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Publication Date: Winter 2001
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Table of Contents
    Cover
        Page i
    Editorial staff
        Page ii
        Page iii
    Table of Contents
        Page iv
    Human rights abuse in Kenya under Daniel Arap Moi, 1978-2001
        Page 1
        Page 2
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
        Page 12
        Page 13
        Page 14
        Page 15
        Page 16
        Page 17
        Page 18
    The state and development in Southern Africa
        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
        Page 22
        Page 23
        Page 24
        Page 25
        Page 26
        Page 27
        Page 28
        Page 29
        Page 30
        Page 31
        Page 32
    The public sector, privatization, and development in Sub-Saharan Africa
        Page 33
        Page 34
        Page 35
        Page 36
        Page 37
        Page 38
        Page 39
        Page 40
        Page 41
        Page 42
        Page 43
        Page 44
        Page 45
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        Page 47
        Page 48
        Page 49
        Page 50
    Book reviews
        Page 51
        Page 52
        Page 53
        Page 54
        Page 55
        Page 56
        Page 57
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Full Text














African Studies Quarterly



Volume 5, Issue 1
Winter 2001












Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Florida


ISSN: 2152-2448










African Studies Quarterly

Editorial Staff

Elizabeth Beaver
Lin Cassidy
Michael Chege
Corinna Greene
Maria Grosz-Ngate
Parakh Hoon
Alice Jones-Nelson
Brian King
Rebecca Klein
Carol Lauriault
Todd Leedy
Andy Lepp
Steve Marr
Ade Ofunniyin
Roos Willems
Andrew Woods



































African Studies Quarterly I Volume 5, Issue 1 I Winter 2001
http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq









































University of Florida Board of Trustees, a public corporation of the State of Florida; permission is hereby granted for
individuals to download articles for their own personal use. Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Florida.








































African Studies Quarterly I Volume 5, Issue 1 I Winter 2001
http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq









Table of Contents


Human Rights Abuse in Kenya under Daniel arap Moi, 1978-2001
Korwa G. Adar and Isaac M. Munyae (1-17)

The State and Development in Southern Africa
Osei Hwedi (19-31)

The Public Sector, Privatization, and Development in Sub-Saharan Africa
James S. Guseh (33-49)


Book Reviews

African Politics and Society: A Mosaic in Transformation
Peter J. Schraeder. Boston: Bedford/St.Martin's Press, 2000.
Stefano Bellucci (51-52)

The New Africa: Dispatches from a Changing Continent
Robert M. Press. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1999.
Ken Menkhauss (52-54)

Africa's Political Stability: Ideas, Values and Questions
Muyiwa Falaiye (ed.). Lagos and Ontario: Panaf Publishing Inc., 1999.
Raphael Chijioke Njoku (54-56)

Wars of Imperial Conquest in Africa 1830-1914.
Bruce Vandervort. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1998.
David S. Fick (56-57)

Liberating the Family ? Gender and British Slave Emancipation in the Rural Western Cape,
South Africa, 1823-1853.
Pamela Scully. Portsmouth, Heinemann, 1997.
Cheryl Hendricks (57-59)

Wringing Success from Failure in Late-Developing Countries: Lessons from the Field.
Joseph Stepanek F. Westport: Praeger Publishers, 1999.
Osaore Aideyan (59-61)

Trevor Huddleston: A Life.
Robin Denniston. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1999.
David Leaver (61-62)

English in Ghana.
M. E. Kropp Dakubu, ed. Accra: Ghana English Study Association, 1997.
T. Temi Ajani (62-65)


African Studies Quarterly I Volume 5, Issue 1 I Winter 2001
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African Studies Quarterly I Volume 5, Issue 1 I Winter 2001


Human Rights Abuse in Kenya Under Daniel Arap Moi, 1978-

2001


KORWA G. ADAR AND ISAAC M MUNYAE


Introduction

Jomo Kenyatta, the founding president of Kenya, passed away in August 1978 after
fourteen years as head of state. His successor, Daniel Arap Moi, served as Kenyattas vice-
president from 1966 1978. During Kenyatta's presidency, the political realm was dominated by
a small Kikuyu elite, the so-called Kiambu Mafia, from Kenyata's home district. This group
undermined Kenyatta's nationalist and populist background, alienating other ethnic groups, as
well as many non-conforming Kikuyus. Although Moi was loyal to Kenyatta, he was never
accepted into Kenyatta's inner circle. He also came from a small community--the Kalenjin. He
was regarded by Kenyans to be the right candidate to steer the country towards a more
accommodating human rights era, without ethnic dominance.
This general perception of Moi by Kenyans was reinforced by the decisions and promises
he made immediately he took over the presidency. In December 1978 Moi released all twenty-
six political detainees across the ethnic spectrum, most of whom had been languishing in jails
for years.1 He also reassured Kenyans that his administration would not condone drunkenness,
"tribalism", corruption, and smuggling, problems already deeply entrenched in Kenya.2 His
administration also took quick actions against top civil servants accused of corruption,
culminating in the resignations of officials including the Police Commissioner, Bernard Hinga.
These actions were interpreted by Kenyans as an indication of the dawn of a new era, a
conducive environment for adherence to democracy and human rights.
In due course, however, Moi became more interested in neutralizing those perceived to be
against his leadership. The issues of corruption, "tribalism" and human rights per se became
distant concerns. Instead, Moi began to centralize and personalize power when he took over the
presidency. He pledged to follow Kenyatta's nyayo (Swahili for "footsteps"). He wanted
ordinary Kenyans to perceive him as a true nationalist in his own right, and as a close confidant
of Kenyatta. He traveled constantly throughout the country addressing many prearranged or ad
hoc public gatherings. He popularized nyayo within the context of what he called "love, peace
and unity".3 His grand design turned out to be a strategy geared toward the achievement of
specific objectives, namely, the control of the state, the consolidation of power, the



Korwa G. Adar is a Senior Lecturer in International Relations, International Studies Unit, Political Studies
Department, Rhodes University. Isaac M Munyae recently completed his MA in International Studies, International
Studies Unit, Political Studies Department, Rhodes University. The authors are indebted to the African Studies
Quarterly review committee for their helpful comments.
http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v5/v5ilal.pdf
University of Florida Board of Trustees, a public corporation of the State of Florida; permission is hereby granted for individuals
to download articles for their own personal use. Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Florida.
ISSN: 2152-2448






2 I Adar amd Munyae


legitimization of his leadership, and the broadening of his political base and popular support. It
turned out this strategy called for little respect of human rights.
Initially, Moi's ascendancy to the presidency faced a major handicap because of the
dissension against his leadership from within the ranks of the ruling party, Kenya African
National Union (KANU). This came from the influential "Kiamba Mafia" that had constituted
themselves into what became known as the Change the Constitution Movement.4 The main
objective of the movement was to bar Moi from taking over the presidency. The group called for
the amendment of the Kenyan constitutional clause which conferred rights on the Vice-
President to take over the presidency for ninety days pending the general elections should the
office of the president fall vacant.5 The movement failed, mainly due to the opposition it faced
from Moi's ally, attorney general Charles Njonjo. Moi succeeded in assuming the presidency
and thereafter began to systematically institute an authoritarian and oppressive one-man state
rule.
Kenyatta's style of restraint and steering the country as a de facto one-party state did not
conform to Moi's leadership and behavioral characteristics. Moi's style -- the centralization and
personalization of power -- gradually laid the foundation for a dictatorship and innumerable
human rights violations by his administration. When Jaramogi Oginga Odinga and George
Anyona sought to register a socialist opposition party in 1982, Moi struck back by making the
country a de jure one party state. He criminalized competitive politics and criticism of his
leadership.6 Throughout the 1980s to 1990s the security forces, particularly the police, were used
to suppress any criticism of his regime.
To ensure his grip on power, Moi systematically usurped the functions of the other
institutions of governance to the extent that the principle of the separation of powers was
rendered ineffectual. A few days after releasing all the political detainees, he rushed a bill
through Kenya's parliament which granted the president emergency powers for the first time in
Kenya's post-independence history. Moi associated insecurity and instability with open
criticisms and challenge to his policies and style of leadership. Patronage and loyalty therefore
has remained characteristic of Moi's leadership style which has enabled him to centralize and
personalize his rule.7 For more than two decades as Kenya's head of state, the second longest
serving president in Sub-Saharan Africa -- Moi has remained what has been described as a
"tribal paramount chief writ large".8 In return for patronage, he enjoys praise from civil servants
and KANU officials to an embarrassing degree. For example, in one of the numerous public
functions he attended, a senior minister stated while pointing at him: "There, is enshrined in
human form the popular will ... Even lobsters and fishes of the sea, out to the 200- mile limit and
even beyond, pay obeisance to our great president the Honorable Daniel Arap Moi."9
This article deals with the manner in which the autocratic patronage system established by Moi
has undermined the rule of law and respect for human rights in Kenya. It is an authoritarian
system in which the president delegates no responsibilities and becomes personally involved in
almost everything in the country, particularly issues concerning the rights of individual Kenya
citizens to speak their minds, assemble without hindrance, write and publish without being
molested.


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Human Rights Abuse in Kenya Under Daniel arap Moi, 1978-2001 I 3


THE INSTITUTIONALIZATION, CENTRALIZATION AND PERSONALIZATION OF THE
PRESIDENCY

The trend began with presidential directives and constitutional amendments. Apart from
the Constitution of Kenya, Amendment Act, Number 7 of 1982, which introduced Section 2(A)
transforming the country into a de jure one-party state, Kenya's parliament, on Moi's order,
reinstated the detention laws which had been suspended in 1978. Colonial era laws, like the
Chief's Authority Act, the Public Order Act, the Preservation of Public Security Act, the Public
Order Act, and the Penal Codes, gave the president the right to suspend individual rights
guaranteed by the constitution.10 The parliamentary privilege, which gave representatives the
right to obtain information from the Office of the President, was also revoked. This meant that
members of parliament, and by extension their constituents, surrendered their constitutional
rights to the presidency. Parliamentary supremacy became subordinated to the presidency and
the ruling KANU party."
For the first time in Kenya's post independence history, the provincial administrators
(Provincial Commissioners[PCs], the District Commissioners[DCs], and District Officers [DOs])
who are civil servants, were directed by the Office of the President to get involved in the
internal affairs of KANU. They were to review and clear party meetings throughout the country
and to isolate dissenters. KANU officials and members of parliament henceforth were subjected
to these administrative procedures, undermining the meaning and legitimacy of representation
in Kenya's legislature. These reorganizations and restructuring had a number of implications.
First, the structures of representation both within KANU and parliament were obscured. The
provincial administration now had the power to prevent an elected member of parliament from
addressing his or her own constituents. Second, patronage and loyalty to the President became
mandatory for one's political survival. In the 1988 general elections most members of
parliament were not elected but selected by the party.12 One of the first victims to fail the loyalty
test was the man behind Moi's smooth ascendancy to the Presidency, Charles Njonjo, then
attorney general and minister for constitutional affairs, who was accused of plotting to
overthrow Moi's government.13 Third, those perceived to be against the President and KANU
policies were denied the right to contest electoral seats.
By 1981 all the ethnic-centered welfare associations had been banned. These included the
Luo Union, the Gikuyu, Embu, and Meru Association (GEMA), and the Abaluhya Union. The
president also outlawed the Civil Servants Union (CSU) and the Nairobi University Academic
Staff Union (UASU). In 1986 Moi gave a directive for the Maendeleo Ya Wanawake
Organization (MYWO), a national non-governmental organization for women, to be affiliated to
KANU, and in 1987 officially changed its name to KANU-MYWO.14 The Central Organization of
Trade Unions (COTU), the umbrella body for most of the trade unions in Kenya, had been an
ally of KANU for more than two decades, with most of its top leadership frequently selected by
KANU, particularly in the 1980s to 1990s. These changes strengthened party-state relations and
solidified presidential control of the state. Between 1964 to 1990, twenty-four constitutional
amendments were enacted by parliament, all intended to strengthen the presidency at the
expense of civil rights.


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4 I Adar amd Munyae


On the 1st of August 1982 there was a military coup attempt by some junior Kenya Air
Force officers. It was put down at an estimated 600 to 1,800 lives. This accelerated the process of
the control of the state and solidified Moi's authoritarian rule.15 In 1986 parliament enacted Act
No. 14 followed in 1988 by Act No.4, imposing limitations on the independence of the judiciary,
with far reaching human rights violations. Sections 61(1) and (2) of the Constitution empower
the president to appoint the chief justice and puisne judges respectively upon the
recommendations of the Judicial Services Commission (JSC) which is also appointed by the
president. The 1986 and 1988 constitutional amendments provided for the removal of the
security and tenure of the Attorney General, the Controller and Auditor General, the judges of
the High Court and the Court of Appeal. Parliament, which at this time was under the control
of the executive arm of the government, did not resist these amendments. The control of
parliament and the judiciary meant that the office of the president was in a position to
manipulate the functions of the two branches of the government. Both Parliament and the
Judiciary ceased to have the constitutional rights to control the excesses of the executive. There
were no checks and balances on Moi's personal authority.
Two major events happened before Act 14 of 1986 was passed in Parliament to symbolize
the unchecked power of the executive. In his ruling in a case in which an American marine had
murdered a Kenyan woman in Mombassa, a judge found the accused guilty but fined the
marine only Kenyan shillings 500 (about $50) and bonded him for one year probation.16 The
issue was raised in parliament thereafter because of the light sentence imposed by the judge.
The then Attorney General, James B. Karugu, as the chief legal advisor to the government,
responded by criticizing the decision of the judge. He did not last long in his position. After
that, the Controller and Auditor General questioned why a state owned corporation engaged
the services of a private lawyer in this particular case.17 His office became the object of executive
branch criticism. Moi interpreted both of these actions as direct threats to his leadership and
thus pressured parliament to enact the amendments to give him more authority over the
judiciary and the audit department. The police had, through Act 14 of 1988, the prerogative to
detain the critiques of the regime for fourteen days while coercing them into submission. By this
time parliament was functioning largely as a rubber stamp of policies initiated by the
presidency.
President Moi's control of parliament thereafter was extended to elections. The "Queue"
voting system introduced by KANU in 1986 replaced the secret ballot with a system where
voters lined up behind candidates. Those parliamentary candidates who secured more than 70
percent of the votes did not have to go through the process of the secret ballot in the general
elections. This system encouraged electoral rigging and paved the way for what has been
described elsewhere as "selection within an election". In a situation where there was a dispute
over head-count, a repeat of the same process was not possible at the end of the exercise.18 The
provincial administrators, who were the election officers, were only answerable to the
presidency and they declared as winners only those candidates favored by the regime. Disputes
arising out of nominations were often refereed to the president personally as the final arbiter
over matters pertaining to the only political party in the country. Kenyans thus lost their right to
vote for parliamentary candidates of their choice.


African Studies Quarterly I Volume 5, Issue 1 I Winter 2001
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Human Rights Abuse in Kenya Under Daniel arap Moi, 1978-2001 I 5


The judicial system could not protect human rights either. The British judges who have
continued to serve Kenya as part of the British overseas development aid are more susceptible
to the manipulation than their Kenyan counterparts because they are seconded on contracts.19
Under the terms of the agreement between Kenya and the United Kingdom, the renewal of
contracts were at the discretion of the Kenya government.20 A former British expatriate judge in
Kenya, Eugene Cotran, openly stated that in cases in which the president has direct interest, the
government applied pressure on the expatriate judges to make rulings in favor of the state.21 It
was as a result of similar circumstances, that two expatriate judges, Justices Derek Schofield and
Patrick O'Connor, resigned because of what they called a judicial system "blatantly contravened
by those who are supposed to be its supreme guardians".22
Interference with the judicial process in the late 1990s, with respect to "political" cases, rose
to a new high. At a workshop held at Mbagathi (Nairobi) in April 1995, Judges Bena Lata and
William Mbuya accused the government of interfering in cases that were then in court.23 The
attempts by the Law Society of Kenya (LSK) to achieve the repeal of the restrictions and to
handle legal cases in the courts of law without interference and intimidation landed some of the
outspoken lawyers in detention in the 1980s. In 1990, the Office of the President succeeded in
manipulating the LSK elections which saw its sponsored candidate, Fred Ojiambo, defeating the
pro-multiparty supporter, Paul Muite, for the chairmanship.24 This move was designed to
control the legal profession by the state.
To bolster his grip on power, Moi also embarked on the gradual Kalenjinization of the
public and private sectors from the 1980s. Moi is a Tugen, one of the smaller Kalenjin ethnic
groups. He began to "de-Kikuyunize" the civil service and the state-owned enterprises
previously dominated by the Kikuyu ethnic group during Kenyatta's regime. He appointed
Kalenjins in key posts in, among others, Agricultural Development Corporation (ADC), Kenya
Commercial Bank (KCB), Kenya Posts and Telecommunications (KPT), Central Bank of Kenya
(CBK), Kenya Industrial Estates (KIE), National Cereals and Produce Board (NCPB), and the
Kenya Grain Growers Cooperative Union (KGGCU). He created Nyayo Tea Zones (NTZ),
Nyayo Bus Company (NBC) and Nyayo Tea Zones Development Corporation (NTZDC).25
The only remaining major worry for the presidency by 1990 was the church, particularly
the Anglican Church (then known as the Church of Province of Kenya), the Catholic Church
and the Presbyterian Church of East Africa, which together account for over 70% of the Kenyan
Christian community, a majority of the population. Together with the umbrella organization,
the National Council of Churches of Kenya (NCCK), the church has persistently and
consistently used the pulpit to criticize Moi's authoritarian regime.26 What Moi has established
over the years is a clear manifestation of an institutionalized authoritarian regime with a habit
of human rights violations. It was not until the return of multiparty politics in Kenya, after
demonstrations in 1990, that the situation changed.

ASSASSINATION, REPRESSION AND DETENTION WITHOUT TRIAL OF DISSIDENTS

When the Kenya African Democratic Union (KADU), of which Moi was the chairman,
crossed the floor and joined KANU in 1964, Moi was appointed by Kenyatta as the minister for
home affairs. He became the Vice-President in 1967, but kept the home affairs portfolio. The


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6 I Adar amd Munyae


Kenyan police force, which at the time of independence out numbered the national defense
forces, was under his jurisdiction as the minister for home affairs. Kenya Police includes the
Criminal Investigation Department (CID), the paramilitary General Service Unit (GSU), and the
Directorate of Security and Intelligence (DSI). Moi therefore was exposed to the structure and
functions of the police force for fourteen years before he became president. Under Kenyatta's
instructions, Vice-President Moi invoked his administrative prerogatives to detain Oginga
Odinga and the other eight leaders of the then opposition Kenya People's Union (KPU) in 1969
when that party was proscribed by Kenyatta. Moi explained that the KPU leaders were
detained because "any government worth its salt must put the preservation of public security
above the convenience of a handful of persons who are doing their utmost to undermine it".27
As the person in charge of internal security for fourteen years, he established a network of
supporters within the ranks of the intelligence community. It was one of his counter-intelligence
supporters, James Kanyotu, who telephoned him when Kenyatta died in 1978.28
Detentions and political trials, torture, arbitrary arrests and police brutality reminiscent of
the colonial era have become common during Moi's tenure. He perceives human rights
generally as alien and Euro centric conceptions inconsistent with African values and culture. He
views the pro-democracy and human rights advocates in Kenya as unpatriotic, disloyal, and
ungrateful individuals influenced by what he calls foreign masters.29 A few years after taking
over the presidency, Moi began to exercise his style of authoritarianism by detaining a number
of Kenyans critical of his government. Table One indicates the extent to which detention has
been consistently used as an instrument for suppressing Moi's outspoken opponents in the
1980s and 1990s. Some of these detainees were former or sitting MPs arrested for demanding,
among other things, the introduction of multiparty politics.
After the university staff union was banned, University of Nairobi faculty members, Willy
Mutunga and Katama Mukangi, were detained for what Moi called "over-indulgence in
politics".30 This was just the beginning of the crackdown on Kenyans by his Administration in
the 1980s. Apart from detaining the UASU leaders, the passports of lecturers considered to be
critical of his rule were seized.31
Moi's actions were meant to silence the intelligent, perceived to be critical of his
authoritarian rule. The emergence of the little known clandestine London based movement,
Mwakenya, set the stage for more widespread human rights violations by his Administration.
In 1986 alone, 100 people were arrested and detained for their alleged association with
Mwakenya, the movement started by some Kenyans in Europe who had fled Moi's oppression,
demanded, inter alia, social justice and respect for human rights.32 Even though Moi made a big
issue out of the movement, there was no tangible evidence of a well organized group in the
country that threatened Kenya's national security and which would have warranted the
massive arbitrary arrest, torture, and detention without trial of the suspects. Moi used the same
tactic when he denounced the February Eighteenth Movement (FEM) which he accused of
planning attacks on Kenya to be launched from Uganda in the early 1990s.33
Between 1989 to 1991 Kenya saw one of the worst human rights violations in its history.
Moi accused advocates of multiparty politics of subversion, and thereby got a fresh excuse for
detaining a new generation of his critics. A number of the champions of multiparty politics--
John Khaminwa, Raila Odinga, Mohammed Ibrahim, Gitobu Imanyara, Kenneth Matiba and


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Human Rights Abuse in Kenya Under Daniel arap Moi, 1978-2001 I 7


Charles Rubia--among others, were detained under inhuman conditions and without trial.
Human rights lawyers, Gibson Kamau Kuria and Kiraitu Murungi, fled to the United States to
avoid being jailed.
Arrests and detentions in fact followed every one of Moi's warning against his critics. As
has been the practice throughout his leadership, the police moved quickly and arrested those in
the forefront for democracy, with the judiciary merely sanctioning what is commonly known in
Kenya as political cases.34 A case becomes political when Moi makes a direct statement
regarding the case in question even when it has subjudice implications.35 The ruling against the
Universities Academic Staff Union (UASU) and its officials between 1993 to 1995 serve as good
examples of the level of state interference in political cases.36 The union which sought to
promote academic freedom and professionalism in Kenya universities was defended by seven
well known human rights lawyers: Pheroze Nowrojee, James Orengo, Gibson Kamau Kuria,
Paul Muite, Kiraitu Murungi, Otieno Kajwang' and Kathurima M'Inoti, among others. The
courts refused outright to hear it while the police harassed its officials.
Suppression of freedom of the press, assembly, association, expression and movement and
other fundamental rights of individuals were extended to the press, and non-governmental
organizations. In 1991 Moi banned the production of George Orwell's Animal Farm. He also
banned Ngugi Wa Thiong's play Ngaahika Ndeenda (Kikuyu for, "I Will Marry When I Want")
considered by the regime to be subversive because it attacks post-independence African
dictators.37
By this time detention and the violation of human rights were regularly protested by civil
society, with the church and the LSK taking the lead. Since the 1980s the church had remained
the central locus of dissent against the Moi regime, with the pro-democracy and human rights
movements using cathedrals and the compounds of churches as venues for expressing their
views and drawing plans for action. But using the church as a refuge did not deter the regime
from arresting, assaulting and detaining its critiques within church compounds. In one of his
sermons, the late Anglican Bishop Alexander K. Muge emphasized that the church has a moral
obligation to "protest when God-given rights and liberties are violated" and to give voice to
the voiceless".38 Even though some politicians and the Office of the President condemned his
criticism of the queue voting system, Bishop Muge maintained that: "I shall not protest against
violations of human rights in South Africa if I am not allowed to protest the violation of human
rights in my own country".39 Yet not even the clergy was spared arrest by the police. The
Presbyterian minister Rev. Timothy Njoya was arrested in 1988 for suggesting that Kenyans
should hold discussions on critical questions affecting the country. Bishop Muge's death in a car
crash in August 1990 is still shrouded in mystery.
As demands for competitive elections and an end to detention without trial continued,
Kenya's Foreign Affairs Minister, Dr. Robert Ouko, was assassinated in February 1990.
Demands to reveal his real murders amplified those for pluralism and respect for human rights.
To save his regime from collapse, Moi adopted even greater authoritarian tactics arguing on a
number of occasions that multipartism would cause chaos in the country because Kenya was
not "cohesive enough". Clergymen, lawyers, and other pro-democracy and human rights
advocates were persistently arrested and harassed. The crackdown intensified during the Saba
Saba (July 7) 1990 meeting, organized by the pro-democracy and human rights advocates. Some


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of these leaders later founded the Forum for the Restoration of Democracy (FORD). The forum
advocated an end to jailing dissenters without trial. The attempt by the American embassy to
broker a negotiated permission for FORD to hold its first public meeting scheduled for 16
November, 1991 failed. The government refused to issue a permit and instead arrested Oginga
Odinga and Gitobu Imanyara. Masinde Muliro, Martin Shikuku, James Orengo, and Paul Muite
managed to go into hiding. The FORD leaders, however, later went ahead with the meeting, but
were arrested by the police who forcefully dispersed the gathering.
Instead of ending detention, the government arrested leaders who then were charged
under section 5(10)(d) of the Public Security Act. The Act states that "any person who prints,
publishes, displays, distributes or circulates notice of, or in any other manner advertises or
publicizes, a public meeting or public procession which has not been licensed under this
section, shall be guilty of an offense".40
The US Congress, concerned with human rights violations and corruption, passed the
Foreign Operations, Export Financing, and Related Programs Appropriations Act of 1991
requiring Kenya to meet certain conditions before $15 million in economic and military aid
could be disbursed.41 These conditions were based on the provisions that Kenya "charge and try
or release all prisoners, including any persons detained for political reasons; cease any physical
abuse or mistreatment of prisoners; restore the independence of the judiciary; and restore
freedoms of expression."42 US Congressional concerns for human rights violations in Kenya
gained momentum in the 1990s, culminating in a fact finding mission to Kenya by high ranking
Senators and the release of Kenneth Matiba, Charles Rubia, Raila Odinga, and Gitobu Imanyara.
At this point the KANU government tactically gave in. It agreed to repeal Section 2A of the
Constitution which made Kenya a de jure one-party state. This decision paved the way for the
formation of political parties, namely FORD (Forum for Restoration of Democracy) led by the
opposition veteran, Oginga Odinga, and the Democratic Party of Kenya (DP) under Mwai
Kibaki. There were other smaller parties. By splitting their votes against Moi's KANU, the
opposition assured KANU a victory, albeit one characterized by violent repression and
unfairness at the polls. Violations of human rights continued even under the conditions of a
symbolic multi-party democracy.

HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS UNDER MULTI-PARTY RULE

When Kenya entered the second multi-party era it was assumed that by allowing
opposition to exist, the government would create an enabling environment for its citizens to
freely exercise their constitutionally guaranteed rights. What resulted, however, was continuity
in human rights violations by the police, and government-supported armed militia and hired
thugs. The arbitrary arrests, detentions, and the practice of the interference of the judiciary by
the executive, also continued for most of the 1990s.
In the early 1990s, the KANU government went as far as instigating ethnic violence in
order to portray the multi-party system as inappropriate for Kenya. Ethnic cleansing was
introduced in order to eliminate opposition in "KANU-only zones." From various independent
human rights reports, the 1992 and 1998 ethnic violence in the Rift Valley Province was
deliberately inflamed for political purposes by members of the government. Violence spread in


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Human Rights Abuse in Kenya Under Daniel arap Moi, 1978-2001 I 9


the Likoni-Kwale (Coast Province) prior to and after the 1997 general elections, in areas where
opposition to KANU was strong. The 1998 clashes were different from the previous ones in that
this time the Kikuyu community in the Rift Valley retaliated in an organized fashion which the
attackers had not anticipated.
Independent investigators again confirmed state complicity in these 1997 violations of
human rights. A task force appointed by KANU as well as a parliamentary committee
reaffirmed the findings of the National Christian Council of Kenya (NCCK) that the state was
involved in widespread ethnic cleansing in the Rift Valley.43 As ethnic conflict and other forms
of human rights violations intensified in the early 1990s, the church issued statements
protesting the government's inaction in maintaining order and in stopping human rights
violations. In one of their pastoral letters addressed to Moi, the Roman Catholic Church wrote:
"Although our pleas, requests and advice ... seem to have been ignored by you, we on our
side will not abandon our responsibilities. We have seen and heard of so much wickedness
perpetrated in Kenya since the clashes began. Innocent people, peaceful and humble, and even
churches and mosques have been attacked and destroyed. All these abominations are done in
your name, by some of your Cabinet Ministers, your DCs, DOs, your GSU and your police."44
The use of militia to instigate violence on behalf of KANU and the government began with
the 1991-1993 ethnic clashes. To attack opposition groups, "Kalenjin warriors" donned
traditional attire and used arrows from South Korea transported by helicopters.45 Political
violence also occurred in 1997 and 1998 in the Rift Valley Province, particularly in Trans Nzoia
and Nakuru Districts. As in the 1992 ethnic clashes, the conflict was between pro-KANU
supporters and ethnic communities that were deemed sympathetic to the opposition.
According to human rights groups, the fact that the Provincial Administrators, the GSU,
and the police were involved in the conflicts again implicated the state. An investigative report
into the Likoni-Kwale violence of August 1997, produced by the Kenya Human Rights
Commission, for instance, established that the causes of the violence were essentially the
politicization of the socioeconomic situation in the region by local politicians.46 The report
implied involvement of the government in that Mombassa KANU politicians, Rashid Sajad and
Karisa Maitha, had paid a visit to an armed militia training camp in Shimba Hills. They
reassured young men recruited from Uganda, Rwanda (mainly Hutus), and Ukunda (Coast
Province) that the government was not only behind but also supported the expulsion of "up-
country" people from the area.47
Apart from the assumption based on evidence that the clashes were not being perpetrated
by indigenous people, there are also other instances that indicate that the government was
either not concerned about the human rights violations against opposition inclined ethnic
groups or it was behind the attacks. On January 27, 1998, a group of Catholic priests and nuns,
international journalists, and a unit of about thirty-eight policemen witnessed a Kalenjin raid on
a Kikuyu homestead near the junction of Njoro and Molo in the Rift Valley Province. The police
did not act until the nuns ran after the raiders.48
As noted above, one of the main objectives of the regime in instigating ethnic cleansing was
to "prove" to Kenyans and the world that multiparty politics was not suitable for a multi-ethnic
country like Kenya. Moi wanted to demonstrate that he is not willing to relinquish power and
control of the state. Indeed, he is fearful of the potential consequences if he were to loose power


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because of the misdeeds and corrupt practices associated with his regime. Despite a multiparty
election, detention, arbitrary arrests and torture of ordinary people -- particularly the pro-
democracy and human rights advocates and the opposition members of parliament -- continued
although at a declining rate throughout the 1990s. The continued arrests of members of
parliament in particular undermined the right of representation. Members of parliament have
been arrested for addressing "illegal" meetings even in cases where such meetings are licensed
by the government.49
In a report on Kenya submitted to the United Nations in 1993, the Committee on Economic,
Social and Cultural Rights (CESCR) stated that although Kenya has been a party to the
Convention since 3 January 1976, it had not submitted a single report as stipulated under
Articles 16 and 17 of the covenant. The committee also observed that there is no institutional
mechanism in Kenya responsible for the enforcement of human rights, with the High Court
performing no constitutional role in this regard.50 The state continued to interfere with court
evidence as was shown in the case of Koigi wa Wamwere who had been charged with
subversion in 1994. His defense attorneys discovered that the Magistrate, William Tuiyot, had
interfered with the proceedings.51
Despite the pressure mounted by internal pro-democracy and human rights groups,
another type of repression came into the scene after the 1992 elections: informal repression by
the state. This involved the use of proxy agencies and groups to attack the pro-democracy and
human rights supporters. Although not new to Kenya, this became an important political tool
under Moi in the multiparty era.52 During the December 1992 elections, and again in 1997, the
KANU government used its control over the instruments of coercion and the Electoral
Commission to place an undue advantage over the opposition. Private militia and groups of
thugs were used to disrupt opposition rallies.
At the same time, KANU adopted a number of strategies that undermined free and fair
elections in 1992 and 1997. Among them was lopsided voter registration which excluded
opposition voters, an Electoral Commission of Kenya (ECK) that was biased, intimidation of
journalists, and banning of print media that is critical of the regime. The Provincial
Administration in both elections helped KANU undermine the opposition party's prospects
from gaining ground in the elections. The commissioners of the ECK were appointed by the
President alone despite protest by the opposition. It the ignored protests of nearly four million
eligible voters, (particularly the youth who had attained the age of eighteen years) who were
denied registration in 1992.
Voting in 1992 and 1997 was characterized by the suppression of voters' rights by the
government in 1997. It was reported that in the Likoni polling stations in the Coast Province,
"up-country" people could not vote because their names did not appear on the register, even
though they had viable voter registration cards. In one incident, an "up-country" lawyer
working in Mombassa insisted on checking the register and actually found his name.53 The ECK
was taking advantage of people's ignorance to ensure a KANU victory at the coast and
elsewhere. Journalists were ill-treated and attacked by police for reporting these incidents. In
February 1997, for instance, Susan Mosoke, a photographer, was assaulted by an administration
policeman when covering a story on the deliberate delay in the issuance of identity cards so that
people would not be able to register for voting.54


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Human Rights Abuse in Kenya Under Daniel arap Moi, 1978-2001 I 11


In the build-up to the 1997 elections, opposition demonstrations in favor of constitutional
reforms to ensure free and fair elections were met with police beatings. Under external donor
pressure, some amendments were made and enacted in November 1997, however, the police
continued to contravene the constitution by violating the rights enshrined in the constitution.
The reform champions demanded repeal of the Preservation of Public Security Act, sections of
the Penal Code dealing with sedition and treason, the Public Order Act, the Chiefs Authority
Act, the Administration Police Act and the Societies Act.55 These were laws used to lock up and
detain human rights campaigners and pro-democracy activists. These reforms were actively
supported by church groups, opposition parties, human rights organizations, and other NGOs
under the forum of the National Convention Assembly (NCA). They challenged the impartiality
of the Electoral Commission, decried restrictions on opposition parties, and demanded
unhindered access to the broadcast media and a fair registration process.56
These reforms were the result of negotiations by an inter-party forum known as the Inter-
Parties Parliamentary Group (IPPG). It made recommendations to Parliament and some laws
were indeed changed.57 The Public Order Act gave way to a measure of freedom of assembly as
long as police were notified by organizers of public gatherings. The police could now prevent
the holding of a meeting if notice of another meeting had been received and there was a conflict.
However, the police are still authorized to stop or prevent the holding of a meeting if no notice
has been given, or if another meeting in the same venue presents "clear or imminent dangers of
the breach of peace or the public order."58 The police subsequently used this clause to stop
meetings deemed as likely to undermine the ruling party's authority. The authority of the chief
to regulate the movement of persons from the jurisdiction of one chief to another--another act
violating the right of free movement--was repealed in the amendments to the Chiefs' Act.
However, the local administration still practices the power of arrest and detention.
In May 1998, a meeting by KANU and opposition MPs at Kwanza (Rift Valley Province)
was declared illegal. The police beat politicians, journalists, and the general public to prevent
the rally.59 A subsequent opposition public meeting was invaded by thirty armed raiders. The
police reportedly did nothing to stop the raiders. On January 16, 1999, during vote counting of a
by-election in Eastern Province, police used wooden clubs and batons to disperse a crowd
outside the vote counting hall. They were protesting the announcement of a narrow victory by
the KANU candidate based on the counting of the contested ballot boxes.60 The police entered
the hall and beat up opposition MPs. On June 10, 1999, police resorted to tear gas and force to
break up a public rally by KANU and opposition MPs at Machakos, Eastern Province, who had
met to discuss issues of concern to the Kamba people.61 On February 26, 1999, police used tear
gas and police dogs to stop MPs and farmers from holding a public rally at Eldoret, Rift Valley
Province. In this context, police brutality was directed towards leaders who wanted to discuss
the problems their constituents were facing; the government perceived this as criticism.
Despite the presence of a vocal opposition in parliament since 1992, the judiciary has
contributed to the consistency and continuity of the human rights violations. Victims of human
rights violations are thus left without judicial protection, the High Court having decided that it
has no jurisdiction to enforce the human rights provisions of Chapter V of the Constitution,
even though section 84 of the Constitution provides for redress before the High Court for


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12 I Adar amd Munyae


violation of any of its provisions.62 Undue interference with the judiciary by the executive
branch in matters of appointment continued with the presidency playing a major role.
Judges who made rulings in favor of human rights victims exposed themselves to punitive
transfers. In September 1994, a chief magistrate was transferred to Kitui, Eastern Province (130
km. from Nairobi) after he refused to accept as evidence the confession of six men accused of
raiding the Ndeiya Chief's Camp near Nairobi. The appointment of Bernard Chunga (formerly
the chief state Prosecutor) as Chief Justice by Moi in September 1999, was widely criticized by
the human rights lawyers as an attempt to further reduce the independence of the judiciary.
Chunga was seen as personally loyal to the President.63 In July 1999 the High Court dismissed a
petition case filed by Mwai Kibaki, the leader of the Democratic Party, against Moi for rigging
the 1997 presidential elections through the Electoral Commission. The case was dismissed on a
technicality that Kibaki failed to submit a copy of the petition to Moi personally.64 The truth was
that Democratic Party lawyers had been denied personal access to Moi's office by his security
guards.
The existence of a strong opposition did not help the justice system. In 1999 Moi stated that
courts should not interfere in land matters, affairs of public universities, or issues relating to
political parties.65 This can help to explain the reason why the courts have handled the political
cases in the manner they did. In March 1997, the Chairman of the Kenya Judges and Magistrates
Association (KJMA), stated that: "these pronouncements clearly threaten the rule of law, the
independence of the judiciary, and the constitutional doctrine of separation of powers."66
The war-mongers in the ruling party were again protected by the ruling party as they
urged violence against the opposition supporters during and after the 1997 elections. At a
KANU rally in Narok, some pro-Moi members of parliament threatened DP supporters with
reprisals after Kibaki announced his rejection of the election results. A Minister in the Office of
the President, Simon Kiptum Arap Choge, warned that there would be bloodshed country-wide
if Kibaki's petition threatened Moi's regime, but no action was taken by the police for incitement
to violence.67
One cannot overlook the fact that members of the opposition also contributed to incitement
of violence through issuing public statements. For instance, Mwai Kibaki is quoted as having
said that "Mr. Moi cannot afford to maintain silence as if nothing is happening ... [when] the
killing of our citizens has been going on in the last two weeks. It is only natural that the victims
will take arms to defend themselves."68 This sentiment arose out of the government's lack of
action in curbing the ethnic violence. While opposition leaders, such as Stephen Ndicho, were
being arrested and charged with inciting violence, nothing was done to KANU and KANU
leaders.
In 1997 Minister Francis Lotodo asked all non-Kalenjins to leave the Rift Valley, again
contradicting the provisions of freedom of movement in the constitution. In September 1999
President Moi himself stated that government officials should deny "permits" to politicians who
use public rallies to abuse other leaders. However, officials now have legal rights to cancel such
rallies only if they are a threat to security or if there is another meeting in the same venue.69 The
KANU government continued to use force to oppress the opposition in the late 1990s, even after
the incorporation of the IPPG amendments to the Constitution. Peaceful rallies calling for
political and constitutional reforms were persistently violently broken up by the security forces.


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Human Rights Abuse in Kenya Under Daniel arap Moi, 1978-2001 I 13


On June 10, 1999, the police, complemented by a squad of "KANU youth" and the infamous
jeshi la mzee (which in Swahili literally means, old man's militia), violently disrupted a peaceful
rally organized by religious and civil society groups to protest the government's handling of the
constitutional review process. A number of people, including the Reverend Timothy Njoya who
has been vocal in criticizing the government, were seriously injured.70 The jeshi la mzee,
allegedly sponsored by the Assistant Minister in the Office of the President, Fred Gumo, again
appeared on the scene in May 1997 and was used to violently disrupt pro-reform rallies.71
Notwithstanding the elections, government was complicit to violence against its citizens who
were exercising their rights of association and expression.

Conclusion

The move to strengthen human rights in Kenya has run against the authoritarian rule of Daniel
Arap Moi, and his patronage system. Reforms since the introduction of multipartism have
created a stalemate between Moi's government and most of the opposition members of
parliament, church leaders, and other pro-democracy and human rights advocates. Despite the
reinstatement of multiparty elections and attempts to annul laws that permit abuse of human
rights, government security agents and armed militia continue to violate civil and individual
liberties. The main explanatory factor of why so little has changed is Moi's pattern of rule and
his political beliefs.
Moi's centralization and personalization of power has led to the subordination of the
functions of the judiciary and of parliament. As was the case during the de jure one-party state
rule, human rights violations by his administration have continued even after the post-1992 and
1997 multiparty elections. Moi has persistently demonstrated unwillingness to uphold the
sanctity of human rights at home. His administration has shown ambivalence in dealing with
violence which has persisted in the country, particularly in the Rift Valley and the Coast
Provinces.
It has been argued in this paper that were it not for the partial success of the IPPG in
allowing President Moi and KANU to maintain control, the government would have used the
Likoni-Kwale violence as an excuse to declare a state of emergency and thus postpone the
elections indefinitely. Despite constitutional reform, the government has been unable to fulfill
its obligation to the country's citizens as enshrined in the constitution and international human
rights treaties that it is party to. In and of themselves, the elections of 1992 and 1997 proved
insufficient to guarantee human rights. It is clear that an independent judiciary and an
accountable police force are required if human rights and civil liberties are to be secured for the
majority of Kenya's peoples.


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Notes

1. See, Leonard, David, African Successes: Four Public Managers of Kenyan Rural
Development .1991, Berkeley: University of California Press, p. 169.
2. Haugerud, Angelique, The Culture of Politics in Modern Kenya.1995, Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, p. 82.
3. See, Moi, Daniel T. Arap, Kenya African Nationalism: Nyayo Philosophy and Principles.
1986, London: Macmillan. See also, Godia, George, Understanding Nyayo: Principles
and Policies in Contemporary Kenya. 1984, Nairobi: Transafrica.
4. Ochieng, William R. Structural and Political Changes", pp. 83-109, in Decolonization
and Independence in Kenya, 1940-93, B. A. Ogot and W. R. Ochieng, Editors. 1995,
Nairobi: East African Educational Publishers, pp. 83-109.
5. Kenya, The Constitution of Kenya. Laws of Kenya, rev. ed. 1998, Nairobi: Government
Printer, Chapter II, PartI (6)(1-2).
6. Amnesty International, Kenya, Torture, Political Detention and Unfair Trials. AI Index
AFR 32/17/87, 1987 and Amnesty International, Kenya: Torture Compounded by the
Denial of Medical Care. AI Index AFR 32/18/95, 1995.
7. Widner, J. 1994. "Two Leadership styles and Patterns of Political Liberalization". African
Studies Review, 37(1)(April):151-174.
8. Hempstone, Rogue Ambassador, op. cit., pp. 39 and 43.
9. Ibid., p. 290.
10. See, Kimondo, G. K. "The Bill of Rights", in The Citizen and the Constitution. K.
Kibwana, G. K. Kimondo and J. T. Gathii, Editors. 1996, Nairobi: Claripress, pp. 54-56.
11. Weekly Review, Nairobi, 8 May 1987. See also, Ogot, B. A., "Politics of Populism", pp.
187-213, in Ogot and Ochieng, op. cit., 187-213.
12. See Adar, K. G. "Ethnicity and Ethnic Kings: The Enduring Dual Constraint in Kenya's
Multiethnic Democratic Electoral Experiment". Journal of the Third World Spectrum, 5
(2)( Fall 1998): 71-96.
13. See, Kenya, Report of Judicial Commission Appointed to Inquire into Allegations
Involving Charles Mugane Njonjo. Nairobi: Government Printer, November 1984.
14. KANU Maendeleo Ya Wanawake Organization, KANU Maendeleo Ya Wanawake
Organization, Information Booklet. Nairobi: Government Printer, 1990, p. 6.
15. Andreassen, B., "Kenya", in Human Rights in Developing Countries Yearbook 1993. B.
Andreassen and T. Swanehart, Editors. 1993, Copenhagen: Nordic Human Rights
Publications, p. 193.
16. Maina, W., "Constitutional Crisis in Kenya: An Inquiry into the Origins, Nature and
Prospects of Reform", Paper Precedented to the IPAR Project on Constitution- Making in
Kenya, November/ December 1996, p. 67.
17. Ibid.
18. See generally, Adar, K. G., "The Interface Between Elections and Democracy: Kenya's
Search for a Sustainable Democratic System, 1960s 1990s", pp. 340-360, in African
Democracy in the Era of Globalization, J. Hyslop, Editors. 1999. Johannesburg:
Witwatersrand University Press, 1999.


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Human Rights Abuse in Kenya Under Daniel arap Moi, 1978-2001 I 15


19. Africa Watch, Kenya: Taking Liberties. Washington D.C.: An African Watch Report, p.
151. July 1991. "Hannan Lucy, Bias and Judicial Outrage". New Law Journal (London)
141(1991): 900-901 and "Constitutional Law According to Mr. Justice Dugdale" Nairobi
Law Monthly, 34 (19910: 15-16).
20. Ibid., 148.
21. Ibid., pp. 151-152.
22. Ibid., P. 153 and generally Omaar, Rakiya, "Ten Years of President Arap Moi in Kenya".
Human Rights Watch. New York: Human Rights Watch, October-November 1988.
23. Carver Richard. Writenet Country Report, Kenya Update to End of July 1995, (Writenet
Country Papers, August 1995).
24. Widner, The Rise of a Party-State in Kenya, op. cit., pp. 189-190.
25. Ibid., p. 100.
26. See Sabar-Friedman, G., "Church and State in Kenya, 1986-1992: The Churches'
Involvement in the "Game of Change", African Affairs, 96(1997) : 25-52. See also, Throup,
D., "Render unto Caesar the Things That Are Caesar's: The Politics of Church-State
Conflict in Kenya, 1978-1990", pp. 154-169, in Religion and Politics in East Africa B.
Hansen and M. Twaddle, Editors. 1995, London: James Currey.
27. See, Current Biography. New York: H. W. Wilson Co., p. 262, 1979.
28. Hempstone, Rogue Ambassador, op. cit., p. 35.
29. See, Adar, K. G., "Human Rights and Academic Freedom in Kenya's Public Universities:
The Case of The Universities Academic Staff Union". Human Rights Quarterly. 21(1)
(February 1999): 187.
30. Ibid., p. 187.
31. Ogot, "Politics of Populism", op. cit., p. 199.
32. See Umoja, Straggle for Democracy in Kenya: Special Report on the 1988 General
Elections in Kenya. London: Umoja secretariat, p. 96, 1988 and Widner, The Rise of a
Party-State in Kenya, pp. 177-8.
33. no footnote 33
34. Mutua, Makau wa., A long Road to Uhuru: Human Rights and Political Participation in
Kenya. Montreal: International Centre for Human Rights and Democratic development,
March 1993.
35. Kuria, G. K., "Freedom of Expression and Contempt of Court." Paper Presented at the
Second International Commission of Jurists (Kenya Section) Workshop on
Administration of Justice in Kenya Courts as Guardians of Justice, 30 March, 1995 and
Makali, D., "Court of Appeal Ruling on Don Reeked of State Interference" People
(Nairobi, 1994.)
36. See, Adar, K. G., "Human Rights and Academic Freedom", op. cit.
37. Ross, S, "The Rule of Law and Lawyers in Kenya". Journal of Modern African Studies,
30(3)(1992): 428 and Mulei, C., "Banning of Plays not Justifiable Legally" Sunday
Standard (Nairobi), 17 March 1991.
38. Sabar-Friedman, "Church and State in Kenya, 1986-1992", op. cit., p. 32.
39. Weekly Review, 24 April 1987.


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40. Kenya, Laws of Kenya. Nairobi: Government Printer, 1982, Cap 56, part III, para.
5(10)(d).
41. US Congress, Foreign Operations, Export Financing, and Related Programs
Appropriations Act, Public Law No. 101-513, at 593, 1991.
42. Ibid, pp. 159. 160.
43. See National Council of Churches of Kenya, CPK/ARCH. Synod Committee Report,
April 1992 and Abuom, A., The Role of Kenyan Churches in Democratization. Paper
Presented at a Conference on the Christian Churches and Africa's Democratization,
Leeds, 1993.
44. See Kenya Episcopal Conference, "An Open Letter to His Excellency the President
Daniel Arap Moi and the People of Goodwill in Kenya". Standard(Nairobi), 30 October
1993.
45. Sicherman Carol. "Kenya" in Race & Class. (April-June 1998, Vol. 57 (no. 4): p 63.
46. Amnesty International, Kenya Annual Report for 1997, (Amnesty International, 1998).
47. Ibid.
48. Article 19, Kenya post-Election Political Violence, Article 19, London 1998:
pp 5-6.
49. Kenya Human Rights Commission, Quarterly Repression Report, October- December
1995. Nairobi: Kenya Human Rights Commission and Kenya Human Rights
Commission, Quarterly Repression Report, July-September 1996. Nairobi: Kenya
Human Rights Commission, 1996.
50. See generally, United Nations, Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights,
Concluding Observations on Kenya, UN Doc. E/C. 12/1993/6, 1993.
51. See, United States, Kenya: Human Rights Report, 1995. Nairobi: Embassy of the United
States of America, 1995.
52. Article 19, Kenya: Post-Election Political Violence. London: Article 19, p. 1, December
1998 and generally, Article 19, Deadly Marionettes: State Sponsored Violence in Africa.
London: Article 19, October 1997.
53. Kenya Human Rights Report, Kayas Re-Visited, A Post-Election Balance Sheet, Kenya
Human Rights Commission, Nairobi, 1998: pp 40.
54. Amnesty International Kenya Annual Report for 1997, (Amnesty International, 1998).
55. Amnesty International Report, Violation of Kenya Human Rights, (Amnesty
International, September 1997).
56. Ibid.
57. "IPPG Recommendations and the Aftermath" Daily Nation, Nairobi, (16 January 1998).
See also note 62.
58. Ibid. See also Amnesty International Report, Violation of Kenya Human Rights,
Amnesty International, September 1997).
59. Amnesty International, Kenya: Political Violence Spirals, (Amnesty international, 10
June 1998).
60. US State Department. Report on KENYA Human Rights for 1999, (Washington D.C,
State Department, February 2000).
61. Ibid.


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62. Amnesty International Report, Violation of Kenya Human Rights, (Amnesty
International, September 1997).
63. Ibid.
64. Ibid.
65. Amnesty International Report, Violation of Kenya Human Rights, (Amnesty
International, September 1997).
66. Amnesty International, Kenya, Political Violence Spirals, (Amnesty International, 10
June 1998).
67. Ibid.
68. Ibid.
69. US State Department Kenya Report for Human Rights for 1999, Washington D.C, US
State Department, February 2000).
70. US Department of State, Kenya Report on Human Rights for 1999, (Washington D.C,
State Department, February 2000).
71. US State Department Kenya Report for Human Rights for 1999, (Washington D.C, US
State Department February 2000). See also Kenya Human Rights Report, Kayas of
Deprivation, Kayas of Blood, Kenya Human Rights Commission, Nairobi 1998

Reference Style: The following is the suggested format for referencing this article:
Korwa G. Adar and Isaac M. Munyae 2001. "Human Rights Abuse in Kenya under Daniel Arap
Moi 1978-2001. African Studies Quarterly 5(1): 1. [online] URL:
http://web.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v5/v5ilal.htm


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African Studies Quarterly I Volume 5, Issue 1 I Winter 2001


The State and Development in Southern Africa: A Comparative
Analysis of Botswana and Mauritius with Angola, Malawi and

Zambia

OSEI HWEDI


Introduction

African countries inherited economies that are backward, skewed and underdeveloped as a
result of Western colonial rule. Since independence, African states have embarked on the
transformation of inherited economic structures with varying degrees of success. The debate
about the role of the state in development in Africa reached its peak in the 1970s. Following
independence in the 1960s, state involvement in the economy was welcomed, partly due to the
lack of indigenous private entrepreneurs and partly due to economic distortions created by
colonialism. However, the dismal performance of African economies resulting in the "economic
crisis" in the 1970s, necessitated a reappraisal of the role of the state in the economy in the 1980s.
The predominant view now, especially by neo-liberals, including international financial
institutions (IFIs), is that the state in Africa and other developing countries should reduce its
role in economic development.1 Leftwich and White, taking the opposite view, argue that state
intervention is necessary for development to take place because development requires not less
state, as the World Bank contends, but better state action, and this is most likely from a
developmental state.2
The question, therefore, is: what kind of state intervention is conducive to the promotion of
development? This paper examines and compares the role of the state in development in
Angola, Botswana, Malawi, Mauritius and Zambia in order to understand why states like
Mauritius and Botswana are successful developmental states and other states like Angola,
Malawi and Zambia are non-developmental, and hindrances to development. Sandbrook,
makes the argument that Africa needs active, developmental states capable of complementing
and directing market forces.3 In contrast to the neo-liberals, Leftwich 4 argues that the single
most important factor for the generation and sustenance of development is a developmental
state, with six features including a determined developmental elite; relative autonomy; a
powerful, competent and insulated economic bureaucracy, a weak and subordinated civil
society, effective management of non-state economic interests, and repression, legitimacy, and
performance. Thus, a developmental state has the capability for sustained economic growth (i.e.
high gross domestic product (GDP)), and development (i.e. welfare services to the mass of the
population), qualities that Mauritius and Botswana have.





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20 I Hwedi


THE ROLE OF THE STATE IN DEVELOPMENT IN THE FIVE COUNTRIES:

Mauritius: Real Successful Development?

Mauritius has one of the most successful economies in Africa. In general, Mauritius has
modeled its development on the East Asian countries in terms of export-led growth based on
manufacturing complemented by generous tax incentives.5 Between 1990 and 1994, its GDP
grew by a yearly average of 5.3 percent compared to 0.9 percent for sub-Saharan Africa.6 In spite
of being a small island, with a population of 1.3 million people of diverse racial and ethnic
origins, Mauritius has enjoyed a high GDP per capital of $13,172 and a low unemployment rate
of five percent.7 Successful development is unique in view of the fact that the three dominant
parties the Labour Party (LP), Movement Militant Mauricien (MMM), and Movement Socialist
Militant (MSM) are socialist in ideological orientation. The three parties have alternated power
since 1970, exist in a functioning multi-party democracy, and have allowed for a free market
economy.8
Mauritius's economic success is attributed to three important factors. Since the 1970s, the
government has implemented policies that have provided a conducive environment to the
private sector to be the propeller of the economy. Of special importance has been the
government's successful implementation of five successive stand-by arrangements and two
structural adjustment programmes between 1980 and 1986, which put in place the
preconditions for sustainable export-led growth. These measures were part of the process of
liberalizing the economy, especially trade and the exchange rate, gave sufficient incentives to
foreign private investors, and coincided with the global economic recovery of 1983. Together,
the measures boosted output and therefore exports, and by 1990 the economy attained full
employment, reaching a goal that has had top priority since independence in 1968.9
The restructuring targeted all sectors of the economy. In the agricultural sector, the
government's reform programs included a reduction of export taxes on transfers of agricultural
land and abolition of restrictions on sugarmill closures. In industry, the government eliminated
restrictions on imports and reduced tariffs and promoted foreign private investment in the
Export Processing Zones (EPZ) by providing fiscal and financial incentives. In 1983, the
government established the Mauritius Export Development and Investment Authority
(MEDIA) to undertake investment missions and export promotions to boost the number of
foreign investors and amount exported, respectively.10 With regard to tourism, the government
resorted to aggressive advertising, improvement of hotel capacity, and improvement of air
access policy."
In addition, the devaluation of the Mauritian rupee created a realistic exchange rate that
helped to make exports internationally competitive. Traditionally, the government
supplemented the rupee as part of its wage policy to ensure the competitiveness of Mauritian
exports. Similarly, the adoption of a real rate of interest helped increase gross domestic savings
that were used for development programs and reduced the need for foreign borrowing and the
debt service burden, which fell from 20 to 6.8 percent in the 1980s.12
Another source of economic success is the high demand, ready market, and favorable terms
of trade for Mauritian exports in developed countries. Mauritian exports have benefited greatly


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The State and Development in Southern Africa I 21


from the sugar protocol under the Lome Convention with the European Economic Community
(EEC), now the European Community (EC). Under this law, Mauritius sells 80 percent of its
sugar exports to the EC at a price three times higher than the world market price. The
government has prudently utilized the revenue earned from sugar exports for diversification
into manufacturing, especially by the EPZ. Like sugar, apparel exports have received special
treatment because they are not subjected to import duties and quota restrictions for entering the
EC market. There are no quota restrictions in the US market because Mauritian exports have not
exceeded the requirement of one percent of US production. The Lome Convention has
significantly contributed to the growth in exports of manufactured goods in Mauritius because
the EC buys 70 percent while the US absorbs 30 percent of its manufactured goods.13
Finally, availability of cheap labor has fitted neatly into the government's labor intensive
export-oriented strategy of development. The unemployed, which includes a large pool of
women, have been absorbed into the EPZ and has greatly contributed to the growth of
employment opportunities. For example, it accounted for 70 percent of the 21,000 jobs created in
the economy in 1987 and helped increase income.14
Social progress has been the most remarkable achievement of investment export revenue
from sugar and manufactured goods as well as domestic savings. Through the national
development plans, the government has been able to provide social services to most of the
population. Of even greater significance is the provision of education, health facilities, housing
and improved life expectancy. Primary school enrollment is 90 percent of children and
secondary school enrollment rose from 26 percent in the 1960s to 45 percent in the late 1980s.15
Also, there has been improvement in life expectancy from 61 years in the mid-1960s, to 68 years
in 1987, to 71 years in 1994. The infant mortality rate decreased from 67 per thousand to 24 per
thousand in the same period. Similarly, the adult literacy rate stood at 82 percent in 1994. These
contribute to the decline in income inequality in Mauritus.16

Botswana: Successful Development?

Botswana has one of the world's best rates of economic growth, surpassing that of
Mauritius, Korea and other Asian tigers the newly industrializing countries (NICs). During the
1980s it had the fastest economic growth rate in the world, with an average of 10 percent,
despite six years of drought that affected the cattle industry.17 It has a very low debt of $0.7
billion, with debt servicing accounting for four percent of exports and enormous foreign
reserves. Botswana has a relatively small population but large resource base with a per capital
income of $ 5,367. 18The current economic prosperity of Botswana contrasts sharply with the
situation at independence, when the state was viewed by most analysts as a very poor country
dependent on foreign grants to finance its budget.19 The transformation of Botswana from a
poor agricultural country to a buoyant thriving economy makes it a developmental state.
The government has been able to transform and sustain high levels of growth because of its
mineral resources, especially diamonds, which became the base of the economy in the late
1960s. Mining revenues account for 50 percent of the GDP, surpassing the beef industry. 20 With
the revenue from diamond exports, the state invested in other mineral industries including


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22 I Hwedi


copper and soda ash. It also diversified into manufacturing, particularly vehicles like Hyundai
(which collapsed in 1999), textile and soap industries, and tourism.
More impressive is the investment of diamond revenues in social and infrastructural
services with rapid expansion of education, health facilities, housing and roads in both rural
and urban areas. Ninety percent of the children are enrolled in primary school, and primary
health care is available to 80 percent of the rural population who are within 15 kilometers radius
of a health clinic.21 Similarly, households with access to potable water increased from 56 to 83
percent between 1981 and 1994. Poverty has declined considerably. The numbers of the national
population who are poor and very poor declined from 59 to 47 percent between 1985/86 and
1993/94, and the numbers of poor and very poor households declined from 49 to 38 percent
during the same period.22 Moreover, the creation of state institutions, for example, for water and
housing, has facilitated the delivery of services. Additionally, increases in government revenues
from diamond exports has facilitated job creation, with the government becoming the largest
employer in the country.
Although Botswana's liberalized economy and its reputation of a stable democracy have
allowed for a greater role by private foreign capital in both mining and manufacturing and
helped attract foreign investment these factors alone cannot explain the economic progress in
Botswana.23 This is because other factors played equally important roles. First, are the high
demand and prices for diamonds on the world market, except for 1981/82 and 1992, have
allowed the government to accumulate huge savings and trade surplus. Similarly, beef exports
have given the government additional revenue for development programs. The Beef Protocol
with the EC enables Botswana beef exports to earn substantial revenue because prices are above
world market levels. The EC has granted a 90 percent rebate of the variable levy to all Afro-
Caribbean Pacific (ACP) beef exports and buys the largest amount of beef from Botswana
compared to other Southern African countries.
Second, is the commitment to development by the political and bureaucratic elite who have
pursued realistic foreign exchange, fiscal, and monetary and wage policies, all of which are
attractive to private foreign investment and conducive to national development. 24 Related to
this is the close collaboration between the bureaucracy and politicians to harness resources and
implement developmental goals, a relationship lacking in Angola, Malawi and Zambia, and
other developing countries. This 'partnership' between the political and bureaucratic elite for
development has allowed politicians to seek and accept economic advice from technocrats,
especially where national development plans and budgets are concerned. The politicians'
support for planning and finance has been expressed by placing the two in one Ministry of
Finance and Development Planning (MFDP) in the Vice-President's office.25 This has ensured
congruence between planning and budgeting, effective implementation of goals, and planning
and channelling private foreign investment in accordance with national goals.
Third, economic success is attributed to the efficient, politically neutral and stable
bureaucracy that has meant proper utilization and allocation of resources by avoiding over-
expenditure, foreign debt, and rampant inflation, while maintaining high stable growth rates.
While Botswana has been cited by Wallis as having an efficient bureaucracy because of
recruitment and retention of expatriates (especially economists for planning purposes which in


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The State and Development in Southern Africa I 23


turn means a slower rate of localization), the efficiency of the bureaucracy can also be attributed
to relatively low levels of corruption among the senior bureaucratic (and political) elite.26
Finally, the quality of leadership and careful management of diamond revenues has greatly
maximized Botswana's chances of economic development. Related to this are the skill and tact
displayed by the Botswana elite in successfully negotiating with de Beers Diamond Company
for 50-50 percent share ownership in Botswana diamond mines in 1975 instead of the previous
85-15 percent ownership. The 50-50 share holding gives the state influence over wage policy to
allows for flexible changes in minimum wages, licensing, and operations of the mines as well as
authorization to expand when necessary to the benefit of both the nation and de Beers.27

Angola: Economy in Shambles?

Angola is richly endowed with vast oil, mineral, and agricultural resources that give it
tremendous potential for economic development. Its development is based on exports of
petroleum and oil products, diamonds, and coffee. At independence in 1975, the Angolan state
opted to transform the inherited colonial economy into a socialist one, excluding the oil
industry, which continued to operate on capitalist principles.
The oil industry is the backbone of the economy having displaced diamonds and coffee in
the 1970s. The government, through its national oil policy, created the national oil company
called Sociedade Nacional de Combustiveis de Angola (SONANGOL), with exclusive
concessions for oil exploration and production rights. Its assigned task was to coordinate and
control petroleum production in the country. This pragmatic arrangement in the oil sector
ensured revenues to the government. A 1978 statute allowed foreign oil companies to operate in
Angola, either on the basis of a production-sharing agreement or a joint-venture arrangement,
with 51 percent shares for SONANGOL through such companies as CABGOC and Texaco.
These two provisions by SANANGOL have won the confidence of foreign oil companies, with
more than 15 currently operating in Angola.28
In the agricultural sector coffee plantations left by the Portuguese, who fled after
independence, were nationalized with production by peasants and private estates permitted on
a small scale.29 In the diamond industry, the MPLA government nationalized the Portuguese
government's diamond company by acquiring 38 percent of its shares and the shares of other
small holders in 1977 and 1979, thereby accumulating a total of 77.21 percent shares. However,
the government relied on contractual agreements with foreign companies to mine and sell
diamonds on the world market. Since 1986, a state diamond company, Empresa Nacional de
Diamantes de Angola (ENDIAMA), has marketed the diamonds.
The revenue from petroleum exports has given the state tremendous resources with which
to develop the economy and has given Angola the semblance of a rich, thriving economy. This
is a facade, however, because after 24 years of civil war with its concurrent high defence
expenditures of 20 percent of the GDP, the Angolan economy is in shambles. Oil revenue
contributed 41.5 percent to the total GDP in 1991 and 79 percent to the total revenue in the 1992
budget. In spite of Angola having a 1993 GDP of $8.4 billion, and being placed in the middle-
income group of countries in the world, the state has not been able to promote economic
development. In 1993, for example, its external debt amounted to $10.9 billion, accompanied by


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24 I Hwedi


the highest mortality rate in the world of children under five years (292 per 1000), severe food
shortages, infrastructural destruction, and little diversification into manufacturing.30 Although
the civil war has been the most important factor in diverting resources from development,
socialist centralized planning, subsidies, price controls, collectivization in agriculture, control of
infrastructural facilities, and corruption have also contributed to the collapse of the Angolan
economy.
The civil war, waged since independence in 1975 to the present, between the ruling
Movimento Popular de Libertacao de Angola (MPLA) and Uniao Nacional para a Independence
Total de Angola (UNITA), has denied the state the peaceful environment necessary for
economic development. In 1993, the government mortgaged three years of future oil revenue
(on very unfavorable terms) to purchase military supplies, to finance the war against UNITA,
resulting in further loss of revenue for development.31 However, in fairness to the government,
it is difficult to ascertain whether or not Angola would have experienced successful
development in the absence of civil war, because there are other equally important
impediments to its development.
The civil war negatively impacted on diamond mining when the mines were bombarded
by UNITA forces and mining was temporarily halted as large diamond areas were seized. The
war and smuggling of diamonds have deprived the state of revenue from diamond mining. The
war has also caused serious destruction of infrastructural facilities including bridges, roads and
railroads, making it difficult to transport supplies to producers and commodities to the market.
Similarly, the war has reduced production in agriculture as farmers have abandoned the sector,
fleeing war and the risks associated with land mines. The production of both food export crops
(e.g. coffee) has been reduced causing severe food shortages resulting in famine. Angola has
become dependent on expensive food imports and food aid to avoid famine conditions and the
food shortages have given rise to a thriving black market.
In addition, socialist economic policies that encourage state participation in the economy
have hampered rather than facilitated the process of economic development. The state's
involvement in the economy has meant a heavy role by bureaucrats. The lack of economic
discipline among top leaders has resulted in a lack of congruence between plans and budgets,
thus making it hard to realize the goals of development. Furthermore, state control of ports and
shipping has led to their collapse because the Portuguese colonialists trained very few Angolans
at the time of independence and the MPLA state was unable to retain expatriate personnel.32
Public services like education, health, water supply, sewage, and electricity also ground to a
halt in the late 1980s due to lack of funds, and bureaucratic impediments.33 State companies
such as utilities and those in productive areas have operated at a loss, primarily because of a
lack of managerial autonomy to set profitable prices and economic production levels and
political control by ministers. Subsidies given by the central government to companies to cover
their losses are one example of the inefficient use of public resources.34
Corruption by top MPLA political and military leadership has resulted in state resources
being used for personal aggrandisement or allocated inefficiently. In most cases there was
duplication of purchases because of a lack of co-ordination and accountability for use of state
funds among senior government officials.35 Undoubtedly, corruption goes on unabated because
of the government's inability to prosecute the offending officials. Fourth, the fall in world oil


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The State and Development in Southern Africa I 25


prices in the 1980s worsened the economic situation especially in the absence of government
savings during the time of high oil prices. The government's earnings from oil exports declined
from $2,000 million in 1985 to $700 million in 1987.36_To resuscitate the economy, the
government was forced to introduce economic reforms. In 1987, the government announced the
Economic and Financial Restructuring Program, also known as the Saneamento Economico e
Financeiro (SEF). Unfortunately, the reforms were not implemented because of a lack of
commitment by top MPLA officials sympathetic to a socialist pattern of development, and the
dismissal of the Minister of Finance, the architect of the SEF program.37
Persistent economic problems and poor results from its socialist policies forced the
government to resume the SEF in 1990. However, the resumption of the war with UNITA in
1992, following UNITA's refusal to recognize the electoral results, again blocked
implementation of reforms as the MPLA was primarily preoccupied with defense matters.
Finally, in 1994, SEF was launched in an effort to revitalize the economy. Some reforms were
undertaken. For example, in 1984, the government embarked on a program to increase food
production to achieve food self-sufficiency by converting state farms into small-holder peasant
associations in rural areas. Through agricultural stations, the government provided support in
the form of fertilizer and seeds to peasants with limited success. Similarly, in 1990, the
government embarked on the privatization of state-owned coffee plantations to boost output by
selling 33 plantations to foreign companies. The sale proved expensive due to the old age of the
trees and unattractive due to the war.38

Malawi: Frail Economy?

Malawi opted to give priority to agriculture by promoting economic development through
the increase of export earnings on tobacco and tea, and to attain food self-sufficiency through
increasing maize production. The state pursued a mix of private enterprise and state
participation by providing economic infrastructure and investment in new economic activities
such as sugar estates. To promote 'balanced' development, the government controlled and
directed private sector investment, foreign trade and the location of business ventures. Its
control of retail prices and workers' wages was to contain domestic inflation, reduce labour
costs as an incentive to investors to use labor-intensive technology, and make exports
competitive in international markets and attract foreign investment. Therefore, the government
restrained the formation and operation of trade unions. In order to ensure an efficient and
effective bureaucracy conducive to development, the government retained British expatriates
who occupied 79 percent of senior posts at independence in 1964 because of inadequate local
skills. Thereafter, the government adopted a policy of slow indigenization of the public service,
as had Botswana. 39
A three-pronged approach was embarked upon to promote development. President for
Life, Banda, encouraged senior party and government officials to participate in estate
agriculture. The state purchased some foreign-owned estates for distribution to small-scale
producers. Parastatal companies (e.g. the Malawi Development Corporation (MDC),
Agricultural Development Corporation (ADMARC), and Press Holdings) and joint ventures
with foreign investors were encouraged in both the agricultural and manufacturing sectors. In


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26 I Hwedi


reality, President Banda overwhelmingly controlled the Malawian economy as the sole
shareholder of Press Holdings, whose total gross turnover was one third of the GDP and
employed 10 percent of modern sector workers in the 1970s.40 In addition, the government
created public utility companies to service productive sectors, especially electricity, roads,
railways, and provided training for both public and private industry. The government also
supported small farmers through, among other programs, four integrated rural development
projects largely financed by foreign donors such as the World Bank and Britain.
The Malawian state experienced rapid economic growth after independence and there was
an increase in socio-economic infrastructure. The four primary goals set forth in the
Development Plans of 1965 and 1969 were realized by the end of the 1970s, as agricultural
production expanded rapidly for domestic consumption and exports, infrastructural facilities
were built for agricultural exports, educational institutions were constructed and enrollment
increased to provide skilled manpower for the civil service and private sector, and the growth
of the private sector was encouraged as the basis of development.41 Malawi's share of world
exports increased from 2.2 percent in 1965-67 to 3.3 percent in 1977-79, while tea exports rose
from 2.4 to 3.8 percent.42 Concurrent with rising exports, Malawi attained self-sufficiency in
food production, especially maize. With economic growth averaging 7 percent per annum in
1970, Malawi was able to eliminate dependence on foreign development assistance by 1972-73,
and reallocate capital to such sectors as manufacturing. Similarly, investment in education paid
dividends as it was able to indigenize many positions held by expatriates with qualified
Malawian personnel in the 1970s.43
The impressive growth performance of the 1960s through the early 1970s is attributed to a
combination of a realistic exchange rate policy due to devaluation of the local currency which
made exports competitive on the world market, government avoidance of luxury imports, and
conservative fiscal and monetary policies which allowed the mobilization and utilization of
domestic resources, reduced dependence on foreign aid, and attracted foreign investment.44 An
efficient civil service certainly helped in achievement of a good economic record, as did its non-
involvement in the liberation wars in Angola, Mozambique and South Africa.
By the late 1970s, Malawi ceased to be a developmental state as the economy faced severe
difficulties stemming from a decline in export prices on the world market, failure to build up
reserves during years of good export earnings, poor judgement in policy formulation and
implementation (e.g. giving priority to big private farmers instead of small farmers),
expenditure on imported consumables, and accumulation of external debt. Consequently, the
government was unable to finance its own development and resumed dependence on foreign
development finance.45
Persistent economic problems made Malawi adopt the World Bank (WB) and International
Monetary Fund (IMF) structural adjustment programmes (SAPs) in 1980 to liberalize the
economy. However, SAPs exacerbated the economic decline primarily because the same few
export crops tobacco, sugar, and tea with low prices on the world market, were given
support by the state in terms of credit and marketing. Again, small farmers were denied an
incentive to improve production.


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The State and Development in Southern Africa I 27


Zambia: Struggling Economy?

Zambia's economy is dependent on copper mining, which accounts for 90 percent of its
export earnings and serves as an engine of growth. At independence in 1964, the leadership was
committed to the promotion of economic development and restructuring the economy by
adopting a mix of public and private participation. State intervention in the economy was set in
motion with the 1968 Mulungushi Reforms, which permitted the government to acquire 51
percent shares from private retail, transport, and manufacturing firms through the Industrial
Development Corporation (INDECO), a parastatal. The Matero Reforms of 1969 resulted in the
government purchasing 51 percent shares from the mining companies, Anglo American
Corporation and Roan Selection Trust, leading to partial nationalization of the copper
industry.46 Consequently, the state controlled 80 percent of the economy through parastatals
involved in mining, energy, transport, tourism, finance, agriculture, services, commerce, trade,
manufacturing and construction.
In spite of its impressive national development plans, the Zambian state failed to realize
most of the goals embodied in the plans. Admittedly, Zambia experienced reasonable growth
rates in the 1960s and early 1970s, primarily due to high copper production and prices, as well
as increases in maize and manufacturing outputs. Consequently, until 1970, Zambia had an
export surplus from copper and accumulated huge foreign reserves due to high copper prices
on the London Metal Exchange (LME). The GDP grew at an average annual rate of between 2
and 3.4 percent from 1972-76.47 However, the economy went into decline in 1974 as copper
prices plummeted on the world market, and by 1976 copper earnings contributed only 3 percent
to the Zambian treasury. Primarily because of the fall in world copper prices, the economy has
still not recovered.
However, state intervention in the economy, discrepancies between planned objectives and
resource allocations as well as implementation, and lack of commitment to planning also
contributed to poor economic performance. This in turn contributed to balance of payments
problems, making it difficult for the government to import goods and service its external debt,
and reducing government expenditure on development. Since 1974, budget deficits have
become the norm.48 However, other factors are also to blame for Zambia's poor economic
performance. First, lack of accumulation of savings by the government during periods of high
copper prices (1965-70) to cushion the impact of any fall in copper prices worsened the
economic situation since the mid-1970s. Instead, government increased expenditure on socio-
economic services like health, education and infrastructure, imported luxury goods and
compensated workers with high wages, especially mine workers.
Second, the highly capital-intensive technology utilized in mining and manufacturing
meant that parastatals contributed little to employment creation, eradication of poverty, and
improvement in standards of living for the mass population. Mismanagement and corruption
further reduced the effectiveness and viability of parastatal enterprises and government
bureaucracy. The fact that very few officials were prosecuted encouraged corrupt and
inefficient practices.49 Third, Zambia's support for liberation movements in southern Africa
seriously affected the implementation of development plans as resources were diverted from
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28 I Hwedi


In 1983, the government, following recommendations of the IMF and WB, undertook
economic policy reforms to rejuvenate the economy through deregulation of prices, auction of
foreign exchange, reduction of subsidies to consumers and parastatal companies as part of
budget deficit reduction, increase in agricultural output, and liberalization of marketing of
agricultural commodities as well as devaluation of the local currency. However, such reforms
worsened rather than improved the economy, as both agricultural and manufacturing outputs
and exports failed to increase significantly due to inadequate incentives for farmers and the
poor competitiveness of manufactured goods on the world market. The country borrowed
heavily from international institutions, especially multilateral institutions on a non-
concessionary basis. Consequently, since the 1970s, Zambia has become one of the most
indebted countries in the world relative to its GDP. In 1990, for example, the debt was $7.2
billion, equal to 185 percent of the GDP and 719 percent of export earnings, making debt the
most important cause of economic stagnation, with 67 percent of households poor and 58
percent extremely poor in 1991.50

SUCCESS AND FAILURE A DISCUSSION

Botswana and Mauritius continue to perform well economically compared to the other
three countries. The Human Development Index (HDI), which is a combined measure of
national income, life expectancy and educational levels, ranks 175 countries from the highest to
the lowest level of human development. The HDI places Mauritius at number 61 in the high
level of human development and Botswana at 97 in the medium level, with Zambia at 143,
Angola at 157 and Malawi at 161, in the lowest level of human development.51 This means that
Zambia, Angola and Malawi have failed to promote development beneficial to the general
populace. Why? It is the discrepancy between policy decisions and implementation and how
public resources are utilized and allocated, which differentiate developmental states, like
Mauritius and Botswana, from non-developmental ones such as Angola, Malawi and Zambia.
Explaining why some developing countries have grown rapidly while others have not,
Bradford has identified the adoption of a positive development philosophy with a policy
framework that leads through market mechanisms to efficient allocation and utilization of
resources.52 This suggests that complementarity between the states and market forces has paved
the way for the promotion of national development and the importance of politics in Botswana
and Mauritius. Thus, the congruence between political systems and choices of economic policies
is very important. As democracies, the governments of Botswana and Mauritius are most
inclined to select sound economic policies to efficiently allocate and utilize resources to satisfy
the majority of the population. It is the commitment to development by both the political and
bureaucratic elites that underlies the pursuance of realistic economic policies and good
management of economies, relatively low corruption which explains their ability to take
advantage of EC and US preferential treatment and high demand and prices on the world
market. The governments' sensitivity to relatively equitable distribution of public resources
ensures political stability. Their reputations as stable, legitimate democratic governments have
endeared the two countries to foreign investors. These characteristics are lacking in the other
three countries.


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The State and Development in Southern Africa I 29


Angola, Malawi, and Zambia, which were authoritarian one-party states, moved towards
political liberalism with multiparty elections in the 1990s. As a result, they are more
preoccupied with problems of consolidating democracy and rejuvenating ailing economies.
Prospects do not look promising since they still retain some elements of authoritarianism
including repression of political opposition, lack of responsiveness, accountability and
transparency, corruption and misuse of public resources. They face even dimmer prospects in
view of the breakdown in international negotiations, under the auspices of the World Trade
Organization (WTO), for export concessions for developing countries. In contrast, Botswana
and Mauritius have multiparty democratic systems which have survived for a very long period
of time, allowing for popular acceptance and acquisition of legitimacy by ruling governments,
and relatively better prospects for growth due to a stable high demand for Botswana diamonds
and high prices for Mauritian manufactured goods, guaranteeing sufficient revenues to meet
electorates' demands.

Conclusion

Botswana and Mauritius have successful records of economic development primarily
because of their democratic systems of government which, due to the need for accountability
and responsiveness to electorates, are compelled to select appropriate economic policies for
efficient allocation and utilization of resources, and to provide sufficient incentives to foreign
investors to propel development. This logically means that for Angola, Malawi and Zambia to
be developmental states, they have to adopt fully-fledged democratic state structures, which are
legitimate and popularly accepted by society as in Botswana and Mauritius. Angola, Malawi
and Zambia, as relatively newly democratizing countries, have a long way to go toward
consolidation to create political environments conducive to successful development. Thus,
Botswana and Mauritius as successful models of 'popular, responsive democracy and
'distributive' capitalist economic development might not be easily emulated because the factors
which account for their successes are only partially present in the three countries and the rest of
'non-democratic' Africa.

Notes

1. Judith Streak, "The Counter-counterrevolution in development theory on the role of the
state in development:,Inferences for South Africa?", Development Southern Africa, 14
(3), October 1997, pp.307-25.
2. Adrian Leftwich, "Bringing Politics Back In: Towards a Model of the Developmental
State", Journal of Development Studies, 31(3), 1995, pp. 400-435; Gordon White,
"Developmental States and Socialist Industrialisation in the Third World", Journal of
Development Studies, 21(3), April 1985, pp. 92-100.
3. Richard Sandbrook, The Politics of Africa's Economic Recovery. Cambridge University
Press, Cambridge, 1993, p. 58.
4. Leftwich, "Bringing Politics", pp. 405, 420.
5. The Economist, 20 August 1988, p. 32.


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30 I Hwedi


6. The Economist, 14 December 1996
7. United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), Human Development Report, 1997.
Oxford University Press, New York, 1997, p. 146.
8. Mail and Guardian, 20-26 February 1998; The Economist, 1 October 1998.
9. The World Bank, Mauritius: Managing Success. Washington, D.C: The World Bank,
1989, pp. 4, 10; UNDP, Human Development, p. 92.
10. The Botswana Guardian, 25 September 1992, p. 14.
11. World Bank, Mauritius: Managing, pp. 5,10,54.
12. Ibid, pp. 5,16-17,22.
13. Ibid, pp. xii,xiii,8,12.
14. Ibid, p.23
15. Ibid, p. 25.
16. UNDP, Human Development, p. 146; UNDP, Human Development Report 1996, Oxford
University Press, New York, 1996, p.93.
17. Roy Laishley, "Botswana:new challenges to success", Africa Recovery, December1992-
February 1993, p.16.
18. UNDP, Human Development, pp. 147,191.
19. Laishley, Botswana:new", p.16
20. Republic of Botswana, National Development Plan 1997/8-2002/03. Government Printer,
Gaborone, August 1997, p. 17.
21. Ibid, p.17.
22. Pelani Siwawa-Ndai, "Some facts and Figures about the Quality of Life in Botswana", in
Doreen Nteta, Janet Hermans with Pavla Jeskova, Poverty and Plenty:The Botswana
Experience. Botswana Society, Gaborone, 1997, p. 28; Botswana Institute for
Development Policy Analysis (BIDPA), Study of Poverty and Poverty Alleviation in
Botswana, vol.1, Ministry Finance and Development Planning, Gaborone, 1997, p.21.
23. Laishley, "Botswana:new", p.20.
24. Catherine Hill and D. Nelson Mokgethi, "Botswana:Macroeconomic Management of
Commodity Booms, 1975-86", in The World Bank, Successful Development in Africa,
The World Bank, Washington,DC, 1989.
25. Malcom Wallis, Bureaucracy. Macmillan Press, London, 1989.
26. Ibid, p.52.
27. Leftwich, "Bringing Politics", p.418.
28. Shawn McCormick, The Angolan Economy. The Centre for Strategic and International
Studies, Washington,DC, 1994, 38-39.
29. Ibid, p.18.
30. Ibid,pp.viii,7,43.
31. Ibid, p. 7
32. Ibid, p.2.
33. Anthony Pereira, "The Neglected Tragedy: The Return to War in Angola, 1992-93",
Journal of Modern African Studies, 32(1), 1994, p. 12.
34. Country Profile Angola. The Economist Intelligence Unit, London, 1995-96, p. 19.
35. McCormick, The Angolan, pp.3-4.


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The State and Development in Southern Africa I 31


36. Anthony Pazzanita, "The Conflict Resolution Process in Angola", Journal of Modern
African Studies, 29(10), 1991, p.92.
37. McCormick, The Angolan, pp.3-4.
38. Ibid, pp.7,19.
39. Republic of Malawi, Statement of Development Policies, 1987-96. Government Printer,
Zomba, 1987, pp4-6; Ravi Gulhati, Malawi:Promising Reforms, Bad Luck. World Bank,
Washington,DC, 3(13), 1989.
40. Gulhati, Malawi:Promising, p. 17.
41. Government of Malawi, Development Plan, 1965-69. Government Printer, Zomba, 1965,
pp.5-6.
42. Gulhati, Malawi:Promising, p.8.
43. Republic of Malawi, Statement of Development, p.6.
44. Gulhati, Malawi:Promising, p.8.
45. Ibid, p.7.
46. Republic of Zambia, Zambia's Economic Revolution. Government Printer, Lusaka, 1968;
Republic of Zambia, Towards Complete Independence. Government Printer, Lusaka,
1969; Republic of Zambia, This Completes Economic Reforms: Now Zambia is Ours.
Government Printer, Lusaka, 1970.
47. Republic of Zambia, Third National Development Plan, 1979-83. Government Printer,
Lusaka, October, 1979, p.9.
48. Ben Turok, Mixed Economy in Focus: Zambia. Institute for African Alternatives,
London, 1989, p.48.
49. Ibid, pp.157-58; Dennis Chiwele and Christopher Colcolough, "Economic Crisis,
Adjustment and the Effectiveness of the Public Sector in Zambia", in Charles Harvey
(ed), Constraints on the Success of Structural Adjustment Programmes in Africa.
Macmillan Press, London, 1996.
50. Oliver Saasa and Jerker Carlsson, The Aid Relationship in Zambia: A Conflict Scenario.
The Nordic Africa Institute, Uppsala, 1996, p.42.
51. UNDP, Human Development,1997.
52. Colin Bradford, "East Asian "Models": Myths and Lessons?", in Jerry Lewis and Valerie
Kallab, Development Strategies Reconsidered. Transaction Books, New Brunswick, 1986,
p. 118.


Reference Style: The following is the suggested format for referencing this article:
Osei Hwedi, 2001. "The State and Development in Southern Africa: A Comparative Analysis of
Botswana and Mauritius with Angola, Malawi and Zambia. African Studies Quarterly 5(1): 1.
[online] URL: http://web.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v5/v5ila2.htm


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African Studies Quarterly I Volume 5, Issue 1 I Winter 2001


The Public Sector, Privatization, and Development in Sub-

Saharan Africa


JAMES S. GUSEH

Abstract: At the time of independence, nearly all African countries identified capitalism with
neocolonialism and therefore adopted a statist approach to economic development, with
government being the major instrument of development. As a result, the size of the public sector
grew through the creation of public sector enterprises. On the other hand, over the years there has
been a slowdown in economic growth, especially in agricultural output. With deep internal
economic crisis, shortage of foreign capital and debt obligations, many African countries adopted
in the 1980s certain structural adjustment measures required by international donor organizations
and creditors as a condition for economic assistance, with privatization usually being a component
of the structural adjustment programs. Thus, many African countries have embarked on the policy
of privatization and other market-oriented reforms. Empirical investigations as to whether or not
privatization promotes development of the issue have produced mixed results.
Introduction

Privatization has become an important instrument for streamlining the public sector and
promoting economic development in countries around the world. Privatization refers to
divestiture of public sector enterprises (PSE)---enterprises owned and operated by the state---to
private owners and, more generally, the placing of a large share of the economy into the private
sector. Privatization gained a major thrust in the 1980s when international donor organizations-
like the World Bank--made it a major component of structural adjustment programs,
established as a condition for economic assistance. Structural adjustment itself refers to "a series
of economic policies designed to reduce the role of government in an economy [by] replacing
government control with market incentives." 1
Structural adjustment programs were initiated as a result of the explosive debt crisis of the
early 1980s. The rise to power of groups espousing neo-liberal economic ideas during the
political tenure of the Reagan and Thatcher governments in the United States and Great Britain,
respectively, accelerated the placement of structural adjustment on the economic development
agenda during that period. While stabilization programs of earlier post-war decades achieved
successful monetary, fiscal, and trade policies without economic restructuring, structural
adjustment programs in the developing world during the 1980s and early 1990s were associated
with the adoption of free-market policies as a condition for international assistance.
The 1980s can be regarded internationally as the decade of privatization. "From the middle
of the 1970s, worldwide sales of state enterprises reached a record total of over $185 billion by
the end of the 1980s." 2 Although the public enterprise sector expanded in most countries during
much of the post-World War II period, this sector contracted or remained the same in most
countries during the 1980s, principally due to privatization policies.3 Since 1980, worldwide


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34 I Guseh


sales of PSEs have risen faster. In 1990 governments worldwide sold off $25 billion in PSEs.4
Total sales increased to $69 billion in 1992 (5) and exceeded $175 billion over the period 1990 to
1993.6 Assets of privatized entities are projected to exceed $600 billion by the year 2000.7
While the policy of privatization may have originated in the industrialized countries, it has
been rapidly adopted in the developing world. Over the years in many developing countries,
there has been a slowdown in economic growth, especially in agricultural output. Increasingly,
therefore, they are reducing the size of the public sector and turning to market-oriented
reforms. Moreover, as a result of the declining economic growth in these countries, international
donor organizations and creditors, such as the World Bank and the United States government,
have required certain structural reforms as a condition for economic assistance, with
privatization usually being a major component of this structural adjustment package.
Privatization has been seen by some governments and international donor organizations as a
policy that will help less developed countries improve the performance of their economies by
reducing the size of the public sector and enhancing the performance of the private sector. Thus,
many African countries have embarked upon privatization.
The purpose of this study is to analyze the factors that led to the adoption of the policy of
privatization in Africa, with emphasis on Sub-Saharan African, and to review the policy as an
instrument of development. The paper begins with analysis of the contribution of the size of
public sector to economic growth in Africa. Such an assessment is important, because the
growing trend in the size of government has been criticized for the decline in economic growth.8
Second, with the policy of privatization perceived as a major solution to the slowdown in
economic growth, the issue becomes whether or not privatization promotes development at a
faster rate than would otherwise happen. This study addresses this issue through a review of
empirical studies on the relationship between privatization and development. The results
should provide further insights into the effects of the privatization policy adopted in Sub-
Saharan Africa. The study concludes with some policy implications.

THE PUBLIC SECTOR AND PRIVATIZATION

In the struggle for independence from colonial rule, ambivalence toward capitalism was
the hallmark of most nationalist movements in Africa.9 At the time of independence, most
African countries identified capitalism with colonialism rather than with entrepreneurship and
free enterprise. As Bruce Bartlett stated, "capitalism in any form was identified with imperialism
and therefore rejected as neo-colonialist."10 As a result, virtually every African country adopted
some form of socialism or statist approach to economic development. Many external advisers
and the economics profession recommended a major role for the state in economic
development. Thus, governments became the principal actor in economic activities and the
major instrument of development in many African countries. This has led to an increase in the
size of the public sector through the creation of numerous government agencies and state-
owned or public-sector enterprises.
Goran Hyden described the original rationale for establishing these enterprises as follows:
"In the absence of an entrenched class of local capitalists, many governments felt a need to
resort to public enterprises as the only alternative to counteract the influence of foreign capital


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The Public Sector, Privatization, and Development in Sub-Saharan Africa I 35


and to accelerate the development of local resources. The public enterprises would take the role
played by private entrepreneurs in other countries and thus help to harness, mobilize and
exploit resources which would otherwise lie idle or be developed only by foreigners. The profit
generated by these bodies, moreover, would accrue to the state and thus be available for public
investment and for fostering social welfare goals of the new governments. In those countries
which adopted a socialist strategy of development, governments would add to this list of
reasons for a rapid expansion of the public sector the objective of social equality. A dominant
public sector would make equalization policies easier.""
Other points of view have been advanced for a larger role of government in the process of
development. One point is that government should be assigned a critical role in the process of
economic development. Another is that a large government can become a powerful engine in
economic development. Arguments in support of the latter include, inter alia: "(i) role of the
government in harmonizing conflicts between private and social interests; (ii) prevention of
exploitation of the country by foreigners; and (iii) securing an increase in productive investment
and providing a socially optimal direction for growth and development."12
Thus, since independence, the role of the state in economic activities has increased sharply
in Africa through the creation of numerous public-sector enterprises. For example, in the late
1980s, "state enterprises bulk[ed] larger in proportion to total economy activity than it [did] in
any other market-economy region in the Third World."13 It is estimated that about three
thousand enterprises are fully or partially controlled by governments in Africa. The size of
government in the economy had grown sharply between independence in the 1960s and the era
of structural adjustment in the 1980s.
Although there are various measures of the size of government in the economy, the
measure employed in this study is the ratio of government consumption expenditure to gross
domestic product (GDP). For many countries, government consumption expenditure consists of
the following categories: "1) outlays for wages and salaries of civil servants and the military; 2)
outlays on nondurable goods and services, including those for public sector employees,
maintenance, and all spending on military equipment; 3) interest payments on government
debt; 4) transfers to subnational government; and 5) subsidies and other transfers to
individuals. "14 This measure, regarded as the standard specification of government size,
assesses the effect of public sector expansion on the underlying growth rate.15 It provides a
useful indication of the overall influence of the public sector in the economy as a whole.16
Measured as the ratio of government consumption expenditure to GDP, government size in
Sub-Saharan Africa increased from about 20 percent in the early 1960s and 1970s to about 28
percent and 29 percent in the early 1980s and 1990s, respectively.17 Much of the growth during
the initial period was the result of the newly independent states assuming the role of nation
building from colonial states. The states tended to mobilize their physical and human resources
for socioeconomic development. Countries that were endowed with natural resources, such as
Liberia with iron ore, Ghana with bauxite, and Nigeria with oil, tended to use the revenue from
the sales of the resources to expand their public sectors. Thus, the state became the major actor
in economic activity and development.
The extent of state involvement in the economies of sub-Saharan Africa is summarized in a
1986 report by the World Bank as follows:


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36 I Guseh


"Public sector employment is half of all modern sector employment, compared with only one-
third in Asia. Allowing the country size, public enterprises are more numerous than in most
other developing countries, and they engage in a wider array of activities. Public investment
accounts for the bulk of investment in the formal sector."18
The early 1970s experienced a decline in economic performance as a result of the first
OPEC oil crisis in 1973. The slowdown in economic growth led to a decline in income to various
sectors of the economy including the public sector. As a result, the share of government
spending as a percentage of GDP declined slightly during this period. To continue the trend of
government expansion, oil importing countries embarked on heavy borrowing. Ironically, some
of the funds for borrowing were recycled funds from oil exporting countries.
Table 1 provides external debt statistics for Sub-Saharan Africa. The external debt as a
percentage of GNP more than doubled over the period 1980 to 1995. It increased from 30.6
percent to 81.3 percent. Similarly, debt as a percentage of exports increased from 91.7 percent in
1980 to 241.3 percent in 1995. With substantial borrowing to finance government activities,
including public sector enterprises, the size of government increased dramatically in the 1980s
and 1990s.Table 1
While the size of the public sector has been growing, the rate of economic growth has been
slow. A broad overview of the economy of Sub-Saharan Africa shows that the average annual
rate of economic growth was over 10 percent in the 1960s and declined below 2 percent in the
1970s and 1980s. During the 1980s, most of the national economies were in a state of near or
partial collapse. Over the period 1990 to 1998, annual rate of economic growth averaged slightly
over 2 percent to 2.2 percent. In 1997-98 the average annual growth rate of per capital was
negative (-0.4 percent). The growth rates in the 1980s and 1990s have been below the average
annual rates of population growth of 5 percent and 3 percent, respectively.
As a result of the declining rate of economic growth, African countries are increasingly
reducing the size of the public sector and are turning to market-oriented reforms. As discussed
in the previous section, the declining economic growth in these countries has led international
donor organizations and creditors, such as the World Bank, the European Union, and the
United States government, to require certain structural reforms as a condition for economic
assistance, with privatization normally being a major component of this structural adjustment
package.

PRIVATIZATION AND ECONOMIC REFORM IN AFRICA

Table 2 presents a summary of privatization activity in Sub-Saharan Africa in various years
and by economic sectors. By 1998, 3,165 privatization transactions were completed, leading to
total sales value of US$6,426 million. Of these transactions, about 50 percent were completed
prior to 1994, and the other 50 percent were completed over the period 1994 -1998. It is therefore
clear that by 1999 the pace of privatized firms in value terms was falling. This is due largely to
the political unpopularity of privatization. Of the total transactions, manufacturing constituted
about 75 percent, followed by agricultural production and process with 50 percent and services
with 40 percent. The rest of the transactions consisted of trade with 10 percent, financial with 5


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The Public Sector, Privatization, and Development in Sub-Saharan Africa I 37


percent, and other with 6 percent. Most of the privatized industries had been built by state
authorities to encourage manufacturing under import substitution policies.Table 2
Turning to strategies of privatization, a wide range of methods have been employed in
Africa. Table 3 presents the methods used up to the end of 1996. The sales of shares through
competitive tender appears to be the principal method of privatization, constituting about a
third of the total privatization. Open competitive bidding has been one of the conditions
favored by donors. However, formal liquidations and asset sales combined represent the same
proportion of transactions, a reflection of the poor condition of many state-owned enterprises.19
The number of non-competitive methods exceeded the number of sales to shareholders with
pre-emptive rights, a reflection of a degree of non-transparency and skepticism about
privatization in Sub-Saharan Africa.20 It is also a reflection of the existing laws that grant current
shareholders pre-emptive rights in buying out the state. It is reported however, that concerns
about transparency are receding because of the availability of more information to the public by
the implementing agencies and the increasing involvement of the private sector in the
privatization process.21 (Table 3)
The pace of privatization across the continent is not uniform. The pace is picking up in
some countries, while in other countries the process is just beginning. In others it has slowed
down. In terms of the number of transactions completed in each country to the end of 1998,
most privatization activities have taken place in Mozambique (579), Angola (331), Zambia (253),
Ghana (217), Tanzania (198), Kenya (189), Ethiopia (125), and Guinea (117).22 It is interesting to
note that the two countries that have recorded the most privatization transactions, Mozambique
and Angola, are neither Anglophone nor Francophone countries, but Lusophone countries. Both
are formerly Marxist command economies. This, perhaps, reflects the need and determination
of these countries to move away from socialism and rebuild their war-torn economies.23
Despite the adoption of privatization policy, the Sub-African region still ranks low in the
pace of privatization. According to the US National Center for Policy Analysis, among the
regions in the world for the period 1988-1995:
"Latin America and the Caribbean was the leading privatization region with total sales of about
$54 billion or 46 percent of the total amount of proceeds from privatization.
East Asia was next with sales of $28 billion or 25 percent, followed by Europe and Central Asia
(which includes the formerly planned economies of Central and Eastern Europe and the former
Soviet Union) with almost $20 billion or 17 percent.
The rest of the developing world combined [including Sub-Saharan Africa] was responsible for
only about 12 percent of the value of sales."24
These data and the fact that state-ownership represents about 10 percent of GDP in
developing countries on average suggest that a lot of assets are still controlled by states in Sub-
Saharan Africa and other developing regions.25 The major factor that has restricted the pace of
privatization in Sub-Saharan Africa is the underdevelopment of the capital markets. This
limitation has affected the pace of privatization in terms of how many enterprises could be put
up for sale and the methods employed for broadening ownership. As a method of privatization,
capitalization schemes have not been tried in Africa 26, while they have been employed in some
Latin American countries. However, according to Jean-Louis Sarbib, Vice President of the


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38 I Guseh


African Region of the World Bank, a lot of effort is going into capital market developments
along with financial sector reforms in Africa. 27
Despite these problems, the lessons learned indicate an increasing number of privatized
firms deserve closer attention. The question is whether or not privatization helps promote
development. This issue is addressed in the next section where the relationship between
privatization and development is reviewed.

PRIVATIZATION AND ECONOMIC GROWTH: POLICY CHOICES

Would the limited amount of privatization help the goal of accelerated growth in Africa?
One of the issues involved in assessing the impact of privatization is measurement of
performance. While a private enterprise tends to be assessed in terms of financial performance,
a public sector enterprise (PSE) may have multiple functions, such as commercial and
developmental functions. For example, in Liberia, the state-owned radio station performed both
development functions, such as operating a rural communication network, and also commercial
functions. Thus, a PSE can be assessed in terms of financial performance, as well as its
effectiveness, efficiency, economy and contribution to democracy.28 To assess PSEs with
multiple functions only in terms of profitability may not present an accurate assessment of the
performance of such enterprises.
Another factor in measuring performance in the public sector deals with the ownership of
performance measurements. Several public agencies may contribute to the realization of a
certain goal or output, and how credit for these contributions should be allocated may be an
issue. Graeme Hodge provides an example of this situation as follows:
"[P]olice, transport accident commission, road and traffic authorities, emergency services
associated with on-site trauma, medical support and transport, hospitals, community groups,
and educators are some of the contributors to the general aim of reducing road accident trauma.
None of these contributing agencies, however, would be wholly responsible for the overall level
of road trauma occurring over any one particular time period. In any single year, all agencies
would have partial ownership of the road trauma outcome in the community."29
Ownership of performance measurement can also affect the performance of services. An
agency may want to receive credit for providing a service that involves the cooperation and
contribution of many organizations. By insisting on receiving credit, the agency may prevent
the services from being provided. For example, in the United States "several law enforcement
agencies knew about a major drug shipment, but they allowed it to slip through their fingers ...
because they would not agree about which of the 'cooperating' agencies would make the actual
arrest and receive the media attention."30
Although there are different forms of privatization with different objectives, most
evaluations do not distinguish the effect of each form of privatization on development. Forms of
privatization include contracting out, enterprise sales, public-private partnerships through joint
ventures, and delegation. Different methods of privatization result in different outcomes, and
the privatization agency must use the most appropriate method of privatization for different
companies, industries, and sectors.31 For example, if the goal is to restructure PSEs with little or
no transfer of ownership and management control, then the most appropriate method is


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The Public Sector, Privatization, and Development in Sub-Saharan Africa I 39


commercialization of PSEs by requiring cost recovery and eliminating their subsidies and
monopoly status.32 If the objective is to reduce or eliminate the public sector's role in providing
goods or services and to encourage private sector provision, the appropriate methods include
delegation of responsibility of nongovernmental organizations and the private sector and
provision of state guarantees or incentives for the private sector or nongovernmental
organizations to provide services.33 Whether these different forms of privatization have
different effects on growth and development remains to be tested.
Whether privatization has a positive or negative impact on development seems to depend
on factors such as the variables and model specifications employed. For example, studies that
have regressed the rate of economic growth on government expenditure or tax revenue as a
share of GDP have found a significant negative relationship, ceteris paribus.34 This may indicate
that growth in government activities tends to harm economic expansion overall. On the other
hand, studies that have regressed the rate of economic growth on the growth rate of
government expenditure have found a significant positive relationship, ceteris paribus.35 Thus,
the model specifications employed tend to determine the nature of the effects of the public
sector on economic growth. The government expenditure variable employed in these studies is
government consumption expenditure, defined in the previous section.36
Accordingly, a debate in the literature centers on determining the appropriate specification
of government size in assessing its impact on economic growth. According to Landau, although
the correct approach would be to include government in a general model of economic growth,
he argued that such a model does not exist and that "Economic research is still in an
underdeveloped state [with] little known about the impact of public production. "37 Thus,
Landau (and others) specified government size as the share of government consumption
expenditure (G) in GDP (i.e., G/GDP).38 This specification has been found to be negatively
correlated with economic growth.
Ram, however, challenged this specification. He argued that the use of the variable G/GDP
in the production function lacks a theoretical foundation and thus would be ad hoc. Adapting a
two-sector production function framework, he showed that the appropriate variable for
investigating the effects of government size on economic growth is the growth rate of
government spending (i.e., dG/G).39 His results showed a positive correlation between
government size and economic growth.
Despite the two views on the specification of government size, Conte and Dard have
shown that both specifications are appropriate, with Ram's specification measuring the short-
run impact of government and the other specification measuring the long-run impact.40 Thus,
the short-run impact of the growth in government size on the economy is positive, while the
impact of government on the underlying rate of economic growth is negative. These differences
on the impact of privatization on growth, make it hard to arrive at a hard and fast answer on
the likely impact of privatization on economic growth in Africa.


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40 I Guseh


Conclusions

Since independence, the size of government in African countries has grown through the
creation of public sector enterprises. On the other hand, the rate of economic growth has been
declining. Whatever the results of studies on the relationship between privatization and
development, many African countries are placing large shares of their economies in the private
sector in order to reduce the size of government and improve the performance of their
economies.
Growth in the size of government, measured as the share of government consumption
expenditure in GDP, has been found to be directly associated with a decline in economic
growth. Growth in the share of GDP consumed by governments tends to be a drag on growth.
That is, government consumption is a "net tax on society with few corresponding benefits."41
Besides the direct negative impact of government on the economy, growth in government also
adversely affects economic growth through an indirect approach. That is, more government
lowers savings and investment which in turn retards economic growth.
Other studies also suggest that a larger government size may interfere with efficiency and
economic growth. Some of the reasons that have been advanced include: "(i) government
operations are often conducted inefficiently, (ii) the regulatory process imposes excessive
burdens and costs on the economic system, and (iii) many of government's fiscal and monetary
policies tend to distort economic incentives and lower the productivity of the system."42
Additionally, corruption tends to be prevalent in the public sphere. According to the World
Bank, "many privatization efforts have been racked by corruption, undermining confidence in
both the government and the market economy."43
As Brian JL Berry, Edgar C. Canaling, and D. Michael Ray have noted:
"Centrally directed [economic] systems do not work and cannot compete. They produce only
sporadic growth, assure only a low-level equality that is violated by party-membership
privilege, and quite demonstrably have been far more destructive of the environment than
political and economic systems of any other kind."44
Brian J.L. Berry, et al. recommend that economic statism of central direction would have to
be replaced by individual initiatives and the discipline markets in the economic arena, and
individual freedoms and democratic institutions in the sphere of politics; private enterprise and
competition would have to replace state monopoly and public-sector enterprises.45 Competition
is essential, because it encourages efficiency and provides incentives for innovation. As Bruce
Bartlett said, "whatever faults it may have, there is no longer any doubt that free-market
capitalism has the greatest capacity to produce goods and services of any economic system ever
devised."46 According to Graeme Hodge, who has conducted an international review of
privatization, "this changed intellectual climate has also been further bolstered by the failure of
centrally planned economies and the relative success of Western capitalist democracies."47 Little
wonder, then, that market systems are triumphing across the globe!
With growth in the size of the public sector being associated with a slowdown in economic
growth, the traditional emphasis of African countries on government as the instrument of
development needs to be reexamined. For example, the World Bank compared economic
performance of developing countries in Sub-Saharan Africa and East Asia.48 The Bank found


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The Public Sector, Privatization, and Development in Sub-Saharan Africa I 41


that in 1960 per capital incomes in the Asian countries were only slightly higher than those in
Africa, while consumption expenditures of African governments were higher than those of the
Asian governments. However, by the 1990s, incomes in East Asia were more than five times
those in Africa, while the government size in Africa had grown to one-and-a-half times that in
East Asia.
Reducing the size of the public sector is seen therefore as essential to lower inflation and to
allow for new domestic and foreign investments. As stated by the National Center for Policy
Analysis, "Privatizations have a particularly strong influence over decisions to invest, and each
dollar of privatization revenue generates an extra 38 cents in new investment with financial and
infrastructure privatizations having the most positive effect on other foreign direct
investment."49 Thus, a policy based on a minimal role of government in economic activity may
be the best route towards economic growth and prosperity in Africa. The need for such an
institutional reform is of high urgency.
It is therefore urgently necessary to critically review and reconsider the traditional
emphasis on government as the major source of employment and on State monopoly and
control over productive assets and a wide range of economic activity. To translate this
awareness into policy constitutes one of the major political-economic challenges facing Sub-
Saharan African countries in the twenty-first century.

Tables

Table 1. External Debt for Sub-Saharan Africa


1980 1995

Total External Debt (million $) 84,119 226,483

External Debt as Percentage of GNP 30.6 81.3

External Debt as Percentage of Exports 91.7 241.7

Debt Service as Percentage of Export 9.8 14.5

Multilateral Debt as Percentage 9.0 24.3
of Total External Debt


Source: World Bank, World Development Report 1997: The State in a Changing World.
Washington, D.C., 1997, p. 247.




Table 2. Privatization Activity in Sub-Saharan Africa by Period and Economic Sector 1994-98


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42 I Guseh


Year

Before 1994

1994

1995

1996

1997

1998

Total


A. Transactions Completed by Period


Number of Transactions Completed

1,582

352

485

422

240

53

3,134


B. Transactions Completed by Sector


Sector

Agriculture Production & Processing

Financial

Manufacturing

Services

Trade

Other

ITotal


Number of Transactions

655

120

826

636

299

182

2,718


Source: The World Bank Group, The World Bank Group-Country Data: African Development
Indicators. http://www.worldbank.org/data/countrydata/adi/adi.html


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Percent

50.5

11.2

15.5

13.5

7.6

1.7

100


Percent

24.1

4.4

30.4

23.4

11.0

6.7

100







The Public Sector, Privatization, and Development in Sub-Saharan Africa I 43


Table 3. Methods of Privatization and Number of Transactions to End 1996


Methods of Privatization

Share Sales by Competitive Tender

Liquidations

Asset Sales by Competitive Tender

Non-Competitive Sales of Shares

Leases/Concessions

Pre-emptive Rights Share Sales

Public Flotations

Management/Employee Buyouts

Joint Ventures

Management Contracts

Restitutions to Former Owners

Transfers to Trustees

Non-Competitive Sales of Assets

Debt/Equity Swaps

Unspecified Methods

iTotal


Number of Transactions

854

458

421

291

187

75

69

48

47

39

36

27

25

7

100

2,718


Source: Jean-Louis Sarbib. "Privatization in Africa: Present and Future Trends." The World Bank
Group. Regions: Sub-Saharan Africa, Abidjan, May 21, 1997.
http://www.worldbank.org/html/extdr/offrep/afr/sarbspsp2.htm


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44 I Guseh


Notes

1. "Introduction to Macroeconomics in the Global Economy. Introduction: Structural
Adjustment Programs. What is Economics? Definition. Scarcity and..."
URL:www.harper.cc.il.us/mhealy/eco212/lecture...intro/intro.htm Last modified on: 25
June 1998 in English.
2. Campo-Flores, Filemon. "Lessons from Privatization of Argentina's National Telephone
Company." Policy Studies Review 13, no. 3/4, 1995, pp. 235-248.
3. Jones, Leroy P. Ingo Vogelsang, and Pankaj Tandon. "Public Enterprise Divestiture." In
Gerald M. Meier, ed., Politics and Policy Making in Developing Countries. San
Francisco: ICS Press, 1991, pp. 199-226.
4. Goodman, J.B. and G.W. Loveman. "Does Privatization Serve the Public Interest?"
Harvard Business Review 69(6), 1990, pp. 26-38.
5. Campo-Flores, Filemon. "Lessons from Privatization of Argentina's National Telephone
Company," pp. 235-248.
6. Lord, R., ed. Privatization Yearbook 1994. London: Privatization International, 1994.
7. "Selling the State." The Economist. 328(7825), 1993, pp. 18-20.
8. Landau, Daniel. "Government Expenditure and Economic Growth: A Cross-Country
Study." Southern Economic Journal 49 (1983), pp.783-792;. "Government Expenditure
and Economic Growth in the Developed Countries: 1952-76." Public Choice 47, 1985, pp.
459-477; "Government and Economic Growth in the Less Developed Countries: An
Empirical Study for 1960-80." Economic Development and Cultural Change 35, 1986, pp.
35-75; Guseh, James S. "Government Size and Economic Growth in Developing:
Countries: A Political-Economy Framework," Journal of Macroeconomics 19(1), 1997, pp.
175-192.
9. Sklar, Richard L. "Beyond Capitalism and Socialism in Africa." In Charles K. Wilber and
Kenneth P Jameson, The Political Economy of Development and Underdevelopment 5th
ed. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1992, p. 639.
10. Bartlett, Bruce R. "The State and the Market in Sub-Saharan Africa." World Economy 12
September 1989, p. 297.
11. Hyden, Goran. No Shortcuts to Progress: African Development Management in
Perspective Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983, p. 96.
12. Ram, Rati. "Government Size and Economic Growth: A New Framework and Some
Evidence from Cross-Section and Time-Series Data." American Economic Review 76,
1986, pp. 191-203.
13. Sklar, Richard L. "Beyond Capitalism and Socialism in Africa."
14. Gillis, Malcolm, Dwight H. Perkins, Michael Roemer, and Donald R. Snodgrass,
Economics of Development, 2nd ed. New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1987, p. 296.
15. Conte, Michael and Ali Darrat "Economic Growth and the Expanding Public Sector."
Review of Economics and Statistics 70 (1989), pp. 322-330.
16. Beeton, D.J., "On the Size of the Public Sector." Applied Economics 19, 1987, pp.927-936.
17. World Bank, World Development Report 1997: The State in a Changing World.
Washington, D.C.: The World Bank, 1997, p. 22.


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The Public Sector, Privatization, and Development in Sub-Saharan Africa I 45


18. World Bank. Financing Adjustment with Growth in Sub-Saharan Africa, 1986-90.
Washington, D.C.: World Bank, 1986, p. 21.
19. Sarbib, Jean-Louis, "Privatization in Africa: Present and Future Trends." In The World
Bank Group, Regions: Sub-Saharan Africa, May 21, 1997.
http://www.worldbank.org/html/extdr/offrep/afr/sarbsp2.htm
20. Ibid.
21. Ibid.
22. The World Bank Group, "Country Data: African Development Indicators." Development.
http://www.worldbank.org/data/countrydata/adi/adi.html
23. Sarbib, Jean-Louis, "Privatization in Africa: Present and Future Trends." In The World
Bank Group, Regions: Sub-Saharan Africa, May 21, 1997.
http://www.worldbank.org/html/extdr/offrep/afr/sarbsp2.htm
24. National Center for Policy Analysis, Idea House, "Privatization: Privatization Trends in
Developing Countries." 1997. http://www.ncpa.org/pd/private/oct98ab.html
25. Ibid.
26. Sarbib. "Privatization in Africa: Present and Future Trends."
27. Ibid.
28. Hodge, Graeme A., Privatization: An International Review of Performance. Boulder:
Westview Press, 2000.
29. Ibid., p.44.
30. Peters, Guy, American Public Policy, fifth edition. New York: Chatham House
Publishers, 1999.
31. Rondinelli, Dennis A. and Max Iacono,"Strategic Management of Privatization: A
Framework for Planning and Implementation. "Public Administration 98/99, fifth edition.
Guilford, CT.: Dushkin/McGraw Hill, 1998, p. 230.
32. Ibid.
33. Ibid.
34. Barro, Robert. "Economic Growth in a Cross Section of Countries." The Quarterly Journal
of Economics 106, 1991, pp 407-443; Guseh, James S. "Government Size and Economic
Growth in Developing: A Political-Economy Framework," Journal of Macroeconomics
19, no. 1, 1997, pp. 175-192; Landau, Daniel. "Government Expenditure and Economic
Growth in the Developed Countries: 1952-76." Public Choice 47 (1985), pp. 459-477;.
"Government and Economic Growth in the Less Developed Countries: An Empirical
Study for 1960-80." Economic Development and Cultural Change 35 (1986), pp. 35-75.
35. Grossman, Philip. "Government and Economic Growth: A Non-Linear Relationship."
Public Choice 56 (1988), pp. 193-200; and "Government and Growth: Cross-Sectional
Evidence." Public Choice 65 (1990): 217-227; 29). Guseh, James S. "Government Size and
Economic Growth: A Political-Economy Framework," Ph.D. diss., The University of
Texas at Dallas, 1991. Ram, Rati. "Government Size and Economic Growth: A New
Framework and Some Evidence from Cross-Section and Time-Series Data." American
Economic Review 76 (1986), pp. 191-203.
36. See note 14.


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46 I Guseh


37. Landau, Daniel. "Government Expenditure and Economic Growth in the Developed
Countries: 1952-76." Public Choice 47 (1985), p. 460.
38. Landau, Daniel, "Government Expenditure and Economic Growth in the Developed
Countries: 1952-76." Public Choice 47 (1985): 459-477;. "Government and Economic
Growth in the Less Developed Countries: An Empirical Study for 1960-80." Economic
Development and Cultural Change 35 (1986): 35-75; Rubinson, Richard. "Dependency,
Government Revenue, and Economic Growth, 1955-70." Studies in Comparative
International Development 12, 1977, pp. 3-28.
39. Ram, Rati. "Government Size and Economic Growth: A New Framework and Some
Evidence from Cross-Section and Time-Series Data." American Economic Review 76,
1986, pp. 191-203.
40. Conte, Michael and Ali Darrat. "Economic Growth and the Expanding Public Sector."
41. World Bank. World Development Report 1997: The State in a Changing World.
Washington, D.C.: World Bank, 1997, p. 247.
42. Ram, Rati. "Government Size and Economic Growth."
43. World Bank, World Development Report 1999/2000: Entering the 21st Century. New
York: Oxford University Press, 2000, p.17.
44. Berry, Brian J.L., Edgar C. Conkling and D. Michael Ray. The Global Economy: Resource
Use, Locational Choice, and International Trade. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall,
1993, p. 2.
45. Ibid., p. 2.
46. Bartlett, Bruce R. "The State and the Market in Sub-Saharan Africa," World Economy 12
September 1989, pp. 293-314.
47. Hodge, Graeme A. Privatization: An International Review of Performance. Boulder:
Westview Press, 2000, p. 7.
48. World Bank. World Development Report 1997: The State in a Changing World.
49. National Center for Policy Analysis, Idea House. "Privatization: Privatization Trends in
Developing Countries." 1997. http://www.ncpa.org/pd/private/oct98ab.html.

References

Aylen, Jonathan. "Privatization in Developing Countries," Lloyds Bank Review 163 (January
1987), pp 19-20.

Bairam, Erkin "Government Size and Economic Growth: The African Experience, 1960-85."
Applied Economics 22 (1990), pp. 1427-1435.

Bartlett, Bruce R. "The State and the Market in Sub-Saharan Africa," World Economy 12
September 1989, pp. 293-314.

Barro, Robert. "Economic Growth in a Cross Section of Countries." The Quarterly Journal of
Economics 106 (1991), pp. 407-443.

Beeton, D.J. "On the Size of the Public Sector." Applied Economics 19, 1987, pp.927-936.


African Studies Quarterly I Volume 5, Issue 1 I Winter 2001
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The Public Sector, Privatization, and Development in Sub-Saharan Africa I 47


Berry, Brian J.L., Edgar C. Conkling and D. Michael Ray. The Global Economy: Resource Use,
Locational Choice, and International Trade. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1993, p. 2.

Campo-Flores, Filemon. "Lessons from Privatization of Argentina's National Telephone
Company." Policy Studies Review 13, no. 3/4, 1995, pp. 235-248.

Conte, Michael and Ali Darrat "Economic Growth and the Expanding Public Sector." Review of
Economics and Statistics 70 (1989), pp. 322-330.

Gemmell, Norman. "International Comparison of the Effects of Non-Market Sector Growth."
Journal of Comparative Economics 7 (1983), pp.368-381.

Gillis, Malcolm, Dwight H. Perkins, Michael Roemer, and Donald R. Snodgrass. Economics of
Development, 2nd ed. New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1987, p. 296.
Goodman, J.B. and G.W. Loveman. "Does Privatization Serve the Public Interest?" Harvard
Business Review 69(6), 1990, pp. 26-38.

Grossman, Philip. "Government and Economic Growth: A Non-Linear Relationship." Public
Choice 56 (1988), pp. 193-200.

"Government and Growth: Cross-Sectional Evidence." Public Choice 65 (1990), pp. 217-
227.

Guseh, James S. "Government Size and Economic Growth: A Political-Economy Framework."
Ph.D. diss., The University of Texas at Dallas, 1991.

Guseh, James S. "Government Size and Economic Growth in Developing: Countries: A Political-
Economy Framework," Journal of Macroeconomics 19(1), 1997, pp. 175-192.

Hodge, Graeme A. Privatization: An International Review of Performance. Boulder: Westview
Press, 2000, p. 7.

Hyden, Goran. No Shortcuts to Progress: African Development Management in Perspective
Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983, p. 96.
"Introduction to Macroeconomics in the Global Economy. Introduction: Structural Adjustment
Programs. What is Economics? Definition. Scarcity and..."
URL:www.harper.cc.il.us/mhealy/eco212/lecture...intro/intro.htm Last modified on: 25 June
1998 in English.

Jones, Leroy P. Ingo Vogelsang, and Pankaj Tandon. "Public Enterprise Divestiture." In Gerald
M. Meier, ed., Politics and Policy Making in Developing Countries. San Francisco: ICS Press,
1991, pp. 199-226.


African Studies Quarterly I Volume 5, Issue 1 I Winter 2001
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48 I Guseh


Landau, Daniel. "Government Expenditure and Economic Growth: A Cross-Country Study."
Southern Economic Journal 49 (1983), pp.783-792.

"Government Expenditure and Economic Growth in the Developed Countries: 1952-76."
Public Choice 47, 1985, pp. 459-477.

"Government and Economic Growth in the Less Developed Countries: An Empirical
Study for 1960-80." Economic Development and Cultural Change 35, 1986, pp. 35-75;

Lord, R., ed. Privatization Yearbook 1994. London: Privatization International, 1994.

Marsden, Keith. "Links between Taxes and Economic Growth: Some Empirical Evidence," Staff
Working Paper no. 605. Washington, DC: World Bank, 1983.

Milward, Robert, and D. Parker. "Public and Private Enterprise: Comparative Behavior and
Relative Efficiency." In Public Sector Economics, ed. Robert Milward et al. London: Longman,
(1983), as cited in Privatization in Less Developed Countries, ed. Cook and Kirkpatrick.

National Center for Policy Analysis, Idea House. "Privatization: Privatization Trends in
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Nunnenkamp, Peter. "State Enterprises in Developing Countries," Intereconomics 21
July/August 1986, p. 186.

Peters, Guy. American Public Policy, 5th edition. New York: Chatham House Publishers, 1999.

Ram, Rati. "Government Size and Economic Growth: A New Framework and Some Evidence
from Cross-Section and Time-Series Data." American Economic Review 76, 1986, pp. 191-203.

Rondinelli, Dennis A. and Max Iacono. "Strategic Management of Privatization: A Framework
for Planning and Implementation." Public Administration 98/99, 5th edition. Guilford, CT.:
Dushkin/McGraw Hill, 1998, p. 230.

Rubinson, Richard. "Dependency, Government Revenue, and Economic Growth, 1955-70."
Studies in Comparative International Development 12 (1977), pp 3-28.

Sarbib, Jean-Louis. "Privatization in Africa: Present and Future Trends." In The World Bank
Group, Regions: Sub-Saharan Africa, May 21, 1997.
http://www.worldbank.org/html/extdr/offrep/afr/sarbsp2.htm

Scully, Gerald W. "The Institutional Framework and Economic Development." Journal of
Political Economy 96 (1988), p. 661.
"Selling the State." The Economist. 328(7825), 1993, pp. 18-20.


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The Public Sector, Privatization, and Development in Sub-Saharan Africa I 49


Short, Robert P. "Public Enterprises: A Statistical Comparison." In Robert H. Floyd, Clive S.
Gray, and Robert P. Short Public Enterprise in Mixed Economies: Some Macroeconomic
Aspects. Washington, DC: International Monetary Fund, 1984, pp. 110-194.

Singh, Ram D. "State Intervention, Foreign Economic Aid, Savings, and Growth in LDCs: Some
Recent Evidence." Kyklos 38 (Fasc. 2, 1985), as cited in Schaleton, "Privatizing the Third World,"
pp. 434-35.

Sklar, Richard L. "Beyond Capitalism and Socialism in Africa." In Charles K. Wilber and
Kenneth P Jameson, The Political Economy of Development and Underdevelopment 5th ed.
New York: McGraw-Hill, 1992, p. 639.

Tyler, William G. "Technical Efficiency in Production in a Developing Country: An Empirical
Examination of the Brazilian Plastics and Steel Industries." Oxford Economic Papers 31
November 1979, pp. 477-95, as cited in Aylen "Privatization in Developing Countries." p. 29

World Bank. Financing Adjustment with Growth in Sub-Saharan Africa, 1986-90. Washington,
D.C.: World Bank, 1986, p. 21.

World Bank. World Development Report 1997: The State in a Changing World. Washington,
D.C.: World Bank, 1997, pp. 22, 247.

World Bank. World Development Report 1999/2000: Entering the 21st Century. New York:
Oxford University Press, 2000, p.17.

The World Bank Group. "Country Data: African Development Indicators." Development.
http://www.worldbank.org/data/countrydata/adi/adi.html

Yoder, Richard A., Philip L. Borkholder, and Brian D. Friesen. "Privatization and Development:
The Empirical Evidence." The Journal of Developing Areas 25 April 1991, pp. 425-432.

Reference Style: The following is the suggested format for referencing this article:
James S. Guseh 2001. "The Public Sector, Privatization, and Development in Sub-Saharan
Africa". African Studies Quarterly 5(1): 1. [online] URL:
http://web.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v5/v5ila3.htm


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African Studies Quarterly I Volume 5, Issue 1 I Winter 2001


BOOK REVIEWS




African Politics and Society: A Mosaic in Transformation. Peter J. Schraeder. Boston:
Bedford/St. Martin's Press, 2000. Pp. 340.

Peter J. Schraeder's book offers an excellent introductory course to Africa. He seeks to
rationalize and classify various aspects of contemporary African politics and society in an
interesting and novel manner. This may seem a logical and practical approach, but surprisingly
few studies have undertaken such an exercise. The lack of a large body of similar literature
makes this book an essential component for anyone interested in understanding Africa's
politics, recent history, myriad of cultures and its role in world politics. Early on, one realizes
that the author certainly does not share the view that Africa is a "lost continent" or even a
"forgotten" one, but rather a complex and vibrant "mosaic in transformation."
Clearly, it is inevitable that in writing a textbook on African politics and society a certain
degree of generalization is necessary. This is apparent in the extensive reference to secondary
sources, which the author uses in order to better address the many issues related to the broad
subject of African studies. In this regard, Schraeder incorporates secondary sources with
remarkable skill, especially in the first part of the book (Sections I-III). In this section, he
introduces his study, classifies the many and diverse theoretical outlooks in African
development studies, gives a historical background to the various schools of political and
economic thought, and outlines the policy implications of "African ideologies." The author's
criticism of these models is quite interesting and insightful particularly in Chapters 2 and 3
where he analyzes the liberal free-market tradition and its failures in its more extreme forms.
Primary sources are less present in the work, since it is not really intended for an
academically trained audience. Rather, the book is oriented towards the general public and
undergraduate students. Schraeder does not provide equal depth on all African countries, for
example, he does not discuss North African nations in any detail. However, he offers
meticulous references to further sources and reading material at the conclusion of each chapter,
and provides a thorough bibliography.
The second part of the book (Sections IV-VI) is more open to criticism, and deals with
socio-cultural issues (Section IV), governance (Section V) and international relations (Section
VI). In this context, the author naturally concentrates on his own ideas and interpretations
regarding Africa. While the inclusion of the author's opinions makes these sections interesting
for the reader, there are some classifications that are debatable. For example, when the author
maps out the various "African ideologies" (p. 170) he treats Zimbabwe, Sudan, Senegal, etc. as
capitalist countries or "capitalist variations" whereas he treats countries such as Libya, or
Ghana as "socialist variations". Of course, the method used in such a classification directly



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52 I BOOK REVIEWS


affects the outcome of the study. It is not clear what methodology is being applied in order to
differentiate between the various countries and the classification thus appears rather arbitrary.
Once the classification is made, the author makes a comparison between the development
performance of the different African ideologies. He concludes that "capitalist" African countries
did better in economic growth, autonomy from foreign control, human rights, and political
participation (pp. 188-9), but the weak methodological premise makes this conclusion less than
persuasive. Indeed, Schraeder places the Democratic Republic of Congo, Kenya, Nigeria, Sierra
Leone and Chad among the "capitalist variation" category, together with more well-run
countries such as Botswana or Mali. This begs the question: how can it be possible that
countries which differ so much in terms of "good" governance fit into the same category?
In some sections of the book, there is a tendency to oversimplify terms and ideas, such as
his treatment and discussion of "governance, for example. However, a protracted debate on the
notion of governance in Africa would limit the book's wide appeal and place it within a
scholarly niche. As stated earlier, the aim of the author is to make African studies accessible and
fascinating to as many people as possible. From this perspective, Schraeder's decision to include
a chapter on African novelists, filmmakers and other artists (Chapter 9) in relation to politics is
inspired. In fact, even the author's discussion on governance, avoids a dry, theoretical approach
and concentrates instead on more lively topics like the struggle between the State and the civil
society and the central role of the military elite in many African countries.
Overall, the book achieves the dual goal of being easy to read while providing an
informative and accessible discussion on the current state of Africa. It attempts to demonstrate
that Africa does not always match our preconceived ideas and that it is in fact, a complex and
multifaceted continent. Schraeder describes an Africa that counts internationally and that is
conscious of its role in world politics. The author encourages the reader to rethink and reject the
various biases that he/she may have held about Africa. In short, Schraeder has written an
engaging and interesting book; a must-read for those new to African studies.

Stefano Bellucci
University de Paris XI/ Universith di Pavia




The New Africa: Dispatches from a Changing Continent. Robert M. Press. Gainesville:
University of Florida Press, 1999. Pp. 380. Cloth: $24.95.

A century ago, the travelogue anecdote-rich adventure books by European explorers,
missionaries, hunters, and early colonial administrators constituted the most widely-read
genre on Africa, helping to shape (and misshape) Western public perceptions of the continent.
Over the past two decades, Western journalists appear to be assuming a similar role. Journalists
have been eyewitness to the rolling wave of democracy that has swept much of Africa, the
dramatic end of apartheid, and the rise of Africa's bloody complex emergencies in Somalia,
Rwanda, Liberia, and elsewhere. Given the gripping nature of these events, it is not surprising
that many journalists have felt compelled to write a book summing up their experiences.


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BOOK REVIEWS I 53


Indeed, the number of journalists' books on contemporary Africa is now large enough to
constitute a distinct "journalist's dispatch" genre on Africa. Consider just a partial listing: David
Lamb's "The Africans; Sanford Ungar's "Africa;" Joseph Lelyveld's "Move Your Shadow;"
Allister Spark's "The Mind of South Africa;" Keith Richburg's "Out of America;" Karl Maier's
"Into the House of Ancestors;" Michael Maran's "The Road to Hell;" and Robert Kaplan's "The
Ends of the Earth."
Some of these books, such as "Move Your Shadow," have earned a well-deserved place as
classic works on the continent. Others, such as "Out of America," have succeeded in generating
heated controversy. As a group, journalists' books on Africa enjoy a vastly wider readership
than even the most important academic studies on Africa, and hence have a much more
powerful impact on the general public's understanding of Africa. For this reason alone, the
genre merits close attention.
The most recent addition to this collection is "The New Africa: Dispatches from a Changing
Continent" by Robert M. Press, a former correspondent for the Christian Science Monitor. On
the surface, Press's book appears to follow the successful formula of the genre lots of gripping
stories and anecdotes from the field, structured around chapters devoted to countries which the
journalist knows best (invariably crisis zones, and Kenya, where the journalists are usually
based). But a closer look reveals that Press sets out to carve a distinct niche in this crowded
field. He does so by responding to two of the most common criticisms of the "journalist
dispatch" genre first, that such books are ahistorical, anecdotal, and disconnected from
important academic studies; and second, that these books tend to be unrelentingly pessimistic
and overly-focused on the disaster zones of the continent.
"The New Africa" sets itself apart from other journalistic books on Africa in three ways.
First, Press attempts to place his journalistic accounts within an academic framework, citing
academic analysis of the slave trade and colonialism, political philosophy, African literature,
and other bodies of research as a prelude to each chapter. This is without doubt the most
innovative part of the book. This approach works best in the first chapter, which concerns
freedom and the wave of democratization in contemporary Africa. Unfortunately, this
technique does not always succeed in other places. In some instances, the shift from his
summaries of academic literature to his rich journalistic anecdotes or personal profiles is abrupt
and awkward. The two are not so easily married, and one feels the author struggling to meld
them. In an effort to keep the book to a reasonable length, some of the references to academic,
historical, and philosophical works are pared down so much that it leads to oversimplification -
a one page summary of the debate over the slave trade's impact, for instance, simply cannot
deliver an adequate explanation. Overall, this attempt to integrate academic research with a
journalistic account is a good idea that meets only mixed success.
A second approach, which sets the book apart from most (but not all) journalistic accounts
of Africa is Press's explicit goal of making the book upbeat and positive as an antidote to the
Afro-pessimism so prevalent in journalistic accounts on the continent. He does this not by
willfully ignoring the horrific catastrophes much of Africa has suffered in the past ten years an
approach which would have doomed the book but rather by highlighting the many acts of
courage, resilience, and common decency of individual Africans whom he has met and
interviewed over the years. This gives the book an upbeat, intensely personal and hopeful tone,


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54 I BOOK REVIEWS


and helps put a human face on crises like Rwanda's genocide, which in other hands can become
numbingly statistical. Occasionally Press's agenda can come across in the text as contrived or
naive, but in general the author succeeds in spinning a hopeful portrait of average Africans
managing and overcoming difficult problems. This alone makes the book a worthwhile read for
students whose received knowledge about Africans is often little more than a stereotype of
passive victims of drought and war. The one problem Press could not overcome is the fact that
the cases he knows best and writes most about Rwanda, Somalia, and Kenya-are all examples
of things going badly wrong, and tend to work against his hopeful thesis.
The third distinct aspect of "The New Africa" is its rich collection of over 100 photographs,
in both color and black and white, taken by Betty Press, the author's spouse. Betty Press is an
accomplished photographer who also worked for the Christian Science Monitor, and the
inclusion of some of her best snapshots from Africa gives this book an unusual added visual
dimension. In keeping with the theme of the book, most of the photos are of individual
Africans. The photo gallery nicely supports the book's theme that we must view Africa with a
human face. Instead of a collection of crisis zones, the book portrays individuals trying to do the
right thing in very difficult circumstances.
Compared to other journalists' accounts of contemporary Africa, "The New Africa" ranks in
the middle of the pack, which is not bad company. It is not as brilliantly written as a work by
Lelyveld, Sparks, or Maier, nor will it capture the public's imagination in the way that
Richburg's controversial polemic was able to do. However, Press does succeed in carving out a
distinct and hopeful niche within the journalistic genre on Africa, and his book will be
remembered for that.

Ken Menkhaus
Davidson College
Davidson NC




Africa's Political Stability: Ideas, Values, and Questions. Muyiwa Falaiye (ed). Lagos and
Ontario: Panaf Publishing Inc., 1999. Pp. 312. Paper $15.

Attempts at carving out a plausible route to political stability in Africa are not new.
Students of African studies have offered divergent ideas cutting across various disciplines.
Falaiye's edited volume examines "the problem of governance in Africa with a view to
prescribing the minimum conditions for stability and social justice" (p.x). Ogunkoya Jolly, one
of the book's contributors, spells out the intellectual challenge of the discourse by writing that
there is a need to identify "which set of criteria are to be used in determining what is good in the
African traditional culture or the African man and what must be integrated from the so many
foreign cultures of the world" (p.66).
Divided into two sections, the first creates a fundamental framework for understanding
democracy and its relevance for the common African. The book draws on the universal
concepts of man and democracy and examines how they fit into specific African connotations.


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The "Lagos philosophers" explore "the nature of man in society, his desires and his ontology"
from the perspectives of common democratic themes including equality, liberty, and freedom
(p.x). Odeneye 'Jobi, for instance, asserts that for the philosopher to actually fashion a relevant
political philosophy, he must properly grasp the ontological nature of man in the particular
society for which the philosophy is meant (p.8). Conversely, Jegede Babatunde submits that
"man is man everywhere, anywhere gregarious". He argues that the African concept of
fraternity and communalism, upon which the African interpretation of man is based, is not
exclusively African. "The fraternal interpretation has been elevated to the status of a whole but
restricted to the African personality" (p.50).
Part two examines questions on democracy, military rule and social justice with special
reference to Africa. Additionally, the issue of reparations is raised by both Mimiko and Falaiye,
who contend that economic stability may be achieved across the Continent if some form of
compensation is paid for the atrocities associated with slavery.
Some of the minimum conditions Africa needs to meet for political stability include the
following: first, there is a need to reconcile the cultural question in Africa. While decrying the
attempt to portray African culture as obsolete, Jolly argues that "the problem of instability in the
affairs of men in Africa is cultural and as such requires a solution rooted in the proper
understanding and consideration of an African ontology" (pp.54-55). She further maintains "that
man's ontology can only be properly understood within the praxis of his particular culture"
(p.58). Secondly, basic conditions for socioeconomic and political equity, such as poverty
reduction, an end to military dictatorships, defense of justice, and promotion of rule of law need
to be met. Though they contend that the concept of equity is a myth in its strict interpretation,
given the uneven distribution of abilities to individuals, Alloy Ihuah and others agree that the
two most important prerequisites of democracy--equity and social justice--are never promoted
or protected where poverty is pervasive (pp.69-70). The provision of able leadership is another
necessity identified by the authors. Falaiye argues that a majority of the problems facing Nigeria
could be solved if Nigeria begins to exercise its leadership across Africa. Able leadership, he
argues, commands the respect and goodwill of the citizenry (p.187). Finally, a "Neo-African"
socialist state system is proposed by Falaiye, since socialism "considers the peculiar African
situation and contemporary experience that is best suited to her" (p.181). According to the
author, in the African context, neo-socialism has the best chance of achieving justice, the rule of
law and "justified equity" (pp.181-192).
This book obviously aspired to advance an appealing political philosophy capable of
motivating an "African political renaissance" as did John Locke's in the fashioning of American
constitution or Rousseau's in the 1789 Revolution in France. Unfortunately however, it deals
solely with Nigeria. Considering the book's high aspirations, one expected there to be a focus on
other countries in sub-Saharan Africa.
Another controversial part of the book is its belief in a unique or specific African
adaptation to democracy a claim the authors could neither back up with a convincing logic nor
a practical model. This shortcoming perhaps explains the surprising allusion to African
socialism on the eve of the twenty-first century. The authors could have benefited from looking
closely at the misjudgments of Nyerere's Ujaama elephant project in Tanzania, as well as the
failures Soviet Union and the Eastern Bloc.


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Lastly, their contention that Africa's political ills are the responsibility of the political elite
should also be criticized. Any inquiry into Africa's political situation needs to emphasize the
collective failure of democracy and the necessity for collective cooperation.

Raphael Chijioke Njoku
Department of Political Science/History
Alvan Ikoku College of Education, Owerri, Nigeria.




Wars of Imperial Conquest in Africa 1830-1914. Bruce Vandervort. Bloomington, Indiana:
Indiana University Press, 1998. 288 pp. Paperback $16.95.

Bruce Vandervort's aim in writing this book is to examine the origins and conduct of
colonial warfare in Africa in the late nineteenth century. The author investigates the history of
the colonial conquests from the perspectives of the European invaders and the African resisters.
Over the course of the book, he demonstrates the impact, both immediate and long-term, of
these wars upon the societies, political structures and military theory and practice of both the
victors and vanquished.
Vandervort describes how relations between black Africans and Europeans were carried on
largely at arm's length until the 1850's. He informs us that the interior of Africa was still mainly
in the hands of the African peoples, whose hostility, combined with rigors of tropical diseases,
kept European penetration to a minimum. He explains that Europeans came to Africa largely
for economic reasons, thus, their presence on the continent was limited to a small number of
trading enclaves along the west and east African coasts.
According to Vandervort, in 1876 more than 90% of the African continent was ruled by
Africans. However, by 1914, all but Liberia and Ethiopia were controlled by European powers.
The author explains that the ability of the Europeans to recruit large armies of African troops
and the technology advantage that European countries had over African countries were the
major reasons for European success in the African colonial wars. The motives for participation
in the imperial venture were multiple and complex and they varied considerably among
European nations.
Vandervort describes the pre-colonial years of the nineteenth century as a time of
movement toward a greater centralization of power. In larger polities such as the Zulu empire
in Southern Africa, the jihad states of al-Hajj Umar, Ahmadu Seku and Samori in West Africa,
the Mahdist theocratic state in the Sudan, the rejuvenated Solomonic empire of Ethiopia, the
Sokoto empire of northern Nigeria, and the Ashanti empire of present-day Ghana, an internally-
generated change might have opened up a distinctly African path to modernity. Given the
opportunity, African nations might have eventually liberalized their political, legal and fiscal
institutions to make room for their more productive classes. These classes could then have
commercially collaborated with the European mercantilists. If this had occurred, African
nations might have retained their political and economic independence through an open door
policy of trading with the world.


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This process was brought to a halt as a result of two factors: first, through conquest and
subsequent imperial rule, the Europeans were able to impose their own economic and political
priorities onto African institutions and society conquest. Secondly, African societies were
almost entirely unable to bury long-standing ethnic and political animosities long enough to
forge alliances against the Europeans. Vandervort reveals in great detail the African nations'
unwillingness to rethink military strategies and tactics that had proven ineffective against
European methods of warfare. He shows how their refusal to abandon hierarchical and
inequitable social structures inhibited the African peoples from presenting a united front
against the European invasion. Europeans were able to turn ethnic groups and religious factions
against each other. Ethnic divisions, tribal rivalries, religious differences and conflicts between
regions all played into the hands of the Europeans.
In conclusion, the author has written a thorough and well-documented book and is able to
discuss both the European and African perspectives without bias. Additionally, the military
aspects of the wars are clearly explained. The social, economic and political background is
illustrated to provide the reader with a greater understanding of European imperialism in
Africa and the effects it still has on the Continent. Therefore, this book is a must for those
readers who want to better understand the confluence of factors that led to the success of the
European conquest of Africa.

David S Fick
Overland Park, Kansas
Independent Scholar




Liberating the Family? Gender and British Slave Emancipation in the Rural Western Cape,
South Africa, 1823-1853. Pamela Scully. Portsmouth: Heinemann, 1997. 210 pp. Paper: $23.95.

In the last two decades there has been a burgeoning of literature on the social history of the
Cape. Scully's book augments this body of knowledge by focussing on the gendered dynamics
of the post-emancipation period. The book begins by posing the questions "How widespread
was the twinning of freedom and masculine authority, of freedom and feminine subordination,
in the ideologies of abolition which led to the ending of Cape slavery? Did slave men and
women share this gendered vision of freedom?" (p.1). Given the abundance of scholarly
interrogation of patriarchy and slavery the answers are well known. It is the methodology
employed to prove the thesis of the subordination of ex-slave women in the construction of
post-emancipation familial relations however, that makes the book a valuable read.
Scully excavates archival material, primarily the criminal records, to capture the views and
actions of ex-slaves and reads against the grain of official documentation to tease out the
emerging representations of ex-slaves and the consolidation of a patriarchal ideology. She uses
"experience as evidence" and attempts to "negotiate the tensions between experience and text
through attending to both political economy and representation" (p.12). The book's larger
project is to demonstrate that "slave emancipation is as much a story about culture and identity


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as it is a narrative of the emergence of free wage labour" (p.176). The work is divided into three
sections, which detail chronologically the tensions around the constructions of family, race and
sexuality. The third segment contains empirical data such as recorded instances of marriage,
infanticide and rape, through which Scully attempts to highlight the struggles over the
meanings of masculinity and femininity and their relationship with the meaning of freedom.
Scully argues that the "ideas held by different participants [missionaries, slaveholders,
colonial officials] about the capacities and roles of men and women crucially shaped the world
of freedom into which ex-slave women and men were liberated in 1838" (p.3). She also contends
"that the political, juridical and economic context of colonial slavery in the Western Cape as well
as the class, racial and gendered assumptions within antislavery thought helped to initiate new
forms of control over black women's behaviour and limited their participation in the waged
labour force" (p.10) and that ex-slaves continually contested their ascribed roles. In particular,
women attempted to exert control over their bodies and also sought new forms of employment.
The book successfully weaves together the role of the different agents in subordinating
women's experiences of freedom, but it is not as convincing in its attempts to highlight the
"emotional lives" of slaves and their alternative conceptions of freedom and femininity. In
addition, the interconnections between race, gender and sexuality could be further explored
and theorized and the emerging cultures and identities more fully examined, that is, the racial
and class dimensions thereof. Although she cites Ballachet and Stoler, she could have drawn
more on their analyses of the mechanisms for policing racial boundaries. The work would also
have been enriched through drawing on the theoretical insights of Young, McClintock and
Pratt. On completing the reading of the book one is left to wonder about the implications and
significance of Scully's insights. There are few connections made with the period prior to
emancipation and none to the present context where the racialized Coloured identity has taken
on increased political significance. Nor is there an attempt to link present gendered and familial
relations and constructions of culture within the Coloured community to their experiences of
the past.
Scully's work is impeded by a lack of data, which illuminates the views of slaves and
therefore she often has to make assertions without having sufficient corroborating evidence.
This is particularly noticeable in her discussions on marriage, infanticide and rape. For example,
she claims that marriage was a signifier of freedom for the ex-slaves and that people "got
married both to signify their inclusion in a religious and social community and to enhance their
stature in the eyes of the missionaries, so as to receive more benefits, such as access to land"
(p.121). However, the evidence she provides hardly substantiates the claim. For example, in her
analysis of the Stellenbosch district there were only 400 marriages recorded in 1840 and less
than 300 in 1841. The numbers continued to drop in subsequent years and therefore, many freed
people did not marry, leading one to question her conclusion that marriage was a significant
social practice. Scully's discussion of the Raithby mission is also dubious, as she notes that the
number of marriages increased from three in 1845 to six in 1846 and then declined to one in
1847. This hardly indicates a rush to form part of a social community or to gain access to land.
Similarly, an assertion is made that the colonial state focused on infanticide because it was
an act which was at the heart of different cultural understandings of morality and autonomy
and that in "killing her child, a woman declared sovereign power over both her body and the


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BOOK REVIEWS I 59


body of her child" (p.147). Here the evidence is based on six cases in the rural areas of the
Western Cape. However, excluding a reference to Schapera on the use of infanticide by the Khoi
and San as a means of child spacing, we are not provided with any evidence of differing
cultural perspectives on the issue nor, through the voices of the women accused of infanticide,
do we hear any claims to power or rights over their bodies. Instead, the narratives reveal the
desperation and powerlessness of the women for it was the threat of being removed from the
mission stations which motivated their actions, rather than cultural differences or the negation
of motherhood -- a point she concedes at the end of the chapter
Despite the thin evidence, Scully's innovative attempt to voice the perspectives of the ex-
slaves and to construct an alternative narrative is admirable. Indeed, the book paves the way for
further research on issues of identity construction at the Cape. For this reason, the volume
should be of interest to those studying slavery, the social history of the Cape, gender or critical
race theory.


Cheryl Hendricks
Toronto, Canada




Wringing Success from Failure in Late-Developing Countries: Lessons from the Field. Joseph
Stepanek F. Westport: Praeger Publishers, 1999. 265pp. Cloth: $59.95.

With the end of the Cold War and the rapid pace of globalization, the intentions and
objectives of foreign assistance by the United States have attracted scholarly attention.
Accordingly, there is an emerging position that the design and strategies for its organization
and management in the new century should reflect the circumstances of the new international
environment. The United States, as the sole superpower, has had an increasing role in
maintaining peace worldwide through assistance in the development and growth of free
markets and democracy. These activities serve the dual purpose of enabling the United States to
assist the poor and disadvantaged, while yielding benefits to US commercial interests by way of
opening up new markets for exports and jobs at home. 1
Wringing Success from Failure in Late-Developing Countries: Lessons from the Field,
provides an analysis of the personal experiences of the author during a twenty-five year career
with the United States Agency for International Development (AID) in Asia and Africa.
Joseph Stepanek, in a persuasive manner, injects his expert knowledge into the aid and
development discourse, particularly on the topic of poverty alleviation in Africa. In ten chapters
spiced with a few reader-friendly tables, he argues for well-designed development strategies
and foreign assistance programs that are informed by lessons of the past and those that can also
stimulate growth and reduce poverty in the least developing countries. He rightly underlines
the time proven association between democracy and free market in the efforts to alleviate
poverty globally.


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Taking account of present realities in Africa, most notably Africa's share of the deepening
problems of poverty and the degradation of the global environment, Stepanek's contends that
developmental principles should not be set within an arena of purely material largesse
(resource-centered), but within deeply-rooted traditions of open markets and democracy.

The author also argues that poverty in late-developing countries cannot be successfully
alleviated without understanding and challenging all of its causes. Toward that end, Western
governments, international development banks and donor agencies must reexamine how they
design and administer aid, so as to not add to the problems that already imperil poor people or
squander talent, goodwill, and resources.
These are indeed daunting tasks, but Stepanek is optimistic:
I have argued here that a handful of market and democratic principles can create a new
basis for development understanding and integration for the world's one poor continent, and
for western interests there... The reader may have gained an impression that I promote these
principles with such unqualified enthusiasm that global and consumer homogenization are the
inevitable outcome. That is by no means the intention-but it is a risk. Better that the poor world
faces these risks-ones founded, for the first time, on their full participation-than face a historic
but ruinous continuation of patronizing aid prescribed by others. Poor countries must sort
economic, political, and cultural priorities for themselves." (234-235)
This work is really self critical on many counts, but there are certainly downsides to a
complete freeing of the markets in late-developing countries. The workings of the market will
not always produce solutions to these countries problems, indeed, the evidence shows in many
instances that they become worse as it fuels political resistance and harsher economic reforms.
For example, how does one explain the sliding currencies and waning investor confidence in
East Asian economies and the disastrous consequences on the poor in recent times? The author
should have addressed these and related questions in a more convincing way than he
attempted in this work.
The author notes that his primary audience is the American public, especially the younger
generation, who he argues need to be convinced of the value of poor-world development,
foreign aid, and the personal commitment to noble goals. It must be emphasized again and
again that this a brilliant and self-critical work. Consequently, it is a must read for all
stakeholders in the development of late-developing countries, all true Africans (at home and in
the diaspora) who yearn for and are working towards a better sub-Saharan Africa. Indeed, as
with some other related works, it sets the tone for the needed and crucial development
paradigm for what Africa might look like: that is, development anchored on the principles of
free market and democracy by, for and of the African people. Africa must look to itself,
Stepanek concludes, if it is to achieve stable and long-lasting development into the 21st century.

Osaore Aideyan
Department of Politics
Claremont Graduate University


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Note

1. Carol Lancaster, "Redesigning Foreign Aid", Foreign Affairs, 79:5, September/October
2000; and Koehn, Peter H. and Olatunde J.B. Ojo (eds.). 1999. Making Aid Work:
Innovative Approaches for Africa at the Turn of the Century. Lanham, MD: Scarecrow
Press.




Trevor Huddleston: A Life. Robin Denniston. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1999. 288 pp.
Cloth: $35.

Robin Denniston has written a 'celebration' of Father Trevor Huddleston (1913-1998), who
was a brother in the Community of the Resurrection (CR), a High Anglican monastic group.
Denniston previously edited his subject's 1956 book Naught for Your Comfort about
Huddleston's Christian ministry work to the residents of Sophiatown, Johannesburg. Naught
for Your Comfort ranks alongside Alan Paton's Cry the Beloved Country as an impassioned cry
for human dignity and, it provides much insight on white Christians and liberal South Africans
who were sympathetic to the anti-apartheid movement in its infancy. Huddleston's
observations are especially important, since he arrived in South Africa as the ANC Youth
League was forming and became a key ally to the anti-apartheid cause until his recall in 1956,
by his monastic Superior.
Denniston traces Huddleston's growth from a popular spiritual counselor into a political
ally of Sophiatown's people. He became a key figure opposing the destruction of the township,
since it was the only one offering Johannesburg's Africans freehold tenure. During his residency
in Sophiatown, Huddleston befriended luminaries like Oliver Tambo, Desmond Tutu and
Nelson Mandela. Huddleston's campaigning to save Sophiatown launched his 40-year anti-
apartheid career, which included his leadership of Britain's Anti-Apartheid Movement (AAM)
from 1981 to 1998 and trustee work for the International Defense and Aid Fund (IDAF).
Denniston's biography draws Huddleston in warm, yet evenhanded, colors. His strengths,
foibles and weaknesses are detailed and the author's well-executed work remains accessible to
both general readers, as well as those interested in monastic life or racial justice. The book is
also invaluable to academic researchers intrigued by Huddleston's life and faith. Denniston
writes frankly about Huddleston and the strains brought on him by his 1956 recall. Beyond
delving into Huddleston's complex personality, Denniston discusses Huddleston's single-
minded anti-apartheid crusade, his service as bishop of Masasi (Tanzania), Stepney (London)
and Mauritius and his relationships and conflicts with his South African friends, such as Tambo
and Tutu.
Denniston's investigation does not shy away from controversial territory. Indeed, he
confronts and rejects suspicions that Huddleston had unhealthy and inappropriate attitudes
and feelings toward children (p. xxii). The author also shares the reflections of Father Nicolas
Stebbing CR, who was a caretaker and confidant during Huddleston's final years. Stebbing, for
example, wonders whether Huddleston suffered from constant bouts of depression. To his


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62 I BOOK REVIEWS


credit though, Denniston merely provides evidence and information, but leaves it to the readers
to decide if Huddleston's actions and personality displayed any depressive tendencies.
The author also stresses the importance of looking at Huddleston's career within the
context of his spiritual development. Failure to do so makes his struggle incomprehensible.
Huddleston saw an interconnection between faith and opposition to apartheid that many did
not recognize. He could, for example, be abrasive with adversaries, such as Margaret Thatcher
or Enoch Powell and equally difficult with allies. Additionally, Huddleston's recall from
Sophiatown in 1956, his nervous breakdown in 1974 (fearful of public charges of child abuse),
his agonizing over returning to South Africa, and the difficulties of his infirmity all exacerbated
an already prickly temperament.
As for the importance of Huddleston's contribution to the broader anti-apartheid
movement through his work with AAM and IDAF, Denniston acknowledges that the onus is on
future historians to research both AAM and IDAF further (p. xxii). Still, one cannot help but
wonder whether there is more symbolism than achievement in his anti-apartheid activity
outside South Africa. Unfortunately, Denniston's failure to offer even a preliminary assessment
of these anti-apartheid activities outside South Africa's borders limits the reader's ability to
gauge Huddleston's political significance.
Another shortcoming in the book is the author's treatment of South African political
history; the history is little more than background information and contains minor inaccuracies
throughout. Mistakes like using the word "Inkomat" (p. 163) instead of "Inkomati" (site of a 1984
'truce' between Mozambique and South Africa) betray a weakness that may, for more
knowledgeable readers detract from the book's many strengths.
Despite its flaws, this volume is a worthy contribution and should serve as a corrective to
Africanists who see missionaries only in material roles and who fail to give due weight to
spiritual concerns underlying day-to-day missionary interactions with Africans and other
colonial Europeans.


David Leaver
Raymond Walters College
University of Cincinnati




English in Ghana. M. E. Kropp Dakubu, ed. Accra: Ghana English Studies Association, 1997

English in Ghana (EIG) is a very timely book on the "new Englishes" and a welcome
addition to many of its kind already published for other countries. Much, for instance, has been
written on Indian English, Nigerian English, Cameroonian English, Singapore English, etc.
Although the existence of a Ghanaian variety of English has long been recognized, and several
articles have been written on different aspects of it (Gyasi 1990; Ahulu 1994; Owusu-Ansah
1994, etc.), this is the first comprehensive book dealing with practically all facets of this variety
of English, since Sey's pioneering book: Ghanaian English (1973).


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EIG is a compilation of 21 papers by language experts on English usage in Ghanaian
society--although a few of them deal with some other nations of West Africa, such as Nigeria
and Cameroon--and presented at the inaugural meeting of GESA held at the University College
of Education, Winneba, June 13-15, 1996. The book is divided into four sections and concludes
on a futuristic note with Ayo Banjo's keynote paper entitled 'Language Policy Implementation:
the Way Forward'. The main body of the book is preceded by an address from the Ghanaian
minister of education and the president of GESA.
The first section, "English and how we speak it," is a compilation of five papers on usage
and is introduced by eminent African linguist Ayo Bamgbose whose research and publications
on both Nigerian and African languages and linguistics as well as English in Nigeria are well
known in Africa and internationally. His paper, 'Non-native Englishes on Trial' is full of
insights on some of the hot issues that confront non-native varieties of English (NNVE), such as
those of models, standards and standardization, norms, descriptive issues, errors and
innovations. He unabashedly takes issue with scholars such as Prator and Quirk who have
vehemently opposed the idea of NNVE.
Next is the theory/methodology paper entitled 'Nativisation and the Maintenance of
Standards in Non-native Varieties of English' -- a logical follow-up to Bamgbose's paper that
deals with similar issues. In this article, Owusu-Ansah grapples with one of the issues of
concern in NNVEs: how to distinguish between acceptable norm breaking/norm setting forms
and manifestations of lowering standards, one of the main concerns of EL teachers throughout
English speaking Africa.
Gogovi's brief, but interesting paper studies the use of collocations and suggests that they
be learned separately due to their complexity and peculiar and selective nature. The next paper
raises a perennial concern of EL teachers all over English speaking Africa: the apparent decline
in EL competence among secondary and tertiary institution students. Dako et al. blame this
downward trend on inadequate teaching of grammar to students and would-be teachers alike.
Wiredu's paper, the last in section one, takes a critical look at the syntactic behavior of EL
catenative verbs.
Section two is entitled "English in National Contexts" and is made up of three socio-
historical papers dealing with EL in Cameroon (Simo-Bobda), in Nigeria (Funso Akere) and in
Ghana (John A. Sackey). Simo-Bobda's article is entitled 'English in a Multilingual Society' and
takes a close look at the linguistic complex called Cameroon, a relatively small country with
more than 200 indigenous languages co-existing with three other 'imported' languages --
French, English and Pidgin English -- two of which (French and English) enjoy prestige status in
the society. The writer begins with a brief review of the literature on the status of EL around the
world, beginning from its native soils before focussing on the specific case of Cameroon. This
paper is a beautiful example of the complex chemistry that takes place when several languages
come into contact, as well as the competition that also comes with the struggle for status and
prestige, which, in the Cameroonian context is one between French (the dominant language)
and EL. He concludes by noting that although one cannot deny that English has had a measure
of influence on the indigenous languages, the latter have had a much greater influence on EL.
This has therefore produced an EL that is distinctively Cameroonian in flavor.


African Studies Quarterly I Volume 5, Issue 1 I Winter 2001
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64 I BOOK REVIEWS


Akere's paper examines the corpus of Nigerian English, which is part of the International
Corpus of English (ICE) project. The aim of this extensive research project proposed in 1988 by
Sydney Greenbaum of the University College of London is to compile and describe the different
varieties of standard EL used around the globe. Akere also looks at the thorny issue of what
constitutes standard Nigerian English.
The last of the articles in this section is Sackey's paper, which takes a historical look at EL in
Ghana. Sackey gives a brief account of the route EL has taken from its original implantation on
Ghanaian soil until the present day and the social, political and educational pressures that have
shaped its course. This is must-read for the newcomer to the Ghanaian English scene, as it
outlines the historical development of EL in this West African nation.
The third section of the book centers on pedagogical issues affecting the teaching of EL in
Ghanaian classrooms. The first two papers by Davies and Angmor et al. focus on the teaching of
literature and the important role it plays in the teaching and acquisition of EL. While the first
paper is concerned with the importance of teacher training, the second emphasizes the
importance of using literary texts to teach EL. Dzameshie's paper proposes a communicative
approach to the teaching of English as a second language (ESL) as an alternative to the
traditional grammar-based approach.
Edu-Buandoh's paper is a preliminary report on error patterns common among students in
Ghanaian Senior Secondary Schools (SSS). It proposes error analysis as a means of correcting
recurrent errors among SSS students and concludes with a list of recommendations on how to
improve EL usage. The last paper by Adika and Denkabe proposes a linguistically based
framework for literary text analysis.
"Expressing the Self in Society" is the title of the fourth section which comprises six papers,
each dealing with different self-expressions in the Ghanaian society. The first paper by Opoku-
Agyemang explores recent female literary voices and invites literary critics to begin to consider
the works of female writers whose works have been either ignored or forgotten in critical
circles. The article takes a critical look at four contemporary Ghanaian women writers --
Yeboah-Afari, Gyamfuaa-Fofie, Cudjoe-Swayne and Aggrey and encourages criticism of their
works for the benefit of the larger society.
Whereas Sekyi-Baidoo's paper explores the importance of using background information in
the teaching of literature to students at the secondary level, Dako's is an assessment of the
competence of graduates of EL at the tertiary level of education. His conclusion is that much
still needs to be done to bring graduating students to a desired level of competency in EL. The
third article in this section by Kropp Dakubu entitled 'The Trope of the Nation in Kojo Laing's
Poetry'. Using two poems of Laing's, Dakubu teases out what she perceives as the former's
concept of the Ghanaian nation -- an unrealized yet real and ideal community. Denkabe's paper
takes a critical look at the Ghanaian print media and concludes that although the chief players
in this sector of society have a good command of the English language, the actual language used
in print, in the final analysis, is still shaped by the reality of Ghanaian society. This is a good
paper on how language is shaped by society, while society itself continues to be shaped by
language. The last paper 'A study of the Embattled Heroine in two African Films' by Yankah
deals with gender issues in African film and proposes the use of film to enhance the teaching of
language and literature at all levels of education.


African Studies Quarterly I Volume 5, Issue 1 I Winter 2001
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BOOK REVIEWS I 65


The last section, "Into the Future", comprises only one paper by eminent linguist Ayo
Banjo, author of several articles and books on the English language in Nigeria. Banjo delves into
the often volatile and thorny national language issue and language policy formulation and
implementation -- an area of major concern in most of the ex-British colonies of Africa and Asia.
Also at issue in this paper is the often ambivalent, if not ambiguous, role of EL in these so-called
anglophone nations. According to Banjo, well thought out language policy has been neglected,
with all the obvious implications on the educational and governmental institutions of the
countries concerned. He calls for the replacement of the exoglossic EL with endoglossic
languages as national lingua francas. Banjo believes EL will still maintain a co-official role with
the chosen indigenous official languages (due to its international role), he suggests an
endonormative, rather than an exonormative model of usage. In conclusion, Banjo calls for a
working partnership, collaboration and information sharing among linguists and language
policy makers within the West-African sub-region in order to achieve a more lasting solution to
what is a sensitive issue for all the nations concerned.
Although the various papers in this collection differ in quality and accessibility, one must
look beyond the individual articles to appreciate its overall significance. This is a high-quality
volume that will be of interest to linguists, language specialists, students, teachers and
educationists, journalists and policy makers, as well as anyone who wishes to familiarize
themselves with the history, development, role and significance of EL in the Ghanaian society
and the wider context of West Africa. It also is useful as a superior reference source for students
of ESL and language variation and change.


T. Temi Ajani
Dept. of African & Asian Languages and Literatures
University of Florida

References

Ahulu, Samuel, 1994. How Ghanaian is Ghaanaian English?. English Today 38: 25-29.

Gyasi, I.K., 1990. The State of English in Ghana. English Today 23: 24-26.

Owusu-Ansah, Laawrence, 1994. Intertextuality in Ghanaian English Texts. Papers in Ghanaian
Linguistics. 10: 1-25.

Sey, Kofi, 1973. Ghanaian English: an exploratory study. London: Macmillan.


African Studies Quarterly I Volume 5, Issue 1 I Winter 2001
http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v5/v5ilreviews.pdf




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