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Title: LASA forum
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Publication Date: Winter 1987
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Full Text

Latin American Studies Association
William Pitt Union, 9th Floor
University of Pittsburgh
Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania 15260
(412) 648-7929

February 1987

Dear LASA Colleague:

We are pleased to send you a copy of the Winter 1987 Forum.
We wish also to take this opportunity to thank you for renewing
your membership in LASA in a timely fashion.

The year 1986 closed on a high note: we continue to hear very
positive things about the Boston congress from many quarters; the
secretariat survived the transition from Texas to Pittsburgh and the
financial health of LASA is sound. We anticipate that planning for
the XIV international congress, to be held in March of 1988 in New
Orleans, will continue to go smoothly, under the auspices of several
very talented people and that several projects planned by LASA's
task forces will be carried out successfully.

The secretariat attempts to be as responsive as possible to
the inquiries of our members and to various problems that arise in
our attempt to successfully manage the records of more than 2700
individuals and institutions, and meet their needs along several
dimensions. We think we have a handle now on the kinds of problems
that tend to occur and recur, and have tried to take preventive
measures to ward them off. Please help keep us on our toes by
communicating with us as frequently as necessary about your

We wish the very best for you in this new year.


Reid Reading
Executive Director

Latin American Studies Association
William Pitt Union, 9th Floor
University of Pittsburgh
Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania 15260
(412) 648-7929

Dear Forum Subscriber:

We in the secretariat labored long and hard to produce a
Winter 1987 Forum of the highest professional quality. Errors
were made at the print stage, however. Bottom margins are too
small, but much more serious is the blank inside cover and the
placement of page 2 where page 3 should be. This created a
problem in the congress proposal forms for LASA 88. It was
intended, for example, that page 40 (list of participants) be on
the back of page 39, Proposal for Organized Session, for easy
tear-out and submission.

Although we are far from satisfied with the appearance of
this issue, time does not permit a reprint. We are, however,
enclosing a separate page 39 and 40 for your convenience.

We regret these errors and anticipate a more satisfactory
outcome next issue.

LASA Secretariat

LASA Forum

Latin American Studies Association

Winter 1987

The United States and Latin America:
"Out of Phase" Again?
Wayne A. Cornelius
Past President of LASA*
Several hundred participants in LASA's 20th Anniver-
sary International Congress in Boston attended the presenta-
tion and discussion of a major new paper on Latin America's
recent development experience by Albert O. Hirschman, win-
ner of the 1986 Kalman Silvert Award. This award was
created by the LASA Executive Council in 1982 to honor
senior members of our profession who have made a distin-
guished lifetime contribution to the study of Latin American
countries and to the advancement of the profession generally.
LASA is an interdisciplinary organization, and the occa-
sion of awarding the Silvert prize provides an opportunity to
recognize and underline that special characteristic of our
association. The breadth of a scholar's contribution and
influence beyond the boundaries of his or her own home
discipline is, therefore, an important criterion of selection.
LASA is also an international organization, and it is expected
that the person chosen to receive the Silvert Award will be one
whose intellectual influence and whose service to the profes-
sion have extended well beyond the United States.
On these and a number of other key dimensions, the
selection committee for the 1986 Silvert Award' felt that
Albert Hirschman is singularly well qualified. It would be dif-
ficult to think of another member of the Latin American
studies profession whose work has been drawn upon so exten-
sively by practitioners of all of the social science disciplines
and history. It would be equally difficult to think of another
member of our profession who has contributed more to even
broader currents of social science thought and inquiry, and
who has done more to integrate Latin American studies into
the mainstream of social science in the United States.
Indeed, Albert Hirschman's career is a tribute to the
power of ideas: powerful, unorthodox ideas, so simply and
lucidly formulated that they travel extraordinarily well across
international and disciplinary boundaries, and across genera-
tions. There are few practicing Latin Americanists today
whose graduate training did not include some exposure to
such Hirschman books as National Power and the Structure
of Foreign Trade; The Strategy of Economic Development;
Journeys Toward Progress; Exit, Voice and Loyalty; A Bias
for Hope; and Development Projects Observed; and classic
Continued on page 3

Is Latin American Development Dead?
A View from the Mid-1980s
Pedro Pablo Kuczynski
Managing Director, First Boston Corporation
Co-Chairman, First Boston International
[Editor's Note: Thefollo wing is an edited transcript of the address given
by Pedro Pablo Kuczynski at the Plenary Session of the LASA International
Congress in Boston, October 23, 1986. The speech was given from memory
and afew reconstructed notes, since the prepared version had been lost the
previous day when Mr. Kuczynski's briefcase did not arrive with him at one
of his international stopovers.]
I will talk about where the Latin American economy
stands as of the mid-80s and where I think it is going. The
obvious backdrop is the debt crisis. We all know what that has
done to the average Latin American economy, with a drop in
per capital income of about 14 percent from 1981-82 to the pre-
sent time. One should always look at income-not simply at
GNP figures which measure production; one should look at
the purchasing power of production, which is affected by the
terms of trade.
Stagnation and Commodity Depression
There has been no significant employment growth in
Latin America since 1982 other than in Brazil during the last
year, and in the intervening years the labor force has grown
by about 15 percent. Hence the effective unemployment and
underemployment rates are probably extremely high and cer-
tainly much higher than the official numbers show except for
countries that have relatively good statistics in this field such
as Chile and Colombia.
It is also clear that during that period investment and sav-
ings have plummeted. There has been a drop of about 40 per
cent in investment, and because of the huge transfers by
governments for debt service, purely in the definitional sense,
savings have fallen by a similar amount. Latin America has
transferred out something like $120 billion in net terms, which
is roughly equivalent to the trade surplus during that period;
this surplus is in turn roughly equivalent to the amount of
interest paid to commercial banks during the same period.
The commercial bank interest bill per year, about $25 billion
at the moment, was as high as $35 billion in 1984.
The total external debt has grown from about $325
billion in 1982 to something like $380 billion today, with little
to show for it. Less visible but equally clear is the fact that
Latin America's export earnings in nominal terms have stayed
Continued on page 9

Vol. XVII, No. 4


The United States and Latin America: ................... 1
"Out of Phase" Again?
By Wayne A. Cornelius

Is Latin American Development Dead? .................... 1
A View from the Mid-1980's
By Pedro Pablo Kuczynski

Popular Hegemony and National Unity: .................. 15
The Dialectics of Sandinista Agrarian
Reform Policies, 1979-1986
By Ilja A. Luciak

Call for Silvert Prize Nominations ....................... 19

XII International Congress, Boston:
Final Report of the Program Committee ..............20
Congress Program and Papers for Sale ................ 22
Report of the Business Meeting..... .................. 24

Nominations Invited for 1987 Slate ...................... 26

LASA Task Force Reports:
M ass M edia ......... ........... .................. 27
Women in Latin American Studies ..................... 27
Scholarly Relations with Spain........................27
Scholarly Relations with the Soviet Union ............... 28
Scholarly Relations with Cuba........................28
Scholarly Relations with Nicaragua ...................... 29
Report on the 1986 LASA Research ................ 29
Seminar in Nicaragua
By Thomas W. Walker

Human Relations & Academic Freedom .................. 31
Peru Opposition Leader and Brother................. 31
Arrested While Voting in Lima
Human Rights Monitors in Latin................... 31
America: Under Fire
By Holly Burkhalter
Human Rights in Puerto Rico: 1987...................33
A Report for the Latin American
Studies Association
By Anthony M. Stevens-Arroyo

Latin American Studies Regional Organizations ............ 36

XIV International Congress, New Orleans:
Report from the Program Committee................. 37
Proposals for Congress Participation:
Proposal for Paper Presentation.....................38
Proposal for Organized Session .................... 39
Proposal for Special Events and Meetings ............. 41
Proposal for Film Festival Submissions ................ 42


Forthcoming Conferences/ Symposia.................... 43

Research & Study Opportunities........................45

Employment Opportunities............................46

Publications .......................................... 48

UNESCO Coupons for Payments from Latin America......48

Latin American Studies Association

Vice President:

Cole Blasier (University of Pittsburgh)
Paul Drake (University of California, San Diego)

Executive Council:
(For term ending December 1987):

(For term ending June 1989):

Executive director:
Assistant to the executive director:
Publications director:

Susan Eckstein (Boston University), William LeoGrande
(American University), Arturo Valenzuela (Duke University),
Werner Baer (University of Illinois),
Peter Bell (Carnegie Endowment), Lorenzo Meyer (Colegio
de Mexico), Marta Tienda (University of Wisconsin).

Reid Reading (University of Pittsburgh)
Lynn M. Young (University of Pittsburgh)
June S. Belkin (University of Pittsburgh)

The LASA Forum is published in the winter, spring, summer and fall. All contributions should be directed to the Editor, LASA Forum,
William Pitt Union, 9th Floor, University of Pittsburgh, Pittsburgh, PA 15260. Opinions expressed herein are those of individual
authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Latin American Studies Association or its officers.
ISSN 0890-7218


articles like "The Changing Tolerance for Income Inequality
in the Course of Economic Development" and "The Search
for Paradigms as a Hindrance to Understanding." And there
are also probably few among us who are not exposing our own
graduate students to such rich and provocative fare, whose
freshness and relevance to the intellectual and public policy
debates surrounding Latin America remain undiminished.
For more than three decades, Albert Hirschman has
blended the theoretical and applied dimensions of research
with consummate skill. He has been a leader of socially con-
structive social science dealing with Latin America. In his
occasional advice to Latin American governments, his evalua-
tions of the activities of various international development
agencies operating in Latin America, as well as his active sup-
port and encouragement of research institutes in Latin
America, Hirschman has demonstrated his strong commit-
ment to public service.
It is a source of inspiration and encouragement to many
of us that Albert Hirschman remains so active professionally,
still doing fieldwork and turning out a stream of important
books and articles in his early 70s. His latest paper, prepared
at the request of the Silvert Award selection committee for
presentation at LASA's Boston Congress, draws upon inter-
views which he conducted during a two-month field research
trip to Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Mexico in April-May,

While the paper does contain a certain amount of
retrospection, as implied in its subtitle, the issues addressed
in this analysis could hardly be more timely and controversial.
Professor Hirschman's analysis of these matters is, character-
istically, fresh and provocative, and merits wide attention as
a corrective to much of what passes as the conventional
wisdom on Latin America's current economic crisis.
Hirschman's review of the development experiences of
Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Mexico since the early 1970s
yields some startling new hypotheses (e.g., that the Geisel
military government's import-substituting industrialization
policy helped to set into motion the dismantling of repressive
authoritarianism that has occurred in Brazil in the 1980s), and
some new concepts (e.g., "import-preempting industrializa-
tion") that seem destined to become part of the vocabulary of
Latin American social science.
His concluding observations on Latin America's exter-
nal debt crisis constitute a spirited attack upon what he terms
"the relentlessly ideological positions" on such matters being
taken by the current U.S. administration and many members
of the international financial community. Arguing that, as in
the 1960s, the United States is seriously "out of phase" with
its southern neighbors, Hirschman points out that "North
Americans, so proud not long ago of their pragmatism, have
taken an ideological turn while Latin Americans have become
skeptical of their former sets of certainties and solutions."
Latin Americans, chastened by "the spectacular miscarriage

of ideology-driven economic policies (of both Left and
Right)" during the last ten years, now react "with con-
siderable mistrust toward any system of thought that pretends
to have all the answers to complex problems faced by their
Hirschman warns that incessant U.S. preachings to the
Latin Americans "full of unqualified praise for the free
market and...condemnation of the state" are "vastly counter-
productive," and that "by pretending to export its free-
market credo as a universal remedy, the Reagan administra-
tion is inadvertently cutting itself off from any kind of rapport
with the new leadership of the emergent Latin American
The expert commentators assembled in Boston to discuss
Professor Hirschman's paper from five different disciplinary
perspectives found much to agree with. However, there was
some uneasiness about Hirschman's revisionist view of Brazil
under the Geisel administration; some skepticism concerning
the durability of Brazil's and Argentina's recent successes
with heterodoxx shock therapy" to fight inflation (skepticism
reinforced by more recent events in Brazil'); criticism of the
relative neglect of changes in class structure and class alliances
and an overemphasis on "statecraft" in Hirschman's explan-
ations of policy successes and failures; and a call for greater
attention to the unsolved problem of wealth redistribution,
combined withth concern that in a number of Latin American
countries, IMF-imposed economic policies of the 1970s and
'80s have seriously reduced the state's potential role in
Finally, commentator Tom Skidmore (History, Univer-
sity of Wisconsin) ended speculation about Albert
Hirschman's disciplinary center-of-gravity by pronouncing
him a "closet historian." The commentaries by four other
panel members are reproduced below, in slightly condensed

A Sociologist's Perspective
by Gilbert W. Merkx
University of New Mexico

Throughout his illustrious career, Albert O. Hirschman
has specialized in "turning the prism": taking information
and viewing it in a new light or from a different angle. In these
"Seven Exercises in Retrospection," Professor Hirschman
has once again helped us to reassess the nature of change in
Latin America. Hirschman's exercises are not, for all their
clarity of exposition, "seven easy pieces." They are rather a
theme with six variations.

Let us first consider the central theme, which is rich in
sociological implications. The theme of "les trente
glorieuses"is that from 1945 to 1980 Latin America experi-
enced rapid economic growth, improved social well-being,

and demographic transition, despite the prevailing theoretical
pessimism and certain "unhappy policy experiences" whose
implications became clear in the 1980s. Hirschman's
diagnosis suggests that the dominant approach to economic
development in the postwar period, import-substitution
industrialization, must have been at least a partial success. His
analysis also suggests that Latin American development dur-
ing the "trente glorieuses" led to significant contrasts in the
experiences of different nations in the region.
Hirschman therefore takes issue with two popular, even
dominant, viewpoints in Latin American studies: first, that
import substitution failed, and second, that the dependent
character of development on the periphery has common
implications for the nations of Latin American. Is Hirschman
correct in these bold assertions? Of course. When he tells us
that we have been wrong in our collective pessimism, it now
seems obvious. One is reminded of the little boy in the crowd
who said "The Emperor has no clothes!" when Hirschman
says "The Empire has no clones."
If it is conceded that Hirschman is right about the theme
of Latin America's "trente glorieuses, what are the implica-
tions of his six variations? These exercises address certain
issues of political economy that have surfaced at a time when
the previously unrecognized glory has been replaced by per-
vasively recognized gloom.
Two of the variations concern policy failures: "dein-
dustrialization" in the Southern Cone and "desubstitution"
in Mexico. Three of the variations concern apparent policy
successes, all involving Brazil: "forced-march industrializa-
tion," "import preemption," and heterodoxx stabilization,"
the latter also involving the Argentine case. Hirschman's last
variation concerns the "postideological mood" and "new
experimental spirit" that are found in Latin America as a con-
sequence of past successes and failures that are now in the pro-
cess of being sorted out.
It is difficult to take issue with Hirschman's lucid
characterization of the policy experiments, although I do not
fully share his optimism about the future of Brazil's
microcomputer industry or of the heterodox stabilization pro-
grams underway in Brazil and Argentina. Setting aside the
future, however, and accepting Hirschman's assessment of
these experiments, a sociological perspective still leads me to
have reservations about the causes of the various policy suc-
cesses and failures that Hirschman's account implies.
Looking across these exercises in comparative political
economy, one notes that the interaction of two variables
appears in Hirschman's analysis to account for the success or
failure of economic polices. The first variable is implied by
phrases such as "the determination to extirpate," "wrong-
headed praxis," "the stubbornness of policymakers,"
"delicate steering," and "theoretical acumen and practical
imagination." Such terms relate to political will and policy
skills, or to what is now fashionably labeled "statecraft." The
second variable is represented by what Hirschman calls

"special circumstances prevailing in international finance,"
"unprecedented opportunities to borrow," "a trap set by the
international financial system," and "the energies of free
enterprise in international finance." This variable can be
summed up as "opportunity." Easy money gave policy-
makers the opportunity to make big mistakes (as in Mexico)
or big achievements (as in Brazil), with statecraft making the
critical difference. Now, of course, that opportunity is gone,
to be replaced by the challenges of managing austerity.
To a sociologist, this line of analysis seem suspiciously
close to the phenomena being explained. Is the explanadum
independent of the explanans? Putting it more simply, if the
policy experiments work in a context of opportunity, this is
assumed to reflect good policy and if they fail, bad policy. To
identify the content of policy with the virtues or failings of the
policymakers is to fall victim to the circularity common in
statecraft theories. The question of why certain policies are
adopted instead of others or of what determines their content,
raises issues more fundamental than statecraft.

Having recently interviewed a number of economists
who held key positions in several Argentine and Chilean
governments, I was led to two inexplicable conclusions. All
the economists were alike in possessing "theoretical acumen
and practical imagination," and they uniformly viewed the
presidents under whom they served (whether generals or
politicians) as economic ignoramuses. Yet it was the
presidents, and not the economists, who made the key
economic decisions, doing so for political reasons. Hirschman
himself suggests as much when he notes that the democratic
governments of Argentina and Brazil turned to the heterodox
economists only as a last resort, when other measures had
failed or were politically unacceptable.
The notion of the unacceptability of certain policies
returns us to the social context in which policies are shaped.
The importance of the social context is the subject of
Hirschman's opening theme, but is deemphasized in his
subsequent exercises in comparative political economy. There
is, however, a linkage between the growth of the "trente
glorieuses" and the various policy temptations and experi-
ments that resulted. The nature of this linkage during at least
one phase of policy selection is convincingly explored in
Guillermo O'Donnell's account of the impact of "threat"
upon the programs of the bureaucratic-authoritarian regimes
that emerged in South America.4

Latin America's sustained growth in the "trente
glorieuses" led to major alterations in the composition of
social classes and in overall class structures, accompanied by
shifting class alliances that shaped policy outcomes. The
broad outlines of these alliances up to the 1970s have been well
analyzed in the writings of O'Donnell and others, although
they have been less thoroughly explored for recent years. In
the early part of the "trente glorieuses, the rising middle
class allied with organized urban labor in the joint promotion
of populist or reformist programs of import-substitution

industrialization. Growing working class mobilization and
rising expectations, combined with the shock waves from the
Cuban revolution, led to fears of socialism and the dissolution
of the middle class-working class alliance. The "have-nots"
were seen as outnumbering the "haves," leading to the con-
clusion that democracy would lead to revolution. As the
allegiance of the middle classes shifted towards the upper
classes, the social base for bureaucratic-authoritarian regimes
and their neo-orthodox economic policies took shape.
Yet if the totality of the "trenteglorieuses"is viewed, as
in Hirschman's perspective, it can be suggested that Latin
American development has had significant cumulative effect
on class structure. Despite the rapid overall growth of Latin
America's population, increases in the size of the middle
classes and the formal proletariat have at least kept pace with
overall demographic trends, and may well have gained as a
proportion of the economically active population. Although
Alejandro Portes' recent study suggests that the "informal
proletariat" is a relatively constant element in Latin America,
his data can also be interpreted as indicating considerable
upward social mobility, particularly given the growth of
urban informal employment at the expense of rural informal
At the same time, the perception of "threat" by the
middle classes has shifted from the fear of revolution from
below to the fear of repression from above. As a consequence,
the middle class-working class coalition has either been
reinstituted or is in the process of reemergence in program-
matic or party alliances; it is visible in terms of shared support
for civil liberties and electoral forms of parliamentary
democracy. The new heterodox policy experiments discussed
by Hirschman also reflect this emergent political context.
Hirschman's closing discussion of "democratic,
postideological space" in Latin America can therefore be
linked to his opening theme of the "trente glorieuses" by the
effects of changes in class structure and class alliances. The
transformations of growth have at last, despite various
interim disasters, created in Latin America both a social base
for democracy and a favorable ideological atmosphere. If
there is now a "desencuentro" between U.S. and Latin
American ideological trends, as Hirschman notesP there is also
within Latin America a new "encuentro" between social
structure and democracy, with corresponding implications
for political economy. Hirschman's new turn of the prism
therefore gives us a fresh perspective on Latin America and a
new set of theoretical challenges.

An Economist's Perspective
by Miguel Urrutia
Inter-American Development Bank
As has been often the case before, Professor Hirschman
expresses elegantly and in the form of political-economy pro-
positions, the somewhat disorganized thoughts of Latin

American economic policy practitioners and academics. And
as usual, I find myself in agreement with the lessons he draws
from his four stories.
His most interesting message is about the desencuentro
between the Western industrialized countries and Latin
America. He identifies a Latin American shift out of ideology
into pragmatism, a phenomenon which probably will have a
very deep impact on the welfare of the region's inhabitants,
and a puzzling nonpragmatic and ideological consensus in the
industrialized countries about what must be done in order to
achieve economic growth: privatization and economic
"laissez faire." The consensus in the developed countries is
puzzling because it is so historic. The moralistic tone in which
these recommendations are given is also puzzling.
The theological arguments about privatization sound
hollow in the mouths of the same bankers that have made the
nationalization of the private debt a condition of restructur-
ing the debt of many Latin American countries. The
arguments for financial liberalization and the efficient alloca-
tion of savings by financial intermediaries come too soon after
such liberalization produced excessive indebtedness in most
Latin American countries and the collapse of the major
private financial institutions in Chile, Colombia, Venezuela
and, to some extent, in Argentina. The calls for fiscal austerity
also lose credibility when they come from bureaucracies based
in Washington, D.C. Finally, when the issue of capital flight
comes up, one cannot help noticing that it is used by bankers
who do not want to lend to Latin America, but who hold the
flight capital deposits.
It has also become fashionable to recommend to Latin
America that it follow the Asian path to development. Latin
American economists have begun to study Asian economic
history, and they find it odd that Korea and pre-oil shock
Japan should be held up as models of economies driven by
free markets.6
Latin American economists, fortunately, are now less
ideological than they used to be. As Professor Hirschman and
Albert Fishlow argued in the 1985 Economic and Social
Development Report of the Inter-American Development
Bank, this is a very hopeful trend. There is sometimes little
sympathy for that trend from such traditional pragmatists as
the North Americans and the Japanese. For that reason there
is much desencuentro even in the staid offices of the Inter-
American Development Bank.
The new-found pragmatism in Latin America may lead
even to interesting breakthroughs in economic theory.
Avoiding the extremes of liberal neoclassical prescriptions or
dependencia theory, practical new schemes for industrial
policy may be emerging for different categories of developing
countries at different stages of economic growth, as Professor
Hirschman illustrates in the case of Brazil. New combinations
of selective trade liberalization with controls on capital flows
have also been used with some success in Brazil or Colombia,
as they were used with even greater success in Japan or Korea.

A new generation of Latin American economists is
exploring the economic theory related to some of these issues,
and is reaching unorthodox conclusions solidly based in Latin
American economic history. As Professor Hirschman has
described, Argentina and Brazil have translated some of the
conclusions of this new generation of Latin American
economists into interesting and innovative approaches to
inflation control. Bolivia, too, is in the midst of a crucial
experiment of pragmatic economic management.
Two last thoughts were provoked by my reading of
Hirschman's paper. First, I have argued elsewhere7 that infla-
tion is unpopular in democracies (much more so than in
authoritarian societies). The political tolerance of inflation
has certainly been low in Colombia and Venezuela. The
radical attempts at controlling inflation as the democratiza-
tion process progressed in the continent may, therefore, not
be so surprising. The accelerating inflation in Mexico may
also be a symptom of a decreasing pluralism in that country's
political system.
Second, I must say that I was struck by the description of
Brazil under Geisel. Professor Hirschman feels that there was
"confidence that, with the proper quantity and quality of
such steering from above, the country was assured of a
brilliant and truly modern destiny." This phrase might be
found in a historical work on Japan in the beginning of the
twentieth century. Economic growth can take place through
a revolution from above. One hopes, however, in the case of
Brazil, that the brilliant future will not involve imperial
dreams, and that the present democratic developments will be
more lasting and have deeper roots than the Taicho
Democracy-that period of growing democratization in
Japan, unfortunately cut short by militarism in the 1930s.

An Anthropologist's Perspective
by June Nash
City College, CUNY

Hirschman's paper offers a most useful critique
challenging orthodox economic principles and policies that
have dominated international financial circles. I shall trans-
late "principles" and "policies" into the anthropological ter-
minology that is more familiar to me, myths and rituals, to
sum up what I have learned from his "Seven Exercises in
The first myth is that free trade and the elimination of
tariffs should be the cornerstone for international exchange.
Brazil's success in the computer industry that he points to is
only the latest of a series of successful protectionist policies
that made industrialization possible. U.S. advocates of free
trade often forget that it was the tariff act of 1824 that rescued
the industries that had sprung up in the War of 1812, enabling
them to survive when England began dumping industrial
goods in the ports of the former colony. Trade is, of course,

never free, and the lack of national constraints gives freedom
to the dominant international interests in any historical
Myth number two is the dread of inflation that has
justified monetarist policies to curb it through ritualistic
manipulation of domestic currency. Hirschman demonstrates
how this resulted in the demise of the television industry in
Argentina and the loss of many smaller industries in Mexico.
As he points out, inflation made it possible for new industries
to find a foothold in Brazil. The abrupt devaluation of the
currencies of those economies, once they are saddled with
debts incurred during the period of overvaluation of domestic
currencies, has made it nearly impossible for them to pay the
service charge.
The third myth that Hirschman attacks is the worship of
oil as the universal medium of prosperity. Brazilian industri-
alization may even have benefited, as Hirschman shows, from
the lack of oil since the government promoted alternative
strategies, whereas Mexico's heavy reliance on expected oil
revenues left that nation burdened with a mountain of debts.
An even more flagrant example of this is Bolivia, which made
heavy investments in oil refineries in the seventies but failed
to extend exploration for new fields, finding itself without oil
to sell at any price when payment on the debt was due.

The fourth myth, masked as the Law of Comparative
Advantage, led to policies advocating the elimination of hun-
dreds of firms resulting in the unemployment of thousands of
workers, as Hirschman illustrates with the case of Chile under
the influence of the "Chicago boys." As he points out, if this
myth were pursued, the law of comparative advantage would
have led to the perpetual underdevelopment of the area.
I endorse Hirschman's use of a political-economic
framework in assessing Latin American development. I
would, however, go beyond him in linking political events
with economic policies. The "accidental overthrow" (which
Hirschman himself puts in quotation marks) of a democratic
government in Brazil in 1964 has parallels in the Dominican
Republic and in Bolivia the same year. I would ask whether
these accidents might not have been linked with change in
U.S. policy when Latin Americans started their own course of
redistributive programs. The diminishing tolerance on the
part of the U.S. for populist government may be more than
coincidentally related to the fall in the return on capital (I have
figures from 1966 to 1975 that show a drop from 18.7 to 13
percent) and a more aggressive policy of promoting invest-
ments in Latin America. The resurgence of populist govern-
ments in the beginning of the seventies-Allende in Chile,
Torres in Bolivia, Torrijos in Panama, and Velasco in Peru-
again began to address the interests of the working masses in
a way that, according to Oscar Ugarteche, "confronted inter-
national capital."8 Two of these leaders were killed in cir-
cumstances that may have been directly linked to interna-
tional capitalist interests, and a third died in an airplane

These events give a special dynamic to the political-
economic approaches advocated by Hirschman. In the
restructuring of the international economy in the second half
of the seventies, political solutions backed by military
pressures became ever more important in economic trends.
When the U.S. economy went into a recession in the second
half of the 1970s, the U.S. pursued a policy of fighting infla-
tion with high interest rates. With declining investment
resulting from this policy, there came a decline in the demand
and prices for raw materials that had been the major exports
of Latin American countries. At the same time, the Latin
American countries that had contracted their debt at 6 percent
interest were beginning to feel the squeeze on servicing the
debt with interest rates that rose to 17 percent. The positive net
transfers of credit reached a peak in 1980, and then Latin
American countries began to export capital to the developed
centers. Many Latin American politicians assert that U.S.
recovery in the 1990s is based on debt repayments at exorbi-
tant rates of interest from Third World countries. Investments
in the form of credits to nationalized firms that were not
expropriable were a surer form of revenue than investments
in real property that could be taken over by the national
Similarly, Oswaldo Sunkel has stressed the serious reper-
cussions of the international recession on Latin America. This
recession brings to light "the gravity of the structural prob-
lems which the development style had long been trailing in its
wake, and which the financial boom had made it possible to
cover up."10 These are: the "problems of external imbalance,
dependence and vulnerability; of intensive concentration of
the fruits of economic and social progress, in terms both of
income and ownership and of their geographical complement;
and the problems of income distribution, of unemployment,
underemployment and poverty and socio-political marginal-
ity in very large sectors of the population." I would like to
emphasize that problems that were endemic to Latin America
in the "thirty glorious years" have been exacerbated by the
export of the crisis from the U.S. to the Third World, via the
international banking system.

Although Hirschman recognizes that the problem of
redistribution has not been solved, he does not make it central
to his analysis of industrialization. Neither Mexico nor Brazil
have succeeded in avoiding the increase in wealth differences
which accompanies the advance of industrialization. In a
recent article, Werner Baer has pointed out that between 1950
and 1982, when Mexico and Brazil experienced their highest
industrial growth rates, the distribution of income worsened
in both countries, with the share of the national income of the
lower 50 percent of the population declining from 17.7 in 1960
to 14.6 percent in 1980, while the top 10 percent's share
increased from 39.7 percent in 1960 to 47.7 percent in 1980.
In Mexico, the share of the lowest 20 percent of income
earners declined from 7.8 in 1950 to 1.9 percent in 1975, while
the top 10 percent increased their share from 38.6 in 1950 to
43.5 percent in 1975." These figures do not take into account

recent sharp declines in real wages due to inflation and
Prebisch calls this widening gap "the fundamental prob-
lem of synchronizing redistribution of the fruits of technical
progress and accumulation of reproductive capital.'"2 He
argues that development in the long run depends upon the
redistributive power of the labor force and of the state to
maintain demand at a high level, and he goes on to point out
that the present system of capital accumulation "precludes an
efficacious fulfillment of the design of equitable

I tend to subscribe to this more radical critique. So long
as wages are the primary claim on redistribution of the social
product, the capital-intensive industrialization pursued by
Mexico and Brazil as well as other Latin American countries,
mitigates the power of both labor and the state. Moreover, the
specific policies promoted by the IMF that require reduction
of the state spending in debt-ridden countries have weakened
the ability of the state to mediate resource distribution. Brazil
and, to a lesser extent, Mexico have resisted these measures,
whereas Chile has anticipated such moves. In the past, it has
often been the case that when the unions and the state have
reached more equitable levels in the redistribution of returns
from production, military regimes have intervened. The
growing presence of U.S.-backed troops in Central America
and the intervention of a military force in Bolivia, on what
some nationals call the pretext of drug eradication, is a sober-
ing consideration for those concerned with the declining
power of labor unions and the state to prevent the shift of debt
burden to the most impoverished sectors.
It is in this context that I would like to push a bit farther
the innovative discussion of ideology and the debt contained
in Hirschman's final observations. He has clearly illustrated
the counterproductive practices of Washington policymakers
preaching austerity to the agents of Latin American countries
trying to renegotiate the debt. Their failure may stimulate
controversy in Latin America as to whether the debts of many
of the countries are legitimate, especially those loans that were
contracted during military regimes that imposed their rule,
sometimes with the help of the creditor country.
In conclusion, I have benefited greatly from
Hirschman's critique of orthodox solutions to the economic
stagnation and inflation in Latin America. I would like to
share the same optimism about the future that he expresses.
Since I have recently returned from Bolivia, where the
economy is in a condition that one analyst called "terminal
breakdown,"' I can only find ground for optimism in the
incredible spirit and deep awareness of the people in their
resistance to IMF-imposed conditions. The best way to illus-
trate this is from interviews I had with the miners in their
"March for Life and Bread" that began on August 22 in the
mining centers that are threatened with closure; a march that
was terminated by the army on August 29. Hundreds of
workers joined in a hunger strike in the mines, and women in

the Association of Housewives came to La Paz to set up their
picket. A housewife from Huanuni, when asked about her
goal in joining the hunger strike, responded as follows:
We have joined the fight to preserve the mines as prop-
erty of the state and to deepen the nationalization pro-
cess. Our parliament is composed of people linked to
the great international oligarchy of the IMF. They are
not carrying out the aims of the people. We live in con-
stant dependency on the great firms of South American
Placer, Shell and others that set the prices of our
national resources. They are trying to dismantle the
nationalized sectors of the economy and thrust us into
the informal sector. We will not have any of the rights
we have gained from years of struggle.
It is people like this that make me feel hope for Latin
America, more than the success of an industrialization pro-
gram that may indeed further the polarization of wealth.

A Political Scientist's Perspective
by Christopher Mitchell
New York University

There are times when I think that Albert Hirschman
might be described as a sort of intellectual anthropologist,
studying the evolution of social ideas in the fields of public
policy and economics. His clear and graceful prose picks up
and turns over-for our minds' inspection-influential con-
cepts, like (primitive?) man-made tools, showing how they
may be used, misused, perhaps adapted to surprising new
functions if placed in the right light or matched with a fitting
A striking freshness of viewpoint, made possible by this
analytic style, is evident in "Seven Exercises in Retrospec-
tion.' Patterns of public policy in Latin America during the
past ten years come more clearly into focus, as fragmentary
economic tools are compared with one another and their
sometimes surprising effects are traced over time. Some of
Hirschman's juxtapositions of ideas are initially jarring and
dissonant, reminding us of Orwell's observations of how dif-
ficult it is to "hold in one's head at the same time" two ideas
which convention, decorum, habit, or ideology dispose us to
separate. One resists, at first, the notion that some forms of
social improvement may well have endured or even advanced
during the acute economic distress through which Latin
America has passed during the last five years. To take an
example closer to my own discipline, one must contemplate
shifting several comfortable conceptual gears to credit the
authoritarian Geisel regime in Brazil with what may turn out
to have been constructive economic planning begun nearly fif-
teen years ago.
The danger run by unwary users of this daring style of
reasoning, of course, is that one may strike out a great deal
while swinging for the analytic fences. All of us could pro-
bably cite favorite examples of social scientists who propose

one valid conjunction of ideas for every nine whiffs at the
plate. Hirschman skirts this peril very well indeed, and I have
only one thing to quibble about: Hirschman's tracing of Presi-
dent Geisel's policies of industrial development and "the
gradual dismantling of repressive authoritarianism" to a
common wellspring in Brazil's positivist tradition. The
"common-ness" of this source is posed in such general terms
that one wonders whether the notion could ever be fairly
Albert Hirschman's eclectic concept-mongering touches
most interestingly on current political studies, perhaps, in the
present paper's discussion of Argentina's Plan Austral and
Brazil's Plan Cruzado. Hirschman argues that new
democratic governments in Latin America may find surpris-
ing political authority in the trust they are conceded by
conflict-weary mobilized electorates. The paper thus con-
tributes both to the structural study of redemocratization, and
to the sturdy rebirth of ideology as a central-and perhaps
now creative-theme in understanding political change in the
Southern Cone. One could easily elaborate the connection,
which Hirschman only sketches, between political symbols
such as human rights and civilian political supremacy, and the
stabilizing economic strategies of Presidents Alfonsin and
Pursuing this reflection, I could not help being reminded
of a habitual remark by Kalman Silvert. When commenting
on a manuscript, Kal would often note at the end: "And never
omit values!" In a structuralist era, I often scanted the advice,
and sometimes even wondered what it meant. Such wonder-
ing is over. In some Latin American societies, more is being
revalued than the national currencies, and revalidated
political symbols may help to integrate social coalitions that
will prove both progressive and powerful.
In this paper-as in so much of his work-Albert
Hirschman has anticipated the critic by performing well so
many basic but often neglected tasks. "Seven Exercises in
Retrospection" is of course interdisciplinary and theoretically
eclectic, drawing on Burke and Hegel just as Hirschman's
earlier studies put to use ideas from sources as diverse as
Flaubert, Georges Sorel, Paul Tillich, Sartre, Machiavelli,
Rousseau, Charlie Chaplin, and the Polish philosopher
Kolakowski. This paper is vividly empirical, based on new
research and field visits to Latin America. Much of it draws
on the work of iconoclastic younger economists, and brings
the perspective of four decades to bear in assessing (sym-
pathetically) the new policy twists their studies discern. One
has only to read contemporary social science-alas, even
Latin Americanist social science-to grasp how rarely these
virtues present themselves, especially together.

This paper reintroduces us, finally, to Albert Hirschman
the qualified optimist, a turn of mind for which he has taken
considerable criticism. In other hands-that have not shown,
among other things, such serious care for the needs and
strengths of the poor in our hemisphere-Hirschman's

discernment of the positive in contemporary affairs would
ring hollow indeed. As it is, this paper does what he has so
often done before: In good heart, he prods us out of making
the last refinements to our neat analytic charts, to consider the
importance of an intellectual flint, potshard, bone or antler
we have not seen or understood before.

*Editor's Note: Wayne Cornelius retired from the LASA Executive
Council on October 25, 1985, after 11 years as an appointed and elected officer
of LASA, the longest continuous tenure in LASA's history. His last official
responsibility was to preside over the selection of the 1986 Kalman Silvert
Award winner and a session at LASA's XIII International Congress in
Boston, built around the paper written by the recipient, Albert O. Hirschman.
In this article Cornelius draws upon that paper and several of the commen-
taries presented.
1. The committee consisted of Wayne Cornelius (UC-San Diego),
Chair; Helen Safa (University of Florida); Peter H. Smith (MIT and UC-San
Diego); and Gilbert Merkx (University of New Mexico).
2. The paper is entitled "The Political Economy of Latin American
Development: Seven Exercises in Retrospection." It is currently available,
in preliminary working-paper format, from the Center for U.S.-Mexican
Studies, University of California-San Diego (D-010), La Jolla, Calif. 92093,
USA (Working Paper No. CE-03); and from the Helen Kellogg Institute for
International Studies, University of Notre Dame, Notre Dame, Indiana
46556, USA (Working Paper No. 88). The final version of the paper will be
published by the Latin American Research Review, fall 1987.
3. See Alan Riding, "Brazil Increases Prices to Slow Consumption,"
New York Times, November 22, 1986.
4. Guillermo O'Donnell, Modernization and Bureaucratic-
Authoritarianism: Studies in South American Politics (Berkeley, California:
Institute of International Studies, University of California, Berkeley, 2nd ed.,
5. Alejandro Portes, "Latin American Class Structures: Their Com-
position and Change during the Last decades," Latin American Research
Review, Vol. 20, No. 3 (1985): 7-39.
6. The myth that the economic success of various East Asian coun-
tries is due largely to low state intervention is effectively dispelled in the papers
presented at the conference on "Development Strategies in Latin America and
East Asia: A Cross-Regional Comparison," Center for U.S.-Mexican
Studies, University of California, San Diego, and Institute of the Americas,
La Jolla, California, May 4-6, 1986. A selection of these papers will be
published by the Center for U.S.-Mexican Studies in 1987. [W. Cornelius]
7. Gremios, Politica Econ6mica y Democracia (Bogota, 1983).
8. FLACSO, La Deuda, (La Paz, 1985), p. 48.
9. Ibid, p.49.
10. Oswaldo Sunkel, "past, Present and Future of the International
Economic Crisis," CEPAL Review 22 (April, 1984), pp. 101-2.
11. Werner Baer, "Growth with Inequality: The Cases of Brazil and
Mexico," Latin American Research Review, Vol. XXI, Number 2 (1986),
pp. 197-206.
12. Raul Prebisch, "The Global Crisis of Capitalism and its Theoretical
Background," CEPAL Review 22 (April, 1984), pp. 159-178.
13. Thomas Goslin, "Bolivia: A Nation in Crisis," Christian Century
(February 6-13, 1985), p. 6.

completely flat-stuck at about $95 billion since 1982. Yet the
volume of exports has grown between 20 and 30 percent,
depending on the measure used, so that in effect the purchas-
ing power of exports has declined by about 17 to 24 percent
during that period.

As we all know, during periods of inflation like the 1970s
it was fashionable to say that inflation is like the tide: it lifts
all boats and makes all debts go down in real terms in the
amount by which inflation raises nominal income. Unfor-
tunately, general inflation is not always referent to particular
commodity exporters, be they in Texas, Kansas, Chile, Peru
or any commodity-producing country or company. The prices
that matter to them are not general inflation, be it in their own
country or in the world, but rather the prices of what they sell.
Measured in that way, which is the purchasing-power-of-
exports measure of debt, the debt has gone from $325 billion
in 1982 to about $430 billion today. If one adjusts for
U.S.inflation, which is the normal way, the debt has barely
grown, from $320 to about $360 billion. But if one adjusts the
debt for the purchasing power of the earnings which are
needed to service it, then the debt has gone up by about one-
third. This is why even though international interest rates
around the world have fallen drastically, they are still very
high for commodity producers.

If a U.S. steel producer has had declining sales prices per
ton of steel for the past four or five years, it means that even
though the nominal interest rate on its debt has gone down,
in fact the interest burden has not. Similarly, the copper-
adjusted debt of Chile has gone from $20 to $35 billion in the
last five years, and the petroleum-adjusted debt of Mexico has
gone from about $80 to $160 billion during the same period.
Hence the difficulties of servicing the debt. We tend to forget
effective burdens when we look only at nominal numbers.

Brazil and Mexico: The Terms of Trade Factor

It is true that there has been major positive development
in the last year or year and a half. It is the favorable effect of
declining oil prices upon oil-importing debtor countries,
notably Brazil. Within the picture of Latin American debt dif-
ficulties, Mexico and Brazil symbolize the differences that
have resulted from the accelerated commodity price drop and
especially the huge drop in oil prices. Mexico borrowed
between 1979 and 1981 when it need not have done so; it did
so to accelerate growth. Its debt to the banks doubled from
$30 to almost $60 billion during those two years even though
its exports more than doubled. Brazil also borrowed between
1979 and 1981, but to a much lesser extent because the banks
did not really want to lend to Brazil. Brazil borrowed because
it had to in order to maintain a modicum of growth in the face
of an adverse change in the terms of trade. The result is that
countries like Mexico, which borrowed at the peak of their
market and which are now at the bottom, are having enor-
mous difficulties, whereas those like Brazil, which borrowed
at the bottom of their market, are now floating upward as
they feel the effect of the equivalent of a large capital inflow

in the form of lower costs for imported oil. Therefore if one
compares the volume of Brazilian imports, which has gone up
quite fast in the last year and a half, with their cost, which has
gone down dramatically, a big acceleration in growth has
become possible. The capital inflow, of course, makes the dif-
ference between the two countries. There are other dif-
ferences. The large internal market in Brazil is certainly one,
and this is what I think differentiates it from pure commod-
ity exporters, such as some of the countries on the west coast
of Latin America that do not have a large internal market to
enable them to go forward.
Therefore if the terms of trade were to improve because
of a large increase in export prices, most of the Latin
American countries other than Brazil would experience a very
dramatic and rapid change in their external outlook.
However, that does not seem to be a possibility, let alone a
probability at the present time. Thus as of the mid-1980s, we
are basically sitting in the midst of a rather adverse climate for
countries that rely on commodities for the bulk of their
The International Setting
Let us now turn briefly to the international setting. For
the industrial countries the situation has been one of gradual
decline in growth since the 1950s. When looking at commod-
ity prices people tend to look at exchange rates, at per capital
consumption, and at many other detailed variables. But the
one crucial variable is: What is world growth? World growth
in the 1950s was 6 percent; in the 60s, 5 percent; in the 70s,
below 4 percent; so far in the 1980s world growth is 2 percent.
This decline is evident regardless of which combination of
years is selected-some people like to look at 1965 to 1973 to
take in the Vietnam years, and so on-but the basic trend is
there. The impact of the reconstruction of Europe and Japan,
which was the big stimulus for world growth in the fifties and
early sixties, is gone and there is nothing to replace it. That,
combined with the massive restructuring of old industries
because of the energy crisis and because of very high interest
rates in the early 80s, has led to a drastic decline in per capital
commodity usage in the industrialized countries. Metals use
in the United States, for example, is now one-third less per
unit of GNP than it was in 1973. The average pickup truck or
car built in the United States in the early 70s used 3500 pounds
of metal, but today it uses only 2300 pounds. As a result the
consumption of major commodities has stayed flat in abso-
lute terms and is declining in per capital terms.

The developing countries, particularly the commodity
exporters, which are largely in Latin America, Africa and
some of the South Asian countries, and those that are highly
indebted, which is most of them except for countries such as
India and China, have had to maintain the pace of their expor-
table production of commodities to pay for the interest on the
debt. According to UNCTAD (the United Nations Con-
ference on Trade and Development), the index of commod-
ity production in these countries has gone up from 100 to 107

in the eighties. That is not a big increase-about 1.5 percent
per year or so-but it has occurred in flat markets. At the
same time their consumption of commodities has gone down
drastically. For example Latin American steel consumption
has declined roughly one-fourth to one-third, from about 38
million tons in 1981 to something like 27 million tons in the
last year, which is also the range of consumption decline in
U.S. exports to Latin America, or about 40 percent. U.S.
exports of machinery to Latin America fell even more in the
last five years, from $20 billion a year to around $9 billion
a year.
The commodity producers are thus running faster and
faster but yet standing still in real terms because in every one
of the last five years except 1984, there has been a decline in
the purchasing power of their commodity exports. At no
point since the Second World War have commodity prices
been at such a low level as now in real terms. One can look at
the World Bank series on commodity prices and see that today
we are somewhere around 66 on an index of 100 for 1977-79;
if we go back to 1945, we see that at no point was the index
below about 95. In essence, the long-term problem of declin-
ing world growth has combined with economic pressure upon
the debtors to keep producing even though their consumption
is going down.
Thus at the margin, the people who increase world sales,
namely the developing economies of the world, are in fact
buying less while producing more and therefore exerting
downward pressure on the prices of the very products which
enable them to survive.
I do not see any prospect of the situation changing for
some time. The way out would clearly be a revival of inflation
around the world. This may take place, but usually inflation
takes place when governments think they can step up the rate
of growth. At the moment the rate of growth certainly does
not seem to be a priority in the U.S., or in Japan, Germany or
Europe in general. Rather the attitude of governments is to see
stability as the main priority while keeping inflation low.
Growth, as a result or as a cause, tends to be rather low.
Unless one is a geopolitician, there is nothing on the horizon
that makes one think that this pattern is going to change.
Is There a Way Out?
The way out is not simple or dramatic. The measures are
what I would call palliatives. What is particularly perturbing
about these palliatives is that they are going to have to operate
in an environment in Latin America in which the labor force
is still growing at close to 3 percent a year as a result of the
population increases that took place 15 or 20 years ago.
Whether the rising expectations that existed until 1982-83 will
continue or not is something I am sure you will debate in the
course of this meeting and in your research. So far it seems
that the populations have taken it on the chin and have been
willing to lower their expectations. However there is probably
some limit to this tolerance. I think we are seeing such a limit
in a number of countries, Mexico in particular.

The palliatives are nothing more than that; they are not
solutions. The Baker Plan presents the palliatives as solutions,
but there is no solution to the fact that what a country is sell-
ing to the world is going down in price and to the fact that the
world is growing ever more slowly each decade. There is no
easy solution to the fact that a country has a debt that is six
times its annual exports, which is the case in Mexico today.
That means that if the average rate of interest is 7 percent,
which looks low in nominal terms, 42 percent of export earn-
ings go simply to pay interest on the external debt. That is
what a 6:1 debt-to-export ratio means. On the other hand
Brazil has a 3:1 export ratio, and therefore its interest service
is much more manageable.

What are the palliatives? There are basically three:
capital inflows, internal economic and probably social
reform, and interest relief. The Baker Plan focuses on the first
two and disregards the third. Most commercial bank lenders
certainly are upset if anyone mentions the question of interest
relief, particularly since interest rates are nominally rather low
at present and they therefore do not see any justification for
Let us look at each palliative: first, capital inflows. The
Latin American trade surplus with the outside world has
ranged around $35 billion a year since 1983. That is the same
sum that has gone to pay the interest on the commercial bank
debt, which is the bulk of the debt. As long as a trade surplus
of that size continues with constant or declining export prices,
there will be very little real growth because that export surplus
is in the range of 4 to 5 percent of GNP. It is twice the export
surplus of Japan in relative terms. What happens then is
accounting growth, not real income growth. Therefore the
idea that Latin America can export its way out, without at the
same time importing the inputs that are needed for those
exports, is somewhat simplistic since as growth accelerates,
the marginal propensity to invest, and therefore to import, is
bound to go up. If we had a very low propensity to invest we
would be using up excess capacity. When that excess capac-
ity is used up, as is happening now in Brazil, imports go up
very rapidly. At that point capital inflows become essential.
Where will the inflows come from? The favorite idea in
Washington is that they will come from the reflow of private
capital and from direct foreign investment. I do not think
there is a reasonable chance of that happening in the next two
or three years, even if one is optimistic. The capital reflow
would after all require a drastic change in the conditions that
caused the capital outflow in the first place. And the capital
outflow was motivated more than anything else by overvalued
exchange rates, unstable political conditions, and the prospect
of slow growth. The overvalued exchange rates have clearly
gone, but investors are going to wait and see if this is a perma-
nent phenomenon or whether the forces that have tended in.
many Latin American countries to keep exchange rates over-
valued will reassert themselves. Those forces are, among
others, the fact that the voting strength in Latin America is in
the middle class. The middle class reads Time, has a relatively

high propensity to import, wants a car, wants a house. In
inflationary conditions this means that it has to have interest
subsidies in order to afford the house and, except for Brazil,
cheap dollars in order to afford imports or import- related
products, such as travel abroad and an automobile.
Thus undervalued exchange rates, which have been sug-
gested by many as the way out, are not as simple a solution as
is commonly thought. There would probably be strong
political resistance to such a policy. In Latin America there is
one car per four or five people, while in East Asia there is one
car per 30 people: that difference tends to show you what the
consumption patterns are and why it will not be at all easy to
reattract the money that has gone out. Some of it is coming
back as a result of a tight squeeze on monetary policy, but the
price is high and the results meager. Various special
schemes-insurance schemes, amnistias, blanqueos, special
bond issues-unfortunately fly in the face of market realities.
You can buy a perfectly good U.S. junk paper yielding 14 per-
cent; if you had bought first-class German paper a year ago
you would have had a return of about 45 percent in U.S.
dollars. So why bother to get your money back into country
X or Y at rates of interest that are just not enough to offset the
I think some reflow will take place as long as conditions
are stable, particularly on exchange rates. But I am pessimistic
about that being the case. Private direct investment in Latin
America today is basically bargain hunting and platform type
of investment. The debt-equity swaps are one form of this
bargain hunting in countries whose debts sell at a large dis-
count. Foreign direct investment into Mexico is important
because Mexico is the lowest cost area closest to the United
States, and there is a large amount of automobile investment
for export to the United States, partly stimulated by the Mex-
ican authorities, which have cajoled and squeezed the com-
panies hard. If they had not done that the investment would
probably have been less. There is some investment in Brazil,
but a lot of it is reinvested earnings which are kept in because
of exchange controls. So there again rather than autonomous
market forces, it is really the government that is to some
degree causing the investment.

I think some good will come out of the system of debt-
equity swaps which has been launched in the last year with a
great deal of fanfare. But the scheme relies basically on an
exchange subsidy from the central bank: The buyer of the
debt buys it at a discount outside, shows up at the central
bank, and gets 100 percent or slightly less in local currency.
Therefore there is credit creation and monetary expansion
with offsetting monetary policies which keep interest rates
high for domestic investors. For the countries that have low
discounts on their external debts like Brazil or Colombia, the
debt-equity swap mechanism is not really attractive. Other
countries, such as Argentina, now want to halve the discount
by making one put up double the investment: To get one
dollar at a discount you have to put up a real dollar on the
other side. That simply means the discount goes down by a

half. Since the discount is only 20 percent, the effective incen-
tive is 10 percent, and 10 percent is not really enough of an
opportunity incentive or a shadow return to make the investor
come forward.
The Need to Stimulate Growth
In the end what will stimulate private direct investment
is economic growth. That is the truth. It is not gimmicks
invented by commercial or investment bankers. The only
thing that will stimulate direct investment is economic growth,
and economic growth will take place only if countries have the
resources to stimulate it. That in turn means sufficient capital
inflows or else interest relief. One source of capital inflow is
clearly the multilateral development banks which since 1982
have played a very small role in resource transfer terms, which
is simply the net cash inflow. The World Bank and Inter-
American Development Bank transferred to Latin America
last year about a billion dollars or less. If one thinks that the
Inter-American Development Bank and the World Bank have
something like 3,000 people working to crank out this net
inflow of just one billion dollars, it really does not look large
in comparison with the trade surplus of $35 billion and the
interest service requirement of $35 billion. These institutions
clearly can do a lot more. The World Bank has cash reserves
today of $20 billion; together with the Inter-American Bank
it has $28 billion of loans committed to Latin America but not
yet disbursed. Anybody who looks at this says "Surely they
can do a lot more with what they've already got without talk-
ing first about capital increases and new formulas for
Clearly what is needed in the short run, and in Latin
America today the short run is extremely important, is a
substantial expansion of disbursements. This could be done
very easily just by taking all the existing loans and doubling
the proportion which the international institutions are willing
to finance. One of the reasons the disbursements are so slow
is that countries have to put up something like 60 or 70 percent
of the resources to match the foreign loan. In the present fiscal
crunch, where interest on the debt in most countries is larger
than the central government deficit, and interest on the exter-
nal and domestic debt absorbs something like 25 to 30 percent
of government expenditures, it is very difficult for govern-
ments to put up the resources; at that point public investment
stops. The feeder road program stops, and the agricultural
credit program stops and so on. This could be easily cured,
since we are facing an emergency, simply by jacking up the
disbursements. Now there are many people who say this is
anti-technical, it is balance-of-payments assistance, and so
on. But after all, what are these institutions doing if it is not
balance-of-payments assistance? All capital inflows are a
form of balance-of-payments assistance. It is simply balance-
of-payments assistance with a development bent to it. The
arguments against increasing the rate of disbursements are, I
think, without economic merit; whereas to crank out a large-
scale program of structural adjustment loans-where these
institutions are going to try to change structural defects which

have existed for 40 or 50 years with one or two loans-is
unfortunately unrealistic. I think that if we talk about this
approach two or three years from now, we will see that it was
exaggerated and that it had little effect. It could be effective
in the long run, but when there is a fire on the roof one can't
talk about the color of the tiles, which is really what is going
on with several of the solutions proposed.

I think there is something that can also be done through
market mechanisms. The gold exporters could raise some
money on Wall Street. Capital can also be raised for stock
markets. For example, along with others we are in the middle
of trying to raise a large Brazil Mutual Fund in New York
which will invest around $200 million in the Brazilian stock
market. There are things like this which can be done, and they
are a very useful beginning. But we should not be fooled; they
are not the solution to any problem. Nor is the much vaunted
loan swap market. The fact that somebody is selling off a loan
at 60 cents on the dollar in no way changes the obligation of
the debtor, because the reason somebody is willing to buy it
at 60 cents on the dollar is that he thinks he's going to get 100
cents at some point in the future. Thus much of this is sort of
financial technicolor but has nothing to do with the solution
of the problem. The solution of the problem requires a
substantial inflow of capital from the outside, and the
paradox is that today only public sources can really supply a
substantial amount of capital.
Domestic Economic Reform
Now we come to reform, which is the subject of a book
that a group of us-Bela Balassa, Gerardo M. Bueno, Mario
Henrique Simonsen and myself-completed under the spon-
sorship of the Colegio de M6xico, the Getulio Vargas Foun-
dation and the Institute for International Economics. In it we
talk about opening up economies, fostering export drives,
reducing the role of the state, and so on. I do not think
anybody disagrees with the basic merit of these objectives. I
think the problem lies, however, in the very serious difficulty
there is in implementing these kinds of measures when the
rope is really tight around the neck, which is the case in a
number of countries at the moment.
Despite that basic difficulty, we see in Mexico a substan-
tial opening to the outside which is hard for the country to
finance in the short run. It may be very beneficial in the long
run, however. The effort being made is enormous. In looking
at the restructuring of economies internally, though, we ought
to bear in mind one thing: the argument that has been made
frequently that the East Asians could do it and, therefore, the
Latin Americans ought to be able to do it too, disregards a
basic fact about what is going on in the international
economy. I do not refer to the cultural aspects or to the
natural inward orientation of a large market economy such as
Brazil or Mexico. Whenever Latin America has gone head to
head with East Asia in markets which are crowded, protection
has inevitably arisen. We have, for example, the case of tex-
tiles, which are highly protected; there are restrictions on

shoes; we have seen protection in specialty steels in Brazil and
other countries, and we are now going to see it in cars. So far
the protection has been exclusively on Japanese cars;
however, as the Koreans, Taiwanese, Mexicans and Brazilians
get into the crowded U.S. car market, one will inevitably see
voluntary agreements at first and then not-so-voluntary types
of agreements. So there are, I think, serious macroeconomic
obstacles which derive simply from the fact that the industrial
countries do not want to let go of old industries at the same
speed that new exporters are willing to replace them. Thus you
get a period of trade friction which could last 10, 20 or even
30 years.

In my opinion, the most constructive thing that could
happen in the reform of Latin American economies is pro-
bably the reorientation of public investment towards social
services and infrastructure. It is clear that in the seventies,
because of the ease of commercial bank finance and multina-
tional and export credit finance, governments misinvested in
state enterprises. In some cases these were competing with
investments the private sector would have made anyway, and
in other cases they overbuilt capacity in industries that did not
have a long-term future. It is also clear that getting rid of some
of these investments is very costly; in fact, in some cases one
cannot get rid of them. But the ones that can be sold are pro-
bably best sold at fire sale prices, because on a present value
basis, a low price received would be far less costly to the
government over a period of years than continuing the sub-
sidies. One of the curious things about privatization is that it
has become sort of the wave that everybody in Washington
writes about. The World Bank has a group of about 30 peo-
ple who are privatizing. The key to privatization is the key to
enterprise, and that is SELL. If you are on a bond trading
desk, you do not wait for the perfect price, you sell. If your
job as minister of state industry is to get rid of enterprises, you
have to begin by selling one. If you spend three years with a
large World Bank study that will have all the perfect numbers
in it, you will never sell anything. And experience shows that
unfortunately that is what is happening, although I am
hopeful that it will start to change.
I think the other important area is to substantially beef
up social investment budgets. Education budgets have
declined dramatically in real terms over the last five years, yet
research has shown the rate of return for the modest sums
involved in such budgets to be clearly much higher than the
rate of return on the hardware type of investment. Electrical
investment is going to be needed, and that is an area where the
World Bank will have to step in. There are shortages building
up, in Brazil in particular. There needs to be a reorientation
of public investment to force the sale of commercial state
enterprises and reorient the resources toward social and infra-
structure investments.
Interest Relief
Even capital inflows which, at least for a while, are going
to be largely debt-related, and internal reforms will not be suf-

ficient; the mathematics just does not work out. We cannot
expect capital inflow into Latin America in the range of $20
to $30 billion. We are getting $5 or $6 billion into Brazil
because of the lower oil price, and that is clearly significant.
That is a large part of the sum that has come from somewhere
but that very few realistically expected. But there is still a huge
gap; and therefore it is important, it seems to me, to seriously
look at interest relief.
There is really only one argument against interest relief
and it is contained in one word: precedent-just as in real
estate the important thing is location. The only argument
against interest relief is precedent because the bank super-
visors, especially the Federal Reserve and the financial
authorities in general, are scared. Since there is such a large
structure of debt around the world built up during a period of
high inflation and high price expectations, there is a legitimate
fear that giving debt relief to Mexico on the interest side will
inevitably trigger debt relief in Kansas, in Texas and around
the world. There is clearly some truth to that.
There is some degree of interest relief already taking
place with the farm loans in the United States. Also, a
substantial degree of relief was given to the savings and loan
industry five or six years ago through long periods of amor-
tization on their exposed positions. There is therefore no
reason, at least no intellectual reason, why the same could not
be done with debtors that are in very definite trouble. Take the
example of Mexico. Mexico's debt is roughly six times its cur-
rent account earnings which, as I said earlier, means that
about 42 percent of export earnings have to be used simply to
pay the interest bill. This is a completely unsustainable situa-
tion. And when the package that has just been put together is
completed and digested, which it will be by mid-1987, people
will see that the debt has simply gone up by another $12 billion
and nothing has changed. To have one's debt go up by 12 or
13 percent in less than a year when one's terms of trade have
gone down by 40 or 50 percent is a very serious matter. The
main accomplishment will be that the banks will have been
paid on time. That is not sufficient justification. To acquire
debt of that magnitude at such speed-Mexico would have
built up its present debt in eight years at that rate-with
nothing to show for it in terms of investment that will produce
future growth, and to maintain the fiction that creditworth-
iness still exists and that the country will have access to the
market at some point in the indefinite future, is not intellec-
tually responsible. This is basically the last shot of the old debt
strategy, and that last shot in my view is likely to fail.
We therefore have to think of what other ammunition
exists, and clearly the schemes all have to emerge from a very
simple truth: the banks have become the partners of a signifi-
cant number of countries. Anybody who lends you money
which takes half of your income to service is your partner; he
is no longer your banker. He is going to want to know how
you sleep, eat, and what your health is every day of the year.
The banks know that if the countries are able to limit their
debt service for a period without wasting the money, and that

is the big condition that has to be underlined, without wasting
the debt relief, they then will be in a much better position to
grow. That is the same principle of venture capital. If you put
money in some shed that makes electronics, you do not expect
the fellow to give you a dividend for years. You are basically
giving him a form of relief because you believe that five or ten
years down the road he will make you rich.
The banks are going to have to change their way of think-
ing in the same direction. They would of course link relief to
the possibility that relief will help the particular country to
grow and export. One does not have to link it to oil or coffee.
One simply has to link it to reserves and overall exports, and
there are many formulas that could be found. The main
obstacle is the reluctance of the Federal Reserve to create a
worldwide precedent. On the other hand there are very few
debtors around the world that have debt-equity ratios
equivalent to debt-export ratios of 6 or 5 to 1 and survive.
Most of those are in Japan, and they survive because until
now they were growing rapidly and the central bank was will-
ing to support the commercial banks.
The United States is reluctant to contemplate interna-
tional debt relief since it is the lynchpin of the debt strategy.
Whatever the Federal Reserve decides it is willing to do will
affect the interest relief formula that is found. European
banks are willing to accept an interest relief formula; they do
not want to put more loans on the books. The big American
banks are not willing to, not because they do not like that
idea-although any type of relief is unappealing to the
lender-but because they do not get the regulatory support to
enable them to maintain these assets on their books in a way
that will not wipe out their capital. But that way can be found;
it is being done for other institutions. The stock market still
writes down the value of bank stocks because it does not
believe in the value of the loans that are on the books; so it is
already saying what the write-down is. It should not be
beyond intellectual ability to devise a contingent formula that
would not have to be applied to every country. If such a for-
mula had been in existence two years ago, we would not have
had the charade that has gone on with the debtors of one of
the two largest developing countries in the world in the last
few weeks and months. It has been parches, as we say, or band
aids, nothing more than that. And it has fooled no one. It has
simply bought time for the thinkers to think more clearly,
which so far they have been unable to do.
In closing it seems to me that we have two unappealing
thoughts and one appealing one. The appealing one is that
Brazil, with one-third of the population and 40 percent of the
GNP of Latin America, is, despite the present world com-
modity environment, emerging from the problem. It is doing
so quite quickly. There are huge potential fiscal and infla-
tionary problems as the cruzado plan is unwound, but the fun-
damentals are there. If this breather is used productively so
that Brazilian exports can, within the next three or four years,
increase to $40 billion a year without a significant increase in
debt, the debt problem will be gone for Brazil, leaving a much
smaller sum to be managed. That is the good news.

The middling news is that for the others to get out of the
woods there is a need for public money, and public money is
unpopular today. Ever since Proposition 13, which then
blossomed into the Reagan administration which has been
Keynesian in terms of expenditure, public money for the poor
and for foreigners has been highly unpopular. Therefore only
a crisis can change this attitude. Unfortunately, orderly for-
ward planning will not take place: only a crisis will stimulate
The third item is that clearly the U.S. is going to have to
take the leadership. Latin America has had no leadership in
economic matters. Countries have not been able to get
together and make a credible statement to the United States,
which is their main interlocutor. The Cartagena process, for
example, has been basically diplomatic and has been
dominated by the fear of initiative. It has accepted the status
quo and has made small changes around it. It has not really
made clear what the new agenda should be. And I do not think
that we are going to have a new agenda coming from the Latin
American governments for some time. Therefore it will be the
United States, out of fear and self-interest, that will have to
come up with the last word.

M. .. an an a. .. -- .. .0 .*


Institutional support for the Latin American
Studies Association is both long standing and vital.
This issue of the Forum includes an application
form for 1987 with institutional categories. LASA
members are urged to contact institutions in their
communities that could benefit from Association
membership. Centers and Institutes of Latin
American Studies become members both of LASA
and the Consortium of Latin American Studies
Programs (CLASP) when they apply for LASA
institutional membership.

Thanks to all those who can give some time to
this effort.

- -- -- a a. n -- - -

Popular Hegemony and National Unity:
The Dialectics of Sandinista Agrarian
Reform Policies, 1979-1986*
Ilja A. Luciak
University of Iowa

On January 11, 1986, the Sandinista government
announced the modification of the 1981 Agrarian Reform
Law. The new law institutionalizes significant changes in San-
dinista agrarian policy which have yet to be analyzed.' The
changes suggest that the Nicaraguan agrarian reform was
reaching its limits during 1985, after successfully distributing
over 2,500,000 manzanas of land to more than 83,000
families.2 Further, six years into the institutionalization of the
Nicaraguan revolution, the balance of forces which had
emerged required a reevaluation of policies designed to
achieve one of the central goals of the revolution: to radically
change the socioeconomic conditions of the Nicaraguan
peasantry through the implementation of an agrarian reform.
The Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) has
faced a central dilemma: how to design an agrarian reform
policy which does not conflict with its commitment to a
"national unity" policy while at the same time guaranteeing
"popular hegemony." National unity commits the revolution
to economic development and national independence under
the auspices of a broadly-based, multiclass alliance. Popular
hegemony, however, sees the revolution as fundamentally
supported by the popular classes, and the interests and
demands of these classes are considered the highest priority.
In this article we first provide a fresh analysis of several
key aspects of Sandinista agrarian policy which challenges
various assumptions made in the literature. Secondly we look
at the political and economic factors that led the Sandinista
government to revise its agrarian reform policy. The dynamics
of the conflict between national unity and popular hegemony
are brought into bold relief.
On the Record: The First Six Years of Nicaraguan
Agrarian Reform, 1979-1985
The latest comprehensive data available on Nicaraguan
agrarian reform shed new light on Sandinista agricultural
policies. The overall record of the first six years is impressive.
Under the agrarian reform law the Sandinista government
distributed 2,523,388 manzanas, benefiting 83,322 families,
from October 16, 1981, to December 1985.' However, only
838,454 manzanas of the total land distributed to
cooperatives, individual farmers, and indigenous com-
munities consisted of new land.4 Of the remaining 1,684,934
manzanas, 1,421,951 manzanas constitute land in the
agricultural frontier already held by farmers who were merely
given secure titles for their properties. An additional 262,983
manzanas were later obtained by considerably reducing the

size of the state sector or area of people's property (APP).
Further, in order to distribute 838,454 manzanas of new land
to beneficiaries of the agrarian reform, the Sandinista govern-
ment had to buy land from large landowners, and the presi-
dent had to expropriate land under the right of public domain,
since only 523,403 manzanas were obtained by applying the
agrarian reform law from October 1981 until the end of 1985.'
The fact that the land of as few as 448 agricultural producers
was expropriated under the agrarian reform law, and only
one-third of the land distributed consisted of new land,
requires an explanation.
A brief examination of the three distinct phases of
reform is helpful: (1) confiscation of the Somoza land-
holdings and consolidation of the state farms (1979-1983); (2)
special titling programs at the agricultural frontier
(1983-1985); (3) the process of land distribution to individual
farmers (1985-present).
Confiscation of the Somoza Landholdings and
Consolidation of the State Farms, 1979-1983
The first phase of the Nicaraguan agrarian reform was
characterized by the confiscation of all rural properties owned
by Somoza and his associates under decrees no. 3 of July 20,
1979, and no. 38 of August 8, 1979. A total of 2,000 farms,
representing more than 20 percent of Nicaragua's arable land,
were affected. This resulted in a drastic reduction of privately-
owned large landholdings, since these farms represented 43
percent of all the land held in properties larger than 500
The former Somocista properties were usually modern,
large-scale operations, concentrating on export production.
Their distribution among the landless peasants could have
lowered or disrupted their productive potential. This
economic consideration, reinforced by the political beliefs of
some Sandinista officials, led to the establishment of a state-
farm system. By 1984 there were 92 agricultural complexes,
representing over 2,000 state farms and employing 64,855
Previous analysis of the Nicaraguan agrarian reform has
not revealed the considerable growth in the state sector (APP)
from 1981-1982, after confiscation of the Somoza properties
had been completed. In 1981 (the first year for which reliable
statistics are available) the APP controlled 1,622,673 manza-
nas, or 20.1 percent of Nicaragua's arable land.' By 1982, the
land incorporated into the APP reached 1,945,593 manzanas,
or 24 percent. This increase is considerable if we take into
account that all land distributed under the agrarian reform to

individuals and cooperatives from 1981-1982 amounted to a
mere 131,857 manzanas. Thus, if we consider the substantial
increase in the state sector from 1981 to 1982, a total of
322,920 manzanas, arguments that the pace of the reform was
slow in its first year need to be modified considerably.
The data suggest that the perception of the bourgeoisie
regarding the state's attempt to dominate the agricultural sec-
tor by expanding the size of its landholdings had some basis.9
After all, the state received more than twice as much land as
the cooperative movement and the individual farmers
together. Further, it appears that the group within the
Ministry of Agricultural Development and Agrarian Reform
(MIDINRA) which considered the path of socialist transition
to lie primarily in collectivization via state farms, was
predominant until 1982.'0 This development represented a
strong challenge to the policy of national unity.
The bourgeoisie, having observed the rapid expansion of
the APP in 1981-82, has questioned the claim made by the
Sandinista government that the area of the APP has been
reduced considerably over the last years in order to increase
the pool of land available for the agrarian reform. On this
point the data support the Sandinistas, whose policy has been
to reduce the size of state farms to the extent possible
whenever the state could not farm the land efficiently," to
avoid antagonizing the rural bourgeoisie. 2 From 1981-1985
a total of 262,983 manzanas were taken from the state sector
and made subject to agrarian reform.
The rapid pace of expropriation during the first years was
succeeded by a considerable slowdown. During 1981-83,
422,000 manzanas were expropriated under the agrarian
reform law, whereas a total of only 102,403 manzanas was
expropriated in the next two years. National unity considera-
tions appear to have been important in determining the pace
of agrarian reform. The reaction of the bourgeoisie to the
expropriations of 1981-83 explain, in part, the slow imple-
mentation of agrarian reform from 1984 to 1985.' In 1984,
the election year, 290,929 manzanas were made available for
redistribution, of which only 46,228 derived from expropria-
tions under the agrarian reform law. The government again
resorted to buying land and reducing the APP to obtain the
remaining 244,701 manzanas. The same holds true for 1985,
when only 56,175 manzanas were expropriated, while the
government bought 121,743 manzanas and reduced the APP
by 190,326 manzanas.
In short, though the bourgeoisie might have had valid
complaints about other aspects of the revolutionary process,
in these years the complaints frequently voiced by represen-
tatives of the Superior Council of Private Enterprise (COSEP)
about the "radical" nature of the Sandinista agrarian reform
are not supported by the data.
Special Titling Programs at the
Agricultural Frontier, 1983-1985
In the 1950s the introduction of cotton on the Pacific
Coast forced thousands of Nicaraguan peasants to move fur-

their inland to the agricultural frontier, after losing their land
to the expanding modern cotton farms. The agricultural fron-
tier consisted of public-domain lands in the northern and
eastern regions of the country. Generally speaking, settlers
who relocated there had no land titles and led a marginalized
and insecure existence. Under pressure from the National
Union of Farmers and Ranchers (UNAG), MIDINRA started
a program in 1982 to distribute secure land titles to these set-
tlers. With the help of UNAG, priority areas were selected for
titling programs, and promoters were sent out to collect the
necessary information so that farmers could receive titles.'4
During 1983 title was granted to 198,634 manzanas through
this process.
The pace of land titling increased dramatically in 1984
when farmers received titles to over one million manzanas.
The substantial increase can be explained by two factors, the
national elections held in November 1984 and increased
counterrevolutionary activity. The FSLN sought to maintain
or increase the political support of the peasantry by fulfilling
their long-standing claims to secure titles. Also, the farmers
could be expected to put up more resistance against the
counterrevolution with the knowledge that they were defend-
ing their own property. In 1985 the titling process started to
decline with peasants receiving titles to only 133,616
An important aspect of the special title program has been
overlooked. Though the population at the agricultural fron-
tier benefited considerably from October 1981 to December
1985 (33,397 families received secure titles), one has to keep
in mind that the 1,421,951 manzanas titled during this period
were for farmers who already had possession of their land and
long-standing claims to it, rather than being titles to new land.
This distinction aids in constructing an accurate picture of the
pace of agrarian reform.
The Process of Land Distribution to
Individual Peasants, 1985-Present
During the first years of the agrarian reform, very little
land was distributed to individual farmers. The already low
figure of 23,761 manzanas given to 408 peasants from
October 1981 to December 1982 became even lower in 1983
and 1984, with 13,144 manzanas and 15,348 manzanas respec-
tively. This development was related to two fundamental fac-
tors. First, it was necessary to maintain an alliance with the
bourgeoisie under the policy of national unity, and secondly,
the FSLN cadre had a certain distrust of the traditional
technology and culture of the peasantry.
In 1985, however, the self-imposed limits on expropria-
tions by the FSLN and the prevailing bias against individual
farming were to lose their argumentative force. The agrarian
reform plan of MIDINRA for 1985 initially called for a con-
tinuation of established policies. Under a revised plan,
however, 5,636 instead of 392 individual farmers were to be
given title to 156,745 manzanas. This was three times the
amount of land given to individuals in all the previous years
of the agrarian reform combined. What accounted for this
revolutionary change?

In early 1985 detailed studies of the election returns from
November 1984 were available for the first time. The studies
revealed data of great interest to the FSLN. In those rural
municipalities where less than 10 percent of the population
had received land under the agrarian reform, opposition par-
ties received a higher percentage of the vote than they
obtained at the national level, although they did not defeat the
FSLN.'5 This was the first hard evidence for a development
that could be sensed all over Nicaragua during 1984. The
peasants with little or no land felt betrayed by their new
Also, in early 1985 UNAG, the organization of small and
medium producers, recognized that it had neglected the
landless.'6 UNAG had originally focused its attention on
small producers organized in cooperatives, but after a process
of reevaluation began giving more attention to the needs of
individual producers, especially to the peasants with little or
no land.
An indication of this revised policy is the events of
Masaya in 1985. UNAG's president for Region IV, Juan
Galdn, headed a movement of landless peasants which took
to the streets of Masaya, demanding to be given land as indi-
vidual farmers.'7 Following the demonstrations, several
private properties and state farms were invaded by armed
peasants. Some of the properties were owned by Enrique
Bolanos, president of the Superior Council of Private Enter-
prise (COSEP). Bolanos immediately took the opportunity to
characterize the invasion of his land as a reprisal for his
political activities and an attack on the policy of national
unity.' S

With the exception of Bolanos, all affected producers
agreed to sell their properties to the state or exchange their
holdings for fertile land in regions with no land pressure. 9 In
order to expropriate Bolanos' land, MIDINRA had to declare
part of Region IV a Zone of Agricultural Development and
Agrarian Reform. This could be seen as a turning point in
Sandinista agricultural policy. The earlier emphasis on pre-
serving national unity even in the face of heavy costs to the
peasant base of the FSLN was being replaced by a focus on the
demands of the peasantry. Further, 1985 saw renewed prag-
matism on the part of the FSLN, as it finally acknowledged
the strong individualistic traits of the Nicaraguan farmer and
changed its policies in recognition of this fact.20 Masaya also
demonstrated the demise of the 1981 agrarian reform law and
contributed directly to the impetus for modifications
announced on January 11, 1986.
The 1986 Revision of the Agrarian Reform Law
New Features
On January 11, 1986, Nicaraguan president Daniel
Ortega decreed Law No. 14, a revision of the agrarian reform
law.2' The new law contains several significant changes in
Nicaragua's agrarian reform policy.

Article 1 guarantees "the rights to private property over
the land to all those who employ it productively and effi-
ciently." This article is similar to the guarantee of private
property provided in the old law. Article 2 makes subject to
expropriation abandoned, idle or underused properties, as
well as land being rented. Properties owned by absentee
landlords and worked through sharecropping or similar
arrangements are also subject to expropriation.22
The important new feature of Article 2 is the elimination
of limits established under the old law on the expropriation of
idle, underused or rented land. Whereas previously a pro-
ducer could own up to 500 manzanas in the Pacific regions
and up to 1,000 manzanas in the rest of the country, regardless
of the conditions of exploitation and productivity of his land,
under the new law all idle or underused land can be
The second significant change can be found in Article 20
dealing with compensation for expropriated idle land. Until
1986 owners of properties expropriated under the agrarian
reform law were entitled to compensation, with the exception
of producers who had abandoned their land. The new law
treats owners of idle land the same as owners of abandoned
land: they will not be compensated. However, the sanctions
imposed on abandoned and idle land do not apply in cases
where these situations are beyond the control of the owner,
such as land in the war zones.
Another significant change in the new law relates to the
right of public domain (utilidad ptiblica o interns social).
According to Article 9, the Minister of Agricultural Develop-
ment and Agrarian Reform can declare the expropriation of
rural property under the right of public domain. This measure
makes it possible to expropriate the land of any agricultural
producer, efficient or not, in an "exceptional case."24 Under
the old law, only the president had the power to declare expro-
priations under the right of public domain."
Perhaps the most surprising feature of the new law,
however, is not what has been changed but what has remained
unchanged. The revised Nicaraguan agrarian reform law still
does not establish upper limits for the size of landholdings.
Jaime Wheelock, head of MIDINRA, has pointed out though
that the implementation of the reform will be directed prin-
cipally against those large landowners who do not live on their
properties and have other professions.26 This pronouncement
is certain to affect the policy of national unity, vital to the
revolutionary project of the Sandinistas.

The Political Economy of the 1986 Reform
In examining the reasons for the reform, one should
distinguish between immediate factors that precipitated the
change and the problems which developed over the first years
of the implementation of the old law. The two most evident
immediate factors are the actions of counterrevolutionary
forces and the problem of the landless peasants.

Of these two, the more important factor has been
counterrevolutionary activity. The contras who infiltrate
from Honduras and Costa Rica affect mainly the north of the
country and the southern part of the region of Zelaya. The
attacks have resulted in a flow of displaced peasants, partly
spontaneous and partly directed by the government's creation
of resettlement camps. A total of 250,000 peasants have been
relocated, resulting in a severe disorganization of the produc-
tive sector. The other problem, that of landless peasants, dates
back to the period prior to the Sandinista victory; however it
became more pronounced in 1984. As noted above, the San-
dinista government did not satisfy the needs of this sector with
the land confiscated from Somoza, but instead utilized it to
increase the APP.
Given the political and legal constraints on expropriation
under the 1981 law, the Nicaraguan government had four
basic options for increasing the pool of land for redistribu-
tion: (1) it could reduce the size of the APP; (2) the head of
MIDINRA could declare Zones of Agricultural Development
and Agrarian Reform; (3) the president could expropriate
land using the legal measure of public domain; or (4) the gov-
ernment could negotiate with producers and buy their land.
The first option was a partial solution as noted above.
The second option, enabling expropriation of the land of effi-
cient producers, was problematic, as evidenced by the 1985
expropriations in Masaya. Option three, expropriation by
presidential decree under the right of public domain, was dif-
ficult to implement under Nicaragua's legal system.
In areas of intense land pressure, the difficulties of apply-
ing these measures frequently left the government with no
option other than the fourth. In 1985 alone the state acquired
340 properties through negotiations, at a cost of more than
500 million cdrdobas.27 Thus the government bought twice as
much land in 1985 for distribution under the agrarian law as
was accumulated from expropriations. Nicaragua's severe
economic crisis, however, has made it prohibitive for the San-
dinistas to continue spending large sums of money to buy
The provisions of the reform put the government in a bet-
ter bargaining position with respect to farmers from whom it
wants to buy land. Since it is now legally possible to expro-
priate the lands of any producer, the state can, to a con-
siderable degree, dictate the price of properties it wants to
buy. Moreover no compensation has to be paid for the expro-
priation of idle land.
A central political motive behind the reform, according
to Nicaraguan officials, is to cripple the "internal front" of
the counterrevolution, a group of agricultural producers who
provide safe houses and logistical support.28 These producers
frequently attack the revolution internally, intentionally leav-
ing their land idle or underused. Previously agricultural pro-
ducers with medium-sized farms were able to act with relative
impunity, since they were protected from expropriation under
the provisions of the old law. The new law, however, makes

this group a primary target of agrarian reform, along with
absentee landowners of large tracts of land.
The 1986 reform materialized in the wake of what
appeared to be the strategic defeat of the counterrevolution.29
The government sought to use this opportunity to eliminate
the remaining internal support system. The price of such a
move, however, is high. The new agrarian policy is likely to
conflict with the principle of national unity. The Sandinista
government has to weigh the cost of possible damage to the
policy of national unity against problems which could emerge
because of eroding support among the peasantry if the FSLN
does not provide the land it has promised.

The overall record of the Sandinista agrarian reform is
impressive: the extent of large landholdings has been reduced
considerably, the cooperative movement is growing stronger,
and more than 83,000 families have benefited. The foregoing
analysis of key aspects of the Sandinista agrarian reform sug-
gests, however, that the policy of national unity protected the
landowning class and impeded a more thorough implementa-
tion of the agrarian reform, to the detriment of the peasantry.
The data demonstrate that little new land was distributed dur-
ing the first years of the reform. Further, during this period
the land of fewer than 500 agricultural producers was expro-
priated under the agrarian reform, and most received com-
pensation even though they were not entitled to it under the
agrarian reform law.
The political and technical limitations of the agrarian
reform law precipitated the 1986 reform, which is designed to
solve the problems of peasants with little or no land by
facilitating government's acquisition of redistributable land.
The new law does not appear to repudiate the policy of
national unity. Efficient producers, regardless of the size of
their landholding, will be protected under the new law as they
have been in the past.
Maintaining a climate of security, however, will not be
easy. While it can be argued that agrarian reform has so far
not significantly eroded the policy of national unity, an
important sector of the rural bourgeoisie, continues to hold
that the "radical" Sandinista agrarian reform significantly
violates the principle of national unity and endangers produc-
tivity, as well as the rights of landholders. The FSLN's only
hope is that the political cost generated by these perceptions
will be more than offset by the support it receives from the
peasantry, as that sector begins to view itself as having an
appropriate share in the stakes of the political system.
The new law provides the Nicaraguan government with
an instrument to ameliorate the problems of the peasantry.
Only the implementation of the law will demonstrate, how-
ever, whether the renewed emphasis on popular hegemony
will translate into benefits for the peasantry and represent a
net gain in political support for the FSLN.

*An extended version of this article will appear in the May 1987 issue of
the Journal of Latin American Studies.
1. This article is based on extensive field research conducted by the
author in Nicaragua during the 1984-85 academic year and from January to
February 1986.
2. One manzana = 0.7 hectares = 1.75 acres
3. All data in this article are calculated from published and unpublished
data obtained from the Direcci6n General de Reforma Agraria (D.G.R.A.),
unless noted otherwise.
4. New land is land which has been expropriated under the agrarian
reform law, bought by the government, or expropriated by presidential
decree. The amount of new land distributed under the agrarian reform is actu-
ally less than 838,454 manzanas, since most of the 101,408 manzanas
distributed to indigenous communities consisted of secure titles to land tradi-
tionally claimed by these communities.
5. Ministry of Agricultural Development and Agrarian Reform
(MIDINRA), Avance y Perspectivas de la Reforma Agraria (Managua:
D.G.R.A., 1986), p.2.
6. Joseph Thome and David Kaimowitz, "Agrarian Reform," in
Thomas Walker, ed., Nicaragua: The First Five Years (New York: Praeger,
7. Ibid., p.301.
8. Percentage figures for 1981-1984 are from Carmen Diana Deere,
Peter Marchetti, S.J., and Nola Reinhardt, "The Peasantry and the Develop-
ment of Sandinista Agrarian Policy, 1979-1984," Latin American Research
Review XX, no. 3 (1985), p.94. The absolute numbers, as well as the data for
1985 are calculated from published (1981-1984) and unpublished (1985) data
from the Direcci6n General de Reforma Agraria (D.G.R.A.).
9. This perception was frequently pointed out to the author in inter-
views conducted with representatives of the Superior Council of Private Enter-
prise (COSEP) in Managua during 1984-85. COSEP represents the private-
sector opposition to the Sandinista government.

10. See Deere, et al., for a discussion of policy disputes within
MIDINRA, p.84.
11. Jaime Wheelock, Entrela CrisisylaAgresidn: LaReformaAgraria
Sandinista (Managua: Editorial Nueva Nicaragua, 1985), p.37.
12. COSEP and UPANIC representatives interviewed during 1984-85
do not give credence to the effort of the Sandinistas in this regard.
13. The response of the bourgeoisie to the expropriations in 1981-82
resulted in a drop in agricultural production for the same year. See Jaime
Wheelock, Nicaragua: The Great Challenge (Managua: Alternative Views,
1984), p.36.
14. Thome and Kaimowitz in Walker, ed., p.308.
15. Institute Hist6rico Centroamericano, Envio (Managua) 4,
numero 51 (1985), p.14c.
16. National Union of Farmers and Ranchers (UNAG), Main Report,
First National Congress (Managua: UNAG, 1986), p.10.
17. Barricada (official party newspaper of the FSLN), June 3, 7 and
14, 1985.
18. Press conference with Enrique Bolanos, Club de Prensa Interna-
cional, Managua, June 25, 1985.
19. Barricada, June 18, 1985.

20. A thorough evaluation of the agrarian reform up to 1985 led
MIDINRA to give future priority to the demands of poor peasants with lit-
tle or no land. The same priority was awarded to peasants displaced by the
war. Further, this policy was to be implemented using "the organizational
form most appropriate to the region in question" [author's emphasis]. See
MIDINRA, A vance, p.8.
21. La Gaceta:Diario Oficial (Managua), no.8, January 13, 1986.
22. This provision, however, does not apply to landowners who possess
less than 50 manzanas in the Pacific regions and less than 100 manzanas in
the rest of the country.
23. Barricada, January 28, 1986.
24. The following three situations constitute exceptional cases: situa-
tions of social emergency which demand that peasant families be cared for
through special agricultural programs; the existence of rural properties in
zones of a high concentration of minifundia which impede advances toward
a just and equitable distribution of land; and the necessity to incorporate rural
properties into plans of agricultural development and agrarian reform needed
to fulfill goals of the state. See article 12 of "Reglamiento a la Ley de Reforma
Agraria," Barricada, February 10, 1986.
25. Barricada, January 12, 1986.
26. Barricada, January 13, 1986.
27. To put this amount of money in perspective one has to realize that
500 million c6rdobas represented 50 million U.S. dollars at the official
exchange rate in 1985. Total export earnings for the same year were only $260
28. This analysis was offered by senior officials of MIDINRA and
UNAG in interviews conducted in Nicaragua during January and February
29. By strategic defeat is meant that the counterrevolution ceased to
pose a military threat, though serious terrorist attacks, carried out by counter-
revolutionary task forces, continued.

imn m m m il mm mm mn mm mm unl


The Kalman H. Silvert LASA President's
Prize committee, Cole Blasier (chair), Wayne
Cornelius, Helen Safa and Gilbert Merkx, requests
nominations for the 1987-88 recipient. The Silvert
prize, awarded to a member of the profession who
has made outstanding contributions to the advance-
ment of Latin American studies, will be presented
during the 1988 congress in New Orleans. Nomina-
tions should be sent to the LASA Secretariat,
William Pitt Union, 9th Floor, University of Pitts-
burgh, Pittsburgh, PA 15260, by April 1, 1987.
Proposers should include biographic information
and a rationale for each nominee.

LASA's Thirteenth International Congress convened in
Boston, October 23-25, 1986, along with the Annual Meeting
of the New England Council of Latin American Studies.
Some 1700 scholars from the United States, Latin America,
Europe and China attended the meetings, making LASA/86
one of the best attended congresses in the association's 20-year
history. The program included over 180 panels and work-
shops that addressed a wide variety of topics, plus a large
number of other scholarly events.
The success of any international gathering of this size is
critically dependent on the numerous session organizers who
put together the stimulating panels, workshops and round-
tables, while maintaining high standards for scholarly presen-
tations and debate. The excellent quality of the sessions at the
Boston meeting is directly attributable to the seriousness with
which these individuals fulfilled their roles as organizers.
LASA/86 organized six multidisciplinary sessions,
following the custom begun in Albuquerque in 1985. These
large meetings, two of which were scheduled each day,
brought together scholars from a variety of disciplines to
discuss the state of the art of topics of broad interest to Latin
Americanists or current issues of controversy within the field
of Latin American studies. The topics for the state-of-the-art
panels were diverse and stimulating: Feminist Criticism and
the Problem of Marginality, Theories of Change in Latin
America, and Peasant Studies; as were the topics considered
in the current issues and controversies meetings: Can the
United States Promote Democracy in Latin America? State
and Society, and Claims of the Past and Hope for the Future
in Puerto Rico. Attendance at these meetings was high, and
the presentations were uniformly exceptional. The multidis-
ciplinary sessions provided an important counterpoint to the
more specialized topics characterizing the smaller panels held
in the morning and early afternoon hours.
An event of particular note was the presentation of a
major paper by Albert O. Hirschman, "The Political
Economy of Latin American Development: Seven Exercises
in Retrospection." This paper is a major contribution by a
scholar of distinguished achievement. Hirschman delivered
the paper as recipient of the 1986 Kalman Silvert LASA
Presidents' Prize.
The issues of economic crisis and political response in
Latin America provided thematic unity to a large number of
sessions organized for LASA/86. Given the concern of so
much scholarship, it was appropriate that the Plenary
Address also address these issues. Responding to the question,
"Is Latin American Development Dead?" Pedro Pablo
Kuczynski, Cochairman of First Boston International,
assessed the issues of debt, austerity and stabilization in Latin
America's future.
The book exhibit, organized by Harve Horowitz, made
an important scholarly contribution by presenting a large col-

election of published work in the field of Latin American
Studies. Complementing this was an exhibition of a rich col-
lection of Latin American materials prepared by the Boston
Public Library and a special session commemorating the 25th
anniversary of the Alliance for Progress at the John F.
Kennedy Library.
The LASA Film Festival, expertly organized by Lavonne
C. Poteet, featured the international, North American and
U.S. premieres of 17 films. Among the most significant
features of this highly successful event were the premiere of
a new film by Brazilian director Nelson Pereira dos Santos,
and a workshop on the craft of filmmaking attended by emi-
nent filmmakers from Latin America. Bonnie Poteet was ably
assisted in organizing the Film Festival and Film Exhibit by
Julianne Burton (University of California, Santa Cruz),
Randal Johnson (University of Florida, Gainesville) and
Dennis West (University of Idaho).
Funding to enable a number of Latin Americans to travel
to the congress was efficiently coordinated by Reid Andrews
(University of Pittsburgh), and travel arrangements were
skillfully managed by Jana Greenlief. We are grateful to the
Ford Foundation, the Howard Heinz Endowment, the Inter-
American Foundation and the Tinker Foundation for mak-
ing available a total of $43,000 for travel to the congress by
Latin Americans. The international character of the meeting
was well served by the generous support of these foundations.
LASA celebrated its 20th anniversary at a birthday ban-
quet on Saturday evening. Richard Adams, LASA's senior
living former president, Riordan Roett, president 1978, and
Richard Morse, chairman of the constitution committee
(1966) made amusing and instructive remarks about LASA's
history, and many volunteers spoke from the floor. Cole
Blasier was emcee.
The members of the Program Committee-Merilee
Grindle (Harvard University), G. Reid Andrews (University
of Pittsburgh), Jaime Concha (University of California, San
Diego), Viviane Marquez (El Colegio de Mexico), Florencia
E. Mallon (University of Wisconsin, Madison) and Lavonne
C. Poteet (Bucknell University)-worked diligently to ensure
the success of LASA/86. Central to the program planning
effort were Lili Wadsworth and Caroline Whitney, of the
Committee on Latin American and Iberian Studies at Har-
vard University, and Joanne Giovino and Andrea Yelle, of
the Harvard Institute for International Development. These
individuals managed data, correspondence, mailings and
telephones with expertise, patience and remarkable good
humor. Local arrangements were ably coordinated by Joseph
Criscenti (Boston College), who supervised a large number of
student and faculty volunteers from Boston area institutions
and ensured that registration and ticket sales proceeded as
smoothly as possible. Reid Reading and Lynn Young of the
LASA Secretariat at the University of Pittsburgh worked
tirelessly prior to and throughout the meeting to coordinate
and schedule diverse aspects of such a large and complex
meeting. The efforts of these individuals and the support of
their institutions were indispensable to the success of the
Boston meeting.

LASA congresses have grown in recent years to become
very large professional gatherings. The Program Committee
for LASA/86 believes that the XIII congress was a very suc-
cessful meeting, notable for the stimulation and scholarly
content of activities. It offered a rich variety of activities that
were closely scheduled, often requiring participants to make
difficult choices among alternatives. Given the growth of the
meetings in recent years and the large number of individuals
who wish to be formal participants, it may be appropriate to
begin thinking about extending congresses to 3-1/2 days.
Attendance at the Boston meeting, as well as the invigorating
interaction of a larger, more diverse and more international
group of scholars, suggest that LASA meetings have the
potential to expand without sacrificing high scholarly

Recipients of the 1986 LASA Award of Merit in Film are
listed below:
Who's Running This War? U.S./Nicaragua, 1986, 60'.
Executive Producer, Frontline: David Fanning. Producer:
Martin Smith. Distributor: PBS Video.
Nicaragua: The Dirty War. Nicaragua, 1985, 68'. Directors:
Daniele Lacourse, Yvan Patry. Producers: AlterCine,
National Film Board of Canada. Distributor: Cinema Guild.
Havana Report. Cuba, 1986, 52'. Producer-Directors: Holly
Aylett, Michael Chanan. Distributor: Cinema Guild.
ImAgenes de Reinos. Latin America, 1986, 24'. Producer-
Director: Robert M. Levine. Distributor: South American
Centroamirica: Un Volcdn que Desafia. El Salvador, 1985,
60'. Producer: Sistema Radio Venceremos, FMLN.
Distributor: Sistema Radio Venceremos.
How Tasty Was My Little Frenchman. Brazil, 1971, 80'.
Producer-Director: Nelson Pereira dos Santos. Distributor:
New Yorker Films.
Sweet Country. Chile, 1986, 57'. Producer-Director: Juan-
Andr6s Racz. Distributor: Icarus.
Guatemala: A Journey to the End of Memories. Guatemala,
1986, 55'. Director: Llan Ziv. Distributor: Icarus.
These People May Pass. Nicaragua, 1985, 21'. Director:
Rossana Lacayo. Producer: Incine, Dany Perez. Distributor:
Etnocidio, Notas Sobre El Mezquital. Mexico, 1976, 105'.
Director: Paul Leduc. Producer: Carlos Resendi. Distributor:
Zafra, A.C.

Jubiaba. Brazil, 1986, 100'. Director: Nelson Pereira dos
Santos. Producer: Regina Filmes. Distributor: Embrafilme.
Las Madres: The Mothers of Plaza de Mayo. Argentina,
1985, 64'. Directors: Susana Munoz and Lourdes Portillo.
Distributor: First Run Features.

Memoirs of an Everyday War. Chile, 1986, 29'. Directors:
Gaton Ancelovici, Jaime Barrios, Ren6 Davila. Producer:
Cinemateca Chilena. Distributor: Icarus.
Returning to Chile. Chile, 1986, 28'. Director: Estela Bravo.
Producer: Producciones Am6rica Latina. Distributor: The
Cinema Guild.
Nicaragua Innovando. Nicaragua, 1986, 30'. Director: John
Mraz. Producer: Luis Ocampo Simpson. Distributor: Univer-
sidad Aut6noma de Puebla, Mexico.
Cabildo de Mujeres en Managua. Nicaragua, 1986, 40'.
Director: C6sar Rodriguez. Producer: Emila Vargas.
Distributor: Sistema Sandinista de Televisi6n.
Breaking the Silence. Nicaragua, 1984, 15'. Director: Ivan
Argiiello. Producer: Incine. Distributor: Icarus.
Vidas Secas. Brazil, 1963, 115'. Director: Nelson Pereira dos
Santos. Distributor: New Yorker Films.
The Battle of Vieques. Puerto Rico, 1986, 40'. Producer-
Director: Zydnia Nazario. Distributor: The Cinema Guild.
Lejania. Cuba, 1985, 100'. Director: Jesuis Diaz. Producer:
ICAIC. Distributor: The Cinema Guild.
Gentile Alouette. Chile/France, 1985, 105'. Producer-
Director: Sergio Castilla. Distributor: Sergio Castilla.

Cinema Guild, 1697 Broadway, New York, NY 10019; (212)
Embrafilme, Rua Mayrinic Beiga, 28, Centro, Rio de Janeiro,
First Run Features, 153 Waverly Place, New York, NY 10014;
(212) 243-0600.
Icarus Films, 200 Park Avenue South, Suite 1319, New York,
NY 10003; (212) 674-3375.
New Yorker Films, 16 West 61st Street, New York, NY 10023;
(212) 247-6110.
PBS Video, 1320 Braddock Place, Alexandria, VA
22314-1698; (703) 739-5380.
Sergio Castilla, 195 Hicks Street, Apt. 6C, Brooklyn, NY
11201; (718) 624-5576.
Sistema Radio Venceremos del FMLN, El Salvador Media
Project., 799 Broadway #325, New York, NY 10003; (212)
Sistema Sandinista de Televisi6n, Managua, Nicaragua.
South American Resources, 40 East 62nd Street, New York,
NY 10021; (212) 838-1732.
Universidad Aut6noma de Puebla, Centro de Informaci6n y
Documentaci6n de la Cultura Audio Visual, Puebla, Mexico;
(905) 688-2420.
Zagra, A.C. Cine Difusi6n, Leonardo da Vinci 82, M6xico 19
D.F., Mexico; (905) 598-7215.

A limited number of programs from the XIII Interna-
tional Congress in Boston are available from the Secretariat
at $5.00 each. The following papers may also be ordered from
the Secretariat for $3.00 each. Prices include postage. LASA
made every attempt to retain at least one copy of every paper,
whether sent to the Secretariat in advance or brought to
Boston. If your paper is not listed below, please send a copy
to the Secretariat and we will include it in subsequent listings.

Agosin, Marjorie. Whispers and Triumphs: Politics and the
Latin American Woman Writer
Aguayo Quezada, Sergio. Los centroamericanos olvidados de
Anderson, Rodney D. Race, Class and Capitalism in Early
Republican Mexico
Baer, Werner. Austerity Under Different Political Regimes:
The Case of Brazil
Benassy-Berling, M.C. Nuevo examen de algunos documen-
tos relacionados con el fin de la vida de Sor Juana In6s de
la Cruz
Berry, Albert. Patterns of Economic Change in Ecuador:
Before, During and After the Oil Boom
Biddle, William Jesse and John D. Stephens. Dependency and
Foreign Policy: Theory and Practice in Jamaica
Boswell, Thomas D. Racial and Ethnic Change and Hispanic
Residential Segregation Patterns in Metropolitan Miami:
Brockett, Charles D. The Commercialization of Central
American Agriculture: An Empirical and Theoretical
Buchanan, Paul G. Labor Administration and Democracy in
Caldeira, Teresa Pires do Rio. Houses of Respect
Calvert, Peter. British Relations with the Southern Cone
Cardoso, Ciro Flamarion S. The Transition from Coerced to
"Free" Labour in Latin America and the Caribbean
Cardoso, Ruth Correa Leite. Segregation and Integration in
the City: The Study of Poor Neighbourhoods on the
Outskirts of Large Cities
Carr, Barry. The Mexican Communist Party and Agrarian
Mobilization in the Laguna 1920-1940: A Worker-
Peasant Alliance?
Cavalcante, Ant6nio Mourao. O charme discrete das terapias
Chaffee, Lynan. Political Graffiti and Street Propaganda:
Dimensions of Basque Nationalism
Child, Jack. Antarctica and South American Geopolitical
Clark, Margaret L. Antarctica: Cornerstone of the South.
The Potential for Southern Cooperation
Coleman, Kenneth M. and Charles L. Davis. How Workers
Evaluate Their Unions: Exploring Determinants of
Union Satisfaction in Venezuela and Mexico

Conway, Dennis, Ualthan Bigby and Ronald S. Swann.
Caribbean Migrant Experiences in New York City
Cott, Kenneth. The Presidency, The Courts, and Foreign
Entrepreneurs in Porfirian Mexico
De Souza, Juarez. Social Backlog in Brazil: A Parameter in
the Renegotiation of External Debt
Duarte, Luiz F.D. What It Means to Be Nervous (Competing
Concepts of the Person in Brazilian Urban Culture)
Dussel, Enrique. Del descubrimiento al desincubrimiento, el
camino hacia un desagravio hist6rico
Epstein, Edward C. What Difference Does Regime Type
Make? Economic Austerity Programs in Argentina
Recent Stabilization Programs in Argentina
Fiscal P6rez, Maria Rosa. "De noche vienes" o el despertar
de la conciencia social de Elena Poniatowska
Frederick, Howard H. Electronic Penetration in Low Inten-
sity Warfare: The Case of Nicaragua
Fruhling, Hugo. La defense de los derechos humans en el
cono sur. Dilemas y perspectives hacia el future
Garcia Passalacqua, Juan M. Uncertainty Dispelled: Steering
Puerto Rico Towards Its Future
Garret6n M, Manuel Antonio. Transici6n y consolidaci6n
democriticas en Am6rica Latina: Una perspective
Gordillo, Gustavo. Mercado, democracia y movilizacion
social: La deconstrucci6n del leviatin rural mexicano
Helguera, J. Le6n. Some Observations on the Cartoon as a
Source for Colombian Social History
Henderson, James D. Conservative Thought in Twentieth
Century Latin America: A Statistical Approach to the
Study of Intellectual History
Henkel, Ray. Resource Utilization in the Upper Amazon of
Bolivia and Its Impact on the Environment
Ho Kim, Sung. Intervention in Nicaragua: The Issues of
International Law, Morality, and Prudence in U.S.
Foreign Policy
Holston, James. The Signature House: A Study of "Auto-
Construction" in Working Class Brazil
Jameson, Kenneth P. The Effect of International Debt on
Poverty in Bolivia and Alternative Responses
Keck, Margaret E. Great Expectations: The Workers' Party
in Brazil (1979-1985)
Kramer, Frank. The Impact of External Markets on the Struc-
ture of Peasant Agriculture in Western Honduras
Langton, Kenneth P. Who Should Manage the Shop? Worker
Self-Management Ideology, Protest and Electoral Par-
ticipation in Peru
Laplantine, Francois. Os sistemas de representacoes da
doenca e da saude na umbanda em Fortaleza
Leite Lopes, Jos6 S6rgio. Domination and Resistance to
Domination in a Brazilian Northeastern Textile
Love, Joseph L. Rail Prebisch: His Life and Ideas
Maier Hirsh, Elizabeth. Las sandinistas: La lucha de la mujer
nicaragiiense por su igualdad

Mattos Gomes De Castro, Hebe Maria Da Costa. A margem
da hist6ria: Homens liveres pobres na crise do trabalho
McCoy, Jennifer L. The Politics of Adjustment: Labor and
the Venezuelan Debt Crisis
Mezzera, Jaime. El sector informal como expresi6n del
excedente de oferta de trabajo urban
Naim, Mois6s and Ram6n Pinango. Una ilusi6n de armonia.
Los resultados del proyecto "El Caso Venezuela"
Ogliastri-Uribe, Enrique. Estado, empresarios, sindicatos,
trabajadores, administradores: Experiencias sobre
gerencia y revoluci6n en Nicaragua
Ortiz, Renato. Cultura de massa e cultural popular no Brasil
Padr6n, Mario. NGDOs and Grass-Roots Development in
Latin America
.Linking Latin American and Western Develop-
ment Organizations
Paoli, Maria Celia. Working Class Sao Paulo and Its
Peschard, Jacqueline. Las elecciones en el Distrito Federal
Reinhardt, Nola. Agro-Exports and the Peasantry in the
Agrarian Reforms of El Salvador and Nicaragua
Riesco. Ausencia y presencia: "La flecha y la manzana" de
A. Roa Bastos
Rigau, Marco Antonio. Certain Future for Puerto Rico
Rodriguez Berrutti, Camilo H. Diplomacia de los Estados
Unidos en la historic de las fronteras argentinas
Rubluo, Luis, Juan Manuel Menes Llaguno and Victor M.
Ballesteros. La explotaci6n britinica de las minas de Real
del Monte: Expansi6n del colonaje en America Latina
Sabat-Rivers, Georgina. Antes de Juana In6s: Clarinda y
Amarilis, dos poetas del Peru colonial
Schneider, Ben Ross. Framing the State: Economic Policy
and Political Representation in Post-Authoritarian
Schodt, David W. Austerity Policies in Ecuador: Christian
Democratic and Social Christian Versions of the Gospel
Schutte, Ofelia. Three Representative Philosophers of
Scott, Ren6e. Cristina Peri Rossi: Superaci6n de un exilio
Semo, Enrique. Las raices sociales del autoritarismo y la
democracia en M6xico (1810-1930)
Sikkink, Kathryn. The Influence of Rauil Prebisch on
Economic Policy Making in Argentina, 1950-1962
Smith, William C. The "New Republic" and the Brazilian
Transition: Elite Conciliation or Democratization?
Street, James H. Mexicq's Prospects for Resuming a Growth
Path Under Institutional Reform
Torres M., David. Local Elections in Mexico (1986: The
Struggle for Peace, Bread and Democracy)
Trudeau, Robert H. Democracy in Guatemala: Present
Status, Future Prospects
Williams, Harvey. The Social Impact [draft chapter for inclu-
sion in Thomas W. Walker, ed., Reagan vs. the San-
dinistas: The Undeclared War on Nicaragua]

Zamosc, Le6n. Lucha por la tierra, recampesinizaci6n y
capitalism agrario en la costa atlantica colombiana
Zapata, Francisco. Sindicalismo, ideologia y political en
Lazaro Cafdenas, Michoacdn
Zapata, Roger A. Tradici6n y cambio en la cultural peruana:
Del neoindigenismo de Arguedas a la Historia de Mayta
de Mario Vargas Llosa
Zermeno, Sergio. Hacia el fin del populismo mexicano (Pro-
puestas para discusi6n)
Zimbalist, Andrew. Cuban Industrial Growth, 1965-1984
[For information on the Albert O. Hirschman paper, "The
Political Economy of Latin American Development: Seven
Exercises in Retrospection," see footnote 2 of Wayne
Cornelius' article in this issue.]

W -M MM Mi i mn WM MM -m -m n


The LASA Nominating Committee is con-
sidering potential nominees for Vice President and
three members of the Executive Council. Criteria
for nomination include professional credentials,
character, and credible previous service to LASA.

The winning candidate for Vice President will
serve in that capacity from January 1, 1988, until
June 30, 1989, and as President from July 1, 1989
until December 31, 1990. Under the present con-
stitution, he/she then serves an additional 18
months as Past President. The winning candidates
for members of the Executive Council will serve for
a three-year term beginning January 1, 1988.

LASA members are invited to suggest poten-
tial nominees. Biographic data and the rationale for
nomination must accompany suggested names and
be sent to Lars Schoultz, Chair, LASA Nominating
Committee, Department of Political Science,
University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, NC
27514, by April 1, 1987. The other members of the
Nominating Committee are: Albert Berry (Univer-
sity of Toronto), Elizabeth Garrels (Massachusetts
Institute of Technology), Louis Goodman
(American University), Herbert Klein (Columbia
University), William LeoGrande (American
University), and Enrique Mayer (University of

.. mm. .. m mN mm -m n. .. m. a.


LASA President Cole Blasier began the meeting by wel-
coming attending members and announcing that LASA is
celebrating its 20th birthday. He then introduced LASA's past
president and secretariat staff, the current staff, and the pro-
gram and local arrangements chairpersons for the XIII Con-
gress. Arturo Valenzuela was designated parliamentarian for
the meeting.
Blasier offered his priorities for LASA during the next
year and a half: membership expansion; an increase in the
endowment fund; maintaining or expanding public policy
functions of the task forces; and the recognition by LASA of
superior scholarly achievement.
Two days earlier the Executive Council had elected
Werner Baer treasurer of LASA, and approved the change to
a calendar fiscal year. Since the fiscal year was previously
October 1-September 30, there will be a three-month budget
period, with the next full fiscal year beginning on January 1,
1987. Reid Reading, Executive Director, gave the financial
report for 1986: $113,557 income; $76,136 in expenditures;
$36,480 surplus. He predicted a deficit of $5,850 for the next
fiscal year because of Congress expenses, but the two-year
average should show about a $15,000 annual surplus. The
association's cash reserves are approximately $98,000.
Wayne Cornelius, past president, formally presented the
Silvert prize to Albert O. Hirschman. [See article on page 1.]
Reports presented at the business meeting and written
reports received from task forces appear in a separate article.
Paul Drake, chairperson of the resolutions subcommit-
tee, reported that five proposed resolutions were submitted to
the LASA Secretariat and sent to the resolutions subcommit-
tee for consideration. The subcommittee subsequently
reported to the Executive Council on October 22, 1986. The
Council decided to refer resolutions on Cuba, Paraguay,
Chile and Nicaragua, with modifications, to the business
meeting on October 24, 1986.
Drake noted that the Executive Council decided not to
refer the text of the fifth proposed resolution to the business
meeting. However, there was a motion from the floor that the
proposed resolution, as amended in the motion, be presented
to the membership for approval. The motion carried by
majority vote.
The wording below represents the final texts of the
resolutions. The results of the secret-ballot vote in the business
meeting are indicated, as well as results of the mail ballot sub-
mitted to the entire membership.

I. Resolution on Scholarly Exchanges with Cuba
President Reagan's proclamation of October 4, 1985, has
the effect of closing U.S. borders to Cuban academics, artists
and scientists in retaliation for Castro's suspension of the
U.S.-Cuban immigration agreement of 1984 which, in turn,
was in retaliation for the inauguration of Radio Marti in May
of 1985.
The free flow of ideas and information between Cuba
and the United States has thus been further impeded.
Americans are denied the right to hear the views of others.
This violates the founding values of this nation and is incon-
sistent with the stated policies of the administration.
Worse, since Cuba does not impose all-inclusive prohibi-
tions on the entry of U.S. government officials, academics or
artists, we are left in a situation in which U.S. measures are
more restrictive than are those of Cuba. That is not the sort
of position in which the United States should place itself.
In view of the above, the Latin American Studies
Association, which has a long history of commitment to open-
ness in government, to academic freedoms, and to the free
exchange of ideas, calls upon the President to lift the restric-
tions on the entry of Cuban academics, scientists and artists.
In parallel fashion, we urge the Cuban government to lift its
current restrictions on the entry of Cuban-American scholars
for purposes of research and academic exchanges in Cuba.

Affirmative: 61; Negative: 0; Abstain: 0
If ratified by mail ballot, this resolution will be sent to
President Ronald Reagan, the Assistant Secretary of State for
Inter-American Affairs, the State Department's Office of
Cuban Affairs, the chair of the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee, and the chair of the House Foreign Affairs Com-
mittee. [Subsequently ratified by mail ballot by a vote of:
Affirmative, 970; Negative, 25; Abstain, 24.]
II. Resolution on Paraguay
The Latin American Studies Association deplores the
recent increase in the level of repression with which the
Stroessner government has responded to the orderly efforts
of the citizenry to exercise constitutional political rights. Since
March 1986, peaceful public demonstrations of political par-
ties, trade unions, students, nurses and farmers have been
brutally attacked by police and paramilitary forces identified
with General Stroessner. Their leaders have been beaten and
LASA endorses the call of the Catholic Church of
Paraguay for a national dialogue with the participation of the
government and all political forces in the country to seek a
nonviolent route to democracy. LASA also strongly supports
the proposed U.S. House Resolution 673 of July 17, 1986, and
the concurrent Senate Resolution 155 of July 24. Both con-
demn the current repression of the democratic opposition in
Paraguay, support the pro-democratic policies of the U.S.
government, call for a reasonable timetable for transition to

democracy, and propose the withdrawal of bilateral and
multilateral economic and technical assistance until the
government of Paraguay improves its record on human
Affirmative: 47; Negative: 2; Abstain: 2
If ratified by mail ballot, this resolution will be sent to
President Alfredo Stroessner, President Ronald Reagan,
Secretary of State George Shultz, and the Chairs of the Senate
Foreign Relations Committee and House Committee on
Foreign Affairs of the U.S. Congress. [Subsequently ratified
by mail ballot by a vote of: Affirmative, 919; Negative, 36;
Abstain, 56.]
III. Resolution on Chile
Whereas, the military junta headed by General Augusto
Pinochet continues to rule Chile in flagrant violation of
human and civil rights thirteen years after deposing the con-
stitutional government of Salvador Allende, recently reim-
posing a state of siege; and
Whereas, the opposition is launching concerted efforts
to bring about the immediate restoration of democracy in
Chile, united under the program of the Asamblea Nacional de
la Civilidad;
The Latin American Studies Association calls for the end
of the state of siege, the immediate restoration of human
rights, and the immediate and unrestricted return to
democracy in that country, urging the Reagan administration
to use its voice and vote to oppose multilateral development
bank loans to the military junta, as required for all human
rights violators by section 701 of the International Institu-
tions' Act.
Affirmative: 55; Negative: 3; Abstain: 1
If ratified by mail ballot, this resolution will be sent to
President Augusto Pinochet, President Ronald Reagan, the
Secretary General of the United .Nations, the U.N. Rap-
porteur on Chile, The U.S. Secretary of State, the chair of the
Senate Foreign Relations Committee, and the chair of the
House Foreign Affairs Committee. [Subsequently ratified by
mail ballot by a vote of: Affirmative, 935; Negative, 48;
Abstain, 34.]
IV. Resolution Against U.S. Aid to
Anti-Nicaraguan Forces
The Latin American Studies Association, the largest
U.S.-based professional organization of specialists on Latin
American affairs, deplores the U.S. Congress' approval of
military aid to the anti-Nicaraguan "contra" forces attack-
ing Nicaragua from Honduras, El Salvador and Costa Rica.
That action gives a bipartisan imprimatur to the Reagan
administration's policy of aggression against a sovereign
nation in defiance of the World Court and in violation of the
principles of nonintervention and self-determination which
should be the foundation of U.S.-Latin American relations.

LASA reiterates its support for a negotiated settlement
of the Central American conflicts within the framework of the
Latin American peace initiatives of the Contadora nations,
now bolstered by the South American Lima Support Group.
LASA calls on Congress to reverse its dangerous course,
which opinion surveys continue to show is not supported by
a majority of the U.S. public, and calls on concerned U.S.
citizens to redouble their efforts to halt the war against
Affirmative: 53; Negative: 4; Abstain: 0
If ratified by mail ballot, the resolution will be sent to the
President of the United States, the Secretary of State, the
Speaker of the House of Representatives, the chair of the
Senate Foreign Relations Committee, and the chair of the
House Foreign Affairs Committee. [Subsequently ratified by
mail ballot by a vote of: Affirmative, 906; Negative, 83;
Abstain, 26.]
V. Resolution on U.S. Policy
in Central America
The Latin American Studies Association deplores the
continuation of a U.S. foreign policy which emphasizes
military solutions to Central America's conflicts. This policy
is evidenced in:
1. Emphasis on military aid and buildup of counterin-
surgency forces, despite the fact that the region's problems are
fundamentally social, economic and political;
2. Complacency in the face of continuing human rights
violations, which include recent attacks on trade unions and
human rights organizations in El Salvador, as well as air and
artillery attacks, against the civilian populations, which have
produced more than one million displaced persons and
3. A failure to condition increased economic and
military assistance to Guatemala on improvement in the
human rights situation, an accounting of the disappeared, and
judicial proceedings against officials of previous regimes
accused of human rights violations;
4. Use of U.S.-funded "contra" forces in a war against
Nicaragua, together with economic and political coercion of
both Honduras and Costa Rica to permit such aggression to
be organized from their territories;
5. Refusal of the U.S.-backed Salvadoran government
to support efforts arising from within Salvadoran society to
achieve a political solution involving the belligerent parties
and all other concerned sectors;
6. Lack of attention to the region's economic crisis
which has brought further deterioration of living standards
and already inadequate educational and health care services;
7. A repressive and inhumane U.S. immigration policy
which continues to deny refugee status to the hundreds of
thousands of Guatemalans and Salvadorans who have sought
sanctuary in the United States.

LASA calls for an end to U.S. military intervention in
Central America, calls on the U.S. Congress to reassert its
human rights responsibilities in Central America through cer-
tification limitations on nonmilitary aid programs, and calls
upon the United States to openly and energetically support the
Contadora process of negotiated settlement to the conflicts in
the region.
If ratified by mail ballot, this resolution will be sent to the
President of the United States, the Secretary of State, the
Speaker of the House of Representatives, the chair of the
Senate Foreign Relations Committee, and the chair of the
House Foreign Affairs Committee. [Subsequently ratified by
mail ballot by a vote of: Affirmative, 856; Negative, 113;
Abstain, 45.]
Three motions were presented to the Executive Council
24 hours or more before the business meeting, as required by
the bylaws. Motions are introduced and a vote is taken on
whether or not to refer them to the Executive Council for
1. Brian Loveman introduced the following motion
(cosponsored by the Task Force on Human Rights and
Academic Freedom): "LASA calls for the immediate
freedom of our distinguished Chilean colleagues, sociologist
German Correa and architect Patricio Hales." [This is a com-
munication to Ricardo Garcia, Interior Minister, Govern-
ment of Chile, with copy to Harry Barnes, U.S. ambassador
to Chile.] The motion carried.
2. Marjorie Bray introduced the following motion:
Whereas, Margaret Randall, who is presently teaching in
the Women's Studies Program at the University of New Mex-
ico, is a Latin Americanist who has enhanced understanding
in the field through her writings, particularly on Cuba and
Nicaragua, with especially important contributions on
women; and
Whereas, Margaret Randall is being denied the right to
be a resident of the United States based upon a finding under
the ideological exclusion clause of the McCarran-Walter Act
that she is guilty of advocating world communism because of
her writings which report favorably on women in Cuba and
her expressed opposition to the U.S. role in the Southeast Asia
War; and
Whereas, the provision of the McCarran-Walter Act
under which Margaret Randall would be expelled from the
United States is the same one which has denied U.S. scholars
and audiences the right to have access in the United States to
such figures as Gabriel Garcia Marquez, Pablo Neruda,
Carlos Fuentes and Farley Mowat; and

Whereas, as scholarly Latin Americanists and Latin
American teaching specialists in various fields we regard the
academic freedom of us all to be threatened by this decision;
Whereas, we wish to have continued access to Margaret
Randall as a writer, teacher, speaker and cultural worker in
the United States in order to benefit from her long experience,
expertise and writing on Latin American issues, particularly
those involving women; and
Whereas, Margaret Randall is appealing the decision to
expel her from the United States to the Immigration Review
Be it also resolved that the members of the Latin
American Studies Association at this business meeting call
upon the Immigration Review Board to reverse the finding
that Margaret Randall is not eligible to continue residing in the
United States and that this motion be communicated to that
board and to the press by the LASA Secretariat; and
Be it also resolved that this meeting go on record as being
opposed to the ideological exclusion provision of the
McCarran-Walter Act and urge that LASA members and
others pursue efforts to see that it is repealed by the U.S.
The motion carried.
3. Helen Safa moved that LASA endorse the text of the
following telegram, sent earlier that day to the Sindicato 19 de
Septiembre in Mexico on behalf of the LASA Task Force on
Women, and to publish the text in the LASA Forum: "Como
parte de los esfuerzos de las mujeres continent americano a
organizarse respaldamos los esfuerzos del Sindicato 19 de
Septiembre en M6xico en defense de sus derechos legales y
solicitamos que el gobierno mexicano reconozca y proteja los
derechos sindicales de las mujeres trabajadoras. Comisi6n de
Mujeres LASA." The motion carried.
Two additional motions were made from the floor.
President Blasier noted that neither had been presented
previously to the Executive Council as required by the bylaws
but said that they could be transmitted to the Executive Coun-
cil. Carmen Diana Deere requested LASA to urge the U.S.
government to distribute relief funds directly to the
Salvadoran victims and the academic community to assist
institutions of higher education affected by the earthquake
and the civil war. Elizabeth Dore requested the LASA Execu-
tive Council to help obtain the reentry into the United States
of Dr. Enrique Kirberg, who having left the country tem-
porarily for a family emergency, was barred reentry by the
U.S. Consulate in Switzerland. Dr. Kirberg had organized a
panel for the LASA Boston congress.

LASA Media A ward
Cynthia McClintock
The George Washington University
The goal of the media task force is to enhance the rela-
tionship between LASA and journalists. One of its most
important activities is to present the LASA Media Award.
The winner is selected by the task force, which studies the
work of journalists nominated by LASA members. The
award is given for long-term exceptional work during a career
or for break-through coverage in the last 18 months.
Bill Buzenberg of National Public Radio was selected to
receive the 1985-86 LASA media prize for outstanding media
coverage of Latin American affairs. The award was presented
during the business meeting of the XIII International Con-
gress in Boston on October 24, 1986. Mr. Buzenberg accepted
the award in person.
Bill Buzenberg was selected because his past and present
work has represented a major contribution to understanding
and debate about Latin America in the United States. Many
who listen to NPR's "All Things Considered" have long
admired Bill's consistently fine reporting on topics as varied
as the Letelier trial, the history of United States policy in Cen-
tral America, and the international debt crisis.
During 1985-86 Bill undertook in-depth investigative
journalism on Mexico. His stories on the critical 1985 mid-
term elections, on the aftermath of Mexico's worst industrial
accident (the PEMEX explosion), and the September earth-
quakes-among others-demonstrated rare courage and
The LASA media prize is awarded every 18 months at the
Latin American Studies Association's international con-
gresses. For further information contact Cynthia McClintock
(Chair), Department of Political Science, The George
Washington University, Washington, D.C. 20052. Other
members of the LASA Task Force on the Mass Media are
Robin Andersen (Fordham University), Max Azicri (Edin-
boro University of Pennsylvania), Louis Goodman
(American University), Daniel C. Hallin (University of
California-San Diego), John Nichols (Pennsylvania State
University), Richard A. Nuccio (Roosevelt Center for
American Policy Studies), Mark B. Rosenberg (Florida Inter-
national University), and Bill Buzenberg (National Public
Radio), ex-officio.


Marysa Navarro reported that the task force had sent a
telegram to Chile on behalf of women suffering repression,
and one to Mexico in support of the rights of women workers
[see text in the "Report of the Business Meeting"]. The task
force has proposed a change to the LASA Constitution, as
The Task Force on Women strongly urges that an Ethics Com-
mittee be created to implement Article 10 regarding Profes-
sional Ethics and Conduct, and that one of its cochairs be
automatically included on the proposed committee. Insofar
as Article 10 does not include a definition of sexual harass-
ment, the task force will offer the committee, when con-
stituted, a statement on sexual harassment to be included in its
deliberations on policies and procedures. The task force inter-
prets the provisions on Professional Ethics and Conduct of
proposed Article 10 to apply to behavior of LASA members
toward non-LASA members as well as behavior of LASA
members toward each other.
Members of the LASA Task Force on Women in Latin
American Studies are: Norma S. Chinchilla (Cochair), Pro-
gram in Women's Studies, California State University, Long
Beach, CA 90840; Marysa Navarro (Cochair), Dartmouth
College, 307 Wentworth Hall, Hanover, N.H. 03755; Edna
Acosta-Bel6n (SUNY- Albany), Heather Blader (Bradley
University), Lynn Bolles (Bowdoin College), Edith Cour-
turier (National Endowment for the Humanities), Helen
Delpar (University of Alabama), Kristina Demaree (Califor-
nia State University-Chico), Elizabeth Dore (OEF Interna-
tional Suite), Judy Ewell (College of William & Mary), Raquel
Kersten (University of Wisconsin-Green Bay), Virginia
Leonard (McLean, Virginia), Kathleen Logan (University of
Alabama-Birmingham), Lois Oppenheimer (Whittier Col-
lege), Lynn Stephen (Massachusetts Institute of Technology),
Sharon Ugalde (S.W. Texas State University), and Virginia
Vargas (Centro Fora Tristan, Lima, Peru).


Callfor Papers and Assistance

The Latin American Studies Association's Task Force on
Scholarly Relations with Spain met during the recent LASA
international congress in Boston to select new members and
outline activities for the coming year.

Task Force members are Federico Gil (University of
North Carolina), Chair, Judith-Maria Buechler (Hobart and
Smith Colleges), Joaquin Roy (University of Miami), Pilar
Saro (Instituto de Cooperacibn Iberoamericana, Spain),
Joseph S. Tulchin (University of North Carolina), and Diana
V61ez (University of Pittsburgh).
As its first order of business, the task force is requesting
assistance from the LASA membership in accomplishing the
dual objectives of (a) stimulating interest among LASA's
membership in working with Spaniards on topics of mutual
interest and developing a Spanish-Latin Americanist consti-
tuency for LASA, and (b) developing panels on Latin
America and Spain for the next two LASA international con-
gresses to be held in New Orleans (1988) and Puerto Rico
(1989). While both objectives are intended to create the
momentum for interest in this area that will culminate in the
1991 LASA congress in Madrid, the task force is also con-
cerned that scholarly relations with the peninsula on matters
relevant to Latin America become a permanent and dynamic
part of the association's activities.
Those Latin Americanists in the United States, Latin
America and Spain, as well as Latin and North American
Hispanists, who are interested in this effort are urged to make
their ideas and interests known to the task force. In addition,
the task force is calling for possible panels and papers on Latin
America and Spain to be considered for the program of the
next two LASA congresses. All proposals and correspon-
dence should be forwarded to Dr. Federico Gil, Chair-LASA
Task Force on Scholarly Relations with Spain, 314 Hamilton,
070A, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, NC 27514.


Alejandro Portes, chair, was unable to attend the
business meeting in Boston; Cole Blasier, previous chair,
reported. The task force's relationship with the Institute of
Latin America in Moscow is continuing, but is being
broadened to the Soviet scholarly community in general. This
is taking two forms: (1) two additional exchanges, one by
Richard Feinberg on Third World economic questions and
one led by Ivan Schulman and Evelyn Picon Garfield on
literature; (2) becoming acquainted with and deepening rela-
tionships with a number of other institutes in the Soviet Union
which were visited last June during the fifth conference under
the US/USSR exchange.
The task force members are Alejandro Portes (Chair),
Department of Sociology, John Hopkins University,
Baltimore, MD 21218; Michael Meyer (University of
Arizona), and Richard Newfarmer (Overseas Development


Wayne Smith reported that the task force's activities
have consisted primarily of testing administration policy. A
status report of exchanges with Cuba has been completed
[published in last issue of the Forum], and the task force
requests information on additional exchanges. A letter was
sent to the U.S. Surgeon General protesting a memo issued to
all entities under the Surgeon General's authority advising
them not to have any kind of contact with Cubans without
authorization. This would preclude any kind of health
exchange or even exchange of information on contagious
diseases. The task force drafted a resolution protesting the
State Department's treatment of visa requests for Cuban
academics to enter the U.S. [see resolution 1 under "Report
of the Business Meeting"], and has suggested that LASA
members embark on a letter-writing campaign to Congress
and the Department of State. The task force is also getting
together a packet to send to members of Congress and the
media to ask their support in protesting the Cuban visa policy,
and is trying to get a number of university presidents to jointly
raise this matter with the Secretary of State. Any suggestions
for additional action are welcome.
Helen Safa indicated that a full report of the first seminar
under the LASA-CEA exchange was published in the last
issue of the Forum. A second seminar was tentatively planned
for January [now June]. The need for these seminars has
become all the more critical since Cuban scholars have not
been permitted to attend the last two LASA congresses. The
seminars were originally planned to alternate between Cuba
and the U.S., but they must now all be held in Cuba. This adds
to the urgency of trying to ease the barriers preventing Cuban
scholars from entering the United States.
The members of the LASA Task Force on Scholarly
Relations with Cuba are: Wayne S. Smith (Cochair), School
of Advanced International Studies, The Johns Hopkins
University, 1740 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W., Washington,
D.C. 20036; Helen I. Safa (Cochair), Center for Latin
American Studies, University of Florida, 319 Grinter Hall,
Gainesville, FL 32611; Pamela Falk (Columbia University),
Chris Mitchell (New York University), Marifeli Perez-Stable
(SUNY College at Old Westbury), Rebecca J. Scott (Univer-
sity of Michigan), Van R. Whiting (Brown University), and
Peter Winn (Tufts University).


Charles Stansifer and Michael Conroy reported that the
production of LASA-NICA Scholars News is one of the task
force's major activities and that the newsletter will continue.
The first issue of the second year (#14, September-October
1986) was published as a special Boston Congress issue, listing
panels and papers of interest to Nicaraguanists. The issue also
included an essay on the politics of the Nicaraguan constitu-
tional debate, a profile of the Nicaraguan Association of
Social Scientists (ANICS), and reports on the activities of
CINASE (Centro de Investigaciones y Asesorid Socio-
Econdmica), INIES (Instituto Nicaragiiense de Investiga-
clones Econdmicas y Sociales), CONAPRO, CRIES, and
CIDCA. Subscription renewals for the second year are due.
The cost is $10.00 per subscription. LASA-NICA Scholars
News now reaches roughly 250 Nicaragua scholars in the
U.S., Europe and Latin America, plus more than 70 within
Nicaragua. A subscription form is provided in this issue of the
The task force's other major activity is the annual
research seminar in Nicaragua. It is planned again for 1987,
during the last two weeks in June, and a strong effort will be
made to attract people who are teaching about Central
America, especially Nicaragua. [The report on the 1986
seminar appears below.] In addition the task force is explor-
ing possibilities for a special session or workshop in
Nicaragua, which would hopefully be sponsored by INIES to
give Nicaraguan scholars an opportunity to anticipate the
discussions which will take place at the New Orleans congress
in 1988. Efforts to promote contacts between individual
Nicaraguans and North Americans are continuing, but the
task force is also exploring at least 28 private exchange
arrangements existing between Nicaraguan universities and
those in the United States in an effort to promote and extend
institutional contacts. A further concern is the problem
expressed by Nicaraguans that they feel isolated from their
own colleagues in Central America.

Current members of the LASA Task Force on Scholarly
Relations with Nicaragua are Charles Stansifer, Chair
(University of Kansas), Michael E. Conroy, Cochair (Univer-
sity of Texas-Austin), John Booth (North Texas State Univer-
sity), Laura Enriquez (Managua, Nicaragua), James Malloy
(University of Pittsburgh), Nola Reinhardt (Smith College),
Rose Spalding (DePaul University), Thomas Walker (Ohio
University). Correspondence should be forwarded to the chair
or cochair at the following addresses: Charles Stansifer,
Center for Latin American Studies, University of Kansas,
Lawrence, KS 66045; Michael E. Conroy, Department of
Economics, University of Texas, Austin, TX 78705.

Research Seminar in Nicaragua
August 2-16, 1986
Thomas W. Walker
Ohio University
LASA sponsored its second Research Seminar in
Nicaragua in August 1986. The purpose of the seminar, which
was open to Spanish-speaking LASA members of all political
points of view, was to provide the participating scholars with
intensive exposure to the current situation in that country and
with an introduction to universities, think tanks, research
facilities, colleagues, etc. which might be helpful to them for
doing further research in Nicaragua. There were eleven par-
ticipants: four professors, six graduate students, and a retired
international civil servant.
The seminar, which was designed by Nola Reinhardt
(Economics, Smith College) and Thomas Walker (Political
Science, Ohio University), was led in Nicaragua by Walker.
He was assisted by the Nicaraguan professional association,
CONAPRO Heroes y Martires, and by a Chilean media
specialist, Javier Bertin, who acted as assistant coordinator.
Though the group traveled to the east, west, north and south,
its central base of operations was the Hotel D'Lido in
Managua. Participant fees-$890 for graduate students and
$1090 for others-covered all seminar costs including round-
trip travel from Mexico City, with the exception of lunches
and miscellaneous purchases.
As in the previous year, the itinerary was designed to
reflect the general interests of the group, which clustered
around three themes: grass roots organizations, women in the
revolution, and the roles of the Catholic Church. Specific
interests of group members were also considered, and indi-
vidual appointments were made, as requested, for each par-
ticipant. The two-week itinerary included the following
Saturday, August 2: Arrival in Managua and explan-
atory introduction.
Sunday, August 3: Morning visit to the home of Juan
and Piedad Tijerino in Boaco. Juan is a National
Assemblyman (FSLN), a former large landholder, and a
member of UNAG, the peasant and landholder mass
organization. Piedad is a founder of AMPRONAC, the
prerevolutionary women's movement. Both are revolutionary
Christians. Attendance at People's Mass (misa popular) at
Uriel Molina's church in Barrio Riguero.
Monday, August 4: Opening session at CONAPRO.
Meeting with directors of INIES (Nicaraguan Institute of
Social and Economic Research), CIERA (Center for Research
and Study of Agrarian Reform), CIDCA (Center for
Research and Documentation of the Atlantic Coast), and IES
(Institute for Sandinist Studies). Bismark Jaime of INIES,
Marvin Ortega of CIERA, Carlos Vilas of CIDCA, and

Roberto Cajinas of IES were present. Lunch with Reinaldo
Antonio T6fel, President/Minister of INSSBI (Nicaraguan
Institute of Social Security and Welfare); discussion of the
impact of the war on social programs. Talk on the current
military situation by 1st Lt. Guillermo Gonzalez Ortega in the
press office of the Sandinist People's Army.

Tuesday, August 5: Discussion of the constitution
drafting process with Mihi Vargas, general director of legal
advisors to the National Assembly, in the National Assembly
Building. Viewing of a videotape of the Women's Open Town
Meeting (cabildo abierto) on the draft constitution. Lunch
meeting with Lourdes Bolanios and Maria Heliete Helers to
discuss women and the constitution.

Wednesday, August 6: Meeting on the Atlantic Coast
with Carlos Vilas at CIDCA. Meeting on the media with Sofia
Montenegro at Barricada. Lunch and discussion on grass
roots organizations with Gary Ruchwarger, Codirector, Pro-
grama de Estudios de Participacidn Popular (Popular Par-
ticipation Studies Program). Interview with Marcos Valle
(second level) in the DRI (International Relations Office of
the FSLN) on the FSLN. Visit to a CDS (Sandinist Defense
Committee) grass roots organization in Barrio Jorge
Dimitrov. Attempted interview at La Prensa blocked by
demonstration (responding to a pro-La Prensa demonstration
earlier that day).
Thursday, August 7: Interview with Norma
Guadamuz, Vice General Director of CORADEP (People's
Radio Corporation) to discuss the media. Interview with
Melba Cecilia Bland6n, Chief of Media Transmissions
(Divulgacidn de Media) on media censorship. Lunch and
discussion with Deborah Barry of CRIES on the militariza-
tion of Central America. Visit to INIES-CRIES and discus-
sion with Bismark Jaime. Dinner and discussion with Adrian
Meza, Director of Planning, Labor Ministry, about state-
labor relations.
Friday, August 8: Travel to the north. Visit to a
mechanics school near Chaguitillo run by Fred Royce. Visit
to a CAS (Sandinist Agrarian Cooperative) in Chaguitillo.
Visit to a cigar factory, a sewing cooperative and a
CORADEP station, Radio Liberacidn. Night spent in
Saturday, August 9: Travel into the war zone in the
company of Mario Paniagua, of the Regional Office of
Agrarian Reform. Visit to Sumu Indian resettlement camp at
Paz del Tuma (north of Lago de Apands above Jinotega).
View of contra-caused destruction at a coffee-producing state
farm (UPE) nearby. Interview in Jinotega with Justin and
Margaret StormoGipson, a husband-wife doctor team spon-
sored by the Presbyterian Church to work in primary health
care. Discussion of the effect of contra terror on health care.
Return to Managua.
Sunday, August 10: Day of swimming and relaxation
at the Pacific Ocean beach, Pochomil.

Monday, August 11: Interview with official in
Agrarian Reform Ministry. Luncheon-discussion with Elio
Montenegro, Vice President of the Central American Univer-
sity (UCA), concerning the current situation of Nicaraguan
higher education. Interview with Roberto Vargas of the
Department of Agitation and Political Information (DAPP)
of the FSLN. Interview with Edgardo Garcia, head of the
ATC (Association of Rural Workers), and Ariel Bucardo,
Vice President of UNAG (Farmers' Association), on rural
grass roots organizations.
Tuesday, August 12: Visit to the Centro Valdivieso and
other bookstores. Luncheon-discussion on the church and the
revolution with Francois Houtart, a Belgian priest-sociologist
doing quantitative research on religiosity and social status in
Nicaragua. Mentor of Gustavo Gutierrez, Camilo Torres,
Clodovides Boff, etc. Interview at La Prensa with Cristina
Chamorro and Horacio Ruiz, Editor in Chief. Discussion of
press censorship and other Sandinista abuses, with Ruiz doing
most of the talking. Dinner discussion on curriculum and
education in revolutionary Nicaragua with Marvin Happel,
Director of Secondary Education at the U.S.-sponsored
American School.
Wednesday, August 13: Interview with Joaquin Mejia,
Representative for the PLI (Liberal Independent Party) in the
National Assembly. Discussion of the history of the PLI and
Sandinista restriction of democratic freedoms. Interview with
Garrott Sweany, Political Counsellor, U.S. Embassy, on
evaluation of the Sandinista revolution. Interview with
Fernando Cardenal, Minister of Education, former Jesuit
priest and head of the 1980 literacy crusade. Discussion of the
war's impact on education and Christians in the revolution.
Interview with Ray Hooker, creole-miskito representative for
the FSLN in the National Assembly and head of the national
autonomy talks.
Thursday, August 14: Visit to IES's Museum of the
Revolution and to IHCA (the Central American Historical
Institute). Lunch with Jesuit Priest Peter Marchetti of IHCA.
Discussion of agrarian reform and the contra war and of the
church in the revolution. Visit to CIERA and talk with
Marvin Ortega and others about CIERA's role. Visit to the
ASTC (The Sandinist Association of Cultural Workers) and
talk by Margarita Clark about art in the revolution. Return
visit to Barrio Jorge Dimitrov to deliver equipment for their
oral rehydration center which seminar participants had

Friday, August 15: Interview with Father Uriel Molina
in the Centro Antonio Valdivieso to discuss conflicting visions
of the role of the church. Seminar evaluation luncheon with
CONAPRO. Performance of the Cuban National Ballet with
Alicia Alonso.
Saturday, August 16: Departure.
Our group was unable to talk with some people for
whom interviews had been requested: Tomas Borge, Minister

of the Interior (with whom the 1985 group had conducted a
2-1/2 hour interview); Doris Tijerino, Chief of Police (whose
child fell sick); spokespersons for the opposition Social Chris-
tian (PSC) and Conservative Democratic (PCD) parties (who
never responded to our requests); opposition parish priest
Osvaldo Mondrag6n of Reader's Digest fame (with whom we
failed to make connection); and Cardinal Miguel Obando y
Bravo (whose secretary would promise only to let us see him
in a sort of audience, not in an interview format).
Upon returning to the United States, the participants
were asked to fill out an anonymous evaluation form. These
responses were very positive. Given the overall success of both
the 1985 and 1986 seminars, the LASA Task Force on
Scholarly Relations with Nicaragua is recommending that
LASA sponsor a third seminar in 1987 [subsequently
approved-see above]. LASA members wishing further
information should write or call: Professor Harvey Williams,
Department of Sociology, University of the Pacific,
Stockton, CA 95211, (209) 946-2101, or Professor Thomas
W. Walker, Department of Political Science, Ohio Univer-
sity, Athens, OH 45701, (614) 594-5495 or 5626.


The members of the LASA Task Force on Human Rights
and Academic Freedom are: Martin Diskin (Chair), Program
in Anthropology, Massachusetts Institute of Technology,
20D-109, Cambridge, MA 02139; William Bollinger (Inter-
american Research Center), Thomas Bossert (Sarah
Lawrence College), Holly Burkhalter (Americas Watch),
Patricia Weiss Fagen (Refugee Policy Group), Beatriz Manz
(Wellesley College), Mitchell Seligson (University of Pitts-
burgh), St6fano Varese (Stanford University), and William
LeoGrande (The American University), ex-officio.

Peru Opposition Leader and Brother
Arrested While Voting in Lima

Luis Varese, a well-known Peruvian journalist and
political activist of the United Left opposition front, was
seized on Sunday, November 11, 1986, at 2:00 p.m. by a
heavily armed group of men dressed in civilian clothes.
As Varese, his wife, and his brother Francisco
approached a polling place to vote in the Lima municipal elec-
tion contested by the ruling APRA party and the United
Front, they were surrounded by a large group of men who
claimed to be policemen, although they refused to identify
themselves. Luis Varese was forced into a car with no license
plates. Francisco eluded his captors briefly but was appre-
hended by a similar large armed group as he went toward his
car. He was released several days later, but Luis remains in

This incident is particularly serious in view of the
repeated statements by the government of President Alan
Garcia that the electoral process and democratic institutions
would be fully guaranteed by the president himself. Some
observers believe that this action may have been done by the
military as a provocation to the Garcia government and as a
critique of what some believe to be too soft a policy toward the
left opposition.
In the past two years, three Americas Watch reports have
documented the human rights situation in Peru. The October
1984 report expressed concern over numerous violations on
the part of the government and the Sendero Luminoso; in the
September 1985 report, optimism was expressed with the new
presidency of Alan Garcia; but in September 1986 there was
new concern that, "the gains that have been made in the bat-
tle for human rights are in serious jeopardy." Hopefully, the
incident reported here is not part of a trend and will be speed-
ily rectified.
Human Rights Monitors in Latin America
Under Fire
Holly Burkhalter
Washington Representative
The Americas Watch
The past several months have witnessed a wave of attacks
on human rights monitors in Latin America. In Chile, for
example, General Pinochet promised on September 8 to "lock
up or expel" human rights advocates, and within days a death
squad was formed which threatened to kill a member of the
Catholic Church's human rights office. Dozens of death
threats were made against human rights monitors, and a
number of church lawyers were arrested. In Cuba, a group of
university professors and lawyers affiliated with the Cuban
Committee for Human Rights (a prison monitoring organiza-
tion formed within the jails by Ricardo Bofill Pages) were
arrested recently. In Bolivia, an attorney who represented a
number of political detainees was himself detained on political
grounds. In Guatemala, the Army publicly denounced the
president of the Grupo deApoyo Mutuo as a "terrorist" and
warned that she might become a "martyr." In Trinidad, a
leading human rights lawyer faces criminal charges which are
widely viewed as trumped-up as a result of his defense of
political cases.
In Latin America, as in the rest of the world, human
rights monitors, including writers, doctors, lawyers, and
church people who report on their governments' abuses or
provide assistance to victims, have been made victims
themselves. The repression of these heroic men and women
does more than abuse the individual monitors; it deprives
their fellow citizens of advocates and protectors and denies the
outside world news of human rights conditions in their coun-
tries. Not surprisingly, human rights monitors are regularly
tortured, threatened, exiled, jailed or even killed because of

what they know and report and denounce. Because they have
exposed themselves to danger from their own governments in
defending the rights of others, human rights monitors have a
special claim to support and assistance from abroad. Unfor-
tunately, the United States Government's record of support
for Latin American human rights advocates is a shabby one.
The Reagan administration got off to a bad start with
human rights leaders in Chile. U.N. Ambassador Jeane
Kirkpatrick refused to meet with the president of the Chilean
Commission on Human Rights, Dr. Jaime Castillo, during a
1981 good-will mission to Chile. Dr. Castillo was expelled
from the country just days later. James Theberge was posted
as U.S. Ambassador to Chile; he had virtually no contact with
Chilean human rights groups or victims of abuse. For four
years human rights monitors were deprived of protection and
assistance from the U.S. Embassy. (This situation dramati-
cally improved with Theberge's replacement by Ambassador
Harry Barnes in 1986, when cordial relations with the Chilean
human rights community resumed.)
In Guatemala repression has been so great that no human
rights monitoring organizations have been able to operate.
However an organization of families of the disappeared, the
Grupo deApoyo Mutuo (GAM) was founded in June 1984.
Following a public denunciation of the group as "subversive"
by then-President General Mejia Victores, two GAM
founders were assassinated along with several family
members, and other GAM leaders fled the country. Unfor-
tunately, relations between the GAM and the U.S. Embassy
in Guatemala City have been strained because certain State
Department officials had also denounced the organization as
"subversive." The GAM's suspicions were not allayed by the
treatment received by the group's president, Nineth de
Garcia, when she arrived at O'Hare Airport for a brief visit
to the U.S. in April 1986. She was pulled out of line, detained
for hours, and harshly interrogated by customs officials about
possible communist connections. Another GAM leader,
Blanca Rosal, the wife of a disappeared agronomist, applied
for political asylum in the United States following the murder
of her colleagues in 1985 and death threats against herself. In
its advisory opinion issued to the Immigration and Natural-
ization Service this September the State Department charged
that Blanca's disappeared husband was a "guerrilla," though
they provided no evidence to support the allegation. Worse,
after the State Department endangered her still further by the
reckless claim that she was the wife of a guerrilla, the Immi-
gration Service denied her asylum request and ordered her and
her two young children deported to Guatemala.
In Honduras the Honduran Human Rights Committee
(CODEH) and its president, Ram6n Custodio, have angered
the Reagan administration by monitoring and reporting on
violations against Honduran citizens by Nicaraguan contras
within the country, and criticizing U.S. policies in the region.
In September, the U.S. Embassy in Tegucigalpa refused to
condemn two fire bomb attacks on CODEH's office and
death threats against Custodio. Further, State Department

bureaucrats even tried to dissuade congressional offices from
protesting the attack to the Honduran government by
denouncing CODEH's director as a "communist" and deny-
ing that CODEH was a legitimate human rights group.
Nowhere in Latin America have human rights monitors
been more maligned by the U.S. Government than in El
Salvador. In the early 1980s, when church human rights
monitors were documenting and reporting some 1,000
assassinations every month, the Reagan administration
reserved its harshest criticism for the critics themselves. State
Department officials accused Socorro Juridico, the legal aid
office of the Roman Catholic Archdiocese, of a leftist bias
because it tabulated killings by government forces and
paramilitary forces allied to them, but did not monitor killings
by the guerrillas. (Actually Socorro Juridico's practices were
the same as those then followed by human rights organiza-
tions all over the world, including organizations relied upon
by the Department of State as authoritative.) A 1982 State
Department cable widely circulated on Capitol Hill called
Socorro Juridico's figures suspect because of the organiza-
tion's refusal to publish its sources. (Socorro Juridico's
sources were witnesses to government atrocities and relatives
of victims. Their names were frequently kept confidential to
protect their safety.)

In 1982 the Archdiocese replaced Socorro Juridico with
Tutela Legal, and the new organization documented abuses
by both the government and the guerrillas. Nonetheless, U.S.
Government attacks on the church's human rights monitors
persisted. The 1983 State Department Country Reports on
Human Rights falsely stated that Tutela Legal relied upon
"announcements by guerrilla groups," and discredited indi-
vidual testimonies collected by the office as "originating with
the guerrillas themselves or from sources close to and sym-
pathetic to the guerrillas."
To this day, the U.S. Embassy in San Salvador routinely
distributes to journalists and other visitors a lengthy
memorandum which harshly criticizes the Americas Watch,
a New York-based private human rights monitoring group,
and Tutela Legal. The Reagan administration's chief com-
plaint about both groups is that they publicize and denounce
attacks by the Salvadoran Armed Forces on unarmed civilians
living in conflictive areas of the country. The Salvadoran
government-and its U.S. supporters-clearly regard such
attacks as justified because the victims are seen as guerrilla
supporters. In fact, Common Article 3 of the Geneva Conven-
tions and the 1957 Protocol II to those Conventions, relating
to internal armed conflict, explicitly prohibit military attacks
on unarmed civilians-no matter what their political views are
perceived to be.
In June 1986 the Salvadoran government rounded up
and jailed five members of the nongovernmental Salvadoran
Commission on Human Rights and several women affiliated
with an organization of relatives of political prisoners. One of
those arrested by the Treasury Police, Maria Teresa Tula, had

been abducted a month before by nonuniformed death squad
members, who tortured and raped her repeatedly and inter-
rogated her about her human rights activities. The U.S.
Embassy in San Salvador not only failed to condemn the
crime, but joined in the act by releasing a press statement
which denounced her by name, along with the other jailed
human rights advocates as "a group of FMLN members who
have been running front organizations devoted to disinforma-
tion." The embassy's statement occurred before any formal
charges had been made and while the group was actually
undergoing interrogation (during which several of them were
abused) without the benefit of legal counsel or a trial.
The quality of human rights monitoring in Latin
America varies from group to group and from country to
country. Some have political concerns and criticize their own
governments and the U.S. policies as well. Some monitor
abuses by both sides, others monitor only government abuses.
Some have strictly professional methodology and are wholly
reliable, others are less so. But in almost all cases, human
rights monitors have risked their personal safety in denoun-
cing abuses against others. They should not have to pass an
ideological litmus test before the United States Government
speaks out on their behalf. The Reagan administration is not
required to endorse the findings or methodology of individual
human rights organizations; indeed, the human rights com-
munity can expect to have disagreements with U.S. officials.
But one thing we should all agree upon is that human rights
monitors are special kinds of dissidents who require support
and protection-however unwelcome their message may be to
their governments and to ours.

Human Rights in Puerto Rico: 1987
A Report to the
Latin American Studies Association *
Anthony M. Stevens-Arroyo**
Brooklyn College, CUNY
According to the Executive Director of the Puerto Rican
Civil Rights Commission, Eduardo Salichs, virtually all civil
rights cases brought to the commission involve political pre-
judice. This is not to say that there is no racism on the island
today, or that all Puerto Ricans respect the equal rights of the
handicapped or of women. But, as a matter of record, most
complaints brought to the commission allege violations of the
rights of political advocacy.
The principal victims of this prejudice are the Puerto
Rican independentistas, the advocates of island independence
from the United States. There is solid evidence that, as an
important political minority,' the independentistas are
systematically denied equal protection under the law, often
with the collusion of federal agencies, even when civil rights
statutes were violated by the government agencies.2

In this sense little has changed in the human rights situa-
tion in Puerto Rico in the past 50 years. In 1937 Arthur
Garfield Hays, then general counsel for the American Civil
Liberties Union, headed the investigation of an incident
known as the "Ponce Massacre," when 17 civilian indepen-
dence advocates were shot by the military. The findings
blamed the U.S.-trained National Guard for unprovoked
violence, and questioned the impartiality of the investigation
conducted by the U.S.-appointed governor, Blanton
Winship. Nearly 25 years later, in response to an official 1959
report to Governor Munoz that found significant abuses to
members of the Nationalist Party,3 the liberals under the pre-
sent Commonwealth arrangement (1952-1964) set in motion
a process that established (1965) an island Commission on
Civil Rights, modeled on the U.S. Federal Commission.
This report focuses on government complicity in the
politically motivated murder in 1978 of two young indepen-
dentistas at Cerro Maravilla, and upon federal prosecution of
the perpetrators of a 1983 Wells Fargo robbery in Hartford,
Connecticut. These events are analyzed as examples of the
systematic nature of many violations of the human and civil
rights of Puerto Rican independentistas, which have con-
tinued virtually unchanged since 1937 despite the civil rights'
legislation of the 1960s.
The Cerro Maravilla Case
On July 25, 1978, a police undercover agent (Gonzalez
Malav6) led two young independence advocates (Soto Arrivi,
age 17 and Rosado Ruiz, age 23) to a communications tower
on a remote hilltop, Cerro Maravilla. The three men had
hijacked a taxi and forced its owner (Ortiz Molina) to ride
with them to the hilltop. The police had been informed of the
arrival by the undercover agent, and when the two young men
left the cab, they were killed by the police. The official press
release described the police shootings as "self-defense" and
the undercover agent was decorated by Governor Carlos
Romero Barcel6 as a hero. The governor praised such decisive
action as a characteristic of his administration, which he
described as willing to give an example to all terrorists.4
Within the next two years, sufficient evidence surfaced
to cast doubts upon the official police version. The governor's
own administration conducted two investigations and, not
surprisingly in an election year, found no justification for
accusations of impropriety. Subsequently the Federal Depart-
ment of Justice conducted an investigation (May-August
1979), but brought only two witnesses before the Grand Jury
appointed to hear testimony. In December of 1979 another
investigation was undertaken by the Federal Department of
Justice, but once again no indictment was delivered.
Although Governor Romero managed to maintain his
post (by a margin of only 3,000 votes out of nearly 2 million
cast) in Puerto Rico's elections of November 1980, the prin-
cipal opposition party, the Popular Democrats (PPD), won
majorities in both houses of the island legislature. After con-
siderable political jousting, the PPD-controlled Senate con-

vened hearings of its own into the case. These hearings were
televised and although they had no juridic value, the daily
transmission captured Puerto Rican public attention, much
in the style of the Watergate proceedings in the United States.
Under the promise of immunity, individual officers and
witnesses to the events reversed previous testimony and
offered previously suppressed evidence. The new picture
presented to the Puerto Rican public was that the killings were
planned, that they constituted murder in cold-blood, and that
a cover-up had been ordered from "higher up." Partly
because of the Senate hearings on Cerro Maravilla, Romero
Barcel6 was denied reelection in 1984, and the new governor,
Rafael Hernandez Col6n, supported a thorough criminal
investigation, which in 1986 produced some convictions
against the police on charges of perjury. As of January 1987,
no one has yet been brought to trial for the murders, and the
statute of limitations has already expired on some federal
charges (Nelson 1986:237).

Use of Undercover Agents
Long before the Cerro Maravilla case, the Puerto Rican
Commission on Civil Rights had warned against the dangers
of the use of undercover agents. Citing their lack of official
training and insulation from criminal prosecution
(CDC-021-1971:568-69), the Commission had objected to the
use of these operatives (577-79). After Cerro Maravilla, the
Commission denounced the use of undercover agents in
counterintelligence activities against the independence move-
ment (Statement of February 16, 1979). In effect, undercover
agents have operated as secret police against the independence
movement. In May of 1986, two senators of the PPD offered
Project 681, legislation which would increase the use of under-
cover agents in the investigation of "political groups."
Curiously, although Puerto Rico has a significant drug prob-
lem, the legislation did not propose this kind of surveillance
to assist the prosecution of organized crime on the island.
Hence, despite the scandalous episode of Cerro Maravilla, the
structural bias in the judicial system against independence
advocates remains, affording political activists less protection
under law than some criminal elements of the society.
The Grand Jury
The Federal Grand Jury system also has been used
against the independence movement in Puerto Rico. Unlike
a trial, where innocence is presumed and the accused is
assured proper legal counsel, the Grand Jury follows an inves-
tigative procedure, where the prosecutor may seek evidence
without demonstrating that the information is linked to a
crime. A witness before a Grand Jury may not have legal
counsel present and must answer all questions of the prosecu-
tion; however, the proceedings are secret, and the public has
no guarantee that justice is pursued with equal vigor in all
Crimes attributed to the Puerto Rican independence
movement have often been the occasion to convene a Grand

Jury. In this context lawyers, labor leaders, and clergy have
been required to divulge the names of friends or clients and to
make available lists of members of a parish or labor union. In
effect, the constitutional right of independence advocates
against illegal seizure and search may be circumvented by the
summoning of a Grand Jury. As in Cerro Maravilla, these
procedures are often legitimized by invocation of an anti-
Communist crusade. Former Governor Roberto Sanchez
Vilella and a number of prominent members of the Puerto
Rican Bar Association have complained that the Grand Jury
process is being used in Puerto Rico to deny independence
advocates their due civil liberties (New York Times,
August 16, 1983.)
On the other hand, when the investigation is directed
against elements favorable to the government, the prosecu-
tion in a Grand Jury may be lax instead of vigorous. Nelson
details the conflicts over Grand Jury documents between
Drew Days, head of the central administration's civil rights
division in the Justice Department, and the FBI's San Juan
office (Nelson 1986:183-190). Incredibly, the FBI later named
Angel P6rez Casillas, the police commander of the Cerro
Maravilla operation, to coordinate the bureau's investigation
of the killings (Nelson 1986:193). Nelson states that Julio
Morales Sanchez, who conducted the Grand Jury investiga-
tion for the Justice Department, was himself investigated in
1985 by the U.S. Department of Justice for his conduct in the
investigation (Nelson 1986:238).
Political ideology enters the courtroom also because
judges often reflect the bias of the system that appoints them,
more on the basis of party affiliation than strictly on merit.6
One such appointee, Judge Carmen Vargas Cerezo, required
prospective jurors to reveal how they voted in 1984 as part of
the qualification process for the Cerro Maravilla case. Sym-
pathy for Puerto Rican independence was cited as sufficient
reason to eliminate the person from consideration (New York
Times, February 17, 1986).

The FBI has been a part of this pattern of bias against
independence advocates. Gonzalez Malav6, the undercover
agent, planted explosives in a post office in April of 1978
under the supervision of federal agents, who were present
when he fulfilled his mission. This was part of the policy of
"dirty tricks" designed to turn public opinion against inde-
pendence. Other such "supervised activities" admitted by
Gonzalez Malav6 included exploding Molotov cocktails and
participating in a shotgun attack upon ex-Governor Munoz
Marin (The San Juan Star, April 27, 1980). Six days after the
Cerro Maravilla shootings, the San Juan office of the FBI
informed Washington that no investigation should be made
because the incident was being used to "cause embarrass-
ment" to the pro-statehood administration (memorandum of
July 31, 1978). Another memorandum (August 28, 1978)
from John Hinchcliffe, the bureau's director in Puerto Rico,
argued that documentation of FBI investigations into the

Cerro Maravilla case should be given over to the Grand Jury
so that the evidence gathered by the bureau could not become
available under the Freedom of Information Act (Nelson
Sadly, the inability of the justice system in Puerto Rico
to demonstrate effectiveness has led sometimes to an escala-
tion of violence. The undercover agent in the Cerro Maravilla
case had just been acquitted of kidnapping charges, when on
April 29, 1986, he was shot and killed near his home. An inde-
pendence group, Volunteers for the Puerto Rican Revolution,
claimed responsibility for the "ajusticiamiento." Just as
quickly, Jos6 Taboada, president of the pro-statehood Puerto
Rican Policeman's Association, raised the threat of vigilante
reprisal from within the police force against the Secretary of
Justice, who, it was claimed, had not defended Gonzalez
Malav6 from the "terrorists" (April 30, 1986). Thus, after
nearly nine years of investigations, hearings and trials, the
legacy of Cerro Maravilla is an unending spiral of violence
and an erosion of public confidence in the justice system in
Puerto Rico under both federal and local authorities.
Advocacy of Puerto Rican Independence:
A Civil Right or Criminal Offense?
The Cerro Maravilla case reveals the political nature of
Puerto Rico's justice system. In some official quarters, inde-
pendence has been equated with treason against the United
States, even though the conventions of United Nations and
other international agreements guarantee self-determination
for nonautonomous territories.7
In the spring of 1987 it is expected that 16 independence
advocates will be tried in federal court on charges related to
a robbery of Wells Fargo Security that took place in Hartford,
Connecticut, on September 12, 1983. Of immediate concern
to the question of civil rights is the statement of FBI agent
Richard Held (New York Times, September 8, 1985) that the
trial is meant to link the suspects to the clandestine organiza-
tions of the Macheteros and the FALN (Fuerzas Armadas de
Liberaci6n Nacional).
Most of the suspects were arrested by the FBI on August
30, 1985, in an operation consisting of sweeps conducted in
different parts of the island, the United States, and Mexico by
more than 250 FBI agents, heavily armed with combat gear
and automatic weapons. Subsequently, two other suspects
were detained on March 21, 1986. Because reports of police
brutality can be found in the Puerto Rican press, this report
will not detail these charges.
The FBI is accused by defense counsel of violations of the
First and Fourth Amendments for their confiscation of the
manuscripts, poems, and photographic film of the Puerto
Rican poet, Coqui Santaliz. She has never been charged with
any crime, but none of the materials have ever been returned
despite protests from groups such as PEN, which delivered
letters signed by leading Latin American authors protesting
the violation of Ms. Santaliz's rights. Likewise, the office of

the pro-independence journal, Pensamiento critic, was
raided by the FBI, its printing press destroyed and its mailing
lists seized. The authorities have never proven how this
magazine is linked to the Wells Fargo robbery.
The defendants captured in Puerto Rico and Mexico
were moved on September 1, 1985, and held incommunicado
until brought to court in Hartford on September 3. In possi-
ble violation of their Sixth Amendment rights, their attorneys
were prevented from knowing the whereabouts of their
clients. Moreover, the Fifth Amendment prohibits direct
interrogation of defendants represented by counsel,
something the FBI has attempted repeatedly in this case, tak-
ing advantage of the attorneys' absence.
The fundamental premise of the government prosecution
links the Wells Fargo incident to the activities of various
clandestine independence organizations. However, this
linkage is not one of the charges. It seems unfair, therefore,
that the government makes the alleged link to the Macheteros
the reason for denying bail to most of the defendants, but is
not forced to demonstrate this relationship. The arrest process
apparently utilized this nonproven charge as justification for
the search of the home of Ms. Santaliz and the offices of Pen-
samiento critic.
Finally, since the concept of trial by one's peers is the cor-
nerstone of the legal justice tradition in the United States, it
may be asked whether holding the trial in Hartford will deny
Puerto Ricans the right to stand trial before other Puerto
Ricans, whose thinking has been shaped by the same culture,
language and history. This is not an idle question, since a 1986
El Nuevo DNa poll conducted by Yankelovich, Shelly and
White, Stanford, Klapper & Associates in Puerto Rico sug-
gested that 47 percent of those polled on the island disagreed
that the Macheteros are "terrorists." Additionally, 44 percent
said that while the methods of the Macheteros were
"extreme," they refused to classify them as "unacceptable."
Public respect for the independentista cause is not always
understood in the United States. For instance, when the
Reagan administration raised the possibility of training the
Nicaraguan contras in Puerto Rico because no other Latin
American country wanted them, there was significant public
disapproval, including the exploding of bombs in several
army installations on the island in protest (October 28, 1986).
Puerto Rican Governor Rafael HernAndez Col6n admitted to
the press that because public opinion significantly supported
the independentistas on this issue, the training of contras in
Puerto Rico would be highly controversial, even if the United
States were legally free to ignore Puerto Rican wishes (New
York Times, October 31, 1986).
This report has not included other significant incidents
concerning human rights in Puerto Rico. Space does not per-
mit analysis of the 1982 eviction of a squatters' settlement
(Villa Sin Miedo) nor the fatal police shooting of a middle-

aged mother in the process. Various political murders,
including the death of the son of Juan Mari Bras, leader of the
Puerto Rican Socialist Party, have gone unresolved. The con-
tinuing community struggle to prevent naval maneuvers on
the shores of Vieques has led to the arrests and trials of pro-
minent activists, including a Catholic bishop, and the
unsolved death in prison of a socialist leader. The University
of Puerto Rico was closed for much of 1981 because of
ideological conflicts, and was the scene for serious incidents
of police brutality. The tragic fire on New Year's Eve 1986 is
only the latest example of how labor conflicts continue to
generate serious violence, often resulting in charges of ter-
rorism against any labor leader espousing independence.

Hopefully this report has shown that there is a pattern to
the denials of equal protection for independence advocates in
Puerto Rico, and that the root causes for this situation have
not substantially changed in 50 years. The command structure
of the police, the politicization of governmental process, the
abuse of the judicial system, and the unequal application of
the law by federal authorities are serious problems that have
not yet been adequately addressed. Indeed, it has been argued
that such long-standing and flagrant violations of the rights
of Puerto Rican independentistas constitute an attack on the
right of Puerto Ricans to advocate their independence. Such
denial of justice in Puerto Rico takes place in that part of
Latin America still under the U.S. flag, and thus merits par-
ticular vigilance from the members of LASA.


*Chairperson's Note: Dr. Stevens-Arroyo served on the Task Force
on Human Rights and Academic Freedom from Fall 1983 to Spring 1985. The
views expressed in this report are his alone.
**This report could not have been prepared without the assistance of Mr.
Eduardo Salichs, Executive Director of the Puerto Rican Commission on Civil
Rights, and Mr. Gustavo Marrero, legal counsel for the Commission, who
provided a complete set of Commission publications for detailed research.
The book, Human Rights in a United States Colony by Louise Cripps
(Schenkman 1982), and the Summer 1979 edition of Pensamiento crltico have
been very useful. Special thanks to Mr. Ronald Kuby of the legal office of
William Kunstler for the valuable data he has supplied, and to my colleague
Ana Maria Diaz for help with the manuscript.
I. The actual number of independence advocates on the island is much
debated. The number of persons who vote on the Independence Party line for
governor is an unreliable count since there has been much ticket splitting in
recent elections. Sentiment for, as distinct from participation in, independence
politics may touch more than the 7 percent of the population sometimes con-
sidered loyal to the independence ideal. (Cf. Cripps, p.183; Raymond Carr,
Puerto Rico: A Colonial Experiment, New York: Vintage, 1984, pp.172-173).
In the 1984 elections, Ruben Berrios, president of the Puerto Rican Inde-
pendence Party, received a record high of nearly 200,000 votes as senator-at-
large. Carr (p.192 etpassim) explains that independence influence exceeds its
2. Such violations of the civil rights of Puerto Rican independence
advocates were admitted by William C. Sullivan, then Assistant Director of
the FBI, in testimony before the Church Senate Select Committee, whose final
report was published in 1976. Documents related to the phase of the
counterintelligence program (COINTELPRO), carried out in Puerto Rico
against the independence movement, are reviewed in an edition of the
magazine, Pensamiento critic, verano:1979.

3. See the two volumes published under the title, Informes de la
Comisidn de Derechos Civiles del Estado Libre Asociado de Puerto Rico,
Document 1, part VII, 1959 (Orford, NH: Equity Publishing, 1973) pp.1-212;
referred to below as "CDC."
4. Readily available accounts can be found in the May 14, 1979, issues
of Time and Newsweek. Anne Nelson's book, Murder Under Two Flags (New
York: Ticknor and Fields, 1986) narrates the events journalistically and
explains the relevant political context. Articles in the New York Times and
the Washington Post of that period are also useful.
5. See Morton Halperin, et al., The Lawless State (New York: Penguin,
1976), pp.209-219.
6. Reversals in a higher court have been so frequent for one of the pro-
statehood judges, Juan R. Torruela, that he has been classified by the
American Lawyer magazine as "one of the worst federal judges in the entire
U.S. and the worst in the First Circuit." Cited in Cripps, p.128.
7. See Robert Pastor, "Puerto Rico as an International Issue," pp.99-
136 in Richard J. Bloomfield, ed., Puerto Rico: The Searchfor a National
Policy (Boulder: Westview, 1985).


A Committee.on Regionals (CORE), which includes the
eight Latin American regional organizations (MACLAS,
SCOLAS AND SECOLAS), convened during the 1986
LASA Congress in Boston. After a business meeting,
representatives heard presentations by Ray Sadler of
RMCLAS and Herbert Miller of SCOLAS, who discussed
"Regionals and Publishing," drawing upon their organiza-
tions' experiences with published papers of regional con-
ferences as examples. CORE also organized a table where the
organizations distributed newsletters and membership

Since its reestablishment in 1985, CORE has institu-
tionalized the interchange of newsletters among the regional
organizations, has periodically updated lists of regional offi-
cers, and is coordinating a project on capsule histories of each
organization. A list of current officers is being compiled and
will be published in a forthcoming issue of the Forum. Con-
tact: Ann Twinam, Department of History, University of
Cincinnati, Cincinnati, OH 45221.


The XIV International Congress of the Latin American
Studies Association will be held in New Orleans, March 17-19,
1988. The Program Committee hopes that the meeting will be
notable for the quality and scope of its scholarship and the
diversity of ideas and information presented. We are counting
on the help of all LASA members to reach these goals.
Members are invited to propose sessions for this meeting as
early as possible. Participation by Latin American and Carib-
bean scholars is particularly encouraged.
Four types of sessions will constitute the bulk of the pro-
gram in New Orleans.
1. Panels: consisting of presentations of formal papers
prepared especially for the occasion, and related discussion of
2. Workshops: consisting of several participants who
exchange ideas about common research problems, techniques
and perspectives, or teaching interests in new fields of study.
3. Roundtables: breakfast sessions consisting of no
more than 10 persons who share in discussing a focused topic
of common interest. Participants and organizers must sign up
in advance for roundtables; session organizers serve as discus-
sion leaders.
4. Meetings: consisting of members of formally con-
stituted organizations who meet to discuss the business of
their organization.
In addition, the program will include film showings,
public forums, receptions, and other special events.

Participants in the New Orleans meeting will be limited
to one role on the program in order to broaden the oppor-
tunities for all applicants. The only exceptions to this are panel
organizers, who may also present a paper on their own panel,
and those who are attending from abroad.
Panels, workshops, and roundtables will be limited in
size to assure orderly and full discussions. Sessions will nor-
mally be two hours long. Ample time must be allowed for
questions and discussion. An "ideal" research panel would
consist of three paper presenters who summarize their work
and two discussants; it would allow at least 20 minutes for
general discussion open to participation from the audience.
An "ideal" discussion panel would consist of four brief
"think pieces" and general discussion of them. An "ideal"
workshop would consist of six persons. An "ideal" round-
table would consist of 10 people.

The Program Committee will communicate directly with
session organizers. The organizers are responsible for gather-
ing complete and accurate information from session par-
ticipants and for keeping them fully informed of requirements
and responsibilities for the session.
Session organizers are responsible for submitting five
copies of their proposal to the Program Committee.
The Program Committee will provide information and
assistance to organizers on a timely basis.
If you wish to organize a session for the New Orleans
meeting, we ask that you send us the information requested
on the following forms. We are deeply appreciative of your
interest in contributing to the next LASA meeting. The Pro-
gram Committee will be in contact with you as soon as pos-
sible in response to your proposal.


of the 1988 Program Committee are the

Charles Bergquist, Chair
Center for International Studies
Duke University
2122 Campus Drive
Durham, North Carolina 27706
Douglas Bennett
Department of Political Science
Temple University
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 19122
Jan Flora
Department of Sociology
Waters Hall
Kansas State University
Manhattan, Kansas 66506
Regina Harrison
Department of Foreign Languages
and Literatures
Bates College
Lewiston, Maine 04240
Nora Lustig
El Colegio de M6xico
Centro de Estudios Econ6micos
Camino al Ajusco 20
21000 M6xico, D.F.
Scott Whiteford
Latin American Studies Center
Michigan State University
East Lansing, Michigan 48824

New Orleans, Louisiana
March 17-19, 1988

Mail 5 copies to:
Charles Bergquist
Center for International Studies
2122 Campus Drive
Duke University
Durham, NC 27706

All participants in the congress must be members of LASA. Those nonmembers wishing to participate should request a member-
ship form from the LASA Secretariat in Pittsburgh.
Instructions: We urge all those interested in presenting a paper on a panel to take the initiative to organize a session or to com-
municate with others who might be interested in organizing one. If such efforts prove unsuccessful, the Program Committee will
assess your proposal and, where appropriate, attempt to ensure its inclusion in an organized session. Please submit the informa-
tion requested below in the most complete and accurate form possible to help the Program Committee make an informed decision.
Five copies of the proposal must be submitted as indicated above. This form may be submitted in English, Spanish, or Portuguese.
PROPOSALS MUST BE RECEIVED BY APRIL 1, 1987. Please type or print clearly.

Title of paper:

Description of paper topic (25-50 words):





. Telephone: (office)


Please suggest several broad themes that would serve as topics for panels on which your paper might be appropriate:

New Orleans, Louisiana
March 17-19, 1988

Mail 5 copies to:
Charles Bergquist
Center for International Studies
Duke University
2122 Campus Drive
Durham, NC 27706

Type of Session Proposed:
[ ] Panel
[ ] Workshop
[ ] Roundtable
S] Meeting

All participants in the congress must be members of LASA. Those nonmembers wishing to participate should request a member-
ship form from the LASA Secretariat in Pittsburgh.
Instructions: Please submit the information requested below in the most complete and accurate form possible. This will increase
the probability that the proposed session will be included in the final program for the meeting. To aid the Program Committee in
the selection process, particular attention should be given to developing a concrete and informative description of the proposed
session. Five copies of the proposal must be submitted as indicated above. PROPOSALS MUST BE RECEIVED BY APRIL 1,
1987. Please type or print clearly.

Title of session:
Organization sponsoring session, if any:
Description of session (75-100 words):


Telephone: (office)


Brief biographical statement (including scholarly experience related to session topic):

Please suggest how the session will be organized, including allocation of time (in minutes) allotted to each participant and to general
discussion. Innovative formats for sessions are particularly encouraged.

List participants in order of their appearance in session, including yourself as organizer. Please check carefully for accuracy in infor-
mation about participants. Mark with an asterisk Latin American participants who may need financial assistance for travel. Papers
may be given in Spanish, Portuguese, or English; paper titles should be listed below in the language in which the paper will be written
and presented.

Participant 1:
Role in session:

Organizer [ ]


Title of paper (panels only):

Presenter [ ]

Discussant [ ]

Participant 2:
Role in session:

Organizer [ ]


Title of paper (panels only):

Presenter [ ]

Discussant [ ]

Participant 3:
Role in session:

Organizer [ ]

Presenter [ ]

Discussant [ ]


Title of paper (panels only):

Participant 4:
Role in session:

Organizer [ I


Title of paper (panel only):

Presenter [ ]

Discussant [ ]

Participant 5:
Role in session:

Organizer [ ]


Title of paper (panel only):

Participant 6:
Role in session:

Organizer [ ]

Presenter [ ]

Presenter [ ]

Discussant [ ]

Discussant [ ]

Title of paper (panel only):


New Orleans, Louisiana
March 17-19, 1988

Mail 5 copies to:
Charles Bergquist
Center for International Studies
2122 Campus Drive
Duke University
Durham, NC 27706

All participants in the congress must be members of LASA. Those nonmembers wishing to participate should request a member-
ship form from the LASA Secretariat in Pittsburgh.
Instructions: If you wish to schedule an event or meeting that does not fit the categories specified under organized sessions, please
provide the information indicated below. This form may be submitted in English, Spanish, or Portuguese. (Please note that all pro-
posals for films and videos not integrated into organized sessions must be submitted on the form entitled "Proposals for Film Sub-
missions" and sent to Lavonne C. Poteet, Coordinator of the Film Council.) PROPOSALS MUST BE SUBMITTED BY APRIL 1,
1987. Please type or print clearly.
Title of session:

Sponsoring organization:

Type and purpose of event:
S Breakfast [ ] Business meeting
S] Luncheon [ ] Organizing Meeting
S Dinner [ ] Board/committee meeting
S] Reception (paid by sponsor) [ ] Panel
S Reception (cash bar/no host) [ ] Workshop

Is event open to all interested parties? yes [ ] no [ ]
Do you plan to charge an admission fee? yes [ ] no [ ]

Brief narrative description of event (for possible publication):

Name/affiliation of chair:
Name/affiliation of organizer:
Preferred date and hour:
Room set-up: [ ] Theater (auditorium); head table set for people.
[ ] Conference (up to 15 people).
[ ] Other (please specify)

Estimated attendance:
Will food and beverages be served? yes [ ] no [
If yes, name/address/phone of person to be billed:

Specify any audiovisual equipment required:

Form completed by (name/address/phone):

New Orleans, Louisiana
March 17-19, 1988

Mail 3 copies to:
LaVonne C. Poteet, Coordinator
1988 LASA Film Festival
Bucknell University
Lewisburg, PA 17837

Film Council:
LaVonne C. Poteet
Julianne Burton
Dennis West
Randal Johnson


Film and video materials not integrated into a panel, workshop, roundtable, or meeting may be presented in one of two ways: (1)
as selections in a LATIN AMERICAN FILM FESTIVAL; or (2) as part of a noncompetitive FILM EXHIBIT of visual and infor-
mational materials. Materials not selected for the festival may be presented at the exhibit for a fee. Please use a separate form for
each film/video suggested. PROPOSALS MUST BE SUBMITTED BY SEPTEMBER 1, 1987. Please type or print clearly.
Films and videos chosen for the FESTIVAL are designated as recipients of the 1987-88 LASA Award for Merit in Film for "excel-
lence in the visual presentation of educational and artistic materials on Latin America." Approximately 15 such awards will be made.
Criteria used in selecting films or videos to be screened are: artistic, technical and cinematographic excellence; uniqueness of con-
tribution to the visual presentation of materials on Latin America; and relevance to disciplinary, geographic and thematic interests
of LASA members, as evidenced by topics proposed for panels, workshops and roundtables at recent congresses. Films and videos
released after March 1986 and those that will premiere at the congress will be given special consideration if they also meet the above
The noncompetitive FILM EXHIBIT of Latin American films, videos and descriptive materials (brochures, catalogues, etc.) is
organized in coordination with the book exhibit. For information on the film exhibit contact Harve C. Horowitz & Associates, LASA
Film Exhibit, 10369 Currycomb Court, Columbia, Maryland 21044; phone (301) 997-0763.

Title of work:


[ ] Film (16mm [ 1; 35mm [ ])
[ ] Video (available formats:__

Distributor (name and address):

Year of release:

Screening time:

Brief description (25-50 words) of subject matter, including country or area treated:

Your name:

Phone: (office)



If you have questions, call LaVonne C. Poteet at (717) 524-1353.



Tinker Visiting Professors. The following scholars are
Tinker Visiting Professors resident at U.S. universities for the
1986-1987 academic year. Columbia University: Maria do
Carmo Carvalho Campello de Souza (Brazil), Political
Science, Fall 1986; Teresa Vald6s (Chile), Sociology, Fall
1986. Stanford University: St6fano Varese (Mexico), Anthro-
pology, Fall and Winter 1986-87. University of Chicago:
Manuel Burga Diaz (Peru), History, Winter 1987; Jorge
Balan (Argentina), Sociology, Winter 1987; Alicia HernAndez
(Mexico), History, Spring 1987. University of Texas at
Austin: Pablo Antonio Cuadra (Nicaragua), Spanish and
Portuguese, Fall 1986. University of Wisconsin at Madison:
Manuel Villaverde Cabral (Portugal), History, Fall 1986;
Edmundo Flores (Mexico), Agricultural Economics, Fall

Haffenreffer Museum of Anthropology, Bristol, Rhode
Island. The museum announces the March 1, 1987, opening
of a new exhibit entitled Costume as Communication:
Ethnographic Costumes and Textiles from Middle America
and the Central Andes of South America. The textiles on
view, which have been collected within the past thirty years,
reveal pre-Columbian dress form survivals, imprints of
Spanish occupation, and later European and American influ-
ences. On Saturday, March 7, the museum will host a sym-
posium on "Current Topics in Ethnographic Cloth and
Costume from Middle America and the Central Andes of
South America" at which ten scholars will discuss their
research on textiles and field work with the indigenous
creators of costume and cloth from these areas. The public is
invited. For more information call (401) 253-8388.

Latin American Book Fair. The 2nd Latin American
Book Fair will be held May 1-2, 1987, at the City College of
New York in Manhattan. The first fair in 1985, at which 150
publishers and distributors participated, drew an attendance
of 10,000. Reservation forms for exhibit tables may be
obtained from Lourdes VAzquez, Coordinator, Publishers
and Distributors, 2nd Latin American Book Fair, City Col-
lege of New York, Department of Romance Languages, NAC
5223, New York, NY 10031; phone, (212) 690-8172, 690-8271.

Latin American Vanguard Project. An NEH-supported
project entitled "An Annotated Guide to Latin American
Literary Vanguardism (1920-1945)" is soliciting contributions
of critical studies on the Latin American literary vanguard
and/or any references that might be recommended. All con-
tributions will be given consideration for inclusion in the
bibliography. In addition, a network of researchers and
scholars is being developed. Send materials or inquiries to Dr.
Merlin H. Forster, Latin American Vanguard Project, Insti-
tute of Latin American Studies, SRH 1.310, University of
Texas, Austin, TX 78712; phone, (512)471-5551.

NPR Series on Native American Myths and Legends.
Beginning in January 1987, National Public Radio will
distribute to member stations an eight-part series of half-hour
radio programs, "Stories from the Spirit World: The Myths
and Legends of Native Americans." The series focuses on the
Cahuilla and Chumash tribes of Southern California and the
Aztecs of pre-Columbian Mexico. It uses dramatizations
made from the eye-witness accounts of Spanish explorers and
their Native American informants, and contemporary field
recordings of California Indian fiestas and sacred games to
explore traditional mythology and its contemporary
relevance. The performers are all Native Americans and Mex-
ican Americans. Program cassettes are available from:
Cassette Publishing, National Public Radio, 2025 M Street,
NW, Washington, DC 20036; phone, (800) 253-0808 [from
Wisconsin and Alaska, (608) 263-4892].


Andean & Amazonian Archaeology and Ethnohistory.
The Department of Anthropology at the University of
Wisconsin, Madison, will host the 15th Midwest Conference
on Andean and Amazonian Archaeology and Ethnohistory
February 21 and 22, 1987. For more information contact: Sue
Grosboll, Department of Anthropology, 1180 Observatory
Drive, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wisconsin 53706.
Jewish Presence in Latin America. A conference on
"The Jewish Presence in Latin America" will be held
February 22-24, 1987, at the University of Florida in
Gainesville. Cosponsors are the Latin American Jewish
Studies Association (LAJSA), the University of Florida's
Center for Latin American Studies and its Center for Jewish
Studies. Contact: Judith Elkin, Latin American Jewish
Studies Association, 2104 Georgetown Blvd., Ann Arbor, MI
Hispanic Languages and Literature. The Louisiana Con-
ference on Hispanic Languages and Literature will be held
February 26-28, 1987. For information contact: Gilbert
Paolini, Department of Spanish and Portuguese, Tulane
University, New Orleans, LA 70118.
Puerto Rican Politics. The First Symposium on the
Study of Puerto Rican Politics will be held March 12-14, 1987,
at the University of Puerto Rico. Themes include theoretical
problems in the study of Puerto Rican politics; parties,
ideologies and electoral processes; Puerto Rico in the world
system; the state, government and administration; women
and politics; politics, education and the university; the
teaching of politics in the school system, militarism in Puer-
to Rico; and the church, religion and politics. Contact:
Department of Political Science, Faculty of Social Sciences,
University of Puerto Rico, Rio Piedras, Puerto Rico 00931;
phone, (809) 764-0000, ext. 2467.

Institute Internacional de Literatura Iberoamericana.
The 26th Congress of the Instituto Internacional de Literatura
Iberoamericana will be held June 8-12, 1987, in New York
City, sponsored by the City College of the City University of
New York. The theme is "History and Fiction in Latin
American Literature." Those interested in presenting a paper
(maximum of seven double-spaced pages) should write to:
Raquel Chang-Rodriguez, President, Instituto Internacional
de Literature Iberoamericana, Department of Romance
Languages, City College, CUNY, New York, NY 10031.
Deadline for receipt of papers is March 15, 1987. Participants
must be members of the Instituto. Inquiries about member-
ship should be directed to: Professor Alfredo A. Roggiano,
Director, Instituto Internacional de Literatura
Iberoamericana, University of Pittsburgh, 1312 Cathedral of
Learning, Pittsburgh, PA 15260.
Military-Civilian Confrontation in Latin America. The
Political Science Department at The Citadel (Charleston, SC)
is sponsoring its Third Annual Conference on Latin American
Studies Wednesday, March 25, 1987. The theme is "The
Military-Civilian Confrontation in Latin America: Myth or
Reality?" Panelists will explore some of the changes which
have occurred since the 1970s in the control of a number of
Latin American governments as they have moved from
civilian to military rule or vice versa. For further information
contact: Dr. S.A. Arcilesi, (803) 792-6879; Dr. P.R. Benson,
Jr., 792-4852; or Dr. W.L. Harris, 792-5044.

Evaluation of Latin American Studies. The State Univer-
sity of New York at Buffalo is sponsoring a conference on "A
Critical Evaluation of Latin American Studies" September
23-26, 1987. The purpose of the conference is to explore the
state-of-the-art of main disciplines that comprise Latin
American Studies: anthropology, art history, economics,
geography, history, linguistics, literature, philosophy,
political science and sociology. Latin Americanists who wish
to participate should contact Jorge J.E. Garcia, Department
of Philosophy, Baldy Hall, SUNY at Buffalo, Amherst, NY
14260. The deadline for papers is March 31, 1987.
SECOLAS Annual Meeting. The 1987 annual meeting of
the South Eastern Council of Latin American Studies will be
held in Merida, Yucatan, April 1-5. The conference theme is
"Regionalism and Nationalism in Latin America: Legacies of
the Past, Directions for the Future." There will be special ses-
sions on the Yucatan and Mexico. Contacts: Dr. Kenneth
Coleman, Department of Political Science, University of Ken-
tucky, Lexington, KY 40506; or Dr. Melvin Arrington,
Department of Modern Languages, University of Mississippi,
University, MS 38677.
RMCLAS Annual Meeting. The 35th annual meeting of
the Rocky Mountain Council on Latin American Studies will
be held April 2-4, 1987, at the La Posada de Santa Fe hotel in
Santa Fe, New Mexico. In addition to more than fifteen
panels, there will be a plenary colloquium on "Supporting
Redemocratization in Latin America: United States Foreign

Policy." For further information contact: Theo R. Crevenna,
RMCLAS President, Deputy Director, Latin American Insti-
tute, University of New Mexico, 801 Yale NE, Albuquerque,
NM 87131; phone, (505) 277-2961; BITNET use
MACLAS Annual Meeting. The 1987 annual meeting of
the Middle Atlantic Council for Latin American Studies will
be held April 3-4, on the campus of Lehigh University in
Bethlehem, Pennsylvania. The registration fee for MACLAS
members (dues are $5 per year)-$30 before March 30, $35 at
the meeting-includes a banquet on Friday, breakfast and
lunch on Saturday, two cocktail parties, and all coffee breaks.
Room reservations should be made before March 23 at either
the Comfort Inn, Rt. 22 at Rt. 191 exit, Bethlehem, PA 18017
($29.95-single, $32.95-double plus tax) or the Hotel
Bethlehem, 437 Main St., Bethlehem, PA 18018 ($50 plus tax,
single or double). To preregister or obtain additional informa-
tion, contact local arrangements chairperson Dr. Alvin
Cohen, Department of Economics, Drown Hall #35, Lehigh
University, Bethlehem, PA 18015.
Teaching of Foreign Languages. The 1987 Central States
Conference on the Teaching of Foreign Languages (in
cooperation with the Ohio Foreign Language Association)
will be held April 9-11, 1987, in Columbus, Ohio. Contact:
Valorie Babb, Program Chair, Minot High School, Minot,
ND 58701.
Criminal Justice and Human Rights. An International
Conference on "Criminal Justice and Human Rights: Anglo-
American Common Law and the European-Latin American
Legal Tradition" will be held April 13-17, 1987, at the School
of Law and Social Sciences of the National University of
Buenos Aires, Argentina. It is sponsored by Fordham Univer-
sity and the National University of Buenos Aires. Abstracts,
papers and inquiries can be sent to Dr. O. Carlos Stoetzer,
Department of History, Fordham University, Bronx, NY
10458, phone (212) 579-2000; or to Professor Rolando Costa
Picazo, Avenida de Mayo 1285, 5to piso, (1085) Buenos
Aires, Argentina.
NCCLA Fall Meeting. The North Central Council of
Latin Americanists is soliciting papers for its annual fall
meeting to be held October 1-3, 1987, in Northfield, Min-
nesota. Co-hosts are St. Olaf College and Carleton College.
The conference theme is "State and Society in Latin
America," but paper proposals outside of the theme will be
given equal consideration. Papers are invited from any
academic field, and multidisciplinary topics are encouraged.
Those interested in presenting a paper should send an abstract
to the program chair before May 1, 1987: Gast6n Fernandez,
Department of Political Science, St. Olaf College, Northfield,
MN 55057; phone, (507) 663-3345. Information about the
North Central Council of Latin Americanists is available
from: NCCLA Secretariat, Center for Latin America, P.O.
Box 413, University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, Milwaukee,
WI 53201; phone, (414) 963-5986.

Caribbean Studies Association. The XII International
Congress of the Caribbean Studies Association will be held
May 27-29, 1987, in Belize City. The conference theme is
"The Challenge of Change: Leadership in the Caribbean."
For information on the program contact program chair
Claudia Mitchell-Kernan, Director, Center for Afro-
American Studies, University of California, Los Angeles, CA
90024. For information on the Caribbean Studies Associa-
tion, an independent professional society of international
membership dedicated to the advancement of Caribbean
studies from a multidisciplinary and multicultural perspec-
tive, contact: Angel Calder6n-Cruz, Secretary-Treasurer,
GPO Box X, University of Puerto Rico, Rio Piedras, Puerto
Rico 00936.
Congress of Americanists. The Latin Americanists of the
Netherlands will host the 46th International Congress of
Americanists in Amsterdam July 4-8, 1988. The deadline for
proposing a symposium is May 31, 1987. Write, giving the
suggested topic and possible participants, to: 46th Interna-
tional Congress of Americanists, c/o CEDLA, Keizersgracht
395-397, 1016 EK Amsterdam, The Netherlands. Those
wishing to be brought into contact with scholars having inter-
ests similar to their own, or wishing to participate as
observers, should write to the above address before
October 1, 1987; be sure to include your full name (print),
institution, position, and mailing address.
Latin American Indian Literatures. The Fifth Interna-
tional Symposium on Latin American Indian Literatures will
be held June 3-6, 1987, at Cornell University. Contact: Dr.
Richard N. Luxton, LAILA/ALILA Symposia Chair, P.O.
Box 163553, Sacramento, CA 95816.
North American Economies in the 1990s. An interna-
tional symposium on the economies of North America will be
held June 18-21, 1987, at the Holiday Inn-Civic Center in
Laredo, Texas. Sessions will be held on the following topics,
among others: Foreign Debt Issues, Exchange Rate Fluctua-
tions, International Banking Issues, Technology Transfer,
Economic Performance of the Caribbean Region, the Carib-
bean Basin Initiative, Economic Relations with the Third
World, Economic Relations with Socialist Countries, Border
Issues: U.S.-Mexico, Development Planning in Mexico and
Latin America, Maquiladoras and Production Sharing, and
Sociocultural Issues. The registration fee ($35 through April
15, 1987; $45 thereafter) includes one copy of the Symposium
Proceedings, two receptions, and a dinner with the keynote
speaker. The Holiday Inn-Civic Center in Laredo is offering
special symposium rates of $38 single, $45 double. To register
or obtain additional information contact: Dr. Khosrow
Fatend, Program Chair, International Symposium, Laredo
State University, West End Washington Street, Laredo, TX
Association of European Latin Americanist Historians.
The VIII Congreso de la Asociaci6n de Historiadores
Latinoamericanistas Europeos (AHILA) will take place

September 8-11, 1987, in Szeged, Hungary. The theme is
"Iglesia, Religi6n y Sociedad en la Historia Latinoamericana
(1492- 1945)." [The congress will be conducted exclusively in
Spanish and Portuguese.] Contact: Dr. Gyorgy Kukovecz,
Secretario General del Comit6 Organizador, Centro de
Estudios Hist6ricos de America Latina, Universidad de
Szeged, Egyetem u. 2. 6722. Szeged, Hungria.


Summer Institute and Fellowships, Newberry Library.
Applications are invited from faculty in the humanities and
social sciences for enrollment in the 1987 Newberry Library
Summer Institute in Transatlantic Encounters. Funded in part
by the National Endowment for the Humanities, the institute
is designed to provide an intensive four-week exposure to
recent scholarship and interdisciplinary methods for the study
of the Hispano-American encounter of early modern times.
Fellowships will be available to scholars. The Newberry
Library also offers scholarships for the 1987-88 academic year
for scholars working on topics related to the transatlantic
exchange of ideas, products and peoples in the period
1450-1650. Application deadline for the summer institute and
for fellowships is March 1, 1987. For application forms and
additional information contact: Transatlantic Encounters
Program, The Newberry Library, 60 W. Walton, Chicago, IL
60610; phone, (312) 943-9090.

Visiting Scholars Program. The University of Illinois/
University of Chicago Joint Center for Latin American
Studies announces its annual Visiting Scholars Program for
faculty from U.S. colleges and universities without major
research facilities. The program enables visiting scholars to do
research and write on a Latin American topic for a month dur-
ing the summer at either Chicago or Urbana, or both. Awards
cover travel and basic living expenses for the month of
residence. Visiting scholars will be associate faculty of the
joint center and will enjoy full access to libraries, faculty, and
other resources at both universities. The deadline for receipt
of applications for summer 1987 is March 15, 1987. Appli-
cants should submit a letter of application, curriculum vitae,
a separate letter of reference, and project proposal of no more
than 500 words; the proposal should include an indication of
how a period of residence at either or both institutions would
relate to the project. Send applications and inquiries to:
Visiting Scholars Program, The Center for Latin American
Studies, University of Chicago, 5848 S. University Avenue,
Chicago, IL 60637; phone, (312) 962-8420.

Mellon Visiting Professorship. The Center for Latin
American Studies at the University of Pittsburgh announces
the competition for a Mellon Visiting Professor. The award
is generally made for one term (September-December or
January-April) but can be extended for an entire year if com-
bined with some additional support through, for example, a
Fulbright grant; scholars who can arrange for such additional
support will be given preference. The successful candidate will
be an individual who has made a significant contribution to
the field of Latin American scholarship. Candidates must be
fluent in English. The Mellon Visiting Professor will be
appointed to one or more of the 18 schools and departments
associated with the Center: Anthropology, Black Studies,
Business, Economics, Education, Fine Arts, Hispanic
Languages and Literatures, History, Law, Library and Infor-
mation Sciences, Linguistics, Music, Political Science, Public
Health, Public and International Affairs, Religious Studies,
Social Work, and Sociology. He/she will teach one course at
either the graduate or upper division undergraduate level. The
majority of the time will be available for the awardee to con-
centrate on a current research project, which will be the sub-
ject of a public lecture to be presented during the course of the
professorship. The award pays a monthly stipend, health
insurance, and roundtrip airfare. To apply, send current cur-
riculum vitae, short (3-5 pages) description of the research
project to be conducted, and a sample syllabus for the pro-
posed course by April 1 to: Mitchell A. Seligson, Director,
Center for Latin American Studies, University of Pittsburgh,
4E04 Forbes Quadrangle, Pittsburgh, PA 15260. The Univer-
sity of Pittsburgh is an affirmative action/equal opportunity
OAS Fellowship. The Organization of American States
offers a "Regular Training Program" Fellowship to support
research in the economic, social, scientific and cultural
development of member countries. Applications are due by
April 30. Contact the General Secretariat of the OAS,
Secretary for Development Cooperation, Trainee Selection
Unit: (202) 789-3209.
Research Seminar in Cuba. The Center for Global
Education is sponsoring a seminar in Cuba June 14-29, 1987,
on "The Revolution after 25 Years: Development Policy at
the Grass Roots." The itinerary includes four days in Havana,
three days in Santiago, and a week in Matanzas province. The
$1175.00 cost includes round-trip airfare from Miami and
expenses within Cuba. All applicants are required to submit
documentation that they qualify for travel to Cuba under a
provision of the Treasury Department general license. Appli-
cation deadline is May 1, 1987. For further information con-
tact: The Center for Global Education, Augsburg College,
731 21st Avenue South, Minneapolis, MN 55454.

Summer Quechua Institute. An intensive course for
beginners in Cuzco-dialect Quechua, stressing oral, speaking
and grammatical structure, will be offered at the University
of Chicago from June 22 to August 29, 1987. Instruction by
a native speaker. For tuition and other details, write: Bob

Holden, Center for Latin American Studies, University of
Chicago, 5848 S. University Avenue, Chicago, IL 60637.
Kellogg Institute Residential Fellowship. The Kellogg
Institute at Notre Dame University is offering about five
postdoctoral fellowships for the September-May 1987-88
academic year. The major emphasis of the Institute is on Latin
America. Fellowships are for individual or joint research
projects in the following fields: (1) alternative policies of
economic development; (2) responses of those excluded from
effective participation in political and economic life, (3) the
social roles of religion and the Catholic Church; and (4) the
possibilities for democratization. For application forms con-
tact: Erika Valenzuela, Coordinator of Research Activities,
The Helen Kellogg Institute for International Studies, Notre
Dame University, Notre Dame, IN 46556.
Film and Politics in Latin America. An interdisciplinary
travel-study program sponsored by the International Honors
Program will be conducted in Latin America from January to
May 1988. It will include film studies and political science
instruction during stays in Rio de Janeiro, Buenos Aires,
Bogota, and Mexico City (film coverage will include works
from Chile, Cuba and Nicaragua as well). Students live with
families in each location and study with a faculty team and
guest lecturers. The program is limited to 30 students. For fur-
ther information, catalogue and application contact: Victor
Wallis [program coordinator], Political Science Department,
Indiana University, 425 Agnes Street, Indianapolis, IN 46202,
phone, (317) 274-1464 or 255-8961; or Joan Tiffany, Direc-
tor, International Honors Program, 19 Braddock Park,
Boston, MA 02116, phone (617) 267-8612.


Department of History. Radford University, a state-
supported institution of 7,000 students located near Roanoke,
Virginia, announces a tenure-track position beginning
September 1987. A Ph.D. in Latin American history with
evidence of scholarly promise and teaching experience is
required. Preferred secondary fields are American Indian,
European cultural and intellectual, German, or women's
history. Teaching responsibilities are four classes each
semester: at least three sections of United States survey and
possibly one elective. Rank and salary are competitive.
[Preference given to candidates who complete an application
file by January 5, 1987, but applications will be accepted until
the position is filled.] Submit a letter of application, cur-
riculum vitae, copies of graduate and undergraduate
transcripts, and at least three recent letters of reference to: Dr.
John E. Davis, Chairman, Department of History, Box 5764,
Radford University, Radford, VA 24142. Radford University
is an equal opportunity/affirriative action employer.

Assistant Professor, Political Science. Fordham Univer-
sity, The College at Lincoln Center, announces a tenure-track
position in Latin American studies with specialization in
political science. Ph.D. required. Preference given to can-
didates who can also demonstrate competence in one or more
of the following: (1) U.S. constitutional law; (2) political
behavior; (3) political economy. Send curriculum vitae with
names of three references, by February 15, 1987, to: Dr.
Gustavo Umpierre, Chairperson, Search Committee, Divi-
sion of the Social Sciences, Fordham University, 113 West
60th Street, New York, NY 10023-7475. Fordham University
is an affirmative action/equal opportunity employer.
Assistant Professor, Latin American Studies. Linfield
College, Oregon, announces a tenure-track position with
teaching responsibilities in the history, politics or economics
of Latin America and in some Spanish language and civiliza-
tion courses. Commitment to four-year liberal arts program
and international programs. Ph.D. by starting date of
September 1, 1987, preferred; ABD considered. Write for
complete position notice and application directions to:
Kenneth P. Goodrich, Dean of Faculty, Linfield College,
McMinnville, OR 97128. Screening begins February 15. Lin-
field College is an affirmative action/equal opportunity

Latin American History. Smith College invites applica-
tions for a tenure-track position in history and Latin
American studies beginning September 1987. Send letter of
application, curriculum vitae, and dossier to: Carolyn Jacobs,
Associate Dean for Faculty Appointments, College Hall 27,
Smith College, Northampton, MA 01063. Application review
begins on February 20, 1987. Smith College is an equal oppor-
tunity employer; women and minorities are encouraged to
Assistant or Associate Professor, Interamerican Rela-
tions. The Graduate School of International Studies, Univer-
sity of Miami, announces a tenure-track position in the area
of interamerican relations. The primary area of expertise is the
contemporary foreign policies of the Latin American
republics. Candidates must expect to assume some of the
typical administrative responsibilities of an expanding pro-
gram. Professional fluency in Spanish is required; fluency in
Portuguese is also desirable. Qualified Ph.D.s should direct
inquiries and send a curriculum vitae and names of three pro-
fessional references to: Chair, Interamerican Search Commit-
tee, GSIS, University of Miami, P.O. Box 248123, Coral
Gables, FL 33124; phone, (305) 284-4303, ext. 5. Deadline for
applications is March 1, 1987. The University of Miami is an
affirmative action/equal opportunity employer.
Visiting Professor, Latin American Studies. Alfred
University announces a one-semester position for a visiting
associate or full professor in the Spring of 1988. Duties
include teaching two undergraduate courses and public lec-
tures. Candidates should have interdisciplinary experience
and specialization in a humanities field such as literature,

history or philosophy. Salary commensurate with qualifica-
tions. Alfred University is a small university in western New
York with a diverse academic environment. Submit resume
and recommendations by March 16, 1987, to: NEH Steering
Committee, Alfred University, Box 847, Alfred, NY 14802.
Alfred University is an affirmative action/equal opportunity
Assistant or Associate Professor, Sociology. The Univer-
sity of Pittsburgh's Department of Sociology invites applica-
tions for a tenure-track position starting in September 1987.
Applicants at the assistant professor level should have com-
pleted the Ph.D. by that time and show potential for signifi-
cant scholarship. Applicants at the associate professor level
should have a strong record of research and publication.
Primary interest is in persons pursuing research in Latin
American or East Asian studies. Persons using comparative
approaches with substantive interests in one of the following
areas are encouraged to apply: demography, stratification,
family and life cycle, political and cultural sociology. (Persons
who have already applied for the position at the assistant pro-
fessor level need not reapply; the same recruiting effort con-
tinues with an expanded scope.) Send curriculum vitae, letters
of reference, and copies of relevant publications to: Norman
P. Hummon, Chair, Department of Sociology, University of
Pittsburgh, Pittsburgh, PA 15260. Position is subject to
budgetary approval. The University of Pittsburgh is an affir-
mative action/equal opportunity employer; minorities and
women are encouraged to apply.
Director of Research. The University of Pittsburgh's
Center for Latin American Studies announces a nontenure-
stream position classified as a research associate with faculty
status. Primary responsibility is the preparation of grant pro-
posals for external funding. Additional responsibilities may
include directing research activities, coordinating short-term
training programs, and managing academic publications of
the Center. The position requires excellent writing skills and
demonstrated competence in drafting research proposals. An
advanced degree in the social sciences and fluency in Spanish
and/or Portuguese are desirable. Salary commensurate with
qualifications; may be augmented by external grants. The
position is currently open; starting date depends upon
availability of successful candidate. Send a curriculum vitae
and letter detailing qualifications and experience to: Mitchell
A. Seligson, Director, Center for Latin American Studies,
4E04 Forbes Quadrangle, University of Pittsburgh, Pitts-
burgh, PA 15260. The University of Pittsburgh is an affir-
mative action/equal opportunity employer.
Professor or Associate Professor, Political Science. The
University of North Carolina's Department of Political
Science invites applications for a senior position in the field
of Latin American politics. Applicants must have a superior
research record, extensive field experience, and strong
evidence of teaching competence at both the graduate and
undergraduate levels. Send curriculum vitae and the names of
four references to: Lars Schoultz, Chairperson, Latin

America Search Committee, Department of Political Science,
Hamilton Hall 070A, University of North Carolina, Chapel
Hill, NC 27514. The University of North Carolina is an affir-
mative action/equal opportunity employer; applications
from women and minority group members are especially
Researcher/Writer. The Central American Refugee
Center (CARECEN) is seeking a full-time staff person for its
Education and Information Project. Duties include writing
and editing a bimonthly newsletter, summarizing and trans-
lating news clippings, preparing periodic reports, talks, public
education and outreach activities. Requirements are a degree
in social sciences or journalism with Central American area
focus, fluency in Spanish and English, and excellent writing
skills. Annual salary of $11,000; three weeks paid vacation
annually; health insurance package. Send resume and writing
samples to: Isa Fucella, CARECEN, 3112 Mt. Pleasant St.,
N.W., Washington, DC 20010.
Assistant Professor, Puerto Rican & Hispanic Caribbean
Studies. Rutgers University's Department of Puerto Rican
and Hispanic Caribbean Studies invites applications for a
three-year tenure-track appointment effective July 1, 1987.
Applicants should hold a Ph.D. in history or the social
sciences with concentration in the Hispanic Caribbean.
Preference will be given to those with some teaching experi-
ence and publications. The successful candidate is expected to
teach undergraduate courses and pursue independent research
on Puerto Rico and/or the Hispanic Caribbean. Salary is
commensurate with experience and rank. Send applications
or inquiries to: Andr6s A. Ramos-Mattei, Chairperson,
Department of Puerto Rican and Hispanic Caribbean
Studies, Rutgers University, New Brunswick, NJ 08903.


Fifty Caribbean Writers (1986, 542 pages) is a bio-
bibliographical critical sourcebook compiled by Daryl
Cumber Dance. Each of its 50 detailed essays on leading
Caribbean writers provides biographical information, a
critical review of major works and themes, a listing of major
honors and awards, and a bibliography of primary and secon-
dary works with full publication data. Available for $65.00
from: Greenwood Press, Inc., 88 Post Road West, Box 5007,
Westport, CT 06881.
Bibliograffa Teoldgica Comentada (BTC) is an annual
publication produced by ISEDET (Instituto Superior
Evang6lico de Estudios Teol6gicos) in Buenos Aires. It
indexes 6,000-7,000 publications annually, including Spanish
and Portuguese books and 600 periodicals, by discipline,
author and theme. The bibliography includes the humanities
and philosophy, insofar as they refer to religious matters, such
as education, law, semiotics, psychology, anthropology,
sociology and economics. The BTC is available for $36.00 per
year, plus $2.00 shipping, from: ISEDET, Camacua 282,
1406 Buenos Aires, Argentina.


If you live in Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colom-
bia, Cuba or Uruguay, and find it difficult to pay LASA dues
or other fees in U.S. dollars, we recommend that you consult
with the National Commission for UNESCO in your country
about the possibility of paying through the UNESCO coupon
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your LASA membership or other payment. You pay for the
coupon in national currency at the official United Nations
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You are cordially invited to join LASA in 1987. Members in all categories enjoy voice and vote in the conduct of the associa-
tion. The three-year rate (for 1987, 1988 and 1989) avoids probable dues increases in 1988 and 1989.
Membership Categories and Rates One Year Three Years Amount

Introductory (for new members only) o $21 (one year only) $_
Under $20,000 annual income 0 $28 O $84 $_
Between $20,000 and $29,999 annual income O $32 O $96 $_
Between $30,000 and $39,999 annual income l $38 o $114 $_
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Joint Membership (for second member at same mailing
address as first member; one copy of publications sent.
Add to rate (above) for highest income of the two, or to
categories below: l $13 O $30 $__
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The Revolution after 25 1

Development Policy at the Grass RA
JUNE 14 TO 29, 1987

The purpose of the seminar is to examine how
the Cuban government functions at the national,
provincial, and local levels. Participants will travel
to Havana, Santiago, and to the province of
Matanzas where smaller groups will be able to
pursue specific topics for more in-depth research.
Cost of the seminar is $1,175 including airfare from
Miami. Dr. Gary Wynia, author of The Politics of



Latin American Development,
will be one of the tour leaders.
This trip falls under the U.S. Treasury
provisions of "professional research" on travel
to Cuba. This provision includes certain graduate
students. All applicants will be required to submit
documentation that they qualify for travel under
the provision.

The Center for Global Education at Augsburg College coordinates
30 travel seminars a year to Mexico, Central America, and the
Philippines. For more information on the Cuba trip or other travel
seminars contact the Center for Global Education, Augsburg College,
731 21st Avenue South, Minneapolis, MN 55454, 612/330-1159.

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