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Publication Date: Fall 1988
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Latin American Studies Association

Fall 1988

Mexico's 1988 Elections
The Beginning of a New Era
of Mexican Politics?
Leopoldo Gomez
Georgetown University
Joseph L. Klesner
Kenyon College

As it has since 1929, the Partido Revolucionario
Institucional (PRI) came in first in Mexico's July general
elections. Yet, in fundamental respects the elections mark
a break with the past. Prior to this election, the two domi-
nant (and complementary) realities of Mexican electoral pol-
itics were the virtual monopolization of political spaces by
the PRI and the lack of an opposition capable of articulat-
ing a national challenge. The consolidation of most of the
left-nationalist opposition forces under former priista
Cuauht6moc Cardenas and the surprising number of legis-
lative seats won by the cardenista movement and the Par-
tido de Acci6n Nacional (PAN) have altered these two
realities. The consequences of these changes remain hazy,
but in all likelihood they will increase the pressures for
greater political liberalization. However, tensions within the
PRI over the need to reform and the still fluid situation in
the opposition suggest caution in assuming that those pres-
sures will necessarily be translated into a greater degree of
This article assesses the 1988 elections, comparing them
with past elections and suggesting some implications for the
future. We begin by sketching the scene leading up to the
election, arguing that even before the results were announced
Mexicans were clearly experiencing a new reality. Then we
analyze the preliminary returns and suggest reasons for the
drastic fall in electoral support for the PRI. Finally, we con-
sider some implications of a shift from a virtual one-party
system to one of effective competition.
The Electoral Scene in 1988
That the PRI's presidential candidate, Carlos Salinas
de Gortari, won with only 50.7 percent of the vote and that
the opposition gained many legislative seats confirmed a
Continued on page 3

The Significance of Puerto Rico
for Latin American Studies
Jorge Duany
University of the Sacred Heart
Santurce, Puerto Rico

In 1989 the Latin American Studies Association will
hold its XV International Congress in San Juan, Puerto
Rico. This choice of locale marks an important event for
Latinamericanists both in the United States and in Puerto
Rico. For North American scholars, the meeting represents
an opportunity to reexamine their assumptions about the
role of Puerto Rico within Latin American studies. For
Puerto Rican scholars, the LASA Congress offers an oppor-
tunity to break away from the intellectual isolation that
results from the island's small size, political status, and
limited resources.
Although considerable research effort is expended on
Puerto Rico, most Latinamericanists do not understand it
well. North American scholars tend to see the island as a
colonial appendage of the United States rather than as a
Latin American nation worth studying in its own right. Most
Latin American teaching and research at U.S. universities
concentrate on the larger, more populous, and more power-
ful states such as Mexico and Brazil. In contrast, the study
of dependent Puerto Rico, with its relatively small territory
and population, is often relegated to departments of ethnic
studies with scarce funds and small student enrollments
instead of the more prestigious and better endowed centers
for Latin American studies.
Scholars on the island are concerned almost exclusively
with Puerto Rican problems, giving little or no attention to
their Caribbean connections. Although many of Puerto
Rico's leading intellectuals were trained abroad and
presumably sensitized to a host of international issues, they
tend to concentrate on their nation's social, political, eco-
nomic, and cultural affairs. This looking inward is under-
standable in view of the island's bizarre situation: Puerto
Rico is neither a state of the union nor a sovereign repub-
lic, but an ambiguous commonwealth with some degree of
self-government. By Latin American standards, Puerto Rico
Continued on page 9

Vol. XIX, No. 3


Mexico's 1988 Elections: The Beginning
of a New Era of Mexican Politics? .................. 1
By Leopoldo Gomez and Joseph L. Klesner
The Significance of Puerto Rico
for Latin American Studies ......................... 1
By Jorge Duany
The Bryce Wood Book Award .................... ..9
XV International Congress, San Juan
Report from the Program Committee ............... 10
(Proposal for Film Festival Submission, page 26)
Revised Priorities for Changing Conditions
Fellowships and Grants from the ACLS/SSRC
Joint Committee on Latin American Studies......... 11
By John Coatsworth
Freedom of Information .........................12

Report on Survey of Biographical Research
Collections for the Latin American Biographical
Database (LABD) ................................ 13
By Michael L. Conniff
Connecting to LASNET
(Electronic Mail Addresses) ........................ 13
XIV Congress Papers Available .................... 14
M ember News ............... ................ . 17
Announcements ............................ .18
Forthcoming Conferences ........................ 18
Employment Opportunities ........................ 19
Research & Study Opportunities ................... 20
Publications ................................ .... 22

Latin American Studies Association

Vice President:
Past President:

Executive Council:
(For term ending October 1989):

(For term ending April 1991):

Executive Director:
Assistant to the Executive Director:
Publications Director:

Forum Editorial
Advisory Board:

Paul Drake (University of California, San Diego)
Jean Franco (Columbia University)
Cole Blasier (Library of Congress)

Peter Bell (Edna McConnell Clark Foundation), Lorenzo
Meyer (Colegio de Mexico), Marta Tienda (University of
Peter Evans (University of New Mexico), Adolfo Figueroa
(Universidad Cat6lica del Per6), Cynthia McClintock
(George Washington University).

Reid Reading (University of Pittsburgh)
Lynn M. Young (University of Pittsburgh)
June S. Belkin (University of Pittsburgh)

Marta Morello Frosch (University of California, Santa
Cruz), Enrique Mayer (University of Illinois at Urbana-
Champaign), Alexander W. Wilde (Washington Office
on Latin America).

The LASA Forum is published in the winter, spring, summer and fall. Deadlines for receipt of copy are November 20, February
20, May 20 and August 20 respectively. All contributions should be directed to Reid Reading, Editor, LASA Forum, William Pitt
Union, 9th Floor, University of Pittsburgh, Pittsburgh, PA 15260. Opinions expressed herein are those of individual authors and
do not necessarily reflect the views of the Latin American Studies Association or its officers. We welcome responses to any
material published in the Forum. ISSN 0890-7218

Mexico (cont.)
historic watershed. Even before the results were announced,
it was evident that the Mexican electorate was experiencing
a new political reality. In the electoral process of June and
July, two striking themes emerged. First, the electoral arena
had moved to the forefront of Mexican politics, something
not seen since 1910 when Francisco Madero challenged Por-
firio Diaz for the presidency, eventually touching off the
Mexican Revolution. Second, and closely related, the oppo-
sition parties have endeavored (successfully it seems) to make
the PRI-government's respect for the vote a critical deter-
minant of the regime's legitimacy.
Signs of enthusiasm about the elections were visible
everywhere. As always, the nation's streets were covered by
banners and posters, but this year the quantity of electoral
propaganda was more evenly balanced between the PRI and
its opposition. Following the PRI's traditional practice,
Salinas addressed massive rallies throughout the country.
This year, though, Salinas' efforts were nearly matched by
those of his principal opponents, Cardenas and the PAN's
Manuel Clouthier, both of whom addressed highly
enthusiastic crowds. The press and political insiders demon-
strated their anticipation about the outcome with a copious
output of electoral analysis, prognosis, and attention to the
results of opinion polls, which proliferated as election day
The reform political of 1977 is partly responsible for
the increased relevance of the electoral arena.' By legaliz-
ing a host of opposition parties, mostly from the left, and
instituting an electoral system that reserved 100 (of 400) legis-
lative seats for "minority" parties, the reform made it
attractive for them to participate in the electoral game. Thus
forces that previously had operated underground, in some
cases employing violent tactics, began to concentrate their
energies on getting their militants elected. A more immedi-
ate and probably a more important factor was a general-
ized sense that politics had indeed changed and that the PRI
could lose, if not the presidency, then at least several legis-
lative races. For the first time, the PRI was facing challenges
on both flanks, with an aggressive PAN to its right and a
united cardenista coalition to its left.
The PRI itself is no longer the awesome electoral
machine it once was. The economic collapse in 1982 followed
by six years of economic hardship have alienated important
segments of Mexican society from the party. The most
affluent of such sectors sided with the PAN, while the more
numerous "popular" sectors backed the cardenista
The challenge to the PRI's hegemony in this election
had been foreshadowed in recent years by an upsurge of
support for the PAN in local races, especially in northern
Mexico. In the aftermath of the nationalization of the banks
in 1982, the PAN became a beacon to many members of
the middle and upper classes who rejected the state's large
role in the economy. In 1983 the PAN captured the munici-
pal governments of such important northern cities as Ciudad
JuArez, Chihuahua, Durango, and San Luis Potosi; newly

installed President Miguel de la Madrid allowed these vic-
tories to stand. However beginning with the state elections
in Baja California Norte in September 1983, the PRI coun-
terattacked, fielding more attractive candidates and resort-
ing to time-honored methods of padding its vote totals.
Despite these losses, or perhaps because of them, the
PAN seemed to grow in popularity and organizational
capacity. After the 1966 Chihuahua elections, in which the
PAN was defeated but decried widespread fraud, it led a
massive but nonviolent movement to protest electoral
irregularities, showing its growing capacity to mobilize its
followers. This strategy reflected the increasing power of
the neopanista wing of the party, which favors civil disobe-
dience tactics to protest electoral fraud. Neopanistas favor
neoliberal policies and push for a far more free market-
oriented economy than "orthodox" panistas. The nomina-
tion for the presidency of Manuel Clouthier signaled the
ascendance of this wing of the party.2
In the 1988 elections, the PAN was no longer the only
efficacious opposition. The Frente Democratico Nacional
(FDN) united hitherto dispersed forces and challenged the
PRI on the left. The FDN dates from the summer of 1986,
when it was publicly disclosed that a faction of old-time,
nationalist priistas had formed within the PRI what became
known as the Corriente Democratica. The brain behind this
group, which demanded democratization within the party,
especially regarding candidate selection and platform for-
mulation, was former PRI president Porfirio Mufioz Ledo.
Cuauht6moc Cardenas, son of the revered revolutionary
hero Lizaro CArdenas, emerged as the public leader of the
group. The Corriente was inspired perhaps as much by an
interest in party reform and policy debate as by an interest
in influencing the selection of the presidential candidate.
This is, after all, a group that was relegated to the dustbin
by President de la Madrid and his young technocratic team.
In all likelihood they feared that the selection of someone
like Salinas, the architect of de la Madrid's neoliberal eco-
nomic program, would mean political oblivion for them.
The leaders of the Corriente left the PRI in October
1987 and obtained the electoral backing of the Partido
Autintico de la Revoluci6n Mexicana (PARM), a weak and
ideologically ill-defined party. All but one of the leftist par-
ties eventually added their support. Ironically, the first to
join the movement were the Partido Popular Socialista
(PPS) and the Partido Socialista de los Trabajadores (PST),
which changed its name to Partido del Frente Cardenista
de Reconstrucci6n Nacional (PFCRN). These two parties,
together with the PARM, had until then played the role of
friendly opposition, supporting the PRI on most issues. They
combined under the umbrella of the FDN. Significantly,
toward the end of the electoral campaign Heberto Castillo,
presidential candidate of Partido Mexicano Socialista
(PMS), whose core is Mexico's communist party, withdrew
his candidacy and joined the FDN. This provided the FDN
with a crucial organizational infrastructure that the other
FDN parties lacked.

To be sure, opposition groups on both sides of the
political spectrum proposed radically different economic
programs. As expected, Clouthier demanded a drastic shift
from state intervention to a more open economy. Cardenas,
in contrast, promised a return to the populist distribution
policies championed by his father, a suspension of payments
on Mexico's foreign debt, and a rollback of the privatiza-
tion measures pursued by President de la Madrid. Tactically,
however, the distance between them all but disappeared.
Clouthier stridently condemned fraud, stressing the need to
respect the balloting at all costs. Building on PAN's
experience in Chihuahua, Clouthier threatened civil disobe-
dience to protest electoral fraud. Cardenas, although never
fully committing himself to civil disobedience, also
vigorously insisted on respect for the vote. Thus the integrity
of the electoral process became the central issue of 1988.
In formal recognition of the saliency of this issue,
opposition parties created the Asamblea Democreitica para
el Sufragio Efectivo, an umbrella organization with the
explicit purpose of defending the vote. Ironically, the idea
of "effective suffrage" comes from the 1910 Revolution and
has been a central priista slogan. The creation of this organi-
zation suggests that the dynamic of the Mexican party sys-
tem turns not on the traditional left-right axis, but rather
on a system-antisystem axis; what unites or separates the
parties is not so much policy issues as whether they oppose
or support PRI's rule.3 This explains why parties as diver-
gent as the PAN and the FDN could unite in the Asamblea.
Certainly, promises of clean elections and greater
democratization are staples of Mexican presidential cam-
paigns. However, these themes had never before been as cen-
tral to a PRI campaign as they were with Salinas, whose
repeated promises to eschew the traditional practice of win-
ning all legislative seats, known as the carro complete,
placed the issue of liberalization at the center of the politi-
cal debate. The former planning and budget secretary called
for political modern, a promise to reform and modernize
politics. Further, our personal interviews, particularly with
persons close to Manuel Camacho, probably Salinas' closest
advisor, revealed a strong, though by no means unanimous,
sense that the regime must give more space to the opposi-
tion. The perceived inability to rely on the traditional bases
of legitimacy, such as the promotion of social justice or rapid
economic growth, heightened the need to seek electoral
legitimacy.4 Of course, whether Salinas was in fact commit-
ted to respect the popular vote regardless of outcome is open
to question, but there was a clear sense that things had to
change and that a traditional, heavily padded victory would
hurt rather than help.
Who Got What and Why?

Although by comparative standards the PRI won the
July 6 election handily, its traditional overwhelming vote
margins disappeared. Salinas won only a bare majority, with
Cardenas and Clouthier dividing the other half of the votes
in about a 3-2 ratio. Neither the PRI's dramatic decline nor

the strength of the Cardenas challenge had been expected
even six months before the election. Voting trends suggested
that the PRI's margin of victory would continue to erode,
but the prolongation of the economic crisis and the grow-
ing assertiveness of the opposition produced a result that
few observers expected.
As Table I shows, in recent elections the PRI's offi-
cial winning vote share had declined regularly but had never
fallen below 70 percent. A continuation of this trend would
have meant a 65-70 percent vote for the PRI in this elec-
tion. Even in the 1940, 1946, and 1952 races, in each of
which a PRI maverick contested the election, the PRI offi-
cially maintained nearly 75 percent of the votes. Likewise,
in deputy races, the PRI's national average has only recently
fallen below 70 percent, to 69 percent in 1982 and 68 per-
cent in 1985,5 and the opposition has been restricted primar-
ily to those seats reserved for minority parties under
proportional representation rules. In the Senate the PRI has
monopolized the seats.

Table I

Presidential Election Results Since 1929
(percentage of valid vote)

PAN PRI Left Others
1958 9.4 90.6 -
1964 11.4 88.6 -
1970 14.0 85.5 0.5
1976 98.7 1.3 -
1982 16.4 74.3 7.0' 2.4
1988 16.8 50.7 31.5" 1.5

a. Sum of PSUM, PST, and PRT.
b. PRT = .4%, FDN = 31.1%.
Sources: Mario Ramirez Rancaflo, "Estadisticas electorales: presidenciales,"
Revista Mexicana de Sociologia, 39, 1 (1977), pp. 271-299; Daniel Levy
and Gabriel Szekeley, Mexico: Paradoxes of Stability and Change (Boul-
der: Westview, 1983), p. 69; Excelsior, 16 July 1982, p. 9; Washington Post,
11 September 1988.

The 1988 election results, therefore, suggest a dramatic
departure from previous electoral experience in Mexico. The
combination of the growth of institutionalized opposition
and the candidacy of a very appealing maverick pushed the
PRI percentage down to 50 percent. In senatorial races, the
PRI gave up 4 of 64 seats, losing in the Federal District and
Cirdenas' stronghold, Michoacin. Hence, the new Senate
will have opposition voices for the first time. In the 300
single-member deputy races, the PRI won 233 seats, but
overall has only 260 of 500 total deputy seats. The PAN
gained 101 seats, 38 in single-member district races, and the
parties of the FDN won 29 head-to-head races, 22 of which
came from joint candidacies. The parties of the FDN
received 139 seats overall.6

As usual, the PRI performed strongly in the more
rural, southern states (see Table 2), gaining its highest
presidential vote percentages in the Pacific south, the Gulf,
and the Yucatan peninsula. The PRI's extra efforts in the
center north (Chihuahua, Nuevo Le6n, and Coahuila,
among others) apparently produced an unexpectedly high
PRI vote share there. In the relatively urbanized regions,
the Pacific north, the Pacific center, the center, and the Mex-
ico City area, the PRI's performance lagged. Cardenas did
particularly well in Mexico City, the Pacific center (espe-
cially Michoacan), and the center. The 29 FDN deputy wins
were concentrated in Michoacan, the state of Mexico, and
Mexico City. The PAN's 38 seats were concentrated in urban
areas, especially in Mexico City, Ciudad Juarez, Le6n, and
the Guadalajara area.

Table 2

Regional Distribution of
1988 Mexican Presidential Vote

Pacific North
Pacific Center
Pacific South
Center North
YucatAn Peninsula
Mexico City Area




Source: El Sol de Mexico, 14 July 1988.

Although polls had predicted very high rates of voter
participation, this most competitive of postrevolutionary
Mexican elections drew the lowest vote in modern history
at less than 49 percent of the registered electorate. Initial
explanations are that reported rates of participation for
previous elections were inflated and that this election does
not necessarily indicate a decline in participation so much
as an improvement in the honesty of reporting results. If
so, Mexican politicians may think that Mexican citizens are
apathetic. Yet given the intense attention paid to this elec-
tion in the context of prolonged crisis, can one think that
people experiencing economic hardship, and frequently
reminded of the importance of the choice in which they are
obligated to participate, really do not care about whether
they vote? More credible is the notion that many Mexicans
do not believe their votes count. And given the outcome,
none of the major candidates can draw positive conclusions
about his capacity to convince them otherwise.

While the increased competitiveness of the Mexican
electoral system is encouraging, the entire week that it took
the Federal Electoral Commission to produce these prelimi-
nary results has contributed to a discrediting of the results.
The principal players within the governing elite must have
recognized that delayed announcement of the results would
delegitimate the electoral process. That it still took so long
for Secretary of the Interior Manuel Bartlett to make the
announcements must therefore indicate the depth of the dis-
agreements within the PRI-government about how to han-
dle an unprecedented decline in votes.
The divisions within the PRI suggested by the delayed
reporting of the vote are deep and will continue to be appar-
ent in political and policy debates in the coming months.
The PRI's old guard, the labor bosses, caciques in some
areas, and some governors, are adamant about maintain-
ing the PRI's monopoly. For labor leaders and some
caciques, the carro complete is the only way to reward their
lieutenants and thereby perpetuate their power. On the other
hand, Salinas' technocrats, many of whom have foreign
university degrees and are not so dependent upon patron-
age, tend to favor liberalization and are willing to trade the
PRI's usual 70 percent outcome for narrower victories if
those wins are generally recognized as legitimate.
How legitimate are the reported results of the 1988
election? There probably was some manipulation, but the
vote was among the cleanest in recent history. The Federal
Election Commission likely inflated Salinas' total slightly
by inflating PRI totals in rural areas to raise it above the
50 percent margin. Of course, the 50 percent margin is crit-
ical for the PRI since perhaps its firmest ideological tenet
is that it represents the majority's wishes. Moreover, a
minority president would likely be a weak president, una-
ble to claim a mandate to rule.
Salinas probably intended the three-way negotiations
between Bartlett, his own team, and opposition leaders dur-
ing the delay to result in some "concessions" to the oppo-
sition in return for recognition of the legitimacy of his
victory. The opposition apparently decided not to cooper-
ate. Cardenas in particular seems to have recognized that
continuing his campaign in the form of a protest against elec-
toral fraud increases his odds of uniting the left in a
cardenista front for the long haul.
The poor performance of the PRI can be explained
by a combination of four factors. First, the modern, urban
society of the 1980s is much more difficult to mobilize
through the PRI's corporatist structure than was the mostly
rural society of the 1930s. The PRI continues to produce
(sometimes fictitiously) large numbers of votes in rural areas,
but much less of Mexico's population lives in the country-
side today. Modernization cannot by itself explain the drastic
decline from de la Madrid's 74 percent of the votes in 1982
to Salinas' 50 percent. Foremost among other factors is Mex-
ico's six-year-long economic crisis. Since 1982 the economy
has registered growth in only three years, with GDP per cap-
ita now at a level lower than in 1977.' Inflation has been

at least 60 percent annually, reaching nearly 160 percent in
1987. The GDP continues on the negative side, falling the
past year by 3.5 percent. Most disheartening to the Mexi-
can middle class is the dramatic fall of the peso's value in
the past twelve years, from 12.5 pesos/dollar in 1976 to
about 2300 today. The economy is essentially stagnant, with
unemployment at an official 14.5 percent.
The PRI was bound to suffer somewhat from the eco-
nomic crisis, but Carlos Salinas himself was also an issue.
As the architect of austerity, Salinas is seen by almost every-
one as causing setbacks in Mexico's standard of living. He
pledged to follow the same basic policy, of course with
promises that policy success will come within his term.
Salinas also contributed a final factor to the PRI's decline:
the political will to liberalize the regime and accept the elec-
toral consequences of a fair vote count.
The PAN's 1988 share of the presidential vote seems
unimpressive in comparison with historical trends.
Clouthier's 16.8 percent of the vote is barely better than the
16.4 percent received by Pablo Emilio Madero in 1982, even
though PAN performances since 1982 have suggested a
rapidly growing party. Still PAN's 1988 showing can be
viewed as a solid performance in which both the number
of committed members in the party and its share of the
nation's politicized electorate grew. In the past many con-
sidered the PAN as the only party capable of challenging
the PRI, and it therefore captured most of the protest vote
across all social groups. In this election, the PAN had to
compete for the protest vote with a center- left front direct-
ing its message at the more numerous popular sectors. More-
over, while Clouthier was an attractive candidate to
committed panistas (of the neopanista variety), his back-
ground as an agribusinessman heavily involved in the
church's lay groups and his swaggering style made him less
appealing to the general population. That the PAN still
received nearly 17 percent of the vote demonstrates that a
solid 15-20 percent of the electorate is still in its camp.
The cardenista coalition's performance was impressive,
although whether it will be replicable is unclear. As the son
of Ldzaro Cardenas, the FDN candidate effectively drew
on the lingering respect shown to his father by Mexicans of
all sectors, including significant numbers of workers and
campesinos, a rarity for an opposition candidate in Mexi-
can elections. Uniting Mexico's long-fragmented left was a
considerable task. The organizations on the left, of course,
remain separate but they have now worked together. Sur-
vey evidence seems to suggest that unification on the left
promoted the candidacy of CQrdenas to a level (31 percent
of the votes) that the individual candidates (Cardenas and
Castillo), added together, would not have achieved had they
run separately. Cardenas' populist message, contrasting
deeply with the economic "rationality" promised by Salinas
and Clouthier, gave hope to a broad array of Mexicans
suffering economic hardship. They remembered the legacy
of his father, who had acted on behalf of workers and

Implications for the Future
Immediately after the elections, Cirdenas insisted that
he had won the presidency and launched a nationwide pro-
test campaign that began in Mexico City on July 16 with
a rally of more than 200,000 supporters. It is not yet clear
what Cirdenas really wants or how far he is willing to push
his protest. Clouthier also refused to recognize PRI's vic-
tory. Even though Clouthier conceded his own defeat, he
was unwilling to recognize either Salinas or CArdenas.
Instead, he called for civil disobedience and demanded new
elections. Responding to this call, panistas blocked roads
and staged a series of demonstrations, primarily in the north.
The PAN's response, however, has been less aggressive than
expected by most observers. Possibly the unexpected
strength of the cardenista movement, with its leftist orien-
tation, has led them to reconsider the advisability of mas-
sive protests since the most likely beneficiary would be the
cardenistas, not themselves.
Although the political situation remains quite fluid,
it is probably safe to assume that the opposition's protest
campaigns are not going to change the results of the
presidential election. To do so would require the opposi-
tion to band together to fight an all-out war against the
regime, and such a war is unlikely. With 240 deputies and
four senators, the opposition now has a great deal to lose
by rejecting the official rules of the game. Finally, in the
event of conflict it is unlikely that the military would side
with the opposition, least of all with the leftist cardenista
coalition. For more than five decades the military has been
a loyal pillar of the regime; it is difficult to believe that alle-
gations of electoral fraud would impel it to intervene in favor
of the opposition. Intervention would come only in case of
widespread violence, and the military would not act to hand
the presidential sash over to Cardenas or Clouthier.
If the opposition opts for conciliation, Mexico's polit-
ical future will depend primarily on what happens within
both the left and the PRI. Clearly the degree of change
wrought by the Cirdenas challenge depends on what
becomes of the cardenista forces in the months to come.
Historically, the PRI has treated challenges from within the
"revolutionary family" as more dangerous than the com-
petition from the institutionalized opposition. In 1940
Lizaro Cirdenas' hand-picked successor was challenged by
Juan Andrew Almazin, a defeated aspirant to the official
party's candidacy. The subsequent election, marred by elec-
toral violence and extensive fraud, confirmed the PRI's
monopoly of power. Similar cycles recurred in the 1946 and
1952 presidential races, the challenge of Miguel Henriquez
in 1952 presenting a more serious threat to the PRI. In the
aftermath of Henriquez' defeat, the effort by his forces to
register a permanent opposition party was denied and those
forces dissipated.
Whether the FDN can avoid the fate of almazanista
and henriquista forces depends on the disposition of the
incoming administration and Cardenas' capacity to mold
a new political organization from a disparate assortment of

political parties and groups. In his campaign statements and
an important postelection speech, Salinas seemed to be sig-
naling a willingness to allow the cardenista forces freedom
to act politically.8 Thus the FDN may have an opportunity
denied to almazanistas and henriquistas. However, creat-
ing a new political organization from the four parties and
several groups that formed the FDN may be a more diffi-
cult challenge. Sectarian conflicts have divided the Mexi-
can left. Of these parties, only the PMS has an organization
with pretensions of nationwide coverage. Forging a united
leftist opposition party with the capacity to challenge effec-
tively the PRI and the PAN will require overcoming the
numerous personal and ideological differences and build-
ing upon the organizational structures that currently exist,
in some places integrating organizations that have competed
for the left vote for the past decade.
The unprecedented number of legislative seats won by
the left provide an important incentive for the coalition to
remain united. The number of positions won by each of the
parties that form the FDN was much larger than those they
won in previous elections. The fact that Mexican electoral
legislation allows coalitions to present joint candidacies at
some levels and independent candidacies at others also
favors the unity of the cardenista movement. Indeed, while
single candidacies at all levels might result in a greater
accumulation of votes for the coalition as a whole, it would
also favor factionalism within the coalition, as each party
struggles with the others over the nomination of candidates.
Instead, current legislation allows each party to present as
many independent deputy or senatorial candidacies as it
wants, while benefitting from the coattail effects of an
attractive joint presidential candidacy, as in this case.
If the cardenista coalition remains united, it will clearly
increase the pressure for greater liberalization. In contrast
to the PAN, which can now only pose regional challenges
to the PRI, the cardenistas have clearly emerged as a truly
national force. The regime's response will depend partly on
the nature of the FDN's leadership. Were the control of the
coalition to fall into more "radical" hands, the response
would probably be far less sympathetic than it would if it
continues to be led by people like Cardenas and Mufioz
Ledo. They are, after all, members of the "family" that has
ruled Mexico for the last 50 years, and though clearly
threatening to the economic elites for their reformist incli-
nations, they are far from being Marxist radicals.
Recent events suggest that Cirdenas and Mufioz Ledo
have chosen a strategy for consolidating the unity of the left
that risks as much confrontation with the government as
possible within the bounds of legality and nonviolence.
Cardenista crowds maintained protest rallies outside
throughout the meetings of the Electoral College. At de la
Madrid's final state-of-the-nation address on September 1,
FDN legislators interrupted his speech with cries of "fraud!"
and some 25 FDN congressmen followed Mufioz Ledo as
he stalked out of the chamber. PAN deputies, meanwhile,
merely held aloft ballots that they claimed were fraudulent.9

On September 10 as the Chamber of Deputies readied to
ratify Salinas' victory, FDN members again walked out of
the chamber rather than participate in the approval of the
president-elect. PAN deputies rejected the July 6 results by
voting against Salinas, but again they respected parliamen-
tary procedure.'0
The FDN leadership seems to be using nonviolent con-
frontation to weld together leftist leaders and party organi-
zations that were formerly rivals through vigorous
mobilization toward rejection of Salinas' victory, an issue
on which they can all agree. Undoubtedly they hope to pres-
sure the incoming Salinas government into an early politi-
cal reform as the price for their cooperation in the coming
years. Finally, cardenista strategists probably hope to gain
policy concessions from Salinas, especially in the economic
area. In a recent speech, Salinas indicated a willingness to
discuss with his opponents electoral reform, the foreign debt,
and measures to alleviate poverty."
The key to what happens in the future remains, how-
ever, the balance of forces within the PRI itself. The last
thing that Salinas wants is a split of the PRI. Unskillful han-
dling of the liberalization process could easily alienate the
party's old guard, particularly the critically important labor
leaders, who have consistently opposed reform. The glue
that has kept the party together for so many decades has
been its monopoly of political power, including elected
offices. The economic crisis and the neoliberal economic
policies designed to combat it have already resulted in a con-
siderable loss of patronage sources. While in 1982 there were
1,155 public enterprises, by 1988 there were only 460.12
Bureaucratic positions in the federal government have shown
a similar decline. Under these circumstances, elected posi-
tions have become all the more important to reward
Traditionally, the organized groups that support the
PRI have counted on a relatively fixed number of seats in
Congress. In the 1985-1988 legislature, the "popular" sec-
tor had 149 deputy seats, labor had 69, and the peasant sec-
tor had 66 seats. The shares for the 1982-1985 legislature
had been practically the same. Significantly, the districts
assigned to each sector also remained practically identical
in both legislatures. This suggests that the PRI works on
the basis of relatively fixed arrangements about the rewards
for support.'3 The willingness of organized groups to remain
within the PRI might be considerably reduced by a sudden
change in the rules of the game. In this election several of
labor's high-profile candidates suffered defeats, including
Joaquin Gamboa Pascoe, a close ally of Fidel Veldsquez,
who lost in the Federal District senatorial race. Other promi-
nent labor losers were Venustiano Reyes, head of the Music
Workers Union, and Arturo Romo. Overall, of 66 labor can-
didates, 18 lost.
Failing to receive what they consider rightfully theirs,
the leaders of some of those organizations, especially labor,
could decide to move closer to other parties, particularly
those on the left, which ideologically and programmatically

are much closer to them than the PRI under the rule of the
neoliberals. The unprecedented showing of the opposition
in the 1988 elections in itself increases the temptation to
defect. As long as the opposition parties were perceived as
ineffectual organizations, they could attract only the true
believers, those willing to sacrifice the chance of influenc-
ing policy outcomes and the benefits that accompany them
for the sake of a better, but distant, future. Having emerged
much stronger after this election, these parties will become
more attractive to those sympathizers who are unwilling to
pay such a price. The message sent by these elections, and
the economic context in which Mexico is immersed, suggests
that currently the main risk is that of losing some segments
of the labor sector to the cardenista movement.
To move ahead with liberalization, Salinas will some-
how have to compensate the most important party organi-
zations for their loss of elected positions, making it more
attractive for them to remain within the party than to join
the opposition. Incorporating several of their leaders into
the next administration, which would imply a significant
opening of Salinas' present technocratic team, could be the
starting point. A more important move in this respect could
be, however, a general shift in economic policy, one that
abandons the present economic "rationality" for a seem-
ingly less rational, but politically more rewarding, economic
policy. Clearly the message of the elections is that far from
being dead, populism is very much alive in Mexico."4 Among
other things, a more expansionist economic strategy would
reward labor by reversing, at least temporarily, the startling
deterioration of wages over the last six years. Financing such
a strategy is not easy, but for now Salinas can count on the
unprecedented foreign reserves accumulated by President de
la Madrid, estimated at around 10.5 billion dollars. Results
favorable to Mexico in future negotiations with its foreign
creditors over debt repayment could free additional
resources for financing this strategy.
If Salinas is unwilling to change course, choosing to
stick to the austerity program that he implemented under
de la Madrid, it is difficult to see how he could proceed with
reform without facing serious dissent within the PRI. Of
course he may not want to liberalize. For him economics
may take precedence over politics; he might be willing to
modernize politics as long as that does not interfere with
modernizing the economy. But given the electoral results,
the pressures to liberalize will now be greater than ever. The
recent democratization processes in other Latin American
countries reveal that once reform begins it is extremely dif-
ficult, if not impossible, for those in power to control its
pace. Salinas would have to rely more heavily than any presi-
dent before him on the security apparatus, particularly the
military, if he attempted to shackle strong social pressures
for reform.
While the impact of the recent elections is still not com-
pletely clear, they do seem to mark the beginning of a new
era of Mexican politics. The era of the virtual one-party sys-
tem appears to be over. This does not necessarily mean, how-

ever, that the PRI is dead; it simply means that its hegemonic
position has been reduced to a predominance, such as that
of Japan's Liberal Party or India's Congress Party. The
main difference between a hegemonic and a predominant
position is that in the former the dominant party is never
allowed to lose, no matter how few votes it gets, while in
the latter it can lose, but in fact manages to gain a majority
of votes in most elections. The difference between the two
is the difference between a noncompetitive system and a
competitive one. Whether the PRI can make this transition
and adapt to the new circumstances remains to be seen. The
hope of all those who support democracy is that it will be
able to do so.


1. On the reformapolitica, see Kevin Middlebrook, "Political Liber-
alization in an Authoritarian Regime: The Case of Mexico," in Guillermo
O'Donnell, Philippe C. Schmitter and Laurence Whitehead, eds. Transi-
tions from Authoritarian Rule: Latin America (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins
University Press, 1986) and Joseph L. Klesner, Electoral Reform in an
Authoritarian Regime: The Case of Mexico, Ph.D. dissertation, M.I.T.,
2. Clouthier, an agribusinessman from Sinaloa and a former leader
of Coparmex, the private sector's leading organization, became panista
after the bank nationalization. Many former PAN leaders have left the
party because they believe it has abandoned their social reformist ideology.
3. Juan Molinar, "El future del sistema electoral mexicano," paper
prepared for the conference on Mexican political alternatives, Center for
U.S.-Mexican Studies, University of California, San Diego, 23-25 March
4. Lorenzo Meyer, "La democracia political: esperando a Godot,"
Nexos, no. 100 (April 1986). On the connection between electoral politics
and political legitimacy, see Leopoldo G6mez, Electoral Processes and
Political Legitimacy in an Authoritarian Regime: The Case of Mexico,
1982-1988, Ph.D. dissertation, Georgetown University, forthcoming 1989.
5. Because of the winner-take-all rules of deputy races in the 300
single-member districts, the PRI's roughly 70 percent averages have trans-
lated into near carros completes: the PRI won 296 seats in 1979, 299 in
1982, and 289 in 1985.
6. Proceso, 5 September 1988. The Electoral College initially
awarded 234 of the simple majority seats and 26 proportional representa-
tion (PR) seats to the PRI. After one PRI deputy defected to the FDN,
the PRI's majority in the Electoral College awarded an additional PR seat
to the PRI. Since then three FDN deputies have defected to the PRI. New
York Times, 11 September 1988.
7. All figures are from David Carlos, "Politica econ6mica, para
iqu6?" Viva, no. 2 (June 1988), pp. 22-25.
8. In a speech on the day after the election, Salinas said, "The vir-
tual one-party system has ended and a new political era has begun with
a majority party and intense competition from the opposition." Excelsior,
8 July 1988.
9. New York Times, 2 September 1988.
10. Washington Post, 11 September 1988.
11. New York Times, 18 September 1988.
12. Excelsior, 15 July 1988.
13. On sectoral competition within the PRI, see John Bailey, Govern-
ing Mexico: The Statecraft of Crisis Management (London: Macmillan,
1988), ch. 5.
14. Sergio Zermefio, "El fin del populismo mexicano," Nexos, no.
113 (May 1987).

At each International Congress, the Latin American
Studies Association will present the Bryce Wood Award to
the outstanding book on Latin America in the social sciences
and humanities published in English in the United States.
Eligible books will be those published in an eighteen-month
period prior to the congress. Although no book may com-
pete more than once, translations may be considered. Nor-
mally not in contention for the award are anthologies of
selections by several authors or reprints or re-editions of
works published previously. Books will be judged on the
quality of the research, analysis, and writing, and the sig-
nificance of their contribution to Latin American studies.
Books may be nominated by authors, LASA members,
or publishers. Whoever does the nominating is responsible
for confirming the publication date and for forwarding one
copy directly to each member of the Award Committee, at
the expense of the authors or publishers. For the Septem-
ber 1989 LASA XV International Congress in San Juan,
Puerto Rico, books will be eligible published from July 1,
1987, to December 31, 1988. All books nominated must
reach each member of the Award Committee by February
1, 1989.
The interdisciplinary Award Committee will consist of
three members of LASA. They will be appointed every eight-
een months by the President, in consultation with the Execu-
tive Council. LASA members may suggest appointees to the
President. No one may serve on the committee with a book
under consideration.
One month before the International Congress, the
committee will select a winning book. It may also name an
honorable mention. The author or authors of the winning
book will have their expenses paid by LASA to attend the
congress, where the award will be presented during the Busi-
ness Meeting. Ideally the winner should be a member of
LASA, but that is not a requirement to receive the award.
The only criterion is scholarly excellence.
The members of the Bryce Wood Book Award Com-
mittee for 1989 are John D. Wirth, Chair (Department of
History, Stanford University, Stanford, CA 94305); Fran-
cine Masiello (Department of Spanish and Comparative
Literature, University of California, Berkeley, CA 94720);
and Karen L. Remmer (Department of Political Science,
University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, NM 87131).

Puerto Rico (cont.)
is a rich country; by North American standards, it is poor.
Culturally speaking, Puerto Rico is essentially an Afro-
Hispanic nation with a strong North American influence.
It is understandable that Puerto Rican scholars attempt to
interpret and change their immediate reality before embark-
ing upon research that will take them beyond their national
Nonetheless, Puerto Rican scholars have much to gain
from a dialogue with Latinamericanists in the United States
and Latin America. An important benefit is the opportu-
nity to overcome the parochial vision of Puerto Rico as
unique, and apart from Latin America. Puerto Rico is typi-
cal of Latin American and Caribbean countries in many
respects: its dependent status vis-a-vis the United States and
its intense blending of races and cultures, for example. A
Latin American perspective on Puerto Rico can lead to com-
parative research with a sharper theoretical focus. Too many
studies of Puerto Rico begin and end in San Juan, with a
possible detour via Washington and New York, and fail to
pose general conceptual problems. Finally, the
"Latinamericanization" of Puerto Rico at the academic
level can counter the prevailing trend toward "North-
americanization." In academia as in other spheres of cul-
ture, Puerto Ricans have relied too heavily on the United
States for inspiration and guidance. Perhaps the LASA con-
gress will encourage local scholars to explore other world-
views and research models.
North American scholars, much to their surprise, may
also learn from the "natives." Many Latinamericanists
believe that Puerto Rico is more a tropical desert with respect
to ideas than an intellectual oasis in the Caribbean. Despite
the lack of resources and low prestige of research in Puerto
Rican universities, there are many signs of a scholarly effer-
vescence here. First, the island's centers of intellectual
activity have multiplied and diversified over the last few
years. The University of Puerto Rico at Rio Piedras no
longer commands a monopoly over knowledge, although it
remains the leading university in many areas. Private insti-
tutions such as Interamerican University and University of
the Sacred Heart employ a growing number of well-qualified
Second, the results of this activity are visible in an
increasing variety of disciplines and journals. For instance
the field of history alone has expanded so much during the
past decade that three specialized journals now publish in
this field (Anales, Revista de historic, and Op. cit.). All the
major colleges and universities have one or more interdis-
ciplinary journals such as Revista de ciencias sociales, Ho-
mines, Cupey, and the forthcoming Punto y coma. This
renewed interest in scholarly publication, and the adminis-
trative support it indicates, reflects a serious intellectual
production for an academic community burdened by exces-
sive teaching loads, insufficient funding for research and
writing, and a somewhat recent tradition of scholarly

Finally, Puerto Rican scholars have reached a point
of maturity at which they no longer need to depend intellec-
tually on foreign schools of thought and training. The
University of Puerto Rico, for example, recently established
three new Ph.D. programs in education, history, and psy-
chology. These programs offer an alternative to studying
abroad, as the Colleges of Law, Medicine, and Engineer-
ing have done for decades. The point is that Puerto Rican
scholars are gradually becoming independent of the United
States and developing original ways of thinking about their
own problems, even if they still look to the outside world
for support and recognition.
In short, the 1989 LASA Congress should help to
demystify Puerto Rico for Latinamericanists as well as clar-
ify the Latin American contribution to Puerto Rican studies.
If mainland scholars come to the island with open eyes, they
will find that Puerto Rico is more complicated and interest-
ing than they may have supposed. Puerto Rico is more than
an extension of the United States or Latin America; it is a
mixture of both with its own special features. If Puerto
Rican scholars receive their visitors openly, they will find
that few U.S. academics, at least among Latinamericanists,
are Yankee imperialists. The significance of the next LASA
congress may well go beyond the confines of the academic
community; the meeting could address misunderstandings
between two groups of scholars that are closely linked yet
often stand apart.

SEPTEMBER 21-23, 1988

With the deadline now past, the Program Committee
will meet in November to consider the organized sessions
proposed for LASA's XV International Congress. A prelimi-
nary list of those panels selected will be available in mid-
December, when all those who submitted proposals will be
notified of the committee's deliberations. Panel proposers
who have not yet done so must submit completed address
and phone information for all panelists.
Scholarly panels, workshops and roundtable will
highlight the academic portion of LASA XV. The Program
Committee is currently exploring options for plenary ses-
sions and keynote addresses.
We expect the largest production ever of scholarly
work for this meeting. Guidelines for preparing and dis-
tributing papers are currently being developed.
Members of the Program Committee include Joan
Dassin, Gary Gereffi, Patricia Pessar, Steve Stein, Sergio
Miceli, Marcia Rivera, C6sar Rey Hernandez and Mark B.
Rosenberg, chair.

Steve Sanderson, of the University of Florida, is coor-
dinating fund- raising efforts. The Program Committee must
be notified immediately (in writing) of travel needs for Latin
American and Caribbean scholars; we hope to provide sup-
port for all paper presenters traveling from the region. A
number of foundations and U.S.-based Centers for Latin
American Studies have already made preliminary funding
commitments to LASA. Public and private-sector organi-
zations in the United States and Western Europe are also
being solicited for support. The Program Committee will
notify all panel chairs of the availability of travel funds for
Latin American scholars as far in advance of the San Juan
congress as possible.
Lavonne Poteet, of Bucknell University, is once again
coordinating the Latin American Film Festival. The dead-
line for proposed film submissions is June 1, 1989.
Local arrangements in San Juan are under the aegis
of Luis Agrait, of the Fundaci6n Luis Mufioz Marin. Dr.
Agrait is receiving considerable cooperation from leading
institutions of higher education in Puerto Rico. The Local
Arrangements Committee expects to offer an array of island
excursions, and of course Puerto Rican cuisine will be a
major attraction.
Congress headquarters will be the Caribe Hilton Hotel,
situated on a spectacular site in scenic San Juan. This excel-
lent resort and convention facility, set in a tropical ambience,
will make the XV International Congress an unforgettable
experience. Hotel reservation and registration information
will appear in the next LASA Forum (Winter 1989).
Please send inquiries and suggestions to Mark B.
Rosenberg, Latin American and Caribbean Center, Florida
International University, University Park, Miami, FL 33199.

Revised Priorities for Changing Conditions
Fellowships and Grants from the ACLS/SSRC
Joint Committee
on Latin American Studies
John Coatsworth
The University of Chicago
Chair, Joint Committee

The ACLS/SSRC Joint Committee on Latin Ameri-
can Studies (JCLAS)* has increased the number of predoc-
toral (dissertation research) fellowships awarded each year
from an average of ten to eleven over the past decade to
fifteen beginning with the 1989-90 competition. This deci-
sion was taken at the committee's March 1988 meeting in
response to a 50 percent increase in applications since 1985.
The competition remains open to graduate students in U.S.
universities without restriction as to citizenship.
To fund the increase in predoctoral awards, the
JCLAS has changed the eligibility requirements for its
Advanced (postdoctoral) Grants competition. Beginning this
year, the following new rules will apply:

(1) Recipients of past postdoctoral grants are
excluded; however, recipients of past predoctoral
(dissertation) fellowships are still eligible.
(2) Applicants for postdoctoral grants must have
received the Ph.D. (or equivalent) within ten
years of the deadline for applications (Decem-
ber 1, 1988 this year), except for applicants work-
ing on less-studied countries. These include the
seven countries of Central America (Guatemala,
Honduras, Nicaragua, El Salvador, Costa Rica,
Panama and Belize), the Dominican Republic,
Cuba, Haiti, Ecuador, Bolivia and Paraguay.
As in the past, the postdoctoral competition is open
to applicants irrespective of citizenship. The maximum
award remains $15,000.
These decisions represent a shift in JCLAS priorities
made necessary by financial constraints. JCLAS funding has
stagnated for nearly a decade after a sharp decline in the
early 1970s. In nominal terms, the JCLAS awards budget
stands at roughly one-third of its 1973 level. Meanwhile,
costs have risen. In real terms, therefore, the JCLAS has
roughly one-eighth of the resources it had fifteen years ago.
*The "Joint" Committee takes its name from the two umbrella organiza-
tions that sponsor its activities: the American Council of Learned Socie-
ties (ACLS) and the Social Science Research Council (SSRC). The JCLAS
is headquartered at the SSRC, where administrative tasks are performed
by a small staff headed by Staff Associate Silvia Raw. The JCLAS has
eight members, who serve staggered three-year terms, in addition to the
chair. Current (1988-89) members are Lourdes Arizpe, David Collier,
E.V.K. Fitzgerald, Walnice Nogueira Galvao, Elizabeth Jelin, Jos6 Anto-
nio Ocampo, Alejandro Portes and Frank Salomon. The JCLAS conducts
the postdoctoral competition but delegates the predoctoral (dissertation)
to a separate six-member selection committee, currently (1988-89) chaired
by Lars Schoultz.

At its peak, the JCLAS awarded over twenty predoc-
toral and more than thirty postdoctoral fellowships each year
in addition to allocating large sums for research planning
conferences (now reduced in scope and number) as well as
summer workshops, a large internship program, and other
professional activities abandoned long ago. In 1988-89, the
JCLAS expects to award roughly the same number of post-
doctoral and predoctoral awards (fifteen or so each).
In both competitions, award levels in real terms have
fallen over the past fifteen years. Predoctoral fellows. who
receive other awards are required to accept them. In such
cases, JCLAS funds are used for research costs not covered
by the other award and for write-up grants (reduced a decade
ago from one year to six months). Predoctoral stipend levels,
once relatively generous, are now minimal. Postdoctoral
grants carry a maximum of $15,000. Fifteen years ago, the
maximum was $10,000, which in 1988 dollars would be
worth $25,000 to $30,000.
In the mid-1970s and into the 1980s, the JCLAS
responded to funding constraints with austerity measures
designed to preserve its three core programs: predoctoral
fellowships, postdoctoral research grants, and research plan-
ning conferences. When cuts had to be made in the core pro-
gram, the committee reduced the number of predoctoral
fellowships more sharply than that of the postdoctoral grants
for two reasons. First, the number of predoctoral applica-
tions dropped in the late 1970s as the Latin Americanist
graduate student population declined. Second, postdoctoral
awards remained vital not only for the large U.S. popula-
tion of new entrants to the field from the late 1960s and
early 1970s, but also for Latin American scholars forced to
flee into exile during periods of military rule in their home
countries. JCLAS postdoctoral awards, though small in
number and shrinking in real terms, played a significant role
in preserving the vitality of the field during these years.
Conditions have now changed. The number of Latin
Americanist graduate students in U.S. institutions began to
increase sharply in the mid-1980s. Meanwhile, younger scho-
lars in the United States who received their Ph.D.s in the
lean period from the late 1970s to the mid-1980s have found
their applications for postdoctoral research grants compet-
ing with applications from the much larger and more estab-
lished generation that preceded them. In Latin America,
redemocratization in conditions of debt-induced fiscal
austerity freed a new generation of researchers from politi-
cal persecution but simultaneously left them without jobs
or research support.
These new conditions induced the JCLAS to alter its
priorities in order to concentrate its limited resources on sup-
port for younger scholars. The larger number of predoc-
toral awards responds to the needs of an increasing graduate
student population in the United States. The new eligibility
requirements for the postdoctoral competition respond to
the growing need to support younger Ph.D.s, both in the
United States and in Latin America, many of whom are now
or will soon be embarking on their first major postdoctoral
research projects.

It would be foolish to pretend that this shift in JCLAS
priorities does not impose costs. Though the postdoctoral
awards are far too small to support a major research pro-
ject, they have often been used by senior scholars to lever-
age additional funds from other sources, including their own
universities. The number of major postdoctoral awards open
to senior scholars in the United States has been shrinking
steadily for more than a decade; conditions in Latin America
(as well as in Great Britain and most of Western Europe)
are no better.
Worse yet, the younger beneficiaries of this shift still
face far more difficult conditions than their counterparts
a generation ago. The total number of dissertation fellow-
ships available to Latin Americanist graduate students today
remains smaller than before. The JCLAS once awarded
twenty per year. The Latin American Teaching Fellowships
and Doherty Fellowships disappeared years ago. The Inter-
American Foundation now virtually restricts its dissertation
awards to applied fields. The brief expansion of the Ful-
bright program in recent years has been reversed. The Lin-
coln Fellowships for Mexicanists have been recast as an
annual lectureship that is more diplomatic than scholarly.
Moreover, for younger postdoctoral scholars in the United
States, the newly revised JCLAS awards barely replace (at
a lower level of funding) the postdoctoral awards dropped
by the Tinker Foundation two years ago.
The JCLAS welcomes comment from members of
LASA (and from other Latin Americanists who have not
yet joined LASA) on this shift in priorities as well as the
conditions that provoked it.


The following article, of interest to Latin Americanists,
appeared in The Washington Post on August 25, 1988.
Lifting Embargoes on Information...
By Barbara Vobejda
Washington Post Staff Writer
Daniel Walsh, owner of an Alexandria firm known as
Liberation Graphics, has tried for years to import political
posters from Cuba, which he said are known worldwide for
their sophistication and graphic quality. They are, he said,
"the best in the hemisphere."
But as a result of a 26-year-old federal law restricting
the import of publications, films, posters, phonograph
records and other informational materials from Cuba,
Walsh has been stymied.
Yesterday, however, he heard the news: The ban had
been lifted and he was free to buy and sell Cuban posters.
"It's not so much a business opportunity," Walsh

said. "It really means that we'll be able to enrich the pool
of political graphics."
The restrictions ended as the result of a little-noticed
provision in the trade bill signed into law Tuesday by Presi-
dent Reagan that overturned the long-standing ban on the
import and export of informational materials from several
countries covered by trade embargoes.
Restrictions-also applying to Vietnam, North Korea
and Cambodia but not to the Soviet Union-covered the
export of American informational materials as well as the
import of foreign materials. The restrictions were imposed
under the Trading With the Enemy Act and the International
Emergency Economic Powers Act.
Trade embargoes applying to Libya and Nicaragua
have exempted informational materials.
But in the case of the other countries, the trade
embargo statutes and federal regulations specified that
import of informational materials for commercial purposes
required special licenses from the Treasury Department.
And, in many cases, import of multiple copies was allowed
only if proceeds from the sale were deposited into "blocked"
bank accounts in this country, with funds prohibited from
entering the foreign country.
The ban also applied to photographs, microfilm,
microfiche, tapes or "other informational materials."
But language attached to the trade bill by Rep.
Howard L. Berman (D-Calif.) lifted the trade restrictions
on these materials, except in the case of classified material.
"Imposing a regulation which keeps American publi-
cations, American periodicals and American ideas from get-
ting into the hands of people in other countries, particularly
totalitarian countries, made no sense whatsoever," Berman
The Berman provision prompted virtually no con-
troversy as the trade bill worked its way through Congress.
The State Department did not object to Berman's amend-
ment during congressional hearings, the congressman's staff
said, but Reagan cited the provision in his veto of the ini-
tial trade bill. The veto message said the provision would
"prevent the president from moving swiftly to block bla-
tant enemy propaganda material from entering the United
States, even during wartime."
Morton H. Halperin, director of the Washington
office of the American Civil Liberties Union, said the res-
trictions violated the spirit, if not the letter, of the First
"It was treated under the law just as if you were deal-
ing with spare parts for trucks," he said. "Harm may come
from giving spare parts to (sic) trucks to people in other
countries, but it doesn't come from giving them books and
Halperin said the ACLU initiated the change in the
law as part of a broader effort to promote the free flow of
ideas. The ACLU also argued that the new language would
deny future presidents the discretion to restrict the flow of
information under trade embargoes.

Report on Survey of Biographical
Research Collections for the Latin
American Biographical Database (LABD)
Michael L. Conniff
University of New Mexico

In April and May 1988, the organizers of the LABD
sent over 3,000 questionnaires to members of Latin Ameri-
can studies professional associations. The purpose was to
elicit information on the use of biographical materials in
teaching and research; availability of datasets that could be
incorporated into the database; and support for a large
biographical reference and research project. This is a
preliminary report based on returns received through July.
Over 90 percent of the respondents agreed that the
"biographical database will be of value to Latin
Americanists" and envision using it in research or teach-
ing. Many suggested the names of colleagues who would also
be interested in contributing to the project.
Over 130 respondents indicated that they had worked
with biographies, ranging from individual studies to mas-
sive computerized works. The largest is Sara de Mundo Lo's
Index to Spanish American Collective Biography, which
contains nearly 100,000 entries. Charles Polzer's biofile for
the U.S. Southwest contains 67,000 names. Peter Boyd-
Bowman has 55,000 Spanish emigrants to the New World
in his computer file.
Most multiple studies, of course, were smaller, as re-
vealed in the size-distribution:

Number of Cases Colonial Period National Period
5-100 5 37
100-1000 10 21
1000-10,000 3 9
not reported 8 10
Total 26 77

Distribution by country revealed a concentration of datasets
for Mexico (29) and substantial numbers for Brazil (13),
Chile (8), Colombia (8), Peru (6), and Argentina (5). Virtu-
ally every country had at least one biographical study
reported. Eleven collections dealt with regional or
hemispheric topics.
About fifteen datasets were reported to be stored in
machine-readable form, typically a database management
or spreadsheet system.
Eighty researchers expressed willingness to make avail-
able their multiple files under certain conditions, such as
acknowledgement, periodic reports, and continued access.
Reproduction costs would be required in some cases.
The results of the survey were presented to a gather-
ing of experts held at the University of New Mexico on
August 26-27, 1988. The meeting brought local researchers

together with colleagues from the United States, Canada and
Those wishing further information on the LABD or
a list of the major datasets reported in the survey should
write to Michael L. Conniff, History Department, Univer-
sity of New Mexico, Albuquerque, NM 87131; phone


The LASA Secretariat has been receiving suggestions
that it publish members' electronic mail addresses. With a
view toward including this information in future LASA
directories, we will request it on 1989 membership renewal
and application forms.
The Institute of Latin American Studies of the Univer-
sity of Texas at Austin maintains LASNET, the computer
network for Latin Americanists and Latin American studies
centers, through a directory of electronic mail addresses. The
directory is also accessible to scholars and universities
located in Latin America and the Caribbean through BIT-
NET, UUCP, etc. Through this directory, electronic mail
and file transfer services allow communication that is vir-
tually instantaneous and available at a very low cost.
If you have an E-mail address, please contact LAS-
NET by electronic or regular mail (see below) with your
name, institutional affiliation, academic interests, mailing
address, electronic address, and telephone number.

LASNET Electronic Addresses
LASNET Regular Mailing Address
Sandra Wheaton, The Institute of Latin American
Studies, The University of Texas at Austin, SRH
1.318, Austin, TX 78712; (512) 471-5551.
Note to current users of LASNET: Some mailing addresses
are now inoperable due to either changes in mail rout-
ings or terminals. Please contact us if you are not
receiving mail via LASNET so we can revise your mail-
ing address as needed.


The LASA dues renewal period for calendar year 1989
has begun [renewal form enclosed with this issue]. If
you want to be certain to receive your copies of the
Forum and LARR without interruption, be sure to
renew as early as you can. Publications for members
who renew after March are accumulated until they
meet minimum requirements for bulk mailing, caus-
ing long delays. Please remember also that participants
in the San Juan Congress must be paid-up members
for 1989.


The following papers from the XIV International Con-
gress in New Orleans may be ordered from the Secretariat for
$3.00 each. LASA attempted to retain at least one copy of
every paper submitted. If your paper is not listed below,
please send a copy to the Secretariat, and we will include it in
future listings. A limited number of programs (xerox copies)
are also available for $4.50 each. Prices include postage.

Adams, Anna. Women's Tales of Torture
Agosin, Marjorie. La casa de los espiritus
Alvares, Sonia E. Women's Participation in the "People's
Alves, Maria Helena. Dilemmas of the Consolidation of
Democracy from the Top in Brazil
Angotti, Thomas. The Cuban Revolution: A New Turn
Arana, Mario. Deuda, estabilizaci6n y ajuste: La
transformaci6n en Nicaragua 1979-1986
Archila, Mauricio. La formaci6n de la clase obrera colom-
biana (1910-1945)
Auchter, Craig W. Democracy for Masters or Majorities? A
Comparative Analysis of Political Development in Cen-
tral America
Azuela, Alicia. Diego Rivera in the 1930s. Views from Both
Sides of the Border
Balin, Jorge. Profesi6n e identidad en una sociedad dividida:
La medicine y el origen del psicoandlisis en la Argentina
Barker, Wendy J. Banks, Industry and the State in Brazil
Barkin, David. Environmental Degradation and Productive
Transformation in Mexico: The Contradictions of
Crisis Management
Bartra, Eli. Notas sobre el arte popular y las mujeres
Baumann, Renato. Brazil-Argentina Economic Integration:
A Partial Approach
Baumeister, Eduardo. Agrarian Transformation and Revolu-
tion in Nicaragua
Bennett, Vivienne and Jeffrey W. Rubin. How Popular
Movements Shape the State: Radical Oppositions in
Juchitdn and Monterrey, Mexico 1973-1987
Berryman, Phillip. Liberation Theology and the U.S.
Bishop's Letters on Nuclear Weapons and on the
Block, Miguel Angel Gonzalez. Decentralization of the
Health Sector in Mexico 1930-1987
Blondet, Cecilia. Pobladoras, Dirigentas y Ciudadanas: El
caso de las mujeres populares de Lima
Borja, Arturo T. Alternative Explanations of Regime
Breakdown. A Comparison of the Uruguayan and
Costa Rican Democracies
Brachet-Mirquez, Viviane. The Decentralization of Health
Services in Latin America
Braga, Carlos A.P. Monetary Reform and Trade in Brazil &
Brockett, Charles D. A Comparative Analysis of Peasant
Mobilization and Demobilization in Central America

Brown, Lyle C. Some Political Memoirs of Mexico Since 1910
Buchanan, Paul. Reflections of Institutionalizing Democratic
Class Compromise in the Southern Cone
Budowski, Gerardo. Developing the Choco Region of
Bustamante, Fernando. Los militares y la creaci6n de un
nuevo orden democrdtico en Peru y Ecuador
Cademartori, Jose. Chile: Aspectos econ6micos de la
Cardoso, Eliana A. Seigniorage and Repression: Monetary
Rhythms of Latin America
Carrillo, Teresa. Working Women and the "19th of
September" Mexican Garment Workers Union: The
Significance of Gender
Castrill6n-Hoyos, Dario. From Guti6rrez to Ratzinger and
Beyond: The Debate on Liberation Theology
Child, Jack. Antarctica: Arena for South American Coopera-
tion or Conflict
Chirif, Alberto. Realidad 6tnica y realidad national
Ciria, Alberto. Democracy & Authoritarianism in Argentina:
Politics and Culture
Clements, Benedict J. Sectoral Performance, Income
Distribution, and Efficiency: The Case of Brazil
Coddou, Marcelo. La casa de los espiritus y la historic
Collings, Richard J. Debt, Dependence, and Default: Is Peru
the Wave of the Future
Cook, Maria Lorena. Organizing Dissent: The Politics of
Opposition in Mexican Unions
Dagnino, Renato. Arms Production and Technological
Spinoffs: The Brazilian Aeronautics Industry
Denevan, William M. The Nature of Fragile Lands in Latin
Dent, David W. North American vs. Latin American Subjects
of Investigation 1960-1985
Diniz, Eli. Post-1930 Industrial Elites
Dix, Robert H. Colombia: Social Change and Party System
Duany, Jorge. From the Periphery to the Semi-Periphery:
Caribbean Migration to Puerto Rico Since 1960
Durand, Francisco. Los empresarios y alianzas political: El
caso del Pert bajo Alin Garcia
Evenson, Debra. Criminal Justice in Cuba: A Preliminary
Report of the National Lawyers Guild
Falc6n, Romana. La centralizaci6n political en el Porfiriato
alcances y limits en el caso de Coahuila
Foweraker, Joseph. Popular movements and the Transfor-
mation of the Mexican Political System
Frundt, Henry J. Esquipulas II y las posibilidades para una
reconciliaci6n national: Perspectivas guatemaltecas
Garner, William R. Chile: The Limits of Empirical Analysis
in a Milieu of Political Repression
Gereffi, Gary. Industrial Structure and Development
Strategies in Latin America and East Asia
Gerlero, Elena. Las artes mecAnicas como via de redenci6n:
Fundamento teol6gico para la 6tica del trabajo pro-
movida por la orden franciscana en sus escuelas de artes

y oficios en La Nueva Espana en el siglo XVI
Giacalone, Rita de Romero. Major Trends and Changes in
Relations between Venezuela and the English-Speaking
Eastern Caribbean
Gill, Lesley. Senoras and Sirvientas: Women and Domestic
Services in La Paz, Bolivia
Gismondi, Michael. Conceptualizing Religion from Below:
An Approach to Popular Religious Values
Gordon, Sara. Guatemala y El Salvador: Dos regimenes de
Griesgraber, Joe Marie. Transitions Do not Lead Inevitably
Toward Democracy
Grindle, Merilee S. The Response to Austerity: Political &
Economic Strategies of Mexico's Rural Poor
Groth, Terrie R. Debating Latin American Democratization:
"A Theoretical Guide"
Hallin, Dan. Trends in Network Television Coverage of Cen-
tral America 1979-1988
Helwege, Ann. Latin American Agricultural Performance in
the Debt Crisis
Interamerican Research Center. Central American and Mex-
ican Public Opinion on U.S. Foreign Policy
Jim6nez, Michael F. "Travelling Far in Grandfather's Car."
The Life Cycle of Central Colombian Coffee Estates:
The Case of Viota, Cundinamarca
Jimenez-Pelayo, Agueda. Problems de tierras de com-
unidades indigenas en el norte de la Nueva Galicia
Kirk, John M. The Church-State Rapprochement in Revolu-
tionary Cuba
Krause, Monika. Sex Education in Cuba
Lancaster, Roger N. The Church and Revolution in
Langton, Kenneth P. The Reform of Autocratic Social Insti-
tutions and the Transition to Political and Economic
Lehoucq, F. Edouard. Explaining the Origins of Democratic
Regimes: Costa Rica in Comparative Perspective
Le6n, Jorge. Composici6n social y escena political en el sin-
dicalismo ecuatoriano
Lesser, Jeff H. Refugees as Immigrants: The Case of
Brazilian Jewry
Lipsett, Sonya. Land and Water in Colonial Puebla
Lisi, Francisco L. Cultura popular, cultural de masas, cultural
de elite
Llambi, Luis. Emergence of Capitalized Family Farms in
Latin America
Lobel, Jules. The Meaning of Democracy
Londero, Elio. Sources of Revealed Comparative Advantage
in Manufacturing Exports: A Preliminary Report on
L6pez, Jose Roberto. La deuda externa en Centroamerica:
Lecciones de la teoria y practice de su administration
Luciak, Ilja A. Grassroots Movements in Nicaragua: A Com-
parative Analysis of the Rural Workers (ATC) and
Small Farmers (UNAG) Associations

Lugo, Elisa Vargas. Primeros historiadores del arte colonial
Lutz, Christopher H. and W. George Lovell. Core and
Periphery in Colonial Guatemala
Maingot, Anthony P. Problems of a Transition to Democracy
in Haiti
Malloy, James M. Statecraft, Social Policy and Regime Tran-
sition in Brazil
Mars, Perry. Left Wing Politics and Caribbean Democracy
Martin, Cheryl. Gender and Socio-Political Order in Latin
Mauch, James E. Analysis of Research and Lecturing Pro-
posals That Meet Fulbright Quality Standards
Maybury-Lewis, Biorn. The Debate over Agrarian Reform in
McClintock, Cynthia. The Trajectory of Values Toward
Enterprise and Electoral Democracy Among the Peru-
vian Peasantry 1968-1988
McCoy, Jennifer. Democratic Class Compromise, Concerta-
tion and the Social Pact in Venezuela
McCreery, David. State Power, Indigenous Communities,
and Land in Nineteenth-Century Guatemala
McIntyre, Kellen Kee. The Martinez Hacienda, Taos, New
Mexico: Development of an Architectural Form and Its
Historical Relevance
Meyer, Mary K. Double Discourse: Reagan, Contadora, and
the Paradigms of Inter-American Relations
Mitchell, Christopher. U.S. Foreign Policy and Dominican
Migration to the U.S.
Montgomery, Tommie Sue. Pacts and Politics in El Salvador
Mraz, John. Videotaping the History of the Latin American
Working Class
Nagy, Silvia M. El process de transformaci6n de la cultural
indigena durante la Colonia y la Repfiblica
Nichols, John Spicer. U.S. Government Funding of LaPren-
sa: Uses and Abuses of the Nicaraguan Opposition
Ogliastri, Enrique. Clases sociales y desarrollo empresarial en
Santander: Apuntes sobre la economic political de
Bucaramanga en el Siglo XIX
Ortiz, Edgar. Crisis econ6mica y papel estrat6gico de la
empresa pfiblica mexicana
Oviedo, Jose. Estructuraci6n political y partido inico en la
Republica Dominicana
Oxhorn, Phillip. Bringing the Base Back in. The Resurrection
of Civil Society Under an Authoritarian Regime and
Chilean Shanty Town Organizations
Pardo, Teresa. La dinimica sociocultural y las perspectives
de las comunidades indigenas: El caso de la sierra,
Juirez de Oaxaca
Pastor, Manuel. Capital Flight and the Latin American Debt
Paul, Benjamin. Entrepreneurs and Economic Inequality in
San Pedro de Laguna, Guatemala: A Hundred Years of
Payne, Leigh A. The Brazilian Labor Movement and the New

Penalosa, Fernando. Incipient Trilingualism Among Mayans
in Los Angeles
Perez Escamilla Costas, Juan Ricardo. The Mexican State
and Business: Recent Revolution and Perspectives of
Financial Policy
Peritore, N. Patrick. Brazilian Attitudes Toward Agrarian
Reform: A Q-Methodology Opinion Study of a Con-
flictual Issue
Pittman, Howard T. Southern Cone Antarctic Claims, Ter-
ritories and the Ibero-American Club vs. the Common
Heritage of Mankind Theory
Plank, David N. Issues in Brazilian School Finances
Poitras, Guy. The Reagan Doctrine and Latin America: A
Premature Post-Mortem
Polakoff, Erica G. Opening Urban Frontiers: Squatter Set-
tlements in Managua
Polanco, Jorge Diaz. Tres actors politicos en el process de
salud en Venezuela
Prevost, Gary F. The Development of the Political
Philosophy of the FSLN: From Sandino to State Power
Priego, Rosalba P6rez. Los caracteres femeninos en la
literature del Porfiriato
Ranis, Peter. Argentine Workers: Rethinking Class
Reiche, Carlos E. Centro Agron6mico Tropical de
Investigaci6n y Ensenanza, Catie Turrialba, Costa Rica
Reinhardt, Nola. Economic Development and Rural Fertil-
ity in Theory and Practice: Evidence of Change from
Rural Colombia
Robbins, James. Ideas of Change in Cuban Popular Music
Rodriguez, Adrian. La deuda pdiblica eterna de Costa Rica:
Crecimiento, moratoria y renegociaci6n
Roldan, Mary. Guerrillas, Contrachusma, and Caudillos:
Local Challenges to Elite Control During La Violencia
in Antioquia, Colombia, 1949-1953
Rus, Diane. Changing Economic Roles of Indigenous
Women in the Chiapas Highlands
Rus, Jan. The Revolution and Its Aftermath in Four Tzotzil
Communities of Highland Chiapas, Mexico
Ryan, Jeffrey J. The Effects of External Support on Latin
American Insurgencies
Safa, Helen I. Gender and Social Science Concepts in Latin
Sanborn, Cynthia.i Elfuturo diferente? The Legacy of the
1970s for Peruvian Populism in the '80s
Sanderson, Steven E. Economy of Political Violence in the
New Republic of Brazil
Schmidt, Gregory D. Regime Type, Political Alliances, and
Bureaucratization: Explaining Variations in Regional
Development Organizations and Decentralized Public
Investment in Peru, 1944-1988
Schwartzman, Simon. Brazil: Opportunity and Crisis in
Higher Education
Scurrah, Martin J. Civil Institutions and Democratic Par-
ticipation in Peru

Selser, Gregorio. La Internacional Socialista: Contradic-
ciones e incoherencias de su presencia en America
Latina y el Caribe
Nicaragua: El presunto incumplimiento del gobierno de
la revoluci6n sandinista, de sus compromises asumidos
en visperas del triunfo sobre Somoza
Paraguay: En elecciones de carnaval, Alfredo
Stroessner se hace president por octava vez
Serra, Luis. Peasant Stores: A Democratic and Feasible
Model for the Feeding of the Rural Sector in Nicaragua
Sigmund, Paul E. The Catholic Church and Social Change in
Latin America
Sikkink, Kathryn. The "New Institutionalism" and
Economic Policy Making in Latin America: State
Autonomy and Developmentalist Policy Making in
Argentina and Brazil
Smith, Lois M. Teenage Pregnancy and Sex Education in
Smith, William C. Heterodox Shocks and the Political
Economy of Democratic Transition in Argentina and
Soifer, Ricardo J. Advanced Technologies in Latin America
Spalding, Rose J. The Agricultural Bourgeoisie and the
Nicaraguan Revolution
Spoor, Max. Agricultural Price Policy in Transition: The
Case of Nicaragua 1979-1988
Stahler-Sholk, Richard. Stabilization, Destabilization and the
Popular Sector in Nicaragua, 1979-87
Staples, Anne. El estado y la iglesia en la repiblica restaurada
Steele, Cynthia. Gender and Class in Women's Testimonio
Stephen, Lynn. Culture as a Resource: Four Cases of Self-
Managed Indigenous Craft Production
Stephens, Evelyne Huber. Economic Development, Social
Change, and Political Contestation and Inclusion in
South America
Stewart-Gambino, Hannah W. The Catholic Church and
Redemocratization in Chile
Stokes, Susan C. Peru's Urban Popular Sectors in the 1980s:
Autonomy or a New Multi-Classism?
Suzigan, Wilson. Consolidating Industrialization: Market
Creation in Post-1964 Brazil
Tarres Barraza, Luisa. Los campos de acci6n de la mujeres:
Una alternative para el andlisis de su participaci6n
social y political
Taylor, Michelle M. Presidential Initiatives Toward Latin
America: Do They Receive Funding and Where Does
the Money Go?
Taylor, Patrick. Religion, Social Science, and Liberation: An
Afro-Caribbean Perspective
Thompson, Carol B. Economic Coordination Under Crisis
Conditions: Lessons from Southern Africa
Thoumi, Francisco E. Long-Term Industrialization Trends in
Two Small Caribbean Countries: The Cases of the
Dominican Republic and Trinidad and Tobago
Twomey, Michael J. The Debt Crisis and Latin American

Urrutia, Eugenio Rivera. La dinamica inflacionaria y las
political de estabilizaci6n en Centroam6rica y Panama
en la d6cada de los 80
Valenzuela, Maria Elena. Del sufragismo al feminismo: La
morilizaci6n de la mujer y su cuestionamiento del orden
patriarcal en Chile
Van Bodegraven, Donna. La geometria en el studio nar-
rativo de La casa de los espiritus
Vera Luna, Eduardo. Interest Groups and Popular
Democracy: Dilemmas of the Nicaraguan Transition
Verhine, Robert E. Formal, Nonformal, and Informal
Education and Occupational Opportunity: Research
Outcomes from Northeast Brazil
von Mettenheim, Kurt. Social Policy and the Brazilian Voter
in the Transition to Democracy
Welch, John. The Possibilities of Financial Integration
Between Brazil and Argentina: Preliminary Remarks
West, Terry. Souvenirs: The Role of Tourist Handicraft
Markets in Regional Development in Cusco, Peru
Williams, Harvey. War and Austerity: The Impact on Social
Williams, John H. Social Issues in Post-Stroessner Paraguay
Willis, Eliza. Investing in the Poor: State Autonomy and
Social Distribution in Brazil
Wise, Carol. Peru's Political Economy 1980-1987: Responses
to the Debt Crisis from Neoliberalism to the New
Wolf, Daniel H. Falling off the Bandwagon: Speculations of
Electoral Politics and the Scope Available to Loyal
Oppositions in Nicaragua
Woodward, Ralph L. The State and the Indian in Conser-
vative Guatemala 1839-1865
Xianglin, Mao. Some Tentative Views on the Contemporary
Caribbean Socialist Movement
Yinez-Naude, Antonio. Agricultural Development and
Terms of Trade: The Case of Mexico
Zabin, Carol. Cultural Promotion and Economic and
Political Development: A Case Study in the Sierra
Juarez, Oaxaca, Mexico
Zapata, Roger A. La Nueva Cr6nica: Ambiguedad y
contradicci6n en el discurso colonial
Zimbalist, Andrew. The Cuban Economy Toward the Fourth
Decade: A Critical Review
Zirker, Daniel. Contemporary Brazilian Foreign Policy:
Transcending a Sub-Imperialist Role?


El Consejo T6cnico de la Universidad Nacional Aut6-
noma de M6xico ha designado al Dr. Alfredo A. Roggiano
Profesor Distinguido de la UNAM. El Presidente del Insti-
tuto Internacional de Literatura Iberoamericana y Decano
de la Facultad de Filosofia y Letras de la UNAM, Lic.
Arturo Azuela, realize el anuncio en el acto de clausura del
XXVII Congreso del Instituto, llevado a cabo en M6xico
del 22 al 27 de agosto de 1988 en celebraci6n del Cincuen-
tenario de la fundaci6n del Instituto. Dr. Roggiano, Direc-
tor Ejecutivo del Instituto y Director, desde 1955, de la
Revista Iberoamericana, 6rgano official del mismo, fue desig-
nado Profesor Distinguido de la Universidad de Pittsburgh
en 1982 y Profesor Emeritus en 1984. Dichas distinciones
llegan al cabo de mas de treinta afios de labor como critic,
catedritico y director de publicaciones, articulos en revistas
especializadas, diccionarios, pr6logos a ediciones y libros,
tanto de poesia, como de ensayos, investigaci6n y critical.
La distinci6n de la UNAM premia, entonces, la labor de
quien es reconocido como unos de los lideres de la
investigaci6n y la difusi6n de las letras de la America
hispinica y, en especial, de las letras mexicanas.

Leon Narvaez, professor of Romance Languages at St. Olaf
College, has been named the 1988 "Outstanding Col-
lege/University Teacher of Spanish in the United States"
by the American Association of Teachers of Spanish and
Portuguese. The award was presented at the AATSP's
national meeting in Denver, Colorado, August 21-23, 1989.
The organization had named him Minnesota's "Teacher of
the Year" in 1987. Dr. Narviez was selected for the national
award on the basis of classroom performance and service
to his profession and community. He is the author or
coauthor of nine books and more than twenty-five articles,
reviews and translations, and cofounder in 1974 of the St.
Olaf Hispanic Studies Program.


The Forum invites the submission of brief, research-based
articles of timely interest to LASA members. Please sub-
mit two clear copies with all material, including extracts,
notes, and references typed double-spaced; notes and/or
references should be typed separately at the end of the
manuscript. Please consult the latest edition of A Manual
ofStyle, University of Chicago Press, for matters of style,
especially format for notes and bibliographies. The Forum
is published four times a year: January, April, July, and
October. Address contributions to: Editor, LASA Forum,
William Pitt Union, 9th Floor, University of Pittsburgh,
Pittsburgh, PA 15260.


The Asociacion Yugoslava de Latinoamericanistas
(AYULA) was founded in April 1988. It is headquartered
in the Institute for Developing Countries, U1.8. maja 1945,
br.82/II, P.O. Box 303, 41001 Zagreb, Yugoslavia; tele-
phone (041) 444-522; telex 22 273 YU INZUR. The officers
are Dr. Jordan JeliC, President, and Dolores Libanore,

The Argentine & Ibero-American Folk Art Foundation, Inc.
(AIFA), a nonprofit educational organization for the pro-
motion of Ibero-American culture, will produce a half-hour
weekly radio series, "Ibero-American Music Live." The pro-
grams will feature Latin American folk music, classical
music by Ibero-American composers, and jazz-fusion, which
incorporates native Latin American instruments and/or folk
elements. Produced from live performances made availa-
ble by each artist or group, the programs will be broadcast
by satellite in stereo and distributed nationwide via a net-
work of over 4500 noncommercial radio stations beginning
in the second half of 1989. Vocal performances in the origi-
nal language (Spanish, Portuguese, Quechua, Aymard,
Guarani, etc.) are welcomed. All pieces will be introduced
in English. Those interested in being considered for possi-
ble inclusion are invited to submit tapes of live performances
to AIFA. Ethnomusicologists, musicologists, faculty mem-
bers and independent scholars who are interested in becom-
ing advisers for the program may submit their curriculum
vitae indicating field of specialization. For further informa-
tion, contact Alice Wichmann, AIFA Foundation, Inc.,
P.O. Box 624, FDR Station, New York, NY 10150-0624;
telephone (718) 784-7488.

The Casa de las Americas Literary Award for 1989 will
include a special nonfiction prize for studies of the Cuban
Revolution or other aspects of struggle in Latin America
and the Caribbean in the period beginning January 1959.
The regular prize will be awarded for novels, drama, tes-
timony, nonfiction on the arts and literature in Latin
America and the Caribbean, Brazilian literature, and Carib-
bean literature in French or Creole. Eligible participants
include Latin American and Caribbean authors and non-
fiction writers from other countries writing on Latin Ameri-
can and Caribbean topics. Entries must be unpublished
works in Spanish (Brazilians may submit in Portuguese and
authors from the Caribbean in French or Creole). No author
may submit more than one book in each category or enter
a work that has won any national or international prize; nor
may the author participate in a category in which he or she
has won the Casa de las Americas prize within the past four
years. A single indivisible prize equivalent to $3000 in the
currency of the author's country is awarded in each genre
and category. Entries should be typewritten, with numbered
pages, and consist of an original plus two perfectly legible
copies. Works must be signed by the author, who specifies

the applicable genre or category, and accompanied by
biographical and bibliographical data. Entries must be
received at one of the following locations prior to Novem-
ber 30, 1988: Casa de las Americas, 3ra. y G, Vedado,
Habana, Cuba; Case Postal 2, 3000, Berne 16 Switzerland;
any Cuban embassy.


The Society for Historians of American Foreign Relations
(SHAFR) will meet at the College of William and Mary, Wil-
liamsburg, Virginia, June 14-17, 1989. Papers and complete
panels dealing with United States-Latin American relations
are invited. Send proposals by December 1, 1988, to Tom
Leonard, Department of History, University of North
Florida, Jacksonville, FL 32216.

The VIII Meeting of Mexican and North American
Historians will be held in San Diego in October 1990. In
keeping with the conference theme, "Five Centuries of Mex-
ican History," the Joint Organizing Committee is calling
for papers or full panels that deal with contact between the
old and new worlds and with the continuing question of
Mexico's integration into the modern world system, with
the country seen as a case study of larger historical processes.
Suggested themes are questions of imperial or state struc-
tures, international relations, or politics; aspects of environ-
mental change, material life, and culture in the broadest
sense; and themes of traditional interest in Mexican history.
The committee is particularly interested in proposals
emphasizing the comparative, the connective, and the struc-
tural. Papers specifically devoted to critical historiography
on any theme are also welcome. The Joint Organizing Com-
mittee requests that those interested in the conference send
their suggestions for topics, by December 15, 1988, to Eric
Van Young, Department of History, C-004, University of
California, San Diego, La Jolla, CA 92093.

The 8th Berkshire Conference on the History of Women,
"Crossing Boundaries in Feminist History," will be held
June 7-10, 1990, at Douglass College, Rutgers University,
New Brunswick, New Jersey. The Program Committee
prefers proposals for complete panels (two papers, one com-
mentator and a moderator) or roundtables, although
individual papers will also be considered. Especially welcome
are proposals addressing the relations between feminist his-
tory and social and political practice, or conjoining the dis-
cipline of history with other feminist studies, or taking a
comparative approach crossing national, cultural, racial or
ethnic lines. For further details on proposals in the field of
Latin American studies, contact June Hahner, Department
of History, SUNY/Albany, Albany, NY 12222. Submit
proposals by February 1, 1989, in triplicate to Jane Caplan,

Department of History, Bryn Mawr College, Bryn Mawr,
PA 19010 or Nancy Cott, American Studies Program,
1504A Yale Station, New Haven, CT 06520; include panel
title, title and one-page abstract of each paper (or roundta-
ble theme), and one-page curriculum vitae for each par-
ticipant, including current address and phone number.

The Rocky Mountain Council on Latin American Studies
(RMCLAS) will hold its 1989 annual meeting at the Las
Cruces, New Mexico, Hilton Hotel February 2- 4. Papers
will be presented on a wide range of topics related to Latin
America. For further information contact James Peach,
President, RMCLAS, Department of Economics/Box
30001, New Mexico State University, Las Cruces, NM
88003; (505) 646-3113.

An International Conference on Women and Development:
Focus on Latin America, Africa and U.S. Minorities will
be held March 3-4, 1989, at the State University of New York
at Albany. Topics to be covered include the impact of
modernization, urbanization and immigration on Third
World women's culture and history, the impact of develop-
ment forces, and the emergence of women's studies in the
countries of the Third World. For more information or
preregistration, contact the conference sponsors: Chris Bose,
Institute for Research on Women (518-442-4670) or Edna
Acosta-Bel6n, Chair, Latin American and Caribbean Studies
(518-442-4719), SUNY/Albany, Albany, NY 12222.

A conference on Drugs in the Americas will be sponsored
by the Latin American Studies Committee at Oberlin Col-
lege on March 16-17, 1989. The program will include dis-
cussion of the history of narco-trafficking in the Americas;
economic, political, social and ecological effects of drugs
in Latin America (with focus on Colombia, Bolivia, Peru
and Panama); and the drug trade and U.S.-Latin Ameri-
can relations. For more information contact Teresa Stoj-
kov, Latin American Studies, 306B Peters Hall, Oberlin
College, Oberlin, OH 44074; (216) 775-8053.

The thirty-fourth Seminar on the Acquisition of Latin
American Library Materials (SALALM) will take place May
27-June 1, 1989, at the Omni Hotel in Charlottesville, Vir-
ginia. The conference theme is "Artistic Representation of
Latin American Diversity: Sources and Collections," focus-
ing on the arts in Latin America since independence, the car-
ryover of past traditions, new artistic movements, and new
influences that have led to unique expressions of national
development, pride and diversity. For program information,
contact Barbara Robinson, President of SALALM, Boeck-
mann Center for Iberian and Latin American Studies,
Doheny Library, University of Southern California, Los
Angeles, CA 90089-0182; (213) 743- 7163. Details concern-
ing local arrangements are available from C. Jared Loewen-
stein, Ibero-American Bibliographer, 511 Alderman Library,
University of Virginia, Charlottesville, VA 22903-2498; (804)

The XIII International Congress for Caribbean Archaeol-
ogy will take place July 23-29, 1989, in Curaqao, Nether-
lands Antilles. Topics will be drawn from prehistoric,
protohistoric, and historic studies in the Caribbean islands
and surrounding mainland areas. In recent years, increas-
ing attention has been given to Spanish Caribbean histori-
cal archaeology. For information contact Jay B. Haviser,
Jr., Netherlands Antilles Institute of Archaeology and
Anthropology, Johan van Walbeeckplein 6-B, Willemstad,
Curacao, Netherlands Antilles; (599) 9-613304.

A quincentennial conference on America in European Con-
sciousness: The Impact of the New World on the Old,
1492-1750, is planned for September 1991 at the John Carter
Brown Library, Providence, Rhode Island. The conference
theme emphasizes the intellectual responses of Europeans
to the encounter with the Americas over a period of 250
years and the ways in which these responses influenced the
course of developments within Europe itself. The confer-
ence will focus on what learned elites thought and imagined
about "America" as well as on the way in which these
thoughts and images may have influenced attitudes and poli-
cies within Europe itself. (The conference will not be con-
cerned with changes in European material life as a result
of the Discovery.) In calling for papers, conference
organizers are looking for contributions that will be provoca-
tive and that will point the way to new directions for research
on the meaning of the Discovery to European thought and
sensibility. Send inquiries to Quincentennial Conference,
John Carter Brown Library, P.O. Box 1894, Providence,
RI 02912.


University of Florida. The Center for Latin American
Studies seeks an assistant director, commencing July 1989.
Duties include: undergraduate advising, proposal writing,
coordinating colloquia and extracurricular activities, teach-
ing one or two courses a year, and assisting in management
of center with six faculty members and 110 affiliated faculty.
Applicants should have experience and interest in academic
administration, strong interdisciplinary orientation, Latin
America training and experience, and a working knowledge
of Spanish and Portuguese. Ph.D. required. This is a junior-
level, 12-month tenure-accruing appointment in a competi-
tive salary range. Send letter of application with CV and
names and addresses of three references to Chair, Assistant
Director Search Committee, Center for Latin American
Studies, University of Florida, Gainesville, FL 32611. The
University of Florida is an equal employment opportunity,
affirmative action employer. The deadline for receipt of
applications is December 1, 1988.

University of Pittsburgh. The Department of Sociology con-
tinues to invite applications for a tenure track position as
assistant professor starting in September 1989. Applicants
should have completed the Ph.D. before then and show
potential for significant scholarship. Candidates should be
pursuing research in Latin American studies; substantive
specialties are open. Position is subject to budgetary
approval. Send curriculum vitae, letters of reference, and
copies of relevant publications to Chair of Search Commit-
tee, Department of Sociology, University of Pittsburgh,
Pittsburgh, PA 15260. The University of Pittsburgh is an
equal opportunity employer; minorities and women are
encouraged to apply. The deadline for receipt of applica-
tions is December 1, 1988.

Wesleyan University. The Department of Anthropology and
the Afro-American Studies Program seek an Afro-
Americanist or Caribbeanist for a joint tenure-track posi-
tion at the assistant professor level. Ph.D. and research
experience in the analysis of oppositional cultures required.
Desirable specializations include: urban anthropology, polit-
ical economy, labor markets, slave societies, comparative
colonial studies, gender studies, ethnicity, language and cul-
ture, politics of expressive culture, religious and social move-
ments. Teaching includes introductory courses in Afro-
American or Caribbean cultures. Women and minority can-
didates are urged to apply. Send letter, CV, and names of
three references to Elizabeth Traube, Chair, Anthropology,
or Alex Dupuy, Chair, Afro-American Studies, Wesleyan
University, Middletown, CT 06457. Wesleyan University is
an equal opportunity, affirmative action employer. The
deadline for receipt of applications is December 15, 1988.

University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee. Wisconsin-Milwaukee
is seeking applications and nominations for the position of
director of its Title VI- funded interdisciplinary center for
Latin American language and area studies, to begin Sep-
tember 1989 or as soon as possible thereafter. The success-
ful candidate will divide responsibilities between
administration of the Center for Latin America and teach-
ing in the appropriate academic department within the Col-
lege of Letters and Science. Ph.D. or its equivalent is
required; relevant administrative experience is highly desira-
ble. Candidates must be tenurable at the associate or full
professor rank. Send letter of application, curriculum vitae,
and list of three references to Professor David Healy, Chair,
CLA Search Committee, Department of History, Univer-
sity of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, P.O. Box 413, Milwaukee,
Wl 53201. UWM is strongly committed to affirmative action
and equal opportunity. The deadline for receipt of applica-
tions is January 15, 1989.

Hampden-Sydney College. The History Department invites
applications for a tenure-track position at the assistant
professor level to start Fall 1989. Ph.D. preferred. Speciali-
zations must include continental Europe, excluding Russia,

and either Latin America or the Middle East. Half of the
four-course teaching load will be the Western Civilization
survey. Interviews will be held at the AHA convention. Send
complete credentials to Search Committee, Department of
History, Box 400, Hampden-Sydney College, Hampden-
Sydney, VA 23943. Hampden-Sydney College is an equal
opportunity/affirmative action employer. The deadline for
receipt of applications is January 31, 1989.


Kellogg Institute Residential Fellowships. The Helen Kel-
logg Institute for International Studies will offer about five
fellowships of one or two semesters for residence at Notre
Dame during the 1989-90 academic year. Fellows work on

themes and take part in seminars. They have faculty status
within Notre Dame University and may be asked to teach
a university course. The Kellogg Institute does advanced aca-
demic research that is value-oriented and directed toward
themes dealing with economic development and social con-
sequences, the social roles of religion, democratization, and
public policies for social justice. The Institute emphasizes
Latin America but is also interested in comparative perspec-
tives. The Kellogg Institute seeks fellows of high scholarly
accomplishment and promise, both at senior and junior
levels, and welcomes applications from candidates of any
country holding a Ph.D. or equivalent degree in any dis-
cipline of the social sciences or history. Stipends vary with
seniority. Complete application, including all documenta-
tion, must be received by November 15, 1988. Awards will
be announced by January 31, 1989. For application forms
and more information, contact Erika M. Valenzuela, Coor-
dinator of Research Activities, The Helen Kellogg Institute
for International Studies, University of Notre Dame, Notre
Dame, IN 465 219) 239-6580. -

ACLS/SSRC. The Joint Committee on Latin American
Studies invites applications for advanced (postdoctoral)
grants for research on all aspects of the societies and cul-
tures of Latin America and the Caribbean, and for com-
parative projects involving more than one country in the
region or a Latin American and a non-Latin American coun-
try. There are no citizenship requirements. Applicants must
have received a Ph.D. (or equivalent) within the last ten
years, except for research on countries that have been histor-
ically underrepresented in the competition: the seven coun-
tries of Central America, Paraguay, Bolivia, Ecuador, the
Dominican Republic, Haiti and Cuba. Scholars who have
previously accepted an SSRC advanced grant are not eligi-
ble to apply. The deadline for advanced grants is Decem-
ber 1, 1988. Awards are announced on April 1, 1989.
Individuals requesting application materials should state

degrees earned with dates, and submit a short description
of the proposed research project. For further information
and application materials, contact Latin American and
Caribbean Program, Social Science Research Council, 605
Third Avenue, New York, NY 10158.

Spencer Dissertation Year Fellowships for Research Related
to Education. These fellowships support basic research rele-
vant to education in the broadest sense of the word. Gradu-
ate study may be in any academic discipline, including
psychology, sociology, history, philosophy, economics or
anthropology, as well as in departments or schools of edu-
cation. Applicants must be candidates for a Ph.D. or Ed.D.
degree at a graduate school in the United States and must
be citizens or permanent residents of the United States or
Canada. Candidates must intend to fulfill all predisserta-
tion requirements by June 1, 1989, and expect to complete
their dissertations in 1990. Winners will receive $12,500 for
twelve months of full-time dissertation research and writ-
ing. Completed applications must be postmarked by Decem-
ber 1, 1988. Notification of awards will be in March 1989
to begin in June or September 1989. Application forms may
be requested from Spencer Fellowships, Woodrow Wilson
National Fellowship Foundation, P.O. Box 410, Princeton,
NJ 08542.

Center for U.S.-Mexican Studies. The Center, located at the
University of California-San Diego, invites applications for
predoctoral and postdoctoral Visiting Research Fellowships
for residence during the year beginning September 1, 1989.
Supported by grants from the John D. and Catherine T.
MacArthur and the Ford Foundations, the program offers
about 25-30 fellowships for research or writing on any aspect
of contemporary Mexico (including literature and the arts),
Mexican history, U.S.-Mexican relations, Mexican foreign
policy, and larger comparative studies having a substantial
Mexico component. Applications are encouraged especially
from Mexico-based scholars wishing to study some aspect
of the United States, Mexicans based at institutions outside
of Mexico City, Canadian and Japanese scholars, women,
and U.S. citizens of Latino origin. Applications from jour-
nalists, public officials, and other nonacademic specialists
on Mexico are welcomed. Each fellow is expected to spend
three to twelve months in continuous residence at the Cen-
ter; summer-only fellowships are not offered. There are no
teaching obligations. Predoctoral fellows receive a pretax
stipend of $1,700 per month; postdoctoral and senior
nonacademic professionals receive a monthly stipend based,
insofar as Center resources permit, on the individual's regu-
lar salary. Nonstipend Visiting Fellowships are awarded on
a space-available basis. Advanced graduate students who
have reached the dissertation-writing stage are eligible if they
have completed general examinations and data collection for
their thesis before the fellowship period begins. (The Cen-
ter may also award one fellowship per year to a beginning
graduate student who has been admitted to the Ph.D. pro-

gram in one of the social science disciplines or history at
the University of California-San Diego. Candidates for this
fellowship must apply for admission to the Ph.D. program
of their choice by January 1, 1989.) Applications must be
received by January 1, 1989. Awards will be announced in
February. An application packet should be requested from
Graciela Platero, Fellowships Coordinator, Center for U.S.-
Mexican Studies (D-010), University of California-San
Diego, La Jolla, CA 92093; (619) 534-4503.

Women's Studies/Southwest Institute for Research on
Women (SIROW) will award two Rockefeller Foundation
Humanist-in-Residence Fellowships in 1989-1990 to postdoc-
toral scholars. Fellows will work on a book-length original
manuscript that focuses on the relationship between cultural
context, domestic or international, and women's lives;
ideally it would also address issues of race, class or ethnic-
ity. The work should contribute to the development of fem-
inist theory. Fellows will receive a stipend of $30,000; they
will be required to be in residence from August 24, 1989 to
May 11, 1990, and to give several presentations and partic-
ipate in other Women's Studies/SIROW activities. Women
of color are particularly urged to apply. The deadline for V/
receipt of applications is January 13, 1989. Selections will
be made by mid-March. For information and application
materials, write to Women's Studies/Southwest Institute for
Research on Women (SIROW), University of Arizona, 102
Douglass Building, Tucson, AZ 85721;-(602) 621-7338).

NEH Travel to Collections Grants. This program provides
grants of $750 to assist American scholars meet the costs
of long-distance travel to the research collections of libraries,
archives, museums, or other repositories throughout the
world. Awards help defray such research expenses as trans-
portation, lodging, food, and photo-duplication or other
reproduction costs. Individual scholars should submit appli-
cations for well-designed research projects on topics of sig-
nificance to the study of the humanities. Application
deadlines are January 15 for research travel between June
1 and November 30, and July 15 for research travel between
December 1 and May 31. Information and application
materials are available from the Travel to Collections Pro-
gram, Division of Fellowships and Seminars, Room 316,
National Endowment for the Humanities, 1100 Pennsylva-
nia Avenue, N.W., Washington, DC 20506; (202) 786-0463.

The Center for Advanced Feminist Studies at the Univer-
sity of Minnesota is the recipient of a four-year Rockefeller
Foundation Humanists-in-Residence grant for a fellowship
program on the theme, "Theorizing Diversity: The Social
Construction of Difference." The Center is seeking inter-
disciplinary proposals that move towards a richer and more
complete understanding of the multiple dimensions of
women's experiences along racial, ethnic, class and other
lines. Fellows in residence will participate in an ongoing
seminar with Center faculty and students on the program

theme. The deadline for receipt of applications is February
1, 1989. Send requests for applications to Center for
Advanced Feminist Studies, University of Minnesota, 496
Ford Hall/224 Church Street SE, Minneapolis, MN 55455.
For further information call Sara M. Evans, Center Direc-
tor, (612) 624-6310.

The National Endowment for the Humanities is inviting
applications from prospective participants in NEH seminars
for summer 1989. Twelve will be selected to attend each
seminar. Participants in eight-week seminars receive a sti-
pend of $3,500; those in six-week seminars receive $2,750.
Stipends are intended to help cover travel to and from the
seminar site, books, and research and living expenses. The
following seminars may be of interest to Latin Americanists:
"Creative Adaptations: Peoples and Cultures of America,
1607-1763," Timothy H. Breen, Department of History,
Northwestern University, Evanston, IL 60208; "American
Indian Literatures: Oral and Written," A. LaVonne Brown
Ruoff, Department of English, University of Illinois,
Chicago, IL 60680; "Critical Approaches to Twentieth-
Century Spanish Poetry," Andrew P. Debicki, Hall Cen-
ter for the Humanities, University of Kansas, Lawrence, KS
66045; "Jazz: A Comparative View" [considers musical
developments in Cuba, Brazil, the West Indies and elsewhere
in the Americas], John F. Szwed, Department of Anthro-
pology, c/o NEH Summer Seminars, 53 Wall Street, Box
2145 Yale Station, New Haven, CT 06520.
The Endowment also invites applications for directors
of 1990 summer seminars from scholars with distinguished
teaching and publishing records. Proposed topics should
focus on enduring issues or current scholarship in the
humanities. The deadline for applications from participants
for 1989 and from prospective directors for 1990 is March
1, 1989. Requests for further information should be
addressed to Summer Seminars for College Teachers, Room
316, Division of Fellowships and Seminars, National
Endowment for the Humanities, 1100 Pennsylvania Ave-
nue, N.W., Washington, DC 20506.
The Newberry Library Center for Renaissance Studies will
conduct a summer institute in Hispanic and Hispano-
American Archival Sciences July 5 August 11, 1989. Con-
ducted in Spanish, the institute will provide intensive train-
ing in the reading, transcribing, and editing of Spanish and
Hispanic-American manuscript books and documents from
the late medieval through the early modern periods and will
also offer orientation in the archives, libraries, and manu-
script collections available for work in Spanish and
Hispanic-American studies. Full-time faculty members and
librarians with instructional responsibilities employed in
American institutions of higher learning are eligible to apply
for stipends of up to $3,000. The deadline for applications
is March 1, 1989. For application forms and information,
contact the Center for Renaissance Studies, The Newberry
Library, 60 West Walton Street, Chicago, IL 60610; (312)


Revista Peruana de Ciencias Sociales. La Asociaci6n Peru-
ana para el Fomento de las Ciencias Sociales (FOMCIEN-
CIAS) anuncia la salida de esta nueva peri6dica con una
entrega annual de tres nimeros. A trav6s de este medio, que
se pone al servicio de la comunidad cientifica, se procura
propiciar y fortalecer la comunicaci6n y debate a trav6s de
la publicaci6n de articulos y ensayos que sometan a discusi6n
los resultados de la investigaci6n empirica, y que con-
tribuyan a la sistematizaci6n de los aportes singulares. Pre-
cio de la suscripci6n por un afio: US$25.00. Correo para
el exterior: Sudamerica y Centroam6rica, US$7.50; USA y
Canada, US$8.25; Europa, US$9.00; Jap6n y Australia,
US$9.75. Precio individual de cada n6mero: US$12.00. Por
favor remitir su cheque o giro bancario a nombre de FOM-
CIENCIAS. Para informaci6n y suscripciones, dirigirse a:
RPCS/FOMCIENCIAS, Calle Roma 485, Lima 27, Perii.

SALALM. Papers of the 31st Seminar on the Acquisition
of Latin American Library Materials, Berlin, April 20-25,
1986: Intellectual Migrations: Transcultural Contributions
of European and Latin American Emigres, Iliana L. Sonn-
tag, ed. 371 p. $47.50 plus $2 postage and handling.
SALALM Bibliography and Reference Series, 22: Directory
of Vendors of Latin American Library Materials, David
Block and Howard L. Karno. 3rd edition. 48 pages, 144
entries. $13 plus $2 for postage and handling. Acquisitions
Manual: Cuidelines for Librarians, Bookdealers, and Pub-
lishers/Manual de Adquisiciones: Normas para Bib-
liotecarios, Libreros y Editores/Manual de Aquisicbes:
Normas para Bibliotecarios, Livreiros e Editores, William
D. Ilgen and Deborah Jakubs, eds. $18 plus $2 postage and
handling; in Latin America and the Caribbean, $10 plus $2
postage and handling. Publications may be ordered from
the SALALM Secretariat, Memorial Library, University of
Wisconsin-Madison, Madison, WI 53706. Prepayment is
requested. Checks must be in U.S. currency and made pay-
able to SALALM, Inc.

Institute of International Education. The new edition of
Teaching Abroad provides guidance on formal exchange
programs, sources of employment and information
resources for U.S. teachers, higher education faculty, and
educational administrators in 112 nations. It includes a sec-
tion that summarizes information on nearly 200 study-
abroad programs worldwide and a new introductory chap-
ter on tax planning, for educators about to go overseas.
$21.95 prepaid from IIE BOOKS, 809 United Nations Plaza,
New York, NY 10017; may be ordered by phone (800-EDU-
DATA) with a major credit card.



Provoking debate on the region's problems, initiatives
and achievements...
Providing an intellectual bridge between the concerned publics of
North America, Latin America and the Caribbean.
Combining timeliness and depth, Hemisphere presents...

Frontline reports and essays
by opinionmakers from the
Americas and the world.
Insider briefs on people and
institutions shaping Latin
American and Caribbean affairs.
Incisive commentary on
regional developments.
A comprehensive guide to the
most recent books, periodicals
and documents on the region.

Critiques of provocative new
books on Latin America and the
Caribbean, ranging from politics
and economics to literature and
Published by the Latin American
and Caribbean Center
Florida International University,
Miami, Florida 33199
Subscribe now!
And get a year (3 issues) of Hemisphere.
US, PR, USVI, Canada $14 Elsewhere $22
Please make check or money order payable to:
latin American and Caribbean Center
Florida International University
Miami. FL 33199


June 5-July 28, 1989

Santiago, Chile

Objective: Introduce young social
scientists to outstanding Latin American
scholars and contemporary social science

Study Site: Santiago, Chile (pop. 4.6
million) is an exceptional place to study
social science issues. A wide array of public
and private research institutions are located in
Santiago, including the Economic Cormnis-
sion for Latin America (ECLA), the Latin
American Demographic Center (CELADE),
and the Latin American Center for Research
and Planning Studies (CIEPLAN).

Courses: 44:193 Latin America in the
International Political Economy, 3 s.h., will
analyze the structural conditions of regional
development. It will cover import-substitu-
tion, industrialization strategies, regional
integration schemes, the role of ECLA, debt
repayment, and other topics. Professors
Ffrench-Davis and Muftoz.

44:192 The State and Society in the Southern
Cone, 3 s.h., will deal with the determinants of
the rise of authoritarianism and the transition to
democracy in Brazil, Uruguay, and Argentina,
with special reference to Chile. Particular
attention will be paid to the relationship
between regimes and elements of civil society
such as political parties, the Church, and the
labor movement. Professor Garret6n.

44:194 Independent Study, arr. Students will
produce a paper based on library or field
research. Possible topics include social services
delivery systems, authoritarianism, regional
planning, urban studies, public health problems,
and related topics. Professor Scarpaci.

Sponsoring Institutions
* The University of Iowa
* Institute of International Studies,
University of Chile
* Latin American Faculty of the Social
Sciences (FLACSO)

Teaching Faculty
* Ricardo Ffrench-Davis (Ph.D. Chicago)
* Heraldo Muiioz (Ph.D. Denver)
* Manuel Antonio Garret6n (Ph.D. Ecole des
Etudes des Science Sociales)
* Joseph L. Scarpaci (Ph.D. Florida)

Eligibility Requirements
* Proficiency in Spanish
* Graduate or advanced undergraduate

Application Deadline
March 15, 1989

For More Information, Contact
Joseph L. Scarpaci
Director, Latin American Studies Program
International Center
The University of Iowa
Iowa City, IA 52242
Telephone: (319) 335-0368/0164

The Inter-University Program for Latino
Research and the Social Science Research
Council announce their 1989 Grants Compe-
tition for Public Policy Research on Contem-
porary Hispanic Issues. Grants will vary from
small individual awards to support for col-
laborative research projects. Awards will range
from $20,000 to $30,000. Priority will be given
to the following themes: children and youth at
risk; culture and economic behavior; political
organization and empowerment; national
policy initiatives and their impact on Latino
communities; other city- specific themes. For
more information contact: Raquel Ovryn
Rivera, Social Science Research Council, 605
Third Avenue, New York, NY 10158; (212)

For rent: House in Cuernavaca, Colonia Bello
Horizonte. This conveniently located house has
four bedrooms and three baths, a large heated
swimming pool, beautiful garden with fruit
trees, and view of Tepozteco, Popo. The house
is totally furnished. Rental includes once- a-
week cleaning and caretakers for the garden.
Rental may be by the week, month, or for a two-
month period; rates are $200/week;
$700/month; $1200/two months. The house
is available until mid-June 1989. Call (301)

WGBH Educational
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New England
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Dear LASA colleagues:

This fall PBS will air a three-part television series on Mexico. Each part is a
one-hour program that focuses on a different moment of the history of Mexico
in the twentieth century.

MEXICO airs on three consecutive Wednesdays at 9:00 p.m. (check local
listings) November 16, 23 and 30, the eve of Carlos Salinas' inauguration as
President ofMexico.

The series seeks to let Mexico and Mexicans tell their story. The programs are
based on extensive research in film, newsreel, and photography archives; the
footage to be shown goes back to the beginning of the century. We conducted
dozens of interviews with Mexicans from all walks of life: not only Miguel de
la Madrid and several members of his Cabinet, presidential candidates Carlos
Salinas, Cuauht6moc Cirdenas and Manuel Clouthier and other leading
figures of Mexico's recent and distant history, but also former Zapatista
fighters from revolutionary times as well as ordinary citizens. The series
takes you through the length and breadth of Mexico, from Juchitin to

The first program, "Revolution," highlights the Mexican revolution, covering
the years from the late Porfiriato until the end of Ldzaro Cardenas' presidency.
The second program, "From Boom to Bust," considers first, the consolidation
of Mexico's political and economic systems and then the more troubling times
that led up to the 1982 crisis. The third program, "End of an Era, addresses
Miguel de la Madrid's six-year term and concludes with the 1988 presidential

The series has been produced by WGBH, Boston. The Executive Producer,
Austin Hoyt, the Series Editor, Dr. Adriana Bosch and I as chief editorial
advisor also worked together, along with numerous others, to produce the
i four-part FRONTLINE series on Central America and Cuba that PBS aired in
1 1985.

The series should help your students understand the Mexican revolution,
reflect on the success and the trials of the march of Mexican history from the
1940s to the 1980s, and feel as participant observers in the contemporary
debate over Mexico's present and future. I hope that you will watch the series
and that you will let your colleagues and your students know about it.
Videocassettes of the series will be available from Films Inc. at 5547 North
Ravenswood Ave., Chicago, IL 60640-1199. You may also call Films Inc.
at (800) 323-4222.

The producers of MEXICO and I look forward to hearing your comments.


Jorge I. Dominguez
Professor of Government, Harvard University
Former LASA President
Paid Advertisement

20 September 1988

SEPTEMBER 21-23, 1989

Mail 4 copies to:
LaVonne C. Poteet, Coordinator
1989 LASA Film Festival
Bucknell University
Lewisburg, PA 17837

Film Council:
LaVonne C. Poteet
Julianne Burton
Dennis West
Randal Johnson


Film and video materials not integrated into a panel, workshop, roundtable, or meeting may be presented in
one of two ways: (1) as selections in a LATIN AMERICAN FILM FESTIVAL; or (2) as part of a noncompeti-
tive FILM EXHIBIT of visual and informational materials. Those not selected for the festival may be presented
at the exhibit for a fee. Please use a separate form for each film/video proposed. PROPOSALS MUST BE
RECEIVED BY JUNE 1, 1989. Please type or print clearly.

Films and videos chosen for the FESTIVAL are designated as recipients of the 1989 LASA Award of Merit in
Film for "excellence in the visual presentation of educational and artistic materials on Latin America." Ap-
proximately 15 such awards will be made. Selection criteria are: artistic, technical and cinematographic excel-
lence; uniqueness of contribution to the visual presentation of materials on Latin America; and relevance to
disciplinary, geographic and thematic interests of LASA members, as evidenced by topics proposed for panels,
workshops and roundtables at recent congresses. Films and videos released after January 1989 and those that
will premiere at the congress will be given special consideration if they also meet the above criteria.

The noncompetitive FILM EXHIBIT of Latin American films, videos and descriptive materials (brochures,
catalogues, etc.) is organized in conjunction with the book exhibit. For information on the film exhibit, contact
Harve C. Horowitz & Associates, LASA Film Exhibit, 10369 Currycomb Court, Columbia, MD 21044; phone

Title of work:

Format: []

Film (16 mm [ ]; 35 mm [ ])
Video (available formats:

Distributor (name and address):


Year of release:

Screening time:

Brief description (25-50 words) of subject, including country or area treated:

Your name: Affiliation:

Phone: (office)


If you have questions, call LaVonne C. Poteet at (717)524-1286.



Institutional Form on Reverse Side

LASA Secretariat
William Pitt Union, 9th Floor
University of Pittsburgh
Pittsburgh, PA 15260
Individual Membership Renewal or Application for Calendar Year 1989

Please use this form to renew your membership or to become a LASA member. Dues are for the 1989 calendar year: January
1 December 31.
Membership Categories and Rates: 1989 Amount
Introductory (for new members only) O $22 $_
Under $20,000 annual income o $29 $_
Between $20,000 and $29,999 annual income l $34 $_
Between $30,000 and $39,999 annual income 0 $41 $_
Over $40,000 annual income o $49 $_
Joint Membership (for second member at same mailing
address as first member; one copy of publications sent.
Add to rate (above) for highest income of the two, or to
categories below: l $14 $
Student Associate (five-year limit)
[Professor's signature certifying student status]:
__ $18 $
Latin Americanists permanently residing in
Latin American or the Caribbean (incl. Puerto Rico) o $18 $_
Emeritus Member (for retired members) o $18 $_

All members receive three issues of the Latin American Research Review and four issues of the LASA
Forum per year. If you wish to receive the Forum by air mail, please add the following amount
per year for postage: Canada and Mexico, $3; all other countries, $13. If you desire air mail
delivery of LARR, please contact the LARR office at the Latin American Institute, 801 Yale
NE, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, NM 87131. $
We encourage you to contribute to the LASA Endowment Fund. $
TOTAL PAYMENT ENCLOSED ........................................................ $
Please make checks payable to the Latin American Studies Association and mail along with this page to: LASA Secretariat,
William Pitt Union, 9th Floor, University of Pittsburgh, Pittsburgh, PA 15260. Members residing outside the U.S. must send
either a money order, a check in U.S. dollars drawn on a U.S. bank, or a UNESCO coupon for the U.S. dollar amount pay-
able. There will be a $10 charge for all returned checks.


(If this is a new application for membership, please provide the information requested below; if a renewal, please fill in your
name, electronic mail address/FAX number, and any information that has changed since you last renewed.)

Name Discipline

Mailing Address

City, State, Zip, Country
Business Telephone Home Telephone
Electronic Mail Address and/or FAX Number

Institutional Affiliation

Country Interest/Specialization

Individual Form on Reverse Side

LASA Secretariat
William Pitt Union, 9th Floor
University of Pittsburgh
Pittsburgh, PA 15260
Institutional Membership Renewal or Application for Calendar Year 1989

Please use this form to renew your membership or to become a LASA institutional member. Dues are for the 1989 calendar
year: January 1 December 31.

Membership Categories
D Consortium of Latin American Stuaies Program (CLASP)

1989 Dues

D Institutional Sponsor, Nonprofit

D Institutional Sponsor, Profit

E If you wish to receive the LASA Forum by air mail,
please add the following amount for postage:
Canada and Mexico, $3; all other countries, $13.

] We encourage you to contribute to the LASA Endowment Fund.

TOTAL PAYMENT ENCLOSED .....................................................


Please make checks payable to the Latin American Studies Association and mail along with this page to: LASA Secretariat,
William Pitt Union, 9th Floor, University of Pittsburgh, Pittsburgh, PA 15260. Members residing outside the U.S. must send
either a money order, a check in U.S. dollars drawn on a U.S. bank, or a UNESCO coupon for the U.S. dollar amount pay-
able. There will be a $10 charge for all returned checks.



Mailing Address

City, State, Zip, Country

Name of contact person

Telephone number

Electronic Mail Address and/or FAX Number

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