• TABLE OF CONTENTS
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 Title Page
 Acknowledgement
 Table of Contents
 List of Figures
 Abstract
 Introduction
 Summary of major features of the...
 Verbal derivational suffixes -...
 Verbal derivational suffixes -...
 Suggestions for further resear...
 Notes
 Appendix
 Bibliography
 Biographical sketch
 Copyright














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Table of Contents
    Title Page
        Page i
    Acknowledgement
        Page ii
    Table of Contents
        Page iii
        Page iv
        Page v
    List of Figures
        Page vi
    Abstract
        Page vii
    Introduction
        Page 1
        Page 2
        Page 3
    Summary of major features of the aymara language
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
        Page 12
        Page 13
        Page 14
    Verbal derivational suffixes - structural analysis
        Page 15
        Page 16
        Page 17
        Page 18
        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
        Page 22
        Page 23
        Page 24
        Page 25
        Page 26
        Page 27
        Page 28
        Page 29
        Page 30
        Page 31
        Page 32
        Page 33
        Page 34
        Page 35
        Page 36
        Page 37
        Page 38
        Page 39
    Verbal derivational suffixes - comparisons and combinations
        Page 40
        Page 41
        Page 42
        Page 43
        Page 44
        Page 45
        Page 46
        Page 47
        Page 48
    Suggestions for further research
        Page 49
        Page 50
    Notes
        Page 51
    Appendix
        Page 52
        Page 53
        Page 54
        Page 55
        Page 56
        Page 57
        Page 58
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        Page 68
        Page 69
        Page 70
        Page 71
        Page 72
        Page 73
        Page 74
        Page 75
    Bibliography
        Page 76
    Biographical sketch
        Page 77
        Page 78
    Copyright
        Copyright
Full Text

















AYMARA VERBAL DERIVATIONAL SUFFIXES


By

Nora Clearman England







A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF
THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL
FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTER OF ARTS







UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
1971
















ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS


I wish to acknowledge the help of several people in the preparation

of this thesis. The work would not have been possible at all without

the great help of the two native Aymara speakers, Mr. Juan de Dios

Yapita Moya and Miss Juana Vasquez. Aside from being invaluable to

the completion of this paper, they have been especially enjoyable to

work with.

I wish to specifically thank Dr. M. J. Hardman-de-Bautista, the

chairman of my thesis committee, for her instruction, direction, and

encouragement during the preparation of this thesis. She has helped

to make the work exciting. Thanks must also be given to Dr. Norman N.

Markel for serving on my committee, and to Laura M. Barber for help

and collaboration in the initial stages of analysis.

In addition, I wish to acknowledge the Department of Health,

Education, and Welfare for funding the Aymara Language-Materials Project

at the University of Florida. Without the grant I would not have met

Mr. Yapita and Miss Vasquez, and it has also supported me for a year as

an assistant on the Aymara Language Materials Project. Finally, the

Center for Latin American Studies at the University of Florida must be

thanked for administering the Project and for providing it and me

with facilities for working.
















TABLE OF CONTENTS


Page

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS............................ ................. ii

LIST OF FIGURES............................................ vi

ABSTRACT... ................................................... vii


0. Introduction...............................................


1. Summary of Major Features of the Aymara Language.......... 4

1.1 Phonology .............................................. 4

1.2 Morphophonemics................... .... ................... 6

1.3 Morphology......................................... . .... 7
1.31 Roots ................................................... 8
1.31.1 Substantive Roots..................................... 8
1.31.2 Verb Roots ............................................ 8
1.31.3 Ambiguous Roots................................... 9
1.31.4 Particle Roots....................................... 9
1.32 Suffixes ................................................ 9
1.31.1 Nominal Suffixes.............................. ........ 9
1.32.2 Verbal Suffixes .................. .................... 12
1.32,3 Independent Suffixes............................ ..... 13
1.32.4 Sentence Suffixes............................... ...... 13

1.4 Syntax................................................... 14


2. Verbal Derivational Suffixes Structural Analysis......... 15

2.1 Frozen Suffixes.................................. ...... .17
2.11 {-ki- ....... ........................................... 17
2.12 (-li-} and -nki- ...................................... 17
2.13 I-pa-}................................................... 17
2.14 (-xa-]l ................................................ 18









TABLE OF CONTENTS (Continued)

Page

2.2 Set I Suffixes........................................... 18
2.21 {-cha- .................................................. 18
2.22 t-ja- ............................................... 20
2.23 {-su- ....................... ...... ................. ..... 21
2.24 {-ra-1 { t'.api- ...................... .................... 21
2.24.1 {-ra-} ................................................ 22
2. 24. 2 {-t"ap i-} .............. ............................ 22
2.25 1-nuqa-1, {-qa-}, f-xata-}............................... 23
2.25.1 J-nuqa- .............................................. 23
2.25.2 [-qa- ................................................... 24
2.25.3 {-xata- .............................................. 24
2.26 {-ta-} .................................................. 24
2.27 {-kata-1, (-kipa-j, 1-naqa-}, -nta-J, (-nuku-],
1-tata-1, I-xaru-}, S-xa:si-j, {-xaya- ............. 25
2.27.] {-kata-} ........ ........... ....................... .... 26
2.27.2 -kipa-7 .............................................. 26
2.27.3 {-naqa- .. ........ ................................... 27
2.27.4 {-nta- ...................... ........................... 27
2.27.5 {-nuku-1 .................................. ... .. ... 28
2.27.6 {-tata- ............................................. 28
2.27.7 {-xaru- ............................................. 29
2.27.8 {-xa:si- ............................... ............... 29
2.27.9 {-xaya-} ............................................. 29
2.28 1-t'a-}, Z-ch'uki-J..................................... 30
2.28.1 .-t'a- ................................................ 30
2.28.1 I-ch'uki- ............................................ 30
2.29 {-rpaya-}......... ..................... .................. 31
2.3 Set II Suffixes................................ ... 31
2.31 1-ya-} ................................................. 32
2.32 --si- ... ................................. ... ........ 33
2.33 -ni- .......................... ..... .... 33
2.34 {-waya-} .............................................. 34
2.35 {-rapi-J, {-raqa- J...... ............................ ... 34
2.35.1 [-rapi- ....... ....................................... 34
2.35.2 {-raqa-}....................... ..................... .. 35
2.36 I-si-21 ... .................................... ............ 35
2.37 J-xa-21 ............... 36
2.38 .-p- ...... .. ................................. ... .... .. 36
2.39 \-xa- -ka- .............. .. .... ..... ... .... ..... 37
2.39.1 {-x-A 3 ........... .. ..... ..... .......... 37
2.39.2 {-ka- ............................... ..... . 37
2.4 Morphophonemic Summary................................... 38








TABLE OF CONTENTS (Continued)


Page

3. Verbal Derivational Suffixes Comparisons and Combinations. 40


3.1 The causatives 1-cha-} and {-ya-j.......................... 40
3.2 The directionals -qaj, I-su-}, {-ta-}, f-nta- ............ 41
3.3 The completives {-su-} and ~-xa- .......................... 42
3.4 The distance suffixes I-nuku-j and{-waya-i................. 43
3.5 Nearness 1-ni-} and distance j-waya-j ...................... 43
3.6 Suffix Combinations in Aymara...... ....................... 44
3.7 A Comparison of Functions of the Verbal Derivational
Suffixes......................................... .. .......... 46


4. Suggestions for Further Research........................... 49

Notes........................................................... 51

Appendix A: Glossary of Words...................... ............ 53

Appendix B: Index of Suffixes................................. 64

Appendix C: Morpheme Frequency................................. 66

Appendix D: Dialogue............ ............ ...... ............ .. 68

Bibliography......................... ... ............ .......... 76
















LIST OF FIGURES


Page
FIGURE

1. Phonemic Alphabet of Aymara................................ 6

2. Order Classes of Aymara Verbal Derivational Suffixes....... 19








Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate Council
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements
for the Degree of Master of Arts

AYMARA VERBAL DERIVATIONAL SUFFIXES

By

Nora Clearman England

December, 1971

Chairman: Dr. M. J. Hardman-de-Bautista
Major Department: Anthropology


Aymara Verbal Derivational Suffixes is a description of one class

of verb suffixes in Aymara which combine with verb roots to form verb

stems. Thirty-two suffixes and five frozen suffixes are described.

Criteria for dividing the suffixes into two sets, one of which acts

on the root of the verb, and one of which acts on the inflection, are

explained. Each of the suffixes is analyzed separately, and then the

functions of all the suffixes are compared. Suggestions for further

research are noted, in that some description of the suffixes will have

to wait for further research in the other parts of the language.















0. Introduction

Aymara is an indigenous South American language spoken by about

6ne million people in Bolivia and Peru in the region around Lake

Titicaca. It belongs to the Jaqi language family which includes two

other languages: Jaqaru and Kawki. Jaqaru is spoken by about two

thousand people in Peru; Kawki is a rapidly disappearing language

spoken by a handful of older people in Peru. Both of these related

languages have been studied by M. J. Hardman-de-Bautista, who has

described Jaqaru (Hardman, 1966). There is, according to Hardman,

historical evidence of other previously widespread languages in the

daqi family, and some of these may be extant but as yet undiscovered.

It has been proposed that Aymara may be related to Quechua, but

research at present seems to indicate that if there is any genetic

relationship between the Quechua and Jaqi families, it is not a close

bne. There has certainly been extensive contact and mutual influence

between the two families.

The research for this work was done primarily with the aid of

two native Aymara speakers who are presently in the United States while

they work on the Aymara Language Materials Project at the University

of Florida: Mr. Juan de Dios Yapita Moya and Miss Juana Vasquez. Mr.

Yapita and Miss Vasquez are research associates on the project and are

engaged in preparing bilingual teaching materials for, and teaching

courses in Aymara. They are also working with the project director,








M. J. Hardman-de-Bautista, in preparing a dictionary and a grammar of

Aymara. Mr. Yapita is from Qumpi in Omasuyos province in the department

of La Paz, and learned Aymara as his first language from monolingual

parents. He learned Spanish in school when he was about eleven and is

fluent in it. He also speaks English with moderate fluency and knows some

French. Mr. Yapita has advanced degrees as a Certified Public Accountant,

as a specialist in linguistics, and is qualified as a high school teacher.

He is forty years old. Miss Vasquez is from La Paz and her family is

from Qallamarka-Tiwanaku in the department of La Paz. She learned

Aymara and Spanish at the same time, from a grandmother who is mono-

lingual in Aymara and her mother, who is bilingual in Spanish and Aymara.

She speaks both fluently. She also knows some Quechua as a result of

extensive travel in Bolivia, and is making great progress in learning

English. Miss Vasquez is thirty-three years old.

Texts used in this analysis include a number of stories and

descriptions told by Mr. Yapita and Miss Vasquez, ten dialogues prepared

by Mr. Yapita and Miss Vasquez for the Aymara language courses at the

University of Florida, and several copies of the Aymara Newsletter which

is written by Mr. Yapita and Miss Vasquez. A taped story by Mr.

Gervasio Moya (collected in Bolivia by M. J. Hardman-de-Bautista) was

also used. Mr. Moya is from Llamakachi in the Omasuyos province of the

department of La Paz. He is approximately 65 years old and is monolingual

in Aymara. In addition, three stories told by Miss Vasquez and transcribed

by Miss Lucy T. Briggs were used for the morpheme frequency count. Miss

Vasquez and Mr. Yapita worked closely with me in analysis of these

texts. Research was primarily done in the fall of 1969 and from January

to July of 1971.






3

The principles of linguistic description and the theoretical

framework used here are basically outlined in Nida, 1949, and Hockett,

1958.
















1. Summary of Major Features of the Aymara Language

This will not be a complete description of Aymara by any means,

but will be a brief description of those features of Aymara which are

most important for understanding the verbal derivational suffixes.

Aymara words are underlined, and periods indicate morpheme boundaries.



1.1 Phonology

The summary of the phonology is based on the work of Barber, 1970.

Aymara has twenty-six consonant phonemes and three vcwel phonemes. Fifteen

of the consonants are voiceless stops, which are distinguished in five

positions of articulation: labial, dental, alveopalatal, velar, and

post-velar; and in three manners: simple, aspirated, and glottalized.

The aleveopalatal series is actually a series of affricates, which may

be considered among the stops because it does not contrast with a stop

series in the same position and because all Aymara stops, especially the

post-velars, tend to be affricated in normal speech.

In addition to the stops, Aymara has three fricatives, three nasals,

two laterals, and three resonants.

The three vowels in Aymara are a front, central, and back vcwel.

The vowels have many allophones and are conditioned by the surrounding

consonant environment. Conditioning can be progressive or regressive.

The three most important conditioning factors and their effects are:

(1) the post-velar stops and fricative lower the vowels considerably;






5

(2) the alveopalatal nasal and resonant raise the vowels; and (3) word

initial vowels are raised. Word final vowels are frequently dropped or

devoiced. Aymara vowels also have phonemic length. Although vowel

length can distinguish roots, its primary occurrence is grammatical.

There are a number of suffixes which consist of vcwel length alone; for

instance the first person future inflection and one of the verbalizing

nominal suffixes. In addition to phonemic vowel length, there is also

paralinguistic vawel length.

Stress is non-phonemic in Aymara and occurs on the penultimate

vowel. The Aymara word may be defined as a sequence of phonemes

containing one stress. Although the final vacel in an Aymara word may be

dropped or devoiced, its underlying presence may still be noted in

stress placement. Stress still occurs on the penultimate vowel of the

complete word.

Voels do not cluster in Aymara. Consonants do not cluster initially,

but frequently cluster medially. Consonant clusters up to six in number

have been noted.

The alphabet used here is a phonemic alphabet developed by Mr. Juan

de Dios Yapita, and is reproduced below. The only change made for the

purposes of this study is that Mr. Yapita indicates vowel length by an

umlaut, and I will use a colon immediately following the vowel. The

change was made for ease in indicating morpheme boundaries. A digraph,

/ch/, is used for the affricate series; /C'/ indicates glottalization;

/C"/ indicates aspiration.










p t ch k q

p' t' ch' k' q'

p" t" ch" k" q"

s x j

m n n

1 11

w r y



I u

a




Figure 1. Phonemic Alphabet of Aymara



1.2 Morphophonemics

Morphophonemic alternation in Aymara is phonologically and morpho-

logically conditioned. Within words, morphological conditioning seems to

be more common than phonological conditioning, but the full extent of-

phonological conditioning is not kncwn at present. All morphemes in

Aymara, with only one exception (see 1.3), end in vowels. These vcxels

are retained or dropped according to the surrounding morphological

environment. Most morphophonemic alternation is through regressive

influence, but there is some progressive influence. Since none of the

verbal derivational suffixes exhibit progressive influence, it will not

be considered here. Each suffix in Aymara which shows regressive

morphophonemic influence causes the final vowel of the preceding morpheme

to be retained or dropped. Although Aymara consonants cluster quite






7

easily, there are some limitations, which undoubtedly affect the morpho-

phonemic influences of the suffixes. The two verbal derivational suffixes

which begin with consonant clusters, for instance, require a preceding

vcwel, as do the verbal derivational suffixes which begin with resonants.

Morphophonemics serves to help distinguish homophonous suffixes on

occasion. For example, [-ta-I verbal derivational requires a preceding

consonant, {-tal verbal inflection requires a preceding consonant, and

\-taj nominalizer requires a preceding vaoel. Therefore ap.t.ta 'you

picked up' (root + J-ta-J verbal derivational + 1-ta inflection) is

distinct from ap.ta.ta.'picked up' (root + -ta-j verbal derivational +

[-ta nominalizer).

Statements about regressive influence of morphemes on the preceding

vcwel apply to roots containing two vowels. Roots with three vowels do

not follow the same rules, since the final vcwel of these roots frequently

drops no matter what the follaving suffix is.



1.3 Morphology

Morphology is extremely important in Aymara: most relationships are

defined through morphology. In Aymara there are two major classes of

morphemes: roots and suffixes. Roots in Aymara are initial in the word

and the term will only be used here to refer to single morphemes. A

stem is a root plus derivation in which there is no class change. A

theme is a root or stem plus derivation in which there is class change.

That is, a nominalized verbal root or a verbalized nominal root is a

theme. All Aymara morphemes end in vowels, with the exception of the

verbal derivational suffix I-p-} This suffix is only found before two
other suffixes which require a preceding consonant.
other suffixes which require a preceding consonant.









1.31 Roots

Aymara has three major classes of roots: substantives, verbs, and

particles. There is also a small number of roots which are ambiguous

as to class. Each class is defined structurally.



1.31.1 Substantive roots

Substantive roots include the subclasses of noun, adjective, demonstra-

tive, interrogative, number, pronoun, and positional roots. This class

is distinguished from verbs and particles in that it takes nominal

suffixes, all of which are derivational suffixes. It also takes independent

suffixes and sentence suffixes. The subclasses of the substantives are

primarily defined by limitations in the suffixes which they may take,

although there are some other criteria. Most substantive roots and many

stems may be verbalized by a number of suffixes to become verb themes.

Substantive roots are free; they may occur without any suffix and the

recitation form is the root alone.



1.31.2 Verb Roots

Verb roots are distinguished from substantive and- particle roots in

that they take verbal derivational suffixes and verbal inflections.

Verb roots also take independent suffixes and sentence suffixes. Most

verb roots and many themes may be nominalized by a number .of suffixes to

become substantive themes. Verb roots are bound; they must be inflected

to be a verbal word, or nominalized to be a substantive word. The

recitation form of the verb root is the root plus the nominalizer 1-nal.









1.31.3 Ambiguous Roots

There is a small class of roots in Aymara which are ambiguous as to

class. They may take either nominal or verbal suffixes without modifi-

cation. The pairs which result are semantically related.



1.31.4 Particle Roots

Particles are distinguished trom other roots in that they take only

independent or sentence suffixes, or do not take any suffixes. Particle

roots are free and the recitation form is the root alone. Aymara

particles include, for example: jisa 'yes,' inasa maybe,' niya 'already,'

jina 'let's go,' amji 'please,' anch"ita 'right now,' jich"a 'now,'

iyavw 'okay,' yasta 'all set,' antisansa 'better, rather.'



1.32 Suffixes

All suffixes are bound morphemes. There are several different

classes of suffixes: nominal derivational suffixes, verbal derivational

suffixes, verbalizers, nominalizers, verbal inflections, independent

suffixes, and sentence suffixes.



1.32.1 Nominal Suffixes

Only two types of nominal suffixes will be considered here. One of

these is the set of complement suffixes. Every sentence which has a verb

contains at least a subject and a complement, although more persons may

be involved in many sentences, creating several complements. This is a

characteristic of the verbal inflection, and need not be indicated

nominally in the sentence. If, haoever, the persons involved in the






10

sentence are stated outside the verb, they are identified by a number of

nominal suffixes which indicate different types of complements. Complements

are very closely connected with, and dependent on, the verbal derivational

suffixes as well as the inflections. The usual complement suffix on

nouns is {-rul, which indicates the object of the verb, as shown in the

person inflection, and is tied to the inflectional part of the verb.[-ru

may also function as a simple directional suffix, however, and this may

be difficult to distinguish from its complement function.

All verbs also have a zero complement which distinguishes the object

of the action. The zero complements for each verb are the objects which

semantically are most- closely identified with a particular verb root or

stem and which are marked structurally by an absence of any complement

noun suffix and by an obligatory absence of the final vawel of the noun

stbm. The zero complement is usually, but not necessarily, found directly

preceding the verb in a sentence. The use of verbal derivational suffixes

with a verb root can change the zero complement for the verb -- the

resulting verb stem will have different zero complements from the original

verb root. The zero complement is thus tied to the pre-inflectional

part of the verb.

An example will help illustrate the I-ru1 and zero complements:

Jupaw jupar t'ant' chur.i 'He gives him bread.'.

He to him bread he-him gives

t'ant'a 'bread' loses its vawel to become the zero complement of the verb

chura,.'a 'to give.' It is the complement of the root. jupa 'he' adds

{-rul to become the complement of the 3p to 3p inflection {-i}. jupaw,

the subject, is also indicated by the inflection.








Aside from these two types of complements which every verb root

has, there are several other complements which are associated with verb

stems containing different verbal derivational suffixes. The beneficiary

suffix j-rapi-I takes a beneficiary complement marked by t-takil. The

causative suffix 1-ya-] takes either a {-ru} complement or an -mpi}

complement on the new actor. The reflexive suffix {-si-ll affects the

complement which is a possessive phrase or some part of it.

One other type of noun suffix which is of importance here is the

verbalizer. Nouns can be verbalized by at least three nominal verbalizing

suffixes: [-pta-~ {-ka-j, and {-:-1. This {-ka-} must be distinguished

from the hompphonous verbal derivational suffix {-ka-l. .In addition to

the nominal suffixes which act as verbalizers, several of the verbal

derivational suffixes act directly on the noun roots to create verbs.

If a substantive root is verbalized by a nominal verbalizer suffix, it

retains strong nominal characteristics semantically, while if it is

verbalized by a verbal derivational suffix it has stronger verbal character-

istics. For example:

uta 'house' plus 1-ja-I (verbal derivational suffix) is ut.ja.fia

'to exist, to live someplace.'

uta 'house' plus -:-j (nominal verbalizer) is uta.:.~na 'to be a house.'

Nouns which are verbalized by verbal derivational suffixes are free to

take any other verbal suffix, while those that are verbalized by a nominal

suffix are more limited in their ability to take verbal suffixes. Noun

roots which are verbalized by verbal derivational suffixes act as verb

stems rather than themes.








1.32.2 Verbal Suffixes

Verbs take derivational suffixes, which immediately follow the verb

theme; independent suffixes, which follow the derivational suffixes; verbal

inflections, which follow independent suffixes; and sentence suffixes,

which come last. Nominalizing suffixes follow verbal derivational

suffixes and may end the word, or the form may be reverbalized.

Verbal derivational suffixes number thirty-two, and fall into two

classes. They are extremely important in Aymara, because many important

relationships are expressed by the verbs. The main portion of this thesis

will be devoted to a discussion of the verbal derivational suffixes.

The verbal inflections indicate tense and person. Tense involves

time and mode. There are two primary tenses in Aymara, future and aorist

(non-future). Each one has a complete paradigm of verb inflection. In

addition to these primary tenses, there are inflections for the imperative,

desiderative, remote, conjectural, and inferential. Aymara has four

simple persons: first person is I (or we) exclusive of you, second

person is you exclusive of me, third person is he/she/they exclusive of

me and you, fourth person is you and I. Verbal inflections include both

subject and complement, and the four persons are combined in a total of

nine ways. These are Ip to 2p, Ip to 3p, 2p to Ip, 2p to 3p, 3p to lp,

3p to 2p, 3p to 3p, 3p to 4p, and 4p to 3p. These inflections cannot at

the present time be divided into morphemes for the different persons.

Aymara does not inflect for singular and plural, nor for gender.

Verbal suffixes which nominalize are {- a}, {-taj, {-wiJ, {-iri},

andl-tatal. {-tal and I-tataM must be distinguished from the homophonous

verbal derivational suffixes t-ta-I and I-tata-I. After a verb is






13

nominalized, it may only take noun suffixes. This may include a suffix

which reverbalizes; nominalization and verbalization are cyclical in

Aymara and a single word can be transformed several times. For example:

kawki.n.k.iri.:.ta.sa 'where are you from?' is

{kawki-J + {-naa + {-ka-3 + {-iri} +{-:-} + i-tal + {-sa .

where in location he who verbalizer inflec- informa-
verbalizer nominalizer tion tion
question

This example begins with a noun root, is verbalized, renominalized, and

reverbalized before it is inflected and made into a sentence. If the

final transformation is into a verb, it must be followed by verbal

inflections.


1.32.3 Independent Suffixes

There is a class of suffixes which may be added to either substantive

or verb stems or to particles and which do not change the class of the

stem. Independent suffixes occur after both verb and noun derivational

suffixes and before verbal inflections and sentence suffixes. So far

four independent suffixes have been found: {-jamaj 'like,' J-ki} 'on.1y,'

{-punil 'really,' and --raki} 'also.'



1.32.4 Sentence Suffixes

Sentence suffixes are independent of root classes and may occur on

all classes. They may not be followed by any other suffixes. Every

sentence must be marked by one or more sentence suffixes, which serve to

define the sentence type. Some sentences are marked by a lack of a

particular sentence suffix. A sentence need not contain a verb or a

substantive, but it must have the proper sentence suffixes. Various









combinations of sentence suffixes define the indicative sentence, the

yes/no question sentence, the information question sentence, and also

mark lists, alternates, surprise, sentence conjunction, and so on.

Aymara has no copulative verb; connection or identity is indicated by

sentence suffixes.



1.4 Syntax

Syntax as such (that is, word order) is not very important in Aymara

relative to morphology, especially since the sentence is defined morpho-

logically through sentence suffixes. The particular combinations of

these suffixes should be considered under syntax, along with preferred

word order. Word order is not rigid except in a fe.v phrases, although

there are certain usual or preferred orders. Other than this, syntax

plays a small role in Aymara. Morphology is far more important.















2. Verbal Derivational Suffixes Structural Analysis

Verbal derivational suffixes in Aymara are defined structurally by

order class: they occur directly after the verb root or theme and before

the independent suffixes. Thirty-two verbal derivational suffixes have

been discovered. They occur in a definite order and may be divided into

two sets: Set I, those that act on the root or theme (the action), and

Set II, those that act on the inflection (the persons). Set I verbal

derivational suffixes precede Set 1I verbal derivational suffixes, and

those suffixes which occur in the order classes nearest the division

share characteristics of both classes (see Figure 2 for morpheme order

and sets).

There are structural grounds as well as semantic grounds for the

division of the verbal derivational suffixes into two sets. Of the

twenty-one suffixes which precede {-ya-}, ten of them have been found to

verbalize noun roots. They only verbalize noun roots, and the resulting

construction acts like a verb stem. This is in contrast to nouns

verbalized by the nominal verbalizers which may verbalize noun stems and

which result in verb themes. f-ya-I also verbalizes, but the suffixes

following {-ya-} never do. The suffixes which follow {-ya-} can occur

on virtually every verb root and meaning is quite predictable; in this

way they begin to resemble inflectional suffixes. The suffixes which

precede 1-t'a-1 are fairly unpredictable in meaning and have limited

distribution, which is typical of derivational suffixes. The only







16

suffixes which change the usual {-ru} complement to some other type of

complement occur after {-ya-}; all the preceding suffixes have no effect

on the {-ru}complement, but may on the zero complement. The {-ru}

complement is directly tied to the inflection of the verb, since the

complement is the substantive expression of the object of the verb which

Is contained in the inflection. Those suffixes which affect complements

are also acting on the verb inflection, since the complement is carried

in the inflection and is only redundantly marked in the nouns. The

group of suffixes that follows {-ya-} includes some that semantically

are clearly acting on the inflection alone. These are the reflexive

-si-13 the beneficiary {-rapi-}, the victlmary I-raqa-7, and the plural

{-p- which pluralizes either subject or object or both. Plurality of

action is marked by Set I suffixes.

The characteristics outlined above clearly define the two sets of

Verbal derivational suffixes as one set which acts on the root or theme

or stem of the verb and another set which acts on the inflection of the

verb. The division of the two classes occurs between {-t'a-} and 1-ya-}.

These two suffixes exhibit transition characteristics: they both occur

on most but not all roots, they have fairly predictable meanings, and

both verbalize. Although 1-ya-} can verbalize limitedly, it affects the

complements and semantically seems to act on the inflection, so it

properly belongs in Set 11. Although {-t'a-1 Is quite predictable in

meaning and occurs on almost all roots, it does not affect the complement

structure and semantically seems to act on the root, so it belongs in

Set I, Set I suffixes do not combine with ease; Set II suffixes do.

Order class is therefore neater for Set II than for Set I.









2.1 Frozen Suffixes

There are several suffixes in Aymara which occur in the slot for

verbal derivational suffixes, but which are totally non-productive and

cannot be separated from the one or two roots on which they occur,



2.11 {-ki-}

This suffix has been found on one unattested root. The root regularly

takes other verbal derivational suffixes, and has been reconstructed from

such occurrences, but the recitation form is not acceptable alone. (-ki-}

does not necessarily occur when the other derivational suffixes occur, so

it is not part of the root.

*ana.na 'to shoo animals' plus {-ki-} is ana.ki.?a 'to herd animals.'

An example of *ana.3a with another suffix is ana.nuku.na 'to herd away.'



2.12 {-li-} and {-nki-}

These two suffixes are found on one root. They are rather closely

related in meaning.

ayti.na 'to wash with a swirling motion' plus (-li-} is ayti.li.,na 'to

sway, like a bridge, or to nod the head jerkily.'

ayti.na plus [-nki-} is ayti.nki.na 'to sway up and down and around in

the air, like a pollera (an Andean fiesta skirt), or a top at the

end of its spin.'

{-1i-I seems to indicate up and down motion in the air, while {-nki-}

indicates up and down and:circular motion on the ground.


2.13 {-pa-}

This suffix appears on two roots, but has different morphophonemics.








ira.3a 'to carry a small object with the fingers' plus [-na-1 is

ir.pa.na 'to lead someone.'

ira.ia plus {-ta-} is ir.ta.,a 'to pick up.'

yana. a 'to try' plus .-pa-} is yana.pa.oTa 'to help.'



2.14 {-xa-l

This suffix appears on two roots.

pirqa.na 'to build a wall' plus -xa-1} is pirq.xa.na 'to divide a wall.'

pirqa.na plus {-su-1 is pirq.su..ia to finish building.'

t Yu. a 'to scold' plus -xa-,l is tuq.xa.ia 'to scold someone.'



2.2 Set I Suffixes

These are the suffixes that act on the root rather than the inflection

of the verb. They modify the meaning of the root. There are twenty-one

suffixes in this set, and they will be discussed in order of order

class (see Figure 2).



2.21 ]-cha-I causative. This suffix is one of two causatives, and acts

on the root. It verbalizes rather frequently, and occurs more commonly

on noun roots than on verb roots. When 1-cha-3 verbalizes it is as a

causative. {-cha-} requires a preceding vaoel.

.-cha-} on noun roots:

uta 'house' plus 1-cha-I is uta.cha.6a 'to build a house.'

wawa 'baby' plus 1--cha-I is wawa.cha.' a 'to have offspring' (animals).

suti 'name' plus 1-cha-} is suti.cha.ia 'to nickname, call names'.

1-cha-I on verb roots:

yati.?a 'to know' plus 1-cha-I is yati.cha.'ia 'to teach' (cause knacina).







ROOT/
THEME 1 2 3 4 6 8
#f-cha-j #f -ja- {-su-} #/-t"api-} {-ta-} #-t'a-}
# -ra-} {-ch'uki-}

5
#/-nuqa-j
{-qa-}
-xata-}
7 Set II
#{-kata-}
{-kipa-}
J-naqa-I
#f-nta-}
#{-nuku-}
4Ja #{-tata-I
00 {-xaru-I
{-xa:si-}
--xaya-}

9
[-rpaya-}


1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
#-ya- -sil- -ni- {-waya-} {-rapi-} {-si-21 {-xa-21 {-P-} {-ka-I
I {-raqa-} {-xa- 3
S

#Suffixes which can verbalize noun roots.


Figure 2. Order Classes of Aymara Verbal Derivational Suffixes






20
2.22 {-ja-} 'divider.' This suffix verbalizes noun roots more frequently

than any other derivational suffix. When {-ja-} verbalizes it does not

perform any other function. The relatively high position of {-ja-} on

the frequency chart (Appendix C) is because of the frequency of ut.ja.7ia

'to exist.' The most common function of f-ja-} other than to verbalize

is to divide the action or to divide through the action of the verb.

There is a large class of verbs which with the addition of {-ja-} are

translated 'to divide or separate (different kinds of objects).' Other

functions of I-ja-} are not predictable. (-ja-1 requires a preceding

consonant.

{-ja-} on noun roots:

uta 'house' plus {-ja-} is ut.ja.'7a 'to exist, to live someplace.'

t"aya 'cold' plus {-ja-} is t"ay.ja.?a 'to be cold' (persons, animals).

junt'u 'hot' plus {-ja-jis junt'.ja.?a 'to be hot' (persons, animals).

{-ja-} on verb roots, dividing through the action:

k"uch"u.ia 'to cut' plus {-ja- is k"uch".Ja.'7a 'to divide with a blade.

chinu.na 'to tie' plus {-ja- is chin.ja.na 'to divide and tie up.'

jak"u.na 'to count' plus --ja- is jak':'ja.na 'to divide in equal groups'

(by counting).

I-ja-I on verb roots, dividing the action:

apa. a 'to carry' plus 1-ja-} is ap.ja. a 'to help to carry.'
saya.a 'to stand' plus {-ja-lis say.ja.'a 'to stand on one foot.'

{-ja- as a divider through metaphorical extension:
liwa.'na 'to feed (animals)' plus {-ja-} is liw.ja3.a 'to serve food'

(separate from the whole).

ala.7a 'to buy' plus {-ja-} is al.ja. ia 'to sell' (the part sold is

separated from the whole).








{-ja-} with less predictable meaning:

nuwa.na 'to slap' plus {-ja-J is nuw.ja.7ia 'to punch.'

usu.'?a 'to be sick, to hurt' plus [-ja-} is us.ja.ia 'to be sick after

drinking too much.'

wiru,.a 'to float' plus J-ja-J is wir.ja.na 'to circle in the air like

buzzards.'



2.23 {-su-) 'out,' completive. This suffix has not appeared as a

verbalizer. It usually functions as a completive or indicates action

out of something. If the action outward must terminate in upward or

downward action, I-su-1 indicates upward rather than dowiaard motion.

Otherwise neither of these is indicated. {-su-} requires a preceding

consonant.

1-su-} as a completive:
ala.?ia 'to buy' plus {-su-} is al.su.ia 'to buy a lot.'

jila.'~a 'to graw' plus {-su-} is jil.su.Fa 'to grow up' (finish growing).

u~ia.Ta 'to see' plus [-su-} is uo.su.i a 'to look at all over.'

{-su-}as outward motion:

apa.'a 'carry' plus {-su-1 is ap.su.n{a 'take out.'

p"usa.ja 'to blow' plus I-su-} is p"us.su.i.a 'take out the word, pronounce.

jaqu.na 'throw' plus {-su-J is jaq.su.?na 'throw out and up.'

Other uses of i-su-}:

jacha.'na 'to cry' plus {-su-} is jach.su.na 'to cry suddenly.'

t"uqu.'a 'to dance' plus [-su-} is t"uq.su. ia 'to jump up.'


2.24 f-.ta-}, serial action; and {-t"api-} gathering action.








2.24.1 [-ra-J serial action. This suffix can verbalize. Its most

frequent and predictable meaning is singular repetition, or serial

action, often translated one-by-one. Another function is that of

reversing the action. {-ra-} requires a preceding vowel.

f-ra-J on noun roots:

Junt'u 'hot' plus f-ra-) is junt'u.ra.na 'to be hot after being cold.'

L-ra-] on verb roots, serial action:

chinu.?ia 'to tie' plus {-ra-3 is chinu.ra.?na 'to tie one-by-one.'

pisa.na 'to weigh' plus [-ra-} is pisa.ra.na 'to weigh one at a time.'

mistu.a 'to come out' plus [-ra-3 is mistu.ra.'a 'to come out one-by-one.'

{-ra-} on verb roots; reversal:

apa.na 'to carry' plus t-ra-] is apa. ra.na 'to grab.'

sama.a 'to breathe' plus (-ra-] is sama.ra.?na 'to rest' .(stop breathing).

anra.na 'to shoo (animals)' plus {-ra-] is ana.ra.na 'to impound herd

animals.'

Other uses of (-ra-]':

parla. ia 'to speak' plus [-ra-3 is parla.ra.ja 'to talk louder at another

time' (several persons).

nak"a.a 'to burn' plus [-ra-J is nak"a.ra.na 'to burn on the surface

but not inside.'

jacha. a 'to cry' plus {-ra-I is jacha.ra.'a 'to cry loudly' (several

persons).



2.24.2 {-t"api-} gatherer. This suffix can verbalize. It usually means

gathering by the action. It requires a preceding consonant.

f-t"api-3 on noun roots:

uta 'house' plus (-t"api-3 is ut.t"api.na 'to sit very close' (be close

together).







(-t"api-] on verb roots, gathering:

apa.?a 'carry' plus t-t"api-] is ap.t"api.'7a 'to gather.'

lluxi.na 'spread out granular substance' plus C-t"api-J is llux.t"api.?a

'gather granular substance.'

chinu.~'a 'to tie' plus (-t"api-] is chin.t"api.ia 'to tie two things

together.'

Other uses of [-t"api- :

sara.na 'to go' plus {-t"api-} is sar.t"api. a 'to get up.'



2.25 [-nuqa-J Placerr'; {-qa-I 'down'; L-xata-J 'on top of'

These three suffixes are kncwn to precede [-ta-3 and (-qa-3

has been found after -ja-3. It has not been possible to establish

order class any more definitely, because they have not been found in

combination with any other suffixes that precede (-ta- They may be

in the same order class with each other.



2.25.1 {-nuqu-3 Placerr.' This suffix can verbalize. It is usually

found with carry verbs and other object transporting verbs, and changes

the action from dynamic action to static action. Instead of being

transported, the object is placed. {-nuqa-3 requires a preceding

consonant.

t-nuqa-} with noun roots:

uta 'house' plus -nuqa-7 is ut.nuqa. a 'sit down' (be dovin).

[-nuqa-3 with verb roots:

apa.'a 'carry' plus 1-nuqa-3 is ap.nuqa.ia 'to put down.'

jaqu.ba 'to throw' plus n-nuqa-3 is jaq.nuqa.na 'to put down with force.'








2.25.2 [-qa-} 'dain.' This suffix does not verbalize. It occurs most

frequently on sara.na 'to go,' and indicates downward motion. This

is the most frequent meaning of {-qa-}, but not its only one. {-qa-I

requires a preceding vcwel.

{-qa-} as downward motion:

sara.na 'to go' plus {-qa-} is sara.qa.oia 'to go down.

p"usa.na 'to blow' plus {-qa-I is p"usa.qa.na 'to blow dcwn or off.'

apa.'a 'carry' plus f-qa-} is apa.qa.na 'to take down.'

Other uses of [-qa-}:

iki.ia 'to sleep' plus t-qa-1 is iki.qa. a 'to sleep somewhere else.'

lluji.ia 'to spread-out a granular substance' plus {-qa-} is 1luji.qa.na

'to separate a lot off one side.'

tuyui.a 'to swim' plus (-qa-} is tuyu.qa.na 'to swim far little by

little.'

yati,.ia 'to kncw' plus {-qa-I is yati.qa.'ia 'to learn.'



2.25.3 I-xata-i 'on top of.' This suffix does not verbalize. It

indicates action on top of. This is not only a locational, since it 'also

involves motion upward and the suffix is mutually exclusive with f-qa-1,

action downward. i-xata-} requires a preceding consonant.

apa.na 'to carry' plus I-xata-' is ap.xata.ia 'to put something on top of.'

sara.na 'to go' plus I-xata- -is sar.xata. a 'to go:up on top of.'

ati.na 'to cover' plus 1-xata-J is at.xata.'a 'to put something on top of'

(to cover),



2.26 {-ta-I upward motion, inceptive. This suffix does not verbalize.

In carry verbs and a number of others, 1-ta-I signifies up,,ard motion.








It also functions as an inceptive, without direction involved. In

eliciting the recitation forms, various roots seem to stimulate either the

upward or the inceptive meanings of {-ta-}, but in context it appears

that some roots can take either meaning. apta.na usually means 'pick

up,' but in jich';'ax wawanak ap.ta.ni.m 'now bring the children,' i-ta-I

is inceptive. {-ta-} requires a preceding consonant.

{-ta-} as upward motion:

apa.na 'carry' plus {-ta-} is ap.ta.na 'pick up.'

sara.ia 'to go' plus J-ta-} is sar.ta.'a 'stand up, get up.'

alli.na 'to dig' plus [-ta-} is all.ta.na 'dig up.'

[-ta-} as inceptive:

awi.na 'to go in a herd' plus {-ta-} is ay2.ta.na 'to start to go

together, e.g. to attack.'

arka.na 'to follow plus [-ta-} is ark.ta.na 'to foltw after a little

while.'

*ana.'na 'to shoo' plus 1-ta-} is an.ta.6a 'make the animals move' (begin

shooing).

Other use of {-ta-}:

ala.na 'to buy' plus f-ta-} is al.ta.na 'to buy a lot of things, not for

profit, but for personal use. A waste of money may be involved.'



2.27 1-kata-}, {-kipa-}, {-naqa-}, 1-nta-1, 1-nuku-}, t-tata-j, I-xaru-},

{-xa:si-J, I-xaya-}.
These suffixes precede {-t'a-] in order class. {-nuku-} has been

found after H-ja-}. Otherwise they cannot be placed more definitely

with regard to the other suffixes which precede {-t'a-1. They may be

in the same order class.






26

2.27.1 {-kata-j action across. This suffix can verbalize. It generally

signifies action across, closing a gap, and frequently involves action

in an upward direction. With the carry and motion verbs the action rises;

with other verbs it may only pass across (bridge a gap). {-kata-}

requires a preceding consonant.

j-kata-} on noun roots:

junt'u 'hot' plus f-kata-I is junt'.kataoa 'to make hot in small area.'

f-kata-I on verb roots, motion verbs:

apa.na 'carry' plus {-kata-} is ap.kata.6a 'pick up and put down higher.'

aywioa 'to go in a herd' plus 1-kata-} is ayw.kata.na 'to go up a hill

in a group.'

*ana.na 'to shoo' plus {-kata-I is an.katana 'to drive herd animals up

a hill.'

{-kata-} on verb roots, other verbs:

una,na:'to see' plus {-kata-} is un.kata.ina 'look at directly.' (pass

a glance across and get it back).

qunu.Tna 'to sit' plus {-kata-] is qun.kata. a 'sit close to someone.'

jak"u.na 'to count' plus 1-kata-I is jak".kata.na 'to count money to a

cashier' (money passes from hand to hand).'

Other uses of {-kata-]:

al.ja.'a 'to sell' plus 1-kata-I is al.j.kata.'na 'to sell everything.'

awisa.na 'to inform' plus f-kata-) is awis.kata.'a 'to inform everything.'

chura.na 'to give' plus 1-kata-} is chur.kata,~a 'to give something when

the seller can't sell it.'



2.27.2 .-kipa-} motion passing by or around a corner. This suffix does

not verbalize. It was very easy for the Aymara speakers to peel off this








suffix and define it, It requires a preceding vowel.

apa.na 'carry' plus {-kipa-} is apa.kipa.na 'to pass something to other

side.'

una.na 'to see' plus {-kipa-I is una.kipa.na 'to observe, check' (pass

a glance by).

pisa.na 'to weigh' plus [-kipa-I is pisa.kipa.na 'to weigh out too much'

(pass the right weight).

parlao.a 'to speak' plus {-kipa-1 is parla.kipa.?a 'to communicate' (pass

news from one to another).



2.27.3 {-naqa-} diffuse action. This suffix does not verbalize. It

indicates general, diffuse, non-purposive action, and usually only occurs

with motion and carry verbs, although there are some exceptions, {-naqa-1

requires a preceding consonant.

sara.na 'to go' plus {-naqa-} is sar.naqa.na 'to walk around.'

apa.na 'to carry' plus [-naqa-} is ap.naqa.oa 'to handle.'

una.na 'to see' plus 1-naqa- is un.naqana 'to have eyes open all around.'



2.27.4 {-nta-I inward motion, inceptive. This suffix can verbalize. On

carry and motion verbs -nta-j indicates inward motion and on other verbs

it acts as an inceptive. {-nta-} requires a preceding vowel.

{-nta-} on noun roots:

junt'u 'hot' plus 1-nta-I is junt'u.nta.oa 'begin to get hot.'

{-nta-I on verb roots, motion verbs:

apa.na 'carry' plus {-nta-} is apa.ntana 'to put in.'

*ana.,a 'to shoo' plus {-nta-} is ana.nta.'a 'to shoo in.'

p"usa.na 'to blo' plus i-nta-I is p"usa.nta,'a 'to bloc in.'








{-nta-] on verb roots, other verbs:

parla.a 'to speak' plus 1-nta-} is parla.nta.na 'to start to speak.'

tuyu.na 'to swim' plus {-nta-I is tuyu.nta.na 'go down into the water

little by little.'

jacha. a 'to cry' plus {-nta-J is jacha.nta.3a 'start to cry without

tears, not suddenly.'



2.27.5 1-nuku-} action away. This suffix can verbalize. It indicates

action away from the subject, without any particular direction. Occasionally

the action is away from the intention of the actor. 1-nuku-1 requires a

preceding vowel.

-nuku-} on noun roots:

inku 'carrying cloth' plus 1-nuku-S is inku.nuku.na 'pass to someone.'

1-nuku-T on verb roots:

apa.na 'to carry' plus {-nuku-I is apa.nuku.3a 'thrao away.'

sara.na 'to go' plus j-nuku-j is sara.nuku.'a 'to get lost' (go away

without direction).

t"uqu.ia 'to dance' plus 1-nuku-I is t"uqu.nuku.ia 'to jump away in the

wrong direction.'



2.27.6 {-tata-} scatterer. This suffix can verbalize, and means spread

out or scatter. It requires a preceding vcael.

[-tata-1 on noun roots:

junt'u 'hot' plus 1-tata-I is junt'u.tata. a 'to spread out the heat.'

-tata-j on verb roots:

apa.a 'carry' plus [-tata-1 is apa.tata.na 'to spread out.'

p"alla.na 'to burst' plus S-tata-1 is p"all.'tata.na 'to burst and scatter.'









aywi.na 'to go in a herd' plus J-tata-] is awi.tata.na 'to go spread

out in different directions.'



2.27.7 I-xaru-} preparative. This suffix cannot verbalize. It indicates

preparing for the action, and can only be found on a small class of carry

and motion verbs. It requires a preceding consonant.

apa.na 'carry' plus I-xaru-] is ap.xaru.na 'get ready to take.'

sara.na 'to go' plus I-xaru-} is sar.xaru. 'a 'get ready to go.'



2.27.8 I-xa:si-} 'static.' This suffix does not verbalize. It is used

with carry verbs and indicates that the object is being held rather than

carried. It requires a preceding consonant.

apa.na 'to carry' plus I-xa:si-] is ap.xa:si.na 'to hold in hands.'

ichu.?a 'to carry with two hands, e.g., a baby' plus {-xa:si-} is

ich.xa:sina 'to hold [a baby] in the hands.'

q' ipi.a 'to carry on the back' plus {-xa:si-I is q'ip.xa:si.na 'to

hold on the back.'



2.27.9 {-xaya-} attention. This suffix does not verbalize,and only

appears on a small number of roots. It is quite'difficult to translate,

but seems to mean that the person who is acting is with another person,

and .his attention is directed at that person through the action of the

verb, {-xaya-} has only appeared on the roots qunu~na 'to sit,' saya. a

'to stand,' p"aya.na 'to cook,' parla.na 'to talk,' laru.na 'to laugh,'

jacha.na 'to cry,' and anata.na 'to play.' It requires a preceding

consonant.









qunu.na 'to sit' plus {-xaya-} is qun.xaya.ja 'to sit with someone.'

p"aya.na 'to cook' plus {-xaya-} is p"ay.xaya.na 'to cook for someone.'

anata.na 'to talk' plus i-xaya-'} is parl.xaya.na 'to talk to someone'

(attention focused on that person).



2.28 {-t'a-t, {-ch'uki-J. These suffixes are in the same order class.

1-t'a-I combines easily with other suffixes; 1-ch'uki-} does not.



2.28.1 {-t'a-) momentaneous. This suffix can verbalize. It is the most

common of the Class I suffixes, can go on almost any root, and almost

always signifies momentaneous, single, or short action. Depending on

the root, the length of time may not actually be very short, but it is

shorter than the usual meaning of the root. i-t'a-J requires a

preceding consonant.

1-t'a-I on noun roots:

wawa 'baby' plus 1-t'a-J is waw.t'a.aa 'to whimper (from sibling jealousy).'

-t'a-1 on verb roots:

parla.na 'to speak' plus i-t'a-I is parl.t'a.na 'talk with someone for

a few minutes.'

sara.na 'to go' plus j-t'a-} is sar.t'a.na 'to visit (go briefly).'

Other uses of 1-t'a-}:

apa.na 'carry' plus 1-t'a-1 is ap.t'a.na 'to give responsibility to

someone else.'



2.28.2 [-ch'uki-1. This suffix does not verbalize. It indicates

purposive action directly at someone, frequently reciprocal. It usually

occurs on verbs where the complement can be a person. It requires a

preceding consonant.









ira. a 'to carry' plus 1-ch'uki-} is ir.ch'uki.na 'two children thrcw

small things at each other.'

p"usana 'to blow' plus [-ch'uki-I is p"us.ch'uki.na 'to blow at someone'

(reciprocal).

una.na 'to see' plus j-ch'uki-I is u?.ch'uki.'a 'to look at.'



2.29 I-rpaya-} This suffix-does not verbalize, and almost never combines

with any other suffixes in Class I. It seems to be rather closely

connected to I-ra-1 in meaning, but cannot be split into components.

It generally signifies multiple, but not serial, action. As with {-ra-1

another apparent function is reversal of the action. t-rpaya-l requires

a preceding vaoel.

I-rpaya-} as multiple action:

arku.'a 'to pile' plus j-rpaya-. is arku.rpaya.na 'to make several piles.'

k"uch"u.'a 'to cut' plus I-rpaya-I is k"uch"u.rpaya.na 'to cut from

different pieces.'

chinu.a 'to tie' plus I-rpaya-} is chinu.rpaya.na 'to tie several

things separately.'

jala a 'to run' plus I-rpaya-} is jala.rpaya. na 'to run out (like tears).'

-rpaya- as reversal:

apa.na 'to carry' plus {-rpaya-I is apa. rpaya.na 'to leave behind.'

*ana.na 'to shoo' plus i-rpaya-} is ana.rpaya.na 'to leave animals.'



2.3 Set II Suffixes

These are the suffixes which act on the inflection of the verb. None

except {-ya-} can verbalize, they all can go on almost any root, stem,







32

or theme, and several of them affect the complements. There are eleven

suffixes in this class.



2.31 {-ya-} person causative. This suffix can verbalize, but only

rarely. Even when it verbalizes a noun root, it acts on the persons

involved in the resulting berb. It means to cause someone to do some-

thing. {-ya-} can reduplicate, and then means 'to cause someone to cause

someone to do something.' It is the only verbal derivational suffix

that can be used twice on the same root. {-ya-] can take a regular f-ru}

complement, but it can also take an {-mpii complement for the new actor.

The I-mpi J complement is used when it is necessary or desirable to show

respect to the person who is the new actor object, or if the verb already

has a {-rul complement which is not the new actor. J-ya-J requires a

preceding vowel.

J-ya-J on noun roots:

suti 'name' plus 1-ya-} is suti.ya. a 'to baptize' (cause the person to

be named).

J-ya-} on verb roots:

apa.na 'to carry' plus 1-ya-I is apaya.na 'to send' (cause someone to

carry).

yati.a 'to kno/' plus 1-ya-I is yati.ya.na 'to inform' (cause someone

to know).

jiwa.na 'to die' plus {-ya-I is jiwa.ya.yaa 'to kill' (cause someone to die).

ima.'a 'to keep' plus {-ya-} is ima.ya.'a 'to bury' (cause something to keep).

{-ya-1 reduplicatedd:

sutl.ya.ya.nia 'cause [the godfather] to baptize.'

yati.ya.ya.na 'cause someone to inform.'








1-ya-} with an {-mpij complement when the verb has another {-rul

complement:

Nayaw jupar t'ant'chur.ta 'I give him the bread.'

Nayaw jupar jupamp t'ant' chura.y.ta 'I make him (A) give him (B) the

bread.'



2.32 j-si-, reflexive. The reflexive in Aymara refers ahead to the

persons involved in the inflection. It may mean reciprocal action between

two persons or action on the actor or on the behalf of the actor and for

the complements. It cannot occur with the beneficiary {-rapi-} or the

victim I-raqa-}, although it has a different order class. The effect of

{-si-j on the complements is complex, and seems to be heavily dependent

on the individual verbs. It is beyond the scope of this study to explain

the relationship of {-si-1}, the verb, and the.complements.

i-si-,O requires a preceding vowel.

apa.na 'to carry' plus I-si-1O is apa.si.ona 'to carry (by oneself).'

parla.'a 'to speak' plus I-si-1, is parla.si.'7a 'to speak (oneself).'



2.33 {-ni-I nearator. This suffix indicates that the persons involved

in the verb are nearby or are coming near, or the intent of the actor

is toward here. It is used very frequently in Aymara; it is important

to indicate the location of the persons. 1-ni-I requires a preceding vowel.

apa.na 'carry' plus 1-ni-I is apa.ni.na 'to carry when one is near or

coming near.'

Jich"ax wawanak ap.ta.ni.m 'Na bring the children.'







2.34 {-waya-} distance. This suffix indicates that the persons

involved in the action are far away, or are moving away, f-waya-} and

t-ni-} are not mutually exclusive; they frequently occur together (see

3.5). {-waya-} is often reduced to /-wa-/. It requires a preceding

vowel.

sar.ta.?ia 'to go' plus {-waya-1 is sar.ta.waya.,a 'to get up and go

away.'

parl.t'a.-a 'to tell (briefly)' plus -waya-} is parl.t'a.waya. a 'to

tell at some other place.'



2.35 {-rapi-}, {-raqa-]. These suffixes are in the same order class

and are mutually exclusive.



2.35.1 {-rapi-} beneficiary. This suffix adds another person to the

Inflection: the beneficiary, or person fcr whom the action is being

performed. The noun which is the beneficiary takes a f-taki) complement

rather than a j-ru} complement, and the persons indicated by the

inflection are the subject of the {-taki}complement. The {-rul

complement may still be indicated by the nouns in the sentence, but

will no longer be indicated by the inflection. The inflection will agree

with the person ofthe f-taki} complement rather than the {-ru} complement.

{-rapi-} requires a preceding vcael.

Nayaw jupar t'ant' chur.ta "I gave him the bread.'

Nayaw jupatak t'ant' chura.rap.ta "I gave the bread for him.'

Nayaw jupar jupatak t'ant' chura.rap.ta "I gave him (A) the bread for

him (B).'








2.35.2 {-raqa-I victimary. This suffix indicates that there is a

complement which is a possession of a "victim." The subject of the

verb does something to the possession of someone else, against that

person's will. Instead of a I-ru) complement, the complement is a

possessive noun phrase. In its complete form, the possessive phrase

consists of the possessor plus t-na3 and the possessed plus one of the

personal suffixes of possession. Either the possessor or the possessed

may be omitted from the phrase. If the possessor is omitted, the zero

complement (the possessed) remains intact. If the possessed is omitted,

the possessor adds a verbalizer [-ka-} and a nominalizer I-iri) to

become a noun phrase marked by [-nkiri} {-raqa-1 cannot take a{-ru}

complement and the possessor is the complement marked in the inflection.

{-raqal requires a preceding vcael.

apa.na 'to carry' plus I-raqa-I is apa.raqa.na 'to take something

that isn't the subject's (against the cwner's will).'

Nayax juman wawam sar.ta.ya.raq.sma "I woke up your baby (you didn't

want me to)' (possessor plus possessed noun phrase).

Nayax wawam sar.ta.ya.raq.sma 'I woke up your baby' (possessed alone).

Nayax jumankir sar.ta.ya.raq.sma :'I woke up yours' (possessor as a noun

phrase with {-nkiri ).

All of the parts of the noun phrase obligatorily drop the final vcwel and

are zero complements.



2.36 J-si-21 continuative. This indicates continuing action and is

always found with {-ka-} 'ahead.' This helps to distinguish it from the

Isi-l, reflexive. It cannot occur with -xa-21 completive or i-xa-31

complete plural. I-si-?2 continuative requires a preceding voael.

sara.qa.?a 'to go down' plus [-si-2)and I-ka-I is sara.qa.s.ka.-na 'to
be going down.'








apa. a 'carry' plus I-si-21 and{-ka-I is apa.s.ka.a 'to be taking.'
parla.p.ka.na 'to speak ahead (plural)' plus -si-2l is parla.si.p.ka.na

'to be speaking ahead (plural).'



2.37 I-xa-21 completive. This indicates an action which someone has

completed, or has completed initiation of, and cannot occur with [-si-1,

continuative or -ka-] 'ahead.' It requires a preceding consonant.

apara.'a 'to grab' plus -xa-21 is apa.r.xa. a 'to confiscate' (grab

completely).

chura.na 'to give' plus [-xa- ) is chur.xa.ia 'to give back.'

sara.na 'to go' plus I-xa-21 is sar.xa..'a 'to go away, back, home.'

lura.na 'to do' plus i-xa- 2 is lur.xa.oa 'to do already.'



2.38 {-p-" plural. This suffix is bound to 1-ka-} or I-xa- 3. Plural

is optional in Aymara, and is usually only used for emphasis. It is

frequently accompanied by the nominal optional plural I-nakal but

this is not necessary. The plural may refer to either the subject, the

complement, or both, with the exception that third person plural

complements do not usually take [-p-} unless the subject is plural also.

This may be change from a former system in which all plural complements

could take I-p-J. [-p-j takes [-ka-} when the action is continuing,

and t-xa-1 when it is complete. It requires a preceding vo.el.

Jupanakaw nayar parla.p.x.itu 'They speak to me,'

Jupaw nanakar parla.p.x.itu 'He speaks to us.'

Jupanakaw nanakar parla.p.x.itu 'They speak to us.'

parla.p.xaina 'to speak already (plural).'

parla.p.ka.na 'to be speaking ahead .(plural).'







37
2.39 {-xa-31 (plural completive), {-ka-j. These suffixes are in the same

order class and are mutually exclusive.



2.39.1 o -xa-J'plural'completive. This suffix has no other function than

to occur with the plural morpheme {-p-} in verbs that are not continuative.

It cannot occur with {-si-} continuative, and must occur in plural

constructions if the {-xa-} completive is used. (-xa-} follows a suffix

with no discoverable vowel.

parla.na 'to speak' plus plural completive is parla.p.xa.na 'to speak

(plural).'



2.39.2 {-ka-j 'ahead.' This suffix indicates precedence and is quite

important in Aymara. It typically appears in a number of distinctive

combinations with other suffixes. Alone, it is usually translated

'ahead' and indicates that the person is doing something before someone

else does. This is not a completive. 1-ka-} also must accompany I-si-I

continuative. It regularly occurs with the negative sentence suffix

{-ti}, although it is not itself a negative and does not always have to

accompany {-tij. Finally it occurs with the plural {-p-j in situations

where the action is continuing. It requires a preceding consonant.

{-ka-" alone:

sara.na 'to go' plus 1-ka- is sar.ka.na 'to go ahead.'

1-ka-? with I-si-} continuative:

sara.na 'to go' plus j-si-j and\-ka-1 is sara.s.ka.oa 'to be going.'

[-ka-I with the negative:

Janiw sar.k.i.ti 'he did not go.'








1-ka-} with the plural:

sara.p.ka.na 'to be going ahead.'


2.4 Morphophonemic Summary

Column one lists those verbal derivational suffixes which require

a preceding vowel; column two lists those which require a preceding

consonant. The listing is alphabetic.

+ preceding vcwel + preceding consonant

f-cha-} {-ch'uki-}

1-kipa--ja-}

{-ni-} I-ka-}

I-nta-} {-kata-I

1-nuku-} {-naqa-}

{-p- {--nuqa-I

f-qa-j 1-su-1

{-ra-1} -ta-J

{-rap i- {-t'a-}
[-raqa-} {-t"api-1

--rpaya-j [-xa-21 completivee)

I-si-1 (reflexive) [-xa- } (plural)

J-si-2} (continuative) f-xaru-}

{-tata-} {-xa:si-}

{-waya-I {-xata-}

{-ya-} {-xaya-_
The conditioning of vavel dropping is morphemic. It will be noticed that

the three resonants /w/, /r/, /y/ require a preceding vow.el, and this

may be evidence of some phonological conditioning.5 All verbal derivational






39

suffixes which begin with /x/ require a preceding consonant, but this

is probably class conditioning, because there is a nominal suffix {-xa1

which requires a preceding vowel, and a sentence suffix I-xaj which

exerts no influence of its acn.















3. Verbal Derivational Suffixes Comparisons and Combinations

This section will be devoted to comparisons of several of the verbal

derivational suffixes, and a discussion of the ways in which they

combine. As has been mentioned previously, the suffixes of Set II can

be added to almost any verb root or theme in Aymara, and it is not at

all unusual for as many as seven of the Set II suffixes to occur on a

single verb stem. Set I suffixes have more limitations, some of which

have been pointed out in Section 2. They can combine, hacever, although

usually not in groups of more than two or three. Section 3.6 shows

examples of verbs with large numbers of suffixes added.



3.1 The causatives -cha-j and-ya-4.

1-cha-} is the causative which acts on the verb root and belongs to

Class I verbal derivational suffixes. 1-ya-} is also a causative, but

it acts on the inflection of the verb and belongs to Class II suffixes.

Both 1-cha-) and{-ya-} can be added to the same verb, in which case

causation is applied to both the persons and the action of tFe verb.

Several sets illustrate this clearly:

suti 'name'

suti.cha.na 'to nickname, call names' (cause naming).

sutiya.na 'to baptize' (cause someone to be named) (godfather to child).

suti.cha.ya.na 'make someone call names' (cause someone to cause naming).

suti.ya.ya.na 'cause the godfather to baptize' (parent to godfather to

child).









yati.na 'to knao.'

yati.cha.na 'to teach' (cause knowing).

yati.ya.na 'to inform' (cause someone to know).

yati.cha.ya.na 'make someone teach' (cause someone to cause knowing)

yati.ya.ya.na 'cause someone to inform.'



3.2 The directionals {-qa-1, {-su-}, {-ta-j, {-nta-}.

These suffixes all have auxiliary functions to their purely directional

ones. I-qa- is used the least in any but its directional sense, but the

other three directionals are used frequently with other functions. The

four suffixes fall into two pairs in a directional sense: (-su-} and {-ta-I

go together, and I-qa-} and 1-nta-} go together. For instance, mistu.na

'to come out,' can take either I-su-} or [-ta-}, but it cannot take {-qa-}

or 1-nta-1. In terms of Aymara categories, 'out' and 'up' are more like

each other than they are to 'in and 'down,' which are likewise paired.

Although these suffixes are not in the same order class, they do not

co-occur with ease, and probably cannot co-occur if both suffixes have

directional functions. An example of 1-ta-} occurring with I-qa-I is:

sara.na 'to go' plus k-qa-} plus {-ta-} is sara.q.ta.waya.na 'to go

down, very well dressed, without looking at anyone.'

An example of {-ta-} and I-su-} on the same root is:

una.na 'to see' plus I-su-} and j-ta-} is un.s.ta.na 'to appear.

In both these examples direction is indicated by the first of the

directionals, and inception by the 1-ta-1.

Direction is also marked by nominal suffixes, and it is interesting

to note that although all of the verbal directionals can occur with the








nominal directional [-rul 'toward,' all but {-nta-} can occur with the

nominal directional {-ta 'away from.' In Aymara it is not possible to

go in at the same time as going away.

-When these suffixes are not used in their directional sense, {-ta-}

and 1-nta-} are closer to each other than they are to f-su-} and {-qa-'.

Both f-ta-) and 4-nta-j are incentives, while {-su-} is a completive.

In their inceptive functions, 1-ta-) and 1-nta-} rarely occur on the same

root. When they do, there seems to be a time difference between them.

For instance:

arka.'a 'to follow plus {-ta-} is ark.ta.na 'to follow after a little

while, especially spies and others who do not want to be seen.'

arka.na plus k-nta-j is arka.nta.na 'to follow directly behind' (both

people can be seen and are aware of each other.



3.3 The completives {-su-1 and {-xa-}.

In Aymara I-su-1 is a completive acting on the root and belonging

to Class I verbal derivational suffixes, while I-xa-} acts on the

inflection and belongs to Class II suffixes. Several examples illustrate

the difference between these two suffixes:

una.na 'to see.'

un.su.na 'to look at all over.'

un.xa.na 'to see already.'

yati.na 'to know.'

,yat.su.a 'to learn already.'

yatxa .a 'to knca already.'

yat.s.xa.na 'to already learn something that takes a lot of practice.'








3.4 The.distance suffixes {-nuku-} and {-waya-}.

These two suffixes both indicate distance; [-nuku-} indicates

distance of the action and j-waya-} distance of the persons. The

suffixes can occur together on the same root. I-nuku-} indicates that the

action is moving away from where it started, while j-waya-j indicates.that

the persons are moving away or are already away from the action. Examples

are:

apa.na 'to carry.'

apa.nuku.na 'to throw away.'

apa.waya.na 'to take away' (as you are going away).

apa.nuku.waya.na 'to thrai away on one's way.'



3.5. Nearness -ni-} and distance I-waya- .

These two suffixes might be thought to be mutually exclusive, but

they are in fact very frequently used together. When they are used

together they indicate circular action; the person starts out at a

place, does something while moving away, and then returns.

apa.na 'carry' plus [-ni-I and [-waya-} is apa.ni.waya.a 'to get

something on the way and bring it back.'

ala.na 'to buy' plus 1-ni-} and (-waya-} is ala.ni.waya.na 'to buy

something on the way and return.'

[-ni-} plus 1-waya-} together express the sentiment of the English

'While you're up, get me a ."

The combination of [-ni-I and (-waya-} can also express discrepancies

between where the speaker was at the time of an action and where he is

when he tells about it. For instance, Mr. Yapita, in telling about a









photograph which was taken in Bolivia, used {-ni-} and {-waya-} to

indicate that he took the.picture while he was in Bolivia, but was

telling about it in the United States.

Uk"an aka fotografiy ap.su.ni.wayta/ 'I took this picture there.'

The use of {-ni-} and {-waya-3 is very important in Aymara; personal

location is an essential part of an act.



3.6 Suffix Combinations in Aymara.

In this section several examples of verb roots with more than one

derivational suffix will be given. This is to show more about ho1

different suffixes combine. As has been pointed out, it is unusual to

find more than one or two Class I suffixes on a single root, but there

can be as many as seven Class II suffixes on a single root. The examples

given here by no means exhaust the possibilities for combination in

Aymara; they are intended only to illustrate various options and

interesting results of combination.

{-cha-} plus 1-ta-):

yati. a 'to know,' yati.ch.ta.na 'to teach superficially.'

k-cha-} plus {-ja-1:

uta 'house,' uta.choa.na 'to build houses in different places.'

{-ja-} plus {-si-}:

uma.na 'to drink,' um. ja.si.na 'to get drunk.'

I-xata-I plus s-ta-}:

apa.na 'to carry,' ap.xat.ta.na 'for rain clouds to come back after a

brief disappearance.'








[-t"api-}, {-ta-1, and {-ni-l:

apa.ia 'to carry,' ap.t"ap.ta.ni,.ia 'for rainclouds to gather just

before a storm.'

[-su-' plus {-si-]:

apa.na 'to carry,' ap.su.si.na 'to take off [clothing].'

{-su-} plus f-ra-}:
apa.na 'to carry,' ap.su.ra.na 'to take out one at a time.'

{-ra-} plus {-ta-}:

apa.na 'to carry,' apa.r.ta.na 'to be cloudless [the sky].'

i-ra-I plus [-t'a- :
sama.na 'to breathe,' sama.r.t'a.na 'to rest for a minute.'

-qa-j plus {-ya-}:

sara.na 'to go,' sara.qa.ya.na 'to go dacn to someone, for example a

sick or old person.'

{-qa-} plus {-xa- :

sara.na 'to go,' sara.q.xa.na 'to go away when one is going dcwn.'

-naqa-} plus {-ya-1:

sara.na 'to go,' sar.naqa.ya.na 'to walk someone around [like a baby].'

1-kata-} plus [-xi-}:

una.na 'to see,' un.kata.si.na 'to look in a mirror.'

[-naqa-}, 1-t'a-}, [-si-j, [-waya-}:
sara.na 'to go,' sar.naq.t'a.s iwaya.na 'to stay briefly in a place.'

J-naqa-1, {-t'a-}, J-si-}:

sara.na 'to go,' sar.nag.t'a.si.na 'to live a luxurious life alone'

(advice against marriage).

t-ta-} plus J-t'a-}:

apa.na 'to carry,' ap.t.t'a.na 'to pick up'for a minute.'








1-nuqa-}, [-ni-], {-waya-3, {-si-}, {-ka-}:

wara.na 'to drop something,' war.nuqa.ni.waya.s.ka.: 'I'll place them

that way.'

i-nuku-}, {-ya-}, (-si-}, {-ni-}:
*>ana.na 'to shoo,' ana.nuku.ya.si.ni.:ma 'I'll leave you off.'

{-ra-}, {-ya-}, {-si-}, (-si-j {-ka- :

quna.na 'to sit,' qunu. r.ya.si.s.k.i 'he-was seating them one by one.'

[-ya-}, {-ni-}, t-waya-}, {-si-}, {-p-j, {-ka-} :

apa.na 'to carry,' apa.ya.ni.waya.si.p.k..i 'They sent if from here to

there.'


3.7 A Comparison of Functions of the Verbal Derivational Suffixes

Time, mode, and person are contained in the verbal inflection in

Aymara. Other than this, all strictly verbal relationships are expressed

in the verbal derivational suffixes, which are varied in the number and

types of relationships which they can describe. Almost half of the

-verbal derivational suffixes are involved in some way in indicating the

position of the action, or of the persons with respect to the action.

Other suffixes are concerned with the relation of the participants,

indicated in the inflection, to the action and to each other '(inter-

actionals). A third type of function the verbal derivationals have is to

indicate the type of action, or aspect. Two suffixes indicate plurality.

A listing of the suffixes in these classes may help organize the

comparison and contrast of the functions of verbal derivational suffixes.

These suffixes may combine in ways not anticipated, and the gloss is

meant as a guide to the most usual function, not necessarily as a description

of a category.








Position: This category may be divided into two subcategories,

direction and location. Some suffixes seem to belong to both.

A. Direction:

{-kata-I action across

{-kipa-1 action passing by or around a corner

{-naqa-3 action without direction, non-purposive

{,nta-I action into

{-qa-} action dawn

{-su-} action out of

{-ta-} action up

{-tata-} action scattered, outward from a point

t-t"api-} action gathers, inward to a point

B. Location:

{-nuku-} action away from the start

{-nuqa-} action which places

{-xa:si-} action which is static

[-xata-} action on top of, this involves upward direction also

J-ni-} action in which the persons are near

[-waya-I action in which the persons are far

Interaction: The first four suffixes affect the complements

{-si- ]I reflexive, the subject acts upon himself '

{-rapi-} beneficiary, the subjects acts in someone's interest

{-raqa-} victimary, the subject acts to the detriment of someone else's

possessions

{-ya-] causative, the subject causes another person to act

{-cha-} causative, the subject causes another action

(-ch'uki-1 reciprocal, the action is between two people








Aspect:

I-ja-} divisive

{-ka-} incomplete

J-n'ta-} inceptive

I-ra-I serial multiple

{-rpaya-} multiple non-ordered

-su-j completive

-ta-} inceptive

j-t'a-} momentaneous

k-xaru-} preparative

{-xaya-I attentive

I-si-21 continuative, with respect to persons

j-xa-2} completive, with respect to persons
Plural:

i-p-} plural

I-xa-31 plural completive
















4. Suggestions for Further Research

Further research on the Aymara verbal derivational suffixes needs

to be done in the area of the relationships these suffixes have with the

rest of the language, and the ways in which they influence other parts of

the grammar. In particular, more work needs to be done with complements

and their relationships to verbs and to verbal derivational suffixes.

The description of the complements will of necessity be quite complex,

because the complements are affected by the roots and the suffixes of the

verb. Each verb has its class of zero complements, but the derivational

suffixes, particularly Set I suffixes, affect the zero complements. The

interaction of the root and suffix on complements is very complicated

and much needs to be discovered about this area. Some of the effects of

Set II derivational suffixes on the [-rul complements have been indicated

here, but this area also needs to be explored further.

Another area which needs further research is that of direction.

Direction is very important, and there are directional themes which run

through the entire language. The relationship of verbal direction, as

shown in the verbal derivational suffixes, to direction in other parts

of the morphology needs to be examined and explained. There should be

interrelation between the directional systems of the verbs and the

substantives.

Another area of interest which has only been briefly mentioned here

is the morphophonemic system. The extent of patterning and of







50

phonological conditioning has yet to be worked out, and this obviously

must take the whole language into consideration.

The importance of personal and non-personal knaoledge in Aymara

has hardly been mentioned at all. This dichotomy pervades the whole

language, and it is likely that further research may indicate that

it also appears in the verbal derivational suffixes (see note 2). Some

verbal derivational suffixes may indicate source of knowledge in addition

to other functions.

A final area for further research is an historical analysis of

Aymara and historical comparisons of Aymara verbal derivational suffixes

with verb suffixes in other languages of the Jaqi family. This would

help to define the functions of the verbal derivational suffixes, and

might especially shed some light on the frozen forms described in 2.1.















NOTES


Personal communication, M. J. Hardman-de-Bautista. There are the
remains of some recently extinct languages which Hardman believes to be
related to the Jaqi languages, and evidence that there may be more Jaqi
languages existing in Peru and Bolivia.
2
Consequently, if this suffix ever had a vcwel, it can no longer be
discovered.

Reconstruction may indicate that the inflections were separable in
the past.

The use of the suffix {-qa-} 'dawn' for iki.qa.na 'to sleep some-
where else' and Iluji.qa.?ia 'to separate a lot off one side' may be a
reflection of the hilly terrain in which the Aymara live. Sleeping
anywhere but home is usually down a mountain, and 'to separate a lot off
one side' may indicate that a side is usually vertical.

See Barber, 1970 (30-35), for the combinations of consonants
found in clusters.

This may also be a difference between personal and non-personal
knowledge, which is of great importance in Aymara. With ark.ta.'a
'to follow after a little while,' the two persons involved cannot be
seen by an observer, so he would not have personal knowledge of the
event. With arka.nta.?ia 'to follow directly behind,' an observer could
see both people at once and would therefore have personal knowledge of
the event.







































APPENDICES
















Appendix A: Glossary of Words


The entries are listed alphabetically by complete morpheme, without

regard for morphophonemics. This enables roots to be listed before

stems.



ala.hna 'to buy'

al.ja.na 'to sell'

al.j.kata.ha 'to sell everything'

ala.ni.waya.na 'to buy something on the way and return'

al.ta.ia 'to buy a lot of things, not for profit, but for personal use.
A waste of money may be involved.'

alli.na 'to dig'

all.ta.na 'to dig up'

*ana.na 'to shoo animals'

an.kata. a-'to drive herd animals up a hill'

ana.ki.na 'to herd animals'

ana.nta.na 'to shoo in'

ana.nuku.na 'to herd away'

ana.nuku.ya.si.ni.:ma 'I'll leave you off'

ana.ra.na 'to impound herd animals'

ana.rpaya.na 'to leave animals'

an.ta.na 'to make the animals move'

a*nata.na 'to play'

anat.xaya.na 'to interrupt or annoy someone by playing

53









apana 'to carry'

ap.ja.na 'to help to carry'

ap.kata.na 'pick up and put down higher'

apa.kipa.na 'to pass something to the other side'

ap.naqa.na 'to handle'

apa.ni.na 'to carry when one is near or coming near'

apa.ni.waya.ia 'to get something on the way and bring it back'

apa.nta.na 'to put in'

apa.nuku.na 'throw away'

apa.nuku.waya.'a 'to thrao away on one's way'

ap.nuqa.na 'to put downn'

apa.qa.na 'to take dcwn'

apa.ra.na 'to grab'

apa.r.ta.na 'to be cloudless (the sky)'

apa.r.xa.na 'to confiscate'

apa.raqa.na 'to take something that is not the subject''

apa.rpaya.na 'to leave behind'

apa.si.na 'to carry (oneself)'

apa.s.ka.na 'to be taking'

ap.su.na 'to take out'

ap.su.ra.na 'to take out one at a time'

ap.su.si.na 'to take off (clothing)'

ap.ta.na 'to pick up, begin to take'

ap.ta.ni.m 'bring (imperative)'

ap.t.t 'naa 'to pick up for a minute'

apa.tata.na 'to spread out'









ap.t'a.na 'to give responsibility to someone else'

ap.t"api. a 'to gather'

ap.t"api.ni.-a 'for rainclouds to gather just before a storm'

apa.waya.na 'to take away'

ap.xaru.na 'to get ready to take'

ap.xa:si.na 'to hold in hands'

ap.xata.~a 'to put something on top of'

ap.xat.ta.oa 'for rain clouds to come back after a brief disappearance'

apa.ya.na 'to send'

apa.ya.ni.waya.si.p.k.i 'they sent it from here to there'

arka.na 'to follow'

arka.nta.na 'to follaj directly behind'

ark.ta. a 'to follow after a little while'

arku.-a 'to pile'

arku.rpaya.na 'to make several piles'

ati.na 'to cover'

at.xata.na 'to put something on top of'

awisa.na 'to inform'

awis.kata.na 'to inform everything'

ayti.na 'to wash with a swirling motion'

ayti.liina 'to sway,.like a bridge, or to nod the head jerkily'

ayti.nki.na 'to sway up and do.n and around in the air'

aywi.na 'to go in a herd'

ayw.kata.^na 'to go up a hill in a group'

ayw.ta.na 'to start to go together, e.g. to attack'

ayw i.tata. na 'to go spread out in different 'directions'









chura.na 'to give'

chur.kata.na 'to give something when the seller can't sell it'

chur.xa.na 'to give back'

chinu.na 'to tie'.

chin.ja. a 'to divide and tie up'

chinu.ra.na 'to tie one by one'

chinurpaya.na 'to tie several things separately'

chin.t"api.6a 'to tie two things together'



ichu.na 'to carry with two hands, e.g. a baby'

ichu.xa:si.na 'to hold [a baby] in the hands'

iki.na 'to sleep'

iki.qa.'a 'to sleep somewhere else'

ima.na 'to keep'

ima.ya.na 'to bury'

inku 'carrying cloth'

inku.nuku.na 'to pass to someone'

ira.na 'to carry'

ir.ch'uki.na 'for two children to throw small things at each other'

ir.pa.na 'to lead someone'

ir.ta.na 'to pick up'



jacha.'a 'to cry'

jacha.nta.na 'to start to cry without tears, not suddenly'

jacha.ra.ia 'to cry loudly (several people)'

jach.su.na 'to cry suddenly'








jak"u.na 'to count'

]jak".ja.na 'to divide in equal groups (by counting)'

jak".kata.na 'to count money to a cashier'

jala.ia 'to run'

jala.rpaya.na 'to run out (like tears)'

jaqu.6a 'to throw'

jaq.nuqa.na 'to put dcwn with force'

jag.su.na 'to thrca out and up'

jila.na 'to grow'

jil.su.na 'to grew up'

jiwa. a 'to die'

j iwa.ya. a 'to kill'

junt'u 'hot'

junt'.ja.'a 'to be hot '(persons, animals)'

junt'.kata.na 'to make hot in a small area'

junt'u.nta.na 'to begin to get hot'

junt'u.ra.na 'to be hot after being cold'

junt'u.tata.'na 'to spread out the heat'



k"uch"u.na 'to cut'

k"uch".ja.na 'to divide with a blade'

k.'uch''u.rpaya.'na 'to cut from different pieces'



liwa.na 'to feed (animals) '

liw.ja.na 'to serve







58
lura.na 'to do'

lur.xa.na 'to do already'



llujlina 'to spread out granular substance'

Iluji.ga.'na 'to separate a lot off one side'

Iluj.t"api.na 'to gather a granular substance'



mistu.na 'to come out'

mistu.ra.na 'to come out one at a time'



nak"a.na 'to burn'

nak"a.ra.na 'to burn on'.the surface'but not inside'

nuwa.na 'to slap'

nuw.ja.na 'to punch'



parla.'a 'to speak'

parla.kipa.na 'to communicate'

parla.nta.na 'to start to speak'

parla.p.ka.na 'to speak ahead '(plural)'

parla.p.xa.na 'to speak already (plural)'

parla.ra.na 'to talk louder at another time'

parla.si. a 'to speak (oneself)'

parla.si.p.ka.ia 'to be speaking ahead (plural)'

parl.su.na 'to pronounce'

parl.t'a.na 'to talk with someone a few minutes'

parl.t'a.waya.na 'to tell at some other place'

parl.xaya.na 'to talk to someone (attention focused on that person)'








pirqa.na 'to build a wall'

pirq.su.na 'to finish building'

pirq.xa.na 'to divide a wall'

pisa.na 'to weigh'

pisa.kipa.na 'to weigh out too much'

pisa.ra. a 'to weigh one at a time'



p"alla.na 'to burst'

p"alla.ttaa.na 'to burst and scatter'

p"aya.na 'to cook'

p"ay.xaya.na 'to cook for someone'

p"usa.na 'to blond '

p"us.ch'uki.^na 'to blow at someone (reciprocal)'

p"usa.nta.na 'to black in'

p"usa.qa.na 'to bloc dcwn or off'

p"us.su.na 'to bloi. out'



qunu.na 'to sit'

qun.kata.na 'to sit close to someone'

qunu.ra.ya.si.s.k.i 'he was seating them one by one'

gun.xaya.na 'to sit with someone'



q' pi.-na 'to carry on the back'

q'ip.xa:si.na 'to hold on the back'









sama.na 'to breathe'

sama.ra.na 'to rest'

sama.r.t'a.na 'to rest for a minute'

sara.na 'to go'

sar.ka.na 'to go ahead'

sar.naqa.na 'to walk around'

sar.naq.t'a.si.3a 'to live a luxurious life alone (advice against marriage)'

sar.naq.t'a.si.waya.na 'to stay briefly in a place'

sar.naqa.ya.na 'to walk someone around (like a baby)'

sara.nuku.na 'to get lost'

sara.p.ka.na 'to go ahead'

sara.qa.na 'to go daon'

sara.qa.s.ka.na 'to be going dacn'

sara.q.ta.waya.na 'to go domn, very well dressed, without looking at anyone'

sara.q.xa.na 'to go away, when one is going dcwn'

sara.qa.ya.na 'to go down to someone, e.g. a sick or old person'

sa.ra.s.ka.na 'to be going'

sar.ta.na 'to stand up, get up'

sar.ta.waya.na 'to get up and go away'

sar.t'a.na 'to visit'

sar.t"api.na 'to get up'

sar.xa.na 'to go back, away, home'

sar.xaru.na 'to get ready to go'

sar.xata.na 'to go up on top of'

saya.na 'to stand'

say.a.'a 'to stand on one foot'








suti 'name'

suti.cha.na 'to nickname, call names-

_suti.cha.ya.na 'to make someone name"

suti.ya.na 'to baptize'

sutl.ya.ya.na 'to cause [the godfather] to baptize'



tugi.na 'to scold'

tuq.xa.ia 'to scold someone'

tuyu.na 'to swim'

tuyu.nta.na 'to go dcwn into the water little by little'

tuyu.qa.na 'to swim far little by little'



t"aya 'cold'

t"a y.ja.'na to be cold (persons, animals)'

t"uqu.na 'to dance'

t"uqu.nuku.na 'to jump away in the wrong direction'

t"uq.su.na 'to jump up'



uma.na 'to drink'

um.ja.si.na 'to get drunk'

una.na 'to see'

un.ch'uki..a 'to look at'

u'.kata.a 'to look at directly'

un.kata.si.na 'to look in a mirror'

una.kipa.na: 'to observe, cl'









un.naga.na 'to have eyes open all around'

un.su.a 'to look at all over'

un.s.ta.na 'to appear'

un.xa.na 'to see already'

usu.na 'to be sick, to hurt'

us.ja.na 'to be sick after drinking too much'

uta 'house'

uta.cha.na 'to build a house'

uta.ch.ja.na 'to build houses in different places'

ut.ja.aa 'to exist, to live someplace'

ut.nuqa.na 'to sit dcwn'

ut.t"api.na 'to sit very close'



wara.?a 'to drop something'

war.nuqa.ni.waya.s.ka.: 'I'll place them that way'

wawa 'baby'

wawa.cha.'na 'to have offspring (animal)'

waw.t'a.'na 'to whimper (from sibling jealousy)'

wiru.na 'to float'

wir.ja.na 'to circle in the air like buzzards'



yana.na 'to try'

yana.pa.na 'to help'

yati.na 'to knov'

yati.cha.na 'to teach'







63

yati.ch.ta.na 'to teach superficially'

yati.cha.ya.na 'to make someone teach'

yati.qa.fa 'to learn'

yat.su.na 'to learn already'

yat.s.xa.'a 'to learn already something that takes a lot of practice'

yat.xa.na 'to knac already'

yati.ya.na 'to inform'

yati.ya.ya. a 'to cause someone to inform'















Appendix B: Index of Suffixes


F-cha-} 2.21, 3.1

{-ch'uki-1 2.28.2

{-ja-1 2.22

- ka- 2.39.2

{-kata-} 2.27.1

\-ki-} 2.11

[-kipa-} 2.27.2

{-1 i-I 2.12

[-naqa-} 2.27.3

f-ni-I 2.33, 3.5

1-nki-1 2.12

{-nta-1 2.27.4, 3.2

{-nuku-I 2.27.5, 3.4

1-nuqa-I 2.25. 1

{-p-j 2.38

J-pa-1 2.13

f-qa-I 2.25.2, 3.2

i-ra-] 2.24.1

(-rapi-p 2.36.1

I-raqa-} 2.36.2

{-rpaya-} 2.29








-si-1 .2.32

{-s i- 2 2.35

{-su- 2.23, 3.2, 3.3

1-ta-} 2.26, 3.2

1-tata-} 2.27.6

{-t'a-} 2.28.1

1-t"api-I 2.24.2

I-waya-I 2.34, 3.4, 3.5

{-xa- l} 2.14

{-xa-2} 2.37, 3.3

[-xa-3 2.39.1

{-xaru- 2.27.7

-xa:s -} 2.27.8

I-xata-] 2.25.3

I-xaya-} 2.27.9

1-ya-} 2.31, 3.1















Appendix C: Morpheme Frequency


Using nine dialogues from the teaching materials prepared by the

Aymara Language Materials Project, and eight stories told by native

Aymara speakers (one of which was taped by M. J. Hardman-de-Bautista

and three of which were collected by Lucy T. Briggs), a count was made

of the frequency of occurrence of each of the verbal derivational

suffixes. Some skewing of the count was undoubtedly present because

any particular vocabulary item which appeared in one story frequently

appeared several times, but the general order is fairly accurate.

Suffixes are listed in order, beginning with the most frequent, and the

numbers refer to the actual number of times each suffix was counted.

Set is indicated by the preceding number.


{-si-. (reflexive)

\-ka-

[-t'a-}

1-ni-]

{-waya-]

[-xa-21 completivee)

1-s.i-2 (continuative)

a-ja-I

[-ya-}

,-ta-I


{-p-I

i-xa- 3 (plural)

[-su-I
- ra-]

I-t"api-

(-nta-j

I-qa-}
[-rapi-}

k-xaru-}

1-ch'uki-}








I-cha-j

J-xata-I

I 1-nuqa-I

I -naqa-I

I 1-kata-I

I J-kipa-I


I ~-rpaya-I

I ..tata.}

II Erq-

I 1-nuku-I

I -xa:s--

-1 i-xaya-l


67

2

2

1

1

0.

0

















Appendix D: Dialogue


The following dialogue was written by Mr. Yapita and Miss Vasquez

for the Aymara language course at the University of Florida. A literal

translation is presented interlineally, and a free translation follqos.

Each verbal derivational suffix is underlined.


CH'UQI
POTATO


Jus ly
Joe


sa.ta.w,
is called


yanap. ir i.naka.mpi.w
and the helpers


PALL. JA. N. XATA
HARVESTING ON


warmi.sti
and the woman


ch'uq
potato


Maruj
Marge


pall.J. ir
for sorting


sa.ta.raki.w,
also is called



sara.p.xa.ni/
are going.


Tata
Mr.


Jus iya.sti
Joe


M. Jusiy,
Joe,


na. naka
we


sara.raki.ni.w
is also going



.x ch'uq pa
potato fo


jupa.naka.r
them


Sl.J. iri.w
r sorting


yanap.iri/
for helping.


sara.p.xa. :,
let us go,


yanap.iri.naka.x
the helpers


puri.ni.2.x. i.w/
have arrived.


Chacha.x
The man



jupa.x
she









J. Kawki, :r
which


p"ina.t.s
from pile


pa Ija.ni. p.xa. :ta,
will you sort


p"ina.t.cha?
pile from or?


p"ina.ta. :.spach
pile from or


sa. k.t.wa.y/
I said.


J. Jan uka.t
Not from that


pall.ja.ni.p.ka.m.ti,
do not sort,


antisans
rather


jisk'a
little


p"ina.:ki
pile would be


laq'u.ta.n.jama.x/
it looks like there are wormy ones.


wawa.naka.tak
for children


p"aya.ni?
will cook?


p"ay.ta.waya.:.xa, mirinta.s
will cook, our lunch


apa.si.na.:.chi.y/
we need to take.


J. Wali.ki.w,
Okay,



ch'uqi.s
potatoes


uk'ama. x
then


naya.mp.pacha.y sara.y.xa.nani.x,
all of us will go,


ch'unu. :.wi. r
place where potatoes are freeze-dried


k"umu. ia. :.chi.y/
there is need to take on pack animal.


jisk'a
little


jach'a
big


p"ina.ta:
pile from


M. K"a:
That


jach'a
big


uka. n
in that


Nin.stj
And fire


k"iti.s
who


M.. Naya.:
I


a lwa. t
earl y









M. Uk"ama.x
Then


sar.xaru.ma. y,
please get ready to go,


uma.mp
with water


wayu. ni.waya. :ta/
you will carry on the way.


Mama Maruja.x yanap.iri.naka.mpi.w
Mrs. Marge with the helpers


q"ipa.t.rak
also from behind


sar. k. i,
is going ahead,


sara.ni/
will go.


J. Niya.raki.s
And already


pall.su.p.xa.ta:ta.xa:,
you all had sorted out,


uk"ama. x
then


tunta.mpi.tak
for the tunta


ch'unu.mpi.tak
and for the ch'u'iu


k"umu.
I will


M.- Pal l.ja.si.p. ka. rak.t.wa,
We all are still sorting,


J. Arm.t'a.ni.wa.pini.ta:t.wa,
I forgot by the way,


:.xa.y/
take on pack animal.


um.st
and water


Maruja,
Marge,


wayu.i .ta.ti?
did you carry?


k"ay.ja.nak
in that spot over there


amta.s.ta/
I remembered.


M. Kuna
What


lup'i.si.sa.rak sar.nag.ta.sti, thinking to yourself did you walking around "bring it here"


chacha.x
man









sa.rak.sma.sa:/
I told you.


J. Jich"a.x
Now


jani.y
not


kulira.si.m.t i.xa/
don't get mad.


tuku.y.xa.g.sna.ti?
will we finish?


M. Janjaw,
I doubt it,


wal.ja. :.s.k.i.w,
there's still plenty,


uk:ama.ru.s
and also


laq'u.ta.ni.w/
wormy ones.


J. Uk"ama.x j
Then n



M. Juma.raki.s
And you


an uka p"ina.t
o that from pile



j ich':'.armant"i .x
this morning


pall.ja.p. ka.sama:n.ti/
you all shouldn't have sorted.


(jisk'a
littlee


p"in.t pal .ja.ni.p.xa.m
from pile we should sort"


s is.ta.xa,
you said,


jich"a.x 'jan uka.t palla.j.ka.sama:n. t>
now "not from that we shouldn't sort"


sa.rak.ta.w/
you say.


J. Uka.t.a
About that


tuqi.s.xa.raki.k.ta.w/

you even get mad.


J ich". ur
Today


wall
many


Q" ar.ur
Tomorrow


k'acha.t
s low y










tuku.ya.x.k.chi.-ani.y,
we can finish,


war.nua. tat
all spread out


luxu.s.k. chi. ni.y,
they will go ahead and freeze


uk"ama. ru.s.
anyway


juk'a.ki.:.x.i.sa:/
there are just a few.


M. Way kun.ja:ma.s
At last


tuku.ya.p.x. tan.w,
we are finished,


sama. ra. p.xa.nani/

let us rest.


Mama.nak, ak.sa.t
Ladies, this way



J. Jich"a.x aka t'una
Now this tiny


mirinta.s i. .xa.~ani/
we will eat lunch.


ch'uq
potato


q'ip.xaru.waya.:sma/
you ought to take on your back.


M. Juma.y
You


ap.xaru.waya.m.xa,
get ready to take it,


qar.ja.s.k. itu.wa/
weariness has come to me.


J. Uk"ama. x
Then


M. Sama.r.t'a.si.ki.:.xa.y
I will only rest


ma: ratu,
a moment


inak.t'a.ya.s. iri. :.xa:/
be allowed to rest.


kustal
sack


nuk.t.t!. ita/
help me load.


uta.ru. y
to house


sar.xa.m
you go


nin
fire


p"ay. iri/
cooking.


aka.taq
this much


jan
no


J. Aka
This










M. K" iw.xa ru.si. ma. y,
Load it yourself,


jani.t
or not


ch'ama.ni. :.k.t
you are not strong


kuna.raki/
or what.


J. Jat"i.:.chi.xa.y,
It's heavy,


janch'a.s k. ista.s/
what are you scolding me for?


M. Kamisa.raki.st
How can that be


jat"i. :.ni.sti
it will be heavy


uk"a
that


lala.sti/
little bit.


J. Aka.taq
Such


tuqi.s. iri.xa:,
a scold,


M. Juspajara.p.ka. :tam,
Thank you very much,


mama.nak,
ladies,


yanap.t'ap. k. iri.s/
for your help.


Jayp.t'. istaspa.w, sara.p.xa.nani/ Uka.x
It's getting dark on us, let's go. Here is



juma.naka.n pal .j1,a.x/
yours your part.



Free translation:

On Potato Harvesting


The man is called Joseph and the woman is called Marge. She and the

helpers are going to sort the potatoes. Joseph is also going to help

them.

M. Joe, let's go sort the potatoes, the helpers have arrived.


j isus/
Jesus.







74

J. Which pile are you going to sort from, the little one or the big one?

M. I was thinking from that pile over there.

J. Don't sort from that one; instead sort from the small pile, it looks

like it has wormy ones. Now, who's going to cook for the children?

M. I'll cook early, we really ought to take our lunch.

J. Okay, let's all go together; we also need to take the potatoes to

the freeze-dry place.

M. Then, please get ready to go, and bring the water with you.

Marge is going ahead with the helpers, and her husband will follow.

J. You've already finished sorting' So I'll take them on the donkey for

the tunta and the ch'Unu.

M. But we're still sorting! Did you bring the water?

J. I completely forgot, Marge, I just remembered a minute ago.

M. But what were you thinking? I told you to'bring it.

J. Well don't get mad now. Do you think we'll finish today?

M. I doubt it, there's still plenty, there are a lot of wormy ones too.

J. Then you shouldn't have sorted from that pile.

.M. You yourself said this morning that we should sort from the small

pile. New you say we shouldn't have sorted from that pile.

J. You even get mad about that. Well, we'll finish easily tomorrow.

Once they're all spread out in place they'll go ahead and freeze;

anyway there's not too many.

M. At last we're through, we can rest a bit, ladies, come help yourselves.

J. Now I'd like you to take the tiny potatoes on your back.

M. You take them, I'm tired.

J. 'Then go home and cook.








M. I'm going to rest awhile, can't you let me be even a moment?

J. Help me load the sack.

M. Load it yourself, or aren't you strong enough?

J. It's heavy what are you scolding me for?

M. What do you mean heavy? That little nothing!

J. Such a shrew! Jesus.

M. Thank you, ladies, for your help, It's getting dark, let's go.

Here's your part.
















BIBLIOGRAPHY


Barber, Laura M. 1970. A Phonology of Aymara. (unpublished master's
thesis, University of Florida).


Hardman, M. J.
Structure.


1966. Jaqaru: Outline of Phonological and Morphological
Hague, Mouton. (Janua.Linguarum, Series Practica 23.)


Hardman-de-Bautista, M. J., Juana Vasquez, Juan de Dios Yapita M.
1972. Aymar Ar Yatiqa-iataki. (U.S. Department of Health,
Education, and Welfare contract number OEC-0-9-097758-4097)
The Aymara Language Materials Project. Gainesville: University
of Florida.

Hockett, Charles F. 1958. A Course in Modern Linguistics. New York:
Macmillan.

Nida, Eugene A. 1949. Morphology: The Descriptive Analysis of Words.
Second Edition. Ann Arbor, Michigan: University of Michigan
Press.

Vasquez, Juana. (ed.) 1970-1971. Aymara Newsletter 8-15. (mimeographed)
Gainesville: University of Florida.

Yapita, J. de Dios (ed.) 1970. Aymara Newsletter 1-7. (mimeographed)
Gainesville: University of Florida.
















BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH


Nora Clearman England was born on November 8, 1946, in Washington,

D. C. In June, 1963, she graduated from Hicksville High School. In

June, 1967, she received a Bachelor of Arts degree from Bryn Mawr

College with a major in anthropology. In September, 1968, she began

graduate study at the University of Florida in the Department of

Anthropology. She was supported as a graduate assistant for two years

by the Urban Studies Bureau at the University of Florida, and for one

year by the Aymara Language Materials Project. She is a member of

the Linguistic Society of America.












I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it
conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully
adequate, in scope and quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of
Arts.



r^/ M-I^\\. Hardpakrndedltista_
As c iiate Pr_ oesso ^--Afpropology



I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it
conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully
adequate, in scope and quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of
Arts.



Dr. Norman N. Markel
Associate Professor of Anthropology




This thesis was submitted to the Department of Anthropology in the
College of Arts and Sciences and to the Graduate Council, and was
accepted as partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Master of Arts.

December, 1971


Dean, Graduate School






August 2007


Internet Distribution Consent Agreement

In reference to the following disston:

Author: Nora Clearman England


Title: Aymara Verbal Derivational Suffixes


Publication Date: 1971


I, _Nora C. England as copyright holder for the
aforementioned dissertation, hereby grant specific and limited archive and distribution
rights to the Board of Trustees of the University of Florida and its agents. I authorize the
University of Florida to digitize and distribute the dissertation described above for
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This is a non-exclusive grant of permissions for specific off-line and on-line uses for an
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This grant of permissions prohibits use of the digitized versions for commercial use or
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2/18/2008
Date of Signature


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