs, fostering development in Africa via an American devised scheme would not only ensure a modernized Africa but an Americanized one at that. For as much concern the newly i ndependent nations gave policymakers, Grubbs argues that they provided just as much The next four chapters of the boo k detail the efforts of several individuals who shaped policy towards Africa during the decade and the how many of the main policy makers of the decade often switc hed between their roles as
125 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studi es Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 2i3a6 .pdf academics obtaining funding from private foundations to holding government posts showed how findings in academia could have been politically motivated. The book major focus is the recommendation of these experts that the newly devised evaluating how America used modernization theory to shape its policies is where the book is most compelling. Although Grubbs does make mention of both the Sovie t and economic factors, his desire to bring the cultural undertones of this endeavor to the forefront is quite fascinating. impediments to modernization from culture, rel igion, and most especially what Americans demonstrates that to Americans at the time, the customs and traditions of African societies were seen as incompatible with developm ent. Furthermore, to illustrate the US attempts at transformation, Grubbs details experiences in key countries to show how optimism quickly dissolved. By choosing countries with differing dynamics and leadership he was able insightfully to expose how there were fundamental flaws across the board with respect to the U.S plans that contributed to a failure in each case. He also includes the criticisms of academics with respect to the development plans made by American officials. In the closing chapters, Gru bbs discusses the factors that contributed to the lack economic growth in countries where these aid and development programs were implemented. Most importantly, he focuses on the fact that for all the rhetoric about modernization and development, aid was d ifficult to access due to complicated and inconvenient USAID bureaucracy and how much of what was promised never arrived. Grubbs concludes with an analysis of ho w Americans viewed this failure and argues that the same stereotypes about Africans that were u sed as reasons for the necessity of development were once again cited to explain this failure. dds more to scholarship about U S foreign policy history than African history. Its greater fo cus on American academics and U S government officials primarily yielded insights about how the US felt about the decade and its prospects whereas African ideas about development were limited. The addition of the views of African Americans about events during the decade, however, did add an interesting dimension. Furthermore, the book would have been better formatted had it included a bibliography rather than just a notes section. Nevertheless, considering current debates about the efficacy and future of aid in Africa, t his book provides a useful background on its early beginnings. Secular Missionaries does much to explain how modernization theory shaped aid policy and why its prospects looked grim even nized in a fashion that makes it highly accessible to a wide audience. The fact that it cuts across several disciplines from economics to anthropology allows it to provide an interesting and unique perspective on the issue of development. There are limited this decade information and communication technologies and the insights of this book show that there is much more that should be explored. Farah Abdi University of California Los Angeles
BOOK REVIEWS | 126 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 2i3a6 .pdf John W. Harbeson and Donald Rothchild (ed s. ) Africa in World Politics: Reforming Political Orde r. Boulder: Westview Press, 2009. xvi, 408 p p. Africa in World P olitic s leading international relations scholar s Donald Rothchild, is a contribution by reputable scholars on Africa. The book is an endeavor to construct an understanding of the place of Africa in world politics. With reference to informative literature on Africa the authors make a convincing elucida tion of various contemporary issues surrounding Africa' s involvement in world politics They articulate the significant issues of this involvement. The intro duction illuminates the historical factors that have shaped relations between Africa and the outsid e world, largely espousing issues that ha ve characterized Afri can society. These issues center on aspects of state weakness, collapse and reconstruction. Part II analyze s the most important influence on the African state in its behavior in the internatio nal system. In essence, it does so by analyzing how colonialism shaped the African state in relation to other actors in the world system and how post independent states have inherited and reshaped institutions that interrelate with the outside world. Large ly, their dealings with the outside world have been met with great limitation s as a result of actions and reactions by major international actors Policies and measures put into practice in Africa in its attempt deal with the great limitations were elabor ated. Key issues regarding Africa's development were analyzed and specifically these relate to structural adjustment, aid and debt. How key players have implemented various policies to deal with emerging issues was clarified. One critical issue has been enunciating the historical issues that have affected African development discourse in the past, the present and the future. Part III is an examination of the most dominating and contentious issues in Africa's interaction with the outside world in the co ntemporary world political discourse. This relates to the issues of democracy, civil society, governance and privatization How Africa is going to materialize from dealing with these emerging issues becomes a key question. But what emerges from the contri actors are likely to respond appropriately to the issues under consideration and also with the propinquity that it requires. Part IV is an analysis of the actions and reactions of global actors in relation to Africa regarding specific issues. How the changing world and specific issues that have shaped actions, reactions and interactions between Africa and the international world were examined. The contributors are well intentio ned in setting forth issues for global engagement from the point of view of the U.S, Europe and China and the weaken ing of Africa concern ing the understanding of sovereignty and the most accepted principle s of international responsibility. The most curre nt contribution did expose how terrorism in Africa as a subject of international concern becomes one subject that Africa keeps afoot with without realizing that the same subject can be used against it in the protection of international society. Whilst libe ration from within sound s as the modest ideal to be pursued on all fronts limitations exist to some extent in alienating societies from the goal as the total liberation of a human being exist s at all levels of analysis without being subject to conditional change.
127 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studi es Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 2i3a6 .pdf Overall, the subject matter addressed by the book is a pertinent issues in as far as it addresses the dominant international relations discourse. Those interested in Africa's interaction with the outside world will find the text very useful and i nformative. By way of conclusion, the remaining question on Africa in World Politics in as far as reforming the political order will be: What form and where will Africa's political power base come from to be able to maneuver its political standing in world politics. Are those maneuvers going to be acceptable to the international community as a whole and the great powers in particular? In essence it seems that world politics dictate that the objectives for state's existence whether small or great remains th e same, and is that of survival as reflected in the state's ability and capability to influence change in the society and the existing environment. What future works on Africa's relations with the outside world will largely ha ve to dwell on will be to addr ess the policy options for Africa in relation to the overwhelming challenges and limitations that structurally limit the achievement of its objectives. Also needed is an examination of policy options for the powerful actors to enable Africa to become an ac tor with equal intentions and aspirations in as far as interaction in the international system is concerned. Percyslage Chigora Midlands State University Zimbabwe Kassim Mohammed Khami s Promoting the African Union Washington, DC: Lilian Barber Press, Inc. 2008. 421 pp. Since the transformation of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) into the African Union (AU) in 2002, there has been an increasing scholarly interest in understanding African continental politics. Unfortunately, as of today, most of the academic writing on the African perspective distant point of view. Against marks a crucial exception and contributes valuably to a new reading of African unity. Khamis, himself a Tanzanian diplomat, was a consultant to the OAU General Secretariat weaknesses as well as insights into the difficulties of formulating and implementing real p. xiv). The boo k impressively illustrates that many progressive ideas the importance of strengthening supranational elements as well as the need to integrate political and economic cooperation among African states were already formulated in the 1976 plan to establish an African Economic Community, whose implementation yet failed. The establishment of the AU was thus, according to Khamis, aimed at fulfilling this endeavor. Yet, instead of accomplishing the long held vision of African unity, it was built upon the same short comings that once flawed its predecessor. Comprising twelve chapters, Promoting the African Union is organized into four parts. Part one discusses the weaknesses of the OAU, where Khamis finds the absence of a well defined r the preferred union, a lack of bureaucratic professionalism, as
BOOK REVIEWS | 128 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 2i3a6 .pdf well as an inadequate institutional and financial framework as the main reasons for the th Charter review process ( pp. 29 65) that evidences the longevity of ideas to refo rm and enhance the continental organization that are usually only attributed to the reform processes of the 1990s. This marks a major refinement to hitherto dominant interpretations. The second part discusses the developments since the Sirte Summit in 1999 that culminated in the establishment of the African Union, including a very detailed comparison of the AU Constitutive Act with the OAU Charter and the Abuja Treaty, as well as an in depth reconstruction of the transitional process from 2001 until 2005. T he chapter coins a vivid testimony of the slow and stony negotiation process that preceded and followed the signing of the Constitutive Act and thereby contributes decisively to understanding the political aspects of forming an African Union. Part s three and four finally discuss in great detail the many ways in which the implementation and institutional framework of the AU hinders the accomplishment of the Sirte strengthe n and re integrate the Regional Economic Communities (RECs) into the continental project as well as to strengthen the Pan African Parliament as democratic check to the Assembly of Heads of State. Those that have been following the continental discussions o ver the past years will recognize that Promoting the African Union is deeply rooted in those current debates on the future of the Union and the United States of Africa that have preoccupied the Union at least since 2005. It thus is not only a narrative abo ut the African Union, but is itself a vivid contribution to the contested imagination of the most desirable continental order. Yet, the mindful reader may assume that any of the presented solutions similar to the long list of previously formulated ones wil l face strong opposition in the implementation phase. In fact, if cleavages among AU m ember s tates that ultimately explain why decades of searching for continental economic and political problems lacked producing a real effect, remain unreflected, although this was also not the stated aim of the author. co mprehensive analysis of over 250 primary official documents from the OAU/ AU Archives in Addis Ababa that have never been presented to an academic audience in such detail before. It therefore constitutes an invaluable resource particularly to those scholar s without direct access to the Archives. The detailed analysis of primary documents enables the author not only to illustrate the thematic threads that have preoccupied the continental organization since the 1970s, but also to shed light on the history of internal processes of consecutive decision making, re negotiation, committee building that are such fundamental aspect of continental politics even today. The in depth and sometimes repetitive reconstruction of bureaucratic processes may on the one hand u interest in the workings of an international organization. Yet, on the other hand, Promoting the
129 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studi es Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 2i3a6 .pdf African Union thereby offers in itself a solution to its main concern: the lack of an institutional memory that ultimately prevents decisions from being implemented. It is thus not only an important contribution to a field of knowledge that is otherwise dominated by Western, policy distant academia, but also helps those engaged in co ntinental politics to understand the longue dure and hopefully enable them to learn for the future. In sum, Promoting the African Union is an empirically rich study on the history of African continental politics and thus a crucial contribution to understanding its past and current its reflection of a long history of negoti ating African unity that perfectly connects to current developments on the continental level. Antonia Witt, University of Leipzig, Germany Stephen J. King. The New Authoritarianism in the Middle East and North Africa Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana Univer sity Press, 2009. 290 pp. expansion of and follow up to his previous book, Liberalization against Democracy: The Local Politics of Economic Reform in Tunisia, wh ich details how economic liberalization fostered the expansion of authoritarianism in post colonial Tunisia. King, Associate P rofessor of Government Georgetown University is a comparativist who focuses on the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) He draw s from a variety of sources and disciplines to complete a comparative analysis of authoritarian MENA regimes during the latter half of the twentieth century in this his second book. It is a timely addition to the body of knowl edge to which scholars and po licy makers alike defer for help in understanding the present era of MENA revolutions, and to predict the impact of these revolutions on the political future of the region. vis vis economic liberalization following the mid century independence movements in Egypt, Syria, Algeria, and Tunisia. King argues that authoritarian rule in this subset of Arab single party republics persisted in spite of and, to some extent, as a result of patronage based economic liberalization. The first two chapters outline the theoretical framework from which King approaches economic liberalization in MENA countries. He views the powerful revolutionary movements, their distaste for multi party politic s, and their reliance on patronage for legitimacy as driving factors behind the development of powerful single party systems. Chapter 3 presents Old Authoritarianism by demonstrating how the political institutions and national policies in the examined MENA states led to the development and legitimation of dominant political parties. Chapter 4 defines New Authoritarianism. Here, King argues that the faade of democracy, brought about by privatization and the imposition of faux multi party (i.e., dom inant party) politics, ensured the persistence of a repackaged authoritarianism by allowing patronage to continue through the private institutions that were run by the same elites who had previously dominated the private sector under Old Authoritarianism.
BOOK REVIEWS | 130 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 2i3a6 .pdf two chapters explain why democracy emerged from authoritarian regimes in Argentina, Brazil, and Spain, and how Egypt, Syria, Algeria, and Tunisia may overcome economic liberalization characterized by patronage and the legacy of single par ty institutions to achieve true democratization. The single drawback to this book is its failure to address wholly authoritarianism in the MENA region. Indeed, the title of the book is misleading, given its narrow focus on four countries that followed r elatively similar post colonial socio political paths. Nevertheless, post colonial era exposes seasoned scholars, who specialize in the development of the modern Arab st ate, to a realistic analysis of how economic liberalization is used to reinforce approach to authoritarianism can be applied to regions outside MENA, and may be of interest to scholars of economic development in sub Saharan Africa, and Central Asia, where the haphazard application of economic liberalization will help shape political outcomes in both the near and long term. Note: The views expressed in this artic those of the U.S. Department of State or the U.S. Government. Steven Stottlemyre, Foreign Affairs Officer, U.S. Department of State Herbert S. Klein. The Atlantic Slave Trade 2 nd edition Camb ridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010. xx, 242 pp. Since the late 1960s scholars have been collecting data from unpublished sources on slave The Atlantic Slave Trade: a Census ( 1969 ) was the first attempt to estimate, f rom available secondary literature, the volume of the trade. Herbert S. Klein, professor of history at Stanford University and research fellow at the Hoover Institution, was one of the pioneers in the field. In 1999, when information on over 27,000 slave trading voyages had been collected, he published his well regarded synthesis of the research, The Atlantic Slave Trade In the ten years since the first edition the research has been uploaded to the online Transatlantic Slave Trade Database hosted by Emor y University in Atlanta and now contains details of almost 35,000 voyages, including records of Portuguese and Spanish slaving makes use of the new data, is most we lcome. The book draws on the work of scholars in Africa, as well as in the Americas and Europe. The study is organized around four themes addressed in the latest scholarship: the origins of the slave trade; its basic economic structure; the demographic, s ocial and economic impact of the trade; and, the causes and consequences of its abolition. These four themes are explored in eight chapters varying in length from seventeen t o thirty two pages: Slavery in Western Development, American Labor Demand, Africa at the Time of the Atlantic Slave Trade, European Organization of the Slave Trade, African Organization of the Slave Trade, The
131 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studi es Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 2i3a6 .pdf Middle Passage, Social and Cultural Impact of the Slave Trade on America, and The End of the Slave Trade. Eac scholarship. The new edition preserves the layout and structure of the original, while incorporating the new evidence to hone and deepen the careful analysis of the trade. The book st arts with an overview of slavery in Europe and Africa to the end of the fifteenth century. It notes the imperial Roman law definition of slaves as property a definition that had a profound influence on the development of American slave societies. The pla ntation model for American slavery emerged in the mid to late fifteenth century with the use of African slaves as the principal work force on sugar estates on Atlantic islands, such as Madeira and the Canaries, recently occupied and settled by Portugal an d Spain. As early as the 1450s, sugar was being sold on markets in London and other European trading centers European demand for sugar increased after 1500 and was met with the creation of slave plantations in the Americas. Klein shows the demand for labor in the Americas as the key factor in creating the mass transportation of Africans across the Atlantic. Simultaneously, the rising prosperity of Western Europe in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries discouraged migration of peasants and laborers to the Americas. The demographic disaster that befell the Indians in the first hundred and fifty years of European settlement left the transportation of Africans as an attractive and viable solution to the of labor A specialist in Latin Americ an and comparative history, Klein makes excellent use of evidence and analysis from across the whole Atlantic slave trading world. The presentation and analysis of the active role played in the trade by African rulers and merchants is particularly well dr the varied impact of slave trading along the African coast are similarly well explored. What is most surprising to this reviewer is the wide variety of slave experiences in the Portuguese and Spanish colonies which differ considerably from those in North America. For example, Brazil used slave sailors in international shipping and on Atla ntic slave routes. The text is supported by four maps of the African coast, figures, and tables that provide statistical details of the impact of the trade on Africa. The work is not footnoted; instead it concludes with a twelve page bibliographical essa y serving both as a guide to the literature and a means to further research. In just over two hundred pages Klein has produced a superb work of synthesis, demonstrating an impressive mastery of the vast amount of material now available to scholars. Throug hout, he highlights economic arguments and the dynamism and variety of the trade. On almost every page there is something to stimulate thought and challenge assumptions. The book is much recommended to students of the slave trade, and to scholars of Afri ca and the Atlantic World. A. T. Gorton Pepperdine University, Lausanne, Switzerland
BOOK REVIEWS | 132 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 2i3a6 .pdf Kofi Oteng Kufuor. The African Human Rights System: Origin and Evolution New York, NY: Palgrave MacMillan, 2010. vii. 182 pp. As Kofi O. Kufuor states, his The African Human Rights System: Origin and Evolution is depth analysis of the African human rights system that the book moves beyond the study of law and contributes effectively to both the fields of political and social science. He challenges critics who claim the African human rights system is weak and problematic and offers a clear re theo ry. Kufuor sets a foundation for his study with a discussion of the history of the African (ACHPR), and then skillfully applies traditional institutionalism (specifical ly, the rational choice, sociological, and historical strands) and regime theory to augment his analysis of the evolution of the system. In addition to the Introduction The African Human Rights System consists of six chapters, with the final one offering includes four factors that are typically offered to explain the decision by the Organization of Afri Uganda; and the claim that OAU was the best forum for solving African d isputes. In Chapter One, The Origin of the African Human Rights System, Kufuor argues against this orthodox governments to developments that threatened their survival era past, exploring and understanding the lineage of its human rights system is critical in analyzing the strengths and weaknesses of the documents and institutions that make up the current system, specifically, the AHCPR itself and the African Commission it set up. Kufuor thus begins with an examination of the origins of the ACHPR in an effort to dispel previous assumptions and offer an alternative explanation that he h 12). The next three chapters present a thorough exploration of the African Commission. In chapter two, Kufuor analyzes what he considers the most serious issue facing the AHCPR, that of its clawback clauses rights granted at the regional level if they collide with their domestic law Kufuor stalwartly highlights the hypocrisy and weakness of the system that makes the reatment of economic, social, and cultural rights, and the growth of its power through its rules of procedure respectively. While the majority of the book examines the African Charter and the African Commission, Kufuor utilizes chapter five to analyze ad ditional human rights instruments that make up the entire
133 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studi es Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 2i3a6 .pdf Development and Transformation, the Charter on Democracy, Elections, and Governance in Africa and the OAU Grand Bay Declaration and Plan of Action. His explanation for this detour African Charter laws that amount to the start of what T he African Human Rights System provides academia a thorough examination of the origins ection such as dialogue on the right to sexual orientation and the friendly settlements of disputes for African ic power, there will be the continued p 145 4 6). It is this optimism that gives credence to the conventional wisdom of African solutions for African problems. Eric M. Moody, USAF Academy John McAleer Representing Africa, Landscape, Exploration and Empire in Southern Africa, 1780 1870 Manchester and New York: Manchester University Press, 2010. 241 pp. In the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, guidebooks, handbooks, sketches, oil paintings and maps, in addition to travelogues, increasingly provided an impressive insight into African landscape description to growing literate and culturally demanding British and European audiences. There developed a solid relationship between landscape repre sentation, exploration and imperial understanding and imaginings. The representations analyzed in the book were mainly produced, distributed, consumed and interpreted at the imperial cent er It was in the metropolis that they were constructed, made and used because the market resided there and strategies meant to convey specific meaning of these landscapes to audiences were concocted there. Mc Aleer examines the changing trends of exploration and the developing British and European imperial preoccupation s and how these impacted on British and European engagement with the s outhern African landscape. In recording, diffusing and picturing non European landscapes in ways of all sorts, travelers and writers popularized the empire and made it access ible and visible to all at home. Landscapes were many and diverse, reflecting the geographical size, environmental wealth and power of the empire and echoing the personal interests and perceptions of those who depicted them. Travelers settlers, missionar ies, officials, artists and sporting tourists made the empire at the core of their landscape representations, which were nothing but a commentary on the changing economic, political and domestic fortunes and priorities of the empire. In so doing, they in vited their fellow citizens to fill in this vast empire fit for them and eager to be exploited, improved and appropriated, it seems. In the process, this unknown and unfamiliar landscape was domesticated. British imaginative and aesthetic engagement with the s outhern African environment went through different stages, thus revealin g how the empire, in this case s outhern Africa, was travelers and explorers
BOOK REVIEWS | 134 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 2i3a6 .pdf on their way to the Indian an d Pacific O ceans, a penal colony, a pleasant, abundant and fertile land, a commercial asset and scientific laboratory, and a region awaiting the words of G od and European civilization : s impe understanding and visions that is how they seem to tell us as much about the latter than about s impressions than on the realities encountered by their viewers, who insisted on their authenticity. Landscape depictions were partly made to impress and puzzle, to be published and sold, and to make reputations. Travel books, illustrated books, exhibition s, private and museum collections, then, played the role of perpetuating them. Southern Africa was both a vital and complex component in the British imperial puzzle: a region located at the tip of Africa, with coastlines on two oceans, a gateway to Asia, majestic landscapes and seascapes, a mix of peoples and cultures and following this a prey to towards the late eighteenth century. Southern Africa, the would be i mperial target could help Britain secure a route to India and its commercial potential, have access to a highly productive land, relocate a growing population in Britain, facilitate travel and missionary work and help with developing exploration and scien tific enquiry. Because of the unbridled competition among European imperial powers and changing British attitudes towards these landscapes, the anglicize therefore, much broader than elsewhere. British visions of s oriented, included, excluded, filtrated and selected their representations from a lavish reservoir of landscape and topographic resources to focus on a c ontent evolving mostly around home, the empire, science and religion. The four components were firmly intertwined and echoed British main preoccupations in the period under analysis. These preoccupations were shifting with British shifting imperial strate gic, political and socio economic interests and priorities. This, of course strongly suggests that British engagements with s outhern African landscapes show the extent to which the notion of empire depends on that of landscape as both controlled space an d the means of responding to such control. Similarly, this focus on landscape has been put forward as a strategy, which downplays the antagonistic aspect of British and European encounter s with indigenous people and serves to marginalize and dehumanize the indigenous presence within that landscape. This subsidiary status and almost concealed position allotted to the people of s outhern African within the landscapes hints to their lack of interest or capacity to engage with it and provides evidence in support of British and European exploration and colonial domination. empire, art history, exploration history and environmental studies. Adel Manai, Institut Superieur des Sciences Humaines de Tunis, Universite Tunis El Manar
135 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studi es Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 2i3a6 .pdf Hassimi Oumarou Maga. Balancing Written History with Oral Tradition: The Legacy of the Songhoy People. New Y ork: Routledge, 2010. xi, 206 p p. Professor Hassimi Oumarou Maga manages not only to bal ance written history with oral tradition to trace the origins and legacy of the Songhoy people, but he also succeeds in re balancing history itself by offering readers an African world view. The first half of the book chronicles the origins and development of the Songhoy people with their beginnings in east Africa and Yemen and the east to west migration, to the earliest formation of the ancient city of Koukya (Kukia). Maga goes on to introduce the empires of Ghana and Mali with the decline of Axum (Ethiop ia), Nubia (Sudan), and Kemet (Egypt) in east Africa to give a firm context to the development and flourishing of highly organized administrative, economic, political and cultural structures in west Africa. Maga dedicates Chapter 3 to the city of Gao in northern Mali as the cradle of the Songhoy Empire and the beginnings of the Koungorogossi Gariko Dynasty, Africa (with the Moroccon, Fulanese and Tuareg invasions at the end of sixteenth century), through to the European invasions and domination in the 1880 s Importantly, The complete chronological order of the Songhoy Chieftaincy, which begins with the Koungorogossi, has never been recorded in the a nnals of any formal history book in English (or before the earlier edition of this book was published in French in 2007). The history of this dynasty, which was also not known to European scholars, explorers, and colonists, has been preserved in the Songho y oral tradition and recorded in a family manuscript. In contrast to the previously published scholarly record, this manuscript documents the existence of the Koungorogossi Gariko Dynasty nearly three centuries before the arrival in Gao of the Dia brothers from Yemen in 670 C.E. (p. 3). The text could have made greater use of visual diagrams and timelines to indicate the chronology of the Songhoy dynastic kingdoms and empires of Koungorogossi, Dias, Sonnis and Askya between 670 A.D. to the Moroccan invasi on of 1591 to further illustrate their significance. The second half of the book is dedicated to looking more closely at Songhoy society, language, spirituality and culture. Drawing on his intimate knowledge as the descendent of the legendary Askya Moham med, Maga provides a fascinating record of S onghoy oral traditions of story telling (for transmitting values) and riddles to illustrate Songhoy concepts of knowledge, which Maga proposes are two forms of character education conveyed through a powerful t radition of oral cultural transmission (p. 4), while presenting Songhoy writing traditions and in particular the original seven Songhoy names of the week, to illuminate Songhoy cosmology. To s ystematically and concisely illuminate a vast historical and socio cultural record that is little known in the New World (p.1), and to highlight the historical links between Africa and Europe so as to challenge the euro centric views of the African contin that has been associated with Africa is partially due to (p. 2). While Maga is in my view very successf ul in recording Songhoy history from both written and oral sources, my criticism lies in his over ambition to include final chapters on the legacy of the Songhoy in the twentieth
BOOK REVIEWS | 136 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 2i3a6 .pdf century with movements against slavery, African contributions to the developm ent of the New World and France, independence, and pan African and Diasporic shared heritage. These chapters, although interesting in themselves, are too short to be given full justice and remain sketches of a larger thesis that deserves further investigat ion and insight. It is worth noting that this book is part of a Routledge series African Studies: History, Politics, Economics and Culture headed by Molefi Asante as general editor. It represents a truly multi disciplinary collection of original resea rch of which Hassimi Oumarou Maga (a distinguished Professor of Education University of Bamako, Mali) is a part. Overall the book is a highly accessible read and useful reference book offering readers a fascinating and original multi disciplinary view o Helena Cantone School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London Cedric M ayson Why Africa Matters Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books 2010. 217 pp. Why Africa Matters is by the South African Methodist min i ster Cedric Mayson, who took part in the fight to end a partheid in South Africa in the early eighties. Mayson seeks to share his insights about why he believes the entire continent of Africa matters to the rest of the world. He attempts to reverse stereotypes and to He argues that the knowledge that African people hold has objective is to show th at the human race is spiraling downward into an eventual doom because of organized religion and self the world must look to Africa and its spiritual ways to start a spiritual revolution. Th is book is meant for a western audience, despite the fact that it is very critical of western societies. The book has ten chapters and a conclusion, of which eight focus on religion and the importance of spirituality. Very little attention is given to iss ues of economics, politics, and society, or to current affairs in Africa. The re are no pictures, maps, or special features, and most citations come from theological texts. In the introduction the author begins with a dramatic and poetic pre sentation of his aim for writing this book. He claims that it is intended contends that this book will have a transformative effect on its readers. He divides chapter one in to five sections with biblical references and subtitles such as the the following chapters, Mayson explains that like the biblical five horsemen these agent s come to us disguised as bringers of peace and enlightenment, when in reality they are the bringers of instead of people to refer to all human beings and explains tha t he intentionally chose to do this throughout the book to remind the reader that we are all humble beings on this planet. Throughout the book he uses the African term ubuntu meaning the collective love and allegiance for one another to refer to an Afric an way of life. He argues for a pure spiritual
137 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studi es Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 2i3a6 .pdf oneness with the earth and with nature, one that is absent of war, violence and greed known to the western man with the introduction of the five horsemen. The author has an extreme view of the world, proclaim ing that the entire world is He believes that organized religion and the Christian church are one of the main reasons why the western world is ignorant and blind to reality. He wants the western world to look to life for salvation. His reasoning for why Africa matters in today's world is because first, we all c o touch with the desperate need to be saved. Although the author's attempt to cast all Africans as spiritual, happy, altruistic beings is positive in a sense, unfortunately his choice of word s and extreme opinions isolate the reader and typecast all Africans in the same stereotypical ways as the former colonizers did. This book is more introspection than a work of scholarship, and is being advertised in various Christian venues. Lily Sofiani African Studies Department, UCLA Janet McIntosh. The Edge of Islam: Power, Personhood, and Ethnoreligious Boundaries on the Kenya Coast Durham: Duke University Press, 2009. xi, 325 pp. Studies on Islam in contemporary Kenya are a scarce commodity, hence making Janet The Edge of Islam a highly welcome contribution. This innovative and invigorating book provides invaluable insights to the highly complex interplay between religion and ethnicity, making it a significant contribution to our underst anding of issues such as Islam, ethnic boundaries, and identity in African societies. Situated in the town of Malindi on the Kenyan coast, McIntosh tells the story of the Giriama and the Swahili and their complicated and ambivalent interrelations. While th e Swahili are exclusively Muslim, the Giriama are divided between followers of Islam, Christianity, and what McIntosh calls Traditionalism. With a particular focus on religion (Islam), in conjunction with blood, lineage, and class, she claims that this is a major factor for the demarcation, accentuation, and maintenance of boundaries between the two. Her core argument is that while Islam ideally would be universal and open to newcomers, Giriama conversion to Islam and assimilation into Swahili is inhibited by increasingly clear cut boundaries. Applying the concept of folk essentialism, the author provides a nuanced reading of ethnicity and processes of boundary crossing, fluidity, and permeability B y surveying the political and socio economic developm ents during the colonial and post colonial periods (chapter 1), she convincingly argues that the current situation is characterized by ethnic absolutism ex acerbating the division between Giriama and Swahili. This is further elaborated through a discussion of spirit narratives as reflections of the current socio economic discrepancies between the Swahili and Giriama (chapter 2) and spirit possessions summoning conversions to Islam (chapter 3), suggesting that this represents an embodiment of a hegemonic prem ise in
BOOK REVIEWS | 138 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 2i3a6 .pdf which Giriamaness is incompatible with Islam, while also reflecting an articulated ideology of resistance. Chapter 4 details Giriama healing rituals, through which the practitioners draw simultaneously from spiritual forces located in Islam an d in Traditionalism. Making some highly relevant remarks on the concept of syncretism, charged with being grounded on a Western premise of religions as integrated and consistent systems, she introduces the term polyontologism as a pertinent tool in constru ing how the actors deliberately move between and appropriates discrete supernatural ontologies drawn from the two traditions yet without p. 188). Discussing the linguistically loci of the these traditions an d the issue of code switching, chapter 5 further elaborates the politics of language and provides vivid accounts of both Swahili and Giriama usage of Arabic in divination ceremonies. These accounts point to different and conflicting perceptions of Arabic, in which the Swahili underscores the semantic meaning of the texts, while the Giriama rely on the spiritual potency of the language, accessed through spirit possession. ology) and personhood. The former is defined as meanings and values taken for granted and largely shared by all social groups while + ideology represents the articulation of what is taken for granted. Hegemony constitutes an accurate analytical tool for und erstanding the asymmetric relationship between Swahili and Giriama, in which notions of Islamic potency as belonging to the Swahili reinforces the intrinsic link between ethnicity and religion. Personhood is seen as a way of indexing culturally specific ex and interdependence, related to the intertwined notions of agency and interiority. Swahili and Giriama personhood is seen as qualitatively different, the former being more individualistic oriented, wher eas Giriama valorize a more sociocentric model of the person, grounded in communal interdependency and customs. contains detailed accounts of divergent opinions, s gender, class, or religious affiliation. Further, as she informs us that a third of the Giriama are Christians, o and personal choice/belief might have impacted Giriama personhood. The role of religion in defining Swahili personhood is duly recognized, in which McIntosh points to an influential Islamic reformist movement in conjunction with Swahili participation in the urban economic marketplace. As noted by several other scholars on contemporary Islam in Africa, this conflation has paved the way for a changing moral economy and a pro elaborate discussion of Islamic reformism (instead of merely labeling it Wahhabism), some more details on its impacts on Swahili personhood, and effects on discourses on hegemony and power. This is not to say that the study has some critical deficits, but rather to point to possible areas for future research, generated from this highly stimulating read. Terje steb University of Florida
139 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studi es Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 2i3a6 .pdf Augustine S. O. Okwu. Igbo Culture and the Christian Missions: Conversion in Theory and Practice, 1857 1957 New York: University Press of America, Inc., 2010. x, 336 p p. Augustine Okwu has served as a Roman Catholic missionary assistant, diplomat, and professor of history at the State University of New York. He has drawn from these experiences and training to produce Igbo Culture and the Christian Missions a work which shows the interaction of political, religious, and cultural dynamics before and during Nigeria's colonial era. Okwu describes how Western missionaries altered their strategies as a result of their encounter with the Igbo. Igbo culture which Okwu broadly characterizes as "pragmatic," "utilitarian," "innovative," and "competitive" c aused missionaries to shift their focus from evangelization for religious conversion to providing services like hospitals and schools. Okwu rightly points out that missionary competition to establish schools in areas often arose from the requests of the local Igbo themselve s, for fear of being exceeded or outwitted by neighboring Igbo communities. In this sense, the rapid expansion of Western missionary education resulted from Igbo demand, and Igbo towns and individuals utilized these institutions to their own advantage. Thi s demand drove mission societies to devote a tremendous amount of time, personnel, and money to these institutions in order to maintain the appeal of Christianity to the Igbo. Thus, Igbo culture determined missionary policy as mission societies negotiated "conversion effectiveness." "Igbo culture," however, is not explicitly defined (beyond broad descriptors) and is more illuminated through pericopes than by a focused explication of Igbo worldview(s). The Igbo recede into the background as the book progre sses. The text increasingly focuses upon the missionary dimensions of the encounter between the Igbo and Europeans, and Okwu excels at presenting a cogent narrative of this complex movement. While he repeatedly includes materials from Protestant mission so cieties (namely, the Church Missionary Society [CMS] ), Roman Catholics receive the bulk of his attention (the Holy Ghost Fathers and La Socit des Missions Africaines ). This emphasis is welcome, as Catholic missions in Nigeria have received less attention than the CMS Okwu generally portrays Catholic missionaries in a more positive light than their Protestant counterparts. Catholic missionaries, he argues (despite his acknowledgment that Protestants learned local dialects and ordained Igbo priests more qui ckly), were more attuned to the educational wants of the Igbo, and were less paternalistic, judgmental, and iconoclastic toward African traditions (p p 160 ff.). However, Okwu does not discuss why, given these distinctions, Anglicanism still spread more r a pidly than Roman Catholicism. Okwu does not attempt to redeem Western missionaries from imperialistic complicity. He shares many of E.A. Ayandele's critiques of missionary involvement in the European colonial project ( The Missionary Impact on Modern Nige ria ). Okwu's work is more nuanced, and his evaluation of missionary imperialism is generally limited to specific instances, avoiding Ayandele's broad generalizations (Okwu, p p 131, 137 3 8, 155). Okwu's assessment of Christian missions is that they were unnecessarily destructive or dismissive of Igbo culture. They misunderstood its "social" practices (e.g., festival, political, and moral institutions) for "pagan" (e.g., religious) practices, condemning both indiscriminately. The "social" practices co uld
BOOK REVIEWS | 140 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 2i3a6 .pdf reasonably have remained with no threat to the orthodoxy of the Christian communitie s ( p p. 109, 196 ff., and epilogue ). Curiously, Okwu does not present a theory of conversion (per the book's subtitle). The only discussion at any length about conver sion is in the epilogue, with no interaction with other scholarship on conversion, such as Robin Horton's "intellectualist" model ("African Conversion" ), or Okorocha's "salvationist" study of Igbo conversion to Christianity ( The Meaning of Religious Conversion in Africa ). What Okwu seems to mean by the subtitle to the book is that Christian missionaries, in theory, sought to convert individuals from "paganism" to Christianity. Instead, these missionaries had to contend with Igbo demands for ed ucation and their responsiveness to advancement within Western political and economic systems. Though Okwu notes the appeal of missionary services to the Igbo, their actual impact upon Igbo culture is vague in parts. For example, in one sentence Okwu menti ons in passing that Catholic medical practices led to a diminishing of Igbo notions of causality regarding illness and health, without expounding upon the cultural ramific ations of this shift (p. 232). Okwu compiles a variety of sources to illuminate bot h the "Igbo" as well as the "missionary" sides of the religious encounter. Thus, he extensively uses the archival resources of multiple missionary societies, both Roman Catholic and Protestant, and government records. His use of "oral tradition" is more am biguous. He does pepper the work with frequent references to local tradition or memory. These are predominantly autobiographical and anecdotal in nature (though they are frequently quite fascinating examples) (p. 172, 179). However, these references are no t cited or base d upon obvious field research. Igbo Culture and the Christian Missions is more a study of the impact of Igbo culture on Western missionary societies' policies than of the changes that missionary presence effected within Igbo culture itself Okwu accomplishes his task of demonstrating this relationship. His work provides an impressive history of Catholic missions in colonial Nigeria, and would certainly be of interest to scholars of the history of Christian missions, especially in the coloni al era. It also shows that the introduction of European civilization and religion into southern Nigeria was a complex phenomenon in which both Europeans and Africans negotiated cultural ideals with colonial realities. Jason Bruner Princeton Theological Seminary Tejumola Olaniyan and James Sweet. The African Diaspora and the Disciplines. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2010. viii, 363 p p The relationship between the African homeland and its diaspora has increasingly become an object of study pa rticularly since the last decade of the twentieth century. However, there has also been a lack of conceptual frameworks that would best make sense of the phenomena being studied. Where scholarship has not been frozen in mildewed theory and anachronistic re search methodology, interdisciplinary suspicion or animosity has put paid any real chances for meaningful dialogue between the competing and contending disciplines. It has been extremely rare to see scholarship that goes against the operation of disciplina ry border police in an
141 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studi es Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 2i3a6 .pdf attempt to unlock the essence of the African diaspora. Therefore, African diaspora studies, has, first off, been in dire need of an avenue for cross disciplinary and inter disciplinary dialogue and for the rethinking and reconfigur ation of conceptual frameworks that would make scholarly investigations more meaningful and effective. Secondly, it has been in dire need of a platform where any number of disciplines can meet and dialogue freely and beneficially in a manner that is mutual ly intelligible. a better time. Africa and the Disciplines (1993), this new text echoes the spirit but not the letter of i ts precursor. The earlier text is preoccupied with how Africa has contributed to various disciplines, whereas this new one focuses on strategies of studying the African diaspora from different disciplinary perspectives. Olaniyan tential to reinvigorate African Diaspora Studies, itself a burgeoning field crying for more illuminating conceptual anchoring. The volume is a collection of a wide range of theoretical essays grounded in divergent fields of inquiry, which nonetheless conv erge in their quest to make sense of the mystique of the African diaspora. It is this diversity of disciplinary voices and stances that lends this volume its richness and profundity. But this is also greatly enhanced by the quality and divergent disciplina ry bias es of the essayists contributing to the volume. On the whole, the book adroitly brings together erudite voices from the humanities and social science as well as hard sciences such as genetics that have a bearing on African Diaspora Studies. The bo ok contains fifteen chapters divided into four distinct parts, covering histor y the sciences, arts and cultural studies. The bulk of the chapters are judicious selections from a conference on the African diaspora and the disciplines that was held at the University of Wisconsin Madison under the sponsorship of The African Diaspora and Atlantic Research Circle in March 2006. The chapters deal with theorization of the African Diaspora Studies and initiating dialogue between and within various disciplines wi th respect to African Diaspora Studies. The volume emphasizes conceptual debates over primary research and analysis. And in developing their various conceptual arguments and analyses, the writers do not equivocate. The outcome is an edited volume that co nfronts and illuminates upon conceptual debates with authority, acuity, and clarity. The text is remarkable in the way it privileges the overlap between disciplines in general but particularly between the humanities (history, philosophy, and musicology), the social sciences (geography, anthropology, archeology, and political science), and genetics (science). example of the magnitude of disciplinary diversity in the volume. In this article Jackson and Borgelin bring the science of genetics to bear on our understanding of the Transatlantic African diaspora in ways that are truly rewarding and refreshing. As the p. 75). Their article not only shows the methods at work in the past and the present in assessing the African diaspora but als o suggests new and innovative ways with which that could be done in future.
BOOK REVIEWS | 142 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 2i3a6 .pdf trajectory of thought on continuities and disjuncture of aspects of the homeland in the cultural heritage of the African diaspora, particularly in North America. He is severely critical of scholars such as Michael Gomez, who insist on retention of African cultural practices in the diaspora I nstead Americans, making p. 66). In other words, in his view the diasporic African is responsible for his self creation, his formulation of a uniquely diasporic identity, ethnicity, and culture. Evid ently, Price is unlikely to have the last word on this debate, but what is important at this point is how his chapter like, others in this volume not only articulates issues beyond disciplinary particularity, but also self consciously engages other discip lines. In brief The African Diaspora and the Disciplines is a luminous collection of essays, indeed a must read for anyone interested in diasporas in general and the African diaspora in particular. This book has the potential of becoming a touchstone for the field of diaspora studies. Ken Walibora Waliaula University of Wisconsin Madison Brett L. Shadle. 1970 Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 2006. x, 256 pp. The title of this remarkable text, b orrowed from a saying by a British official in the South Kavirondo District of colonial Kenya in the 1930s, refers to the gender and generational disputes over the meaning of marriage and its customs in the region of Gusiiland in the twentieth century. Mor Kenyan women in Gusiiland being abducted, raped, or running off with lovers. Brett Shadle about marriage marriage, and trace the trajectory of Gusii marriage fr om the turn of the century up through the the 1940s through the early 1960s was born of the union of two factors, one old and one new. First, was the nature of Gusii bridewealth. Gusii daughter or sister. A father had to ensure that what he received as bridewealth wo uld be sufficient to give as bridewealth in return. However, when a man heard rumors of increased might be left without enough cattle to make a new marriage if h e abided by the increased Shadle emphasizes that unevenly distributed new wealth circulating in Gusiiland forced the bridewealth rate up to levels unseen for decad es. Because the going rates for bridewealth dramatically increased, only a few men could afford a wife, let alone multiple wives. As
143 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studi es Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 2i3a6 .pdf bridewealth climbed and wages stagnated in the colonial period, many young men found themselves without enough cattle to ge t married, and many young women found themselves marriages with undesirable but cattle rich men. Many of these women ran away and some went to new men. Other women avoid ed undesirable marriages by eloping with their lovers. The most desperate unmarried young men abducted and raped women; should an abductee become n away from undesirable marriages were not rejecting the institution of marriage is a noteworthy strength of this brilliantly researched book. stayed within the confines of their rural communities. It might be assumed that the women who ran away were rejecting marriage and flexing their feminist muscles. Shadle asserts, however, that Gusii women who remained in their rural homes neither left their homelands nor r ejected but on their own terms. Therefore, by running away from unwanted marriages, Gusii women were active agents in the making (and unmaking) of illicit unio ns. urban migration. Much scholarship emphasizes how during colonialism, urban centers allowed rural African women to escape unhappy marriage s or work contributes greatl rural communities and defended their ideologies about marriage at home. T his book is a monumental research achievement based on an astonishing array of archival sources. The author draws heavily on civil and criminal case records and transcripts from the three ritongo (court or tribunals) that served Gusiiland. These sources, s uch as the ritango transcripts, are significant because they provide the history of Gusii local practice and understandings of marriage. What is also remarkable about the sources is that that most come from local and isolated African courts. The court case s fall under three types of criminal cases. One category highlights situations in which an unmarried girl was removed from the custody illuminated in chapter four when he scrutinizes the ways in which Gusii men and women entered the courts to hash out their disputes and offered up their ideas about what made a proper marriage. Shadle successfully argues in this chapter, through his analysis of transcripts, how it was in the ritongo that Gusii articulated their views of marriage. A minor blemish in the text is the limited mention of the Mau Mau rebellion. More specifically, there is little contextualization of this historical event and how it may have 1960) was a critical period for many Kenyans and influenced the social, political, and cultural fabric of the lives of Kenyans. It is hard to believe that such an important event did not impact ideologies of marriage or influence marital actions. For instance, did fewer women run away from undesirable marriages during the Mau Mau rebellion? Answers to such questions would have
BOOK REVIEWS | 144 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 2i3a6 .pdf e colonial period in Gusiiland. written, and carefully researched study that raises crucial issues. The text persuasively explains how the economic, political, and social circumstanc addition, the book successfully traces the changing gender and generational debates and tensions over Gusii marriages. This thoroughly researched book makes essential reading for any scholar or student o f African history or gender studies. Those teaching in such courses should consider the book for adoption. Jacqueline Bethel Mougou, Purdue University Elinami Veraeli Swai. : E xploring D isclocation and A gency New Y ork: 2010. xv, 189 p p Ever since the first women conference, held under the theme Equality Development and Peac e was held in Mexico City in 1975 and followed by the declaration of 1975 as the International Year of Women, women e mpowerment issues have assumed pride of place in public discourse. The second (1980; Copenhagen), third (1985; Nairobi) and four th (1995; Beijing) women conferences followed, together with the Millennium Summit in 2000, and, thereby, gave impetus to th e women that addresses same is a welcome addition to the burgeoning literature on women empowerment issues. Particularly notable, the timing of the publication of the book is perfect given the fact that on 8 March 2011 (IWD was first celebrated on 8 March 1911). Thus, as the world reflects on the hundred year old odyssey on the women amongst others, helps us knowledgeably trivialized and marginalized as Swai asserts in her book, at least in her case study, did Tanzanian women have reasons to celebrate the centennial IWD? It appears the answer is a qualified no. The seven chapter book is organized as follows. The very elaborate introduction delineates the universe of the discourse whereby th e author tells the reader that the book is primarily concerned with the subject of women knowledge systems in Africa. It makes the argument that this kind of knowledge, which is unacknowledged and given labels such as indigenous, local, informal, domesti c and private, sustains the African continent in a myriad ways. Furthermore, it lays the blame for the marginalization and trivialization of women knowledge systems at the door of the colonial and post colonial governments. In this connection, Swai argu es that education, which according to conventional wisdom is a liberating and empowerment tool, is used in dislocating women and suppressing their creativity and agency in Africa (p 7). In addition, and very importantly, Swai attempts to distinguish her book from similar others on three grounds: (i) she rejects the notion that modern education, which she says is premised on Euro/American cultural hegemony, is a silver bullet and argues that its socializes
145 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studi es Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 2i3a6 .pdf women into pre determined goals without due regar d to their peculiar circumstances; (ii) she argues that education for women is parochial and patronizing and, amongst others, blames it for denigrating their knowledge systems; and (iii) she dismisses the widely held view that education for women is the on ly way to empower them to grapple with challenges of modern society and argues that empowerment needs many strategies and that the institution of education for women needs to be critically assessed (p. 8). Following the introduction, chapter 1 refracts structural, post colonial and cultural historical prisms. Although Swai blames modern modernization traditional knowledge systems. Chapter continues the debate by discussing ways in which women communicate through the medium of khangas (brightly colo red pieces of cloth that many women in East Africa wear and sometimes use as head wraps). In this connection, the khanga is akin to human billboard because all manner of communications are transmitted through it; for example, expressions as hakuna kama mama (there is none li ke mother) celebrate the important role that mothers (read women) play in society for mother is considered to be the pillar of society (p. 81). Importantly, khangas address diverse issues: for example, independence and the role that woman played in the f ight for independence in Tanzania. Chapter 4 argues that Indigenous Knowledge Systems (IKS) are scientific and rational and, therefore, takes the reader through a journey on the application of IKS in areas such as medicine (as instanced by the case of Mama Mona, a traditional healer, farming (e.g., animal husbandry) and development. Chapter 5 uses the case study method to discuss real lives of rural women in Tanzania; for example, the case of Doris Ngabanu. The author uses life examples to demonstrate how s tereotyped images of woman negatively affect their self image, belief systems and values. Chapter 6 discusses women and the development enterprise and chapter 7 integrates all issues that are discussed in the book. O verall, the book possesses many strengt hs T he key ones are: (i) short length; (ii) objectivity, honesty and depth that permeate the narrative; (ii i ) simplicity; although it addresses a subject that is not common place, it is jargon free and, thus, the reader need not possess a passing knowledg e of women empowerment literature to understand it. In addition, the author uses methodological triangulation; uses both primary and secondary data sources. Particularly, Swai goes native (interacting closely with her subjects) and, therefore, particip ant observation allowed her to live the experiences of her subjects. In a related sense, is she qualified to speak to the subject? On account of her professional training and work, she is and, thus, this favorably circumstances her to speak to the subject and, hence, strengthen book. section) and there are some typographical errors. To conclude, did the author achieve the primary purpose of the book? That is, to prove that African women possess knowledge systems that are often unacknowledged and trivialized and that if same is acknowledged and harnessed it can benefit society? Yes, through the use of some case studies, she demonstrates the veracity of her assertio ns. Importantly, even though the book
BOOK REVIEWS | 146 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 2i3a6 .pdf is about Tanzania, it is generalizable to the rest of Africa. In this connection, I see Botswana, my Emmanuel Botlhale, University of Botswana. United Nations Economic Commission for Afri ca. African Governance Report II 2009 New York, NY: Oxford University Press. xii, 274 pp. G overnance in Africa is popularly a knotty issue. In the past few decades, African states have been pressured to live up to good governance ideals as a strategy and culture for pursuing balanced development. African Governance Report II 2009 is a scorecard on the governance situation in the thirty five African countries it covers. This is an improvement on the previous report, African Governance Report I, which covere d twenty seven countries. It specifically presents a feedback from the monitoring and assessment of the progress African countries are making on democracy and governance from 2005 to 2009. The Report is not one of those usual compendia of bad news from Afr ica. Using the benchmarks of African Governance Report I its governa nce as a means of promoting new governance norms and culture in Africa. It identifies capacity gaps in governance institutions in Africa and contributes appropriate policy recommendations and ideas necessary for making interventions in improving governance on the continent. methodological path is well explained and replicable. It utilizes a combination of expert panel, household and desk top surveys as its research instruments. C overed g overnance themes include: political, economic, and public financial management; private sector development and cooperate governance; institutional checks and balances, effectiveness and accountability of the executive; human rights and the rule of l aw; corruption and capacity development. These themes for m the R eport eight chapters. The main findings of the Report can be summarized as follows: multiparty system s flourish in Africa but with poor institutionalization; more incentives are being put in place to attract foreign direct investment but less is d one for domestic investments; separation of powers is gradually taking root in the continent; there is still great need for deepening the culture of human rights in Africa; not much progress is being made in asset repatriation from Western countries. This is one of the most impressive reports on governance in Africa. Even so, for a r eport that may perceive one downside that is difficult to ignore. A major eleme nt of governance in Africa, donor aid is not tackled in the report. It is difficult to gauge governance in Africa realistically without noting the influence donor aid may have on government policies, and then on governance. Considering that women and chil dren make up nearly 80 per population, some readers may be surprised to note that no major space is devoted to the core concerns of women and children. T he reason h owever, is probably too obvious. UNECA
147 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studi es Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 2i3a6 .pdf published a separate report on w omen and children in Africa in the same year this report was ). The United Nations Economic Commission for Africa focuses its work on promoting regional integration and meeting special needs and emergi ng global challenges of Africa. Considering its country wide network in Africa and its experience with research of this kind, it is surely difficult to argue that any other organization would have been in a better position to research and produce a more co mprehensive Report on Africa. Overall, the Report is rich with genuine governance data on Africa. Its literature coverage is extensive. Also, considering the paucity of reliable research data about Africa, this report can serve as a useful source of data f or future research on Africa n governance issues. There is need to implement key policy recommendations made in this R epor t at the regional and country levels in Africa. This therefore calls for development experts, researchers, and government and non gover nment agencies to utilize the opportunities posed by its publication. Uchendu Eugene Chigbu Technische Universitt Mnchen, Germany Michael Vickers A Nation Betrayed: Nigeria and the Minorities Commission of 1957 Trenton, New Jersey: Africa World Press 2010 xxvii, 324 pp. As Nigeria approached independence, the minority groups in the country (three sets of ethnic made it clear at a constitutional conferenc e in London in 1957 that independence on the existing three regional structure would result in unrestrained domination of the minority groups in the three leading of the minorities and to media reports and government p ublications. A Nation Betrayed is based principally on what its work, papers that, before being used by Vickers while working for his PhD in the late 1960s, had not been used by any other scholar. Confidential files in the trunk of gold were supplemented by several other sources, including correspondence between the author and ited Kingdom. However, rich as the trunk was, Vickers chose to cite only the documentary sources relating to the Western Region (where there was a movement for the creation of a Mid West state). The campaign for a Mid Western State was the subject of Vicke Ethnicity and Sub Nationalism in Nigeria: Movement for a Mid West State The book the sub title makes clear that the focus is on the Mid West. That focus is not reflected in the title of the book under review. Although Vickers says that t West evidence to draw conclusions about the entire country, the concentration on Mid West evidence should have been indicated in the boo title.
BOOK REVIEWS | 148 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 2i3a6 .pdf In different chapters, Vickers explained why the minorities commission was appointed, and n my view, that the terms were made restrictive because the Colonial Office did not intend to create any new regions. A further objective was realized was that it did no witnesses, the lack of which, the author reasoned, prevented many witnesses with crucial evidence from testifying). Much of the book deals with the following: evidence and arguments presented at sittin gs of the commission in Benin and Warri by the Mid West State Movement in support of its demand; contrary evidence and arguments by organizations within the area of the proposed state that opposed its creation; and contrary evidence and arguments presented the Western Regional government to prove that it had not been discriminating against the minority composition of the proposed state. As the author observed, the evide nce provided by the Mid West Movement was weak It did not prove beyond doubt that the Yoruba led Western regional government had systematically been discriminating against the ethnic minority groups in the region. What was beyond doubt, however, was that there was, among the minority groups, a strong fear of foreseeable futur e they would be equal in population with the Yoruba), the fear of domination could not be allayed by any other means than the creation of a new region. The evidence also showed that the Western regional government was opposed to the creation of a Mid West State, and that the Action Group (the ruling party) used persecution and several dubious means to advance its electoral cause in the minority areas. Concerning the opposition of the Western regional government to a Mid West state, Vickers noted that while the government officially supported the creation of the state, it hinged its support on conditions designed to prevent the objective from being realized. Vickers devoted a chapter to the report of the commission, and, among other things, detailed its recom mendations for allaying the fears of the minorities. These included the establishment of a federal police force, constitutional provisions guaranteeing fundamental human rights, and the establishment of a special board for the development of the Niger Delt a. Among his many remarks, Vickers asserted that the provisions made for allaying the fears of the minorities were inadequate. He condemned the commission and the Colonial Office for not taking seriously the fears of the minorities. Indeed, he blamed them for being more concerned to allay the fears of the majorities and secure British interests. In his view, the e treason, he asserted, led to the civil war. It is pertinent to comment on one point Vickers failed to make, and on one he made with much emphasis. Vickers failed to make the point that the persecution of opposition groups in the minority areas of the W estern Region was not different in pattern and intensity from what
149 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studi es Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 2i3a6 .pdf the ruling party did in the opposition areas in Yorubaland. The point should have been made that, like stubborn step children in relation to stern step mothers, the minorities viewed of or bias against non Yoruba peoples. More importantly, Vickers declared repeatedly that the non creation of new states led to the civil war. However, he did not bo ther to show how this happened. No reader that is not quite familiar with Nigerian history can work out the argument himself, which is that division into small states would have made the subordinate units weaker, such that no head of a state government cou ld have been capable of using the machinery of government to drag an entire region out of the country. In the same vein, the creation of states in the East would have placed the oil resources of the region (one of the main interests of both sides to the wa r) under the control of the minorities who, as of then, did not feel big or united enough to seek to pull out of Nigeria. Moreover assertion, it was not inevitable that the three regional structure of N igeria (four regional structure from 1963 when the Mid Western Region was eventually created) would lead to civil war. The war was not only due to weaknesses in the structure of Nigeria. There were other variables at play, including the inability of the m ilitary officers who were at the helm at the time to make needed compromises. Vickers blended his narrative with exposition and analysis. His book is intellectually sophisticated, with many profound arguments. But there are two main weaknesses in his ove rall approach. One is that many facts and arguments were stated repeatedly, making the book somewhat prolix. The other weakness is that Vickers did not write with scholarly detachment. He wrote with much passion, such that the book could well have been su b titled: however, and largely because it is based on previously unused evidence, A Nation Betrayed is a most useful addition to the historiography of decolonization in N igeria. Okechukwu Edward Okeke Abia State University, Uturu, N igeria Cherryl Walker, Anna Bohlin, Ruth Hall, and Thembela Kepe ( eds. ). Land, Memory, Reconstruction, and Justice : Perspectives on Land Claims in South Africa Athens: Ohio University Press, 2010. xiv, 335 p p Black South Africans occasionally emphasized the importance of land to African existence and identity. Reverend Edward Tsewu, an important early twentieth century leader stated, in 1904: presidential address at the 1941 African National Congress Annual Conference and said: the land. From land, we deriv destruction of black urban areas and forced removal of populations during the apartheid years twentieth century is so vit al an issue in South Africa that sections of the 1993 interim constitution and the 1996 constitution are devoted to the restitution of land rights. One example of the government effort to publicize widely the deadline for land claims was a tee shirt emblaz
BOOK REVIEWS | 150 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 2i3a6 .pdf the front of the shirt, together with the deadline, 31 December 1998, and a pencil in a fist as it did in 1904. This background lends significance to Land, Memory, Reconstruction, and Justice : Perspectives on Land Claims in South Africa The editors describe the book as a collection of articles which post apartheid South Africa p. 1 ). The introduction and seventeen chapters examine and evaluate the implementation of the restitution policy, mainly emphasizing exampl es from the Western and Eastern Cape and Limpopo provinces. The authors build on a growing literature about restitution in South Africa, especially apparent in the bibliographies accompanying each chapter. Final updates to chapters were made in mid 2009 ( p. 13 ) dispossessed of property after 19 June 1913 as a result of past racially discriminatory laws or practices is entitled, to the extent provided by an Act of Parliame nt, either to restitution of that legal right in their chapters. Why the constitutional provision refers to 1913 is inadequately explained within this volume. The date is associated with the passage of the notorious Natives Land Act, which prohibited black South Africans from buying or leasing land outside of exception clause which allowed the Governor General to approve rural land purchases, something he did regularly between 1913 and 1936 (knowledge scholars rarely describe and Ac t was not responsible for the loss of African owned land (only buying opportunities) and the South African government did not have the power to expropriate African owned so called y of the claims for restitution concerned land loss between 1913 and 1948. Based on the Constitution, restitution should have been focused only on ownership and based program in that the dispossessed or their descendants have an enforceable right, confirmed in the Constitution, to restoration of, or compensation for, property In order to pursue its resti tution policy, the government established a Commission on Restitution of Land Rights, which recognized 79,696 claims, and a Land Claims Court. However, within a short period of time, restitution came to include broader land reform aims. The four authors reconciliation, its rural component has always had a recognized role within a broader rural (p. 288) ( p. 1 ) and Hanri M he
151 | BOOK REVIEWS African Studi es Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 2i3a6 .pdf p. 61 ) The restitution program becam e a program to correct injustice but also to overcome physical, emotional, and psychological loss suffered by those ( p. 76 ) A dominant theme that emerges from the essays is the very complicated nature of restitution and land reform in South Africa. Alan Dodson begins his essay by writing that ( p. 273 ) The complexity is linked, first of all, to the wide range of stakeholders: claimants, usually former owners of the land or houses, but eventually also tenants, and, on occasion, claimant organizations; national government agencies, including the Commission of the Restitution of Land Rights and the Regional Land Claims Commissions, as well as the Department of Land Affairs and other bureaucracies; local government, such as the governments of Cape Town and Durban; non governmental organizations; and different racial groups. Second, there were the urban claimants (over 70 percent) and rural claimants, about 28 percent, but accounting for far more people. Third, there was the matter of expectations: for the dispos sessed, monetary ( p. 135 ) Howe ver, if the land was returned, questions arose among the new owners: for what purpose will we use the land to meet housing needs, to farm on a small scale, to earn money from rental income, or to maintain a large commercial enterprise? As Chizuko Sato poi ( p. 228 ) and this absence of unanimity sometimes complicated restitution negotiations or created tensions after restitution. For governments, should the land be used for development a nd productive use or should restored land be part of a larger land reform process? Fourth, the location of the land could make a difference: prime real estate, as with District Six or commercial farms in Limpopo province, for example. Even i n this volume, the many different examples showed a great range, including Cato Manor in Durban, District Six and Black River (now a part of Rondebosch) in Cape Town; Kalk Bay, a fishing community in the Western Cape, Knysna and Covie on the Garden Route, and Roosboom in Kwazulu Natal. In addition, other case studies included the Makuleke on the western border of the Kruger Park and four other examples from Limpopo province, Shimange, Mavungeni, Munzhedzi, and people in the Levubu Valley. Various authors also point out that restitution claims may become entangled with other issues, such as political agendas, traditional leadership, gender, identity, and racial tensions. Time might play a role in claimant decision making because many of those who filed cla ims were elderly and, fearing that they would die before receiving their land, chose to accept monetary compensation instead. And, government priorities for selected properties sometimes changed, for example, from owners to tenants, particularly if the ci rcumstances of the owners had improved substantially since the time of the dispossession, or from coloreds or Indians to Africans. While some writers viewed their essays as an opportunity to explore new ways to implement restitution, to describe lessons could ensure the sustainable p. 274 ) Angela Conway and Tim
BOOK REVIEWS | 152 African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 3 | Summer 2011 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/pdfs/v1 2i3a6 .pdf the challenges of la (p. 140) Chizuko Sato points to the p. 228 ). Restitution of Land Rights, which include staffing improvements, changes in the Restitution omplex ( p. 284 ) Several other points are worth mentioning. The authors are individuals with a wide range of training and experience. They are academics, attorneys and a former judge, dissertation researchers, members of NGOs, and an em ployee of a government department. The quality of the book is enhanced by the participation of Cherryl Walker, a former regional land claims commissioner for Kwazulu Natal (1995 2000), as one of the editors and writer of an excellent chapter on Cato Manor in which Walker draws on her experience as a commissioner. Several of the chapters were revisions of articles published earlier. By December, 2006, 73,433 were settled. Final updates to chapters were made in mid 2009 ( p. 13 ) The tone of at least half of the essays is critical of the land restitution process or of the participants involved in trying to settle claims, including claimants themselves. Some analysts s settlement of urban claims through cash payouts alongside a handful of alternative attempts to ( p. 32 ) tution for failing to take a is neither returning sufficient amount s of land to people nor facilitating the effective u se of the p. 100 ) ( p. 139 ) while Uma Dhupelia Mesthrie concludes her particularly enlightening and sensitive chapter by referring to p 97 98 ) In a decisions ( p. 128 ) But some of the blame may re late to the claimants themselves; M. Aliber, T. communities general p. 303 ) For this reviewer, the picture that emerges about the very c omplicated effort to achieve the constitutional restitution mandate is most enlightening and makes Land, Memo ry, Reconstruction, and Justice: Perspectives on Land Claims in South Africa a useful addition to the literature. Equally important, restitution is not yet complete ; consequently the critiques and recommendations presented in this volume may still have an impact. Harvey M. Feinberg Southern Connecticut State University