Title: LASA forum
Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00091288/00007
 Material Information
Title: LASA forum
Alternate Title: Latin American Studies Association forum
Abbreviated Title: LASA forum
Physical Description: v. : ill. ; 28 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Latin American Studies Association
Donor: Helen Icken Safa ( endowment )
Publisher: Latin American Studies Association,
Latin American Studies Association
Place of Publication: Austin Tex
Publication Date: Spring 1987
Frequency: quarterly
Subject: Latin American Studies Association   ( gtt )
Study and teaching -- Periodicals -- Latin America -- United States   ( lcsh )
Politics and government -- Periodicals -- Latin America -- 1980-   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
Additional Physical Form: Also issued online.
Statement of Responsibility: Latin American Studies Association.
Dates or Sequential Designation: Vol. 14, no. 2 (summer 1983)-
General Note: Place of publication varies: Pittsburgh, PA, summer 1986-
General Note: Title from caption.
General Note: Latest issue consulted: Vol. 37, issue 1 (winter 2006).
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00091288
Volume ID: VID00007
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: oclc - 10005251
lccn - 87643985
issn - 0890-7218
 Related Items
Preceded by: LASA newsletter

Full Text


Latin American Studies Association

Vol. XVIII, No. 1

Spring 1987


Los Vargazos and the Crisis
of Ecuadorean Democracy
Catherine M. Conaghan
Ohio State University

The January 1987 kidnapping of President Le6n Febres-
Cordero by air force troops at the Taura base is cause for
renewed reflection on the character of Ecuador's six-year-old
democracy. The hostage crisis was the culmination of ongo-
ing institutional clashes that surfaced in March 1986 with two
abortive military uprisings led by Air Force Commander,
General Frank Vargas Pazzos. The violent conflict between
Frank Vargas and Le6n Febres-Cordero is indicative of the
unresolved dilemmas in the consolidation of Ecuador's
democratic regime. Indeed, the three Vargas incidents ("los
vargazos") can be read as an inventory of the deep structural
problems within Ecuadorean democracy: the lack of defini-
tion of appropriate spheres of authority for government
branches, a continuing authoritarian style in politics, and the
still ambiguous relationships of elites and masses to the new
institutional structures.
The emergence of General Frank Vargas as cult figure
and symbol of opposition to the Febres-Cordero government
began on March 7, 1986, with his seizure of the coastal air
force base in Manta. With the support of 500 troops and per-
sonnel, Vargas took over the base to protest government cor-
ruption. Specifically, Vargas charged high-ranking military
and administration officials with graft in the purchase of two
Fokker airplanes from a Dutch firm and called for the
resignation of Minister of Defense Luis Pineiros and Com-
mander General Manuel Maria Albuja. But underlying
Vargas' charges were more generalized dissatisfactions with
Febres-Cordero's decisions on internal promotions in the
armed forces, especially the reactivation of Pineiros.
Moreover, Vargas' audacious action against the tough
government of Febres-Cordero seemed to give voice to
popular discontent with the direction and style of the admin-
istration. Dating from his inauguration in August 1984 after
a slim electoral victory, Febres-Cordero's attacks on the
Continued on page 3

Uruguay: Z"La Atenas del Plata"
o la tirania retrospective?
Ivan A. Schulman
University of Illinois
at Urbana-Champaign
Un mes en el Uruguay, entire julio y agosto de 1986, abri6
la posibilidad de estudiar una realidad sociopolitica y cultural
en un period de transici6n: y, especificamente, observer
c6mo dos realidades-la de la dictadura, la de la
democracia-se insertaban y se expresaban en el dialogo de la
cultural national.
Es una perogrullada afirmar que el pasado condiciona el
present. Pero en ella hay que insistir en el caso de la memorial
colectiva del Uruguay, cuyas claves culturales simb6licas
entranan el concept, no s6lo de una idealizaci6n del pasado,
sino "tambi6n [de] una cristalizaci6n de valores e identidades
anteriores al regimen autoritario". I Pues, como muchos
han afirmado, se trata de "un pais en el que uno de los ejes de
la construcci6n de la memorial colectiva ha sido, tradi-
cionalmente, el postulado que 'todo tiempo pasado fue
mejor". 2
De este modo, por ejemplo, analiza Carina Perelli uno de
los mitos sociales de mayor fuerza catalizadora en la experien-
cia uruguaya, contribuyendo asi al didlogo abierto
recientemente sobre el pasado y el present de una nacion que
en 1973 se sum6 a un period autoritario que se prolong
hasta el acuerdo del Club Naval, 1985, cuando el Uruguay
volvi6 a la vida democratic.
Ordenar la conciencia national en t6rminos del pasado
tiende a deslegitimizar el present, y, en el fondo, revela una
voluntad de disminuir la trascendencia de doce anos de miedo
y terror que trastornaron la cultural national. Fueron anos que
hoy en dia la memorial popular evoca con el eufemismo
curioso de processo military sugiriendo al observador
"fuera del juego", una tentative de ocultar o un deseo de
obviar o enterrar una experiencia aterradora, de no asumirla,
de no hacerle frente como "imaginario", es decir, como algo
inventado, o cambiado de sentido, o como un element que
Continued on page 5


On Transitions: Politics and Letters
in Two Latin American States
Los Vargazos and the Crisis ...................... 1
of Ecuadorian Democracy
By Catherine M. Conaghan
Uruguay: i"La Atenas del Plata" ................. 1
o la tirania retrospective?
By Ivan A. Schulman

On Scholarly Books: Advice and Debate
President's Corner: ............................. 8
Placing Academic Manuscripts
By Cole Blasier
On Intellectual Collaboration ..................... 9
By Jorge Heine
A Reply to Jorge Heine .......................... 10
By Gordon Lewis

Defending Freedom of Inquiry .....................11
LASA vs. the U.S. Customs Service: Wrap-up

Member News ................................... 11

On Being Targeted: Some Personal Reflections ........ 12
By Reid Reading

Chairpersons for 1987 ............. ............... 14

Field Seminar in Nicaragua ......................... 15

Report from the Program Committee ................ 16
XIV International Congress

XIII Congress Papers for Sale ......................17

Letters ......................................... 19

Announcements ............... ................ 21

Forthcoming Conferences/Symposia ................ 22

Research & Study Opportunities ....................24

Employment Opportunities ........................ 25

Publications ................................... 25

Latin American Studies Association

Cole Blasier (University of Pittsburgh)
Paul Drake (University of California, San Diego)

Executive Council:
(For term ending December 1987):

(For term ending June 1989):

Executive director:
Assistant to the executive director:
Publications director:

Susan Eckstein (Boston University), William LeoGrande
(American University), Arturo Valenzuela (Georgetown
University), Werner Baer (University of Illinois).
Peter Bell (Carnegie Endowment), Lorenzo Meyer (Colegio
de Mexico), Marta Tienda (University of Wisconsin),

Reid Reading (University of Pittsburgh)
Lynn M. Young (University of Pittsburgh)
June S. Belkin (University of Pittsburgh)

The LASA Forum is published in the winter, spring, summer and fall. All contributions should be directed to Reid'Reading, Editor,
LASA Forum, William Pitt Union, 9th Floor, University of Pittsburgh, Pittsburgh, PA 15260. Opinions expressed herein are those of
individual authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Latin American Studies Association or its officers.
ISSN 0890-7218

Vice President:

majority opposition parties (joined together in the bloque
progresista legislative coalition) successfully marginalized
Congress from the policy-making process and broke apart the
majority by August 1985.1 With the opposition defused, the
administration embarked on a neoliberal economic program
and a staunchly pro-U.S. foreign policy; it also turned
increasingly repressive. Human rights organizations
registered growing lists of violations by the Febres-Cordero
government that included torture and attacks by paramilitary
groups linked to administration supporters. Government offi-
cials scoffed at the human rights charges; they argued that
increased security measures were necessary to combat guer-
rilla groups (Alfaro vive, ;carajo! and montoneras patria
libre) and that such accusations were simply part of a political
attack by the "extreme left."2

When news of the seizure of the Manta base spread,
spontaneous pro-Vargas demonstrations broke out
throughout the province, and civilian supporters surrounded
the base. Initial attempts at negotiations throughout the
weekend failed. In a televised address to the nation on Mon-
day, March 10, Febres-Cordero announced his decision to
recapture the base by force. On March 11 Vargas ended the
showdown by announcing that a deal had been struck to
exchange his surrender for the resignation of Pineiros and
Albuja, along with an agreement that the legal charges against
him would be dealt with by a military tribunal. Vargas was
transferred to the Mariscal Sucre air force base in Quito to
await legal proceedings.

But the conflict was far from over. On the following day
Febres-Cordero declared that there was no deal with Vargas,
and events took an even more bizarre turn. In the early even-
ing of March 13, the country was shocked by the news that
Vargas had taken over the Quito air base where he was under
arrest. Vargas maintained that the administration had
reneged on the Manta agreements and raised the stakes of the
conflict by calling for a mass mobilization against the regime.
Febres-Cordero immediately declared a state of emergency
and a complete press blackout. On the morning of March 14,
army troops retook the base. Vargas was again arrested and
taken to the Epiclachima army base outside of Quito.

Vargas' flamboyant actions took place on the heels of a
critical political setback for Febres-Cordero. After months of
legal maneuverings aimed at suspending mid-term congres-
sional and local elections, heavy pressure from the United
States forced the administration to announce its intentions to
proceed with the electoral process. The rapid change in the
political climate induced by Vargas created the conditions for
a resuscitation of the opposition and a rout of the government
in the June elections. The government-sponsored plebiscite to
amend the election laws to allow independents to stand for
election was rejected by 69 percent of the voters. The bloque
progresista parties regained control in the unicameral Con-
gress. With a new antigovernment majority in place, the stage
was set for another clash between Congress and the Executive

over the question of amnesty for Frank Vargas. The bloque
progresista majority voted in favor of the Vargas amnesty,
and its decision was upheld by the Tribunal de Garantias Con-
stitucionales. Nonetheless, Febres-Cordero and the military
court refused to recognize the validity of Congress' action
despite the explicit powers to grant amnesty given to the
legislature in the constitution.

Febres-Cordero's decision to ignore congressional
authority was nothing new. Since 1984 the polity had stag-
gered from one executive-legislative conflict to the next, with
each crisis raising the spectre of a rupture in the constitutional
order. Battles over 1984 supreme court appointments, 1985
salary hikes, and the 1986 censure of Finance Minister Alberto
Dahik had threatened to bring the institutional structure to the
point of breakdown. Politics turned into an increasingly
pathological game in which the system was thrown from crisis
to crisis. Institutional actors questioned each other's
legitimacy and authority, only to recoil from the controver-
sies when the system appeared on the point of breakdown.
The result of this politics-by-crisis was to leave key questions
concerning the power and authority of each institutional
player unresolved. Short-term political fixes (medidas coyun-
turales) rather than clear-cut agreements on the rules of the
game prevailed. To bypass Congress completely, Febres-
Cordero frequently resorted to Executive Decrees and vetoed
Congress by refusing to publish laws in the Registro Oficial.3
While civilian politicians were questioning the legitimacy
of each other's actions, elite paratroopers at the Taura base
decided to take direct action to free Frank Vargas. On the
morning of January 16, 1987, air force troops attacked the
President and his entourage upon their arrival at the base, kill-
ing two presidential guards. In addition to Febres-Cordero,
the hostages included Minister of Defense Medardo Salazar
and Air Force Commander Jorge Andrade. The rebels
threatened to kill Febres-Cordero unless Vargas was released.
In Quito, Vice President Blasco Penaherrera was party to the
negotiations with the rebels but did not assume temporary
presidential powers. The hostage crisis was concluded by early
evening. An obviously shaken Febres-Cordero appeared on
television signing agreements that freed Frank Vargas and
committed the government not to take reprisals against the
Taura rebels.

With the hostages free, the locus of political crisis moved
from Taura to the Congress in Quito. Although all congres-
sional leaders condemned the rebellion, there was con-
siderable support, even within the ranks of progovernment
legislators, for a succession by Vice President Penaherrera.
Opposition leaders saw the Taura incident as a direct response
to the climate of violence created by the administration and
its chronic violations of the constitution; they argued that
Febres-Cordero's disregard for institutions created a situation
in which those dissatisfied with the administration had no
recourse but to act outside the legal framework. President of
the Congress and leader of the bloque progresista forces,
Andr6s Vallejo, convened a special legislative session to

discuss a motion drafted by bloque progresista legislators
requesting Febres-Cordero's resignation. The motion con-
demned the President for a long list of irregularities that
included human rights violations and a total disregard for the
legal powers of the Congress.
A tense atmosphere surrounded the congressional ses-
sions of January 20 and 21. Riot police ringed the Congress
as pro and antigovernment demonstrations took place. Inside
Congress the long debate between bloqueprogresista and pro-
government legislators was part political theater and part
therapy session as the deputies shouted and came close to
fisticuffs. Rumors of a closure of Congress by the President
and a coup were informally circulated to the press corps and
legislators by administration spokesmen. One high-ranking
advisor told reporters that the deputies would be leaving Con-
gress "with their hands in the air."
For opposition leaders, the congressional debate became
a forum to air their deep disagreements and fears about the
character of the Febres-Cordero administration. Jos6 Moreno
(MPD) and Efrain Alvarez (FADI) hammered on the govern-
ment's alignment with U.S. foreign policy in Central
America. C6sar Verduga (ID) argued that Febres-Cordero
had created a "clandestine state" with an alarming record of
human rights violations. Jorge Zavala (ID) pointed to Febres-
Cordero's behavior as being unstatesmanlike. Progovern-
ment deputies responded by maintaining that the congres-
sional resolution recommending the President's resignation
was illegal and nonbinding. Andr6s Vallejo concluded the
emotional session with a statement implying that personal
animosities toward the opposition underlay the President's
debilitating attacks on Congress as an institution. The session
ended with a vote of 38 in favor of the motion, 29 opposed,
and 2 abstentions.
To nobody's surprise, Febres-Cordero refused to accept
the congressional recommendation, characterizing it as "irrel-
evant, antidemocratic, and lacking juridical and moral
force." Because the bloqueprogresista forces lacked the two-
thirds majority required for impeachment, Congress could
take no action beyond a request for resignation. As in
previous executive-legislative conflicts, the final result was an
uneasy denouement; Congress questioned the legitimacy of
the President's stay in office and the President responded by
belittling the legal and moral authority of Congress. Mean-
while the armed forces moved to put its house in order. The
paratrooper unit in Taura was dissolved. Notwithstanding the
presidential promise of "no reprisals," the 80 Taura rebels
were arrested and slated for processing through military
courts. Even with his amnesty for the March uprisings in
hand, Vargas still faces military charges for his own involve-
ment in the Fokker case.
The effects of los vargazos on Ecuador's political
development are at best ambiguous. Certainly, from the
perspective of consolidating a democratic regime, the incom-
plete subordination of military to civilian authority remains
problematic. Vargas' actions resurrected the notion of the
military's right to defy civilian authorities when "honor" and
corporate interests are involved. The studious public silence

of the armed forces during the actual events in March and
January indicated the serious divisions inside the military with
regard to Vargas and Febres-Cordero. This breach in civil-
military relations undermined the integrity of the entire insti-
tutional structure of the state.
Nonetheless, the damage has to be weighed against its
possible preemptive effects; i.e., by exposing the troubled
character of the Febres-Cordero administration, Frank
Vargas acted as a brake on the dictatorial tendencies inside the
executive branch and created the conditions for a resurgence
of an opposition bent on containing any further creep toward
authoritarianism. As many observers of the Ecuadorean
military argue, while los vargazos constituted the most visible
and visceral military response to Febres-Cordero's policies,
there has been steady resistance within the armed forces which
has been critical in thwarting the development of a full-blown
civilian dictatorship.
Los vargazos and their aftermath reflect the high level of
distrust among political elites. This distrust is largely the crea-
tion of civilian politicians who are responsible for the
degeneration in the character of political discourse. Febres-
Cordero consciously cultivates an ultramacho, highly con-
frontational approach to politics. In his public discourse,
opposition tends to be characterized as incompetent, weak
("senoritos," "jovencitos," "payasos marxistas") or
disloyal ("antipatria"). Rather than seeking consensus,
Febres-Cordero has used every opportunity to bulldoze oppo-
sition in the party system, in the military, and in civil society.
And the attacks are not simply verbal; the height of abuse
occurred last September when the national police teargassed
Congress during the debates on the censure of Finance
Minister Dahik. The result has been a complete alienation of
opposition forces, who have themselves been drawn into this
discourse of suspicion and hostility. If, as analysts from
DeToqueville to Dahl argue, the creation of a political culture
of tolerance and trust is essential for the consolidation of a
democratic regime, then civilian politicians are performing
poorly across the board. Los vargazos were merely an exten-
sion of this cowboy style of politics, demonstrating how
destructive it can be for continued democratic development.
1. The bloqueprogresista is currently composed of the following prin-
cipal parties: Izquierda Democrdtica (ID), Democracia Popular (DP), Par-
tido RoldocistaEcuatoriano (PRE), Partido Socialista Ecuatoriano (PSE),
Movimiento PopularDemocrdtico (MPD), and FrenteAmplio de Izquierda
(FADI). The progovernment bloc includes the Partido LiberalRadical(PLR),
Partido Conservador Ecuatoriano (PCE), Partido Social Cristiano (PSC),
and Partido Nacionalista Revolucionario (PNR). The two populist parties
of the coast, Concentracidn de Fuerzas Populares (CFP) and the Frente
Radical Alfarista (FRA), vote along with the progovernment bloc.
2. The Comisi6n Ecum6nica de Derechos Humanos and the Asociaci6n
para los Derechos Humanos have been especially active in documenting
human rights violations.
3. Le6n Rold6s Aguilera analyzes the administration's use of emergency
economic decrees in Elabuso delpoder (Quito: Editorial El Conejo, 1986).
For essays reviewing the policies of Febres-Cordero see Maria Arboleda et
al., Los placeres delpoder (Quito: Editorial El Conejo, 1986).


rebasa los limits de las significaciones sociales y culturales
"normales". 3 Son escasos los comentaristas sobre estas
cuestiones de cultural y vida nacionales que, como Juan Rial,
analizan de modo abierto todas las facetas de esta experien-
cia compleja y nefasta. Dilucidarla con claridad entrana la
necesidad de reconocer la p6rdida permanent de la pro-
speridad y los logros del "battlismo", de abandonar los
trillados, y hoy en dia inoperables mecanismos ret6ricos de la
"Atenas del Plata", "el paisito", o "el laboratorio del mun-
do",4 etiquetas que fluyen de una edad dorada en lugar de
la cultural del miedo 5 del pasado inmediato.
El hecho incontrovertible de este panorama intrincado es
que hoy por hoy la preocupaci6n mayor operate en la cultural
uruguaya es la forma de ir entrando de nuevo en un process
democratic. Pero, repetimos, sin asumir ni recobrarse del
process antipodo, el cual, Rial, por ejemplo, denomina la
"inexistencia", la "neutralidad" o el "autismo
social".6 Son 6stas, formas de aludir a la forzada
no-existencia caracteristica de la dictadura military, durante la
cual, las casas editoriales fueron silenciadas, su producci6n
limitada o desviada hacia formas enmascaradas y
disimuladas; en que revistas, companies teatrales y peri6dicos
desaparecieron, en que se produjo elexilio de muchos de los
intelectuales distinguidos, o el inexilio, de otros, quienes
hicieron la decision de permanecer en el pais y reducir su ex-
istencia y su expresi6n literaria a formas minimalistas, o
luchar en la clandestinidad, lucha que a menudo termin6 en
la carcel y la tortura fisica y emotional. La no o la inexisten-
cia, que a la postre debe verse como una forma de salvaci6n
a nivel personal de los inexiliados, ha tenido la consecuencia
de condicionar el pensamiento de muchos intelectuales a tal
punto que apenas ahora, ano y medio despu6s de la
reinauguraci6n de la democracia, empiezan a publicar y con-
ocer una literature que nace y se ocupa de la experiencia de
una d6cada terrible. El discurso de los dos exilios-el interno
y el externo-se inicia con la publicaci6n, ahora possible, de
una literature testimonial de la clandestinidad. Son textos
escritos en la circel, o en la clandestinidad y salvados de la
censura y la destrucci6n por el azar. Asi, por ejemplo,
tenemos los del tupamaro Mauricio Rosencof, Canciones
para alegrar a una nina: 7


De qu6 lejano cielo
a nuestro cielo
llegaron las estrellas;

En qu6 frio atardecer
tiritaron y fueron
cristales de hielo.

Lejanas, hermosas,
un dia vinieron.

Y yo te pregunto:
las que no se ven hoy,
Lad6nde se fueron?


Te has posado en la reja, hijita.
iQu6 haces alli? Vete.
Afuera corren los resuenos aires de abril.
iPor qu6 rondas y rondas
como una mariposa
en este pozo?
En el follaje vibra una tarde de otono.
iLa oyes? Vete.
Vete, que donde ti vayas yo vivo en ti.
Anda, fantasmita:
Elije un lugar al sol,
t6mame de la mano
y vete.

(p. 22)

(p. 31)

La voz del hablante de la poesia de Rosencof es desgarra-
dora, Ilena de tension emotional, desnuda de artificio. Para
algunos serd una voz sin arte, pero s6lo para los que no
reconocen o no aceptan que la literaturea abarca...al con-
junto de los mensajes escritos que integran una determinada
cultural, al margen del juicio de valor que por su calidad
merezcan".8 En esta literature de vigilia se descubre la
desesperaci6n, el delirio, el silencio y tambi6n la ternura. En
el period de su encarcelaci6n muchos intelectuales, orien-
tados hacia la acci6n social, descubrieron el valor, si no la
necesidad, de la palabra escrita. Libros como los de Rosencof,
que, dicho sea de paso, no abundan-atn si se toma en cuenta
la producci6n relativamente reducida de las prensas
uruguayas-pertenecen a un discurso incipiente. Este dis-
curso de la 6poca military, que se inserta en la democrhtica, es
para muchos un discurso ausente, marginado por critics y
creadores que tienden a pasarlo por alto, condicionados
ambos por la memorial colectiva de un mito national basado
en la persistencia de la prosperidad, y la otredad de la existen-
cia uruguaya vis-A-vis los demas paises latinoamericanos. Este
complejo de elements les ciega frente al pasado inmediato
concebido como experiencia prescindible. De alli la miopia
cultural que hoy en dia presencia el estudioso del fen6meno
de la apertura hacia la democracia y su funcionamiento en la
cultural y la literature del Uruguay, o, dicho de otra forma, asi
se explican las pervivencias de una conceptualizaci6n cultural
retrospective. En una referencia alusiva a la cuesti6n del
exilio, pero tambi6n al retrospectivismo uruguayo, observa
Eduardo Galeano:

LNo result c6modo refugiarse en el pasado, cuando la
realidad me da miedo o bronca porque no se parece a
mis deseos? ,Me refugio en el pasado que realmente fue
o en el que invento, sin saberlo, a la media de mis
necesidades actuales? El present, que esti vivo, se

retoba. El pasado, que esta quieto, es mas d6cil, me con-
tradice menos, y en esa bolsa puedo encontrar lo que
pongo...petrificarme en la nostalgia puede ser una
manera de negar no s6lo la realidad que me toca vivir en
el exilio, no s6lo la realidad actual de mi pais, sino tam-
bi6n la realidad de mi experiencia pasada.9

Asi es desgraciadamente. Pudimos confirmar la profun-
didad de esta ceguera en una reuni6n extra-oficial celebrada
en la Biblioteca Nacional del Uruguay el 20 de julio de 1986,
con un grupo de creadores y critics, j6venes algunos, otros
establecidos: Teresa Porzekanski, Uruguay Cortazzo, Carlos
Pellegrino, Rub6n Cotelo, Armonia Somers, Enrique Fierro,
Walter Rela. (Por el problema de la politizaci6n de la cultural
uruguaya, explicado abajo, nos vimos obligados a sondear las
opinions de otras figures uno por uno, y en privado, tales
como Hugo Achtigar, Jos6 Pedro Diaz y Amanda
Berenguer.) El intercambio intellectual gir6 en torno a la
situaci6n del escritor uruguayo en el moment de su encruci-
jada actual, y los problems de la cultural contemporanea. El
dialogo entablado se bas6 en una series de preguntas con-
cebidas para medir la problematica cultural uruguaya desde
dos perspectives: el pasado inmediato de la dictadura, y el
present, mirando hacia el futuro-y, en relaci6n con ambas
perspectives, las presencias y los vacios. Mediante ese dialogo
se produjo una radiografia que nos ha permitido ver por
debajo de las superficies y percibir canales y nexos secrets,
o al menos ocultos. El aludido cuestionario era el siguiente:

1. ,C6mo le ha afectado al escritor uruguayo el cambio
de un regimen military a una sociedad abierta, democratic?

2. LExiste una literature que refleja este cambio

3. iC6mo un pueblo rinde cuenta de su historic del
pasado? Y, ,c6mo este process se refleja en la producci6n

4. ,C6mo, en qu6 forma, se insertan los exiliados en la
vida cultural? ,Cudles son los problems de este process de
reintegraci6n cultural?

5. El cambio en el process politico, ,c6mo le ha afectado
al escritor y al critic?

6. Los que estuvieron fuera del pais durante la dictadura,
,c6mo ese distanciamiento forzado modific6 su vision

7. iCuAles son los vacios culturales o literarios obvious
mas necesitados de reform en este moment?

8. Respecto a la cultural, o el papel del escritor, ,qu6 fun-
ciones puede o debe asumir el gobierno en la actualidad?

9. iQu6 vision tiene Ud. del future en este moment
respect a la cultural o la producci6n literaria?

Frente a este cuestionario, hubo reacciones muy diversas.
Pero, las semejanzas fueron mas reveladoras que las diferen-
cias. Y una de las sorpresas del didlogo fue la insistencia de
muchos que no se podia practicar un corte entire el golpe
military la vuelta a la democracia, pues muchos de los intelec-
tuales y los escritores habian pasado por la dictadura sin frac-
tura alguna, y por lo tanto, el pasado inmediato no afect6 la
escritura de los que vivieron esa experiencia. Curiosamente,
esta actitud, con pocas excepciones, se justific6 apelando alas
teorias de Angel Rama desarrolladas en La generacidn critical
(1971),10 libro en que el critic uruguayo examine dos pro-
mociones criticsa" de su pais, activas entire los anos 1939 a
1969. Rama, al iniciar su analisis, formula una series de inte-
rrogantes dirigidas a la cuesti6n fundamental del

La pregunta que nos dirige el extranjero no es
demasiado distinta de la que se ha venido formulando
el hombre comtin uruguayo, aunque 6ste, obviamente,
con mayor desconcierto y emoci6n: iQu6 nos ha
pasado? iPor qu6 hemos llegado a esto? iC6mo fue que
se nos perdi6 el Uruguay? ,Como se concluy6, asi, tan
de golpe, el bienestar, el civilismo, la democracia?"

De esta manera, durante unos treinta anos, seg6n Rama,
las dos promociones de la generaci6n critical se enfrentaron
con un sentimiento de derrumbe, de p6rdida, de inestabilidad,
en especial, a partir del ano de 1955, hito cronol6gico que
marca el comienzo de la crisis econ6mica y asimismo la
separaci6n de la primera de la segunda promoci6n. Pero,
curiosamente, entire ambas, "no se descubre hiato visible y si
la continuidad, progresi6n, y aceleraci6n de una misma
voluntad".12 Si hemos citado dos veces el analisis de Rama,
referido a las generaciones anteriores al golpe military, es por-
que todavia hoy, quince anos despu6s de la publicaci6n de su
obra arriba citada, insisted los critics en medirse por ese
analisis y en explicar el present en t6rminos del pasado lejano.
En esta insistencia perenne, se descubre lo que nos parece una
caracteristica fundamental de la cultural uruguaya actual, es
decir, su vision retrospective con cierta tendencia a idealizar
con nostalgia el pasado. De ahi nace la idea expresada en el
coloquio de la Biblioteca Nacional, de que el creador de la dic-
tadura escribia sin enfrentamientos, pues fue una 6poca de
silencio. Si hubo, segin esta teoria, un discurso del regimen
military, pero ese discurso se limit a los peri6dicos oficiales,
o a los que ocuparon los puestos de los exiliados. Corolario de
este teorema de enfocar las cosas es la insistencia en que la
democracia no se plasm6 inmediatamente en el discurso
literario despu6s del 85. No habia necesidad de que fuese asi,
pues el discurso de la democracia, el discurso critic, ya estaba
en el discurso de la generaci6n de 1925, el cual nunca
desapareci6. Por lo tanto, el process cultural uruguayo debe
verse en la forma de un arco extenso de cuestionamientos y

formulaciones critics no interrumpidas en cuya continuidad
la dictadura s6lo fue un element de peso, mas no decisive.

El anverso del medall6n seria una vision de rupturas
hist6ricas, vision defendida con menos energia com6n. Segt6n
ella, la experiencia de la dictadura rompi6 canales, y, por lo
tanto produjo una ruptura de la praxis literaria. Captar el
pasado inmediato asi implica la existencia para el escritor y
para el critic de tres tiempos hist6ricos: el tiempo de los que
se quedaron en el pais, el de los press, y el de los exiliados.
Quiza la experiencia mis aterradora del period military, seg6in
esta vision, fue el estancamiei.to y la ausencia de parricidios
culturales. La presencia del enemigo comin-los militares-
cre6 la necesidad de hacer causa com6n, y por consiguiente,
los escritores que sobrevivieron la experiencia de esa d6cada,
han Ilegado a la democracia sin la experiencia de un enfren-
tamiento critico-el del parricidio-capaz de autodefinirlos
como creadores y condicionar la naturaleza de sus creaciones.
Extrapolando estas ideas, podemos decir que la generaci6n
actual, t6rmino que no necesariamente implica la de los
j6venes (pues actfian en ella muchas figures de la generaci6n
critical definida por Rama), siente la necesidad de empezar de
nuevo, casi desde cero, con la engorrosa y definici6n de su
cultural y la elaboraci6n de su perfil contemporineo.

La labor de empezar desde cero es tambi6n la consecuen-
cia de la emigraci6n-movimiento demogrdfico que en el caso
del Uruguay hay que entender con dos acepciones. La primera
esta constituida por un fen6meno constant, es decir, el
displazamiento hacia el exterior de generaciones de j6venes,
en especial a partir de 1955, por una crisis econ6mica sin
resolver hasta hoy; la segunda, de raiz political, consecuencia
del golpe military del 73. A causa de ambas al Uruguay se le
llama "pais de emigraci6n" y como tal ha perdido una
porci6n valiosisima de su poblaci6n a trav6s de los anos. Esta
p6rdida repercute en el panorama cultural de la actualidad,
pues crea la necesidad de repensar los problems culturales
frente a la ausencia de una porci6n sustanciosa de su
poblaci6n renovadora. Todo esto se ve agravado por un deseo
de afirmar la nacionalidad-el problema de la identidad
cultural que asedia al pais-en un ambiente en que ya no se
quiere recibir las influencias europeas de modo tan abierto
como antes-pese a su formaci6n modern europea-, o s6lo
cuando esas corrientes europeas han perdido su vigor y
relevancia en los sectors dominantes del mundo. Todo lo cual
crea una atm6sfera de reticencias, de desorientaci6n y, en el
fondo, contribute a un sentimiento de insuficiencia en un
nivel national. Los vacios de la cultural tambi6n son el
resultado de un process de politizaci6n extremada, pues el
90% de la cultural official, hoy por hoy, se inscribe en el campo
izquierdista. Y, esta izquierdizaci6n (si se me permit el
t6rmino), silencia o debilita aquella porci6n de la poblaci6n
no inscrita en la banda izquierdista. De alli la necesidad de
revisar actitudes, de reactivar un ambiente de comentario
critic mas abierto, de fundar otras revistas, de crear un
ambito en el que podrian funcionar no solo las fuerzas
oficiales izquierdistas sino las de todas las afiliaciones

political. El estado actual-es decir, cultural official = cultural
de izquierda-ha permitido el crecimiento de lo que algunos
han lamado una historic cultural secret, o sea, la im-
posibilidad de establecer un didlogo libre; la permanencia en
la sombra, o peor, en el silencio, de pensamientos; la ruptura
de un discurso cultural national; y, por fin, la carencia de una
verdadera autocritica en un moment de crisis, pero tambi6n
de oportunidad para el Uruguay.

Cultura desnortada, la actual del Uruguay. Pero, al
mismo tiempo se observa en el ambiente de Montevideo, entire
escritores y critics, un deseo de superar las limitaciones del
moment. Es possible que sea demasiado temprano para
observer c6mo el pasado inmediato se va a insertar en el
present, c6mo el process military va a ser asumido en el
period de la democracia. Quizas habria que aplicar el prin-
cipio formulado hace ainos por Alejo Carpentier quien insisti6
en la necesidad de dejar pasar entire veinte y treinta anos para
poder ver un discurso literario que reflejara el process de la
Revoluci6n Cubana. De ahi tal vez la necesidad de esperar
para poder interpreter y valorar en todas sus manifestaciones
esta nueva 6poca de didlogo iniciado por el process

1. Carina Perelli y Juan Rial, Demitosymemoriaspoliticas; larepresi6n,
elmiedo y despues... (Montevideo: La Banda Oriental, 1986), p. 98.

2. Ibid.

3. Perelli y Rial, p. 17.

4. Carlos Real de Azlia, El impulse y elfreno; tres decadas de battlismo
(Montevideo: La Banda Oriental, 1964), p. 17.

5. Perelli y Rial, p. 63.

6. Perelli y Rial, p. 65.

7. Montevideo: Ediciones de Uno, 1985.

8. Eduardo Galeano, Contrasena (Buenos Aires: Ediciones del Sol,
1985), p. 117.

9. Contrasena, p. 96.

10. Lageneracin critical (Montevideo: Area, 1971).

11. Lageneracion critica, p. 11.

12. La generacion crftica, p. 20.


We want to thank all those who have contributed to the
LASA Endowment Fund. The fund contained $18,000
as of early February 1987. This is a good start, but we
need more to justify the Ford Foundation's initial con-
tribution of seed money. Please give what you can.


President's Corner:
Placing.Academic Manuscripts
Cole Blasier

For younger members of LASA who may be interested
in publishing with a university press, I offer some suggestions
for shaping and presenting manuscripts in ways that will
enhance prospects for acceptance. These suggestions are
based on my twenty years of experience as editor of the
University of Pittsburgh Press series on Latin America, which
now produces about six titles a year. Here are some things
editors look for.

Most good books have a clearly identifiable main theme.
The manuscript should reveal the author's purpose in writing
the work and demonstrate that the purpose has been achieved.
Findings are thus set forth in a convenient place, usually in the
concluding chapter. The conclusion should do more than
restate the objectives spelled out in the introduction; it should
also summarize the arguments and data necessary to prove the
author's claims. Editors need to know what the work adds up
to, and they expect to find out fairly easily. Often writers are
so familiar with their work that they are unaware that readers
need to have the main conclusions simply and clearly stated.

Authors should keep their manuscripts as short as good
scholarship permits. Other things being equal, publishers
prefer shorter manuscripts because they are a smaller finan-
cial risk and are easier to sell. Shorter manuscripts can be
priced lower than longer works, and if they consequently
attract a larger market, can have greater influence.

Most academic books properly have notes. But authors
who append 100 pages of notes hurt their chances for accep-
tance. Like the text, the notes should be at a minimum consis-
tent with their purpose. Charts, tables and graphs are often
helpful too, but they are expensive to edit and print. Some
authors present bibliographies of 50 or more pages. Since the
major works used in a manuscript are usually cited in the
notes, much of the bibliography is repetition. The overall
length of a manuscript can be reduced by mentioning all
essential sources in the notes and eliminating the
bibliography. Sometimes a short bibliographic essay is more
useful than a list.

Prospective editors of volumes should know that many
presses have reservations about multi-authored books,
especially those based on conferences. Such manuscripts tend
to have too many contributors, resulting in a book that is
long, costly to publish, and therefore high priced. More

important, it is difficult to maintain uniform focus and
quality in such works. Most volume editors don't have the
heart to exclude the two or three weak contributions. The
editorial work for the press is also time-consuming and costly
since its editors may have to work with a dozen authors rather
than just one. Some of the better books published by the
University of Pittsburgh Press have been multi-authored, but
they have also caused more than their share of headaches.
Group research can produce useful benefits and merit
publication of results, but to be attractive a multi-authored
volume should be an integrated work in which the volume
editor is willing to exercise firm control. [For a debate on indi-
vidual vs. joint authorship, see the accompanying articles by
Jorge Heine and Gordon Lewis.]

Dissertations are often presented to university presses for
publication. Most dissertations are training devices, however,
designed to demonstrate that the degree candidate has
acquired the skills required by a particular department or
committee. Not infrequently the dissertation is shaped to meet
the demands of members of that committee. The resulting
manuscript has a form and emphasis which is usually unsuit-
able for a broader readership; therefore, most dissertations
are not publishable as books. Authors should instead consider
preparing one or more articles from the work. If they do want
to try for a book, they generally must reshape the manuscript.

Many authors today place great stock in paperback
publication. That publishing decision, however, is based on
market considerations, not on quality. Most academic
authors should not expect paperback publication unless pro-
spects are good for substantial classroom adoptions.

Submission Tactics

In the early stages of writing some authors may be temp-
ted to submit two or three chapters to a prospective publisher
either for advice about how to shape the manuscript or to find
out whether the publisher is interested in it. Ordinarily this is
not a good idea unless the writer has a personal relationship
with one of the editors. Most presses are unable to advise
authors on incomplete manuscripts; they are forced to devote
their editorial time to complete manuscripts which are under
review or have already been accepted. Nor are they likely to
be in a position to evaluate a partial manuscript; they need all
of it to make an authoritative judgment.

Once the manuscript is complete, or a month or so
before, the author should test the waters with prospective
publishers, identifying three or four, not necessarily all
university presses, that are most likely to be interested in the
manuscript. Often this means consulting with colleagues who
have had a relationship with a particular press. A personal let-
ter should then be sent to appropriate publishers. This letter
of inquiry is important partly because most editors form their

first impression of the work on the basis of the letter and can
often predict the quality of a manuscript from that impres-
sion. A form letter is unacceptable and may not even be
acknowledged; writers who treat prospective publishers so
cavalierly do not endear themselves.

Editors need to know the scope of a work, its contribu-
tion to the literature, how it relates to the competition, and its
intended audience. Authors greatly improve their prospects
for acceptance if their letter deals with these issues explicitly.
Although the editor is not likely to base a decision on the
author's word, it is much easie- to verify specific claims than
to start from scratch. Other information, such as the author's
sources, biographic data, other publications, etc., may be
helpful, but ordinarily the letter of inquiry should not be
much longer than one page. Enclosing a table of contents can
be helpful. The writer's most important function is to deter-
mine in advance what the editor needs to know to make a
After the author has several replies, (s)he should submit
the manuscript to one press. The consideration of a
manuscript is a costly and time-consuming process which
most presses are unwilling to undertake unless they can expect
the manuscript to be available if they accept it. If a writer
insists on sending the manuscript to several presses, the ethics
of the trade require that each press be so informed. Then each
has the option of deciding whether to compete for it. Unpub-
lished writers, especially, are well advised to select one press,
be patient, and stick with it until a decision is reached even
though this may take at least three months.
Although these suggestions do not guarantee success, I
hope you will find them helpful guidelines in your publishing

On Intellectual Collaboration
Jorge Heine
University of Puerto Rico, Mayagiiez

The words of Gordon K. Lewis, dean of Caribbean intel-
lectuals, carry weight. And as a longtime admirer of his
massive and impressive work, I am reluctant to cross swords
with a scholar whose erudition and command of the English
language is matched only by his inimitable Welsh wit.
However, it is precisely because of Professor Lewis'
stature that I feel compelled to express my strong disagree-
ment with the first three of his "Ten Commandments for
Writing a Good Book," as published in Roland Perusse's
recent column [San Juan Star, 14 October 1986]: (1) Do it
alone. (2) Avoid joint authorship. (3) Avoid joint editorship.

If followed to their ultimate conclusion by all Carib-
beanists in the region and elsewhere, they can lead only to fur-
ther fragmentation and compartmentalization of scholarly
research in a field where much more cross-cultural and cross-

national collaboration is badly needed to overcome the
insularismo imposed by geography and reinforced by cen-
turies of colonialism.

There is, of course, nothing wrong with one scholar shar-
ing with others the secrets to his or her productivity. Professor
Lewis' ten commandments have certainly worked for him,
and we are all richer for that. What is startling about his recipe
for unbridled individualism in intellectual enterprise is the
explicit downgrading and berating of all works that do not fit
into this arbitrarily erected standard of what a "good book"
is. From two premises that are undoubtedly true (1. There is
no substitute for the single-authored "big book," like Lewis'
own Growth of the Modern West Indies, Thomas' Cuba: The
Pursuit of Freedom, or Moreno Fraginals' ElIngenio; and 2.
Many edited collections are poorly conceived and executed),
Gordon Lewis draws an altogether illogical conclusion: all
multiple-author books are not good and therefore not
worth doing.

Professor Lewis' absolutist diktat flies in the face of the
needs and concerns of many social scientists at the end of the
20th century, particularly in the Caribbean. For better or for
worse, we have become more and more interested in empirical
and theoretical problems that often have a strong comparative
component. If time and money were unlimited resources,
presumably a single scholar could write a book such as the
864-page Transitions from Authoritarian Rule recently
published by Johns Hopkins University Press. It includes a
theoretical overview of the problem, with some 20 case studies
in Latin America and Southern Europe. Coedited by three
leading scholars (Guillermo O'Donnell, Philippe Schmitter
and Laurence Whitehead), it took seven years and over 20
authors, and it is a first-rate book.

In some 150 years of toiling in libraries across the world,
a single author could perhaps produce such a book, and even
then it is unlikely the case studies would have the richness and
contextual nuances only country specialists can provide. The
best single book available today for courses on Caribbean
society and politics is Caribbean Contours, coedited by
Sidney Mintz and Sally Price (Johns Hopkins University
Press), a first-rate collection of essays (which, incidentally,
includes one by Gordon Lewis).

And country studies also can benefit from the different
disciplinary tools and perspectives brought to any single
research project by a team of authors. By far the best available
book on the Pinochet dictatorship, Military Rule in Chile, is
a coedited symposium volume by Arturo and Samuel Valen-
zuela (Johns Hopkins University Press). To follow Professor
Lewis' diktat and stop producing such volumes would simply
exclude from our agenda a large part of some of the most in-
teresting and potentially fruitful questions we face in the
social sciences today-just because their scope is too wide for
any single author.

But if the case against edited volumes implies an extraor-
dinary narrowing of our intellectual agenda, Professor Lewis'
cavalier dismissal of coauthored books ("I never heard of a
good book put together by a committee except, perhaps, the
King James version of the Bible") is surely tongue-in-cheek.
Is Marx and Engels' German Ideology a "bad book?" I can-
not imagine such a well-read scholar as Professor Lewis being
unaware that the locus classics of dependency theory is Car-
doso and Faletto's Dependency and Development in Latin
America (now in its ninth edition in Spanish).

And it may not be entirely coincidental that the single
most important statement on the Caribbean variant of
dependency theory has come out in the joint work of Cana-
dian economist Kari Levitt and Trinidadian thinker Lloyd
Best. By far the best study of the Manley years in Jamaica is
Evelyn and John Stephens' Democratic Socialism in Jamaica
(Princeton University Press), a landmark study in the
development of Caribbean political science.

The list of first-rate coauthored books is long. Admit-
tedly, joint authorship is not for everybody. But if one is lucky
enough to find a partner with whom one shares certain elec-
tive affinities as far as values and strategies of intellectual
inquiry are concerned, and whose background and skills com-
plement one's own, the product to emerge from collaboration
on any specific project can be (and often is) far superior to the
one likely to come out of individual efforts. And the process
need not be an agonizing or antagonistic one. Some of the
most rewarding moments of my career were spent with Juan
M. Garcia-Passalacqua making outlines, discussing evidence
and developing various lines of argument as we prepared The
Puerto Rican Question.

And even for the single-authored book, Professor Lewis'
first commandment ("do it alone") can be misleading. As I
approach the tenth and final chapter of a 350-page manuscript
I have been working on over the past three years, I must con-
fess that without the many useful and thoughtful comments
from the friends and colleagues who have kindly shared with
me their reactions to the various chapters as they came out of
my typewriter, the manuscript would be on far less solid
ground than I consider it to be today.

In that regard, even single-authored books, when they
have benefitted from such comments, are a collective product.
And my own piece of advice for prospective authors is quite
the opposite from the one implied by Professor Lewis'
"loneliness of the long-distance runner": never, never submit
a manuscript for publication before you have had the reaction
to it of at least two or three colleagues whose judgment
you trust.

I fully agree with Professor Lewis that the actual act
of composing text is a profoundly individual process, one
that can emerge only from "blood, sweat and tears"; the
long process that precedes it (definition of the problem,

development of research design and strategy, etc.) and
follows it (revisions, refinement of arguments, etc.) is one
that can benefit from collaboration and exchange-which
is what, in the final analysis, the scholarly community is all
Ultimately, of course, each author should follow the
strategy that works best for him or her. What is most surpris-
ing about Professor Lewis' first three commandments,
however, is the assumption that, because they do not suit his
own intellectual style, the products of other approaches are
somehow second-rate. And that this call for unfettered, Man-
chesterian liberal individualism in intellectual production
should come from a Fabian socialist well-known for his oft-
repeated calls for pan-Caribbean collaboration and integra-
tion is perhaps most disconcerting of all.

[Reprinted from the San Juan Star, 5 November 1986.]

A Reply to Jorge Heine
Gordon Lewis
University of Puerto Rico, Rio Piedras

Perhaps Jorge Heine has taken myjeu d'esprit a little too
seriously. Even so, there is a real argument at hand, to which
I would have addressed myself had I been writing a serious
analytical article. In such an article, 1 would of course have
accepted many of his strictures as conditions, qualifications
and exceptions to what I was saying.

It is true, for example, that there are classic coauthored
books. Heine mentions Marx and Engels. He could have
strengthened his case by mentioning the American historians
Charles and Mary Beard, the British social historians Barbara
and J.L. Hammond, and the British political sociologists
Sidney and Beatrice Webb. But in those cases, most of them
involving husband-and-wife partnerships, there existed a
lifelong intellectual partnership. They are not what I had
in mind.

Rather, I addressed myself to a vulgar expression of the
genre, the coedited and symposia volumes in which, because
of multiple authorship, there is no theoretical coherence.
Contributors contradict each other and are more interested in
impressing the reader with their academic credentials than
with communicating exciting ideas; and all is accompanied by
the usual manic footnoting. The result is that the editors are
constrained to write introductions trying to put it all together,
faced with the task of reconciling the irreconcilable, or
valiantly attempting to identify a minimal consensus. This is
not, as Heine claims, a necessary specialization of intellectual
labor. It is, rather, a dismal atomization of knowledge. It even
extends to academic journals. You can read journals such as
SocialForces, for example, in which even articles of a dozen
pages are coauthored by three or four persons.

It is also true, as Heine says, that modern scholarship is
characterized by empirical and theoretical problems with a
strong comparative component that necessitates united effort,
although that is nothing new, for it goes back to the 18th-
century Enlightenment with the beginning explosion of the
modern natural and social sciences. The fact that American
social scientists, as a class, are so badly trained in history
accounts for their temptation to identify the contemporary
with the new. Their endemic specialization of research-
which goes back to the German origins of the Ph.D. satirized
in William James' acid essay of 1904, "The Ph.D. Octo-
pus"-also makes them incapable of appreciating that it is
still possible for the single scholar to combine detailed
research with wide imagination. The modern scholars who
have done that-Croce, Coulton, Bloch, Braudel-are,
significantly enough, European rather than American. Nor
does Heine bother to ask himself how much of this defect has
its roots in contemporary American "academic capitalism."

Heine chastises me for being contradictory in my posi-
tion as a socialist and my espousal of what he terms "Man-
chesterian liberal individualism." But there is really no such
contradiction. For socialist theory throughout has never
claimed that planned production for community consump-
tion in the economic field should go hand in hand with collec-
tive intellectual productivity. Where that does in fact happen,
as in Moscow and Havana, it leads to state publishing houses
that put out a dull production of what in the churches we call
"devotional literature." Just because I am a socialist, does
Heine want me to join a radical writing collective? God for-
bid. This position has nothing to do with classic indi-
vidualism, but a lot to do with the vexed problem of the rela-
tionship of the intelligentsia to the state power, whether
capitalist or socialist. I merely add that this problem, so cen-
tral to socialist discussion, has recently been revived in the
United States by new radical journals such as Socialism and
Democracy, out of the Graduate Center of the City Univer-
sity of New York.

One final point. What is really at issue here is, in part, the
nature of American life and society, which I myself have
followed as a British visitor in the tradition of Bryce, Brogan
and Laski. I note in a recently published and, again, edited
book, Scholarly Writing and Publishing: Issues, Problems,
and Solutions, edited by Mary Frank Fox, (Westview, 1985)
that there is a chapter entitled "The Lone Scholar Myth." Is
it possible that there is an endemic fear of loneliness in the
American national psyche at all levels? The British visitor, in
any case, is always astonished at the socially gregarious
character of American academic life, with its almost manic
obsession with conferences, conventions, symposia, round
tables, "think-tank" colloquia and the rest, many of which
end up as collectively edited volumes. It seems at times that the
average American academic is almost afraid to stay at home.
Somehow or other, there is a serious psychological problem
secreted here. One sometimes wonders what the families think
about it all.


The United States Customs Service recently implemented
two policy directives resulting from the lawsuit filed by the
Center for Constitutional Rights (CCR), with LASA as a
codefendant, challenging the practice of seizing written
materials carried by U.S. citizens returning from Nicaragua
(see LASA Forum, Fall 1986, pages 11-12). Since then the
CCR is unaware of any further customs incidents of this
nature; however if readers know of such incidents, they
should report them to the CCR (666 Broadway-7th Floor,
New York, NY 10012).

There is one remaining issue on which agreement has not
been reached: whether the FBI is subject to the same limita-
tions as Customs. Since seized material often is turned over to
the FBI, it is essential that they be bound by the same measures
as Customs; otherwise a serious loophole exists. This issue is
still under litigation.


[Editor's note: If interest warrants, the Forum will publish
brief mention of LASA members' professional accom-
plishments on a space-available basis as the information
comes to us. While promotions and advancement normally
will not be noted, LASA scholars who earn distinguished titles
in conjunction with promotions will be mentioned. Recipients
of major prizes also will be included, along with newly
appointed chairs of Latin American studies programs and

James Holston, assistant professor of anthropology at
the University of Southern California, received the 1986
Council of Graduate Schools/University Microfilms Interna-
tional Distinguished Dissertation Award for his doctoral
dissertation (Yale University, Department of Anthropology,
1986) entitled "The Modernist City: Architecture, Politics,
and Society in Brasilia." The dissertation, which also won
Yale's 1986 John Addison Porter Prize, will be published in
a revised version by the University of Chicago Press.

Martha Paley Francescato, a faculty member in the
Department of Foreign Languages and Literatures at George
Mason University, Fairfax, Virginia, has been appointed
chair of George Mason's Latin American Studies Program.

On Being Targeted
Some Personal Reflections,
Reid Reading

Just what kind of organization LASA should be has been
the subject of debate almost since its founding; certainly most
every dimension of the argument about the extent to which
LASA should attempt to influence policy-through the
generation of resolutions, direct lobbying of government offi-
cials on policy matters, the reports of its task forces and even
via the kinds of themes chosen for panels and discussion in its
international congresses-has been aired. The present con-
stitution allows for a significant measure of activism since
procedures exist for the generation of resolutions in the
business meetings of the international congresses. Sponsors
of these resolutions traditionally have been critical of U.S.
policy toward Latin America and critical also of regimes the
United States has tended to support in the context of its cold
war policy. Resolutions passed in business meetings are
published in the Forum, and if approved by a majority of the
LASA membership via mail ballot, are sent to U.S. officials
and others who might be influential in bringing about the
changes called for.

So it was at Boston. Resolutions challenging U.S. policy
on Cuba, Nicaragua and Central America generally, as well
as resolutions against the policies of Pinochet and Stroessner
(and the U.S. contribution to their survival) were passed in the
business meeting. In a subsequent mail ballot, to which almost
40 percent of the membership responded, there were more-
than-landslide votes in favor of all the resolutions.2

During the congress I was approached by a reporter
whom I understood to be representing Times ofthe Americas.
On the basis of the "interview" that followed, conducted
hastily in the corridor of the convention hotel amidst much
confusion, both LASA and I were "targeted" by Accuracy in
Academia in a recent edition of its newsletter, Campus
Report.3 I did not see the publication, nor to my knowledge
had it been distributed on campus, but since I appeared to be
the first and only member of the University of Pittsburgh
community to be singled out by the conservative monitoring
group, word of it inevitably reached a local newsroom.

The education reporter for the Pittsburgh Post Gazette
broke the news. She called me on Friday morning, January
30, to ask if I had any reaction to the Accuracy in Academia
report. This call was followed up by an interview in my office
later that day. The next morning's edition of the paper carried
a front-page story under the headline "Conservative Group
Targets Professors"; it reported on our interview and con-
tained quotes from the Accuracy in Academia person who
had talked to me in Boston.
The Accuracy in Academia representative had begun our
short exchange in Boston by commenting on the antiad-

ministration tone he detected at the convention. He then
asked me how I could justify LASA's emphasis on human
rights violations in such countries as Chile and Paraguay,
without concern for these problems in Cuba and Nicaragua.
I responded that many LASA members felt that the abuses in
Chile and Paraguay were more serious than those occurring
in Cuba and Nicaragua. I also commented that discussions of
human rights abuses constituted only a small part of what the
twenty-year-old organization was about, i.e. promoting
scholarly exchange on topics of interest to Latin Americanists.
I added that I thought the organization was fulfilling its mis-
sion quite satisfactorily. He obviously was unimpressed by my
reply, and his views of me, apparently on the basis of that con-
versation, led to singling me out in the Accuracy in Academia
publication. LASA was censured, according to the Post
Gazette article, because it was assumed that the information
the professors imparted in papers, delivered in the anti-
Reagan atmosphere of the convention, would also be passed
along to students in classrooms. LASA also was described as
a political lobby for the radical left.
That LASA should be so designated was nothing new. As
far as I was concerned personally, on the face of it this was a
minor incident with little likelihood of further ramification
and I should have been able to forget about it. I should easily
have been able to rationalize that anyone who would hold me
suspect under these circumstances was not worthy of a second
thought. Even though elements of the far right were on the
move, I most assuredly would not experience the kinds of
unrelenting persecutions that notable figures like Robert Col-
odny at the University of Pittsburgh have had to endure. And
most certainly I was pleased that my views were reported
reasonably accurately in the local press, albeit in abbreviated

But this occurrence was not easy to dismiss. I resented the
intrusion, and more importantly, the innuendo. Such an inci-
dent carries with it a certain stigma, since many people, and
governments for that matter, tend to harbor doubts about
individuals whose patriotism is publicly questioned to any
degree whatever.

I also began to reflect on the apparent inconsistency of
my position. Why wasn't I, neither a socialist nor a radical,
unduly uncomfortable as a member of an organization that
generates resolutions against Pinochet of Chile and Stroessner
of Paraguay, but not against the Nicaragua of the Sandinistas
nor against Castro's Cuba? All these regimes, after all, are
authoritarian to one degree or another, and all could be
criticized to some extent for their records on human rights. I
began to sort it out. Perhaps my observations will prove
helpful to those of you who have struggled with this issue.

Admittedly part of the reason for not feeling a great deal
of discomfort with the apparent inconsistency may be attri-
buted to an irrational, gut reaction: if one is so alienated and
distanced from the underlying thrust of Reagan's foreign
policy generally,4 it might be quite natural to feel that
whatever his administration disapproves of probably has
some fundamental merit. These urges are to be resisted,
obviously, and recognition of them is a useful first step.

But more important, I would argue, is the broadly
accepted view that Cuba, and more especially Nicaragua,
already are under siege by the U.S. government. So why
should I join the dogpile? It is rather ironic that the willingness
of some of us to pay less attention to the sins of these two
regimes may be related to the actions of our own government,
which, in the case of Nicaragua, has shown itself willing to do
anything short of sending U.S. troops, at least until now, to
dislodge the present government. I, for one, often tend to
cheer a bit for the underdog (a fact that has perennially
distressed my sons during winning seasons of the Pittsburgh
Steelers and the Pitt Panthers), and I cannot bring myself to
accept the application of analogies like that of the Munich
beer hall to Central America that would have us view the U.S.
as the ultimate victim in this conflict. Thus it does not seem to
me unreasonable to think that we have found the big bully,
and he is us.

Governmental and police abuse in Chile and Paraguay
do, at any rate, seem to many of us to be more serious and
widespread than in Cuba and Nicaragua, hence an important
reason for not coming down harder on the latter countries.
Additionally, however, if one can accept that the governments
of Cuba and Nicaragua are truly under siege and are
justifiably concerned about their survival, as well as the inde-
pendence of their countries, he or she likewise may tend to be
less ready to rush to judgment about repression in those
systems than in others not so dangerously threatened.

There are other, admittedly more controversial, reasons
for not being totally upset with what is happening in places
like Cuba, and they are related to cultural and intellectual con-
cerns. U.S. intellectuals justifiably appreciate the broad
latitude our system affords them, especially in terms of
freedom of speech and movement, but are concerned, if not
appalled about the increasing extent to which the intellectual
enterprise is unappreciated here. As honored as I would be to
sit in on a chat between Mr. Reagan and anyone else he might
be interested in talking to, if I had to choose between that con-
versation and listening to an exchange between Fidel Castro
and Gabriel Garcia Marquez, for example, the latter would be
my choice, hands down.

The choice would not be made because Fidel Castro is a
socialist. In fact the underpinnings of socialism are themselves
inherently materialist, and some Cuban, and to a lesser extent,
Nicaraguan so-called scholars often manifest a basic anti-
intellectualism in their simplistic parroting of Marxist tenets.

Many of us sense, however, that there has been a relationship
between the extent to which Cuba, for example, has distanced
itself from the United States, (the repressiveness of its system
and its somewhat understandable, but no less unfortunate
embracing of the Soviet Union notwithstanding), and the
Cuban emphasis on the kinds of values that many scholars
tend to embrace.

Perhaps you can never take the Jos6 Enrique Rod6 out
of some of us: the decades-old idea of this Uruguayan writer
that the greatest danger faced by Latin Americans from the
United States may not be military, or directly political, but
from what we export, rings truer and truer as time goes on,
with each trip to Latin America. It's not that the U.S. doesn't
have culture to export, nor is it that the intellectual enterprise
doesn't exist here to a still respectable degree; it's that too
much of what leaves the United States for Latin America is
not determined by intellectual or cultural criteria, and appears
to diminish the extent to which those societies traditionally
have emphasized the nonmaterial. On that basis one hesitates
to attack societies that may be attempting to defend some of
the kinds of values that many of us hold dear, and in the pro-
cess are manifesting the same sort of stubborn independent
stance that we Americans would struggle for if we were in the
shadow of a great power.

How much freedom of speech should be allowed in our
democratic system is the subject of a classical dispute, and
while all but a tiny fraction of people in the United States pro-
bably agree that advocating the violent overthrow of our
government goes beyond the limits of what is permissible, the
extent to which a host of other ideas and actions should be
tolerated is highly controversial. Those that I have touched on
here are likewise controversial. The beauty of the university,
and of organizations like LASA, is that because we are not all
expected to embrace, nor have to embrace the same ideas,
controversy can rage. May it rage forever, and this latest
phase of witch-hunting suffer an early demise.


1. These comments are adapted from an article published by the Utiver-
sity Times, University of Pittsburgh, March 5, 1987, page 3.
2. See the previous issue of the Forum for the texts of the resolutions and
the voting results. Of the more than 1,000 LASA members who mailed in
ballots, only 11 members wrote in comments critical of the resolutions and/or
LASA's activist role.
3. Accuracy in Academia, a spin-off of Accuracy in Media, normally
makes public the names of college and university professors who in their judg-
ment are teaching leftist ideology; decisions are made about whom to single
out on the basis of reports from students who supply evidence to the
4. Some of my views appear in the concluding section of Alan Adelman
and Reid Reading (eds.), Confrontation in the Caribbean Basin: International
Perspectives on Security, Sovereignty and Survival (Pittsburgh: University
of Pittsburgh Latin American Monograph and Document Series, 1984).


Nominations Committee:

Congress Program
Committee, LASA/88:

Kalman Silvert Memorial
Prize Committee:

Task Force on Human
Rights and Academic

Task Force on the
Mass Media:

Task Force on Women:

Lars Schoultz
Department of Political Science
University of North Carolina
Chapel Hill, NC 27514

Charles Bergquist
Center for International Studies
Duke University
2122 Campus Drive
Durham, NC 27706

Cole Blasier
Department of Political Science
University of Pittsburgh
Pittsburgh, PA 15260

Martin Diskin
Program in Anthropology
Massachusetts Institute of
Cambridge, MA 02139

Cynthia McClintock
Department of Political Science
The George Washington
Washington, DC 20052
Norma S. Chinchilla
Program in Women's Studies
California State University
Long Beach, CA 90840
Marysa Navarro
Faculty for the Social Sciences
Dartmouth College
Hanover, NH 03755

Task Force on Scholarly
Relations with Cuba:

Task Force on Scholarly
Relations with

Wayne S. Smith
School of Advanced Interna-
tional Studies
The Johns Hopkins University
1740 Massachusetts Ave., N.W.
Washington, DC 20036

Helen I. Safa
Center for Latin American
University of Florida
319 Grinter Hall
Gainesville, FL 32611

Charles Stansifer
Center for Latin American
University of Kansas
Lawrence, KS 66045

Cochair: Michael E. Conroy
Department of Economics
University of Texas
Austin, TX 78705

Task Force on Scholarly
Relations with Spain:

Task Force on Scholarly
Relations with the
Soviet Union:

Federico Gil
314 Hamilton, 070A
University of North Carolina
Chapel Hill, NC 27514

Alejandro Portes
Department of Sociology
The Johns Hopkins University
Baltimore, MD 21218

r- .. .m . -mm

.. a. nM MM mn m. m MM MM m. MM m- m on MM MM MM .. .m =


The LASA Task Force on the Mass Media will present
an award for outstanding media coverage of Latin
American affairs at the XIV International Congress in
New Orleans, March 17-19, 1988. For information on
how to make nominations for this award please write to
the LASA Secretariat after June 1, 1987. The
Secretariat is located in the William Pitt Union, 9th
Floor, University of Pittsburgh, Pittsburgh, PA 15260.

JUNE 1987

The LASA Task Force on Scholarly Relations with
Nicaragua will conduct its third two-week field seminar in
Nicaragua for LASA members June 13-27, 1987.

As in the past, the seminar is designed to introduce
established Latin Americanists and advanced graduate
students to a variety of institutions, people, resources, pro-
tocols and methods for studying and teaching about
Nicaragua, and conducting research there. Participants will
be introduced to various social science "think tanks,"
academic institutions and research facilities.

A second objective is to give LASA scholars a close-up
view of the multifaceted reality of revolutionary Nicaragua.
The group will have discussion and interview sessions with
important persons from across the political spectrum,
including, for example, representatives of the churches, mass
media, business community, grass-roots organizations,
diplomatic community, government and military.

Participants will spend much of their time in Managua,
but trips to a variety of rural communities are also planned.
Group activities will be tailored to the major interests of the
participants. In addition, an effort will be made to accom-
modate individual interests through special interviews, etc.
For an idea of how the seminar works in actual practice, pro-
spective participants should read the "Report on the 1986
LASA Research Seminar in Nicaragua" on page 29 of the
Winter 1987 issue of LASA Forum.

The entire seminar-including living expenses,
in-country transportation, and round-trip group airfare
between Mexico City and Managua-will cost around $1100
per person barring unforeseen price changes (bona fide
graduate students will receive a $200 discount). The group will

be limited to 15-18 participants plus the two coordinators.
Participants must be Spanish-speaking LASA members. All
philosophical and political points of view are welcomed.

Each applicant is requested to submit a current r6sum6
and a 250-500 word letter of application explaining what (s)he
expects to gain professionally from the seminar. Participants
will be selected primarily on the basis of the potential
relevance of the seminar to their professional plans as outlined
in the letter. An effort will also be made to balance the group
in such terms as gender, discipline and region of origin.
Deadline for the first round of selection is May 10, 1987.
Qualified late applicants will be included if space permits.

Since graduate students and professors with relevant
specialization are normally exempt from U.S. travel bans, it
is expected that the seminar will take place even in the event
that the United States imposes a Cuba-style ban on travel to

Seminar coordinators are Tom Walker and Harvey
Williams. For more information write or call:

Professor Thomas W. Walker
Department of Political Science
Ohio University
Athens, Ohio 45701
(614) 594-5495 or 594-5626

Professor Harvey Williams
Sociology Department
University of the Pacific
Stockton, CA 95211
(209) 946-2101

n. mm mm mm nm m nm m ,m m mm mm m .mm m m am mW am mm m am .. m. m.


At the XIV International Congress in New Orleans,
March 17-19, 1988, LASA will present an award for the
best scholarly work in Latin American studies published
between January 1986 and June 1987. For further infor-
mation about this award, please write to the LASA
Secretariat after June 1, 1987. The Secretariat is located
in the William Pitt Union 9th Floor, University of Pitts-
burgh, Pittsburgh, PA 15260.

MARCH 17-19, 1988

The proposal deadline for all organized sessions, special
events, and papers for LASA's XIV International Congress
was April 1, 1987. The Program Committee will meet in early
May toionsidir the proposals and will be in contact with pro-
posers in the weeks following.

Four categories of sessions will constitute the bulk of the

1. PANELS consist of presentations of formal papers
prepared especially for the occasion and related discus-
sions of them.
Two types of panels may be organized:

a. Research panels will include the presenta-
tion of original research papers and related
discussions. Normally three papers will be
summarized by their presenters and dis-
cussed by an additional panelist or two; then
the session will be open for general

b. Discussion panels will include the presen-
tation of short "think pieces" on topics
abstracted from more detailed original
research. Presenters will each be limited to
8 to 10 minutes of formal presentation; a
lengthy period for general discussion will


The Program Committee for the XIV International
Congress and the Secretariat will work hard to provide
a preliminary congress program to all LASA members
weeks before the New Orleans meeting. This informa-
tion, to include topics of panels and other group ses-
sions, names of participants and titles of presentations,
should prove valuable for making the decision to attend
as well as facilitating the preparation of travel schedules.

To this end we urge all potential participants to make
early decisions about the form and substance of their
participation, to observe deadlines and to otherwise
cooperate in the communication of information we
need to prepare an early version of the program.

2. WORKSHOPS consist of a panel of several par-
ticipants who exchange ideas about common research
problems, techniques and perspectives, or teaching
interests in new fields of study.

'3. ROUND TABLES are breakfast sessions consisting
of no more than 10 persons who discuss a focused topic
of common interest. Participants sign up in advance,
and the organizer serves as discussion leader.

The Program Committee is planning a series of plenary
sessions, which will place issues in Latin American scholarship
in comparative context. The committee plans to invite major
scholars from outside the field to comment on state-of-the-art
papers on specific themes prepared by outstanding Latin
Americanists. Proposed themes include: development theory,
social and labor history, international relations, women's
studies, literary theory, popular culture. The committee plans
to make final decisions about the plenary sessions at its
meeting in May; it welcomes specific suggestions from all
LASA members on possible comparative issues to be
addressed and potential participants.

The Program Committee for LASA/88 is chaired by
Charles. erg.quist (Dake.University). Members are Douglas
Bennett (Temple University), Jan Flora (Kansas State
University), Regina Harrison (Bates College), Nora Lustig
(El Colegio de M6xico), and Scott Whiteford (Michigan
State University). Please send inquiries and suggestions to
Charles Bergquist, Center for International Studies, 2122
Campus Drive, Duke University, Durham, NC 27706.


Preregistration materials for the XIV International
Congress, to be held in New Orleans March 17-19, 1988,
will be sent in due course. Meanwhile we are very
pleased to announce that rates for the congress locale,
the Clarion Hotel, will be $60 for single or double/twin.
Anfmense and meet with us in 1988!


A limited number of programs from the XIII International
Congress in Boston are available from the Secretariat at $5.00
each. The following papers may also be ordered from the
Secretariat for $3.00 each. Prices include postage. LASA
made every attempt to retain at least one copy of every paper,
whether sent to the Secretariat in advance or brought to
Boston. If your paper is not listed below, please send a copy
to the Secretariat.

Agosin, Marjorie. Whispers and Triumphs: Politics and the
Latin American Woman Writer
Aguayo Quezada, Sergio. Los centroamericanos olvidados de
Albert, Lilia A. Some Problems with Pesticide Use in Mexico
Anderson, Rodney D. Race, Class and Capitalism in Early
Republican Mexico
Baer, Werner. Austerity Under Different Political Regimes:
The Case of Brazil
Benassy-Berling, M.C. Nuevo examen de algunos documen-
tos relacionados con el fin de la vida de Sor Juana In6s de
la Cruz
Berry, Albert. Patterns of Economic Change in Ecuador:
Before, During and After the Oil Boom
Biddle, William Jesse and John D. Stephens. Dependency and
Foreign Policy: Theory and Practice in Jamaica
Boswell, Thomas D. Racial and Ethnic Change and Hispanic
Residential Segregation Patterns in Metropolitan Miami:
Brockett, Charles D. The Commercialization of Central
American Agriculture: An Empirical and Theoretical
Buchanan, Paul G. Labor Administration and Democracy in
Caldeira, Teresa Pires do Rio. Houses of Respect
Calvert, Peter. British Relations with the Southern Cone
Cardoso, Ciro Flamarion S. The Transition from Coerced to
"Free" Labour in Latin America and the Caribbean
Cardoso, Ruth Correa Leite. Segregation and Integration in
the City: The Study of Poor Neighborhoods on the Out-
skirts of Large Cities
Carr, Barry. The Mexican Communist Party and Agrarian
Mobilization in the Laguna 1920-1940: A Worker-Peasant
Cavalcante, Ant6nio Mourao. O charme discrete das terapias
Chaffee, Lynan. Political Graffiti and Street Propaganda:
Dimensions of Basque Nationalism
Child, Jack. Antarctica and South American Geopolitical
Clark, Margaret L. Antarctica: Cornerstone.of the South.
The Potential for Southern Cooperation

Coleman, Kenneth M. and Charles L. Davis. How Workers
Evaluate Their Unions: Exploring Determinants of Union
Satisfaction in Venezuela and Mexico
Conway Dennis, Ualthan Bigby andl Ronald S. Swann.Carib-
bean Migrant Experiences in New York City
Cott, Kenneth. The Presidency, The Courts, and Foreign
Entrepreneurs in Porfirian Mexico
De Souza, Juirez. Social Backlog in Brazil: A Parameter in
the Renegotiation of External Debt
Duarte, Luiz F.D. What It Means to Be Nervous (Competing
Concepts of the Person in Brazilian Urban Culture)
Dussel, Enrique. Del descubrimiento al desincubrimiento, el
camino hacia un desagravio hist6rico
Epstein, Edward C. What Diiference Does Regime Type
Make? Economic Austerity Programs in Argentina
Epstein, Edward C. Recent Stabilization Programs in Argen-
tina (1973-1986)
Fiscal Perez, Maria Rosa. "De noche vienes" o el despertar
de la conciencia social de Elena Poniatowska
Frederick, Howard H. Electronic Penetration in Low Inten-
sity Warfare: The Case of Nicaragua
Friihling, Hugo. La defense de los derechos humans en el
cono sur. Dilemas y perspectives hacia el future
Garcia Passalacqua, Juan M. Uncertainty Dispelled: Steering
Puerto Rico Towards Its Future
Garret6n M., Manuel Antonio. Transici6n y consolidaci6n
democriticas en America Latina: Una perspective general
Gordillo, Gustavo. Mercado, democracia y movilizaci6n
social: La deconstrucci6n del leviatin rural mexicano
Helguera, J. Le6n. Some Observations on the Cartoon as a
Source for Colombian Social History
Henderson, James D. Conservative Thought in Twentieth
Century Latin America: A Statistical Approach to the
Study of Intellectual History
Henkel, Ray. Resource Utilization in the Upper Amazon of
Bolivia and Its Impact on the Environment
Ho Kim, Sung. Intervention in Nicaragua: The Issues of
International Law, Morality, and Prudence in U.S.
Foreign Policy
Holston, James. The Signature House: A Study of "Auto-.
Construction" in Working Class Brazil
Jameson, Kenneth P. The Effect of International Debt on
Poverty in Bolivia and Alternative Responses
Keck, Margaret E. Great Expectations: The Workers' Party
in Brazil (1979 1985)
Kovacs, Karen. Regime Transformation and Public Policy:
A Dynamic Model
Kramer, Frank. The Impact of External Markets on the Struc-
ture of Peasant Agriculture in Western Honduras
Langton, Kenneth P. Who Should Manage the Shop? Worker
Self-Management Ideology, Protest and Electoral Par-
ticipation in Peru

Laplantine, Francois. Os sistemas de representacoes da
doenca e da saude na umbanda em Fortaleza
Leite Lopes, Jose Sergio. Dondnation and Resistance to
Domination in a Brazilian Northeastern Textile
Love, Joseph L. Rail Prebisch: His Life and Ideas
Maier Hirsh, Elizabeth. Las sandinistas: La lucha de la mujer
nicaragiiense por su igualdad
Marquez, Viviane Brachet. How Is Class Mediated by the
State: The Case of Mexico
Mattos Gomes De Castro, Hebe Maria Da Costa. A margem
da hist6ria: Homens liveres pobres na crise do trabalho
McCoy, Jennifer L. The Politics of Adjustment: Labor and
the Venezuelan Debt Crisis
Mezzera, Jaime. El sector informal como expression del
excedente de oferta de trabalo urban
Naim, Moises and Ram6n Pinango. Una ilusi6n de armonia:
Los resultados del proyecto "El Caso Venezuela"
Ogliastri-Uribe, Enrique. Estado, empresarios, sindicatos,
trabajadores, administradores: Experiencias sobre geren-
cia y revoluci6n en Nicaragua
Ortiz, Renato. Cultura de massa e cultural popular no Brasil
Padr6n, Mario. NGDOs and Grass-Roots Development in
Latin America
.Linking Latin American and Western Develop-
ment Organizations
Paoli, Maria Celia. Working Class Sao Paulo and Its
Peschard, Jacqueline. Las elecciones en el Distrito Federal
Reinhardt, Nola. Agro-Exports and the Peasantry in the
Agrarian Reforms of El Salvador and Nicaragua
Riesco. Ausencia y presencia: "La flecha y la manzana" de
A. Roa Bastos
Rigau, Marco Antonio. Certain Future for Puerto Rico
Rodriguez Berrutti, Camilo H. Diplomacia de los Estados
Unidos en la historic de las fronteras argentinas
Rubl6o, Luis, Juan Manuel Menes Llaguno and Victor M.
Ballesteros. La explotaci6n britinica de las minas de Real del
Monte: Expansi6n del colonaje en Am6rica Latina
Sabat-Rivers, Georgina. Antes de Juana In6s: Clarinda y
Amarilis, dos poetas del Perti colonial
Schneider, Ben Ross. Framing the State: Economic Policy
and Political Representation in Post-Authoritarian Brazil
Schodt, David W. Austerity Policies in Ecuador: Christian
Democratic and Social Christian Versions of the Gospel
Schutte, Ofelia. Three Representative Philosophers of
Scott, Ren6e. Cristina Peri Rossi: Superaci6n de un exilio
Semo, Enrique. Las raices sociales del autoritarismo y la
democracia en M6xico (1810-1930)
Sikkink, Kathryn. The Influence of Rail Prebisch on
Economic Policy Making in Argentina, 1950-1962
Smith, William C. The "New Republic" and the Brazilian
Transition. Elite Conciliation or Democratization?

Street, James H. Mexico's Prospects for Resuming a Growth
Path Under Institutional Reform
Street, Susan. Public Policy and Mass Struggle in Mexican
Education: Reproductive and Subversive Tendencies in
Transforming State Bureaucracy
Trudeau, Robert H. Democracy in Guatemala: Present
Status, Future Prospects
Williams, Harvey. The Social Impact [draft chapter for inclu-
sion in Thomas W. Walker, ed., Reagan vs. the San-
dinistas: The Undeclared War on Nicaragua]
Zamosc, Le6n. Lucha por la tierra, recampesinizaci6n y
capitalism agrario en la costa atlintica colombiana
Zapata, Francisco. Sindicalismo, ideologia y political en
Lazaro Cirdenas, Michoacin
Zapata, Roger A. Tradici6n y cambio en la cultural peruana:
Del neoindigenismo de Arguedas a la Historia de Mayta de
Mario Vargas Llosa
Zermeno, Sergio. Hacia el fin del populismo mexicano (Pro-
puestas para discusi6n
Zimbalist, Andrew. Cuban Industrial Growth, 1965-1984 /


Featuring Latin American
Poetry, Politics and Music

Excellent for individual,
classroom and library use.

Write for a free catalogue to:

David Barsamian
1415 Dellwood
Boulder, CO 80302


Dear Dr. Blasier:

I write in response to your letter of January 30, 1987, to
Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs
Abrams concerning a resolution on scholarly exchanges with
Cuba which the membership of your association adopted.

The resolution states that the President's proclamation
of October 4, 1985, impedes the free flow of ideas and infor-
mation between Cuba and the United States. While it takes
note-without criticism-of Cuba's unilateral suspension of
the U.S.-Cuba agreement on migration, the resolution
states-apparently in justification of the Cuban action-that
this was in retaliation for the inauguration of Radio Marti.

The Radio Marti program of the Voice of America is a
noteworthy example of the free flow of ideas and information
across international frontiers, a concept which the Depart-
ment of State favors and which is recognized in the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights. The information flows not
merely to a relatively limited and necessarily selective number
of persons but to millions who may freely choose to accept it
or reject it by the turn of the dial. As such I would hope and
expect that your association would strongly welcome this pro-
gram, which provides objective news and information to a
country which lacks any independent mass medium of com-
munication. These Voice of America broadcasts in no way
warranted or explain Cuban actions to disrupt migration
between the United States and Cuba.

The U.S.-Cuba migration agreement provided for the
return to Cuba of persons who had committed common
crimes or who suffered from severe mental disorders and who
were sent by Cuba to the United States in 1980. In return the
agreement provided for restoration of normal processing of
visas for Cubans wishing to come to the United States. It also
made possible a refugee program for those who had suffered
in Cuban jails for political offenses. This was a fair and
balanced agreement in itself and, in addition to its indis-
putable humanitarian value, was also a means for promoting
the flow of ideas and information between Cuba and the
United States. There was no basis whatsoever for Cuba to sus-
pend this agreement because of Radio Marti. Cuba thereby
did a signal disservice to the flow of ideas and information, as
well as family reunification and human rights.

I am not aware of any action taken by your association
to criticize the action of Cuba in this regard.

The President's proclamation of October 4, 1985, was an
appropriate response to Cuba's action. It is aimed at officials
and employees of the Cuban regime and the single Cuban
political party. The measure in no way affects the travel of
American scholars to Cuba except as Cuba might choose to
restrict such travel.

Your resolution asserts that the U.S. measures are more
restrictive than those of Cuba. It is astonishing that an
organization composed of scholars interested in Latin
America would make such as assertion. The closed nature of
the Cuban system is too sufficiently known as to require
elaboration here, but it should be clearly understood that
Cuba exercises complete control over all persons who would
be permitted to leave Cuba to visit the United States just as it
applies severe sanctions to those who seek to leave Cuba
without official permission. It also controls carefully the
admission of American scholars who wish to visit Cuba, as
you are aware from a case at the University of Pittsburgh.

Your association could serve the cause of a freer flow of
ideas and information between the United States and Cuba if
it would persuade your correspondents in the government of
Cuba to end their suspension of the 1984 migration agree-
ment, accept back the criminals sent to the United States in
1980 and facilitate the normal processing of immigrant visas
for Cubans.

If Cuba does so, I am glad to be able to reiterate that the
government of the United States stands fully prepared imme-
diately to meet its own responsibilities under that agreement.
There would in that case be positive effects with respect to
visas for official Cuban travelers to the United States.


Kenneth N. Skoug, Jr.
Office of Cuban Affairs
U.S. Department of State
February 25, 1987

Dear Mr. Skoug:

Thank you for your letter of February 25, 1987. I much
appreciate your thoughtful reply to LASA's recent resolution
on the President's October 4, 1985, proclamation.

LASA's resolution mentioned, but did not judge or
justify, the inauguration of Radio Marti or Cuba's suspension
of the U.S.-Cuban agreement on migration. The issue is, of
course, whether the President's proclamation was "an appro-
priate response." We think it was not. It was a response that
was taken at the expense of the legitimate interests of the U.S.
academic community. Viable educational exchanges require
that each side be able to visit the country of the other.

Almost all Latin Americanists of my acquaintance are
familiar with the characteristics of the Cuban system which
you correctly describe. Even so, the fact remains that U.S.
visa policies are more restrictive than Cuba's in the sense that
the United States refuses visas to most Cuban academics,
while Cuba admits most U.S. academics.

You make the constructive suggestion that LASA
encourage its Cuban correspondents to end the suspension of
the 1984 migration agreement. I personally will make this
point at the first suitable opportunity. I believe there is
widespread support for the implementation of that

It was a real pleasure to meet with you on my visit to
Washington in January and helpful to have your statements
of official views.


Cole Blasier
Latin American Studies
March 3,1987

Dear Dr. Blasier:

I read with interest and attention your letter of March 3,
1987, and appreciated the constructive spirit with which you
approached the problem.

You state that the President's proclamation was a
response taken at the expense of the U.S. academic commun-
ity. To the extent that the Cuban officials in question were
coming or might potentially have come to U.S. academic
institutions, I would acknowledge that there was a cost. This
was of course not the intent of the measure. Sanctions seldom
affect only the party to which directly applied. The purpose
of the measures is to encourage a more genuinely free flow of
persons and ideas, including the ideas of those persons whom
the Cuban government does not presently permit to travel, by
reducing modestly the capacity of the Cuban government to
send to the United States officials of its own choice.

As to the relative restrictiveness of the two countries with
respect to academic travel, it cannot be contested, I think, that
Cuba has total power over which of its nationals-including
academicians- will travel abroad, when and where. By con-
trast, the United States sets no political test at all on U.S.
academic travelers to Cuba. Similarly, the government of
Cuba has total control over which foreigners will be allowed
to enter Cuba. It is also, I believe, beyond debate which
scholars will find more opportunity to satisfy their intellectual
or other curiosity on the territory of the other state. Finally,
Cuba does apply strict political tests to the admission of

visitors, such as journalists, even though Cuba's overarching
perceived need at present appears to be greater access to influ-
ential Americans for Cuban leaders. In these circumstances,
and bearing in mind the conduct of Cuba in world affairs, it
is appropriate and prudent that the United States government
be able to restrict official Cuban travel to the United States.

Your commitment to seek LASA encouragement of an
end to Cuban suspension of the 1984 migration agreement is
very much appreciated, both for the spirit of the pledge and
because your members can influence a positive change in
Cuba's attitude on a matter of great importance to all con-
cerned. Early reinstatement in force of that 1984 agreement
would permit a very significant flow of persons and ideas. It
would be in the clear interest of all parties and could alleviate
many of the problems which you and LASA have mentioned.

With best regards.

Kenneth N. Skoug, Jr.
March 12, 1987

Dear Professor Reading:

Thank you for your letter enclosing the complimentary
copy of the Forum. I believe that I already paid my dues, but
I would like the opportunity to answer your letter.

The reason why so many of us, long time members, have
lost interest in LASA is the political slant that the organiza-
tion has taken. I realize that most of our faculties are
"liberals" but LASA has become the spokesman for Marx-
ism in the field. Even if you look at the Winter 1987 Forum,
you will see that all resolutions favor Marxist causes, articles
are definitively Marxist in orientation, and intended to glorify
Cuba and Nicaragua, ignore Mexico and attack Chile. Is there
anyone for the capitalistic system? Or even for the center?
After the country has elected and reelected Ronald Reagan,
elected a conservative, even if Democratic congress, it is hard
to believe that LASA can be so far out of touch with the
political realities of the country. Do we have to be politicized?

Well, "bueno el cilantro, pero no tanto," so I will stop
here; I am sure that you get my point. I enclose front page of
Campus Report, which shows that the Boston meeting was
not a success in every quarter.

Afectuosos saludos,

Carlos Lopez
March 15, 1987


Hubert Herring Awards. The Pacific Coast Council of
Latin American Studies (PCCLAS) requests nominations and
submissions for the Hubert Herring Awards. These awards,
named after the distinguished scholar who devoted his life to
the promotion of Latin American studies, are to encourage,
promote and recognize significant research in Latin American
studies. The award categories are: best article or article-length
manuscript; best book or book-length manuscript; best
masters or senior thesis; best Ph.D. dissertation; best film,
videotape or nonprint media. To be eligible candidates should
meet one of the following criteria: (1) have carried out the
project while affiliated with an institution within the
PCCLAS geographic region (British Columbia and Alberta,
Canada; Baja California and Sonora, Mexico; the states of
Washington, Oregon, California, Arizona, Nevada, Idaho,
Hawaii and Alaska); (2) have been a PCCLAS member in
good standing for at least three consecutive years prior to
nomination. In addition, the work must have been completed,
published or produced no more than two years prior to
nomination. Candidates may be nominated by a publishing
house, faculty member from a PCCLAS regional institution,
a member of PCCLAS, or by him/herself. Three copies of
qualifying works (one copy of film, video and nonprint
media) should be submitted before June 1, 1987, to: Dr. David
W. Foster, Chair, 1987 Hubert Herring Awards Committee,
Foreign Language Department, Arizona State University,
Tempe, Arizona 85287; (602) 965-3752.

Pittsburgh Appointments. Mitchell A. Seligson, recently
appointed professor of political science and director of the
Center for Latin American Studies at the University of Pitts-
burgh, has announced four appointments to the Center's core
faculty: James S. Boster, Anthropology; Thomas J. LaBelle,
Dean, School of Education; Jeremy A. Sabloff, University
Professor, Anthropology, and History and Philosophy of
Science; Katherine Terrell, Graduate School of Public and
International Affairs. In addition, Dr. Antonio Cornejo-
Polar, former Rector of the Universidad Nacional de San
Marcos in Lima, Peru, has been appointed to Pittsburgh's
Department of Hispanic Languages and Literatures effective
September 1987.

Howard Heinz Endowment Awards. The Howard Heinz
Endowment, Pittsburgh, has announced the recipients of its
Research Grants on Latin American Issues for 1987: Diane E.
Davis (Gordon Public Policy Center, Brandeis University),
"Urban Services, Urban Protest, and the Mexican State's
Political Legitimacy in the Aftermath of Debt Crisis";
Michael Fleet (Political Science, Marquette University) and
Giles Wayland-Smith (Political Science, Allegheny College),
"Christian-Marxist Relations in Latin America"; Jay R.
Mandle (Economics, Temple University), "Problems of
Caribbean Development"; Kevin J. Middlebrook (Political
Science, Indiana University), "Turning Point: Organized

Labor's Response to Economic Crisis in Mexico"; Alejandro
Portes (Sociology and International Relations, Johns
Hopkins University), "Trends in Latin American Urbaniza-
tion During the Economic Crisis"; and Steven E. Sanderson
(Political Science, University of Florida), "Recasting the
Politics of Inter-American Trade."

Hispanic and Ibero-American Influences in the Design
Arts. On behalf of the National Endowment for the Arts,
Partners for Livable Places is seeking to identify organiza-
tions and individuals concerned with Hispanic, Portuguese
and Brazilian influences in the design arts, including those
who have undertaken design-related research, communica-
tion and demonstration projects directed toward
Quincentenary commemorations. This field includes architec-
ture, urban design, historic preservation, urban planning,
landscape architecture, graphic design, industrial design and
interior design. The data will be made available to interested
persons through Partners' Livability Clearinghouse (which
contains abstracts and contact information on all grants
awarded by the Endowment's Design Arts Program). This
information will help the Design Arts Program to plan for
future initiatives and grant programs relating to the
Quincentenary. Contact Kathleen Zwicker, 1992 Program
Development Officer, Partners for Livable Places, 1429 21st
Street N.W., Washington, D.C. 20036; (202) 887-5990.

Tinker Visiting Professors and Lecturers. The following
Latin American scholars have received Tinker Foundation
support for teaching or lecturing at U.S. universities: Alice
Campos (Brazil), visiting professor at the Latin American
Center for Minerals and Energy Development, Colorado
School of Mines, Spring 1987; Jos6 Roberto L6pez (Costa
Rica), visiting professor, and Alfredo Guerra Borges (Mex-
ico), Carlos Glower (Honduras) and Manuel Rojas B. (Costa
Rica), visiting lecturers at Florida International University,
Spring 1987.

H. John Heinz III Archaeology Awards. The H. John
Heinz III Charitable Trust of Pittsburgh has awarded five
grants for archaeological field research in Latin America:
Mark Aldenderfer (Northwestern University), "Excavations
at Asana, a Stratified, Open-Air Archaic Period Site in the
Osmore Drainage, Department of Moquequa, Southern
Peru"; Elizabeth M. Brumfiel (Albion College), "Aztec
Xaltocan: Regional Center of the Late Postclassic Valley of
Mexico"; William H. Isbell (State University of New York),
"Steps to an Empire: An Archaeological Study of Hunari's
Provincial Administrative Center at Honco Pampa in the
Callej6n de Huaylas, Peru"; Susan A. Niles (Lafayette Col-
lege), "The Palace of Huayna Capac at Quispiguanca";
Robert S. Santley (University of New Mexico), "Specialized
Ceramic Production at El Salado, Veracruz, Mexico."


NCCLA Fall Meeting. The North Central Council of
Latin Americanists will hold its annual fall meeting October
1-3, 1987, in Northfield, Minnesota. Co-hosts are St. Olaf
College and Carleton College. The conference theme is "State
and Society in Latin America." Contacts: Gast6n Fernandez,
Program Chair, Department of Political Science, St. Olaf
College, Northfield, MN 55057; (507) 663-3345 or NCCLA
Secretariat, Center for Latin America, P.O. Box 413, Univer-
sity of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, Milwaukee, W1 53201, (414)

PCCLAS Conference. The Pacific Coast Council on
Latin American Studies will hold its 33rd Annual Meeting at
Arizona State University October 8-11, 1987. There will be
some 40 panels on the meeting theme, "Latin America: Crisis
and Change," as well as other Latin American topics. Special
events featuring Latin American art, film, music and dance
are also planned. Contact: Prof. Jerry R. Ladman, President
PCCLAS, Center for Latin American Studies, Arizona State
University, Tempe, Arizona 85287; (602) 965-5127.

Latin American Indian Literatures. The Fifth Interna-
tional Symposium on Latin American Indian Literatures will
be held June 3-6, 1987, at Cornell University, Ithaca, New
York. Contact: Dr. Richard N. Luxton, LAILA/ALILA
Symposia Chair, P.O. Box 163553, Sacramento, CA 95816.

Institute Internacional de Literatura Iberoamericana.
The 26th Congress of the Instituto Internacional de Literatura
Iberoamericana will be held June 8-12, 1987, in New York
City, sponsored by the City College of the City University of
New York. The theme is "History and Fiction in Latin
American Literature." Contact: Raquel Chang-Rodriguez,
President, Instituto Internacional de Literatura
Iberoamericana, Department of Romance Languages, City
College, CUNY, New York, NY 10031.

Book in the Americas. The Book in the Americas con-
ference, sponsored by the John Carter Brown Library Center
for New World Comparative Studies, will take place June
18-21, 1987, on the campus of Brown University. The con-
ference will examine the role of printing, publishing and
reading in the development of colonial Latin American
culture and society, giving attention to the comparative
dimensions of the subject (Brazil, Spanish America and
British North America). For a detailed program and registra-
tion information, write to: JCBL Conference, Box 1894,
Providence, Rhode Island 02912; or telephone (401)

North American Economies in the 1990s. An interna-
tional symposium on the economies of North America will be
held June 18-21, 1987, at the Holiday Inn-Civic Center in
Laredo, Texas. Sessions will be held on the following topics,

among others: Foreign Debt Issues, Exchange Rate Fluctua-
tions, International Banking Issues, Technology Transfer,
Economic Performance of the Caribbean Region, the Carib-
bean Basin Initiative, Economic Relations with the Third
World, Economic Relations with Socialist Countries, Border
Issues: U.S.-Mexico, Development Planning in Mexico and
Latin America, Maquiladoras and Production Sharing, and
Sociocultural Issues. The registration fee of $45 includes one
copy of the Symposium Proceedings, two receptions, and a
dinner. The Holiday Inn-Civic Center in Laredo is offering
special symposium rates of $38 single, $45 double. To register
or obtain additional information, contact: Dr. Khosrow
Fatend, Program Chair, International Symposium, Laredo
State University, West End Washington Street, Laredo, TX

Federaci6n Internacional de Estudios sobre America
Latina y el Caribe. The III Congress of FIEALC will take
place September 23-26, 1987, in Buffalo, under the sponsor-
ship of the Society for Iberian and Latin American Thought
(SILAT), the State University of New York and the New York
Council for the Humanities. The theme, "Critical Evaluation
of Latin American Studies," will encompass sessions on
anthropology, literature, linguistics, political science,
sociology, and other disciplines involved in the study of Latin
America. Centers interested in participating should contact
Dr. Jorge J.E. Gracia, president of SILAT, or Dr. Amy A.
Oliver, secretary of SILAT, Department of Philosophy,
Faculty of Social Sciences, State University of New York at
Buffalo, Amherst, N.Y. 14260; (716) 636-2444.

Association of European Latin Americanist Historians.
The VIII Congreso de la Asociaci6n de Historiadores
Latinoamericanistas Europeos (AHILA) will take place
September 8-11, 1987, in Szeged, Hungary. The theme is
"Iglesia, Religi6n y Sociedad en la Historia Latinoamericana
(1492-1945)." [The congress will be conducted exclusively in
Spanish and Portuguese.] Contact: Dr. Gyorgy Kukovecz,
Secretario General del Comit6 Organizador, Centro de
Estudios Hist6ricos de America Latina, Universidad de
Szeged, Egyetem u. 2. 6722. Szeged, Hungria.

Sociology of Education. The Sociology of Education
Research Committee of the International Sociological
Association will hold a regional conference for Latin America
and the Caribbean on the sociology of education in Caracas,
Venezuela, November 24-26, 1987. The theme is "The Effect
of State-Formulated Educational Policies: A Sociological
View." Contact. Prof. Orlando Albornoz, Presidente del
Comit6 de Investigaci6n en Sociologia de la Educaci6n,
Asociacion Internacional de Sociologia, 1986-90, Apartado
No. 50.061, Caracas 1050-A, Venezuela.

The Rise of Merchant Empires. The Department of
History and the Center for Early Modern History at the
University of Minnesota are sponsoring a conference on "The
Rise of Merchant Empires: Changing Patterns of Long-
Distance Trade, 1350-1750" at the University of Minnesota
October 9-11, 1987. Principal speakers will be: Niels
Steensgaard (History, University of Copenhagen); Carla
Rahn Phillips (History, University of Minnesota); Douglass
C. North (Economics, Washington University); Russell R.
Menard (History, University of Minnesota); Frederic Mauro
(History, University of Paris X); Michael Pearson (History,
University of New South Wales). Copies of papers will be
available to registrants; papers will be discussed-not read-
at the conference. For further information contact: Lucy
Simler, Department of History, University of Minnesota, 267
19th Avenue South, Minneapolis, MN 55455.

Ethnomusicology. The Society for Ethnomusicology will
hold a conference in Ann Arbor, Michigan, November 5-8,
1987. Contact: Arnold Perris, Department of Music, Univer-
sity of Missouri-St. Louis, 8001 Natural Bridge Road, St.
Louis, MO 63121-4499.

Women and the Constitution. The Carter Center of
Emory University, Georgia State University, and the Jimmy
Carter Library are sponsoring a conference on "Women and
the Constitution: A Bicentennial Perspective" to be held in
Atlanta, Georgia, February 10-12, 1988. Papers and panels
are being solicited; among the suggested areas is a com-
parative analysis of women's constitutional rights: a survey
of how other countries have performed. Abstracts of papers
and panels should be sent as close to May 1, 1987, as possible
to: Dr. Cornelia Flora, Department of Sociology, Waters
Hall, Kansas State University, Manhattan, KS 66506; (913)
Congress of Americanists. The Latin Americanists of the
Netherlands will host the 46th International Congress of
Americanists in Amsterdam July 4-8, 1988. The deadline for
proposing a symposium is May 31, 1987. Write, giving the
suggested topic and possible participants to: 46th Interna-
tional Congress of Americanists, c/o CEDLA, Keizersgracht
395-397, 1016 EK Amsterdam, The Netherlands. Those
wishing to be brought into contact with scholars having inter-
ests similar to their own, or wishing to participate as
observers, should write to the above address before October
1, 1987; be sure to include your full name (print), institution,
position, and mailing address.

e mm am -- mm mm m. m nm nm mm m mm m m N. m mm m mM m.m m mm mm -m m. ma

Subscription Form

LASA-NICA Scholars News

Please sign me up for the LASA-NICA Scholars News through December 1987; check for US$10 is enclosed.




City, State, Zip, Country:

My area/field:

My employment is: __ academic; government; business; __ other nonprofit.

Make check payable to LASA and mail with form to: LASA-NICA Scholars News
c/o LASA Secretariat
William Pitt Union, 9th Floor
University of Pittsburgh
Pittsburgh, PA 15260


NEH Translation Awards. The National Endowment
for the Humanities Translations Category invites applications
for scholarly translations into English of works providing
insight into the history, philosophy, and artistic achievements
of other cultures, from ancient times to the present. Awards
usually range from $3,500 to $100,000, depending upon the
scope and magnitude of the project. The deadline is June 1,
1987. For application material and further information, write
or call: Translations, Room 318, Division of Research Pro-
grams, National Endowment for the Humanities,
Washington, DC 20506; (202) 786-0207.

Fulbright Scholar Awards. The Council for Interna-
tional Exchange of Scholars has announced the opening of
competition for the 1988-89 Fulbright grants in research and
university lecturing abroad. The awards include more than
300 grants in research and 700 grants in university lecturing
for periods ranging from three months to a full academic year.
Fulbright awards are granted in virtually all disciplines, and
scholars at all academic ranks are eligible to apply, including
retired faculty and independent scholars. Benefits include
round-trip travel for the grantee and, for most full academic-
year awards, one dependent; maintenance allowance to cover
living costs of grantee and family; tuition allowance, in many
countries, for school-age children; and book and baggage
allowances. The basic eligibility requirements are U.S. citizen-
ship; Ph.D. or comparable professional qualifications;
university or college teaching experience; and, for selected
assignments, proficiency in a foreign language. The previous
limit of two Fulbright grants to a single scholar has been
removed. Application deadlines are: June 15, 1987, for Latin
America (September 15, 1987, for lecturing awards to Mex-
ico, Venezuela and the Caribbean); November 1, 1987, for
institutional proposals for the Scholar-in-Residence Program.
For more information and applications, call or write: Coun-
cil for International Exchange of Scholars, Eleven Dupont
Circle, N.W., Washington, DC 20036-1257; (202) 939-5401.
Howard Heinz Endowment Research Grants. The
Howard Heinz Endowment is accepting grant applications
for research on current issues in Latin American economics,
politics or social development. Applicants should have a
Ph.D. or equivalent degree and be affiliated with a scholarly
institution. Applications for dissertation research will not be
considered. The maximum award is $25,000. Grant funds
may be used for travel, salary, release time, research or
administrative assistance, computer or reproduction costs,
publication, or other costs directly related to the research. The
Endowment does not include university overhead costs in its
grants. Deadline for receipt of proposals is October 30 1987
awards will be announced by February 19, 1988. For informa-
tion on eligible fields of study and proposal requirements,
write: Mrs. Marty Muetzel, Howard Heinz Endowment, 301
Fifth Avenue, Pittsburgh, PA 15222; (412) 391-5122.

SEMLA-University of Pittsburgh. The Seminario
Latinoamericano de Gerencia de Politicas, Programas y Pro-
yectos: Diseno, Evaluaci6n e Implementaci6n will be con-
ducted at the University of Pittsburgh, May 4-June 27, 1987.
Sponsored by the Graduate School of Public and Interna-
tional Affairs and the Center for Latin American Studies, the
seminar is designed to strengthen the management capability
of upper and middle-level officials in the public, semipublic
and private sectors of Latin America. Financial assistance for
participants may be obtained through international organiza-
tions such as the Organization of American States, Interna-
tional Development Bank, U.S. Agency for International
Development, United Nations Development Program and
World Bank. Persons or institutions interested in additional
information should contact: Prof. H6ctor Correa, Director
of SEMLA, Graduate School of Public and International
Affairs, University of Pittsburgh, Pittsburgh, PA 15260,
USA; (412) 648-7653; Telex: 199126.
Social Science Research Council. Advanced research
fellowships include support for up to two years of research on
the processes of U.S. foreign policy making, particularly
studies that compare contemporary U.S. foreign policy-
making processes across historical periods, issues or coun-
tries; analyze how institutions, groups, sectors or broad
societal forces bear on these processes; and make use of
theories and insights from diverse social science disciplines.
Research need not be conducted in the United States, nor is
residency at a research center required. Applications are
welcomed without regard to the prospective fellow's citizen-
ship, nationality or country of residence. Applicants must
hold a Ph.D. or equivalent research degree at the time of
application; those with professional backgrounds in law,
journalism, or government must evidence a level of accom-
plishment equivalent to the Ph.D., typically demonstrated by
the publication of articles or books which contribute to the
research literature. The award includes a stipend and limited
funds to cover research expenses. The size of the stipend will
depend on the fellow's current salary or level of experience,
but in no case can the total award (stipend plus research
expense) exceed $35,000 per year. Fellowships must be taken
within 18 months of the announcement of the award. Appli-
cation deadline is November 1, 1987. For further information
and application materials, contact: Social Science Research
Council, Program in Foreign Policy Studies, 605 Third
Avenue, New York, NY 10158., (212) 661-0280.
The Social Science Research Council also sponsors or
cosponsors research programs of interest to Latin
Americanists: Public Policy Research on Contemporary
Hispanic Issues; MacArthur Foundation Fellowships in Inter-
national Security (postdoctoral or dissertation training and
research); Fellowships for International Doctoral Research.
For information write to the Council at the above address,
inserting the name of the program for which information is

Institute for Advanced Study. The School of Historical
Studies of the Institute for Advanced Study announces
fellowships for research in the history, thought and culture of
the western world. The Ph.D. (or equivalent) and publications
are required. Qualifed candidates of any nationality may
apply for one or two terms. Some travel funds are available.
Deadline for 1988-89 applications is October 15, 1987. For
further details, write: Administrative Officer, School of
Historical Studies, Institute for Advanced Study, Olden
Lane, Princeton, N.J. 08540.
Heinz Archaeological Field Research Grants. The H.
John Heinz III Charitable Trust announces its program of
small grants to support archaeological field research in Latin
America (Mexico, Central America, South America). Three
or four grants of up to $8,000 maximum will be awarded in
February 1988 for the following types of research activity: (1)
projects which are designed as an integral but discrete part of
a larger research program; (2) preliminary research which is
expected to lead to future, large-scale projects funded by other
sources; (3) small, self-contained research projects. Appli-
cants should have Ph.D. or equivalent degree and be affiliated
with a scholarly institution. Applications for dissertation
research will not be considered. The Trust does not pay
university overhead charges. The deadline for receipt of pro-
posals is October 30, 1987. For proposal requirements or
additional information, contact: June Belkin, 420 Lockhart
Street, Pittsburgh, PA 15212; (412) 322-3942.

Center for Historical Studies. The Seminar of the Shelby
Cullom Davis Center for Historical Studies at Princeton
University will explore the subject of "Power and Responses
to Power" during the 1988-89 and 1989-90 academic years. It
seeks fellows and papers that attempt to apply in specific
historical contexts the range of analytic and exploratory
perspectives being brought to bear on power in contemporary
scholarship. The topic will embrace imperialism, accultura-
tion to it, and anti-imperialism; foreign domination, accep-
tance of it, and rebellion; internal power struggles between
status, class or religious groups; and consensus or conflict
within intermediary institutions such as churches, cities,
villages, schools and economic organizations. The Center will
offer a limited number of Research Fellowships for one or two
semesters, from September to January and from February to
June. Highly recommended younger scholars as well as senior
scholars with established reputations are eligible. Candidates
must have finished their dissertations and must have a full-
time paid position to which they can return. Fellows are
expected to live in Princeton. Funds are limited, and can-
didates are therefore urged to apply to other grant-giving insti-
tutions as well if they wish to come for a full year. The
deadline for applications and letters of recommendation for
1988-89 is December 1, 1987; for 1989-90, December 1, 1988.
Inquiries and requests for application forms should be addres-
sed to: Secretary, Shelby Cullom Davis Center for Historical
Studies, 129 Dickinson Hall, Princeton University, Princeton,
NJ 08544.


University of Arizona. Opening for Assistant Director of
the Latin American Area Center effective July 1, 1987. This
is a 12-month appointment with eligibility for continuing
appointments. Requirements: Ph.D. with Latin American
concentration in one of the social sciences; fluency in Spanish
or Portuguese; grant-writing skills; teaching and admin-
istrative experience desirable. Send letter of application and
current curriculum vitae to: Dr. Michael C. Meyer, Director,
Latin American Area Center, University of Arizona, Social
Sciences Building, Room 228, Tucson, AZ 85721. Equal
opportunity/affirmative action employer.


Overview of Endowment Programs is the National
Endowment for the Humanities' guide that describes the per-
tinent steps for those seeking funding for humanities projects.
The 1987 edition is now available. It includes program
descriptions of NEH's 35 funding areas, all 1987 application
deadline dates, data on this year's special emphases and ini-
tiatives, list of state humanities councils with addresses and
telephone numbers, list of other NEH publications, and
advice and tips on how to communicate with NEH. A free
copy of the Overview may be obtained by writing or calling:
NEH Overview, Room 409, 1100 Pennsylvania Avenue,
N.W., Washington, D.C. 20506; (202) 786-0438.
Brazilian Teaching Materials. The Latin American Insti-
tute (LAI) of the University of New Mexico has completed
twelve Brazil Study Guides. This collection of introductory
essays and bibliographical studies on Brazilian topics in
history, philosophy, literature, music, the arts, and several
realms of the social sciences, written by distinguished scholars
in Brazilian studies, was produced with the assistance of a
grant from the National Endowment for the Humanities. The
curriculum guides are designed to aid both Latin Americanists
interested in Brazil and specialists who want to develop topics
outside their areas of expertise. Each guide costs $2.50; the
complete set of twelve can be purchased for $15. LAI is also
producing twelve audiovisual slide sets, documenting various
Brazilian cities and regions, and such topics as ethnicity and
population, life in a favela, and the legacy of the gold era in
Minas Gerais. Each set will include 45-50 slides, an audio
cassette, and a printed booklet describing each slide and pro-
viding supplementary information. Both English and Por-
tuguese versions will be offered. The first sets, to be ready by
October, will cost $20 each. For further information or order
forms contact: Jon M. Tolman, Director of Luso-Brazilian
Programs, Latin American Institute, 801 Yale NE, University
of New Mexico, Albuquerque, NM 87131, (505) 277-2961.

TO: Harve C. Horowitz, LASA Advertising/Exhibits Representative
10369 Currycomb Court
Columbia, MD 21044

FROM: Name

Please contact the following publishers) concerning recent titles I have authored that would be of interest to my colleagues
and appropriate for display at the March 17-19, 1988, LASA congress in New Orleans:


SCheck here if interested in arranging own display if publisher declines participation.


Harve Horowitz, our advertising/exhibits represen-
tative, thanks all of you who have informed him in the
past about books you wanted to promote at LASA con-
gresses. Publishers often respond positively and display
recent titles of members.

We are pleased that Mr. Horowitz will represent us
again at our 1988 New Orleans meeting. Please let him
know about your latest publications so your publishers
can benefit from the marketing potential of our exhibits
and program advertising. This is a valuable opportunity
to bring titles of interest to the attention of your

Please photocopy the form below and send it to Mr.
Horowitz, or otherwise provide him with the following
information. Thanks for your attention to this impor-
tant matter.


You are cordially invited to join LASA in 1987. Members in all categories enjoy voice and vote in the conduct of the associa-
tion. The three-year rate (for 1987, 1988 and 1989) avoids probable dues increases in 1988 and 1989.
Membership Categories and Rates One Year Three Years Amount

Introductory (for new members only) o $21 (one year only) $
Under $20,000 annual income D $28 O $84 $_
Between $20,000 and $29,999 annual income E $32 o $96 $_
Between $30,000 and $39,999 annual income 0 $38 o $114 $_
Over $40,000 annual income E $44 o $132 $_
Joint Membership (for second member at same mailing
address as first member; one copy of publications sent.
Add to rate (above) for highest income of the two, or to
categories below: E $13 o $39 $
Student Associate (five-year limit)
[Professor's signature certifying student status]:
S$18 l $54 $
Latin Americanists permanently residing in
Latin America or the Caribbean (incl. Puerto Rico) o $18 o $54 $_
Emeritus Member (for retired members) o $18 O $54 $

Consortium of Latin American Studies
Programs (CLASP) o $60 $_
Nonprofit Institutional Sponsor 0 $60 $
Institutional Sponsor (Profit) O $500 $

If you wish to receive the LASA Forum by air mail, please add the following amount per year for
postage: Canada and Mexico, $3; all other countries, $13. $
We encourage you to make a contribution to the LASA Endowment Fund. $
TOTAL PAYMENT ENCLOSED ........................................................ $
Please make checks payable to the Latin American Studies Association and mail along with this page to: LASA Secretariat, William
Pitt Union, 9th Floor, University of Pittsburgh, Pittsburgh, PA 15260, USA. Members residing outside the U.S. must send either
a money order, a check in U.S. dollars drawn on a U.S. bank, or a UNESCO coupon for the U.S. dollar amount payable. There
will be a $10 charge for all returned checks.
All members receive three issues of the Latin American Research Review and four issues of the LASA Forum per year. If you desire
air mail delivery of LARR, please contact the LARR office at the Latin American Institute, 801 Yale NE, University of New Mexico,
Albuquerque, NM 87131.



Latin American Studies Association
William Pitt Union, 9th Floor
University of Pittsburgh
Pittsburgh, PA 15260

Nonprofit Org.
Pittsburgh, PA
Permit No. 511

University of Florida Home Page
© 2004 - 2010 University of Florida George A. Smathers Libraries.
All rights reserved.

Acceptable Use, Copyright, and Disclaimer Statement
Last updated October 10, 2010 - - mvs