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 Front Cover
 Table of Contents
 Forum
 Art, literature, music
 History
 Science
 Education
 Back Cover














Title: Jamaica journal
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Full Citation
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Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00090030/00024
 Material Information
Title: Jamaica journal
Series Title: Jamaica journal.
Abbreviated Title: Jam. j.
Physical Description: v. : ill. (part col.) ; 31 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Institute of Jamaica
Publisher: Institute of Jamaica.
Place of Publication: Kingston
Kingston
Publication Date: Summer 1974
Frequency: semiannual
regular
 Subjects
Subject: Periodicals -- Jamaica   ( lcsh )
Genre: periodical   ( marcgt )
Spatial Coverage: Jamaica
 Notes
Dates or Sequential Designation: Began with Dec. 1967 issue.
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00090030
Volume ID: VID00024
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: oclc - 01797964
lccn - 75027862
issn - 0021-4124

Table of Contents
    Front Cover
        Front Cover 1
        Front Cover 2
    Table of Contents
        Page 1
    Forum
        Page 2
    Art, literature, music
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
        Page 12
        Page 13
        Page 14
        Page 15
        Page 16
        Page 17
        Page 18
        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
        Page 22
        Page 23
        Page 24
        Page 25
    History
        Page 26
        Page 27
        Page 28
        Page 29
        Page 30
        Page 31
        Page 32
        Page 33
        Page 34
        Page 35
        Page 36
        Page 36a
        Page 37
        Page 38
        Page 39
        Page 40
        Page 41
        Page 42
        Page 43
        Page 44
        Page 45
        Page 46
        Page 47
        Page 48
        Page 49
        Page 50
        Page 51
        Page 52
    Science
        Page 53
        Page 54
        Page 55
        Page 56
        Page 57
        Page 58
        Page 59
        Page 60
        Page 61
        Page 62
        Page 63
        Page 64
        Page 65
        Page 66
        Page 67
        Page 68
        Page 69
        Page 70
        Page 71
        Page 72
        Page 73
        Page 74
        Page 75
    Education
        Page 76
        Page 77
        Page 78
        Page 79
        Page 80
        Page 81
        Page 82
    Back Cover
        Page 83
        Page 84
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imaica Journal is published Quarterly
y the Institute of Jamaica, 12-16 East
:reet, Kingston, Jamaica, West Indies.

Rex Nettleford, Chairman
Dahlia Mills, Vice Chairman
Neville Dawes, Acting Director

EDITORIAL COMMITTEE
John Hearne (Chairman)
Dahlia Mills
Neville Dawes


EDITOR
Shirley Maynier Burke


DESIGN AND PRODUCTION
Raphael Shearer

LITHOGRA PHED IN JAMAICA B Y
Offset Printing Co. Ltd.

JAMAICA JOURNAL NEW RATES
Jamaica $1.00 U.K. & Europe 75p
West Indies $3.00 (B.W.I.)
u.S. & Canada $2.00

Jamaica


1 year
3 years
5 years


$ 4.00
$10.00
$18.00 Post Paid


U.S. & Canada
I year $ 7.00 plus $1.00
3 years $20.00 plus $3.00
5 years $32.00 plus $5.00


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U.K. &
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Europe
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postage
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postage
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postage
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Africa, Asia & Australia
U.S. or U.K. subscription rates plus
double their respective postage rates

Rates to Dealers & Distributors
on enquiry.


JamaicaJournal
QUARTERLY OF THE INSTITUTE OF JAMAICA

SUMMER1974 VOL.8 NOS. 2&3


FORUM ...................................................

ART LITERATURE MUSIC
The Jamaican Theatre ............................. Wycliffe Bennett
Two Revolutionary Literatures ........................ G.R. Coulthard
All Island Art Exhibition ........................................
A Fanatic for Colour and Form
A.D. Scott, Jamaica's leading art patron talks with Basil McFarlane .......
Three New Poems
by the author of "The Pond". ........................ Mervyn Morris
Art in Preparatory Schools .........................................
Prints from the Vernal Reuben Exhibition .............................

HISTORY
A Giftjof the late Anseli Hart to the Library of the University
College of the West Indies 1954 ................ Shirley Davis B.A. A.L.A.A.
Spanish Church, St. Ann's Bay .................. Francis J. Osbbirne..SJ_.
Belisario Print .......... ............................. ......... ..
The French come to Wood and Water in 1679 ............ by David Buisseret
A Report on Excavations at Montpelier and Roehampton .... Dr. Barry Higman
Blue Mountains Expedition,
Exploratory Excavations at Nanny Town by the
Scientific Exploration Society ........................... Tony Bonner
The West India Docks .................................... Richard Issa

SCIENCE
Alternatives to Bauxite .............................. C.E. Davis, Ph.D.
Folk Lore and Food Habits ............................ Sadie Campbell
Corollary: Bush Teas, A Cure-all ....................... Sadie Campbell
The Preservation of Fern Gully, ......................... Dulcie Powell
Integrated Science......................................... A.D. Turner


2



3
10
13

14

19'
20
24




26
33
36 A
38
40


46
51



53
56
60
66
72


EDUCATION
Determining Qualitative Changesjin Education Dr.Phyllis Macpherson Russell,Ed.D 76
Bases of a Language Curriculum. ............................ C.R. Gray 80

Front Cover "Judgment" by Ralph Campbell
Inside Back Cover "Helena", Jamaican Folk Song: Folk Music Research Dept.
Jamaica School of Music
Back Cover Musgrave Medallists 1973


NOW AVAILrABLE: JAMAICA & VOLUNTARY LABOURERS FROM AFRICA 1840-1865
BY MARY ELIZABETH THOMAS $12.00

SOME ASPECTS OF JAMAICA'S POLITICS 1918 1938
BY JAMES CARNEGIE $3.00












Archaeological Project
Old King's House
Spanish Town
29th January,1974.
Dear Mr. Editor,
I read D. Mathewson's article in Vol. 7,
No. 1 and 2 of your Journal with great interest
as it represents a definitive statement on the
conceptual framework within which the Old
King's House artifactual assemblage will be
analysed. After several readings, however, I am
still unable to fully understand or appreciate
Mr. Mathewson's proposed framework.
This results, in part, from confusion in the
article caused by frequent repetition, imprecise
use of words which have several shades of mean-
ing and the unorganized nature of his presenta-
tion. Several examples of these faults come
readily to hand, the first occurring in the very
title of the Paper "Archaeological Analysis of
Material Culture as a reflection of sub-cultural
differentiation in 18th century Jamaica". Does
this mean that the "Archaeological Analysis"
is a reflection of 18th century Jamaica "Sub-
cultural Differentiation" or that "Material cul-
ture", in toto, will be examined as a "reflection
of sub-cultural differentiation in 18th Century
Jamaica".
By far the most serious error committed in
the title (and in the whole article for that
matter) occurs in the frequent use and import-
ance attached to the concept of "Sub-cultural
Differentiation."
This term refers to a situation in which, al-
though there might be different forms and
content of expression co-existing within a
society, there is one" principal cultural ethos,
accepted, if not entirely appreciated, by all
people within the society. Diagramatically,
these various forms of expression can be arrang-
ed in vertical order underneath, and in relation
to the main cultural stream. These then are
sub-cultural groups.
As M.G. Smith, P.D. Curtin and many others
have explained, it is incorrect and misleading
to interpret 18th century Jamaican cultural
reality and history in this way. Eighteenth
Century Jamaica was divided into two, well
defined and separate cultural and racial groups.
The division was so real and complete that one
must view Jamaica as containing "Two Jamai-
cas".- Neither was "sub-cultural" and so it is
irrelevant to talk of "sub-cultural differences."
Mathewson's failure to appreciate this fact of
Jamaican History is one of the factors severely
limiting his ability to formulate a correct and
relevant framework for the Old King's House
material.
"General cultural concepts" and "cultural
indices of the socio-economic ethos of the
black peasantry" are two further examples of
Mathewson's imprecise use of important con-
cepts. The definition of concepts such as cultur-
al, social, economic must be-firmly established
from the beginning of any article and all efforts
be made to use that meaning consistently since
any variation tends to confuse, as has happened
here.
Another factor causing Mathewson's inabil-
ity to construct a relevant framework is his
lack of indepth and detailed knowledge about
Jamaica's history. This deficiency forced Math-
ewson to create his own work framework,
of the Old King's House data, with which.
although he is familiar, can only use a part
productively.
Mathewson's major hypothesis is that "18th
Century Material Culture should reflect the
Socio-Economic level and cultural patterns of
the people known to be associated with it".
He gives two reasons for adopting this as his
framework of reference. Firstly, he states, in
America a handful of Archaeologists either
doubt this statement or claim that not enough
has been done to clearly establish it and second-
ly to test South's "heuristic ceramic model"
dating Formula.


At no time in this paper does Mathewson
indicate the precise influence or importance of
socio-economic factors on the particular nature
of either 18th century, or the Old King's House
assemblages. This he failed to do by under-
estimating the extent to which other social
factors influenced the collection. Furthermore
South's heuristic ceramic model is not based
on socio-economic relationships, a fact which
he does state, but seems to frequently forget.
Having said this I will now as briefly as
possible present what I consider to be the
correct framework of analysis and interpreta-
tion of the Old King's House assemblage.
Jamaica in the 18th century was a slave
colony. Within its borders there existed two
peoples, deeply divided and forming two, easily
recognisable societies. The largest of these two
societies came from Africa under armed guards.
The other came from England and Europe and
were the guards. In between the two was an
almost unbridgable gap, based in two opposing
world views.
This fact is quite clearly reflected in the
Old King's House assemblage. One of our
major wares is the Yabbah collection, which
has so far been divided into three major groups.
This ware was created in the ancient African
way and there is no evidence of corruption of
tradition. In addition to this, there are two
other groups which, although using non-African
techniques and shapes, seem to have been
created by African potters under the supervi-
sion of Europeans.
The importance of the yabbah section of
the assemblage to the history of Black people
in Jamaican exile during the 18th century can-
not be over-estimated. There is very little in-
formation about the life of Africans in captivity,
especially from within the African Society.
These artifacts were made by Africans who lived
within the slave community.
Although the material has many obvious
limits to what it can tell us, several very
important questions can be asked with the
confident expectation of an informative answer.
These questions include: which of the African
cultural expressions, if any, is dominant within
the assemblage? If there is a predominant cul-
tural influence why is this? Is this predomin-
ance a reflection of numerical superiority or
social and political position within either the
African Society or Slave community? What
does all this suggest about Africa's adaptation
to the conditions of slavery? What is the quality
of workmanship and scope of creative express-
ion and what does this indicate about the
spiritual strength of African people at this time?
The size of the yabbah collection and the
local clay earthenware assemblage indicates
that there was a well developed potting indus-
try. The actual size of it will only be surmised
when we can say where the clay came from,
where the vessels were made and what were the
far reaches of the distributive system. All this
will give us valuable insights into the working
of the Internal Marketing System, of which
the yabbah industry was an important part,
as well as probably suggesting some of the
effects on the African Society of participating
in the Island Money Economy.
The yabbah and coarse earthenware collect-
ion can therefore inform us of a lot more than
the socio-economic level of Africans. Indeed
from all indications it will be able to tell us
precious little about this particular historical
problem. There are several reasons for this.
The social 6rder of Africans in 18th century
Jamaica does not appear to be based in the
economic order. From all that we are able to
learn religious, political, tribal groupings and,
in some cases position of authority in the"
white world, were all more important factors
in allocating individual status positions within
the African Society.
Furthermore the strict regimentation (al-
though it was not as strict as many writers
suggest) and conditions which varied consider-


ably between each estate of 18th century
Jamaican slave society, left very little scope to
express these social differences within the
products of the yabbah craft. Finally the.
levelling nature of slavery on the economic
circumstances of African people meant that
there was little money to spend in ordering
specially designed and executed pieces. Most
pieces were utilitarian and it is difficult for
social differences and position to be reflected
in a ware of this type.
The European ceramic collection is of a
different nature. One of the most revealing
remarks that can be made about 18th century
"Planter Society" material culture is that it was
a diverse collection from many different sourc-
es, obtained in a variety of ways, at different
times and might contain the most expensive
Creamware dish alongside the most mundane
yabbah. Socio-economic factors played a far
greater role in determining the final character
of this group than they did for the African;
but many times the importance of socio-
economic factors is over emphasised. The way
in which the 18th century colonial man assem-
bled his material culture tended to reduce this
factor's influence and to introduce a number
of other ones, all as equally important, if not
as easily discerned.
The colonial mentality,-as expressed in fre-
quent absences of the planter from the colony,
the particular prevailing economic conditions,
the social position which the individual and his
predecessors held and the extent of the colon-
ist's dependence on his colonial holding, made
for great uniformity in the Material culture of
18th Century Planter Society. This is clearly
seen in 18th century inventories where the
main differences occur not in the type of ware
but rather in the quantity and quality of it. It
is only after 1750, with the increase in popular-
ity of blue and white Chinese Porcelain, and
1762 with the creation of Creamware, that the
range of wares offered was much more exactly
economically differentiated and so far more
capable of.expressing the economic level of the
individual. However, all the former factors in-
fluencing colonial assemblages still applied and
it must be remembered that this time marks the
beginning of the decline of the Jamaican sugar
industry. Therefore archaeologists should take
great caution in assigning a particular economic
position solely on the occurrence of Wedge-
wood and Porcelain sherds on the site. Each
site must be carefully examined in its own
context, in collaboration with any known
documentation and in relation to the time
and peculiarities of Jamaica's colonial situation.
Only then can an accurate statement be made.
Not only about the history of the site and its
occupier, but also about the economic level
which the owner attained. The colonial situa-
tion is different from that which obtains in
the "Mother" society. It had its own rules and
laws. Concepts applicable to and developed out
of studies on the "Mother" society should not
be hastily or totally transferred to the examin-
ation of the colonial reality. Rather it is time
that colonial societies be studied so as to see in
what whys new concepts will have to be devel-
oped to adequately examine and interpret these
societies. This can only be successfully done
by a careful study of the relevant colony and
the asking of questions which seek answers
other than those which might fit into a pre-
conceived hypothesis.
In the space available I have not been able
to present a detailed analytical framework,
but I hope that the above remarks might prove
helpful to the proper analysis and interpreta-
tion of 18th century sites.


R. C. Ebanks










































A Preliminary

Overview

by Wycliffe Bennett


ART LITERATURE MUSIC

When the Reverend Father Daniel Lord staged
Jamaica Triumphant at Winchester Park, Kingston,
from the eleventh to the fourteenth January, 1937, he
created a great theatrical experience. The production
harnessed energies and tendencies in our cultural and
artistic growth, and provided a monumental overview of
our country's past. Upwards of 5,000 people attended
each of the four performances. The idea of having the
pageant was conceived by Bishop Emmet, who was
anxious to commemorate the Centenary of the Vicariate of
the Roman Catholic Church in Jamaica. But both in
writing and performance the presentation accomplished
much more. From the outset the Church made common
cause with men, women and children of all denominations.
In a population of 1,200,000 there were only about 60,000
Catholics. The pageant master, directors, technical staff
and front of house management, the cast of some 400
players all were determined to create a significant
national occasion. Father Lord said of the performers on
his return home to Boston:
They ranged through the whole gamut of national-
ities, of ancestries, of colours, of religious and social
groups ... There were English, Irish, Scotch,
Spanish, French, Portuguese, Central and South
Americans; there were men of coal black and then
through the scale of purest white; there were Chinese
and one or two East Indians...
And for the duration of the pageant they put aside
everything except the desire to make it a success ... I
have never felt community spirit rising to finer
heights and more devoted self-sacrifice.1
Jamaica Triumphant projected the Island's history
from the days of the aboriginal Arawaks and the coming
of Christopher Columbus in 1494. The growth of a
predominantly African and Afro-European population has
been a feature of the British occupation since 1655. The
presentation inevitably reflected this, but it specifically
called attention to the racial and national elements that
came from Africa, Asia and Europe, and were later to give
rise to our national motto: Out of Many, One People.
A vast stage rose in tiers from the grassy ground, and
provided six major acting areas. The dome of the
Cathedral towered immediately behind a huge painted
backdrop, which keynoted the panoramic production. In
the distance Wareika Hill soared into the open sky, and
gave further size and depth to the setting. A follow spot
was used in the Island for the first time. The skilful
manipulation of light and dark emphasized the plastic
nature of the staging.
The story unfolded by linear and parallel progression.
In the simultaneous passages of scenic summaries, the
pageant master employed what one scholar has called the
polyscenic staging of juxtaposition2 In modern practice
the technique may owe something to Japanese theatre,
but Father Lord's models certainly went back to the great
medieval productions of Valenciennes, Bourges and
Renward Cysat's at Lucerne. The differences in Jamaica
Triumphant were that the settings were not necessarily
fixed, and that by now the incandescent lamp and the
work of the illuminating engineers since 1922 had made for
greater sophistication. By mounting certain events
simultaneously, Father Lord was able to bring
ethnological and nascent dramatic forms into counter-
point. Here are.some examples chosen by one writer:
Intense but weary activity greets the eye in the next
scene. Black slaves, sweating under the sun and
cowering under the lash, work as their masters ply
them incessantly with vicious whips. The resonant
tones of "That's Why Slaves Are Born" sung by an






enchained slave, Mr. George Bowen, provides
musical theme for this sight. Men, women and
children all working, working while the crack of the
whip signals their suffering and disgrace. But
freedom is coming...3
The foregoing event focuses on a group as a whole:
incidents are taking place everywhere all the time, but the
singing slave remains dominant. In the following section
there is a multiple staging, but the focus is essentially
"double", that is to say, the ex-slaves and their
ex-masters perform in counterpoint, thus underscoring
the duality that had developed in our cultural and artistic
life:
The slaves recently freed gambol and frolic. "John
Canoe" and his votaries, notably "Horse Head" jump
a merry dance, while matrons and strong men keep
time with the general festivity. Representatives of
the plantocracy are in frock coats and crinolines,
children play at "Little Sally Water."14
Not only the players but also their costumes and the
lighting explored the colours of the spectrum:
Crimsons and yellows, greens and blues were there to
be sure, but whites and blacks and dainty pastels
made them show off all the more. Pretty crinolines,
swash-buckling capes, the sombre habits of Holy
Orders worn so well that even the initiates mistook
the actors for the genuine thing all were created
not only with a master eye upon colour, but with a
true knowledge of period costume.5
We may be tempted to question the historical accuracy of
designing Ifrock coats (or Prince Alberts) for use at the
Emancipation Celebrations of 1838, since at that time
gentlemen were mainly wearing the swallowtail or
cutaway in England, and the frock coat did not become
the norm even among the aristocracy in the "mother"
country until during the following decade. But this would
be to cavil. Quite properly, the reviewer probably ignored
the matter as being unworthy of attention, because the
all-important point of dramatic juxtaposition had been
amply made. Indeed as we read this eye-witness account,
it becomes obvious that the critique is of a high order.
Even at this remove in time, the writer is able to recreate
the experience for us. He maintains a correct sense of


responsibility towards his readers, but it is not
embarrassed, as a lesser writer might have been, to show
how much he enjoyed the performance. On the calibre of
the overall production, the comments he makes indicate
that whatever its didactic or other considerations,
Jamaica Triumphant was certainly show business in the
best sense of the term. Note his assessment of the skill
and cunning of the practised director:
Drama, sensation, tragedy, music, dancing, comedy,
all were woven into a continuity that never palled,
and when it did seem to slacken just for a moment it
was but to enable a recovery to be the more pleasant,
the more startling.6
The production provided a showcase for the best talent
available at the time: scenario writers and scenic
improvisors, directors, choreographers, actors, dancers,
musicians and singers, makers of stage properties and
costumes, scene painters, stage managers and so forth.
Aside from Father Lord's writing of the narration and the
general outline, and his expert overall direction, only in
two other departments did the production require
overseas help; and this was in costume and lighting
design. Many practitioners have dated their important
beginnings in the theatre from this show. C.G.X.
Henriques, who was one of the two narrators, crystallized
the sentiments of his colleagues in a farewell speech to the
American producer:
...the verdict of thousands who night after night
witnessed the pageant at Winchester Park; the
verdict of the ladies and gentlemen whose
attainments qualify them to judge of dramatic art;
the verdict, of public opinion in this country is that
the pageant was a spectacle of unparalleled splendour
and magnificence, by far the greatest thing of the
kind that has ever been done in Jamaica.7
Today, more than thirty-five years after the event,
people still speak of Jamaica Triumphant as one of the
most exciting events in their lives; and this testimony
comes spontaneously from those who recall the parts they
played as performers, as well as from those who
participated as audience.8
This is as it should be. For efforts in the theatre are
collaborative, and are concerned with creating an









Mr. P.L. CARDER, SCENIC ARTIST OF
THE NATIONAL PAGEANT "JAMAICA
TRIUMPHANT" is shown in our picture
on the job during the past week, putting the
finishing touches on to a portion of the 1,400
square feet of canvas which he lias converted
into beautiful paintings. "Jamaica
Triumphant" opened with a record attend-
ance at Winchester Park last night, and will
be staged tonight, tomorrow night and
Thursday night. Mr. Carder has devoted all
his great skill as well as laborious hours,
considering his onerous duties as a principal
official of the local offices Standard Fruit
and Steamship Co. in making a perfect
job of his background work for this National
Pageant in honour of the centenary of the
establishment of the Vicariate Apostolic of
Jamaica.
From the Daily Gleaner 1937.





























"object"9 Observed, or contributed to, from either side of
the footlights, this "object" constitutes both a projection
and a response. There is a two-way flow of emotional and
psychic energy, in which both those on stage and in the
audience participate and create a single, yet complex,
experience. This experience relies considerably upon the
faculty of recall, and operates consciously as well as
subconsciously. In building a character an actor must
dredge up points of departure from within his own past, be
they personal or otherwise, and audiences bring layers of
meaning from their own experiences when they attend a
production. This explains why no two performances even
of the same production can ever be the same. Where the
actor's and the audience's lines of recall converge, the
mimetic intentions of the one and theatrical expectations
of the other come within seeing distances of each other. To
the extent that these intentions and expectations are
fulfilled, and production comes to fruition and the
"object" is created. All efforts in the theatre are designed
to assist the actor and the spectator-participant to achieve
this common end. These considerations remain regardless
of our aesthetics: whether we take the primordial,
ritualistic approach; or are guided by Aristotle's Poetics
and the Greek concept of catharsis; whether we follow the
rasa theory of Bharata Muni and the lokadharmi
(realistic) and the natyadharmi (conventional) types of
production as conceivedby the earliest Hindu theorists; or
subscribe to the Brechtian, but by no means new,
Verfremdung (alienation) approach. No play, no produc-
tion can exist in a vacuum. Because reviews are
necessarily written post facto, some critics ignore or
forget the shared experience and discuss performances as
literature. Theatre is essentially the art of performance.
The script remains paramount as the point of departure
for the production, but it is never more than a blueprint
for action. If the director is worth his salt (and even if he
isn't) the production will display his personality. But the
production owes its form and substance to more than one
individual. Actors, designers, even the front of house
personnel will all have contributed. Theatre issues from
communal will. Just as there may be several streams of
literature, so may there be several types of theatre
operating in a country contemporaneously.
But a national theatre that theatre that is most
characteristic of a country at a particular time will


STHE SCENE IS ROME: The early
Christians at mass salute the Crucifix.
Slaves freed by the Cross join with their
former Roman captors in Divine Worship.
The result of a struggle between a
worshipper and a vicious slave-driver is
depicted in the foreground. His whip has left
his grasp in death.
[Gleaner Flashlight Photograph].
Daily Gleaner 1937.







I-~~
derive its shape and substance from the psychological
dispositions that predominate in the national life. If men
of vision, as distinct from mere copyists, take the lead, the
national theatre may even go further and be somewhat
ahead of current thinking. The national theatre will be
among the first groups to perceive ultimate directions and
help the society to realize its ideal. Whether practices arise
indigenously or are brought in by carrier cultures, it
makes no difference. To change the character of any
theatre, you must first of all change the basic assumptions
of the people who produce it.
The changing human complexion of the Little Theatre
Movement's annual pantomime offers an obvious but
partial illustration. When the tradition began with Jack
and the Beanstalk at the Ward Theatre on Boxing Day,
December 26, 1941, a black face on the boards was almost
an oddity. Actually there was one, Miss Ethlyn Rhodd, a
school teacher who was invited to play the role of the
witch. The show's ambition was to be English, and
become typically so. Horace Vaz who reviewed the
production observes that:
Although there are topical allusions in abundance,
local political innuendo, which more often than'not
falls on deaf ears, the witch is the only authentic piece
in the pantomime.!0
When Anancy and Pandora, based on Jamaican folklore,
opened at Christmas time in 1967, the few white faces on
stage appeared to have slipped in by accident. In fact they
were brought in as tourists. This is not to suggest that the
L.T.M. necessarily set out to "darken" their pantomime
or to give it any other colour: they simply wanted to
"Jamaicanize" it. Essentially English pantomimes have
been produced from time to time, but the attempt to tap
local resources began as early as in 1943, when Elinor
Lithgow, the same Englishwoman who had staged Jack
and the Beanstalk, directed Soliday and the Wicked Bird,
adapted from a Jamaican Anancy story by Vera Bell.
Colouration is a use of symbol that everybody
understands, but insofar as the L.T.M. was concerned,
this was only one element of change. To effect transition
the organizers had to decide whether they wanted to
continue to'play for numerically small white or near-white
elite, or for the society as a whole. And it is to the credit of
Greta Fowler, the founder and president, that she
possessed the necessary intuition, zeal and determination






- qualities that would, in this sense, remind theatre
historians of Lady Gregory, who some forty years earlier
had helped Yeats and the Irish Dramatic Movement to
found a theatre dedicated to native aspirations. A
Jamaican of privilege, Greta Fowler might easily have
opted out of the Jamaican society, or tried to perpetuate a
"little England" in Jamaica, as so many of her associates
and acquaintances had done. With the support of Henry
Fowler, whom she later married, Greta Bourke, as she
then was, had the integrity, in those colonial days, to
identify herself with, and address the Little Theatre
Movement to, nationalist and other important extra-
theatrical considerations. Once such a decision was taken,
others followed with unrelenting logic: in the choice of
script of dialogue, music, dancing and setting and
finally in the choice of cast and the thrust of the
production. More than anything else, it was the Anancy
cycle, in the first instance, that identified the pantomime
with the general public. And to a great many Jamaicans
the Little Theatre Movement has become synonymous
with the pantomime. The Movement has staged a
considerable number of other shows, and has pioneered
other developments. Founded in 1941, the L.T.M. built
its own theatre in 1961, and since 1970 has been laying the
foundations for the Jamaica School of Speech and Drama.
But it is the annual pantomime that has caught the
popular imagination. Supported by all sections of the
community, the show normally runs for about three
months, playing to packed houses three or four nights
each week. Banana Boy in 1962 has the record of 61
performances. Since about 500,000 people live in greater
Kingston and the Ward Theatre has 958 seats, the ratio of
attendance to population (61:500 or just about 12%)
compares favourably with that of current box office
success in London and New York.
Because of the communal nature of the theatre, and
because the pantomime is a composite form, it should
prove useful to examine how progress in the relevant arts
has made this development possible: in especial, we
should attempt to put Speech, Drama, Music and the
Dance in their proper perspective, in much the same way
as we should approach the study of the theatre of Classical
Greece, if, in addition to the surviving play-texts, we had
the proper knowledge to discuss the delivery of the lines,
the choreography and staging, the music and the general
presentation.
Not all shows have set out to achieve the synthesis of
Jamaica Triumphant or of a pantomime. Nor would this
be desirable. It is nonetheless a premise of the present
study that a major goal would seem to be a total theatre,
in which all the performing arts play a part.
The Jamaican theatre reverberates with conditions and
practices of other lands and times. Some have been
consciously imported; in fact they crossed the high seas
with the texts of the plays, and there have been instances,
quite misguided though not without some success, in
which directors have sought to give facsimiles of London
and New York productions. But there are practices which
have arisen spontaneously, without conscious reference to
prototypes; and parallels have emerged, as with what we
know, for example, of the dithyrambic beginnings of the
Attic theatre. Also, there are underdeveloped dramatic
forms, traceable on the surface to African practices, but
which upon deeper study reveal an antique universality.
Drama arose from the subconscious mind, and testifies
to the psychic unity of mankind. In manipulating his
environment, man draws upon his cultural heritage,
discovers or invents new traits, and wherever oppor-
tunity, need and genius permit, adapts others suggested


by diffusion. The theatre has made use of such variables,
and from multiple beginnings in different parts of the
world has developed distinctive configurations. Notions
from other cultures have undergone strange transforma-
tions in the process of being domesticated, and some traits
as we know them today may be stunted relics of practices
at another place and time. Aspects of culture once thought
adaptive have persisted long after those in authority have
frowned upon them, because they still promote the
psychological well-being of some group or groups. To see
our folk practices for what they are, to relate aspects of
the Jamaican theatre to their world setting, indeed to
extract the essence of drama from its trappings, two
things are necessary: (1) we must go back to the ancient
roots of the theatre, and (2) observe their contemporary
manifestations under laboratory conditions. These
conditions are provided by societies that have remained in
comparative isolation from the spread of the great
civilizations, and "have had centuries in which to
elaborate the cultural themes they have made their
own."" This is to postulate neither an evolutionist, an
environmentalist nor a racist approach. There is, however,
a consensus as to the primordial origins of the theatre, and
all the evidence would seem to indicate a universality of
great antiquity, that possibly goes back to the Old Stone
Age.
In verbal drama, productions have ranged from the
works of Sophocles, Euripides and Plautus to Everyman
and other medieval masterpieces, through Shakespeare,
Marlowe, Webster, Racine and Moliere, and from the
Restoration right down to Ibsen, Strindberg, Shaw,
Pirandello, O'Neill, and Brecht and more contemporary
moderns.
Visitors to Jamaica in recent years have often expressed
surprise at the range and variety of our productions. An
observer in 1971 would note that while the Jamaican
theatre continues to reflect international trends, the major
emphasis now is on the development of indigenous efforts.
By the end of October several groups had staged a variety
of shows. In addition to the 1970/71 pantomime,
Rockstone Anancy, the L.T.M. offered an al fresco
presentation of A Midsummer Night's Dream. The
National Theatre Trust produced Giraudoux's The Tiger
at the Gates, and two plays by the Trinidadian
playwright, Charles Archibald: Junction Village and The
Rose Slip. From the Jamaica Amateur Operatic Society
we had Lock Up Your Daughters, adapted from Henry
Fielding's comedy Rape Upon Rape by Bernard Miles;
and from the Jamaica School of Music a noble effort at
staging Mozart's Don Giovanni. The Jamaica Playhouse
mounted Bill Manhoff's The Owl and the Pussycat, Peter


Scene from Pantomime Bredda Buck




























Nichols' A Day in the Death of Joe Egg, and Othello. The
National Dance Theatre Company introduced into their
annual show some new numbers, notably Kumina, a
possession dance, based on the local relic of a Dahomey
cult ceremony. For the 8 O'clock Players Tony Gambrill
and Eddie Thomas created a new musical, Paradise
Street. The St. Lucian dramatic poet, Derek Walcott,
brought his Trinidad Theatre Workshop on a visit, and
staged his Ti Jean and His Brothers and Dream on
Monkey Mountain. The Caribbean Thespians Dramatic
Society celebrated their twenty-fifth anniversary with a
production of The Great Big Doorstep, adapted from E.P.
O'Donnel's novel by Francis Goodrich and Albert Hacket.
The Barn Theatre produced What the Butler Saw and a
new local play by Trevor Rhone, Smile Orange. There
were 31 entries in the Secondary Schools' Drama Festival;
and Festival '71, the national festival, which embraces all
the arts, included sections for Primary and All-Age
Schools, for Adult Drama (Amateur) and for professional
and semi-professional productions. An encouraging
feature of the Primary Schools' section was that the most
successful productions were both written and produced by
the teachers. The Jamaican Folk Singers combined song,
dance and mime in their presentation of Jamaican folk
songs; and the folk and traditional classes of National
Dance Finals kept many Jamaicans in touch with this
aspect of their theatrical antecedents. This catalogue of
presentations for 1971 is by no means complete.
Shakespeare has at times assumed the role of the
national playwright: he has been the author most often
performed, and has been used to help celebrate special
events. When, for example, the British Council, in
association with the Little Theatre Movement and other
groups, sponsored the first drama festival for Secondary
Schools in 1950, the presentations, all thirty-one of them,
were chosen from the Shakespearean canon, and the
adjudicator was none other than Nugent Monck, English
actor and producer, disciple of William Poel, and founder
of the famous Maddermarket Theatre in Norwich,
England.
The popularity of the classics, especially of Shakes-
peare, is based partly upon factors inherent in these
dramas, in particular the fact that they were written by
poets for an aural tradition, and partly upon the work in
voice and speech training that has formed part of our
cultural and artistic growth during the last fifty or more
years. As in England, "received" pronunciation became
more than a badge of social distinction: it was often


John Canoe 1952,
Daily Gleaner photo.












regarded as the unmistakable sign of a good education.
Parents who could afford to do so would send their sons
and daughters to qualified teachers for private lessons;
and an increasing number of schools began to include
Speech as a subject in their curricula. Insofar as the
theatre was concerned, you could not expect to be cast in a
play that requires "good" or "standard" speech, as some
organizers then incorrectly called it, if the director felt
that your utterance did not belong. "Good" speech
became one of the hallmarks of privilege. Historically,
privilege was synonymous with being white, or being able.
to pass for white, and often corresponded to a colour or
shade scale ranging from white down to black; so that if
you were black or obviously coloured, unless by some
unlikely fortune you were very rich, you were ipso facto
underprivileged. Where opportunities could be based upon
education, difficulties would continue to be created, unless
the literate part of the population could be exposed to the
same acceptable speech training.
A general assault upon the problem was suggested
during the first decades of this century when a number of
public-spirited persons began organizing and supporting
elocution contests. The Jesuit Fathers of St. George's
College, T.S. Phillips of the Jamaica Times newspaper,
and Marcus Garvey, one of Jamaica's "National Heroes",
were among the pioneers. By the 1920's the movement
had become very popular, and during the next two
decades there were several organizations promoting
elocution or verse-speaking contests: the Universal Negro
Improvement Association, the Poetry League of Jamaica,
the Jamaica Arts Society, the All-Island Musical
Competitions Festival Committee and the Central Branch
Old Students' Association. By 1950 the name "elocution"
was dropped as a rather ugly word suggesting affected
speech, and in order to give a clear indication that this was
not what the movement was about, the Poetry League,
which by then had become the sole sponsors, re-named the
contests the Annual All-Island Speech Festival. The
League had developed a philosophical and scientific basis
for voice and speech study in Jamaica. The organizers
recognized two main responsibilities: the needs for
working towards an international norm, and for exploiting
the unique riches of the Jamaican dialect. Poetry, prose
and dramatic pieces have been chosen not only from the
English-speaking world and from other literatures in
English translation. They have also been taken from
Jamaican dialect. Adjudicators have repeatedly remarked
upon the fact that candidates who have excelled in the







international pieces have usually also done extremely well
in their Jamaican dialect selections.
During the first half of 1971 the Jamaica Broadcasting
Corporation organized a nation-wide Talent Hunt. The
search was conducted among all age groups, and was
designed to discover and display artistic talent. Entries
included singing groups, verse-speaking choirs, dancers,
village bands, pop singers, magicians, comedians,
acrobats, monologuists, storytellers nearly every kind
of entertainer. At the final show on television in July, the
top award went to a fourteen year old boy, Keith
Campbell, from the western parish of Hanover, who had
told in dialect a folk tale about Brer (Brother) Anancy and
Poor Patoo.
Producer/directors have often had to insist that
players need as much training to perform as well in dialect
as in "received" English: that as much work should be
done in voice production and diction, if actors are to be
easily heard and understood from anywhere in the theatre;
and that regardless of the medium, gesture and movement
should be economic and expressive, unless the role
requires some specific departure from this rule. The
assumption that such preparation is required by the
Western (or European) style theatre, but not necessarily,
or to such an extent, by the indigenous theatre, arises
from a number of considerations. In the first place,


Western or European style is older as conscious theatre in
Jamaica. Its tradition probably dates back to the
Restoration. Secondly, prior to the setting up of the
Jamaica School of Speech and Drama, devotees with
formal training in dramatic art have had to acquire such
expertise either in the United Kingdom or in the United
States of America, where the work of the schools is
necessarily programmed to meet the needs of their
respective countries. And since, as a general rule, people
tend to gravitate towards those activities and styles in
which they have been trained, Jamaicans returning home
from drama schools abroad have, until comparatively
recently, displayed a marked preference for working with
European and American plays. It was during the late
1920's and 1930's that important first attempts were made
to introduce plays by Jamaicans about the local scene.
Marcus Garvey, E.M. Cupidon, Una Marson, Ranny
Williams, Frank Hill, Roger Mais, Archie Lindo, among
others, provided Jamaicans with their first tastes of
scripted productions, based on the Jamaican milieu.
These were soon followed by the pantomime, Soliday and
the Wicked Bird in 1943. Playwright, actor and comedian,
E.M. Cupidon adapted two of H.G. DeLisser's novels for
the stage, and was the first Jamaican of the theatre to
acquire a national reputation. That folklorist, writer and
commedienne, Louise Bennett, had already achieved


THEY BROUGHT SUSAN PROUDLEIGH TO LIFE

r '


E. M. CUPIDON
plays part of "Susan."


MISS C. BARNETT MISS MAE CUPIDON
plays part of "Maria's friend." plays part of "Catherine."


J. S. MORDECAI
plays part of "Hezikiah."


~n~`r (
;r

c.C
i."
. 1
:"t i,
~
'";
iaae.

r
tff~
r.


H. ABLETON
plays part of
"Samuel Josiah Jones."


MISS EDNA COVERLEY
ilTajs part of
Susan's Aunt."


MISS UNA MARSOI
plays part of
'Mrs. Proudleigh.'


'g. .
: J .















6# Tom Wroolejr.
(Daily Gleaner January 193*
C, ;, j*




( MR. Q. S. A. SMITE


(Daily Gleaner January 1931)


'






much popularity as a performer of dramatic monologues in
Jamaican dialect when Errol Hill of Trinidad arrived in
Jamaica. Like Louise Bennett, Errol Hill, playwright,
actor and producer, had had a successful career at the
Royal Academy of Dramatic Art (RADA), London. He
took up an appointment as Drama Officer of the Extra
Mural Department of the University of the West Indies,
and during the early fifties he collected and published a

1. News item in The Daily Gleaner, Kingston, April 10, 1937.
2. Professor A.M. Nagler in his Drama 6 Lectures at Yale Uni-
versity (unpublished), 1963-64.
3. Review in The Daily Gleaner, January 12, 1937.
4. Ibid.
5 Ibid.
6. Ibid.
7. Ibid, January 20, 1937.
8. I have checked the tone and substance of the review and of
C.G.X. Henriques' comments with several knowledgeable
persons who either performed in or attended the produc-
tion. These include Mr. George Bowen (now deceased), Mr.
Douglas Judah, Mr. Keith Sasso," Mrs. Greta Lyons, Mr.
Ranny Williams, Mrs. Doris Duperley and Mr. George
Carter.
9. "Object" in this context is a term used by Professor


CORRECTION: In 'The Entertainers 1973' by Bari
Jonson, appearing in our December 1973 issue, 'Eight
O'Clock Jamaica Time' and 'Hail Columbus' were listed as


series of plays by writers of the English-speaking
Caribbean. He and the Federal Theatre Company, which
he founded in 1957, led a crusade against the
preponderance of imported scripts on the Jamaican stage,
but he was largely misunderstood and misrepresented at
that time.
In order to see these two streams in proper perspective,
we must go back to the beginnings of British rule.

Bernard Beckerman of Columbia University in an un-
published paper. Beckerman follows Suzanne Langer, but
applies the term o the whole realm of theatrical activity.
See Suzanne K. Langer, Feeling and Form: A Theory of
Art (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1953), pp.47-48.
Langer writes: "An image, something that exists purely for
perception, abstracted from the physical and casual order,
is the artist's creation. "Through the artist's intervention
and "arrangement" of the raw materials, "a newappearance
has superseded their natural aspect", and the resulting
"image is, indeed, a purely virtual 'object' Beckerman
adds: "An object here enlarged to include activity, is
virtual, not because it does not exist, but because the centre
of its existence is appearance".
10. Horace Vaz, "Jack and the Beanstalk", The Daily Gleaner,
January 6, 1942.
I 1. Ruth Benedict, Patterns of Culture (Boston: Houghton
Mifflin Company, 1959) p.17.


having been produced by Tony Gambrill [author] and
Tom Cross respectively. Both were in fact produced by
Norman Rae.


00"














Revolutionary





by G.R. Coulthard *


It may seem more than a little far-fetched to attempt to
establish a comparison between the development of literature
in Cuba since 1959 and in Russia since 1917. The variants are
numerous and enormous; however there is one feature which
both have in common the political and cultural policies of
both countries are based on Marxism-Leninism, although here
again, it may be objected that there are variations in the appli-
cation of the theoretical interpretation of this body of dogma.
This is true, and one sometimes gets the impression as with
Christianity, that Marxism-Leninism means what people want
it to mean at a given juncture in history. Nevertheless,
Marxism-Leninism is a basis and a touchstone which can al-
ways, and often is, invoked. Neither could it be said that there
is any appreciable direct influence of Russian literature as such
on the literature of Cuba, indeed, if there is, it must be so
minimal as to be imperceptible. In literary theory and precept,
also in literary criticism traces of the Marxist-Leninist approach
however do appear.
The obvious variants are, firstly the chronological factor,
both in length of time,1917-1974 in the case of Russia and
1959-1974 in Cuba, and secondly the world situation in the
1960's and 70's. Russia emerged from its Revolution into an
entirely hostile world, without a friend or supporter, after a
devastating foreign war with Germany, starting with a crushing
defeat in'1914. The newly fledged Soviet government was
attacked from the outside by the Germans, the British and
the French, and was torn internally by counter-revolutionary
violence which amounted to a civil war, by provincial separa-
tist opposition in the Don, Ukraine, Armenia etc. plus the fact
that the destruction to agriculture and industry caused by the
protracted war precipitated a famine of proportions hitherto
only known in such countries as China and India. Without
prolonging this passage, it should also be pointed out that
Russia was very near defeat in 1941, and again suffered
staggering losses in men and material, although by 1939
Russian communism was clearly sufficiently established to
evoke a spirit of resistance and determination not to go under,
that had a great deal to do with the eventual triumphant
outcome. Even disappointment and bitterness at Stalin's un-
preparedness and bungling openly voiced in many war novels,
such as Constantin Simonov's "Heroes and Victims" (1956),
to take only one example, did not dampen the faith of the
Russians in their way of life and their resolve to win through.
Subsequently, during what was known as the "thaw", that is,
roughly from Stalin's death in 1953 to 1956 much more open
criticism of the shortcomings of Soviet administration were
allowed. Vladimir Dudinstev's "Not by bread alone" (1957),
is a forceful indictment of the obstructive intrigues of deeply
dug-in Soviet bureaucrats and their self-defence against anyone
who goes against their comfortable, conservative ways. How-
ever, there is no attack on Soviet Communism, but rather a
desire to see it working more efficiently and more in accord-
ance with its own principles. Dudinstev was attacked for
"washing dirty linen in public" and putting anti-soviet ammun-
ition into the hands of the capitalist press. But his book was
published and widely read. Dudinstev was not punished. This
was also the period of the publication of Solzhenistsyn "Day
in the life of Ivan Denisovich", for which he subsequently was
punished by banishment to Ryazan...


Compared with the course of the Russian revolution, the
Cuban revolution in spite of the vicious campaign of terrorism
and the attempt to quell the Cuban people by institutionized
torture, following possibly in the steps of Trujillo in Santo
Domingo, in spite of the initially unequal struggle and the
heroism of the Cuban people, both civilians and soldiers, the
foreign support of Batista through the supply of arms and
planes; in spite of all these undeniable obstacles, Dr. Castro's
victory was comparatively easy, and once he had triumphed
in the field, he could count on friends abroad Russia and the
Communist countries and the massive support of the Cuban
people. There was no separatism, no "white" armies in the
field, and even the impoverishment of Cuba by the removal of
funds by the Cuban capitalists and the economic blockade,
damaging as they were, did not suffice to make serious inroads
into the progress of the Cuban revolution. The Bay of Pigs
invasion, in perspective, seems to have been an attempt (cer-
tainly by the Americans) to gauge the strength of Dr. Castro's
support. It failed from every point of view, and indeed left Dr.
Castro in a stronger position than before. The guerrilla activi-
ties in the Escambray, although they cost lives and money
were doomed to failure from the start, and plus the stupid,
often irresponsible harassment of ships going to Cuba, again
strengthened Dr. Castro's hands.
From the point of view of literature and the arts, a compari-
son can possibly be drawn. In the first place, immediately after
the revolution there appears to have been some hesitation on
the part of artists as to what was required of them. A great
deal of pre-revolutionary literature had been critical of the
political and social situation in Cuba, a feature common to
literature in the whole of Latin America, where literature of
protest has, and still to a large extent is, a literature of protest.
Dr. Castro cleared the air in his "Words to the Intellectuals"
in 1961, which contains his now famous phrase. "Within the
Revolution, everything, against the Revolution, no rights at
all". He does however add a corollary, of which not very much
notice was taken at the time, a caution in fact, which was
taken up and more strongly emphasized in his "Declaration to
the Congress of Education and Culture in 1972": "The
revolutionary places the revolution even above his own creative
spirit; he places the revolution above everything. The revolu-
tionary artist would be willing to sacrifice even his own artistic
vocation to the Revolution" (Palabras a los intelectuales,
Consejo Nacional de Cultura, Habana, 1961, p. 8).
Cuban critics had learned the lesson of Russian "social
realism", which had turned Russian literature into a flat,
emasculated, schematic "semi-classical demi-art" as Abram Terz
called it. Social Realism itself was a meaningless farce. It was
not realism because it had to show enthusiasm for the achieve-
ments of the revolution, many aspects of which certainly in
the 1930's and 40's left much to be desired. Characters were
stereotypes and even the "learn from the classics" (Russian -
Turgenev, Tolstoy and Chekhov) style prescribed by Stalin's
literary mentor, Maxim Gorky, produced a shoddy, watery
characterless style. Characters and outcome became more and
more predictable and schematisism of character was worse than
in the worst cowboy films. True-to-life realism, the use of
popular speech with its directness and crudities, even provincial-


* Professor of Latin American Literature, University of the West Indies.






isms are dubbed "naturalism", and naturalism is counter-
revolutionary.
The falsity and deviousness of the theory of socialist
realism comes out strikingly in Zdhanov's expansion of Stalin's
dictum on "writers as engineers of the human soul". In a now
famous statement at the Pan-Soviet writers Congress of 1934,
he demanded truth, but not lifeless, objective reality, rather a
depiction of "real life in its revolutionary development". Old
fashioned escapist romanticism was to be avoided, but roman-
ticism of a new type, revolutionary romanticism in the por-
trayal of Soviet heroes was strongly recommended. All this
adds up to no truthful realism and opens the door to any
kind of glorification (romanticism) of non-existent ideal con-
ditions. The usual opprobious epithets are applied to anything
which deviates from this norm: bourgeois, decadent, capitalis-
tic, cosmopolitan, escapist, "formalist" (a strange word, taken
completely out of its original context, but which means gener-
ally speaking experimentation or innovation in form). A great
deal of criticism consists of personal abuse and attacks ad
hominem. Any foreign writer who changed his attitude to the
Soviet Union from out-and-out support, to even qualified
criticism became a villain overnight. Such was the case of
Andre Gide, Sinclair Lewis, Richard Wright, J.B. Priestly and
many others.
In Cuba, since the triumph of the revolution, and particu-
larly since Dr. Castro's "Words to the intellectuals", such
critics as Jose Antonio Portuondo, Lisandro Otero, Roberto
Fernandez Retamar and many others have strongly opposed
any form of socialistic realism, with its schematicism of char-
acterization, its sloppy, shoddy writing, its stereotypes, any
attempt to a levelling down of literature to the masses. They
have consistently insisted on the maintenance of high literary
standards as the following quotations clearly show: Jose
Antonio Portuondo: "To repeat every day, on any pretext,
for the entertainment of the people, without care for arrange-
ment, over-simplified schemes, however'popular' they may be,
does not contribute to the aesthetic training of the masses,
neither does it contribute to their ideological advancement"
(Portuondo. "Critica de la epoca", Las Villas, 1965). And
Otero points out that some writers mechanically copied the
experiences of the Soviet Union and tried to impose, "among
us" some of the dogmatic tendencies of socialist art and litera-
ture suffered from. Against those who maintained that litera-
ture should be the sweetened, optimistic presentation of reality
free from conflicts, "we" maintained that art is the only
means that man possesses to create a new awareness of himself.
(Lisandro Otero, Casa de las Americas, no. 36-37, Habana,
1966, p. 205). Otero also gives a brief list of examples of the
kind of subjects the post-revolutionary writers could apply
themselves to, suggesting such themes as: the contradictions of
man in a revolution, crises of conscience in dealing with
people and situations, the urge and struggle to build in the
face of obstacles, the frustrations of inefficiency in the work-
ing of revolutionary enterprises, and a number of others. Such
subjects have, been dealt with without over-simplification,
stereotyping, dehumanization by such writers as Edmundo
Desnoes in "Memorias del subdesarrollo" (1965), Noel Nav-
arro's "Los dias de nuestra angustia" (1962) and "Zona de
silencio" (1970), the short stories by Jesus Diaz "Los anos
duros" (1966), to mention only a handful of the most out-
standing novels and short stories from a literary point of view.
As far as form is concerned, there has been complete free-
dom in Cuba, although excesses in experimentation have been
criticized. This seems a fair enough criticism, particularly as in
not only Cuban but Latin American literature in general over
the last thirty years or so, since so many Latin American
writers have been moving further and further away from
communicability, even with the educated, intelligent reader,
let alone with the masses, so much so that one wonders who
really reads'and understands some of the works outside an
inner coterie of writers and critics, and American Ph.D.
student. Cuban critics have talked of neo-colonialism and the
consequent tendency on the part of some writers to show off
their up-to-dateness and to demonstrate that they can do
anything European or American writers can do. Nobody, of


course, demands a dreary perpetuation of the techniques of
nineteenth century realism in the style of Balzac, Flaubert,
Zola or even Dostoevski, and the better Latin American nove-
lists such as Cortazar, Vargas Llosa, Jorge Onetti, Jorge Luis
Borges, Gabriel Garcia Marquez, have drawn on every kind of
modern technique, from flash-backs and flash-forwards (the
Spanish "saltos en el tiempo" covers both very adequately),
interior monologue, simultaneous action, stories told back-
wards, with surprise endings in the style of the best detective-
fiction writers such as Ellery Queen and G.K. Chesterton,
novels which require the full participation of the reader and
which cannot be skimmed through all these new devices of
the modern novel have been used abundantly and effectively,
but the novelists have something positive to say. This is as true
of Cuba as it is of any other Latin American country. Noel
Navarro uses a great variety of techniques and his books are
not obvious, but his obliqueness and mystery, far from baff-
ling or frustrating, stimulate and excite the reader. Cuba does
not disallow "clever" but painfully obscure novels. Indeed
Jose Lezama Lima's "Paradiso" is a baroque orgy which very
few readers can probably make head or tail of. Nevertheless,
it has been published in Cuba as have other equally baffling
works by the same writer. Hermeticism, obscurity are not
encouraged, but then they are not all that acceptable to
publishers in the capitalist world where they simply-do not
get published.
In 1971 a cause celebre broke out in Cuba as the result of
the recantations by the poet Heberto Padilla of his opinion
expressed in a collection of poems "Fuera de juego" given a
prize and published by U.N.E.C. in 1968. There Were loud
protests from European, North American and Latin American
intellectuals, suggestions that Padilla's public recantation of
his view was in the style of the Stalin period when Russians
were forced through torture and exhausting brain-washing to
accuse themselves of treason of being in the pay of capitalism
etc. However, looking at the whole affair calmly and in per-
spective a number of things emerge. Firstly, Padilla was by no
means a great poet, he was no Neruda, Octavio Paz, Cesar
Vallejo or Ernesto Cardenal. Secondly, he only really attracted
attention through his flippant and cynical quips slyly aimed at
revolutionary Cuba. If he did not like Cuba, there was an easy
enough solution he could have left, as did Cabrera Infante
Severo Sarduy and others. Nobody who did not accept revolu-
tionary Cuba was forced to stay there. His arrest and recanta-
tion however did serve as a test-case to show that trivial, smart-
Alec sneers from undistinguished and unoriginal writers could
not be tolerated. Possibly the Cubans over-reacted, but Padilla
was not shot or imprisoned indefinitely, and today walks the
streets of Cuba a perfectly free man.
It has been suggested by a number of critics that the range
of subject matter in Cuban fiction is too narrow and too many
works deal with the pre-revolutionary situation, denouncing
the corruption, shallowness, confused values (the aping of the
United States for example), moral degeneration etc. of that
period, or else concentrate on the revolutionary situation
itself. Situations missed are: family conflicts caused by the
revolutionary change, generations clashes, the activities of
socially negative types, the abuse of power by bureaucrats
(which must exist, as it exists everywhere), possible racial
tensions, which it is felt cannot have vanished overnight in
spite of legislation and a completely open policy by the Cuban
government, absenteeism (of which Dr. Castro himself has
frequently spoken). crime and blackmarketeering, and many
other subjects. It is true, as we have already mentioned that a
number of writers have dealt with such subjects, and it is
quite likely, that if necessary such subjects will be brought
into focus and adequately dealt with.
Perhaps, the most important factor to emerge from the
foregoing, is that Cuban literature has set its face against
crippling censorship. I will close with two quotations from
highly reliable sources. The first, by Jose Rodriquez Feo, in
his introduction to "Aqui once cubanos cuentan", (Monte-
video, 1967): "-- many subjects which our writers do not
deal with in their works, such as the abuse of power, mistakes
made by our leaders, dogmatism and others which our Prime







Minister has repeatedly referred to in his speeches; seem to
conflict because of the political problems which concern our
writers in the face of which many become inhibited by a fear
that they would be interpreted as disloyal to the Revolution.
For this reason, some writers censor themselves in thefear of
unfounded suspicions of the objections of our leaders" -.
And the second: "What is sought is not siniplification, what
everybody understands. True artistic experimentation is oblit-
erated by this approach and the problem of general culture is
reduced to assimilation of the socialist present and the dead
(therefore not dangerous) past. But why seek in the frozen
forms of socialist realism the only valid prescription? This
comes from Ernesto Che Guevara's "Man and socialism in
Cuba" (1967).
Cuba is seeking not only for revolutionary content but a
revolutionary style in the arts. The second aim is indeed a dif-
ficult and tricky matter, and so far has defied any attempt at a
complete definition. Many writers and critics have stated the
desirability of a "revolutionary" literature which does not
mean just the fighting against Batista and the defence of Cuba
at the Bay of Pigs invasion, but the whole process of revolu-
tionary change in Cuban society. The pro-Cuban Argentine
novelist Julio Cortazar has stated recently: "The revolution-


ary novel is not only the novel with a revolutionary content,
but the novel which aims at revolutionizing the novel itself,
the novel form, and to this end it uses all the devices of hypo-
thesis, conjecture, pluridimensional plot, the breaking up of
language -- ("Literature in the revolution and revolution in
literature" in Adolfo Sanchez Vasquez "Estetica y marxismo",
Mexico, 1970, vol. II p. 431). In reading all the heart-searching
attempts at defining a revolutionary literature, irrespective of
content (Cortazar's statement is only one of many), could it
not be that critics are looking for what has already been
found? As has already been pointed out the best Cuban, as also
the best Latin American writers have combined the variety of
literary devices readily available to the contemporary writer.
This is not imitation, lack of originality, but an effective choice
and adequation of technical procedures to material, especially
if the techniques are ably and sensitively applied to the
material. Cubans are perhaps understandably anxious to pro-
duce something strikingly new, but literature is not a hot-house
plant, and Cuban literature is technically up to the standard
of anything being produced in Latin American literature any-
where, that is to say, to literature produced anywhere in the
world today.


OBITUARY: Professor Gabriel Coulthard, died suddenly in Merida, Mexico


View from third floor West India Reference Library, before new construction on East Street, Kingston.


Photo Shirley M. Burke





















"Watch a baby day be born"
by Richard Canton


From the ALL ISLAND

ART EXHIBITION
at
the Institute of Jamaica

FOUR PICTURES
ACQUIRED BY
THE NATIONAL GALLERY

"Judgment"
by Ralph Campbell
Front Cover
















Lover's Meditation"
by Winston Eccleston


"Metamorphosis of a cow'
by Alexander Cooper














@OLOUR


lie



10FRM


A. D. SCOTT

Jamaicas leading art patron,

talks with Basil McFarlane


McF. Does it mean anything to you that, among those
who care about these things, you are regarded as
Jamaica's number one art patron?
Scott. Well, you're telling me; but, if by being so regarded
I am assisted in my work of expanding the field,
the acceptance for art and artists, then I would
gladly accept that position.
McF. Admittedly, Mr. Scott, you had no background of
specific training or family interest. What first in-
spired your interest in art?
Scott. Well, that's not very easy to answer; because,
really, I'm not sure. But I do know that, right
from a very early age I was interested in good
music. And, for instance, when I was at college
that was my chief pastime perhaps because it
was reasonably cheap. I could sit in my room on a
winter night and listen, ad infinitum, to say the
Beethoven fifth or his seventh sometimes
listening to a complete symphony three times on a
stretch.
McF. By college you mean, of course, McGill university;
where I think you spent about five years?


Scott.


Yes, McGill; where I studied engineering.


McF. A number of outstanding artists, I can name one
of the greatest, Leonardo da Vinci, have had engin-
eering backgrounds or, at any rate, some reputa-
tion as engineers and you yourself began life, as
you indicated just now, as an engineer. Would you
say that studying and working in that field had
supported the development of an interest in art?
Scott. Well, let me answer it this way; that it is really my
firm opinion that a good engineer who is really
a kind of scientist has several important entities
in common with the artist. They both start from
the same premise; that is, objective knowledge. It
is the only authentic source of truth, and they -
both the scientist and the artist can only arrive
at their respective results by not being influenced
by value judgments produced by a philosophy
that is assumed rather than proven.
McF. Do I understand you to mean that the engineer at
his best, in the same sense as the artist does, pro-
ceeds from a fundamentally creative attitude?
Scott. No; not necessarily so. The artist, like the scientist,
Cannot alter his result to fit into accepted standards
of value. The artist must express his emotional
and intuitive and artistic creation out of his con-
scious and sub-conscious experience. And the
scientist must lay bare his findings notwithstanding
any conflict he may have with accepted beliefs,
and what rejections he may encounter.
McF. This is most interesting. It sounds to me as
though you are saying that, at bottom, both


scientist and artist are in fact preoccupied with
the same thing with reality.
Scott. Yes. The good artist and the good scientist accept
reality. And the fact that they may have arrived
at this acceptance by different routes is of no
consequence. What they recognize is their back-
ground blend of the intuitive as well as of training,
their background understanding of the world about
them; aid their projection of what the world
might become or in fact is, as a result of this
deep under4tanding.


McF.


So much, 6r engineering. Now, you could qualify
as something of a businessman yourself; being a
director of several companies. How do you see the
inter.relatioinship between the art and business
communities in a country like Jamaica?


Scott. You say 'like Jamaica'. I presume you mean what
Jamaica should be doing to bring along the arts
and to integrate the arts into the business commun-
ity and vice versa. Well, I can only say that every
effort should be made to integrate the arts with
the business community and vice versa. I think
one of the greatest contributions that a small
country like Jamaica can make, not only in the
interest of the welfare of her own citizens but to
the world at large, is through things such as the
arts. And, for this reason, I would give the arts
great importance in any kind of business-activity.
McF. But, if you'll pardon me, this seems a little vague.
Or ... are you really trying to say that any kind of
identification between the businessman and the
artist must of necessity take place in the context
of a kind of patronage?
Scott. Yes. You see, in the middle ages, you had princes
and popes and the church and so forth giving
patronage to the arts. Today, the business com-
munity has taken over that sort of broad spectrum,
that sort of dynamic of social cohesion, and they
must now give whatever patronage seems necess-
ary; and, of course, led by the government of the
day. Government, for instance, should insist that
all our public buildings be dignified through con-
sultation with artists. And parks, and so forth.
And if, as we claim, we have any regard for cultur-
al development as such, then this kind of patron-
age must come about.
McF. Would you describe for us the principles by which
you are guided in buying art objects?
Scott. Just one word: love. Love for the object. I think a
collector, you know, is I hate to call myself a
collector but, for another word: I think every
collector is really a fanatic. He is a fanatic for
either colour or form or . or the acquisition of
other people's experience. Each artist is putting







down his experience on canvas or on paper or in
sculpture. And this is really the guideline. There
are other collectors, of course, who have in view
or in mind the commercial value of the pieces
they're collecting. But then, that's something dif-
ferent again. I don't think I fall in that category.
I think I'm a fanatic for colour and form. The ceil-
ing of my house is painted. The ceiling of my
bedroom is painted. Every wall in my house is
covered by art objects. If I can't afford to buy the
work, I try to do it myself bad as that might be.
It's as simple as that.
McF. Of course, I am sure that the artists of Jamaica
would have no objection whatever to the buying
classes, if we may call them that, cottoning to the
idea that collecting art can be fundamentally a
quite sound investment process.
Scott. Yes. I don't think there's any question about that
at all. And, as a matter of fact, there are very few
things in this world you can buy for a comparative
outlay that require such a small maintenance cost.
And also, usually produce growing value. There
are very few investments that will grow, and this
is proven to be so, at so tremendous a rate of
appreciation as an art object.
McF. At a rough estimate, how many pieces would you
say compose the Olympia art collection?
Scott. At a rough estimate, between 550 and 600 pieces
of strictly Jamaican art work that over the years,
has come to be known as the Olympia art collect-
ion. Of course I'm including works that are, essen-
tially, used by myself as well as those identified
with the hotel. There is hardly a strict differentia-
tion between the works I keep at home and else-
where.
McF. Looking from the window, I can see that you are
building again; and I understand that the purpose
of this building is exclusively to house the Olympia
collection. Is this a fact?
Scott. Not really. The other building, which is similar to
the -one I'm now putting up, perhaps: in all the
apartments and all the hotel rooms are works of
art. In this building, we're going to do likewise.
But, in addition to that, we're trying to create al-
most a sculptural gallery. We hope it will be,
perhaps, one of the best hotel galleries in the world.
McF. I needn't ask you, since you are already in the
process of building, whether you consider a new
gallery commercially viable.
Scott. No, I'm not .. my gallery won't be on that basis,
at all. It will merely be a functional part of this
hotel complex, and will supply, I hope, a much-
needed cultural dimension in our visitor trade. This
is it: no attempt at making money from the gallery
as such. The attempt will be to display and exhibit
good Jamaican art, and in addition to that we
have plans for exhibiting a little bit of our African
heritage. I've acquired, for instance, a collection
from Dr. John Akar and a few pieces from the
government archaeologist and, with that little
nucleus, I hope to develop a proper African gallery:
a gallery within the gallery. Call this cultural
philanthropy, if you like; but I think this should
be an interesting centre for school children and
our citizens generally. And so, in this way . well,
I suppose, to this extent it is a commercial venture:
in that it is aligned and tied up with a commercial
project, namely the hotel.
McF. It is likely that more people know you as chair-
man of the Contemporary Jamaican Artists assoc-
iation than as anything else. How did your close
identification with this organization develop?


Scott. The statement is not quite right. I think, if you're
counting all the workmen and labourers who have
known me in my engineering and building exper-
ience: they would number several thousand, and
they know me only as a contractor and engineer.
Quite a few people of the other spectrum of our
society, perhaps, do know me as the chairman of
Contemporary Jamaican Artists'. Now, as regards
your question: how did I become so identified
with the association, I would say that three of our
Jamaican artists had the good sense to smell me
out, as it were, and asked my assistance at the
very outset of forming the association. At that
time, I would have said it was more a matter of
their needing moral assistance than anything else:
someone to persuade them of the soundness of
their own scheme. And I was very happy to do
this. As time went on, I became more and more
involved and, eventually, became chairman.


McF.


The three artists you mention, I believe were
Barrington Watson, Karl Parboosingh and Eugene
Hyde?


Scott. Yes. These were the founder-members of the
association. And, ever since, I have been in close
association with them and have now even reach-
ed the stage where we occasionally paint together;
that is, Barry Watson, Karl Parboosingh and myself.
So this association has really led me on almost
to being an artist.
McF. I think it is a little unfair to yourself to say that
you are 'almost' an artist when you have exhibit-
ed publicly for some time, and participated in
festivals and the like; and even received awards
for your work. Don't you agree?
Scott. Yes. These occasional moments of modesty I
must ask you to forgive me really are not nec-
essarily in keeping with what I feel deep-down
in my being about some of my sculpture. I think
S. maybe, this is how I know I'm becoming an
artist: I think they're just the greatest. And there
are one or two pieces that, you know, I find that
I'm getting out of myself some quality of psycholo-
gical expression that I don't find elsewhere in
Jamaica. And, in this field . for instance, the
last piece that I've done, that is called, 'Man Has
Many Dimensions'; the other piece, 'In the Begin-
ning'; another piece, for instance, 'Man, 10,000
A.D.': these represent, for me, work that I do not
find elsewhere sculpturally in Jamaica. And, in
that sense, forgetting my modesty for a moment,
and .. in any case, I was earlier speaking in terms
of painting: I am not essentially, and will never
be, I don't think, a painter. But I will be a sculptor.
McF. You make specific reference to your sculpture.
But I hear you have an even later one than any of
those you have mentioned, called, 'Apartheid'.
How about that?
Scott. Yes, I did this piece about six months ago; and it
has to do with South Africa. It shows the rape of
the African majority by white South Africa. It is
demonstrated it's symbolic in a sense that
there is this nude woman, displayed in the most
irrelevant way .. not irrelevant ...


McF.
Scott.


Irreverent?
... irreverent way; without regard for her modesty,
her feelings, her ambitions or her hopes: It is in
this way I was trying to show the degradation of
the African nation.


McF. There is a-piece of yours that . well, on which
I've heard various comments, that abuts the Hope
road, outside the Olympia: that, also, I believe is
one of yours.











































A Creation Edna Manley
B Children Seya Parboosingh
C Festival Osmond Watson
D Eventide Colin Garland
E Flower Vendors Albert Huie







B


































C E










































F Tinika Barrington Watson
G The Unemployed Christer Gonzales
H Accord MalachiReynolds [Kapo].-
I Dawn Alvin Marriott
J The Family A.D. Scott








































I J
_. ,. .

Owl







Scott. Yes. That is for the new entrance to the Olympia
extension. The road will come around that foun-
tain, and come down to join the main driveway ...
it's called, 'Sacred Feast'. In that piece of sculp-
ture, I'm trying to portray that man is a product
of evolution; with the urges and passions, the re-
quirements and limitations of the biological type:
a creature belonging simultaneously to the animal
kingdom and the kingdom of ideas. In -it I'm try-
ing not to withold .. or to show any abhorrence
or terror because of traits inherent in his animal
nature.


McF.


Olympia art; Contemporary Jamaican Artists assoc-
iation; professional engineer and businessman: it
is probable that there are other people still who
remember you as the man who was willing to put
his money where his mouth was in the national
monument issue. How did that story develop, as
you recall it?


Scott. Well, as you know, that's a long, long story ...
but I think it suffices to say that the monument
took roughly eight years to create, and is the work
of the Jamaican sculptor, Alvin Marriott. It started,
really, by my going to a little party for Marriot's
daughter, who was getting married: And this was
just after our Independence, I think. And I said to
Marriott, now it's about time you really do some-
thing big to commemorate our Independence. And,
the following Monday morning, he came down with
a drawing and said: Is this what you mean? And I
said: Exactly that. And I took this drawing up,
and I think I went to Alcan to the managing
director of Alcan and I said to him: Would you
be prepared to grant the aluminium for creating
this monument? He was on his way, off to New
York, but he said: Yes, I think this is a good idea.
I will help. How much aluminium d'you want?
Well, I can tell you, I hadn't even thought of that
before going down to him. And I took a hazard,
and guessed that we needed seven tons of alumin-
ium. And he said: You know what this will cost,
do you? I said: No, I haven't got a clue; but, one
thing I know, I want you people to donate this
aluminium for this monument: because (a), it will
perhaps be the largest aluminium monument in the
world, and (b), you are extracting bauxite from
our country, and this would be a very good way
of returning some of it back to Jamaica. He said,
well, he would let me know when he returned from
New York whether this was possible or not. On
his return, he said: Yes. We could have the alumin-
ium. And, you know the story from then on. It
was published in the press, a little picture of what
this monument would look like. And there were
months and months of controversy; that went on
in the press about the monument. Now, in spite of
this, Marriott went on. He worked for seven to
eight straight years; roughly, eight to ten hours a
day: creating this work. And, if ever a story can
be told of dedication, of the complete drive to-
ward the accomplishment of a single piece of
work, this is the story that should be told. And,
after all these years, all the work has been com-
pleted. The two top figures were completed, sent
away to Morris Singer in England; and they were
cast. The crest is already cast. And the colossal
section, which has in it some 300 figures if you
name a politician today, he is on that monument,
full-size, full-view: our present Prime Minister, our
ex-Prime Minister, our Governor General; people
like Sir Philip Sherlock: you name him, and he is
on the monument: 300 figures. And this monu-
ment, apart from everything else, is an historical
can be an historical reference piece, in the
future, when we do put it up. That we are going


to complete the monument, that we are going to
put it up: there is no question whatsoever. We
have a very good scheme to raise the funds re-
quired for completing it. It will require some
80.000 dollars to do this monument; and we have
a very simple scheme to do it, which I'm sure will
be successful. We've tried it out . well, I can
tell you what it is. What we're going to do is just
sell little cylinders to people for 20 dollars a time.
They're going to put in whatever they want to
put in their cylinders. We're going to seal this;
and, when the time comes to erect this monument,
we're going to put it in the middle of the monu-
ment: because the monument will be hollow the
aluminium section of it will be hollow and it
can hold millions of little cubes. Now, if you divide
the sum of money by 20 dollars, you'll find how
many people have to buy these cubes to make this
monument possible. Everybody that we've asked -
in trying this out, as to whether they would take a
cube we've never yet had a refusal. And there-
fore, it's merely a question of getting, roughly ...
eighty thousand, divide by 20 dollars to find how
many people: sell those numbers of cubes, and
Bob's your uncle. We then order the casting of the
monument; which, alone, will cost .roughly 60,000
dollars paid to the people in England. And that is
the story in a nutshell. But, I repeat, the monu-
ment will be erected.
McF. As someone closely identified with the fortunes of
art and artists, what would you say was the general
outlook for these in Jamaica?
Scott. Well, I would say, better than any other section of
the community. In the first place, they're more
receptive to change; and this is, perhaps, what's
bugging Jamaica most at the moment: more than
anything else, our inability to change to suit cir-
cumstances that as a matter of fact are not
wholly of our own making: I think this is really
not understood in our Jamaican community. And,
therefore, a lot of the people of our community,
a lot of our citizens are suffering: as a result of
this inability to change. This the artists in our com-
munity do not suffer from: this special kind of
depression. They have difficulties, yes. The cost of
living will affect them as much as anybody else.
To give one instance, it will be very difficult for
artists to sell their work; when people are in a
frame of mind like the present. But, what is less
damaging than that, is their ability to adjust them-
selves to situations. Now, apart from that, I think
really looking at things from the optimistic
point of view, I think that our society, when we've
overcome this little setback that we're all suffering
and the world is suffering will settle down
and realize, that one of the things we must develop
in Jamaica is the arts. U














The Olympia International Art Centre is scheduled to be
officially opened by the Prime Minister, Hon. Michael
Manley on 19th August 1974.







THREE MEW POEMS


BY TF+E AUTHOR OF

"TH POND"

MERWYN MORRIS



AN AFRO SAXON FAILURE
I
A friendly spook attacks me:
too detached, he says,
absurdly free
of all the ways of feeling
true blacks, as a rule,
now share: Be funky, brother,
or be cool!
Okay. Though blackness isn't new
to me: ten, fifteen years ago
I didn't need
a uniform, my skin would do:
but I am learning, brother;
I'll succeed...
II
He never made it. Thought -
inspectors, quivering at the sight
of an Afro-Saxon on the road
towards the border, caught
him sneaking in -
to Blackness, raidioed:
Don't let that nigger fool you, he is WHITE! TRWELLING ALONE

He's off into the night
alone, the lucky devil -
no one hanging on his tail
to keep him out of trouble.
He stretches underpractised wings
in the uncaged air
and freely in the night he sings
for singles everywhere...
It only seems like flight:
until he feels
the fish-hook in the flesh,
the line drawn tight.




IN THE GARDEN
What was he offering? Knowledge? Guilt?
She didn't know, she didn't want to know;
until the fascinating snake
defined the choice she must not make.
And when the serpent, tired of being eyed,
unwreathed himself to go,
Eve yielded. "No, she cried,
"I71 have a taste. "And so ...








Art
in


Preparatory

Schools

EXHIBITION AT THE INSTITUTE OF JAMAICA


CLOTH COLLAGE
Immaculate Conception High School Preparatory
Group II


if" : .
:; '~ `'~ "r


PAPER COLLAGE
Our Lady of The Angels
Preparatory School
Group 5/6.


K. WILSON JAMES SHIELD
A WARDED TO
ST. HUGH'S PREPARATORY SCHOOL


; '^^^ VI:
., ... ,
-"' U, ', r

































Top Left, GEISHA GIRL St.
Hugh's Preparatory by Carol Brath-
waite and Stephanie Morecroft -
average age 9 yrs. 5 mos. Cloth &
Bead Collage.
Top Right, CHICKENS OUT WALK-
ING- St. Hugh's Preparatory By
group average age 5 yrs. Paper

Right, AUTOMOBILE St. Hugh's
Preparatory by Carol Brathwaite -
Aoe 9 yrs. 7 mos. Cloth & Bead
Collage.




















PUPPETS, Immaculate Conception High
School Preparatory.
Top: L-R 'Witchy Woozy, 'Coconut Head,
'Doctor Dolittle', 'Brenda Bubbles', 'Skinny
Bones'.
Bottom: L-R 'Wizo', 'Mrs. Cissie Dolittle',
'Witchy Hook Nose, 'King Canute', 'Queen
Quenella'.












































ro


Top Left, [Three Studies] St. Hugh's draw string
designs Class II average age 9 yrs. 3 mos.
Top Right, a Cornfield St. Hugh's Corn
Collage Lisa Goldson and Deborah Shoucair.
Average age 11 yrs. 2 mos.
Centre Left, Mona Prep print by Lancelot Brown
aged 9.
Centre Right, Our Lady of The Angels Prep -
Collage by Michelle Stewart age 11.
Bottom Left, ICH Prep Paper Design by Joan
Brennecke age 10 years.












































Top Left, Upper Mona Prep Print by Stephen
Singh aged 8.
Top Right, Our Lady of The Angels Paper
Collage Group 5/6 A.
Bottom Left, Our Lady of The Angels Prep Cut
Paper Design by group 5/6 B.
Bottom Right, Lower Mona Prep Crayon by
Nicola Harrison aged 11.






Prints from the
VERNAL
REUBEN
Exhibition







Serenade

X Serenade


- -
J A,


Market 1 [Composition]


Mr. Reuben is a tutor at the Jamaica School of Art.













































Top Left, Homeward
Top Centre, The Vendor
Top Right, Her Only Means
Right Centre, Field Workers
Below Left, Market 2 [Single Figure]
Below Right, The Great Backup






HISTORIC




















By Shirley Davis, B.A., A.L.A.A.
of the Library School, U.W.I.


In 1954 the late Ansell Hart made a gift to the Library of
the University College of the West Indies of a varied and valu-
able collection of books amounting to over 400 titles, 7 maps,
and a bundle of manuscript deeds pertaining to Orchard
Plantation, St. Andrew, Jamaica.
The Hart collection is particularly rich in the history of
the Caribbean, and what follows is an attempt to give a sam-
pling of what it contains. It includes, for-instance, The natural
and morall historic of the East and West Indies. .. Written in
Spanish by loseph Acosta, and translated into English by E. G.
London, Printed by V. Sims for E. Blount and W. Aspley, 1604.
"E. G." is believed to have been Edward Grimestone who
wrote A general historic of the Netherlands in 1627. Jose
d'Acosta (ca. 1539-1600) was a Spanish Jesuit Missionary who
was the author of several works on the natural history of
Spanish America. He went to Peru in 1571 as a missionary and
in 1583 published a catechism in the languages of the Indians -
Quichua and Aymara. This was the first book ever to be prin-
ted in Peru. His Naturalle historic first appeared in Spanish
in 1590, published at Seville by Juan de Leon, the first two
books having been published originally in Latin under the
title De natural Novi orbis libri duo in 1588-89. The first
French and Dutch editions appeared in 1598. An Italian edition
had appeared in 1596 and a German edition in 1601. The
English edition of 1604 is extremely rare. The copy presented
by Hart is bound in contemporary leather with blind panelling.
The binding has been slightly restored at some later date in
the seventeenth century it would appear. It is a good example
of early seventeenth-century English typography. The title-
page bears two engraved emblems, and there are engraved
woodcut initials and designs throughout the text.
In the same category are included Charles de Rochefort's
Histoire naturelle et morale des iles antilles de l'Amerique ...
Rotterdam, A. Leers, 1658, and Jean Baptiste du Tertre's
Histoire general des Antilles habitees par les Francois . .
Paris, T. lolly, 1667-71. Rochefort's work was published
anonymously in 1658. The dedicatory epistle is signed L.D.P.
and this was taken to be the signature of Louis or Lonvilliers
de Poincy, to whom authorship of the work is erroneously
ascribed. It is believed that much of the material might have
been collected by him. Information about Rochefort is scanty.
He has been referred to as "Cesar de Rochefort" and it has been
said that his History inspired a number of imitators. He
appears to have been a pastor of the French Protestant Church
at Rotterdam and his name and profession appear in full on
the title of the Dutch translation published at Rotterdam in
1662. The edition of 1658 has an added engraved title-page and
forty-three copperplate engravings printed in the text. It also
includes a vocabulary of the Carib language by a R. Breton. It
was translated into English in 1666 by John Davies. The Hart
copy appears to be in perfect condition. It is bound in contem-
porary leather with a gilt-tooled spine and is beautifully illus-
trated throughout.


Jean Baptiste Du Tertre was a priest and explorer and a
member of the Dominican order. He was sent to the French
West Indies as a missionary and sojourned there from 1640-
1656. He tried unsuccessfully to establish a permanent colony
on the island of Grenada. Du Tertre was born at Calais in 1610
and died in Paris in 1687. The first edition of his Histoire
general was published at Paris in 1654 under the title Histoire
general des isles de S. Christophe, de la Guadeloupe, de la
Martinique, et autres dans l'Amerique. He was obliged to print
it in haste because he learnt that some other person was about
to print it under some other name. The edition of 1667-71 is
in four volumes, beautifully illustrated with copperplates and
folding maps. The Hart set is bound in contemporary leather
with gilt tooled spines and is in remarkably good condition.
Both Rochefort's and De Tertre's works are invaluable for
the study of the life style, the manners and customs of the
early Freich settlers and their slaves in the West Indies. The
detailed engravings in Du Tertre of the sugar-works and the
indigo works tell more graphically than anything else could
what was the physical appearance of a seventeenth century
sugar plantation in the islands.
The original Proclamation for the. encouraging of planters
in his majesties island of Jamaica from Charles II, printed in
December 1661 in London, forms part of the collection. This
is a broadside and is in a remarkable state of preservation.
Charles hoped by this to encourage settlers to go to the newly-
conquered island of Jamaica. Under Cromwell the island had
cost the English government a good deal of money and was
neither large nor flourishing in settlement. Charles was at
first undecided as to whether to keep it or hand it back to
Spain. Once he had decided to keep it he quickly set about
establishing some form of government and encouraging coloni-
sation by civilians. Land was granted on generous terms, and
the King promised "that all children of any of our natural
born subjects of England to be born in Jamaica shall, from
their respective births, be reputed to be, and shall be, free
denizens of England, and shall have the same privileges to all
.intents and purposes as our free-born subjects of England."
The original edition (1657) of Ligon's History of Barbados
must be included among items worthy of note. So too is
Richard Blome's Description of the island of the Jamaica,
London, 1762. These works are seventeenth century reports
and eye-witness accounts of what went on in the English
islands at a time when they were all on the eve of a prosperity
which they were never to enjoy again.
The eighteenth century is well represented by items like
the Dominican priest Labat's Nouveau voyage aux iles de
I'Amerique (Paris, Le Gras, 1722) and Edward Long's History
of Jamaica (1794). Both Labat and Long were men whose
curiosity and acute observations (not to mention their pre-
judices) have enabled contemporary historians to assess more
easily the consequences of that curious system known as the














NATVRALL
and Morall Hifftorie of the

la/l and Wefl
Indies.

Intreating of the remarkable things of Heaven, of the
Elements, Mcttalls, Plants and Beafts which are pro-
per to that Country : Together with the Manners,
Ceremonies, Lawes, Governements, and Warres of
the Indians.

Written in spani/f by the RF Ilofeph A cofta, nd *
translated into Englih by E. G.











LONDON
Printed by Val: Sims for Edward Blout and William o -
ifjley. 1604.


Title page of the 1604 English
translation of Jos6 Acosta's
Natural and moral historic
of the East and West Indies.


plantation system. The set of Long's History which Hart gave
to the Library is of special value because it bears the book-
plate of Bryan Edwards as well as marginal notes in Edwards'
hand. Long's work has recently been reprinted. Edwards'
History, civil and commercial, of the British colonies in the
West Indies is about to be reprinted. The first edition 1793-
1801 and the fifth edition 1818-1819 have been included by
Hart in his gift.
Among other items belonging to this period are Charles
Leslie's New history of Jamaica, (2d ed., London, 1740)
which was first published in 1739 under the title A new and
exact account of Jamaica; Pierre de Charlevoix's Histoire de
l'isle espagnola de S. Domingue, 2v., Paris, 1730-31, and
Rainsford's An historical account of the black empire ofHayti,
London, 1805. Leslie's work, like Long's, gives detailed descrip-
tions of the dress, customs, musical instruments and forms of
entertainment of the negro slaves.
It is not easy to assess the value of a collection like the
Journals' of the Assembly of Jamaica. 1663/4[-1826]. The
history of how they came to be printed makes very interesting
reading.1 Apparently a Committee was set up in 1792 to
"collect and revise the minutes of the house, from the earliest


records of its proceedings, and to cause the same to be printed
under their inspection, after the manner of the Journals of the
House of Commons." Alexander Aikman was the printer
appointed. They were printed at various dates as it was found
possible to transcribe them from the manuscripts which con-
stitute the records of the Assembly from 1696 to 1810.
The journals of the Assembly are among the most important
sources for the history of Jamaica up to 1866 when the
Assembly was dissolved and Crown Colony government insti-
tuted. The Assembly came into being with the English Con-
quest and from the first was considered and considered itself
to be the equivalent of the English House of Commons. Its
sessions were often rowdy, quarrelsome and undignified. It
challenged the authority of the English government with as
much defiance and even more aggression than its North
American counterpart. It represented the vested interests of
the island, viz., the planters, the Established Church, and the
merchants. Gradually, towards the end of the period of slavery,
free coloured were admitted to its ranks. It continued however
to do little to alleviate the lot of the slaves, and after Emanci-
pation, of the newly-freed slaves. Its demise came in the after-
math of the Morant Bay Rebellion, when it came to recognize








HIaroIRn NALTURELLE Chapr.i9


its own inability to govern and willingly handed over the
responsibility.
Other interesting items in .this collection are William
Beckford's Descriptive account of the island of Jamaica (1790)
and Monk' Lewis' Journal of a West India proprietor (1834).
Both Beckford and Lewis are better known for their connec-
tion with the "Gothic" school of novelists the one as a first
cousin of. the author of Vathek, and the other for his 6wn
work The Monk. Beckford actually spent several years in the
Fleet prison for debt and spent a lot of time dunning the Gothic
author who in his turn lost the bulk of his Jamaica estates
through extravagance. The Beckfords were a colourful and
eccentric family whose connection with Jamaica dated back
to the seventeenth century. "Poor Monk Lewis" (as Byron
affectionately called him) died at sea on his second visit to his
West India property. Byron referred to him as "a martyr to his
riches" and Wrote "I would give many a sugar cane Monk
Lewis were alive again."
James Hakewill (1778-1843) the architect and engraver
visited Jamaica in 1820-1 and subsequently published A
picturesque tour in the island of Jamaica (1825). These are
coloured engravings done from his own drawings. In the same
connection mention can be made of Isaac Mendes Belisario who
in 1834 published his famous Sketches of negro character which
was printed and published by the Gleaner. Belisario was
apparently a portrait painter as well and Jacob Andrade in his
Record of the Jews in Jamaica (1941) refers to him as a cousin
of his maternal grandfather (p 52).


l'otrdrleu K~awp~a~ mrapt


C#16 e ~ mer


LWI~b1


Above
Illustration of shells from Rochefort's "Historie naturelle et moral
des lies antilles de l'Amerique" (p. 216)
Left
Illustration of fishes and sea-mammals from Rochefort's "Historie
naturelle." (p. 183)


Another outstanding gift is Henry Bleby's Death struggles
of slavery (1831) a detailed and accurate observation of the
Jamaica scene on the era of emancipation. Bleby gives a
thorough account of the 1831 rebellion and of the principals
involved in it. His work has almost become the authoritative
source work for a study of this tragic event.
Towards the end of the nineteenth century two significant
works appeared Vere Oliver's History of the Island of Antigua
(3 v. 1894-99) and J.H. Lawrence-Archer's Monumental in-
scriptions of the British West Indies (1875). Both are folio
works, well-documented and important source material. The
famous anonymous novel Marly; Or, a planter's life in Jamaica
(Glasgow, 1828) is included in the gift, as well as copies of the
works of later and more famous and relevant (to our times
that is) West Indian writers.
A curious work which stands out both because of the
subject matter and the author's peculiar stand on the slave-
trade is Capt. William Snelgrave's A new account of some parts
of Guinea, and the slave trade, containing I. The history of
the conquest of the late Kingdom of Whidaw by the King of
Dahome. The author's journey to the conqueror's camp; where
he saw several captives sacrificed, etc. II. The manner how the
negroes became slaves. The numbers of them yearly exported
from Guinea to America. The lawfulness of that Trade. The
mutinies among them on board the ships where the author has
been, etc. III. A relation of the author's being taken by pirates,
and the many dangers he underwent. London: Printed for
James, John, and Paul Knapton, 1734.


ChtP- 17 Pis ILBS ANTILLris


















By the King.

PROCLAMATION
For the encouraging of P inters in His Majefties Ifland of
famaica in the Weft-Indies.

CHARLES R.
s C being fullp fatisfieb, .that i)ur 3flant of Jamaica, being a pleasant anD moi fer-
tile fopl, anD fcituate comnt obtouf foz2 rabe anb Commerce, is liliel, though
0obD blessing, to be a great benefit anO 2Dbantage to this anD other tur l.aing-
Doms anb Dominions, Iabe tt thought fitfon encouraging of Dur 'ubjectS, as Well
fuc, as are alreabp upon the Iaib ilfan, as all others that fall tranfpolt tlhenl
felbes thither, anb Befibe ania plant there, to Declare ano public), 2no Wle Do
berebp Declare anb publifl), :l)at ZEbirtp Acreg of 3mpzobeable Lan0s l)all be
granted anb allotteD to eberp fucl person,, pale o? female, being PE~elbe pears olD oz up=
toarbs, tobo nobo JBefibe, o? toitbin .hoi pears nert enfumng, fl)all Befibe upon the faio
'qilanb, anD that the fame (l)all be asflgr ie anD fet out by the Oobernoz ano Council ~nittlin !ir
toeets nert after notice (i)al be gibenin lt iiting, fubfcribeD bp fth planter o0 planters, oz fome of
tlem, in behalf of te rtet, to the @oberno 2,o rc fuh Officer as be l)all appoint in that behalf, fignir
(ping their resolutions to plant there, an tohen tbep intenD to be on the place. -nD in cafe thep Do
not ao thither toithin Sir months then n ert enftirn, the rain allotment (aal be boib, anD free to
beaasgneb to anp oteriplanter ;nbo that tberp~menon an perfons to bobom fuctrb igagnment all
be mabe,(all UolD anD enjop the faib KanDs fo tobeatsigneD, anD al l)oufes, eDifites, buildings,
anb gJdlofures, threupon to be built ot mate, to them anD their Weirs fo? eber, by anb unDer fuoi
tenure as is ufualin other plantations subject unto us. jeberthels tep are to be oblige to
ferbt in m nn upon anp nfu tion, futinp, oaFo~rign g nbafton; anD tat the faib 2l(igna
ments anb ;2lotments l be nma anb confirnmeunter e publirt 05eal of te faiD ~iano, tDit
poter to create anpy anno; ol Vannois, ano tWith fucconbenientanb suitable pBibileDges ana
immunities, as the (Oantee ()all reafonably Debile anD require: InD a Draught of fuchrb sign=
ments ()all be ptepareb bp ODur Learneb council in the Lato, .0a Delibereb to the oobernoa to
that purpose; 32n that all fillings anb Iifcaries, anD all topper, Leab. in, 9ron, coals, anb
all other 9ines exceptt 2tolb anD O'ilber) toithin fuere(pectibe .'llotments, )all be enjopeb bp
the l t@anteet there fe rferb~ g onlp a toentiet part ofthe pouct of the (aiD .Pines to Dur
ufe. XnD o lWe to further public) anD Declare, hatall Chilzben of anp ofeDur natural born eub-
#ects of England to be bo0n in Jamaica, flall from their refpectibe irtlat be ,eD tu be, anD t)all
be free Seni3en of England, ano t(all babete t ame ibileoges to all intents anD purpofel as
Dur free=boln ubjects of England; 2n1 that aifree perfons (ball babe liberty boitlout inter=
eruption, to tranfpolt themfelbes anb their families, ano anp their booDb (erCept onip Copn anD
Zullion) from anp of Dur gDominions anb erritoaies to the faio 3lanb of Jamaica. 2nb olIe Do
araitlp charge anD command all planters, poolbier_, anD others upon the faiD ~lQanD, to pielV o-
bebienceto te latoful CommanbS of fDur eightt Vtrutp anb iWelbelobeb Thomas 0LoD Windlr,
nobo Dur (obernob often faiD 'ilanb, anD to eberp other d~oberno; thereof fol the time being,
unDer pain of Dur Difpleafurt, ano tutc penalties as map be inficte thereupon.
Given at Our Court at Wbitebal, this Fourteenth day of December, in the Thirteenth
year of Our Reign.

God fave the King.


L 0 ND 0 N, Printed by John Bill and Clrifopher B.rIker, Printers
to the KING S moft Exccllent Alajcly, r 66


The original proclamation
of Charles II encouraging
settlers in the island
of Jamaica 1661.


Snelgrave's long title speaks for itself. He was the Captain
of a slave-trader and his account is an extraordinary exercise
in self-deception. He was horrified at the cruel practices of
many of the Africans but saw nothing wrong with cramming
his boats with human cargo. He agreed that most of the negroes
sold as slaves were either war captives, criminals, or debtors.
He justified the slave- trade on the grounds that if the slaves


had not been sold they would have been inhumanlyy destroy-
ed"; so that, their sale to the Europeans meant that "at least
many lives are saved; and great numbers of useful Persons kept
in being."
The second justification Snelgrave gives is that the slaves on
the plantations live much better than in their own countries as
it is in their owner's interests to take care of them.







E 343 1


THIE SECOND


BOOK.


C H A P. I.

Of the Span / Settlements in Yamaica. -0 ,I a,

T HE name Jamaica, given to this island, has been fuppofed/ .'
an English corruption from the word James; the original.,, .p, -'
name given to it by its difcoverer being, as fome fay, St. Jago : but A.- ,, 4 ,
the aica final has not been accounted for. It is not improbable,,..&-t. ,/-.,*
that Jamaica is a name of Indian extra&ion, perhaps derived from 4 ""A "'
Jamacaru, the Brafilian name for the prickly-pear, which over-'" "'.
fpreads the maritime parts of the South fide, where the Aboriginal j*-'': ,., ',
Indian discoverers of this island might have firft landed. .
So the name Cagua, given by the Indians to the diftri& adjacent .., '..
to Port Royal harbour, was probably from Caragua, the Brafilian .. /
name of the Coratoe, or great American Aloe, which is found in -,,
fuch abundance throughout that diftri&. a. a -, t
The aica does not appear to be of Englifh extra&ion ;-for the .A -" .-
Spaniards, long before the Engli(h became poffeffed of this island, --,,
called and wrote it Xamayca. .--
Columbus is Ihid to have firft discovered it on the 5th of May, s A ,c ,
1494, and to have anchored in Puerto-bueno on the North fide. We X- -
are told, that he was captivated with the face of the country, and
pronounced it to be the moft beautiful of any he had then feen.in -
the new world. a;/* .,.2 y -^-
The compliment was by no means trivial, as he had before _._.." _
touched at the two fine illands of Cuba and Hifpaniola. Nor was 4-,-- s
it, perhaps, improperly beftowed; for the romantic fcenery of, LY4G",
mountains, the multitude of rivers and harbours, the varied ver- '
dure of the woods and favannahs, afford a fucceffion of elegant ob- -l--
jets, equalled by few parts of the \eftIndies. .- ,,/--
His flay upon this occasion was but fort, as he was bent on cir- .,l, '
cum-navigating Cuba, and taking a view. of the South-weft conti- ,4,o" "
nent. He did not re-vifit Jamaica till May, 1503; when, after a :,4
fries of ftormy weather, and. a narrow afcape from. fhip-mowreck ,ng ,
among A- A"'.
5 --.-

Illustration from Long's History of Jamaica. This is Edwards'
own copy and the marginal notes are his and in his handwriting.


The third is that the English plantations have been much
improved as negroes "are fitter to cultivate the lands there,
than white People."
The fourth is that it is of benefit to Guinea to have their
criminals out of the country.
He ends this extraordinary defence of the slave trade with
the remarkably pious statement that "from this Trade proceed
Benefits, far outweighing all, either real or pretended Mischiefs
and Inconveniences. And, let the worst that can, be said of it,
it will be found, like all other earthly Advantages, tempered
with a mixture of Good and Evil." (p 160-161).,The gift copy
from Hart (1734 edition) is in very good condition, handsome-
ly bound in red morocco with good tooling. It is a fine example


of 18th century typography with clear easy-to-read print. It
has recently been reprinted.
Natural history is represented by Sir Hans Sloane's Cata-
logus plantarum quae in Insula Jamaica sponte proveniunt
(London, 1696); Griffith Hughes' The natural history of
Barbados (London, Printed for the author, 1750); and Patrick
Browne's The civil and natural history of Jamaica (London,
Printed for the author, 1756). Sloane was physician to the
Duke of Albermarle, Governor of Jamaica, and spent between
December 1687 and March 1689' in the island during which
time he devoted himself to an intense study of every aspect of
the island, the flora, fauna, geography, folklore and conditions
of its inhabitants. The gift copy of his Catalogue2 is in con-








L2.,


1


p. --,


(- :, "

gl, ^^^^1


S12


- -4


r. tuier dltde 2.,em a.
)ia Iacuuete.aro .90.


J.Rocor., t leI
ne rat qui lefilent.,
,. f


7. floere.
Cffinem
/Yo.


1. Bo, de,
Troptelea


INDIGO TRIE .


.E BPn. 9./ oRepor
7. la mp 0. Chau f ou
t.aar.n. Jal outrftndeo.


2 Plante 13. Negru. portant
d'lndyo. lntlyo aw cmffor
pour lJe.cheer


Illustration of the indigo works on a plantation from DuTetre's
Historic g6n&rale des antilles habitues par les Francois. (v.2 p. 106-7)


*t.


I 2,


- La.


Mir


LU.-- t


14 Negrrc c"
portaltr /
iir


~a~Q;% ,1"


il-
C
P


























































temporary leather-binding with blind tooling.
Hughes' Natural history has its original gold-tooled calf
binding and is in very good condition. The work is a folio of
314 pages with a map and 29 plates. It was published by
subscription. Hughes was rector of St. Lucy's Barbados, and a
fellow of the Royal Society in 1750.
Partick Browne (c. 1720-1790) like Sloane*, was an Irish-
man, a physician and naturalist. He spent some time in. Antigua
in 1737, and again in 1745. He then proceeded to Jamaica where
he occupied himself with studying the geology, botany and
natural history of the island. In 1755 he published a map of
Jamaica, and in 1756 his famous Natural history. The work is
a folio volume, published by subscription, with fbrty-nine
engravings, a map of the island and one of the. harbour of
Port Royal. All the original copper-plates and drawings used in
this edition were destroyed in the great fire at Comhill in Nov-
ember 1765. A second edition appeared in 1769 without
illustrations. A third, and the most popular edition, appeared
in 1769 with illustrations. The 1756 edition therefore is ex-
tremely rare. The copy given by Hart is in contemporary


66
Tliei Au-
thor's re.
turn to
"''F ,w.


Above
P.66 of Snelgrave's
type.


/l ilw lAccount ojf Guinea,
Evening, they brought us into 7aqueen
Town, where the People received us with
much Joy, ha ing been under great ap-
prehcniions for our Safety, because we
flaved longer than was expected.
The next day, being the i5th of April
1727, I paid the King of DahLom's Offi-
cers the Cufom agreed on; and in two
days after, a great many Slaves came to
Town, being fent by his Majefty for me
to chufe fuch as I liked of them: Which
having done, I offered to pay the Lord
of 'ayt'en his ufual Duties, but he in-
til cd on a larger Cuflom than my Surgeon
had agreed for with him at our firft com-
ing: So I refulld to pay it, and put him
in mind of the junctionon the King of Da-
Lon,' had fent him by his Brother. This
put him in a Paflion, and he afked me
fternly, Whether I defgned to bring War
on him, by informing the Conqueror of
what he demanded? This being a tender
Point, and hoping Time and Patience
might bring him to do me Juftice, I took
my leave of him: For I had been told, it
was nor poflible, no more than prudent,


"Account of Guinea." Note clear well-s


Left
Original gold-tooled binding on red morocco of Snelgrave'
"Account of Guinea."


leather binding, with blind tooling and gilt lettering on the
spine. It has an additional copy of the large map of Jamaica
(in black and white) and the plates and two other maps are
hand- coloured. Browne left in manuscript a Catalogue of the
Plants now growing in the Sugar Islands. He died and was
buried. in Ireland.


** Sloane's family actually migrated from Scotland to Ireland in the
time of James I.

1. See Cundall The press arid printers of Jamaica prior to 1820.
Worcester, Mass., American Antiquarian Society, 1916.
2. The Catalogue represents a landmark in the classification of botani-
cal specimens as Sloane greatly reduced the number of species and
names and gave exact definitions of plants and lists of their synony-
mous names. It also gave an assurance for the first time that there
were plants common to both sides of the Atlantic.








































SPANISH CHURCH


St.Arnn's Bay
by Francis J. Osborne, S.J.


On the Seville estate, St. Ann's Bay, there is an interesting
site of the first stone Church built by the Spaniards in 1524.
As a member of the Jamaica Archaeological Society, this site
has been of special interest for me.
At the beginning of any archaeological investigation, the
area must be photographed. This I did taking pictures from
various angles of the site. The next task was to position the
Church. Using a Lensatic compass, I found the sanctuary-main
entrance line ran directly along an east-west axis, with the
sanctuary at the east, and the main entrance at the west end.
This was in keeping with Spanish Churches which were posi-
tioned in an east-west direction wherever possible. The width
and breadth then demanded my attention, since Hans Sloane
who visited the site in 1688 noted that it was thirty by twenty
paces. My measurements were: from sanctuary wall to main
entrance a distance of eighty-four feet; and from side wall to
side wall, a distance of sixty-eight feet. These measurements
agree with Sloane's, give or take a few feet.
I discovered the foundations of the pillars at the main en-
trance by digging at the west end in a north-south direction.
The entrance was found to be three feet, ten inches, which
would indicate a massive door in keeping with the Spanish
manner of building a church in the early 16th century. The
foundation of the pillars on either side of the entrance mea-
sured two feet, ten inches in diameter, with stones one foot,
ten inches in diameter intermingled with smaller ones of one
inch diameter, indicating that they supported sizeable columns
The floor was my next interest. I excavated an area ten feet
by three feet along the north wall at the west end, and a like


area along the south wall at the west end. I found that the
foundation of the floor was one foot, six inches deep with
stone ranging from four by six inches down to small ones,
one inch in diameter. No floor tiles were discovered for these
were removed by early English settlers and found their way
into plantation houses like the Seville Great House where
Spanish tiles may be seen used as flooring.
Hans Sloane noted two rows of pillars running the full
interior length of the Church. These I did not discover, but
there is an indication of their position by a ridge in an east-
west direction, sixteen feet from both the north and south
wall of the building.
It was Peter Martyr, fourth abbot of Jamaica, who in 1524
began the construction of this Church. To finance the project
he donated eight hundred pesos of his own money and per-
suaded Charles I to give a like sum. In 1526 an additional
100,000 maravidis was added by the Crown. Charles I cautioned
the Governor that the cost of construction of the Church must
be kept as low as possible and within the funds available to
Abbot Peter Martyr. Also that Arawaks working on the con-
struction were to do so of their own free will and were not to
be paid a wage. In order to reduce expenses the materials left
over from the construction of the fort in St. Ann's Bay, that
is: lime, bricks and other material, were consigned to the build-
ing of the Church.
In 1526 construction was well under way when Peter Martyr
died. Shortly before his death the Abbot experienced annoyance
from local colonial officials when Pedro Mazuelo, the Royal
Treasurer, then acting Governor, took Indians from their work


Above, Stone from Peter Martyr Inscription,Early 16th Century.. Photos by Larry Keighley















































EN
4F


Right, Floor Plan of church Seville Estate
St.Ann's Bay 1524.


Below, Fr. Osbourne with excavated stones


POSITION OF

O INTERIOR PILLARS (?) O


0




-- 16' --0



O


0
FLOOR FOUNDATION
EXCAVATION 1973

.o00

I0 0

S 10" -T
34 LENGTH


FOUNDATIONS OF
ENTRANCE PILLARS
400 00.0e

TRANCE O0 O ,0 O
FOUNDATION -21 j4 3I10"
STONMe f,


Small P ? Large
,1 1- 0 ,,


DEPTH OF
FLOOR
FOUNDA-
TIONS.
I' 6
FLOOR
FOUND-
ATION
STONES.

mal


MAIN 'J ENTRANCE











Right, West Gate of St. Ann's Bay Church 1524.
according to Hans Sloane

Below, Cathedral Santiago de Cuba
cornerstone dates 1522.


MARTYR SAINT
WITH KNIFE IN
HEAD.


on the Church and made them repair the fort. For this act
Mazuelo and his fellow officials received a severe reprimand
from the King who commanded the acting Governor to return
the Indians to the work on the Church and not to interfere
with its progress. With the, death of Peter Martyr interest in the
Church began to wane, and in 1533 it was reported to the
Crown that the money hitherto allocated for the project had
been used up, and if the Church were to be finished additional
funds would be necessary. This was at the time when the
colonists were contemplating removing the capital from the
north to the south side of Jamaica. With the abandoning of
Seville in 1534 for Santiago de la Vega on the south side of the
island, work on the Church came to a standstill.

It was thus that Hans Sloane saw the Church when he
visited it the site in 1688 and penned this description:

The Town (Seville) is now Captain Hemming's plantation.
The Church was not finished. It was 20 paces broad
[long] and 30 paces wide. There were two rows of pillars
within. Over the place where the altar was to be, were
some carvings under the ends of the arches. It was built
of a sort of stone between freestone and marble taken
out of a quarry about a mile up in the hills. At the
Church lie several arched stones to complete it which had
never been put up but lay among the canes. The rows of
pillars were for the most part plain. The west gate of the
church was fine work and stands entire. It is seven feet
wide and as high before the arch began. Over the door
in the middle was Our Saviour's Head and a Crown of
Thorns between two angels, on the right side a small
figure of some saint with a knife struck into his head; on
the left a Virgin Mary or Madonna, her arm tied in three
places, Spanish style. Over the gate, under a coat of arms,


this inscription:
Petrus Martyr, ab Angleria Italus civis
Medionalen. Prothon. Apos. Hujus Insulae
Abbas Senatus Indici Consiliarius Ligneam
Prius Aedem Hanc Bis Igne Consumptam
Latericio et Quadrato Lapide Primus a
Fundamentis Extruxit.

The translation:
Peter Martyr of Angleria, an Italian
citizen of Milan, Prothonotary Apostolic,
Abbot of this island, consultor of the
Council of the Indies was the first to
construct of brick and square stone from
its foundation this building formerly made
of wood and twice destroyed by fire.
Some twenty years ago a portion of this inscription was found
embedded in the wall of the Slaughter House, St. Ann's Bay;
and retrieved by the Institute of Jamaica.
Had the Church been completed we would have had a
structure similar to the one in Santiago de Cuba whose corner-
stone dates 1522, for the same architectural style of that
period prevailed throughout Spanish colonies.






PRINTS FROM THE VERNAL REUBEN EXHIBITION (continued from Page 25)


The Drummer


Fish Vendor


Riglit.. 011c Of a set of fitw 13clisol-io prints.
A(,ailablc at Ille Institille ol''Jamaica books1lop
5 0 cach.






















A !- d~


'b:'t:


, ;: >T: I




'2 -,


^^


.rill~~
........

ASK





PRINTS FROM THE VERNAL REUBEN EXHIBITION (continued from Page 36)


Top Left, Bredda Man
Top Right, By Candlelight
Below Left, Labrish
Below Right, Relaxing on Sunday



























The French come to

"Wood and
They were first sighted on the evening of July 7th, 1679:
eight or ten French men-of-war, making their way up from
east-south-east of the island towards Yallahs. Ever since Feb-
ruary 16771 the British authorities in the West Indies had been
in apprehension of some bold stroke by the powerful French
fleet cruising there under Count Jean d'Estrees, and it now
seemed that the time had come.
We are lucky in that at least four people on the island have
left substantial accounts of what happened next. Sir Henry
Morgan was himself at Port Royal; he wrote a week later to
Henry Coventry, secretary of state in England between 1671
and 1680.2 The Governor, Charles, Earl of Carlisle, was at
Guanaboa Vale, but he hurried down to Port Royal and also
wrote a version to Coventry shortly afterwards.3 In the har-
bour at the time was an English merchantman of 350 tons,
the Guanaboa, whose master (?), one Barlow, kept journal6
which also mentions the French visit. Finally, riding at anchor
among the cays was H.M.S. Hunter (30 guns), whose captain,
Josiah Tosier, always kept a very full log which is particularly
interesting on this occasion.5
The French had been nominally at peace with the British
since the signature of the Treaty of Breda in July 1667, but
the British' were under no delusions about what that might
mean beyond the line; had they themselves not taken Jamaica
twenty-four years earlier as a result of a piratical attack? We
have to remember, too, that news of events in Europe reached
Jamaica later than it did the eastern Caribbean; as Morgan
explained, he did not know 'how affairs stood at home'. In
any case, he could not take any chances, and having received
'an express'1 from Yallahs Point.he gave notice of it to Carlisle
(at Guanaboa Vale) and 'ordered to beat an allarm'.
Captain Tosier heard the noise from H.M.S. Hunter; as he
puts it, towards 11 at night,
... we heard Fort Charles fire 4 gunns with shott and a
great many musketts fired at Port Royal and at Liguinie
and beating of drums. [This] put us in a maze what ye
uproar should bee, thinking that ye Negroes be risen, but
in an hour after ye lieutenant came on board and brought
a letter from Sir Henry Morgan to acquaint mee that hee
having then received advice from Port Morant that eight
saile of French men-of-war was seen off that place, which
caused ye allarme, and that he advised mee not to wait
till daielight lest I should find myself amongst them...
In Port Royal the hubbub must have been extraordinary, as
the citizens tumbled out of bed and into the streets, in order
to form up at their rendezvous, probably at the parade-ground


Water" in 1679byDavid Buisseret
near the Palisadoes gate (just about where the Primary School
now is). The Port Royal regiment was commanded by Sir
Henry Morgan, and had ten companies containing in all about
1100 men. Most of the company-commanders were prominent
merchants, men like William Beeston, Hender Molesworth,
Samuel Bache, Anthony Swymmer-and Charles Penhallow.7
The troops were armed with 'fuzee [light musket], catouchbox
and sword',8 and were probably at a reasonably high level of
preparedness, since each of the companies was on duty every
night. By 1679 the main forts had already been constructed,
and the gunners would have been standing by in Fort Rupert,
Charles, James and Carlisle.9
Meanwhile, of course, the alarm would have been spreading
to other parts of the island. Every parish was supposed to have
beacon, with combustible material to hand, and these would
have been used to spread the news of anemergency.10 The
parishes near Port Royal would probably have been roused in
any case by the great cannon there, 'which by their great re-
port', as Taylor optimistically claims, 'and the thundring
echoes of ye mountains, all the island both horse and foot are
forthwith in arms'. 11.By 1679 there were seven reginfents of
foot, and one horse.12 The cavalry was divided into six compan-
ies, each of which was assigned to one of the foot-regiments,
excluding the Port Royal regiment; each of these regiments
was commanded by a colonel and had its own place of
assembly.
In St. Thomas, for instance, where the French were first,
sighted, it would have been Colonel Thomas Freeman, proprie-
tor of Belvedere, who would have rallied his regiment,13
though we do not know his place of rendezvous. His neigh-
bours, men like Edward Stanton and. Ralph Whitfield, came
with their companies, each of about sixty men. Of course,
this military organization closely parallelled what we might
call the civilian power-structure; the company-commanders
were almost all substantial proprietors, and very often repre-
sented their parish in the House of Assembly. At a higher
level, the regimental-commanders were almost invariably mem-
bers of the Council; men like Thomas Freeman, John Cope,
Charles Whitfield, Sir Francis Watson, Robert Byndloss and
Thomas Fuller:
On the night of July 7th/8th, then, we must imagine all
these commanders gathering their men and standing to their
arms, ready for the dawn. The French must surely have heard
some of these noisy proceedings, but they held their course
until they were about four leagues (twelve miles) to windward
of Port Royal, just about off Cow Bay. Some of the inhabi-
tants of the town had been so frightened that they had


Above Seventeenth Century French Warship From Charles de-La Ronciere, HISTOIRE DE LA MARINE FRANCAISE







'removed their goods and families for fear of a French
descent',14but when day came the French ships were seen to
be making only slow progress, in the face of a land-breeze.
H.M.S. Hunter had no doubt come in during the night, but
was now sent out again, to enquire ('of the smallest of them',
as Barlow observes) what their business was. The French replied
that they were on their way from Martinique to Havana, and
that they wished to come into Port Royal in order to 'Wood
and water'.15 According to Lord Carlisle, they said that they
had been trying to sail from Martinique to Cartagena, but had
been blown off course by 'violent breezes'. It is true that their
commander does not seem to have been a very good navigator
- he had entered naval service at the age of 44, after a disting-
uished career as a foot-soldier, and had recently wrecked half a
fleet on the Islas de Aves but this was surely an improbable
story. Carlisle at any rate thought so; as he wrote,16 .
To what end these French are come here we cannot
possibly learn; they say against the Spaniards, but the
people distrust their speech. They admired the island, but
said they should have a better in Cuba ...
Anyway, Hunter accompanied the French admiral's pinnace in
to Port Royal, where Carlisle and Morgan had an interview
with the Chevalier d'Ervaux, described by Morgan as'maior of
some land forces', and by Carlisle as a 'Knight of Malta'.17 The
English were very suspicious of d'Ervaux's intentions, and
sent him off at the end of the day with the message that the
French fleet might wood and water at Bluefields Bay, which
was in fact a favourite place for English vessels to stop before
undertaking the Atlantic crossing. That night the French ships
withdrew; many people thought that they were over the hori-
zon to windward, but four days later they were in fact report-
ed to be in Bluefields Bay, after which they probably sailed off
westwards. During their time in St. Elizabeth they were no
doubt kept under surveillance by the horse-troop of Colonel
Thomas Fuller's regiment.


Carlisle could not miss so good a chance of getting some
work done on the fortifications. During the period of uncer-
tainty, he called a meeting of the Council at PortRoyal,18and
persuaded them to agree to proclaim martial law for 30 days.
As he himself writes,
. the whole of the inhabitants, soldiers and slaves,
were set to work to increase the fortifications, I being
very glad of the opportunity of carrying on work which
would otherwise have gone very slowly ...
It was Fort Morgan which was built at this timefacing south-
wards towards the ship-channel from the east. Carlisle thought
that 'the occurrence has done us more good than harm', but
he adds that 'the generality of the people will not give up their
opinion that the French fleet when reinforced is designed
against this island'. As we know, the French did not in fact
come in force until 1694,19 but there seems little doubt that
the general state of apprehension, accentuated after the out-
break of the War of the League of Augsburg in 1688, did a
good deal to discourage British emigrants from settling in
Jamaica.
Barlow, on board the Guanaboa, thought that the French
had come 'to spy and see what strength the island was in', and
his estimate was no doubt correct. The cruise undertaken by
d'Estrees in 1679 took in not only the main British islands,
but also the chief Spanish strongholds. At all these places his
agents were apparently carrying out surveys of fortifications
and defences, ready for the moment when Louis XIV should
declare a fresh war. As A.P. Thornton puts it, 'it seemed plain
both to the anxious English and to the frightened Spaniards
that one day when his master decreed d'Estrees would stop
trailing his coat, and go into action'.20 The visit to Jamaica
was just part of these larger preparations.


1. see Sir Jonathan Atkins' report of that month; CSP 1677-80, 48 of
18 February 1677, and subsequent reports e.g. 498 of 28 November
1677 and 642 of 30 March 1678.
2. Coventry Papers (Longleat House, England), vol. 75, part II, fo. 320.
3. ibidem, fo. 316 and also CSP 1677-80, 1059 of 10 July 1679.
4. Barlow's journal, ed. Basil Lubbock (2 vols. London 1934).
5. see PRO Adm 51/3870 under this date.

6. probably a horse-rider, coming along the beach, though it might
have been some small ship.
7. see the 1680 militia-roll, PRO CO 1/45, 59.
8. according to John Taylor in his manuscript 'Multum in parvo or
parvum in Multo', preserved at the Institute of Jamaica, MS 105.
9. for the sequence of construction of these forts see Buisseret, The
fortifications of Kingston (Kingston 1971).
10. see the Council Minutes, Institute of Jamaica MST 60, vol. i, p. 122.
11. 'Multum in parvo', p. 497.
12. the foot-regiments had increased from five in 1670 (Journals of the
House of Assembly, vol. i, Statistical Papers p. 26) to six in 1671
(op. H. cit., p. 32), and now seven.
13. see the 1680 militia-roll, PRO CO 1/45, 59.
14. CSP 1059 of 10 July 1679.
15. this was a standard phrase; wood seems to have been needed as fuel.
16. CSP 1677-80, 1059 of 10 July 1679.
17. Carlisle's description is more likely to be correct; many French
officers of this period had learned their trade with the galley-fleet of
the Knights of Malta.
18. the minutes of ihis meeting do not appear to survive, as it falls
between volume II ending in September 1678 and volume III,
beginning in May 1682; Institute of Jamaica, MST 60.
19. the best description of this invasion is that given by N.M. Crouse in
The French struggle for the West Indies 1665-1713 (Columbia
1943) p. 190-196.
20. West-India policy under the Restoration (Oxford 1956) p. 226


"The Guanaboa"









A Report

on Excavations at



MONTP LIER

ana


ROEHAMPTON
by Dr. Barry Higman *


In January 1973 a group of twenty History students from
the University of the West Indies, Mona, and John Hopkins
University, Baltimore, spent a week at Montpelier and Roe-
hampton in St. James. The aim of this field trip was to intro-
duce the students to some methods of historical analysis other
than the traditional interpretation of written documents. For
the writing, and the rewriting of West Indian history, it is
essential that such techniques be developed and exploited
fully. So much of the history of the region because of the
very nature of its history has gone unrecorded in the written
documents, these documents being the creation of a narrow
class too often unsympathetic to other sections of the society.
To recover this lost past other methods have to be used.
Archaeology and oral history are two of the most obvious
possibilities, and it was these techniques which were introduced
to the students in a practical way during the field trip. In this
report it is possible only to say something about the archaeol-
ogical aspect of the work. Since this was referred to by
Matthewson in a recent article in Jamaica Journal, it is hoped
that a fuller statement of the aims and results of the excava-
tions may be worthwhile.
The excavations at Montpelier and Roehampton were
directed. towards answering some specific questions which
came out of the written evidence concerning the area, relating
particularly to the period of slavery. Before describing the
excavations, then, it will be necessary to relate something of
the history of the area and the origins of the questions which
were the impetus for deciding to carry out the work at Mont-
pelier and Roehampton.
The present Montpelier estate has formed a unit under one
owner since the late eighteenth century. But at first it com-
prised three distinct parts. The "Old Works" estate (or "Old
Montpelier") was established in 1739 by Captain Francis
Sadler, but even before the works had been completed he had
sold it to John Ellis of Caymanas. The mill was probably com-
pleted about 1746. Old Montpelier's mill-site was located just
off the main road from Montego Bay to Savanna la Mar, where
St. Mary's Anglican church now stands. By about 1775 John
Ellis had built another mill, the "New Works," closer to the
Great River and the site of the modern estate centre. Towards
the end of the eighteenth century John Ellis (or his son
Charles Rose Ellis) purchased Shettlewood pen, across the
Great River in Hanover. The property then contained about
10,000 acres of land, stretching across the valley of the Great
River from the hills on either side. Of this vast estate 8,000
acres were in St. James and 2,000 in Hanover.
The Ellis family was connected with several other planter
families of Jamaica, the Beckfords, Pallmers and Longs. Charles
Rose Ellis (1771-1845) sat in the English Parliament from the
1790's and by the 1820's was described as the "acknowledged
head" of the West India interest. In 1826 he was created Lord
Seaford on the nomination of George Canning. Greville in his
Memoirs (2 July 1826) commented that "everybody cries out


against Charles Ellis's peerage; he has no property, and is of no
family, and his son is already a peer." The son, Lord Howard
de Walden, was left all of Seaford's property including the
Montpeliers, Shettlewood and Caymanas when he died in
1845. He married, in 1828, a niece of Canning.2 This connect-
ion with Canning was of some importance since it affected the
role of Canning in the question of amelioration in the 1820's.
It is also worth noting that in 1797 Charles Rose Ellis had
himself introduced a bill to Parliament aimed at recommend-
ing a policy of amelioration to the West Indian assemblies.
This attempt at indirect interference was' the same as that
advocated by Canning in 1823. The important point is that
Ellis liked to be thought of as a "humane" master, even though
an absentee.
Roehampton was located in country less obviously suited
to sugar than was Montpelier. The estate was situated in the
hilly area two miles to the east of Anchovy about five miles
by road from Montpelier. Thus the southern boundaries of
Roehampton came very close to the eastern edge of Montpelier,
and in the early nineteenth century there was some communi-
cation between the slaves on the two estates. In 1832 the
owner of Rqehampton, John Baillie, told a select committee
of the House of Lords that "I am in a district surrounded with
wood; we call it a mountain estate; it is within a certain dis-
tance of the sea."3 Baillie had come to Jamaica in 1788 but
left again, with his family, in 1815. He returned briefly in
1822 and 1825-26. In 1832 Baillie referred to himself as "an
old Creole." Whether he established the Roehampton estate
after 1788 is uncertain, but it seems most probable that it was
founded in the later eighteenth century, at about the same
time as the Montpelier estates.
The particular interest of Montpelier and Roehampton
stems from the fact that there is a good deal of information
available for them in the early nineteenth century, especially
the 1820's. In 1820 or 1821 James Hakewill produced a view
of Roehampton, a general view of Montpelier Old Works, two
views of the New Works, and three of Shettlewood pen. Only
that of Old Montpelier was reproduced in Hakewill's Pictures-
que Tour of the Island of Jamaica published in 1825. The
view of Roehampton was presented to the parliamentary select
committee of 1832 by John Baillie. Unfortunately, the five
views of New Montpelier and Shettlewood seem not to have
survived. In addition to these views by Hakewill there are.two
produced by Duperly following the rebellion of 1831, depict-
ing scenes of the rebellion at Old Montpelier and Roehamp-
ton.4 But Duperly's views were very clearly derived from
Hakewill. All Duperly did was to transform Hakewill's serene
atmosphere into one of destruction and rapine, by introducing
rebels, militia and conflagration where cows had grazed and
horsemen casually greeted one another. Although Duperly's
appreciation of the vegetation seems to have been superior to
Hakewill's, his views add little to our knowledge of the lay
out of the estate centres.


* Lecturer in History, University of the West Indies.


























T i,,3 F hoD 7 A V T l ;6 -U WeIL. I"'A.

Above left ... Hakewill's view of the Old Works at Montpelier in 1820. From the left the buildings are: bookkeeper's barracks;
overseer's house and offices; hospital [on the knoll; cattle mill; water mill; boiling house; still house; trash house [far right]; and, in
the distance, the slaves' houses...Above right ... Duperley's view of Roehampton in 1820. The slaves' houses are at the far right.


A comparison of the views of Roehampton and Old
Montpelier produced by Hakewill suggests some important
differences between the two estates. Old Montpelier had both
a cattle mill and a water mill, the latter supplied by an aque-
duct bringing water from the Blue Hole a mile to the east of
the works, whereas Roehampton depended solely on its cattle
mill. It is also clear that at Roehampton, where the proprietor
was a resident, the "great house" was more elaborate than the
residences for whites at Old Montpelier. But perhaps the most
striking contrast is in the lay out of the slaves' houses. At
Roehampton it can be seen that they were set out in straight
lines. At Old Montpelier, on the other hand, the houses do not
seem to conform to any sort of regular pattern. Why should
there be this contrast?
At both estates the slaves' houses were located close to the
works and to the houses of the overseer or proprietor. This
was a general principle of location during the period of slavery,
and applied also at New Montpelier and Shettlewood. In the
first place, it meant that the slaves were sited at a central loca-
tion, minimizing the time spent moving about the estate.
Many slaves were employed throughout the year in the mill,
the trademen's shops and the masters' houses. Equally import-
ant, it meant that the slaves could be kept under constant
surveillance by the whites. These two factors, therefore, decid-
ed that the slaves would always be settled close to the works.
At the same time the planter wanted to keep to a minimum
the cost of carrying cane from the fields to the mill. Thus the
houses and gardens of the slaves had to compete with cane
for the land nearest to the mill.
At Old and New Montpelier there was plenty of relatively
flat land available. In fact only 1,000 of their 8,000 acres were
in cane during the 1820's. At Roehampton, on the other hand,
level cane land was at a minimum. Even Hakewill's view shows
that cane was grown almost right up to the mill. That the field
in the foreground of his view was planted in cane rather than
grass is corroborated by Duperly's print which shows the rebel
slaves leading cattle from the adjoining pen into the field, the
canes almost covering the heads of the cattle and of the slaves.
The modern visitor to the estate might be forgiven for wonder-
ing initially where cane could have been grown at Roehampton.
This was a case of sugar pushed to its farthest limits.
The difference between the Montpeliers and Roehampton
in terms of the availability of cane land had an effect on the
lay out of the slaves' houses. At Roehampton it is clear that
the houses were built along terraces cut into the side of a fairly
steep hill. This is not obvious from Hakewill's print, but about
five or six definite terrace levels can still be identified at the
site, with house foundations running along them. The full
length of the terraces cannot be established, however, since
the far end (to the right of Hakewill's view) is now under culti-


vation. The significance of the terracing at Roehampton is that
it suggests that the planter was trying to maximize the use of
his scarce land, in effect, by cutting to an absolute minimum
the amount of it allotted to the slaves for their houses and gar-
dens. In the first place, they were pushed into the hilly, rocky
land which was not suited to cane. Secondly, they were per-
mitted only a relatively small area. Thus the 350 slaves at
Roehampton in 1830 had to live in an area covering only a
couple of acres. By contrast, the 395 slaves at Old Montpelier
and the 303 slaves at New Montpelier in 1829 occupied 16
acres on each estate. The land granted at Montpelier was cer-
tainly not prime cane land, but it was at least more plentiful
and less steep than that at Roehampton. These differences in
the availability of land can be seen to have affected the extent
to which the master intervened in the settlements of the slaves.
I"---------;--- ------- ---


Section of an undated map of Montpelier [Institute of Jamaica].


.9 I)


"'P
- -

N' U'./
'I,.i
'3 \ ~ '~ ~
N'~\ ~ .' 3
.7"




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*-'. J,!


'*.


7s


'./r







APPENDIX F. 3.


REPORTS of the STATE and CONDITION of OLD MONTPELIER, NEW MONTPELIER, and SILTl'rT.:.w,(,;,,

(No. 1.)-STATE and CONDITION of OLD MONTPELIER Negro Houses and Provision Groi:.!'.
an


Names, with their Families and Dependants,
if any.


Condition of Houses.


*l. -*[i~ ]


William Miller, Catherine Ellis,
\Villiam Smart, Thos. Stewart
Miller -

Marv Richards Ist, Robert Innesj
2d, Liddy Campbell -

David Richards 2d, Jane Taylor,
Emily Dodd, Ellen Clift -
Martin M''Pherson 2d, Eliz. John-
son, Mary Henry -J


A good new House, boarded,
Spanish walled, nid shingled ;
/ Kitchen and lHogsty -


wattled and thatched, very in-
different -
Very good House, boarded Floor,
and Walls shingled ; a Kitchen J
Houses old, but pretty good ;
boarded Walls and thatched J


i Sally Ge, Jon Thomas, Davidf Very good House, wattled and
I Sally Gre, John Thomas, David plastered; shingled; Kitchen ;
S Miller, henry Christmas, Geddes Ilogsty -
| R JVery good House, wattled, plas-.
Elizathe, Rose, James Dukey tered, and shingled; a Kitchen
Mf'ary Dawes, John Jones, Quacon, Good Honse, boarded Walls and
' { Murdoch, Mary Irwin -f Floor, shingled; a good Kitchen
Robert Inncs Ist, Sarah Miller Ist, Three Houses; Two of them t-
i m. Spence, Margnret Rose, tied, plastered, and shined,
Mary C:npbell 1st, Wm. Love, very good; the other pretty
Mary Johnson, Roscy Warren, good, wattled and thatched;
SalIl, (anl Sarah Miller's free- Kitchen good, wattled ad Ilogsty ched
h born Children) -
ancy el, T s c d House wattled and thatched ;
2 Nancy Bell, Thomas Bcckford wants Repairs -
I House wattled and thatched;
I Bessy Kemp (Bessy Kemp free) Hpretty good t -J
3 John M'l'icerson, Sarah Richards House wattled and thatched; old,
(3 st, William Lansdale -' open, and very bad -
r Wil!inm, Thos. Cloe, N. Hilton, A. House pretty good, but wants a
-. .- -"-L-LL


STOCK.


04 5
3~


- 1


1 2

I -

- I







2 -


1


1

1



3


gro

Ahe:


20


8
II







7

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-
8 I



15


10


4

15


Fxtcnt
Garda


k. U.




0 0


0 0

0 0

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Part of the report of 1825 on the slaves houses and families at Old Montpelier, from the Account Book [Institute of Jamaica].


At Roehampton Baillie tried to create an orderly, straight-line
pattern since it seemed to him the most efficient use of the
space. In fact he had even attempted to put the slaves in bar-
racks not allowing them separate houses. At Old Montpelier
such economies of space and hence direct control over the
slaves' housing must have seemed less important.
Two important questions arise from this interpretation of
the lay out of the slaves' houses. If the slaves were given a cer-
tain amount of freedom in the location of their houses, as at
Old Montpelier, what sort 6f pattern would they create? Second-
ly, where the slaves were forced to live in regular lines, as at
Roehampton, how would this affect their patterns of social
and family life?
Only the first of these two questions can be answered
through the use of archaeological techniques, and it was to
this question that a tentative answer was sought in the U.W.I.
- Johns Hopkins dig. The excavations were concentrated at
the new Montpelier site, so there was the initial question of
whether the houses were laid out in lines or otherwise to be
answered, as well as the question of whether the apparently
"random" pattern seen at Old Montpelier contained a regular-
ity of its own unnoticed by Hakewill.
But for Lord Seaford's properties the questions can be
posed much more precisely. In 1832 Seaford presented to the
House of Lords "a report made to me, on my application, by
the gentleman managing my estates, of the state and condition
of the negro houses and provision grounds, and the number of
stock possessed by each family, on the Old and New Montpel-
ier Estates and Shettlewood Pen, taken the 1st day of August
1825." Part of this report, covering the first 47 households,


can be found in the Account Book of Old Montpelier Estate
at the Institute of Jamaica. The full report was published in
1832.5 This provides a wealth of rare and valuable informa-
tion. In terms of the questions posed above, the most immed-
iate advantage is that the number and type of houses occupied
by the slaves is known. The fabric of the houses can also be
related to the "wealth" of the groups of slaves in terms of
livestock and exploitable grounds. The number of slaves living
in each household can be calculated in 1825 the 814 slaves
lived in 252 households on the three properties, an average of
3.2 slaves per unit.
But nothing is said about the actual relationships of the
individual slaves grouped into "families" in the first column
of Seaford's report of 1825. To a certain extent this informa-
tion can be supplied from the Returns of Registrations of
Slaves, which are preserved at the Jamaica Archives, Spanish
Town. In 1817 all of the slaves in Jamaica were registered,
giving their names, age, colour, country of birth and the
names of their mothers when the mother was living on the
same estate. Further registrations were carried out every three
years until 1832, noting changes in the slave population as a
result of birth, death, manumission, sale or removal. Using
this material it is possible to work out the family connections
of the slaves living in the households in Seaford's report. But
it must be emphasised that this can only be done in terms of
maternal connections, nothing being known certainly about
paternity.
The results of the analysis of this material have been pre-
sented in detail elsewhere.6 Here it is only necessary to note
that, contrary to the view of most historians and sociologists,






the most common household type comprised a man, a woman
and her children. It can be argued that most of the men and
women were in fact mates, so that they lived in what are called
"nuclear" family households. The great majority of the slaves
lived together with blood relatives, rather than with people
who cannot be identified as kin. Thus it seems that the slave
family system may have been much less disorganized than it is
generally believed to have been.
The questions which might be answered through archaeolo-
gical investigations, however, relate to the possible links be-
tween the households listed separately in the report of 1825
rather than the connections within each household. In the first
place, it appears that some of the "families" occupied more
than one house. The family listed second at Old Montpelier,
for instance, occupied "two houses; one boarded walls and
shingles, good; the other wattled and thatched, very indiffer-
ent." Only three slaves lived in them: Mary Richards 1st was
an African, aged 67 years, an invalid; her son Robert Innes
2nd was a creole carpenter, aged 40; Liddy Campbell, an
African, was 31 years of agq and worked in the first field
gang. At Old Montpelier two families occupied three houses.
That listed eighth in the report contained more than nine
slaves: Robert Innes 1st was a hospitalattendant; Sarah Miller
1st looked after the poultry; she was the mother of William
Spence and Margaret Rose (and of the free brown children
living in the houses); Mary Campbell 1st was an invalid
African, aged 84 years; William Love was a quadroon carpenter;
Mary Johnson worked in the first gang; Rosey Warren, a sambo,
was the mother of Sally. The other family group at Old Mont-
pelier occupying three houses comprised a black woman and
her four sambo children (two of them being masons and one
a washerwoman), a mother and her daughter, and an invalid
woman. These two households had the use of 13 and 12 acres
of grounds respectively, compared to the average of 2.5 acres.
They also had more livestock than most. It seems that these
groups of slaves had more than one house not so much because
of their numbers,but rather because they held relatively pri-
vileged occupations and had been able to build up a certain
amount of property. Many other groups of a similar size had
to hold in a single house.
It seems probable that the two or three houses occupied by
a single family group, together with a kitchen and any other
outhouses, would be set out as "yards." This is obviously a
question that might be answered by excavation. But as well as
these multiple-house units, there is also some evidence that
the separate households listed in the report may have been
formed into yards. The argument rests on the assumption that
houses listed next to one another in the report of 1825 were
also close together on the ground. Since the overseer who
drew up the report must have walked about the slaves' settle-
ments to obtain the data recorded, it is reasonable to expect
that he also wrote the report following his house to house
route. The reason for arguing that the list may conceal yards
is that houses listed close together often contained kin. Thus,
at Old Montpelier, of the 30 slaves who did not live with their
mothers some 13 lived "next" to their mothers' houses and
another three were only one house further removed. This
pattern was repeated at Shettlewood, but it did not apply to
the seven slaves at New Montpelier who lived away from their
mothers. On the three properties as a whole half of the slaves
who did not live with their mothers were no further away (in
the list) than one or two houses. It is also clear that sons and
daughters behaved differently. Whereas most sons stayed near
their mothers, daughters tended to move away from their
mothers. From this it can be argued that the sons who stayed
near their mothers were establishing households with other
women's daughters.
These conjectures for Montpelier can be supported by
written evidence. In the first issue of the Jamaica Journal,
published in 1818, an anonymous writer gave a description of
Hope Estate, St. Andrew.7 He began:
The houses of the negroes, and the gardens which
surround them, make a conspicuous figure on the estate.
At a small distance they appear like a thick grove, formed
of every kind of fruit-tree known in the island. Coco-nuts,


oranges, shaddocks, forbidden fruit, mangoes, avocado
pears, ackees, naseberries, cashews, and a multiple of
others, seem to form an impenetrable wood. Upon ap-
proaching nearer, paths are perceived, which lead into
this apparent labyrinth. Pursuing these paths, the houses
of the negroes come into view: ... Each house stands in
a garden, which is fenced off from the rest.
He then went on to remark on the existence of the conjectur-
ed yards:
But those [slaves] who are entrusted with duties of
responsibility or skill, have better houses. In some in-
stances whole families reside within one enclosure: They
have separate houses, but only one gate. In the centre of
this family village, the house of the principal among
them is generally placed, and is in general very superior
to the others.
Here the writer has identified both the multiple-house house-
holds of privileged slaves, noted at Montpelier, and the pre-
sence of yards containing several households of kin, which he
terms "family villages."
Consider now a case from Shettlewood found in the report
of 1825: the houses numbered 5 to 9 in the list. In house 5
lived Bessy Gardner, an African who was 61 years of age,
together with her two youngest sons and daughter. Her eldest
son, aged 40, lived alone in house 6. In house 7 lived her
second son, William Miller (who was hanged following the
rebellion of 1831), and Mary Anne Rose 1st who was pregnant
at the time of the 1825 report. Her mother, an African, lived
together with an African man in house 23. House 8 was occu-
pied by Bessy Gardner's third son, and an apparently unrelated
man and woman. Francis Miller, Bessy Gardner's eldest daugh-
ter (aged 39 years), was in house 9, with her mulatto daughter
and quadroon granddaughter. Bessy Gardner's other daughter
lived in house 3 with her two children and Richard Trail,
whom she married in 1827. Richard Trail's mother, Ebo
Fanny, lived in house 1. This group of households suggests a
yard, with Bessy Gardner as the "principal" or matriarch.
Having posed the problem, at some length, it is now possible
to turn to the results of the U.W.I. Johns Hopkins excava-
tions. Unfortunately, the answers must necessarily be less
precise than the questions.

With only a week available for digging, it was decided to
concentrate on'a relatively small area of the site at New Mont-
pelier. This site stretched uphill away from the works and the
overseer's house towards the Great River. It may be conjectur-
ed that the older section of the slaves' settlement was towards
the top of the hill, where what appear to be several graves
made of dressed stone slabs can be seen. There are fewer
stone house foundations visible in this area, though plenty of
stone. The area selected for mapping and exploratory excava-
tion was on the flatter ground at the base of the slope, nearer
the mill. The aim was to map in as far as possible the house
foundations in the area and to attempt to date these houses.
It is known that in 1825 there were 85 slave households at


Looking across the New Montpelier site.









































[a] Surveying a stone house foundation [b] The foundation of house 1, after excavation. Sunken pathway in background. [c] Looking
south, uphill away from the site. [d] Looking north, downhill towards the site, showing sunken pathway. [Photographs by Robert Riordan].


New Montpelier, occupying 95 houses. Some of these multi-
ple-house units were clearly a result of the natural.processes
of decay. For example: "one tolerable; wattled and thatched:
another bad; wattled and thatched." As well as this it is known
that in 1852 Lord Howard de Walden ordered his attorneys to
encourage labourers to take long leases and build cottages on
the estates, though not necessarily on this section of the New
Montpelier site.8 But it is certain that people lived at the site
until the 1920's. Added to these complications is the fact that
the site had been bulldozed recently. This operation was large-
ly a matter of taking up the loose surface stones and pushing
them into heaps, however, so it did not affect the dig signifi-
cantly.
Of the 95 houses at New Montpelier in 1825 some 24 were
said to have been built of stone. Thus the first task was to map
as many as possible of the stone house foundations visible on
the surface. Thirteen complete foundations were surveyed, us-
ing an alidade and plane table, together with partial lines of
wall or foundation. More stone house foundations are clearly
visible on the ground upslope and off the map. Although far
from conclusive, the results of this mapping are certainly sug-
gestive of yard formation. The clearest case seems to occur at
the northern edge of the map. It is at least definite that the
houses were not set out in straight lines. But this can only be
said with certainty if it can be shown that the scattered houses
do not simply represent different patterns over time.
To determine the dates during which these stone houses
were occupied some exploratory excavation was undertaken.
The first attempt was made in the northeastern corner of
House 1 (as numbered on the map, not in the 1825 report),
by opening up a ten foot square, hatched on the map. The first
task, of course, was to establish that the stone visible on the
surface was in fact part of a house foundation. This was de-
monstrated by exposing it to a depth of 8 inches. A fair'
amount of utilitarian china, glass and metalware, and square
nails were unearthed. But the most important find was a coin
of Spanish origin, dated 1784, at a depth of 5 inches. Thus it
is clear that the house was being lived in after that date and,
since there is not much wear on the coin, there was probably
only a short time between its striking and its loss. It will be


0O


S; NEW
riJ

''I
N
II

Slop. I


II
uphill







To mnl
101
<^ ^
Ii: x
10 '"" ], ^^


MONTPELIER











NORTH


LINES OF STONE
HOUSE FOUNDATION
AREAS EXCAVATED
0 20 AO
FEET


Map of the excavation site and stone house foundations at New
Montpelier. [Based on the survey by Robert Riordan].

remembered that New Montpelier was established in 1775.
House 1, then, seems certain to have been one of those occu-
pied in 1825. So far it can only be postulated that the other
stone house foundations date from that period.
In addition to the 24 stone houses at New Montpelier in
1825 there were 69 described as wattledd" (and thatched or
shingled) and two as "Spanish walled." The wattled houses
were similar to what is now known as wattle-and-daub consist-
ing of undressed timbers pushed into the ground and daubed
with red clay. Spanish walls consisted of lumps of broken stone
with red clay as a mortar, or stone covered by lime and earth
and plastered or whitewashed. In the case of the most numer-
ous house type, then, the only evidence can be looked for in
traces of the wattles in the ground. This can be done if the
subsoil is of a light colour, in which the posts will appear as



"






dark circles and can be inspected in section by .bisecting the
shaded soil. At New Montpelier the topsoil contains a good
deal of rock so that the subsoil can be exposed only with
some effort. This was done in the hatched sections near houses
3 and 4. The first trench, 20 by 4 feet, was cut to a depth of
22 inches but only exposed a red-brown subsoil, so was aban-
doned. Another section was then opened diagonal to the first
trench. In the southern arm of this trench some rock rubble
and charcoal was found, suggesting that it might have been
the floor of a kitchen attached to one of the houses with stone
foundations or perhaps a rubbish disposal area. Expanding this
trench, a yellow subsoil was encountered and one probable
post-mould was found, only two inches into the subsoil where
it was stopped by a large rock. But the easternmost arm of
the trench revealed no further evidence of post-moulds, so it
cannot be said with certainty whether part of a wattled house
had been discovered. The work required in this type of search
is very time-consuming and useful results could only be ob-
tained by an extensive operation taking much longer than a
week to carry out. One possibility would be to simply scrape
off the topsoil with a bulldozer. At the moment it can only
be said that the search for yards composed of wattled houses
was inconclusive.
Running up the hill through the houses at New Montpelier
is a shallow depression with slightly ridged sides. It seems most
probable that this was a pathway connecting the houses on the
top of the hill with the lower section of the "village" and with
the mill. An exploratory trench was cut across this "pathway"
but nothing was found other than stone and a few miscellan-
eous artifacts. On the western side, however, a row of relative-
ly large stones was encountered, along with china and glass
wares and two metal buttons.
It was noted earlier that some rubble areas were thought
to be possible kitchen sites. Some more of these were explored
but although china, pipe stems, thimbles and metal rat traps
were found, charcoal and utilitarian ceramics were not always
discovered. Thus rather than kitchens these areas may have
simply been rubbish heaps. At the northern edge of the map,
near the pathway and within what may have been a yard, a
mound reaching 5 inches at its highest point was excavated.
It was found to be full of rocks and artifacts, including a large
number of square nails. Under the mound a dark-coloured pit
was found, in which were clay pipe stems and bowls, nails,
china and a metal knife.
The results of the excavations at New Montpelier can hard-
ly be said to have proven beyond doubt the existence of yards
in the period of slavery. Such a definitive answer could hardly
have been expected from a short dig, however. At least the
results were not so discouraging as to suggest that any further
work would be fruitless.
Excavations at Roehampton were limited to establishing
the existence of stone house foundations and sampling some
sections for artifacts. Only one house foundation was fully
exposed. The variety of artifacts proved much the same as at
Montpelier, which is to be expected since the Roehampton
site had probably been abandoned by 1900. According to the
evidence given by John Baillie there were 60 to 70 houses at
Roehampton in 1830, all built of stone.9 The houses were 16
by 24 feet in size, or roughly the same as those mapped at New
Montpelier. Each house and garden at Roehampton occupied
a 40 foot square. This is more difficult to compare with New
Montpelier, because of the pattern of yards at the latter estate.
The walls of the houses at Roehampton were only 7 feet high
but the shingled roofs were cone shaped, "to break the wind
in case of a hurricane."
It appears from Baillie's evidence that the regimentation
seen in the lay out of the slaves' houses at Roehampton was
not as great as he desired. He had, he said, attempted to build
barracks of stone "a range of houses, or a row of houses,
not detached." Other planters had done the same. But the
slaves "refused to occupy them, stating, that they were so
much exposed to their neighbours, they did not like to let them
know what they were doing on all occasions." As well as their
resistance to living in barracks, Baillie also complained that
the slaves "would not make fires in several houses; but they


spoiled my range by putting kitchens or outbuildings in front
of some of them for themselves." The slaves' desire to do this
may well have resulted from the number of occupants in each
house. At Roehampton the average house contained more than
five slaves, whereas at Montpelier the average was 3.2 per
house. But, although it has been shown that the stone houses
at New Montpelier were of about the same dimensions as those
at Roehampton, many of the houses at Montpelier were prob-
ably smaller premises built of wattles. This is something that
might be solved by further archaeological work.
At Roehampton it seems that the houses were divided
internally "according to the fancy of the negro," and that the
slaves were permitted to transfer and bequeath houses. Some
of the African slaves "buried their dead in their own houses,"
reported Baillie. Thus as a reaction to their being denied the
chance of creating yards the slaves at Roehampton may simp-
ly have used all of the space for sleeping, pushing the other
domestic functions into outbuildings. Or they may even have
created "yards" in spite of the formality of the lay out of the
houses, through the strategic placing of outbuildings and the
use of fencing. Unfortunately, there is no obvious way of prov-
ing this by archaeological investigation.
To conclude, this comparison of Montpelier and Roehamp-
ton shows that the degree of regimentation imposed on slaves
in terms of the lay out of their houses (and hence their familial
relationships) varied with the physical geographies of the
estates on which they lived. The results of the excavations at
New Montpelier have so far shown only that when slaves were
given some latitude in locating their houses they probably
formed them into yards. The next step of the investigation
should be to establish the spacing of these yards and their
relationship to solitary houses. Another task will involve the
analysis of artifacts to attempt to discover whether slaves with
slightly different levels of material culture were associated
with different patterns of house lay out. These problems should
be seen as important aspects of the family and domestic lives
of the slaves, and hence as significant in any analysis of slavery.
It is hoped that further work along these lines, involving the
interplay of written and archaeological evidence, will be
thought justified in the light of these preliminary findings.

NOTES
1. R. Duncan Mathewson, "Archaeological Analysis of Material Culture
as a Reflection of Sub-Cultural Differentiation in 18th Century
Jamaica," Jamaica Journal, Vol. 7 (March/June 1973), pp. 25-29.
2. Gentleman's Magazine, Vol. 24, part ii (1845), pp. 419-420.
3. Parliamentary Papers (Great Britain), 1832 (127), House of Lords,
"Report from the select committee on the state of the West India
colonies," p. 45.
4. Reproduced in Jamaica Journal, Vol. 3 (June 1969), pp. 25 and 29.
5. Parliamentary Papers, op. cit., pp. 88, and 1376-1393.
6. See B.W. Higman, "Household Structure and Fertility on Jamaican
Slave Plantations: A Nineteenth Century Example," Population
Studies, (November 1973).
7. Jamaica Journal, No. 1 (1818), p. 19.
8. Douglas Hall, Free Jamaica (New Haven, 1959), p. 51.
9. Parliamentary Papers, op. cit., pp. 32-59: evidence of John Baillie.


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The work of the field trip reported here was made possible
through the generosity of several people whose help is grate-
fully acknowledged. Mr. Dudley McFarquhar, 4-H organizer
for the Cambridge Area Land Authority, enabled us to stay at
the Roehampton great house which is now owned by 4-H.
Members of the 4-H club provided very practical assistance.
Montpelier is the property of Mr. Roy DeLisser who, through
his overseer Mr. B.C. Burke, gave us free access to the New
Montpelier site. The Old Montpelier site belongs to St. Mary's
church, and we were given access to it by the Rev. Prince. The
surveying and excavation was directed by Mr. Robert Riordan
of Southern Illinois University who also prepared a technical
report which has been drawn on here.
N














BLUE MOUNTAIN



EXPEDITION
Exploratory Excavations

at NANNY TOWN by the

Scientific Exploration Society
December 1973 to January 1974.
by Tony Bonner Site Director
The Scientific Exploration Society under the leadership
of Lt. Harley Nott and with the cooperation of the Institute
of Jamaica, undertook exploratory excavations at Nanny
Town; coupled with an investigation of the adjacent area for
evidence of other sites and tracks used by Maroons, Jamaican
militia and British troops during the first part of the 18th
century.
Brief Background to the site.
Nanny Town is situated in a valley about 20 miles N.E. of
Kingston on the northern side of the Blue Mountain Ridge,
about 2000 ft. above sea-level; densely wooded, with a rainfall
in the area which can be as high as 250" per year. The Town
is named after a chieftainess Nanny to whom supernatural
powers were attributed. There is documentary evidence from
both England and Jamaica of a "large Negro Town" in this
area; but the actual site was not re-established until found by
an expedition led by Alan Teulon in 1967, when the carved
stone commemorating the fall of the town to Coll. Brook on
17th December 1734 was found.
The Maroons who occupied Nanny Town were originally .
slaves freed by the Spaniards during the middle of the 17th .9'
century, when the Island was taken by the British. They were
later reinforced by runaway slaves from British plantations. -
It is not known when they were first established in Nanny
Town; and there is little evidence of their activities before
1720; but by raiding the neighboring settlements during the
next few years, the militia were forced to take repeated action
against them, mostly unsuccessfully, though the Town was
occupied briefly during this period. In 1734 Nanny Town
was finally taken by the militia under Colonel Brook and "
garrisoned almost continuously by the British Army until the
Peace Treaty with the Maroons in 1739. It is believed that
the town was then abandoned and'through inaccessibility and
local superstition the actual site was lost.


Nanny Town is roughly triangular in form. Bordered on
the N.W. for about 290 ft. by the densely forested mountains
on the N.E. by a fast falling water course about 375 ft. long
flowing into the Stony River which makes the third boundary.
There is access to the Stony River by a path down a 40 ft.
cliff on the S.W. point of the triangle, and also on the S.E.
corner at the junction of the river and watercourse where the
land drops away to river level.
The site was investigated by:-
Richard Snailham M.A., Deputy Leader and Historian.
Alan Teulon, Historical Adviser to the Expedition.
Tony Bonner, Site Director.


First, a triangular area of approx. 135 ft. by 90 ft. by
170 ft. on the S.W. end of the site was cleared of trees and
bush. A rectangular stone walled building (called Stonewall)
and adjoining the base of the triangle was also cleared (an
area about 30 ft. square). A camp site was established about
30 ft. N.E. of Stonewall.
The site had been little disturbed since abandoned about
235 years ago and there was a scattering of artifacts on the
surface of the ground, mainly early 18th century British green
glass bottle fragments. There may have been an occasional
visit from a hog hunter; while some blank cartridge cases show
evidence of a visit by military personnel in recent years.


Above: Mr. Bonner, Archaeologist in charge of field operation,with musket barrel.
















AREA NOT CLEARED


MAP OF NANNYTOWN

BLUE MOUNTAIN EXPEDITION ..


"The carved stone"
"The carved stone"


A datum line was established running from the S.W. edge
of the precipice passing 3 ft. from the base line of Stonewall
and continuing through the undergrowth to the watercourse,
a distance of 290 ft. Each end was fixed by markers hammered
into bedrock (see plan). This line was lettered at 10 ft. inter-
vals from A to two marks beyond A.
The cleared area (including Stonewall) was squared and
numbered at 10 ft. intervals starting from the north west and
making the Datum line No. 3. The lower left-hand letter and
number was used to identify each square. A plastic bag was
placed within each square so that surface artifacts could be
collected and their positions recorded.
Three 10 ft. squares G.2, F. 3 and F.4 were excavated to
an average depth of 7 inches to the natural soil. Most artifacts
were found in the top 4 inches. The soil is free draining loam
covered by a thin layer of leaf mould. The area to be excavated
was chosen because it showed more surface artifacts.


Square G. 2. Finds included.
Musket barrel
Axe head, iron
2 copper straps approx. 6" x 2" with square fixing holes.
2 buttons (iron)
Large iron staple
Hammer and flint for musket
Flash pan cover
Broken pipe stems (clay)
Sherds of English Delft including pieces of base and rim
Sherds of white interior and exterior glazed pottery
Nails and quantity of unidentified iron fragments
Quantity of English green glass early 18th century bottles
including necks and bases.
Square F. 3. Finds included.
Green glass bottle fragments as above
White glass bottle fragments including pieces of base







Sherds English Delft
Musket ball
Pipe Stems (clay)
Iron nails, knife blade and iron fragments
Honing stone (small)
Key
Stub end of musket ? about 3" long
Complete moulded bottle embossed Price & Son on one
side, London on other, Probably left by hog hunter
or fraveller (later than 1832).
Square F 4. Finds included.
Green glass bottle fragments (as before) including base
and neck
Clay pipe stem pieces
Sherd (rim) crackle glazed
Fragments (iron, copper and lead)
Iron cutting tool approx. 12" long, cutting edge one side,
opposite side hammered over (handle fitting one end).
5" iron rod
Chest handle (iron, hinge fitting one side)
Though not excavated artifacts from the area below includ-
ed many bottle fragments:-
Square F.2 Piece of musket barrel
Spear (broken). Javelin points


Square H. 6.


Circular brass ornamental disc about I '"
diameter with square central hole (see
photograph) unidentified.


Square J. 6. Axe head
Square G. 5. Hammer (flint lock)


Square B. 2. Iron cooking pot sherd
Square D. 3. Large iron hook 6" x 4"
Stonewall
The floor of Stonewall was excavated in two parts, to an
average depth of 8" to the natural soil. Most artifacts were
found in the top 4 to 5 inches.

Stonewall 1. Finds included.
Sherds of Bellamine ware including piece of face
Sherds of thick green external glazed pottery (probably
Spanish)
Sherd red earthenware
Sherds of Delft (English)
Sherds of white interior and exterior glazed pottery
Musket barrel
Musket balls
Clay pipe stem pieces
Iron nails and fragments
Early 18th century green glass bottle fragments
White glass fragments

Stonewall 2. Finds included.
Small Spanish silver coin dated 1675
6 musket balls (2 flattened)
2 small shot (pistol ?)
1 ball approx. 1%" diameter
Flint lock hammer and flint
Flint lock mechanism with pan
Sherds Bellamine, Delft and red earthenware (imported)
Iron button
Copper tube about 4" x "
Clay pipe stems
White and green glass bottle fragments
The threshold of Stonewall yielded similar artifacts. Pipe
stems. Green glass bottle fragments. Delft and white glazed
sherds. One musket ball and one small shot lead. One square
flat fragment of green glass bottle.
The ledge south of C.D.E. was examined and apart from
bottle fragments and a piece of iron nothing was found; but
on the cliff edge south of M and N many artifacts were found
including pieces of iron cooking pot and local pottery sherds
(Yabbah ware), knife blades, clay pipe stems and bowl frag-
ments, including a black bowl fragment, which could be of
local manufacture, copper rod, flint lock flint, 5" piece of
musket barrel ? and of course green glass bottle fragments.
Above left, Entrance to Stonewell Nanny Town 1973-74 Scien
Exploration Society Expedition.
Below left, Nanny Town 1973-74 Rectangular Rock Pile Square A.1 fa,
S. W.
Below right, Stonewall Nanny Town 1973-74.





































































Top: Three Flint-lock musket barrel
artifacts.


Centre: Metal artifacts from Nanny Town



Bottom: Three wine bottle bases.













Photos Institute of Jamaica























Above: Maroon spear-head found at Nanny Town

Right: Flint-lock musket firing mechanism artifacts.


Left to Right: British Archaeologist, two Maroons, J.D.F. Signaller, Beverley Carey and Roderick Ebanks in
front of base camp hut.


The carved stone which reads:- Decem 17 1734
This town was took
By Coil Brook
and after kept
By Capt Cooke
Till July 1735
was moved back to the site where it was originally found, and
set up vertically.
The final 2 days at Nanny Town we were assisted by boys
of the Boys Brigade and Scouts of Jamaica. They scoured the
whole area of Nanny Town for surface artifacts. Apart from
green bottle fragments, they found local cooking pot sherds
of Yabbah ware, one on the path to the river on the S.W.
point of the site. Two similar sherds, one 16 ft. S.E. of point Z
on datum line and another a further 12 ft. south of this point.
A small trial trench was dug with their aid approx. 10 ft.
south of point R to a depth of approx. 1 ft. (near the camp
site). The finds which included green glass bottle fragments,
delft sherds, 2 musket balls, iron nails, flintlock flints etc.,
were buried deeper in the soil, which might indicate a living
area or longer occupation.
All finds were recorded by the letter and number of the


square in which they were found or in the uncleared area by
their position north or south of the letter on the datum line.
As an exploratory dig it has indicated something of the
layout, equipment and artifacts which were used by the
Maroons and occupying forces. It is to be hoped that the site
will be protected and archaeological work continued, and the
artifacts, which remain in Jamaica, will yield more informa-
tion on closer study.
I would like to thank all who helped on the site. Richard
Snailham and Alan Teulon (for historical information and
practical help). Bernard Davis, Pamela Baker, Adrian Ashby
Smith, Carolyn Oxton and other members of the Scientific
Exploration Society and from Jamaica, Beverley Carey who is
deeply involved in the history of the Maroons, Roderick
Ebanks, Archaeologist, also for his help with the artifacts, and
members of the Boy Scouts and Boys Brigade.
In Kingston I would like to thank Mr. Neville Dawes and
the Institute Staff for their assistance and amenities which
were freely put at our disposal.


U




































, .r .// ..


THE


WEST INDIA


DOCKSbyRichardssa
By the early 18th Century, members of the West Indian
merchants in London had formed organizations to protect their
interests. One of these organizations was the Society of West
India Merchants whose Chairman was Beeston Long Sr., a
relative of Edward Long the Historian and Author of the
History of Jamaica, a leading eighteenth century dealer in
sugar with extensive family possessions in Jamaica. Another
group was the West India Planters and Merchants. These
societies met to discuss such problems as freight rates, wharf-
age rates, convoys in times of war, speed in mail service to the
islands, and so on.
One problem which was causing great concern was pilfer-
ing at the London docks. Produce could only legally enter
London on the quays between London Bridge and the Tower.
There were only twenty of these quays and they were extreme-
ly overcrowded. The Warehouses on the legal docks and even
those on the five temporary sufferance wharves could not
accommodate all the sugar and rum arriving. In the late eigh-
teenth century losses from pilfering were running as high as
150,000 per year for the planters and 50,000 for the govern-
ment in lost revenue.
The West India interests attempted to stop this pilfering by
employing special guards. Rewards for catching these thieves
were raised to 50 per head, and the Society of West India


Merchants spent more than 2,500 in carrying out prosecu-
tions from 1797 to 1798. Eventually, they organized the
Thames Marine Police in 1798, and this helped to reduce pilfer-
ing at the docks. In 1800 the Marine Police passed under
government control. However, the crowded conditions at the
London Docks were worse than ever and although the Customs
authorized the use of sufferance wharves, the situation remain-
ed intolerable. The London harbour facilities did not keep
pace with the great growth of British trade during the 18th
Century. There was a proposal in 1790 to form a corporation
to build docks at Wapping, but this did not materialize.
It was suggested that as the West India trade was responsible
for the congestion at the wharves, new wharves for this trade
should be built elsewhere. This new scheme was promoted by
George Hibbert, who later was Agent for Jamaica in Great
Britain from 1812 to 1831. He arranged for a joint stock com-
pany to draw plans for docks, quays and warehouses to be
built for the exclusive use of the West India shippers at the
Isle of Dogs, a few miles from the bridge.
In 1799 Parliament passed a bill requiring ships from the
West Indies to unload their cargoes at the West India Docks for
the next 21 years. They were to pay the same charges as at the
old quays. The West India Dock Company which had been
formed to build these docks and provided for a capitalization
of 500,000 was governed by thirteen stock-holders, four city
aldermen, and four members of the London Common Council.
The construction of these docks was not without incident.
The following news item appeared in the July issue of Gentle-
man's Magazine:-
"This evening a very melancholy event took place, at the
eastern entrance into the West India Docks, at Blackwell.
In order to bay out the water at the entrance of the
bason, next the Thames, a coffer-dam had been con-
structed, which had hitherto bid defiance toevery return-


Above: Print commemorating the opening of the West India Docks in 1802.






ing tide. It appeared by the evidence of Mr. Kent, the
Master Bailiff, that about 10 minutes before 7, the tide
being at its height, he was looking towards the South
coffer-dam, when he observed the head of one of the
piles decline towards the river. He instantly called out to
the people who were at work below, at a depth of about
30 feet, exclaiming "For God's sake, come up, the coffer-
dam is blown". The people ran in all directions; the water
rushed in with a dreadful noise, and, dashing against the
gates, returned by the Eastern wall, and swept away all
who had not time to get up. The bason in an instant
filled to the depth of 22 feet. Some, by the violence of
the torrent, were forced against the piles, and iammed be-
tween them. At first it was feared that the whole of the
docks would have been prematurely filled; this was happily
dissipated by the effectual resistance of an inner -dam
which stopped the progress of so destructive an inunda-
tion. There were about 20 men at work, cutting away
the earth on the inside, but by the alarm being given, all
were enabled to climb on the wharf in the centre, and
save themselves, except eight persons, who unfortunately
lost their lives. Among the sufferers we learn is a Mr.
Buff, the brother of the Superintendent of the works.
'It is a circumstance of infinite regret, that the melan-
choly effects of this accident might easily have been
avoided, had the warning voice of prudence been attend-
ed to.'It appeared by the proceedings before the Coroner,
that Mr. Kent foresaw what would happen, and that a
Committee was called, who instead of acting upon his
report, paid a fatal deference to the opinions of the
Surveyors, who pledged themselves for the security of
the dam. The Coroner's jury brought in a verdict of
Accidental Death."
A print of the opening of the West India Docks on 27tb
August 1802 engraved by P.W. Tomkins is reproduced as well
as another below, published in 1810, and it might be appro-
priate to end this article by quoting extracts from a letter by
JPM addressed to Mr. Sylvanus Urban, the Editor of the Gentle-
man's Magazine and printed in the October 1, 1802 issue, des-


cribing the opening of the West India Docks. Sylvanus Urban
was the pseudonym used by the Editor of the Gentleman's
Magazine which was founded in 1731 by Edward Cave. Cave
was the first to use this pseudonym-, which was also used by
subsequent authors:-
"We have beheld the triumph of Commerce in the com-
pletion of the Docks in the Isle of Dogs, they are filled,
and the West India shipping ride within them secure
from tempests and depredation.
On the 12th day of July 1800, the first stone of the
Docks was laid by the Right Hon. William Pitt (then
Chancellor of the Exchequer) in presence of Earl Spencer,
the Earl of Liverpool, Lord Loughborough, Mr. Dundas,
and a joint committee of the merchants and common
council. Mr. Pitt said aloud, on placing the stone; 'May
this Dock and Canal prove an additional support to the
trade, commerce and prosperity of the port and City of
London, the emporium of the world! "After which,
medals of the present reign were deposited by the above
lords, gentlemen, and the engineer. The banks were
crowded with spectators. When this great work is com-
pleted, how grand and interesting a spectacle will it be,
to view the men of war building in Perry's yard, inter-
mixed with the East India Company's noble vessels on
shore and afloat, with the docks and machines for equip-
ping and rigging them so near the numbers of fine ships
belonging to the West India trade in capacious mooring'.
May it ever continue so!
J. P. M. "
However, the high hopes of the writer of this letter were not
realized. The West Indies economy was to go through most
difficult times in the years to come. Within the next twenty
years the average price received for sugar tumbled from 61s.
per hundredweight in 1815 to 36/6d in 1820, and between
1829 and 1831 sugar growers often received less than 24/2d
per hundredweight, which was the average cost of production.
However, in spite of all the problems in the years that followed,
the West India Docks proved to be a most worthwhile venture.


WE 1ST 3INIP A DOCKs.
f'In. f'l.t 'i" rdlr; fiauR.Bb~rkpmtwmjt'Dn~l/rtuZry ttfrt nil \/r,ri".


The West India Docks Engraved in 1810





SCIENCE


ABSTRACT
Recent moves by Jamaica in relation to its bauxite
resource has raised the question of the possibility of
the multinationals turning to alternative raw
materials.
Extensive reserves of these materials exist in various
parts of the world, particularly the U.S.A. which
depends heavily on our bauxite. The major sources
which could be exploited include anorthosite, alunite,
kaolins and laterites.
Technologies exist for extracting aluminium from all
these sources but as of now they are still more
expensive than the Bayer process.
Basically there are two types of processes, dry
processes in which the raw material is heated at high
temperatures prior to "leaching", purification and
drying again and wet processes, in which aqueous
solutions such as caustic soda and mineral acids are
used to extract alumina. Economics favour em-
phasis of the wet processes.
Of these the Bayer (the bauxite process) still has the
edge, but increased prices for bauxite in relation to
clays for example, and improvements in the acid
processes could make them competitive.
However, the existing large capacity of Bayer plants,
knowledge of the process and other factors indicate
that it is likely to be the dominant process well into
the 21st century.
As of now, despite the levy, the future growth of
Jamaica's bauxite industry seems assured.


One possible consequence of Jamaica's decision to
pose a production levy on bauxite is that the major
ers of this resource (the multinationals) may seriously
insider shifting to alternative raw materials. Up to
cently, the major consideration would have been one of


alternatives


to BAUXITE
by C.E. Davis, Ph.D.
(Senior Principal Scientific Officer, Scientific Research
Council and an Adviser to the Government's Negotiating
Team in the current Bauxite Negotiations).

shifting to alternative sources of bauxite. However, at
least two important developments have made this an
unlikely course of action.
The first of these was the decision of OPEC to increase
oil prices substantially. A major effect of this move is a
widening of the freight cost gap which exists between
Jamaica and far-off bauxite producing countries in
relation to North American ports. Thus to compete with
Jamaican bauxite the f.o.b. price of ore from these areas
would have to be substantially lower than Jamaica's to
make up for the higher freight costs.
The other major development was the formation of the
International Bauxite Association (IBA) which aims
among other things to: (a) derive as much benefit from the
resource as is possible and fair, and (b) prevent the
multinationals from 'playing off' one against the other,
particularly (as in Jamaica's case) when a country takes
action to achieve the objective stated in (a).
With these factors in mind it is not surprising that the
multinationals have been giving much publicity to
alternative materials; especially those which are abundant
in their own national boundaries.
In February of this year, Pechiney-Ugine Kuhlmann of
France disclosed details of a 20 ton/day pilot plant using
an indigenous non-bauxite source.
In March, Reynolds Metals Company held a week-long
test on another non-bauxite source at their Hurricane
Creek, Arkansas Plant. In April, Alcoa and Anocanda
issued a release on an agreement to exchange information
in relation to work on non-bauxite sources. In addition,
the State of Georgia is providing incentives for extraction
of aluminium from their large clay reserves.
Despite these reports, the big question is: How serious
a threat do these alternatives pose to bauxite?
To answer this question one has to examine the three
major factors which ultimately determine the feasibility or
non-feasibility of utilizing a particular raw material. These


Above Loading of Bauxite at a Mine Site on to a 50-ton truck.






factors are: (1) availability of appreciable quantities of
alternative materials; (2) technology for processing these
materials; and (3) economics. Each of these will be
considered in turn.
1. Availability of Appreciable quantities of alternative
materials
Aluminium is the most abundant metal in the earth's
crust often occurring in concentrations that would be
considered rich ores for most other metals. It occurs in a
variety of rocks and soils, extensive reserves of which
occur in various parts of the world. Some of the major
ones and their characteristics are described below:
Anorthosite. This is a soda-lime feldspar igneous rock.
It contains approximately 26% 35% alumina (oxide of
aluminium) and 46% 59% silica (oxide of silicon).
Considerable reserves, (running into billions of tons) of
this material exist in several areas of the United States
including Wyoming where Alcoa purchased extensive
reserves. In a rough comparison to bauxite, about eight
tons of anorthosite are required to produce one ton of
aluminium (against four tons of bauxite).
Alunite. This is a hydrous sulphate of aluminium and
potassium. The aluminium content is about 35 37 %. The
National-Southwire Aluminium Company in partnership
with Earth Science Inc. (both of the U.S.A.) have
estimated 800 million tons of this material in the Wah
Wah Mountains of Utah. Abundant sources are known to
exist in other countries, including Mexico.
Laterite. This is a material of extremely variable
composition rich in the oxides of iron and aluminium. In
commercial terms laterite is 'poor grade' bauxite. The
U.S. Bureau of Mines Report (1968) estimates that at
least 1.3 billion tons of laterite averaging 29% alumina
exist in Hawaii and Guam.
Clay. This comprises mainly the clay mineral kaolinite
which is hydrous aluminium silicate containing in the
purer deposits, about 35% alumina and 45% silica. In
comparison to bauxite, approximately six tons of clay are
required to produce a ton of aluminium (compared as
referred to earlier to four tons of bauxite). Considerable
reserves of clay exist in various parts of the world; in
particular in Georgia, U.S.A. where reserves are
estimated to run into billions of tons.
Nepheline-syenite. This is a sodium aluminium silicate
rock containing about 30% alumina. This is the source
material for alumina in the USSR.
Shale. This is a consolidated sedimentary clay usually
hard and laminated. Shales contain about 25% 30%
alumina and occur in various parts of the world.
To sum up, the brief descriptions of these alternative
materials suggest that considerable reserves exist,
particularly in the U.S.A. which depends heavily on
Jamaican bauxite to provide its aluminium requirements.
It should be emphasized that whereas the alumina
contents of bauxite run between 40% to over 50% the
contents of these materials are much lower.
2. Availability of Technology for Processing Alter-
natives:
The ultimate objective of the aluminium producer in
processing an aluminous raw material is to obtain
aluminium metal from it. As of now there are two stages
in the operation: (a) The production of alumina from raw
materials; and (b) the electrolytic reduction of alumina to
aluminium metal. The latter stage is common, regardless
of the source material, but there are a number of
alternative technologies to achieve the first stage.
It must be borne in mind that despite the abundance of
aluminium in bauxties, and in the other raw materials


described above, it occurs in association with other
elements e.g. silicon, iron, titanium, which must
necessarily be removed before the material can be
efficiently reduced electrolytically to aluminium metal. It
is the twin requirement of extracting alumina, yet
eliminating such elements as silicon, within economic
limits that have resulted in a number of technologies to
treat various raw materials.
Briefly these technologies are of two types:
(a) Dry Processes in which the essential step is a
furnacing operation e.g., sintering (fusing without
melting) with lime or soda to produce soluble sodium or
calcium aluminates. Alumina trihydrate is precipitated
from these aluminates and heated at a high temperature to
produce product-alumina; and
(b) Wet Processes in which aluminium is directly
extracted by means of an aqueous reagent e.g. caustic
soda or mineral acids.
Because of the high energy requirement (an expensive
consideration these days!) of dry processes and difficulties
in controlling the purity of the product-alumina, wet
process treatments are likely to be the favoured
technologies of the future.
Nearly all the alumina produced commercially is done
by the Bayer (caustic soda) wet process. It was invented
in 1888 by Karl Joseph Bayer and involves essentially the
digestion of bauxite under pressure.
The alumina is extracted in the form of soluble sodium
aluminate which leaves behind most of the impurities as
insoluble residues. The filtered sodium aluminate solution
is diluted cooled and the crystalline alumina trihydrate
'seeded' from it. The trihydrate is then treated at about
12000C to produce product alumina.
The basic requirement for economic processing of a
material by this method is relatively low 'reactive' silica
content. This is so because the caustic soda an expensive
input ($100 per ton is the quoted price) forms an insoluble
compound with this 'reactive' silica which results in the
loss of caustic soda, as well as alumina. Because of this,
all the alternative materials listed earlier, with the
possible exception of the low-silica laterites, (i.e. 'low
grade' bauxite) cannot be processed economically by
Bayer technology.


Port Kaiser where Alumina from Alpart is shipped.



































Aerial view of Jamaica's largest Bayer Plant Alpart Nain.

Mineral acids, on the other hand, readily dissolve
alumina from bauxite as well as clays and other silicate
bodies particularly if the silicates are first subjected to
controlled calcination [heating at high temperatures] ...
There are however a number of problems associated with
using acids: (i) iron is soluble in the acids and it is very
difficult to remove it to produce the alumina grade
required for reduction; (ii) acids are highly corrosive,
particularly at the extraction temperatures used; thereby
requiring expensive materials such as stainless steel and
rubber-lined equipment. (iii) Greater energy (than in the
Bayer process) is required. Despite these problems
considerable interest has been shown by Pechiney videe
supra] and Anaconda. The former has reported leaching
shales with sulphuric acid to produce aluminium sulphate.
Hydrpchloric acid is added during the crystallization
stage and a product is obtained which it is claimed by
Pechiney has one-tenth the impurities of alumina from the
Bayer process.
Anaconda has done pilot studies on extracting alumina
from Georgia clays by hydrochloric acid; while a patent
was granted in 1971 for using nitric acid to extract
alumina from kaolins.
The indications are that the acid processes (and the
materials they can feasibly extract) are likely to be the
major competitive ones to Bayer (and bauxite). The
problem is: Do the economics allow this?
ECONOMICS
The first thing that can be categorically stated is that as
yet no commercially competitive process to Bayer (and
bauxite) has yet been demonstrated. Dry processes, or
modifications of them are used in large scale operation but
they are not competitive to the Bayer process. They were
initially used because of special circumstances e.g.
there were no significant deposits of bauxite in the USSR
no nephelinesyenite is used. The recent spate of announce-
ments on the acid processes are based on pilot studies.
Experience has shown that the costs involved in scaling


up to some new commercial capacity are no simple
multiples of the costs at the pilot plant stage. Quite often
they greatly exceed these estimates and thus make an
original optimistic picture look far less attractive indeed.
High costs of bauxite particularly in relation to material
like clay, and improvements in the technology of the acid
processes could make them eventually competitive with
the Bayer process. However there are important factors
which would make Bayer remain in the dominant process
at least to the year 2000 A.D.
(i) At the present time some 24 million ton capacity use
Bayer technology to produce alumina. Obviously it does
not make any sense to just forget about this capacity and
not use them. Hence for quite a long time until the plants
become obsolete, at least 50 million tons of bauxite will be
required to supply these plants.
(ii) The increased demand for bauxite is likely to
result in an expansion of existing capacity, where it is
possible to do so (since this is cheaper) and the building of
new capacity to meet this demand. Over the next five
years demand for alumina is likely to grow to about 34
million tons. Since it is not expected that any commercial
acid plant could be ready for operation before then, almost
all of this alumina requirement will be supplied by
bauxite. This means that about 70 million tons will be
required.
(iii) Even at the most optimistic projections, due to
capital costs constraints, it is not likely that the acid
processes could account for more than 30% of total
alumina production by the year 2000 A.D. Thus, while
there can be no denying the likelihood of their accounting
for an appreciable amount of alumina in the future,
increased demand for production is not likely to be
affected in the foreseeable future.
(iv) Finally, Bayer processing of bauxite has after all an
experience of nearly ninety years behind it. This is a

major plus factor over others that have not yet got off the
ground.
On the basis of these observations it is fair to conclude
that the levy imposed by Jamaica will not damage future
expansion of our bauxite industry.
SELECTED REFERENCES:
1. Potential Sources of Alumina Bureau of Mines
Info. Circular 8335 (1968).
2. Alumina from Kaolins Prepared for Georgia
Dept. of Industry & Trade by W.C. Ward, Jr. &
W.C. Howard.
3. The Chemical Background of the Aluminium
Industry (1955) by T.G. Pearson (The Royal
Institute of Chemistry) London.
4. Chemical Engineering (April 29, 1974) pp. 98-99.
5. Potential Reserves of Domestic Non-bauxite
sources of Aluminium John E. Husted (Paper
No. A74-65 The Melallugrical Soc. of AIME,
N.Y.).
(PHOTOGRAPHS COMPLIMENTS OF ALPART)


























FOLIK


LORE
and


FOODi


HA by SadieTS Campbell *


In Jamaica, food habits still reflect our African heritage
very strongly although some aspects have been partially mask-
ed by European and North American influences, especially in
urban areas. Escoveitched fish, jerk pork, run-down, dip-and-
fall-back, mannish water, fla-fla and spoon-tan-up, all dishes of
African origin, are familiar menu items particularly on festive
occasions in the rural areas.
Ground provisions, better known as starchy fruits, roots
and tubers, which include yam, cassava, green bananas and
plantains, feature prominently in the diet. Cereals such as rice,
cornmeal, wheat flour (dumplings and bread) form part of the
staple foods. Supplies of fresh meat, fish, eggs and milk are
used where funds permit. Salted and pickled fish and dried
peas remain good "stand-by" protein foods. Canned, frozen
and other convenience foods are becoming more widely used
and cottage-style, new sugar and sugar head have given way to
factory-processed sugar.
Increased economic prosperity has resulted in changes in
methods of cooking, and here the African influence has been
lost to a great extent. However, the open wood fire and coal
pot are still used in the less affluent households. Likewise the
three legged iron :ot and round-bottomed iron 'dutch' pot
have given way to aluminium or enamelled saucepans and the
wooden turn-stick has been replaced b~ long handled metal
spoons,
Three main meals are usually eaten each day and prepara-
tion methods are chiefly boiling, frying and -roasting on a
Principal Scientific Officer, (Food and Nutrition) Scientific I
Council of Jamaica.


hearth with a slow but increasing trend towards baking and
grilling depending on the cooking facilities available.
The male head of the household is the most favoured mem-
ber of the family and receives the bulk of the "meat-kind" at
meal times. The toddler who is at greatest risk, may have to be
satisfied with monotonous meals of porridge day after day
with little supplementation other than an occasional piece of
fruit, or cracker. Poor economic circumstances may be partially
responsible for the predicament of the pre-school child but
the influence of the grandmother, folklore, and failure to
appreciate the need for proper food are important factors.
Marriage is unstable and many children are born out of
wedlock and of necessity reared by females, sometimes five
generations in depth in a single household. Some mothers have
migrated or have sought employment in search of better econo-
mic standards and left their children in the care of older
siblings, the neighbour or grandmothers. The elders in the
society are well respected for their help and advice in child
rearing. At times however through their influence the 'nana',
'balmyard operator' or 'obeah man' or 'woman' is consulted
on health matters, with deleterious results. This category of
lay, leader is supposed to cast a 'spell' on the offending spirit
(ghost) and thus rid the sick of his infirmity.
Tradition forbids the feeding' of a wide range of foods to
small children, although any one person may only-be familiar
with one or two of these taboos. Certain foods are also taboo
in pregnancy and lactation. Other foods are "super" foods
Research Photo by Rick Pengelly






such as Irish moss and linseed for virility, and bush teas are
still used to cure a variety of ills. The accompanying list with
comments attests to this.


Food Fads and Superstitions


Fad or Superstition,- Half an egg causes a child to grow to
be a thief.
Comments The child needs any part or the whole
egg for good growth. If you cannot afford to give each child a
whole egg then certainly give the half.

Fad or Superstition Babies must not eat anything with
feathers or they will be very talkative.
Comments Good idea for the child to learn to talk
and express himself feathered creatures supply good quality
protein for the mental, and physical growth of the child.
Fad or Superstition If babies drink goat's milk, they will
grow with a big forehead.
Comments Goat's milk contains more fat than
human or cow's milk. This fat is naturally homogenized i.e.
will not settle out to become cream when the milk is pasteuri-
zed. It contains energy and protein for growth of the entire
body.
Fad or Superstition Condensed milk gives babies worms.
Comments Sweetened condensed milk contains
60% sugar. Because of this sweetness there is a tendency to use
too little hence the child is deprived of food for growth.
Relationship to' worms unfounded. Usually worms abound
where there is poor sanitation and children play around in the
ground with too much of their bodies exposed.
Fad or Superstition Liver makes the baby's tongue heavy.
Comments Liver is a particularly good source of
protein, iron and Vitamin A, all necessary for good growth
and the maintenance of healthy tissues. There is no proof
that deposits of nutrients from liver are any greater in one
part of the body than in the other.
Fad or Superstition Peas soup gives babies sour stomach.
Comments Well cooked peas, rubbed through a
strainer which frees it of the extra fibre or roughage,is easily
digested. Give the young child the soft portion which comes
out on the back of the strainer.
Fad or Superstition Feeding chicken to a child before he is
talking prevents him from talking.
Comments Chicken is a good source of protein
which the child needs to grow. There is no known effect on
speech.
Fad or Superstition Children are not to drink from a bottle
or they will become drunkards.
Comments There is a danger of getting gastro-
enteritis from improperly cleaned bottles and teats. It is diffi-
cult to police sanitation of bottles where overall, hygiene is
poor. Feed the child from a cup with a spoon.
Fad or Superstition Babies who eat the same foods as
adults will get big bellies.
Comments Most adults have a well-rounded diet.
The same is not true of the small child who usually does not
get enough calories and protein at each meal. He has to subsist
mostly on liquids which are not adequate for good growth. A
protruding abdomen (big belly) could be a sign of malnutrition.
Fad or Superstition Eggs will make babies cluck like hens.
Comments The young child has a language of its
own and the healthier and more well fed he is, the more alert
he will be to his surroundings hence more "babbling" pleasarit
sounds instead of crying. Eggs are good sources of protein,
minerals and vitamins which the child needs for general well-
being.


Fad or Superstition Rice gives babies worms.
Comments No known relationship between rice
and worms. Rice is a high energy food which contains a fair
amount of protein. Give to the baby with peas, beans, cheese,
milk, meat or fish for full utilisation by, the body.
Fad or Superstition Ground provisionsretardbabies'speech.
Comments Ground provisions include yams, cocos,
potatoes, breadfruit and banana and are more appropriately
termed starchy fruits, roots and tubers. These foods contain
mainly starch. When served without protein-rich foods, the
young child will not grow as well.
Fad or Superstition Young babies under 18 months should
not get any food after 12 noon.
Comments As early as 5-6 months the baby needs
foods other than milk. These include fruit juices, porridge,
pureed fruit, vegetables, meats, fish, starchy foods e.g. rice,
yam, potato a variety to ensure that it gets all the nutrients
it needs for proper development. These are given in small feeds
usually at mid-morning and mid-afternoon at the start. From
9 months or so when the child should be eating from the
'family pot' it should get three basic meals to fit in with the
family's pattern of eating. Afternoon and evening meals are
therefore a must.
Fad or Superstition Cow's milk is too heavy for a one year
old child.
Comments It is presumed that "heavy" refers to
the size of the curd and the amount of fat in the milk. It is
perfectly normal to give the young child fresh milk that has
been appropriately sterilised.
Fad or Superstition Cornmeal porridge turns back the
teething water into the infant's stomach
and this causes diarrhoea.
Comments There is no such relationship. Usually
diarrhoea is caused through unhygenic handling of baby's
utensils and surroundings, not enough solids and too much
sugar in the porridge. Cornmeal is an economical cereal for
baby. Cook it in milk to make a thick porridge.Feedthebaby
with a spoon.
Fad or Superstition Nightengale soup makes a baby talk
quickly.
Comments The child passes through various stages
of development. He will only talk when he is ready. Parents
can help by talking to the child and feeding him properly so
he will develop normally. Do not wait on nightengale soup -
there are not many of those birds around.
Fad or Superstition Milk makes the baby light of colour.
Comments There is no proven relationship between
the two. Milk is an important food for the young child's
development.
Fad or Superstition Milk, eggs, tomatoes and green vege-
tables should not be eaten by the preg-
nant woman or they will make the
baby too big.
Comments These are just some of the many foods
she needs for her own well-being as well as that of the baby.
Fad or Superstition Cabbage and liver will give the unborn
baby birth marks or liver spots.
Comments Abnormal colouration of certain por-
tions of skin are termed 'liver spots' or 'birth marks'. There is
no relationship to what the mother eats during pregnancy.
Fad or Superstition After meat is cooked in soup nothing
is left in it.
Comments Meat contains flavouring substances,
protein, fat, minerals and vitamins. Some of the minerals, vita-
mins and flavouring substances are soluble in water and will
leak out during cooking. Some of the fat will also melt and
mix with the drippings., Meat protein, however which is the
actual muscle fibre, is still intact after cooking. The statement
is therefore false.






One needs to eat the meat as well as
the other components of the soup to get full benefit.
N.B. flavouring substances are not nutrients.
Fad or Superstition Unboiled milk makes you fat.
Comments Milk is heated (sterilized, pasteurized,
boiled,scalded) to free it from organisms which might cause ill
health. Milk bought in the stores is already pasteurized. The
milk we get from our own animals or from the neighbour
should be .scalded for the reason stated above. The butterfat
of milk is a high energy food.
Fad or Superstition Ripe banana in combination with but-
ter is poisonous.
Comments Ripe bananas supply energy. They con-
tain sugar as a result of the conversion of the starch in the
green fruit. Butter contains fat, water and vitamin A; all
necessary food nutrients. No known case of poisoning from
eating both at the same time.
Fad or Superstition Toast is less fattening than bread.
Comments In toast, water is removed and some of
the starch is changed to dextrin a simpler more digestible form
of starch; the true energy value is unaltered hence the state-
ment is false.
Fad or Superstition The eating of too much rice will cause
one to be light of weight.
Comments Rice is a starchy food supplying energy.
There is a modest amount of protein and in the case of brown
rice some of the B vitamins. Rice and peas in the ratio of 2 or
3:1 makes a good quality dish especially when enhanced by
some animal protein e.g., corned pork. Too much rice is likely
to cause over-weight if the supply of energy is greater than the
output.
Fad or Superstition S.M.P. gives one diarrhoea (Skimmed
Milk Powder)
Comments In some cases, people are intolerant
to the high lactose (milk sugar) present. Others may be affected
because of the absence of fat, the use of contaminated water
in mixing or mixing too concentrated. The majority are not
affected. SMP is a good source of protein, riboflavin (B2) and
calcium.
Fad or Superstition If you have an ulcer (e.g. on the foot)
do not eat, rice, fish, ripe banana, ackee
or avocado pear as they will give bad
blood and cause the sore to worsen.
Comments For ulcers to heal readily body build-
ing foods and minerals and vitamins are all important. "Bad
blood" is often so termed because of lack of iron good
sources of which are molasses, liver, kidney, heart and green
leafy vegetables.
Fad or Superstition Cocoa and chocolate rot bones.
Comments The concept probably stems from the
fact that cocoa and chocolate contain oxalic acid which com-
bines with calcium to form insoluble calcium oxalate thereby
making the calcium unavailable to the b6dy. It is strongly re-
commended that cocoa and chocolate bienotgiven to children
movie than once daily.
Fad or Superstition Cray-fish makes you foolish.
Comments Cray-fish is a good source of protein
for growth and development.
Fad or Superstition Fish heads give brain.
Comments Fish heads contain 45-50% waste as
bone. The flesh on the head has the same composition as any
other part of the fish. Fish is a high protein food which is
necessary for growth of tissues in all parts of the body including
the brain. Any other protein-rich food from animals e.g. meat,
poultry, cheese, egg, milk, will function similarly.
Fad or Superstition Cold food makes you drowsy.
Comments If food is improperly stored and not
re-heated well, toxins built up by micro-organisms may abound
and cause discomfort to the eater.


Fad or Superstition Bush tea warms the stomach and takes
the rawness off the chest.
Comments The stomach is securely tucked away
and is always warm. One does not need bush tea to do this.
Give the child a well rounded breakfast not a 'belly-full' of
water.
Food faddism is innate in our culture, and has been com-
plexed by the mixture of ethnic groups which make up our
society. Science and other advances in economic development
have also come in for their share of the blame. How often we
hear that fruits and vegetables which have been fertilized are
only big and 'so-so'; they have no taste and the real food value
is not there. There is profound reliance on health foods, tonics,
and advertised proprietary foods.
Cho cho (Chayote, Christophene), particularly the white
variety is alleged to relieve high blood pressure. There is no
scientific foundation for this. What we do know, is that cho
cho contains 90-94% moisture and minute amounts of calcium
and phosphorous for bone and teeth building, but nothing of
the order of magnitude as that of milk, cheese, dark-green
leafy vegetables and dried beans.
Herb treatments are popular and anything bitter 'purges'
the blood. The foundations of this thought are uncertain but
may have stemmed from days when quinine was the chief
form of medicine. Medical circles suggest bitter substances
induce the flow of Gastric Juice and perhaps the appetite is
increased. The story of bush teas and their ability to 'cure all'
is well known. From a nutritional standpoint only the sugar
used for sweetening and the calcium from the spring or river
water provides any food value. (Note that where there is great
dependence on rain water from tanks as is often true in some
parts of Manchester and St. Elizabeth there is a high incidence
of dental caries).
It is common practice to give the child a 'wash-out' during
the major holidays from school, after a severe cold or even
every week-end. Feeding during this period is limited to thin
soups and/or porridge and bush teas, so that the purgative can
'act'. This is an injurious practice, because nourishing foods are
withheld and the little present is 'heralded off' before it can
be absorbed.
While on the topic of herb treatments, there is the matter of
home-made tonics, from the barks and roots of trees. The
title of the "brews" noted below, which were entered in the
1972 Culinary Arts Competitions staged by the Social Develop-
ment Commission, suggests the intended purpose for these and
other concoctions.

1. Keep Me Fit


1 oz. sarsaparilla
1 oz. dried strong back
(leaves, stems, roots)
% lb. bryal (or wild yam)
2 pcs. 6" bits green withes
4 hands young bananas


3 whole cloves
5 quarts water
1 cinnamon stick
1 teaspoon nutmeg
1 tablespoon angostura bitters
1 pint proof rum


1 doz. dried pimento seeds 1 can sweetened condensed milk

Method Wash first 5 ingredients. Put in large saucepan, add
water to cover, pimento, cloves, cinnamon and boil until about
1% quarts of liquid are left. Drain off and allow to cool. Add
nutmeg, bitters and rum. Sweeten with condensed milk when
ready for use. (N.B. Do not sweeten and store as it will
deteriorate).

2. Tallawah Tonic Drink


1 lb. sarsaparilla
1 handful coconut root
4 pcs chew stick
6 pcs. bryal root
1 handful nerve withes
% oz. gumarrow bit


1 young coconut
1 handful strong back
6 quart water
1% lb. D. Sugar
quart rum
I nutmeg quart brandy






Method Wash the first 8 ingredients; cut up finely and put to
boil. When water is down to about 3 quarts, remove from fire,
cool and sweeten. Add rum, brandy and grated nutmeg. Bottle
and cork tightly. Put in the sun for a day or two. Use as
desired.
While the preparations may have medicinal value, the food
value is limited to the energy value of the alcohol and sweetner.

Immature bananas are esteemed because of the belief that
they are rich in iron. This concept probably stems from their
becoming discoloured when cut with a low grade steel knife or
when cooled in iron or chipped enamel pot.
The discolouration is due to the oxidation of the tannins
or (stain), a reaction catalyzed by the iron in the cutting imple-
ment or cooking utensil. The actual amount of iron in the
immature banana is so small (1 mg per pound) that the adult
would of necessity have to eat 4-6 lbs./day to supply his iron
needs, that is, if he were solely dependent on green bananas
for his supply of iron.


Fresh carrot and beet juices as well as other so-called
'natural foods' are often craved. By the traditional method of
preparation, that is, grating the peeled vegetable and making a
water extract, the bulk of the nutrients (carotene) is discarded
in the "trash".
Nutrition education is needed here, either to teach people
to modify the method of preparation by cooking the vegetables
and sieving or blending to use the whole vegetable, or using the
"trash" in soups, heat or fish balls or loaves, patty-filling and
puddings.
Superstitions and folklore are responsible for a great deal
of the foregoing, and there are yet other customs which stem
from folklore which are injurious to the health and well-being
of the pregnant and lactating woman and the young child in
particular.

The Collection of "Fads and Superstitions" was a joint effort by the
U.W.I. School of Nursing Junior Students (April 1968) and the Jamaica
School of Agriculture Students in Consumer Education (Associate
Degree) Course (1971).


Petiveria alliacea: known in Jamaica as Guinea Hen Weed.


Inflorescence of Aloe vera, known by name Sinkle-bible.




























As the topic implies, infusions of various tropical shrubs
drunken as teas are alleged to cure a number of common ail-
ments. The common cold is foremost among these ailments,
but others like asthma, bronchitis, high blood pressure, colic,
coughs, diabetes, diarrhoea, dysentery, fevers, fits, convulsions,
general pains, headaches, indigestion, constipation, kidney
disorders and worms are mentioned frequently in the literature.
Besides cures of one type or another, bush teas are exonerat-
ed for their tonic propensities and for their being just a bever-
age, pleasant or foul tasting the more astringent the taste
the more powerful the tonic value.
Scientific justification for the use of the majority is un-
founded. Researchers have drawn attention to the chemical and
medicinal properties of some of these plants and caution that
while some are harmless and useful, ingestion of even small
quantities of others may be dangerous especially when admin-
istered to young children. Some plants contain virulent poisons,
the effect of which might be cumulative. Liver damage in
livestock and mal-nourished children has been related to the
use of some bushes.
The Periwinkle Cathgranthes roseus and the Piabia Hyptis


pectinata can be singled out for their deleterious effects.
Extracts of the Periwinkle have been shown to reduce urine
sugar in diabetics but increase the concentration of sugar in
the blood truly a dangerous occurrence. In addition the leaf
alkaloids inhibit enzyme systems which disturb the synthesis
of nuclear proteins in leukemic cells of both animals and
humans.
The Piaba, which is often used in obeah practices, exudes
a poison which increases contractability of the heart muscle
thus diminishing the heart rate. Frequent intake could result
in death.
Bush teas are not confined to Jamaica. Their use is preva-
lent in the other Caribbean Islands as well as in African coun-
tries. In a recent food and nutrition survey of Barbados,
twenty-five bushes were said to be in common use. Approxi-
mately the same number of reasons were given for their use.
The practice is no doubt due to our African heritage and the
tradition of the use of herbal medicines.
From a nutritional stand point only the sugar or milk used
as sweeteners or additives to bush teas contribute food value.
Some of the bushes commonly used in Jamaica for teas are
tabulated.


Tea Bushes Commonly Used in Jamaica


Common Names


Ackee leaf


Aniseed leaf

Aralia

Bamboo leaf

Alligator pear leaf


Breadfruit leaf

Camphor weed
Cashew leaves

Cerasee


Cinnamon leaf


Scientific Names

Blighia sapida


Foeniculum vulgare

Aralia guilfoylei

Bambusa vulgaris

Persea americana


Artocarpus altilis

Calea jamaicensis
Anacardium occidentale

Momordica charantia


Cinnamomum zeylanicum


Reason for Use


Cold remedy. 'Tea' and salt-
mouth wash for pyorrhea.
General beverage, cold
remedy for babies.
Chest cold and headache
remedy
Remedy for fevers,
particularly malaria.
'Good for the blood'
high blood pressure,
colds and pains.
Relieves hypertension

Cures belly-aches
Cures belly-aches

Cures 'bad blood'and
gripe; 'washes out' the
system.
'Good for' the stomach


Comments


Used in combination with
guinea grass and white rum.


Used with rat ears and maiden
hair ferns.
May have anti-growth activity.


Cautions have been noted where there are known to be harmful
60 side effects from bush teas. It is not to be presumed where no cau-
tion is listed, that there are no harmful side effects. There is insuffi-
cient data on many of these plants.


I,-


BUSH TEAS

A Cure-all
"COROLLARY TO FOLK LORE AND FOOD HABITS"
By Sadie Campbell






Citrus leaves
lime
sweet orange
seville orange
Colic weed

Cow foot leaf
Fever grass

Fresh cut


Ganja



Guava

Hog Plum
Jack-in-the-bush

John Charles


Leaf-of-life

Love bush


Citrus aurantifolia
Citrus aurantium )
Citrus vulgaris )
Achyranthes indica

Pothomorphe umbellatum
Andropogon citratus

Justicia pectoralis


Cannalbis sativa



Psidium guajava

Spondias mombin
Eupatorium odoratum

Hyptis verticillata
Cordia globosa

Bryophyllum pinnatum

Cuscuta americana


General beverage and
cure for upset stomach
aches.
Cures colic and colds

Cures colds
Relieves fevers and nervous
headaches
Cures 'consumption'
(tuberculosis) colds
and colic in babies
Cures all ills but particularly
fever, colds and asthma.


Cures diarrhoea and
dysentery
Cures colds and oedema
Cures colds; general
beverage.
Cures colds and marasmus
Cures gout

Cold remedy, lactogogue

Cures amenorrhoea, colds,
colic and marasmus


Also known as Devil's horse-whip
or Hug-me-close


Also called lemon grass

For 'consumption' cure it
is boiled with love weed,
and an orange is added
When larger doses are taken
there is mental confusion
with illusions and hallucina-
tions, lethargy and sleep






Particularly chest colds
Also known as gout
'tea' or black sage
Usually used in conjunction
with yam leaves
Contains toxic substances
and should be treated with
caution


Mentha viridis


Checks vomiting


Used with rum and ginger


Photos "Institute of Jamaica Herbarium"


Mint
black mint)
colon mint)






colic mint


pepper mint

Naseberry

Piaba (Peaba)


Penny Royal


Pepper elder


Lippia alba


Satureja viminea

Manilkara zapota

Hyptis pectinata


Satureja brownei


Piper amalago
Peperomia pellucida


Periwinkle


Pimento leaf


Piss-a-bed


Ram-Goat Dashalong


Catharanthus roses


Pimento dioica


Cassia ligustrina
Cassia occedentalis



Turnera ulmifolia


Checks vomitting
Checks indigestion and
flatulence
Relieves gas pains and
colic
'good for' the nerves

Cures chest colds in
children; helps a woman
in labour;



Treatment for diarrhoea
and stomach aches

Cures colds particularly
in children; relieves gas
pains, controls high
blood pressure and
convulsuons.

Cures colds, high blood
pressure and diabetes

General beverage for
stomach ache

'good for' children with
weak bladders, back pains,
kidneys, stomach and 'short-
ness' of breath

Causes abortion; cures chest
colds, fever and prickly heat;
for constipation and general
weakness


Boiled with ginger for colic



A 'cure all' often used in
obeah practices poisonous -
increases contractability of
heart, thus diminishing heart
rate

Abortifacient either in conjunc-
tion with cerasee and marigold
or boiled with a rusty nail


White variety for high blood
pressure. Causes dangerous
reactions in diabetics
Usual spice for porridge and
and hot chocolate


Also called dandelion


EL


JACK IN THE BUSH


Photos "Institute of Jamaica Herbarium"






Sage
Black sage



Pink sage

Wild sage


Cordia globosa
lantana urticifolia



Heliotropium
angiespermum
Lantana trifolia


Search-me-heart

Semi-contract


Sinkle bible
Soursop leaf



Spirit weed
Strong back


Susumber


Sweet Sop leaf
Tamarind leaf


.ytidophyllum
tomentosum
Chenopodium
ambrosioides

Aloe vera
Annona muricata



Eryngium foetidum
(1) Desmodium canum)
(2) Morinda royoc )
(3) Cuphea parsonsia )
(4) Sauvagesia brownei )
(5) Chrysanthellum )
americanum )
Solanum torvum


Annona squamosa
Tamarindus indica


Cures colds, high blood
pressure, indigestion, pain-
ful menstruation, tightness
of the chest.

Keeps inside clean

General beverage for colic,
billiousness, constipation.
fever and 'good for' the
blood and night sweats
Cures stomach aches and
colds
'good for' deworming, called
worm-weed; oil- antifungant
remedy for athletes'foot
for billiousness and colds


)Also called John Charles
)
)
)

) cold and fever remedy
)
)
)
)


'good for' fever, coughs, colds,
nerves, deworming, hypertension,
bladder ailments, inducing per-
spiration and 'cooling the blood'
Relieves colds, fits and convulsions


Relieves bed wetting, menstrual
pains and weak back; induces
sleep



Opens the appetite,
relieves colds
Cures amenorrhoea
Cures measles, indigestion
and constipation


Used in conjunction with
China root, Sarsaparilla
and Shame Lady
(Mimosa pudica)


6


I




A-;1


LEAF OF LIFE


4,


PIABA


Photos "Institute of Jamaica Herbarium"





_0Y


V
orUf






4


14'


PERIWINKLE
or
RAMGOAT ROSE


a


p..


rF'


SINKLE BIBLE
or
BITTER ALOES


Photos "Institute of Jamaica Herbarium"


rI


I!


Ak
AVl~






Trumpet leaf


Nasturtium officinale

Commelina diffusa
Ocimum micranthum

Andrographis
paniculata


Crotalaria berteroana


Cecropia peltata


Stachytarpheta
jamaicensis


Cures colds, controls high
blood pressure particularly
during child birth.
'Cleans' the system
(deworming) and cures
colds
'good for' the heart

Cures colds and malaria
Laxative for babies;
general drink
General beverage and
treatment for fever
and colds

Cures colds, fever and
billiousness


Watercress

Watergrass
Wild basil

Wild Rice



Whiteback


ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS


The author wishes to express sincere thanks for background
information from the 1962 class of trainee Public Health
Nurses at the West Indies School of Public Health, Dr. C.
Dennis Adams of the U.W.I., Dr. K.E. Magnus, Director
Scientific Research Council and to authors, the references
listed below.

Asprey, G.F., Thornton, P.: Medicinal Plants of Jamaica,
Pts. I,II,III,IV; West Ind. Med. J. Vols. 2, No. 4, 233-252
1953 Vol. 3 No. 1 p. 17-41, Vol.4 No. 2, 69-82; Vol. 4,No.
3, 145-168, (1955).


Adams, C. Dennis: The Blue Mahoe and other Bush. McGraw
Hill, Far Eastern Publishers Ltd. Singapore 1971.
Adams, C. Dennis, Magnus, K.E., Seaforth, C.: Poisonousplants
of Jamaica. Dept. of Extramural Studies, U.W.I. 1963.
Lowe, H.I.C., Jamaica FolkMedicine, JAMAICA JOURNAL
Vol. 6, No. 3 24, 1972.
WHO: The National Food and Nutrition Survey of Barbados
Scientific Pub. No. 237, PAHO, Washington DC. U.S.A. 1972.
Editorial Nature Times News Service, Herbal Medicines in
East Africa, 1972.


The author is grateful to Dr. C. Sinha of the Institute of Jamaica for his assistance in this study


KENILWORTH

RUINS

In my short note on the ancient stone ruins of
Kenilworth near Maggotty Cove, Hanover (Jamaica
Journal March 1974) I asked the question:-
"Kenilworth does not appear
on present day maps, and one
wonders how the name arose."
Further research has suggested an interesting
explanation; it appears, according to one authority, that
an owner in the past who. did not like the sound of
Maggotty was an avid reader of Sir Walter Scott's novels,
and decided to call his property Kenilworth as more
pleasant sounding and evocative.
I have been unable to verify this, but the source of the
story is said to have been the late W.H. DeLisser of Blue
Hole, Hanover, who owned Kenilworth and extensive
areas of land in the neighbourhood and was well
acquainted with local history. It certainly seems a
plausible explanation of "how Maggotty became
Kenilworth".
T.A.L. CONCANNON.


Also called 'crishes'


Vervine.


Tops are very bitter;
very rich in potassium


Toxic causes blockage
of blood vessels long
term effect on liver.






The
IPreserxvation

of
F EIIN
GULLY^XJC


Like a changeling, the Fern Gully is trying to exist in a
human environment, unfortunately, one that is becoming
increasingly hostile. Is its innate charm sufficiently potent to
survive?
It possesses that mysterious gift of quietude which is an


**Fern Gully 1907.
The actual roadway is maintained by the Public Works
Department, but the reservation 2 miles long and 116 feet
wide, is under the care of the Public Gardens division of the
Ministry of Agriculture. There is a gardener with helpers, who
weed, plant ferns and keep the road clear of fallen leaves etc.


attribute of deep shade, a quality rarely to be found along a To see Fern Gully to advantage, one should drive or be driven
public highway. Fern Gully hss many trees, very tall ones meet- through very slowly; or, to be on the safe side, stop from
ing overhead and shutting in the shade. The undergrowth is time to time and take a good look. Truth to tell, only tourists
composed almost entirely of ferns, especially in the upper seem to have this opportunity, the rest of us are usually in too
two-thirds of the gorge, the lower third being more precipitous much of a hurry, and we never bother to look beyond the
and rocky, banks of this winding and steep road.
A natural gully-course, it is alleged that water breaks Sometimes those of us who are old enough, look back with
through its floor whenever the capricious Lake Tadmore at nostalgia to the days when the undergrowth was thick and
Moneague comes into being. It is a matter of conjecture as to very tropical-looking, and large clumps of ferns grew right
what grew there in pre-Columbian times, or even one hundred down to the roadside. But Fern Gully is always changing. It is
years ago. It has been said that ferns were planted in Fern a fern reservation, and plants grow and have their ups and
Gully by G.S. Jenman, fern specialist, and Superintendent of downs both literally and figuratively. The trees currently
Castleton Gardens (1873-1879). This we have been unable to standing so proudly in that ravine, were not always there. A
verify. Again like a changeling, the origin and the gully is great number of them in fact have grown up since a hurricane
Sobsce destroyed the vegetation in 1944.
**Fern Gully from Through Jamaica with a Kodak-' by Alf Leader
66 1907 [WIRL) *[Temporary Agricultural Officer Public Gardens]






Mr. George Brodber of Colgate (the small village at the
upper end) was born in Fern Gully 75 years ago, on land
which he still owns. He remembers his grandmother selling a
narrow strip bordering the' Gully somewhere around 1920.
There was some misunderstanding at the time the family
thinking they had sold ferns when in fact they had sold land
with ferns. Similar strips were sold all along the gully on both
sides to create a government-owned reservation "nearly a chain,
but no' quite" [58 feet] from the middle of the road.
Mr. Brodber visits Fern Gully often. He is very agile and
cultivates his corn, sweet potatoes, cabbages, pak-choi etc.
on his land in the gully. Asked how the reservation compares
with his memories of it, he readily responds that it looks much
better today "If de bush weed out, no mus' look betta?" Ife
has one serious criticism: too many leaves are being swept
away instead of being put around the ferns to "keep dem cool
an' fat."
He worked for the Public Works for over 40 years, and
objected when a man in his position was required by the Pub-
lic Works Department to plant ferns and weed between them.
He was a bossman directing road clearance operations after
the 1944 hurricane.
The entire reservation was administered by the Public Works
at that time. After the storm, the road was cleared and the
tree trunks and broken limbs piled up on the banks in this nar-
row ravine. They soon became overgrown with creepets etc.,
attracting unfavourable criticism. The Department of Agricul-
ture took a lively interest, and early in 1946, became involved
in a resuscitation campaign. On invitation, the Superintendent
of Public Gardens, Mr. Downes, wrote a report on what he
described as being "no longer worthy of its name [Fern
Gully] but only a pleasing gorge through which to drive."In
his opinion, as a result of the hurricane too much light had
been let in, allowing a kind of undergrowth which had been
kept in control by the overhead shade of the trees; the large
clumps of ferns which had been a feature of Fern Gully were
now conspicuous by their absence.
After a consultation involving the Director of Agriculture
and his Deputy; the Senior Botanist and the Superintendent of
Public Gardens, it was agreed that what was needed first of all,
was a general clean up of the hurricane debris, which could be
undertaken by the Public Works Department their respon-
sibility anyway. In order to re-establish the shade, some quick
growigseedlings and with them more permanent trees, then
new !ferns should be planted when conditions would become
suitable for them. A resident gardener was necessary and the
Superintendent of Public Gardens would visit periodically to
inspect. The Forestry Department was willing to supply plants
from their St. Ann Nurseries.
The Director of Public Works estimated that 900 would
be required to clear away debris. He agreed to the rest of the
project but insisted that a wider marginal strip was necessary
tt control erosion, for protection from hurricane, and to en-
sure high humidity even in drought iiid high winds.
In reply, the Director of Agriculture wrote to the Colonial
Secretary:
"After consultation with the Superintendent of Public
Gardens, who has been keeping an eye on Fern Gully
for a long time now, I still do not consider it essential to
increase the marginal strip.
"As regards hurricanes, if the wind blows across the gully
the sides are so steep that everything except the crest
will be sheltered even without the additional margin,
and if the wind 'funnels' up or down the gully, as it
would seem to have done in the last hurricane, a belt of
trees at the top is no further protection. The same
argument applies to the danger of dehumidificationn.'
"As regards erosion, so long as we have control up to the
top of the gully sides, which the present arrangement
gives us. that is all that is required.
"To take in more land will need negotiations, surveys,
fencing and various other delays. If still considered


desirable, it can be done later on, when we have a perma-
ment employeethere, but for the present we want to get
the gully sides clear and re-established as quickly as
possible.
"As soon as the expenditure estimated is approved, the
Superintendent of Public Gardens will get in touch with
the District Superintendent of Public Works and the
Conservator of Forests with a view to carrying out the
programme indicated ...
"It should be borne in mind however that when sanc-
tioning the immediate expenditure for clearing, Govern-
ment must be prepared also to sanction the further
expenditure indicated . when the time comes."
But the conflict of opinion regarding the desirability of
acquiring a wider strip of land, threw a spanner in the works.
The Financial Secretary and Treasurer felt that' this will have
to be resolved before further action can be taken. The entire
range of costs will be affected."
The estimate prepared by the Department of Agriculture
included provision for a gardener and a casual worker a
recurrent expenditure. This, with the Capital Expenditure,"
came to 1,696.0.0. Two years after the hurricane, the Public
Works suggested that if the logs etc. were left to rot and form
valuable mulch, the remainder of the clearing could be done
for 200 and so reduce the estimate. The Department of
Agriculture agreed, provided the heavy timber was removed,
and so the estimate was reduced by 600.
At the end of June 1948, the Secretary of the Tourist
Bureau wrote to the Colonial Secretary:
"I am to say that my Board would greatly appreciate it
if instructions could be given to the Department or
Departments concerned, to clean up and re-plant the
Fern Gully where necessary and to do any other inci-
dental work to ensure its restoration to its former attract-
ive conditiTo and also to contribute to its further
improvement.
"If work could be commenced immediately, it would
then be possible to have the maximum degree of im-
provement effected by the time the winter season
commences."
Still nothing happened. Not until a sum of merely 257
was provided in the 1949/50 Estimates, was the Department
of Agriculture able to start their part in the project. Work
commenced 29th September 1949, five years after the hurri-
cane.
The Director of Agriculture wrote to the Director of
Public Works to say:
"As a result of this provision the Superintendent of
Public Gardens has detailed two men to maintain the
flora in the Gully for a distance of approx attely-three
miles from the top of the hill, and at the same time to
keep the water table clear.
"As long as the necessary provision is continued it will
not be necessary for your Department to.maintain the
flora in the Gully."
And so the Public Gardens Department took over the main-
tenance of Fern Gully flora, and has continued to support it
financially.
By March, 1952 the following remarks could be passed in
Government circles:
"The naturalness of the Fern Gully is what I personally
admire."
"I passed through the Gully . and it seemed to me
that the damage done by the 1944 hurricane has been
very expertly restored and that there was nothing to do
but leave the vegetation alone."
Asked for a report, the Superintendent of Public Gardens
replied:
"I have been visiting Fern Gully in my official capacity
for the past three years and I have been impressed with
























Fern Gully 1928


the natural beauty of the vegetation under varying condi-
tions of Rainfall, Sunlight and Shadows. Inmy .opinion
the natural beauty of Fern Gully with its luxuriant
growth and changing contours, could hardly be improv-
ed upon.
"During the past three years a large number of shade
trees, tree ferns, ferns and other ornamental foliage
plants have been added to the vegetation in the Gully,
and a constant check has been kept on the growth of
climbing plants which were gradually killing out the
young trees during the time that the Gully was not under
daily protection."
One might well ask how it was that the Department of
Public Gardens became so readily and deeply involved, and
why did the Tourist Trade Development Board seem a trifle
high-handed in their request to have the Gully cleared up.

"The Departments, The Boards, and the gully
In 1935, the Governor brought the Public Gardens into the
picture. He had been told that the ferns were not in their form-
er healthy condition and decided that the Fern Gully should
be maintained.
Things came to a head when the Parochial Board of St.
Ann wrote to the Colonial Secretary (14/1/35) requesting
that the Department of Agriculture improve conditions in
time for the visit of the Duke of Gloucester. He came in March
1935). They further asked that no fern be removed along the
road from Ocho Rios to Roaring River. The reaction of the
Director of Public Works to this request was: "For the past
two months in anticipation of the Tourist Season I have
given orders that only necessary bushing is to be done on all
roads and that ferns in particular are to be carefully preserved.
No bushing is ever done in the Fern Gully. Occasionally some
weeding between the ferns is done."
And Mr. Downes reported:
"I drove through the Fern Gully recently and the im-
pression I gained from the casual survey was that the
ferns were looking as healthy as I have ever seen them
on any previous visit. The amount of daylight reaching
the ferns through the overhead growth was, to my mind,
developing very satisfactory growth. I am of the opinion
however, that more could be done to add greater interest
to' the Fern Gully by introducing a larger variety of
native ferns, such as Maidenhair ferns and tree ferns
which I failed to observe amongst the other ferns.
"With regard to the request of the Parochial Board of St.
Ann that the. Fern Gully be improved in time for the
visit of H.R.H. the Duke of Gloucester I can only sug-
gest at this stage a general tidying up of the growth by
removing dead leaves and broken branches of trees
which I observed disfiguring the beauty of the ferns and
the general setting of Fern Gully. If the favourable


weather conditions which have been experienced in St.
Ann during the past months continue the Fern Gully
will be looking as pleasing to the visitors as it has ever
been seen regardless of the fact that the variety of native
ferns is very limited.
/s/ E. Downes,
Horticulturist, 5/2/35.
It was suggested that the clearing of dead fronds and tree
branches be done by the local Public Works Department thus
saving the expense of a visit by an officer from Hope.
But this displeased Mr. Simms, the Director of Public
Works, and he wrote to the Colonial Secretary:


S *.
* ; . *
Fern Gully, from Jamaica Toust BoardPblications -
Fern Gully, from Jamaica Tourist Board Publkeations 1987








































Early photo of Fern Gully [WIRL]


"I think the time has come for the care of these ferns
and trees to be handed over to the Agricultural Depart-
ment. Year after year money voted for maintenance is
spent on the clearing and pruning of these ferns and
trees by unskilled labourers instead of gardeners.
"The ferns look sick and no young plants seem to be
coming up. I feel that more light is needed and that
heavy thinning of trees is required, but if the Public
Works Department were to cut a tree there would be a
tremendous protest.
"I earnestly request that the care of the Horticulturist
side of the Fern Gully be handed over to the Agricultural
Department."
The Department of Agriculture checked the area and report-
ed in June that the ferns were doing very well though the
larger varieties should be added. If they were to take over the
maintenance they would require a reliable man to be placed in
charge. He should have an assistant and for the first year the
Officer in charge should pay monthly visits. This would entail
an annual expenditure of 141.
But the Governor was not prepared to sanction such an
expenditure. He directed that the Gully should remain under
the care of the Public Works Department. A representative of
the Department of Agriculture should be deputed to make
half yearly visits as part of the ordinary travelling of the De-
partment, and report on the condition of the ferns etc.
And still in January 1936, Governor Denham wrote to the
Director of Agriculture that representations had been made to
him that Fern Gully was not in its former healthy condition,
and every effort should be made to maintain it as a beauty
spot:-
"Please have a special report made on it and let every-
thing be done to keep it up and to replant and encourage
the growth of ferns at this spot. Please let me have an
early report."
Mr. Downes visited the Fern Gully and again reported that


as a result of regular rainfall during the month gone by, the
Gully was very pleasing. He pointed out that reports of appar-
ent neglect usually followed periods of drought which caused
the ferns to look tired. As he had reported the year before,
dead fern fronds and broken tree branches still disfigured the
foliage. These needed to be removed and larger varieties of
ferns introduced. An annual grant of 100 would be sufficient
for its maintenance.
Again the Director of Agriculture, Mr. A.C. Barnes, was
notified by the Colonial Secretary that the Government con-
sidered it the duty of his Department to undertake and super-
vise the care of plants growing in the Gully and any expendi-
ture for this should be met from existing funds.
Mr. Barnes replied that his Department was quite willing to
take on the added responsibility provided additional funds
were made available. Once more the Colonial Secretary was
directed to inform him that the Government considered that
the best course would be for the Public Works Department to
take charge of the Gully and to provide the funds required for
the conservation of the amenities and beauties of the drive,
from the Vote for Road Maintenance. The Department of
Agriculture should however assist in the planting and give all
possible assistance.
Finally, the Tourist Development Board was asked to help,
and they provided 140, which was spent over a period of
several months starting late 1938.
Thus it was that the Department of Agriculture and the
Tourist Board became involved.
Early References to the Gully
As said before, prior to all this we know very little about
Fern Gully. From the Journals of the House of Assembly of
Jamaica we learri that in December 1785, it was agreed to
spend 300 in altering and completing the road from Moneague
in the parish of St. Ann, to Ocho-Rios-Bay." And early in
1800 they spent a further 300 "for repairing that part of the







road from Moneague to Ocho-Rios-Bay, which passes through
the gully, to Daniel's Steps." The Public Works report for the
year ending September 1888 records widening the main road
between Ocho Rios and Moneague, and the 1895-6 report
says "The Fern Gully road drainage has been improved."
DeSouza makes no mention of it in his description of St.
Ann in "A Tourist Guide to the Parishes of Jamaica" publish-
ed in 1891. However in Stark's "Jamaica Guide" published
7 years later, there is a description given, with the advice that
no visitor should forego a trip through the Fern Gully. It is
interesting to note that tree ferns were there then.
Four years later we have a photograph published in Mary
Bradford's "Side Trips in Jamaica" and yet another in 1907
in "Through Jamaica with a Kodak" by Alf Leader, describing
a visit made in 1905.
The Department of Public Works published an "Itinerary
of the Main Roads in the Island of Jamaica, 1906." This
describes Fern Gully as a most beautiful drive extending from
7h to 10% miles from Moneague. At 10% miles and on the
left, there was a pretty road through grazing properties, a fav-
ourite tourist's drive.
In 1913, H.G. DeLisser made no mention of it in his "20th
Century Jamaica." It is not unlikely that the great hurricane
of November 1912 wreaked havoc down the ravine. Certainly
in 1915 and 1917 when hurricanes passed slightly north of
Jamaica, great damage was done in the northern part of the
island.
A picture taken in 1928, shows a motor car parked on the
dirt road, between the grassy crown in the middle and the
luxuriant ferns on the bank. As in earlier pictures, the gully is
not completely in deep shade. Foliage was lush. Road mainten-
ance was good. Public Works Department foreman in those
days travelled by muleback or parrycart a very good method
for their purpose and work was painstakingly done. Motor
traffic was light and leisurely.


FERN GULLY 1967:
Compare with 1928 picture showing car in the road. The road here is
much broader and more light enters the Gully. Since 1967 there has
been an increase in ferns.TONY RUSSELL
PHOTO TONY RUSSELL


Interference was minimal, hurricanes being the major factor
contributing to change. They controlled the Gully by prevent-
ing too many tall trees from so keeping out the sunlight as to
completely restrict shrubbery and lush undergrowth. Without
deliberate planting, the trees came in at varying heights.

1944 to the Present
After the 1944 hurricane, light flooded the area and plants
sprang up riotously. Weeds of an untidy nature were removed
and many new trees were planted. These young trees grew up,
providing sharp contrasts of light and shade. Fern Gully, under
supervision, regained its beauty of disciplined freedom with lush
vegetation in a humid atmosphere. However, being of an age,
the trees grew at a relatively even rate, and the ecology chang-
ed apace. Shade became less intense as the canopy rose, but it
became more extensive and uniform as the crowns joined
above. Now there is ample space beneath for air circulation and
this is one factor limiting the humidity. It is no longer in the
nature of the area to support a lush undergrowth. For this and
other vitally important reasons, more recently planned orna-
mental trees or shrubs die or do not thrive. This may be for-
tunate, as a bad choice .of plants would do more harm than
good. At present, the light is adequate for some species as can
be seen by the presence of ferns of Syngonium, Selaginella
and the like. In some bare spots more of these might be
planted.
Adding to the flora is not an easy matter. It calls for special-
ized training and/or experience. All ferns do not like as much
shade as there is at present, nor do they like the Fern Gully
soil. Maidenhair ferns for instance, grow freely in the open
immediately outside the reservation, but not within it. Mrs.
Wally (Andrea) Graham of the Ministry of Agriculture has
looked into this, and assures us that much of the limestone
within Fern Gully is soft and maidenhair ferns do not like it.
Motor travel today demands greater speed on better roads
than in the Tin Lizzy era. The growth of Ocho Rios as a


FERN GULLY 1967:
Leaves at top left are GRIAS. Picture shows that GRIAS would have
'Broad-Leaf (TERRMIINALIA LA TIPOLIA] sha'n g . 'T -ad afl
shown at top right of picture. Note the size f_ _roadside trees as
compared with those shown in 1928picture. PHOTO TONY RUSSELL















































FERN GULLY 1967 PHOTO TONY RUSSELL
Picture shows ferns on both sides of the roadwhich are not there today. Compare the height of the trees and the light with 1928 picture.


bauxite port and the entire north coast as a tourist area, has
.laid great pressure on the Fern Gully mainroad, a strain too
great for the Fern Gully beauty spot to bear. This pressure
comes with the straightening, and widening of the road,
activities .which remove growing space and actual plants with
the road banks. The asphalting of the surface has completely
changed the drainage system, as the water goes ripping down
the gorge. Heavy motor vehicles climbing the steep hill pollute
the air with large amounts of toxic substances in this confined
space. The volume of traffic passing through, increases air
currents with their drying effects. Continued use of land for
road improvement in this already narrow gorge and any increase
in the already high toxicity, these factors would resist and
cancel out any attempt at recreating a lush undergrowth or at
bringing fern clumps closer to the road. That would be a waste
of time, energy and money.
From time to time, the question is raised as to whether the
reservation should be wider. Certainly we want to ensure a
minimum of soil erosion. We want to stop the timber felled
on adjacent lands from falling into or being pulled through
the ferns. We want to remove the temptation of using the land
as a right of way to the main road. These are a continual
menace. If acquiring more land would help, then the acquisi-
tion of such land is desirable.
Petty larceny has been another aggravation. On occasion,
selfish individuals with complete lack of civic pride, have been
dishonest enough to steal from this public garden in order to
build their petty private collections.
This is a government reserve. This means that at some point
in time, the government decided to protect the plant life here
for beauty's sake. Our government continues to be willing to


preserve it. The purpose, the effort, the expenditure all to-
wards something which in the seeing, re-vivifies our very selves.
We want to share it with our visitors, and if the.tourist trade
is boosted thereby so much the better.
It is not a shopping centre however, and squatters with
their shacks and stalls are completely out of place. They re-
mind us of the vendors with their motor cycles racing across
the lawns of our Botanic Gardens, at Hope, leaving behind
their trail of kiskopop papers and straws. They thrive, putting
our etiolated rules and regulations to shame.
What do we really want? Is it a first class highway to accel-
erate our wild rush for wealth? Is a modern speedway even
possible down this narrow, winding gorge? Would the parallel
road outside and to the east of Fern Gully, not be more
suitable? To keep on widening the existing mainroad seems
impractical and certainly defeats the end of having a scenic
route.
More than our want, we need desperately something beauti-
fully powerful, something to greet us with peace and bid us
be still, to give us a sense of proportion and equilibrium.
We must choose our way now. If we decide to forego
beauty, let us stop wasting public funds and human energy
in the upkeep of the Fern Gully flora.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

We are grateful to Mr. George Brodber for information provided
for this study.
*









Integrated



Science
by A.D. TURNER
Director Science Education Centre, U. W.I.


"To begin [a course in physics] by discussing
scientific methods or the structure of science
would be like arguing about a foreign country
before you have visited it".
Eric Rogers--Physics for the Inquiring
Mind
The introduction of integrated science has followed
rapidly in the wake of the revolution in science teaching
methods that. have taken place in the past fifteen years.
With the urgent re-thinking of content and approach to
school science that took place in developed countries in the
1960's it became apparent that merely brushing up the
traditional methods of approaching science would not do.
This approach may be defined as the single-discipline
approach in which subjects were taught in separate
compartments, e.g. physics, chemistry and biology; in
some cases extra bits might be added to the curriculum,
e.g. astronomy, geology but these were rare. The
compartments tended to be watertight and in general, the
student found it difficult to relate the separate disciplines
and might fail to see the unity of science. Much worse,
science could be seen as a patchwork of disciplines with
the methods of one subject area unrelated to the methods
of another. Such an approach masks the essence of the
scientific approach which is essentially "an outlook on
life" or "a method of solving problems." The irony is that
real science, like real life, is a fully integrated activity not
subject to boundaries.
"I like to say that there is no scientific
method as such but that the most vital
feature of scientist's procedure has been
merely to do his utmost with mind, no holds
barred".
P. W. Bridgman
The subject-centred approach to science does, by
definition almost, impose an in-depth approach to the
subject particularly as it is taught usually by subject
specialists. The backbone of scientific thought, the
"grand ideas of science", can be missed easily in a
subject-centred curriculum and the unifying nature of
these grand ideas not appreciated. It is all too easy to get
immersed, for example, in the intricacies of chemistry, in
the detailed behaviour of a small number of chosen
substances and miss the fact that the whole of chemistry
can be thought of as the re-arranging of particles and a
consideration of the energy transfers that occur during
such re-arrangements. Many of us can state the formula of
water and probably can remember that it is made by
burning hydrogen in air (or oxygen) but how many of us
when at school thought about the particles (molecules)
involved, What happened to them? How did they
re-arrange themselves? The combustion can proceed with
a bang! Where does this energy come from? As soon as
these questions are asked we begin to encompass physics
- we begin to integrate a little.


This is an example of limited integration towards a
physical-science type of unification.
The introduction of the twin concepts of particles and
energy as mentioned above requires a much broader
approach to elementary science and these two concepts
involve an appreciation of the "grand ideas of science'.'
We could summarise this type of approach under four
headings'


The important point is that all four ideas are needed for
an understanding of science; by the time a pupil reaches
the O Level stage in even the most traditional course,
elements of at least three are present. (The operation of
chance has received little emphasis in many courses).
However the emphasis has stayed too often within the
subject area and the universality of the principles not fully
appreciated. Thus, for example the concept of the
re-distribution of energy is a useful concept in the
understanding of such phenomena as evaporation,
photosynthesis, production of aluminium from bauxite,
space travel and earthquakes.
"It's love that makes the world go round";
old saying".
Energy makes the world go round. Energy
explains everything"; modern saying in
general science texts.
In quite another way, the processes of science are
common to all its fields of study. In terms of school
science, a list developed for a course in the Nigerian
secondary schools 2 is as follows:
1. Observing
2. Reporting
3. Organising
4. Generalising
5. Predicting
6. Designing

new data do not conform)





and if one adds to this 'exercise of the imagination', we
have a formidable list of skills that can be developed.
Again, it is more likely that skills such as these will be
emphasised in a course which endeavours to show what
science is about, than one in which you are endeavouring
to show, for example, what physics is. This is not
necessarily true. I merely state that if the emphasis is on
science and not on a section of science then one is more
likely to achieve the objective of "teaching the ways of
science".
The very act of writing down a list of objectives is a
great step forward. It forces the educator to consider the
purpose of the course. Having made this difficult decision
the means of achieving these objectives can be sought
(subject matter + teaching method) and this leads to
consideration of assessment procedure (evaluation). In the
days of "general science", which held favour for a long
time, the emphasis was on a little bit of physics, a little bit
of biology etc., and in fact the course was frequently a
subject one with an emphasis on the content (knowledge)
area. The list above contains no specific knowledge factor,
perhaps an indication of the importance attached to the
methods of science rather than to the restricting idea of
science as 'a body of knowledge'.
Despite the foregoing remarks, it should be realized
that some measure of integration (or unification) has been
present in all science courses. Thus no course in levers was
ever complete without reference to the working of the
human arm; photosynthesis needed a background of
chemistry and physics to be appreciated; the optics of the
eye contains much physics; evaporation and body-
temperature control an example of biology, chemistry and
physics uniting to solve a problem. Many teachers for
many years have taught their science with understanding
and a good measure of integration. Such teachers were
perhaps some of the best, and it is probably from the
ranks of these that curriculum innovators have been
drawn.
What is Integrated Science?
So what is integrated science and how does it differ from
general science or subject-centred science? The answer to
his involves not just content but a conscious awareness of
hat the course is expected to do for the pupil. Before
attempting to give an opinion on this, we should realise
hat in primary education a large measure of integration is
-built; subject boundaries are blurred or even
on-existent and time-tabling is not necessary as in
secondary education. Consciously or subconsciously
primary teachers do not insist on "science lessons" but
raw on a wide variety of experiences and situations
ough which to develop the abilities of the pupil, to feed
s curiosity, to make him literate and numerate, to allow
eedom of expression and develop skills of communica-
on. There need be no timetable restriction as in
condary schools. In the widest sense a primary school
as the means to integrate the curriculum. Thus the
Lbstance of this article concerns secondary education.
"Whatever this tool [the scientific method] in
the hand of man will produce depends entirely
on the nature of the goals exist, the scientific
method furnishes means to realise them. Yet
it cannot furnish the very goals".
A. Einstein

What is the course of secondary science supposed to do?
e need to consider whether the course is terminal or a
upping stone to further education. For the vast majority
pupils aged 12-15, the science received in the first three
ars of secondary school might well be the only formal


science they experience. It must, therefore, contribute to
general education, fitting the pupil for work, leisure and
family as well as giving an understanding of the way
scientists behave, what they have done, what they are
doing, why they are doing it, and the meaning of a theory.
If we look for example at the consumer aspect of a science
course then the following matrix2 might provide a way of
selecting some aims for a terminal science course.

KNOWING FEELING DOING
JOB
FAMILY X
LEISURE x

Thus a leisure/knowing aim (x) might be 'how to
propagate plants' or 'how to develop a photograph'; a
family/doing aim might be 'how to mend a fuse'. The
completion of this matrix or of selections from it might
serve as one guide line on which to build a course.
A second demand that should be made of the course is
its ability to provide a background for pupils proceeding
to higher education. In this context, I would include the O
Level as well as A Level, N1 Courses at UWI and degree
courses. Thus the Scottish Integrated Science0, developed
for the first two years of secondary education, is found to
be an adequate preparation for O Level. In a similar
manner, it is expected that the Schools Council Integrated
Science Project ("Patterns")4 will provide an adequate
training for post O Level studies. Increasingly, the
boundaries between separate subjects are becoming
blurred and even within a subject the traditional little
pockets of study have been developed into broader units.
For example, through the work of such groups as the
Nuffield Science Teaching Projects, the concepts in
physics such as heat, light, sound, magnetism and
electricity have been broken down into considerations of
forces, waves and energy. Accompanying this type of
change, but separate from it, has been the emergency at a
higher level of biophysics, molecular biology, geo-
chemistry physical oceanography etc., which have
developed because of the need for an interdisciplinary
approach to problems.
SIt is no wonder, therefore, that many teachers now feel
that a properly constructed, integrated science course
may provide not only a sound foundation for future
scientists but also for life.
Ways of Integration
"Sometimes we carry out a grand analysis
thinking from stage to stage with a gorgeous
mixture of information, rules guesses and
logic with only an occasional experimental
test.
E. Rogers
There are several ways of approaching this problem,
and no one method is the right way. It depends on the
ultimate goals you set, the resources that you have
available to develop and implement the programme and
the present state of development of the particular
countries' educational programme. In this respect, it may
be important to consider what type of course may be
accepted best by the majority of the teachers; this raises
the point of not going too far too fast. However elegant
and sophisticated a course may be or how up-to-date it is,
unless it is understood and accepted by the majority of the
teachers there is little chance of its success. Thus, in the
opinion of the author, the implementation of such a course
as Intermediate Science Curriculum Study s requires a
degree of sophistication and flexibility not yet attainable







Objectives for children learning science


GUIDE LINES TO KEEP IN MIND


developing an enquiring mind
and a scientific approach to problems.





this statement has been broken down into less
general and more practical ones by trying to
answer questions which teachers must ask if they
want to make use of it in practice, questions such
as:






What is meant by an enquiring mind?
Does it mean the same thing for children at
different stages of development?
What is involved in a scientific approach?
and so on.


This was the result:


In the first step of this process we arrived at eight
broad aims which indicate, still in general terms,
what the statement implies for children at any
stage of development.


From: B Schools
Science


Council
5/13 Project


in Jamaican schools (to say nothing of the resources
needed). I.S.C.S. may be considered as a theme approach,
the themes being identified with the big ideas of science,
and also as a process approach in which the way scientists
work is given emphasis, e.g. measuring. The various
models of integrated science have been discussed by
Chisman 6 and some are listed here:
Process approach which emphasises what scientists do
e.g. observing, classifying, using numbers, communica-
ting, predicting etc.; a good example of this is "Science -
A process approach"?
Topic Approach This is a very common method of
integration and it may consist of a number of
self-contained units which allows for flexibility. However
the very flexibility of the course means that it, is
unstructured and therefore, that the same level of
approach must be used in each unit; it does not allow so
easily for the growth of concept-development in pupils. A
course which illustrates this is Natural Science8.
Other approaches include Thematic9, Environmental'1
Project' Concept12 and Patterns4, each with strengths
and weaknesses.
The importance of considering these approaches when
developing a new course lies in a study of the manner in


which the several curriculum workers have identified their
objectives and chosen a vehicle for their presentation and
achievement; perhaps one that suits a particular group of
students in a given environment at that moment. Many
courses are difficult to transplant into new environments
but the processes that led to their development have
lessons for all curriculum workers. The models listed
above have one thing in common and that is their
emphasis on pupil-centred, activity-based learning. It is
the activities of science that are important in education,
not the scientific results of those activities.
"...one must learn
By doing the thing; for though you think you
know it you have no certainty until you try".
Anon
After all, if it is the knowledge that we need it is
probably in books; if it is not in a book then we need to ask
someone; failing that we have to find out by experiment
and observation. So we can identify already several skills
that are necessary using resource materials,
communication and the ability to carry out an
investigation.
Thus we have a situation which plays down the role of
knowledge as an educational objective. However, activity
cannot take place in a vacuum and the content of a






curriculum, i.e. the subject matter chosen as the vehicle
for developing the objectives, becomes of paramount
importance. The course will require more time to be spent
on observing, experimenting and discussing and thus, in
syllabus terms, the course will be shorter. The subject
matter must be chosen carefully, not only for the reasons
above but also for its relevance to the society and its pupil
appeal i.e. the experiences must be enjoyable.
Local Developments
In Jamaica, as in the rest of the Caribbean, high school
courses follow a pattern set by Cambridge and there is a
physical science course offered at the O Level GCE (this
might be thought of as the integration of physics and
chemistry). Biology is offered as well as botany and
zoology at A Level and the choice of biology is a move
forward towards integration. With the emergence of the
Caribbean Examination Council it remains to be seen
what courses will be offered by that body. However,
movements towards a Caribbean Integrated Science
Course are apparent already. A first indication arose at
the Workshop for Caribbean Science Educators 13 from
which a working party produced a document containing
the outlines of an integrated science course for O Level in
the Caribbean1 4. Since then a large group of teachers,
spearheaded by the Association of Science Teachers of
Jamaica have begun the examination of this draft
curriculum as part of their overall plan to develop new
courses at Grades 10 and 11/Forms 4 and 5.
At the lower level, Grades 7-9, Jamaica has had for
some years a draft general science syllabus with
supporting guides through the Educational Broadcasting
Service. During the period 1970-1973 a Caribbean based'2
and Jamaican based'5 integrated science courses have
been developed and tested by projects based at the
University of the West Indies. The extent to which these
will be used by schools independently or adopted by
Government as policy remains to be seen. The Curriculum
Development Thrust (Ministry of Education) has
recommended their use as resource materials in their
current renewal of the general science syllabus at grade
7 16. In addition, some high and junior secondary schools
are adopting these integrated science courses indepen-
dently.
Jamaica can be seen to be moving towards integrated
science; the extent of its adoption lies partly with the
Caribbean Examination Council (and the pressure that is


A biological study 'from an integrated science course collecting
specimens from he school yard as a first step towards
classification. G le 7 Pupils of Port Maria Junior Secondary
School; filmed I 'I.S. for E.B.S., 1971.


brought to bear on it by interested parties), and partly
with the sympathy this teaching method invokes in the
teachers' colleges, and School of Education, UWI and the
Association of Science Teachers of Jamaica. It is in the
area of teacher education that the future lies, because
unless positive steps are taken to train and educate
teachers in this method of teaching the adoption of
integrated science is mere lip service. In this respect the
UNESCO/ UWI/ UNICEF/ UNDP Teacher Education
Project17 is of great importance. In the area of science, it
is assisting the college tutors to produce self-instruc-
tional, integrated science programmes for use by students
in the training colleges of the Caribbean. The fifth
workshop was held in April 1974.
Finally, we should consider the impact of the courses
mentioned above in a local context or more precisely, the
children for whom they are intended. The C.E.C. will, I
understand, be geared towards O Level which represents a
small percentage of our School population. The courses for
grades 7-9 developed at UWI 12,15 have been shown to
be useful for high schools and for about 40-50% of the
junior secondary school population. There remains the
50% in these latter schools, the pupils in all-age schools
who solely by reason of their facilities may find it difficult
or well nigh impossible to mount these courses.
There is an urgent need for work to be done in this area,
to produce curricula relevant to the conditions under
which the pupils and teachers are working, and applicable
to the ability level. This urgency is sharpened by the
decision of the government to raise the school leaving age
from 15 to 17 years. Thus all pupils will require upper
secondary education. Jamaica is not alone with this
problem, as my brief experiences elsewhere in the
Caribbean suggest that other island territories are facing
similar difficulties, if not for the same reasons.

1. E.H. Coulson Science in the Curriculum for the 13-16 age
group. Educ. Sc. 49, September 1972.
2. New Trends in Integrated Science Vol. II, p.21 Unesco
1973.
3. Curriculum Paper No.7. H.M.S.O. Science in general Edu-
cation.
4. School Council Integrated Science Project (SCISP): "Pat-
terns" Centre for Science Education Annexe, 90 Lillie
Road, London SW6 7SS (Published as "Patterns" by Long-
man Ltd.)
5. Probing the Natural World Intermediate Science Curricula
Study. Silver Burdett (G.L.C.)
6. The Science Teacher 40, 2 February 1973.
7. Science a process approach (an A.A.A.S. programme)
Published McGraw Hill.
8. Natural Science an integrated course for Schools. Ed. H.
Bondi Pergamon Press 1969.
9. Nuffield Secondary Science Project. Longman Ltd. 1971.
10. Schools Council Environmental Studies Project, Rupert
Hart-Davis 1972.
11. Nuffield Junior Science Collins 1967.
12. Caribbean Regional Science Project (WISCIP); CEDO/UWI,
School of Education, Barbados.
13. Workshop for Caribbean Science Educators (I.S.T.E.)
CEDO/UNESCO, Barbados, October 1973.
14. Report of Workshop (see 13) (To be published shortly by
Unesco).
15. The MONA Project 1970-1973; J.F. Reay and A.D. Turner,
Science Education Centre, UWI, Mona.
16. Curriculum Development Thrust, Ministry of Education,
Jamaica Grade 7 science syllabus. Draft 1974.
17. Teacher Education Project RLA 142, UWI/UNDP/UNICEF
/UNESCO, School of Education, UWI.










'**('age *
I I I(k~


1.I


ANAL YSIS OF THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN
HISTORICAL, PSYCHOLOGICAL, AND EDUCA
DETERMINANTS IN THE JAMAICAN SOCIETY



It is a truism as old as Aristotle that every educational
system is in conformity with the constitution of the
country for which it is devised. The educational system
of Lycurgus was as much in conformity with the con-
stitution of ancient Sparta as Hitler's was in conformity
with the constitution of Nazi Germany. Medieval educa-
tion reflected the fundamental ideals and subserved the
fundamental needs of medieval society in much the same
way as twentieth century democratic, education reflects
the ideals and subserves the needs of contemporary
democracy. 1
The relationship between the education of the individual
and the explicit and implicit aims of the society in which he
lives is. undeniable; but more often than not it is unclear to
those most deeply engrossed in the day-to-day business of
educating. Perhaps in the past the lack of clarity was not as
important as it is now, in the second half of the twentieth
century, when there is a sense of urgency on the part of most
countries to participate in the world civilisation which is in the
making. More and more the expectation grows that education
will bridge the gap between the past and the present and secure
the future for the individual, his society, and the world.
Time has become a crucial element in world affairs. Yet
the lapse of time between the creation or discovery of a new
idea, between the development of a new structure or method
and its effective introduction into the appropriate stream in
the society, has been variously estimated to be thirty to fifty
years under normal conditions of evolution. The length of the
required period is closely related to the degree of difficulty
experienced by institutions, particularly those concerned with
education, in adopting and adapting new ideas. The highest
aspirations of the group can be articulated by the original
thinkers but the achievement of them is limited by the level of
response from the mass of the population. Societies and
individual members continue to find themselves at a severe
disadvantage because they are unable to implement quickly
ideas which are recognized as valuable and desirable. The need
for accelerating the pace of assimilation and change is patent;
but we, as educators, persist in transmitting concepts and
behaviours which are inappropriate for the present and totally
inadequate for the future. As long as education is regarded as
a passive transmitter of the culture, the time- lag is likely to
remain unchanged. Our responsibility must be to investigate
the validity of our conceptions about education on the basis
of their appropriateness for current and anticipated develop-
ments; discard those that will keep us bound to the past and
create those new ones that will, with minimum delay, bring
the possibilities of the future within our grasp.
Communities and societies in transition appear to follow a
consistent pattern of change with emphasis on political, eco-


by Dr. Phyllis Macpherson Russell Ed.D.
School of Education,
University of the West Indies.


nomic, and educational reforms in each successive period of
development. At first attention is focused on quantitative
changes and planning is centered largely on the quantitative
problems arising in the political, economic, and social spheres.
They can be statistically measured and are usually found to be
dramatically urgent. Paying immediate attention to the defi-
ciencies identified is essential and of the highest priority in
order to establish a better base on which to reconstruct the
society. But, the effective implementation of plans. however
carefully laid, depends on the quality of the performance of
individuals. While other groups should, with justification,
concentrate on providing quantitative answers to pressing
problems, the special responsibility of educational planners
must be to provide leadership in the creation of ways and
means to improve the quality of the people on whom the
society depends for its survival. Not to accept the responsibili-
ty to design programmes that allow individuals the opportuni-
ty to develop their potentiality to the fullest would be to
become allies of retrogressive forces in the society. Simultan-
eous introduction of innovations aimed at qualitative improve-
ments as well as at quantitative changes is important if optimum
gains are to be achieved and maintained.
Descriptions of quality in educational opportunity would
include high figures for pupils enrolled in institutions, success-
ful candidates in examinations, professionally qualified people,
percentages of annual budgets spent on education. All of
these are valid measures that indicate the likelihood that cor-
responding improvements will be evidenced in the conduct of
life and business in the society. If, however, the preparation
given to children, youth, and adults in educational programmes
is not sufficiently in line with the possibilities developing
around them, the citizenry and the society as a whole may
continue to function at a level disproportionately low by
comparison with the expenditure of energy and money, and
the avowed aims of the society may remain unrealised. Statis-
tical analysis alone cannot reveal whether education has con-
tributed to the reduction and amelioration of disadvantage.
Nor can figures describe the nature of the changes in the
fabric of the society which are observable in modified patterns
of behaviour.
Models exist for the use of planners at a quantitative level.
In my opinion, models for educational planning at a qualita-
tive level are essential if the widening gap between advantaged
and disadvantaged individuals and societies is to be narrowed
and if larger numbers of people are to profit from the benefits
of the world .culture which is evolving.
A model for the planning of educational developments at a
qualitative level would require the following:
1. analysis of the relationship between historical factors,
psychological characteristics, and educational reinforce-
ments;







2. assessment of the degree to which there is harmony or
disharmony between these elements;
3. investigation of the nature of current developments in
the society and prediction of trends;
4. estimate of the likelihood of present educational offer-
ings to support and influence current and future develop-
ments;


5. identification of deficiency and unsuitability in specific
educational procedures, organisation, methodology, con-
tent; and


6. development of measures and programmes to overcome
the lack identified.


- balance bet i tvbelrkBia tpaltqp nol-q aA
traditional I e nttn AfeoS 4
dsavilrotip ;._


- origvnalah*rwacasdonapfab rsdh riBnt
owners aSd blcaives


"- traditional class difleetfati n modified
by emenrgce of colimnepeop iitk r
wealth and -educatiow
social postioin later determrnediot only.
by Ifearness to "white" b4i by wealth
and education

Rligioo
:- combination of Christianity and variations
of Revivalist cults resulting In practice of
dual standard

ostensible agreement with public, respect-
able, middle-class, Christian morality, but
private reliance on secret rites and rituals
to cope with circumstances
exemption from "un" and '"adit" by
attributing actions to guidance of spirits
reliance-on the "preacher" to mediate
between the spits and theindividual: io
inlerprel the telauonshkp between morality
and the exgencies of life
POLITICAL FACTORS
Slavery:
Plniocracy -Slavery established on basis
of dual standard, minority asserting rght
to political independence from England
while denying more fundamental freedoms
to slaves
majority) regarded by the minohiry as
chattels without rights
privileges granted by owners as a favour


representation of slaves by owners


-gp6$.W fArfha -


joad of .theg~ -A.-
S..--s.pa..orit.s h _.- -:. ...s- .. -_. ..t


ofcinirtttair~l antwith
-7


- condemnation of other petWi p.sae our.
by fixed rules and ods wit exeushg the
same behaviour in oneself oi-4ounds of
peculiar circumstances
- acceptance of he necessity sriandify agree-
ments openly made to suit one's own purposes


- lustificanon of actions byplaualbl-t planation
regardless of accuracy
- dependence on the authority of external
ingent for decisions; Inabiity to fern-opinlors
and plan for oneself


- need to outwit suppressors, rels or imagined,
mi order to achieve ends by resistance and
circumvention


- lack of self-respect

- dependent on goodwill of superior for
survival

- lack of necessity to exercise responsibility


- hi dosity giav0 to the Blbe as the reespcrfa9 l
source frt te -deopmentof a codeofbhnvior


- diSasso iaUao between overt and coverthehaviour
rein~efco y .nrelatedness of content*of-educ--
tion l0 life

- mysteiussaknd iexplicable facts accepted from -
tets ad tead hersy virtue of their superiority
- tradit"eal patterns of dependence supported by
autii taidanism laedrtcatienl institutions


- outward submission of pupil to teacher and teach-
er to superior


- passivity regarded as a virtue and a necessity; self-
assertion and self-expression discomaged
- conformity to authority essential to avoid psycho-
logical or physical punishment; follow instructions
without question, emphasis on copying
- practice of responsibility discouraged by school
organisation and methodology








control of slaves exercised by actual or
threatened violence to the person and
other stringent punitive measures


Post-Emancipation period:
struggle to extend the franchise created
sense of unity among middle class without
including newly-freed slaves
giving up of local autonomy and accept-
ance of Crown Colony Government
restricted again exercise of responsibility
"paternalism" new form of owner-slave
relationship


Growth of Nationalism:
unrest encouraged by local and interna-
tional circumstances became focused on
changes in political base of society
emergence of leaders capable of appeal-
ing to new electorate
success in campaigns dependent on
appeal to non-reason and commitment to
"person" rather than to ideas or policies

citizenry ignorant of political institutions
and inexperienced in procedures to
support them

ECONOMIC FACTORS
Slavery
hierarchy in skills; unskilled slaves,
skilled whites

minimum care required for high yield
from fertile lands
seasonal employment on sugar estates
no advantage for slaves in high level of
productivity
compliance with work rules enforced
by slave-driver

promotion from "field hand" to domestic
work important for women because of
greater ease and advantages of concu-
binage
responsibility only for "provision
ground"


Post-Emancipation (1838-1938):
ignorance df agricultural skills and
production methods led to malpractices
and poor returns from holdings
inability to maintain economic independ-
ence encouraged; dependence on former
owners

avoidance of agriculture fostered by
association with slavery and by dissatis-
faction with results in freedom
establishment of tradition of individualistic
and independent peasants among more
capable of freed slaves
introduction of scientific and systematic
methods limited in effectiveness


Post 1938
Trade Unionism emphasis on monetary
gains without similar emphasis on
productivity

industrialisation and mechanisation
introduced rules and regulations based
on concepts of time, speed, regularity,
uniformity, relationships between the
part and the whole.
growth in urban influence and import-
ance created "proletariat" with rural
understandings and attitudes
coincident growth of trade unions and
political parties supported similarity in
leadership-followership patterns
drifts and shifts in population encouraged
by high level of unemployment


- fear of reprisals for open rebellion therefore
secrecy a virtue and a necessity; repression
of hostility, except for occasional uncontroll-
ed outbursts, preferably against peers rather
than "authority"


reinforcement of difference between classes
and increased disunity, resignation, and
hopelessness
acceptance of non-participation in decision-
making; continuation of traditional irrespon-
sibility
submission to authority, but ambivalence
towards "father"



traditional covert hostility between classes
given overt expression

need to rely on leader with magical
qualities
- long established acceptance of "authority"
without question,and inherent inability to
reason

- inexperience with organisation





- identification of menial tasks with
"blackness" and desirable work with
"whiteness"
- minimum personal effort required; inability
to care, preserve, protect, improve
- expectation of irregular-employment
- lack of incentive

- resistance to work and avoidance of
effort without supervision

agricultural work undesirable and
unrewarding


- limited conception of work opportuni-
ties



- incapacity for planning, organising, manag-
ing established; only rudimentary standards
conceivable
- ambivalence towards "whiteness"; lack of
self-confidence


- manual labour undesirable and unrewarding


- suspicion of motives; need to preserve
physical freedom paramount

- insufficient incentive to change ideas;
inability to visualise different conditions




- continued expectancy of dis-association
between rewards and individual and group
effort and responsibility

- regularity in behaviour and activities not
internalised



- reinforcement of feelings of inadequacy
and development of new coping skills

- reliance on leaders with magical powers
and dependency role of followers

- shiftlessness; lack of confidence in ability
to secure job and hbld it


- corporal punishment acceptable as means of
effecting control




inadequate provision of educational opportunities
for former slaves

non-participation by child in any but the most
rudimentary ways encouraged by methods of
presentation and selection of content
overtly teachers' instructions carried out but
covertly learning avoided by copying from
neighbour or doing poorly or by dropping out
of school

beginning of "invasion" of privileged secondary
schools by lower class children

superiority of teacher demonstrated by show of
knowledge and infallibility
high regard for book learning and
emphasis on memorisation hinder
development of questioning and
reasoning
- insufficient practice of organisational
procedures provided at school




- low level of achievement expected from
mass of the population

- inactivity and idleness expected

- irregular attendance unavoidable
- advantage of application to school
work unclear
- outward agreement with teachers'
requests, but inward disregard and
inattention observable in behaviour
- emphasis on teaching of non-manual
skills, but insufficient realistic alternatives
to agricultural pursuits

- minimal provision of opportunities to
exercise responsibility in any aspect of
life at school.


- children not required to give anything
but the most simple, straightforward
response based on recall
- stress on. the importance of examinations
as passport to "whiteness" inconsistent
with low level of expectation and provided
no alternative to failure
- uncritical acceptance of traditional beliefs
prevent development of attitudes and pro-
grammes capable of changing these
- in some districts non-attendance and truancy
possibly related to high level of non-conform-
ing behaviour as well as to low level of interest
- system of discipline by failure and punitive
measures rather than by success and rewards
fosters hesitancy and resignation rather than
-adventurous and confident behaviour


- increased demands of parents, children and
teachers on the system without correspond-
ing effort to participate in creation of the
results desired
- complex changes introduced without adequate
preparation of individuals and institutions to
implement them


- incomplete understanding of new expectations
and conditions increases confusion and causes
differences in established behaviour
- continuation of pattern of non-participation at
school in formulation of opinion and plans even
when invited to do so
- insecurity at home increased by failure at school


















































It is my belief that qualitative changes can be introduced into
educational programmes if the concept of the relationship
between education and all other spheres of activity and con-
cern in the society is central to planning, and educational
practices are evaluated in terms of the effective reinforcement
they provide during a particular period of the society's
development.
Jamaica may be regarded as an example of a society in a
state of rapid transition. Conflicts are inevitable because of
the unevenness of change being experienced by individuals
and groups who form the whole. However, if conflicts remain
unresolved for extended periods, if conscious and deliberate
attempts are not made to cope with the disturbing elements,
the chances of resolution by powerful and irrational means
rather than by legitimate and rational measures are greatly
increased. A fundamental source of conflict at this stage in
our history is the discrepancy between the necessities of our
political and ecnicinsiionomic institutions, as they are evolving and
the present mores of the society. During the past three decades
our educational institutions have not provided the milieu for
the development of new mores which should support the
political and economic changes and they are not.yet in a posi-
tion to make substantial innovations of a qualitative nature.
Since changes at an accelerated pace are necessary, it is import-
ant that specific discrepancies and contradictions be identified
in order to provide a more realistic basis for determining the
direction of required change.
The attached analysis of historical and psychological condi-
tions as they relate to education in Jamaica has been develop-
ed in outline form in order that the major patterns of relation-
ship may be obvious. Clearly this analysis does not indicate
all the significant data to be considered in determining new
directions for education in Jamaica. It stresses continuing


problems without reference to gains already made; it concern
trdtes on the concerns of the majority of the population with-
out mentioning the advantages enjoyed by the minoirty. It is
not a complete picture of Jamaican society, although the
elements identified affect all members of the society, to
greater or lesser degree. The interpretation of the conditions
and needs is a personal one, but the supporting evidence is
voluminous. The selected Bibliography lists some of the sources
which were consulted during the preparation of my doctoral
thesis2 on which this paper is based. My hope is that suggest-
ions made here may contribute to the development of a work-
able model for investigating educational programmes and for
determining the nature of compensatory experiences for
teachers and children with due regard to the state of the socie-
ty at any given stage of its development.
Children born within the decade 1960-1970 will be the
adult leaders during the first decade of the twenty-first
century. It is for them we plan short term and long term -
with foresight and originality or with stirct adherence to the
past and our own traditional conditioning. For those countries
like Jamaica where new structures and new behaviours are
being shaped, it is imperative that educators take as their
special responsibility the development of such qualitative
changes in educational opportunities as will encourage the
growth of persons of quality, able to benefit from and contri-
bute to the new society.


1. Caribbean Commission, Development of Vocational Education in
the Caribbean (Port-of-Spain, Trinidad: The Commission, 1953) p. 3.
2. Macpherson, Phyllis. "Developing a Curriculum for Children and
Youth in Jamaica, The West Indies". (Unpiblished). 1961. 411p.
a


AIMS OF THE NEW SOCIE TP DESIRABLE PSYCHOLOGICAL 1Nkt LSSARY EDUCATIONAL
Social CHARACTERISTICS :RE SO.EMENT
Political Feeligs Procedurrs
Economical Allirudes .Methodology
Expectations Content
SOCIAL HARMONY
personal satisfaction respect for self and others; achievement of education and finalabolition of corporal punih-
realistic goals; exercise of responsibility rent and other punitive forms of discipline;
creation of sdcool environment conducive to the
development of mutual respect between members
of the school; capirtaise on strengths of children
and staff
group saisfacrion identification of needs; planning to meet planning and implementing projects on behalf of
them: accomplishment oftasks class or school; study of the process mad success-
fu-proceduies
community and nauonal identity willingness and ability to conceive of ncoPuagement of contribution by school imem-
individual success within wider framework of bears of-tltietime and talent to community
of contribution to group achievement actiiries
POLITICAL DEMOCRACY
representauon on bass of adult unaerstandmg of system and willingness to opportunity to practise skills of decision-making
suffrage participate in dectson-making
two party system of government individual responsibility to choose; abdlit presealadon of alternatives and encouragement
to organise; commitment to dscrimnate
efficient Government, effective opposiuon mnegIn), responsibility, non-partisan attitudes reduction In conditions that encourage Copying
apd Increase in opportunities for exercising
responsibility especially for advancement of class
or school rather than oneself
national and individual independence reliance on persuasion by argument Tather encourigemenitof discussion with teachers and
than on appeal by demagoguery peers and questioning of "authority" in search
for reasons based on verifiable facts
ECONOMIC VIABILITY
increased productivity and unproved -skilled workers with high standard of emphasis on success rather than on tilsure;
standard of living performance; understanding of tterde- Inclusion of children in planning of work with
pendence of employer and employee teacher; development of awareness of the
teaching-learning process as interdependent
Increased employment, inroducion of desire to work; improved skills; flexibility increased variety in school's offerings to allow
new jobs children to discover interests and apti udes and
pursue them with greater motivation
reduction of population recognition of relationship between examination of practical problems of living in
population and standard of living: self- relation to distribution of wealth and use of
control; consideration earnings according to size of families
maximum urdisation of resources analytic techniques; planning; cooperauon: experiences aimed at developing ability
participation: perseverance; thrift to investigate, speculate, check: plan
and organise group activities








Bases of a


Lang uage



Curriculum


A teacher cannot consciously educate without knowing
what he is teaching for. But he might still teach 'effectively',
because teaching and educating are not identical. In Oliver
Twist Fagin and the Artful Dodger taught Oliver effectively to
be a skilful pickpocket. But few teachers would consider
Oliver's training to be education, the kind of endeavour they
are supposed to be involved in. Similarly, learning and educa.
tion are not the same, though they sometimes go together:
some teachers are educators; some learned men are educated.
Hence, schooling is not necessarily education and people often
bear all the marks of being well-schooled but none of the marks
of being well-educated.
Every circus has animals that perform certain routine tasks
(some of them extremely complicated) as a result of training
they have been subjected to. It would be very unusual to have
someone claim that those animals were educated, although
they always pass the tests set them, performing the required
tasks to earn their keep. Education must then be something
else. And any teacher of language who wishes to be an educa-
tor has to begin his preparation by seeking an answer to the
question 'What does educating mean?' Like schooling, training
is not necessarily education.
It is essential, then to recognize these differences if, as
teachers, we wish to plan what the content of our teaching will
be in a way that will serve the process of education. Naturally,
we would set ourselves objectives and have ways of measuring
our success in achieving objectives. But any such concern pre-
supposes a scrutiny of those objectives; and our present parl-
ous confusion seems to arise from an absence of scrutiny and
analysis, from unquestioned acceptance of contradictory and
superficial ad hoc objectives that have no roots in a reasoned
concept of what education is or is to do. The question 'What
is education?' is avoided, sneered at as being 'philosophical',
or answered with confidence and thoughtlessness as training to
be employable (or words to the same effect).
Nevertheless, it must be apparent that a teacher is not teach-
ing, even when his pupils learn, if he has not set out to cause
some chosen change to take place in his pupils. With every
lesson he hopes to change his pupils from one state or level of
competence, knowledge or understanding to another state of
competence, knowledge, or understanding 'beyond' where the
lesson began. That hope is not as frequently realized as he
would wish but he wants it to happen and therefore has an
objective or set of objectives.
Now, whether those objectives stated or unstated con-
stitute worthy, valid and fundamental ones with respect to the
educative process, or whether they hinder, and even destroy,
the process of education is an entirely different matter that
not enough people seem concerned about, since few welcome
the prospect of stopping to ask what the process of education
is, taking it to be the same as schooling, whatever that happens
to be at that time, in that place. I believe it was Mark Twain
who thanked God that he didn't let his schooling interfere
with his education. And I believe that every teacher who
wants to be an educator must do whatever is necessary to
prevent such interference. Since, therefore, every teacher has
certain objectives (however vague they might be) and thereby


by C.R. Gray
Director In-Service
Diploma in Education Course,
University of the West Indies.
has a philosophy or set of values and beliefs about his work as
a teacher, it is an integral act of his professional integrity for
him to analyse his objectives and re-direct them, if necessary,
when inadequacy and error reveal themselves.
And the teacher of language, perhaps, needs most of all to
perform this act from time to time, because most of all, it
seems, the teacher of language is at the mercy of the faddists,
the bandwaggonets, the crackpots and the purveyors of confus-
ion. All who dress themselves in the costumes of leadership, all
amateur teachers, all journalists, and all parents with some
schooling find that no special knowledge or understanding is
required of them for them to be able to make pronouncements
on the teaching of language, when they would be put in their
places or laughed at if they did the same on the teaching of
chemistry or mathematics or geography. Teachers of language
are, therefore, in dire need of a sound system of ideas with re-
gard to their tasks as educators, a system which they can use
to evaluate the plethora of directives that keep flying around
in their heads from a variety of sources.
Some of the present confusion in the justifications for the
content of language teaching in some places comes, ironically
enough, from the active attempt of teachers in England to find
a structured philosophy and a rationale for continuity, for
their teaching to serve educational purposes. Teachers of Eng-
lish in other countries coming into contact with the present
discussion there are not likely to see any rigid injunctions laid
down for structuring a syllabus. The publications and activities
of the National Association for the Teaching of English in that
country offer evidence of what some people might describe as
a chaotic state of debate and dissension with respect to what
the syllabus for secondary education should be like. The offer-
ings are numerous. Yet all seem founded on the same basic
principles of what education means. On the other hand, in the
United States, apart from passing fads there seems to be little,
if any, real debate on the matter, despite the insights gained
by the Americans who attended the Dartmouth Seminar in
1966. When one considers the population of the United
States it seems fair to say that on the whole teachers there
stick to the traditional content of the language syllabus.
Without question schooling is taken to be education..
It is always extremely tempting to be satisfied with the
inadequate, facile and circular answer of the circus trainer that
teaching language is improving language skills (or arts) or skills
of communication. Of course it is. But for what? The educator
must follow this question to its very roots and this writer
would suggest that, regardless of the welter of apparent uncer-
tainties that would then beset him in making a syllabus, the
teacher of language has an inescapable and special responsibil-
ity for thinking about the quality of life he wishes for his pupil,
what some might term behaviorall objectives', (understanding
that quality is not synonymous with luxury or pleasures of the
body). Language is inseparable from quality of life. It is related
to all our acts and thoughts as workers and citizens, and deter-
mines, in large measure, our forms of enjoyment. As soon as a
teacher envisages what activities he hopes would characterise
the lives of his pupils during aid after schooling he is applying
values which in his philosophy constitute a good life, i.e. a way








of living in which certain activities find an important place. So,
one of the categories of ideas upon which he must draw is that
related to aspects of 'the good life'.
H.S. Broudy describes the good life as the life in which
satisfaction is derived from the full and proper operation of
human capacities.4 While the terms 'full' and 'proper' cannot
be analysed here, it is easy for us to understand and accept
immediately the term 'human capacities'. We know it means
what human beings are born capable of understanding and
doing as human beings. And it can be assumed that no reason-
ed concept of education could include the nurturing of those
human propensities which we all have for destruction, savagery,
greed, irrationality, callousness, prejudice, superstition and
such like. We would agree that Oliver was not receiving educa-
tion from Fagin. Hence, it is obvious that only certain other
human capacities could be the concern of the educator.
Broudy suggests that we must develop those others as fully as
possible so that they can be well used by the individual to
enjoy satisfaction and fulfilment in living. The teacher of lang-
uage who is concerned with the quality of life he is projecting
for his pupils would want to consider what those capacities are,
in order to accept and refer to them as the basic reasons for
the content and method of his teaching.
In this connection John Macdonald reminds us that man is
homo cognoscens: a creature striving to know and understand
the environment and the world in which he finds himself. Man
is also homo sentiens: the only being with the capacity to res-
pond to the aesthetics of sight, sound and movement. Teachers,
in developing countries especially, are made overwhelmingly
conscious that man is homo socius concerned and involved
with his fellowman morally (or socially) and politically. And in
a technological age it cannot be forgotten that man is also
homo faber, making changes and tools and means to master
his environment for his comfort and happiness. He has powers
of making and doing. The education of man is the cultivation
of all those powers and propensities which make him distinct-
ively man: homo cognoscens, homo sentiens, homo socius,
homo faber.
If these ideas of Broudy and Macdonald are understood and
acceptable (to refer to two only of a host of thinkers) the
teacher of language would use them as points of his compass
in charting a map of language teaching. But he needs to do
some further analysis. He needs to disentangle those actual
abilities the nurturing of which can be called education. We
would also take it as reasonable and fundamental that prepar-
ing our pupils to derive satisfaction in living is our ultimate
goal, accepting that the individual's self-realisation or maximum
growth as a human being is what that means. And if we bear in
mind that homo sapiens is superior to and distinct from other
animals in his qualities as homo cognoscens, homo sentiens,
homo socius and homo faber, it should not be difficult to
arrive at those actual abilities upon which we must exert all
our efforts.
To the present writer the following guidelines seem to fol-
low. As a human being a person needs to have his ability to get
and use knowledge of all kinds developed as fully as possible.
This means that his innate drive of curiosity has to be used to
nourish powers of enquiry and observation every day and
every hour as long as he lives (homo cognoscens). The teacher's
immediate responsibility, however, is to provide in the school
the conditions and the experiences which serve the growth of
those powers. Curiosity, observation and enquiry enable men
to know and manipulate their environment to meet their needs
and wishes (homo faber). Similarly, the human being's capa-
city to enjoy pleasure from the aesthetics of an experience
compels the educator to increase and deepen those abilities
which ensure that the pleasure so derived is related to man's
highest expressions of art (homo sentiens). Finally, a human
being's consciousness of and need for relationships with other
human beings in diverse ways moral, social, governmental,
aesthetic have to be enlightened by the use of reason and
judgement, and the fabric of the reasoned relations has to be
infused with strong emotional attraction. This is what Aristotle
was on to when he said man is a political animal or social


creature.6 The teacher of language has to relate many of his
actions to the growth of the nature of man as homo socius
since much of what he would be using as material would be,
in one way or another, communicating standards to regulate
the matrix of relationships between human beings.
Thus, for human beings to live a full life in any society
those capacities of theirs which contribute to full human living
are the ones which educators must bring to maturity. Knowing
and doing call for training of our powers of observation and
enquiry: learning to find out and to use. The regulations of re-
lations between man and man calls for the alert ,exercise of
judgement and reasoning, otherwise life becomes as Hobbes
saw it 'solitary, poor, nasty, brutish and short'.7 Then, a full
life could not be one of aridness with regard to the content of
aesthetic pleasure, so educators, especially teachers of language,
must give full attention to training and sensitising the pupils'
powers of feeling and experiencing. Therefore, in brief, if the
foregoing arguments do hold together the teacher of language,
as educator, would be at work developing pupils' powers of
(a) enquiry, (b) judgement and reasoning, and (c) feeling and
experiencing.
Taking then the aspects of human nature so briefly referred
to homo cognoscens, homo faber, homo sentiens and homo
socius as the four educational categories in our system of
language teaching objectives, the four cardinal points, we will
need to fix certain other co-ordinates, however. This can be
approached by looking at man in his everyday life and the
functions that language has in it. When our pupils leave us for
what is called the outside world (an enduring condemnatory
reference to what is done in the inside world!) the actions of
their daily lives can be viewed as fitting into three segments or
facets. These are, roughly, the vocational or occupational seg-
ment, the societal or citizenship segment or facet, and the
leisure and pleasure segment or facet. These are not by any
means clearcut divisions of time, only of language functions,
but they are very definite and distinguishable features of a self-
determined and self-realised life. And language is what makes
them all possible.
The pursuit of every occupation, except perhaps that of a
monk pledged to silence, calls for the use of language to receive
and give factual information at the very least. Almost as
often, of course, language is also used in the conduct of one's
occupation to receive and convey views and opinions. But the
language of views and opinion is more obviously resorted to at
those times in our daily lives when we are involved in matters
within the province of social groupings and citizenship activi-
ties: listening to and expressing views on societal matters at
meetings or in living rooms, carrying on community activities,
reading editorials and articles, keeping up with current affairs,
casting a ballot, writing minutes and reports for a club, and so
on. Perhaps, however, language is most used in connection with
pleasure and the enjoyment of leisure time. In any one day in
which language is used for specific vocational purposes, some
is probably used for communal purposes of the group life, but
certainly very much is used in connection with what is com-
monly termed relaxation and recreation. And the kind of lang-
uage training which the individual has received undoubtedly
determines or affects the quality of that relaxation or recrea-
tion the quality of leisure. The teacher of language interest-
ed in the quality of his pupil's life cannot ever forget that.
What is spoken about, listened to, read, looked at, done, and
enjoyed is dependent very largely on the individual's mastery
of language.

What language abilities, therefore, should represent the
objectives of a syllabus for language teaching as education?
Emerging out of the foregoing analysis those abilities must be:

(a) the ability to get information*: the use of books,
libraries and other sources, and the skills of compre-
hension;
(b) the ability to give information: organising and express-
ing relevant facts to give reports, explanations, direct-
ions, instructions, etc. clearly and accurately;








(c) the ability to evaluate views and opinions expressed
by others for bias, and logic, as in conversations,
speeches, newspaper articles and 'stories', radio and
television reports and commentaries, advertisements,
etc.
(d) the ability to express personal views and opinions
with logic, coherence, clarity and force of argument;

(e) the ability to derive pleasure from language, i.e. to
understand well enough to appreciate and discrimin-

The scheme of this analysis could be summed up in the diagram below.


ate between wheat and chaff in novels, plays, poems,
short stories, the cinema, radio and television;

(f) the ability to give pleasure with language: interesting
and valuable personal expression of experience, using
language and imagination to create stories, plays,
poems, which communicate genuine observations of,
feelings about and interpretations of the human
predicament.
Information here means factual matter.


HOMO COGNOSCENS


Economic Work


THE

N ATL FR E

OF IVIA/N



HOMO FABER HOMO SOCIUS HOMO SENTIENS



Group Life a Citzenship Leisure


(a) Getting and
using Information.
(b) Giving Information



Comprehension Skills.
Use of books, libraries,etc.
Organizing factual matter.
Clarity 8 correctness


Comprehension Skills
Response to a Appreciation
of poems, novels, plays,etf
Memorable communication
of insights into and
feelings about human
experience and human
nature, in reports 8
original poems, plays
and stories.


REFERENCES
1. See, for example, 'English in Education, Vol. 4, No. 2: Conference
70.' 1970.
2. Growth Through English. John Dixon. National Association for the
Teaching of Fnglish, England. 1967.
3. The Uses of English. Herbert J. Miller. Holt, Rinehart & Winston.
1967.
4. Building a Philosophy of Education. H.S. Broudy. Prentice Hall
1954.
5. Philosophy of Education. John Macdonald. W. Gage & Co. Canada
1965.
6. Politics (Bk. 1, Ch. 2 p. 1253a) Aristotle, Circa 330 B.C.
7. Leviathan. Thomas Hobbes. 1651.





HELENA
Jamaican Folk Song
(As sung by Miss Aljoe's group -
Inverness, St. Ann)


Helena an im Muma go a grung,
Helena start cry fe im belly
Go home Helena (repeal)
Go bwile cerecy fe yu belly.
De Muma she dig and she plant
But she min jus a run pon Helena
She pack up her bag, her basket
Her cutlass an go home fe go look fe Helena.
De Muma ketch a de yard
She see de bun pan pon de fire
She tek piece a stick an she stir and she stir,
An de night sage a come by de bungle.
Gal a wa dis yu bwile fe yu belly,
Gal a pisen yu bwile fe yu belly
From yu barn a world yu no know cerecy
Gal a foolish, yu foolish, yu foolish:
De Muma she pick some cerecy
She bwile it an give to Helena
Helena she drink it, she sleep an she sleep
An she wake up without pain a belly.
Look good pon Cerecy Helena
De leaf an de vine an de berry
Come know cerecy, for oh cerecy
A it cure yu bad pain a belly.
Folk Music Research Dept.
Jamaica School of Music


A I "N..J~ w u dil Iu. A '





~P V


/ ,


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SILVER
LLOYD RECKORD for his work in Drama, especial
for skilful and creative directing.
2. XRkDELlCK "TOOTSh HIBBEI q4r hit 3chrr. ments
over Ih, ears in the bld I Mailan jQpu ShMusic.
3. BARRY RTCCOWD Kri his l standing cnirution to
SJamaican Dira .ailaywrihtof mernmational dist nc- '
S4. CARL A.IA S tN iIranihievfie r n/ ,
f/ ,. r s, arI. inll, cI,l, espsai- Ae.x le, o, hs s .
,nut I jofl, e r-, .. C
S 5DR. IR\ AN LOODBODo tor his achjieements in the
field of Science and partiriaIly for hiuoutaanding work
in Marine Biology.

Y', L o"'ti h- r.4 ) lu I.-., i:. /TM
6 %IlKE THOMPSON ior his contribution to the cultural
S I ile ourc liv ierfo ,Bof ar Musi.
fl 7 FREDT> O..to hk It.ritis in the
mediurT fnTehit n wi
8. PHIL LIP MORRIS for ouistandmg and sustained contri-
bution in the fieldP a r a it n /
9. ARTHUR (SAGTl. NI'*TTfIr the. probation
ihl airical activities in Jamaica
t I RS. ON BES-AMIEL (.; hery t l
Sin especially R I .






48 9 -




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