• TABLE OF CONTENTS
HIDE
 Front Cover
 Title Page
 Acknowledgement
 Table of Contents
 Introduction
 The gender bias issue in environment...
 Women in environment and development:...
 Gender, environment degradation,...
 The gender issue in the third world...
 Land management and soil conservation...
 Conclusion
 Discussion papers
 Back Cover














Group Title: Discussion paper London Environmental Economics Centre
Title: Gender, environmental degradation and development
CITATION THUMBNAILS PAGE IMAGE ZOOMABLE
Full Citation
STANDARD VIEW MARC VIEW
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00089958/00001
 Material Information
Title: Gender, environmental degradation and development the extent of the problem
Series Title: Discussion paper London Environmental Economics Centre
Physical Description: ii, 37 leaves : ill. ; 30 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Büchner, Gregor
Donor: Marianne Schmink ( endowment )
Publisher: IIED, International Institute for Environment and Development, IIED/UCL London Environmental Economics Centre,
IIED, International Institute for Environment and Development, IIED/UCL London Environmental Economics Centre
Place of Publication: London
Publication Date: 1991
Copyright Date: 1991
 Subjects
Subject: Economic development -- Environmental aspects   ( lcsh )
Human ecology   ( lcsh )
Sexism   ( lcsh )
Genre: bibliography   ( marcgt )
non-fiction   ( marcgt )
 Notes
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Statement of Responsibility: Gregor Büchner ... et al..
General Note: "June 1991."
General Note: Series also appears on cover as: LEEC paper.
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00089958
Volume ID: VID00001
Source Institution: University of Florida
Holding Location: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: oclc - 27262903

Table of Contents
    Front Cover
        Front Cover
    Title Page
        Title Page 1
        Title Page 2
    Acknowledgement
        Page i
    Table of Contents
        Page ii
    Introduction
        Page A-1
        Page A-2
        Page A-3
    The gender bias issue in environment and development: Fact or Fiction
        Page A-4
        Page A-5
        Page A-6
        Page A-7
        Page A-8
        Page A-9
    Women in environment and development: Indicators of the extent of bias
        Page A-10
        Page A-11
        Page A-12
        Page A-13
        Page A-14
        Page A-15
        Page A-16
        Page A-17
    Gender, environment degradation, and development: Modifying the new household economic model
        Page A-18
        Page A-19
        Page A-20
        Page A-21
        Page A-22
        Page A-23
    The gender issue in the third world and the constraints of economic theory
        Page A-24
        Page A-25
        Page A-26
        Page A-27
        Page A-28
    Land management and soil conservation in Malawi: A case study
        Page A-29
        Page A-30
        Page A-31
        Page A-32
        Page A-33
        Page A-34
        Page A-35
        Page A-36
    Conclusion
        Page A-37
    Discussion papers
        Page B-1
        Page B-2
        Page B-3
        Page B-4
        Page B-5
        Page B-6
        Page B-7
        Page B-8
        Page B-9
        Page B-10
    Back Cover
        Page B-11
Full Text
LEEC PAPER DP 91-04
MERGE
I~ 407




Gender, Environmental

Degradation and Development:
The Extent of the Problem





GREGOR BUCHNER
JOANNE C. BURGESS
VICTORIA C. DRAKE
TOM GAMESON
DAVID HANRAHAN








IIED
IIED/UCL LONDON ENVIRONMENTAL ECONOMICS CENTRE
INTERNATIONAL
INSTITUTE FOR
ENVIRONMENT AND
DEVELOPMENT













GENDER, ENVIRONMENTAL DEGRADATION AND
DEVELOPMENT: THE EXTENT OF THE PROBLEM


GREGOR BUCHNER

JOANNE C BURGESS

VICTORIA C DRAKE

TOM GAMESON

DAVID HANRAHAN


London Environmental Economics Centre



Discussion Paper



DP 91-04


June 1991


















London Environmental Economics Centre


This Centre was established in 1988 and is a joint venture by the International Institute for
Environment and Development (IIED) and University College London (UCL). Its aims are the
furtherance of policy relevant research in the field of environmental and natural resource economics,
particularly in the context of developing countries.



The Authors

The authors have recently completed the MSc Environmental & Resource Economics course at the
University College London.



Contact Address

The authors may be contacted at:

The Economics Department
University College London
3-4 Taviton Street
London WC1


or via:

London Environmental Economics Centre
IIED
3 Endsleigh Street
London
WC1H ODD

Tel: 071 388 2117
Fax: 071 388 2826









Acknowledgement



This paper is the product of the "Environment and
Development Seminar" which was conducted as
part of the MSc. in Environmental and Resource
Economics taught at the Department of Economics
at University College London in 1990-1. The
authors gratefully acknowledge comments and
suggestions received from David Pearce and would
like to thank Ed Barbier for inviting the authors to
publish this paper through the London
Environmental Economics Centre. All errors, as
usual, are ours alone.


page i









Table of Contents



page

1. Introduction 1

2. The Gender Bias Issue in Environment and 4
Development: Fact or Fiction
Victoria C. Drake

3. Women in Devleopment and Environment: 10
Indicators of the Extent of Bias
David Hanrahan

4. Gender, Environmental Degredation, and 18
Development: Modifying the New Household
Economic Model
Gregor Bichner

5. The Gender Issue in the Third World and 24
Constraints on Economic Theory
Tom Gameson

6. Land Management and Soil Conservation in 29
Malawi: A Case Study
Joanne C. Burgess

7. Conclusion 37


page ii









Introduction


This paper attempts to establish a framework within
which to examine the extent of gender bias in
environment and development. The first chapter
traces the emergence of gender bias as an issue in
the debate about environmental and economic
development and examines the reasons why this
relationship is vital to understanding the link
between environment and development.
Subsequently, the extent to which macro-economic
statistics reflect these factors and their complex
interactions is exposed. Attention is then devoted to
the role of gender bias on a micro-level in the form
of constraints on the household model and
economic theory in general. These two chapters
reflect the adequacy or inadequacy of current
economic analysis to grapple with the gender-bias
issue. In the light of a case study of land
management in Malawi, specific ways will be
suggested in which household production functions
must be extended to account for the linkages
between gender, environment and development.

In the first chapter, the historical view of gender
bias is explained in terms of the distinction between
sexual and social bias. This is followed by an
examination of the importance of women in global
and especially developing country economic
activity. Esther Boserup's work on the sexual
division of labour is identified as a breaking point
in the analysis of gender bias. The 1975
declaration of the UN Decade for Women is
evaluated as a failure in retrospect. Attention is
then devoted to the distinction between household
and reproductive labour as a determinant of
women's work, and the role of the sexes within the
household. In particular, the significance of "z-
goods" is discussed. The problem of intra-
household decision-making within household is then
addressed. Next, the topic of access vs. control of
resources is discussed in the contest of property
rights and their effects on environmental
management and poverty.

Turning to methodological issues, the continued
failure to adequately represent intrahousehold
inequalities in access and distribution, especially in
the context of household models is criticised.
Based on the 1980 World Conservation Strategy,
strategies for improveming the legal and economic
status of women are identified. Finally a critique
of the traditional measurement and benefits of
economic development is conducted.


The second chapter turns to the problem of
aggregate measurement. The existence of a gender
bias in development has been widely recognized in
the literature but there is little in the way of
aggregate statistics to quantify the extent of the
effect. The "Human Development Index" (HDI)
recently developed by the UNDP was taken as the
basis for calculating a measure of gender bias. The
HDI combines data on life expectancy, education
and income to produce a single overall index.
Using data fron the UNDP report it has been
possible to construct separate male and female
indicies, although the income data is not
differentiated by gender.

The results (as detailed in the body of this report)
show firstly that there is a strong relationship
between overall HDI and national wealth, although
there are many exceptions. There is also clear
evidence of gender bias, particularly at the low end
of the development scale. At the bottom of the
ranking this closes quite rapidly as overall levels
increase.

Estimates were also made of the change in HDI
and of the gender bias over the past decade. These
results show both a general improvement in
development and a narrowing of the gender gap
over this period.

The HDI measure is not ideal but it does provide a
yardstick for efforts to reduce the gender bias
which is clearly demonstrated to exist.

The third chapter analyses the extent to which
gender bias is a significant factor in linking
economic development and environmental
management in the agricultural household.
Anecdotal evidence suggests that gender bias in
favour of policy directed at male led households at
project level is widespread. Furthermore, the
underestimation and undervaluation of the female
role in environmental management in the household
suggests a substantial degree of gender bias.

Particular attention is paid to how gender bias fits
into existing assumptions of the internal dynamics
of the agricultural household model. Present
theory is based on the homogenous aggregates of
main household economic indicators and absence of
any environmental constraints. However,
anthropological research-suggests a considerable


page 1









variation in economic gender roles while ecological
studies identify important resource use constraints,
especially with respect to sustainable development.

It would therefore appear that even in more
advanced models of the rural household such as the
New Household Economic Model (NEHM e.g.
Singh, Squire and Strauss, 1987) gender bias
occurs through the assumption of household utility
maximisation on the basis of an aggregate welfare
function, the assumption of an aggregated
household labour supply, the absence of both
natural and man-made resource use constraints.
The role of gender and environmental management
in agricultural household interaction therefore
requires further examination.

The fourth chapter starts by considering general
issues of gender and social status. An in-depth
analysis of the gender division of labour follows,
covering task division, the distinction between
women's roles in productive, reproductive and
leisure activities and the differing income and
valuation of labour between men and women. Next
the intra-household subordination of female labour
and female disadvantages in time allocation are
addressed, with the conclusion that male and female
labour cannot be treated as substitutes.

The second part analyses the problem of. the
inappropriateness of aggregate utility maximisation
when considering households. A disaggregation of
the household is suggested along time allocation.
It is concluded that the rigidities of time allocation,
and unequal command over other resources can
result in the household being inflexible in its
response to market forces.

The fifth chapter considers a sub-Saharan case
study. In Malawi, the persistence of low income
levels and increasing population pressure coupled
with increasing land scarcity and land degradation
requires significant attention to ensure that the
economic development can take place whilst the
natural resource base is not degraded further.
Women's role in environment and development is
important not just through the poverty-land
degradation link, but also because of the level of
their interaction-with the land and the particular
constraints they face to undertake sound land
management. Therefore there is a need to take
special consideration of women's integration in
agricultural development in Malawi.

Development projects and policies need to be
sensitive to the role of gender in environment and
development, otherwise women are unlikely to


benefit, and at the worst face detrimental impacts,
from such strategies. Targeting policies to deal
with the gender issue requires detailed information
at a micro level such as cropping patterns,
methods of cultivation, input of labour, credit
constraints and so on. However, it is important not
to make broad generalizations with site specific
data which will vary considerably throughout
Malawi. Policies to promote economic
development whilst maintaining the productivity of
the land requires substantial efforts to ensure that
sufficient data is collected to ensure the role of
gender is given due and accurate consideration in
decision making.

It is concluded that we need to expand evaluation
of policy measures to improve natural resource
management which improves efficiency in an
equitable manner (ie, not increase the work burden
on women, relevant technology, info and extension,
pricing strategies taking explicit account of
women's responses, investment policies). We often
do not understand the motivations of the people at
whom policy is directed or upon whom policy
response is dependant. More discussion is needed
about the ways in which women might enhance
resource stocks through project help and policy
changes.

The recognition of the role of women as producers
and managers of natural resources has placed
gender on the analysis, research and policy making
agenda. Although gender has been recognized as
an issue worthy of consideration, little appropriate
action has been forthcoming, for example:

economic approaches still need to be more
inter-disciplinary in nature, taking note of
other, especially anthropological, wisdom on
the subject;

marco-economic indicators fail to adequately
reflect women role in development such as
through income, education, nutrition, fertility,
family size and so on and provide even less
indication of women role in managing natural
resources. However, focussing on large scale
macro-indicators, whilst useful for attracting
political attention, is not sufficient for policy
making;

the vast majority of micro-level data, for
example on rural activity in developing
countries, is derived from census which tend
to take male household heads as the primary
data source, and thus greatly underestimate
the role of women in farmwork, food


page 2









processing, fuel collection and the specific
constraints that they face. This bias in data
needs to be addressed; and,

the rural household is generally considered
as one unit, and its internal working of little
concern to theories assuming a single set of
decisions across all household members.
Economic analysis needs to be more sensitive
to the internal workings within the household,
especially the separate gender production
functions.

The neglect of women in economic policy
exacerbates the subordination of women and


diminishes the impact of policies designed to
increase development and environmental
management. We argue that the most effective,
although undoubtedly the most difficult way, to
deal with the gender issue in environment and
development is through improved understanding of
household level systems, and incorporation of this
information into our policies and decision making.
For example, our case study has shown that it is
necessary to open this 'closed box' household
approach, and consider the influence of gender on
the division of labour, access to land, capital,
labour and credit, food/cash crop objectives, risk
aversion and so on.


page 3










The Gender Bias Issue in Environment and

Development: Fact or Fiction


Victoria C. Drake


What is meant by gender-bias? Sex is a physical
distinction; gender is social and cultural. Masculine
or feminine gender may be associated with male or
female sex but this is not an absolute correlation.
A dialogue on the division of labor between men
and women is almost exclusively focused on gender
roles rather than sex roles, determined by culture
not biology. The delineation between male and
female roles varies of course within a wide range
of cultures. But, for the most part and for the
purpose of the ensuing discussion, it is assumed
that there is tremendous complexity embodied in
the gender inequality issue in developing countries.

It is often said that women comprise the majority of
the world's population. Sen (1990) contends that
this may not actually be true. This common
misconception is based upon a generaliztion from
the contemporary situation in Europe and North
America where the ratio of women to men is
typically around 1.05 or 1.06 or higher. In South
Asia, West Asia and China, the ratio of women to
men can be as low as 0.94 or even lower and it
varies widely in Asia, Africa and Latin America.
What historical benchmarks can account for the
varying perceptions of how men and women are
aggregated?

Engels, in The Origin of Family. Private Property
and the State (1884), was perhaps the first to
describe women's position in society as varying
according to prevailing economic and social
relationships. He presented a historical view from
communal, egalitarian societies through the rise of
private property and the family to exploitative class
societies. Here, women were initially dominant but
became subordinant with the appearance of means
of production which could be privately owned such
as domesticaitedanimals. When men held private
property in productive assets and exchangeable
surplus, women worked for their husbands and
families instead of for society: thus the division of
labor became exploitative. With accelerating
capitalism, production and reproduction are
spatially separated. Consequently, women were
subordinated by their alienation from direct


production (Momsen and Townsend 1987).

Esther Boserup's pioneering study of the sexual
division of labor Women's Role in Economic
Development (1970) elucidated for the first time the
significant contribution of women to agricultural
production and the differential impact of economic
change on women and men. She made two
outstanding assertions. First, is her scenario of
technological change in agriculture under which
change profits men not women- since men's labor
productivity tended to increase while women's
remained relatively static. Second is her
identification of male and female farming systems.
These are defined by gender roles, as to which
gender contributes most agricultural labor. Boserup
contends that in extensive, shifting, non-plough
agriculture, as in most traditional societies of
Africa and tribal societies of South and South East
Asia, most field work is done by women: farming
systems are female. Where plough cultivation is the
rule, low female participation is standard, as in
Latin America and Arab cultures: farming systems
are male. In regions of intensive, irrigated
agriculture, as in much of South and South East
Asia, both men and women must contribute.
By underlining the basic differences in the
industrial skills and educational backgrounds of
men and women, Boserup graphically illustrated
why women occupy a secondary position in urban
labor markets. She also highlighted the vital role
of women in production and alerted donor agencies
to the misallocation of resources that reflected an
abiding ignorance of women's role in production.
Boserup claimed the "process of polarization and
hierarchization of men and women's roles" can be
observed in the "modem, urban economy,"
whereas it is not usually observed "either in family
production for subsistence or market production in
home industries at a village level." But, since she
did not specify the type of modernization
responsible, the polarization and hierarchization
she discussed is viewed, not as a result of
modernization, but because of a capitalist
development model.


page 4









It was this study that inspired the United Nations in
1972 to proclaim the first Decade for Women
(1975-1985). The World Plan of Action for the
Implementation of the Objectives of the
International Women's Year were accepted in
1975, which was officially christened International
Women's Year at the UN conference in Mexico
City, Mexico. The UN General Assembly also
endorsed the themes of Equality, Development and
Peace for the Decade for Women. The subject of
women in the context of Development has
traditionally been viewed as a welfare issue,
meriting a low priority status in governmental
national planning strategies. During the earlier part
of the Decade for Women, the belief that economic
growth must unquestionably benefit women was
prevalent, but subsequent research proved this
simplication to be a major fallacy.

In 1980, there was a follow-up UN conference in
Copenhagen to formulate an Action Programme for
five years and to introduce the three additional sub-
themes of Employment, Health and Education as
approved by the UN in 1979.

The Decade for Women closed in 1985 at the
United Nation's Nairobi meeting (25-26 July)
where the Forward-Looking Strategies for the
Advancement of Women (during the Period from
1986-2000) were adopted by a consensus of 157
countries. Emphasis was placed on the
"unremunerated contributions of women to
agriculture, food production, reproduction and
household activities." In particular, the Conference
recommended that "efforts be made to measure and
reflect these contributions in national accounts and
economic statistics." The United Nations document
also claims that if current trends continue, the
prospects for the developing world, particularly the
low-income and least developed countries, will be
somber. Overall growth in developing countries is
projected to be lower in the period 1980-2000 than
1960-1980. If this is so, there will inevitably be
negative implications for women due to diminishing
non-renewable resources and lessening access to
them, high illiteracy rates, low education standards,
high job discrimination and lack of recognition for
their contribution to the economy.

Essentially, the Decade for Women came and went
without so much as a whimper, leaving the
majority of women in poorer sectors none the
better off. However the link between women and
development had finally been recognized in many
aid agencies with the establishment of "Women in
Development" (WID) strategies and the concept of
'primary environmental care'- a basic concept of


repair and preventative action which can underpin
sustainable development. But, events surrounding
the UN Decade for Women dramatized women's
invisibility in development planning. A mounting
international economic crisis rocked the developing
country sphere. Enormous debts, inadequate
readjustment policies in response to these negative
effects linked to protectionism against the exporting
efforts of developing countries as well as the failure
to establish democratically based economic
relationships constitute the main reasons why the
Decade for Women failed.

Under close scrutiny, Boserup's study was
criticized for its undue reliance on the modern
perspective and a utopian view of pre-capitalist
sexual equality. However, Boserup did pave the
way for more detailed analyses on how the sexual
division of labor was maintained or restructured
under capitalist or socialist pressures. Traditional
analysis on the "women question" had formally
focused on women in the labor market and other
issues falling outside the domestic economy.
Therefore, the solution to women's oppression was
perceived as being lodged in the realm of paid
production, i.e. outside the household and
independent of it. These new studies emphasized
the social rather than "natural" basis of the sexual
division of labor and stressed the extent to which
women must be considered not only as breeders
and nuturers, but as economic agents in their own
right. Goody (1976) linked his work to Boserup by
a quantitative analysis of pre-industrial societies:
female farming was strongly associated with hoe
agriculture and simple polity while male farming
was associated with ploughing and irrigation with
more complex polities and inheritance systems of
diverging devolution. Without exception, once
societies develop complex economies and
stratification systems extending beyond the
community level, these are dominated by men
(Blumberg, 1984).

One of the most pervasive themes of the emerging
women's studies discipline was an emphasis on the
role of reproduction, women's reproductive
activities as a determinant of women's work, and
the role of the sexes within the household. Thus,
in order to grasp -women's-position in the labor
market, an analysis of the significance of women's
role in the household/reproduction as well as the
interaction between reproduction and production
must exist. In order to distinguish which part of
domestic activities is economic (i.e. should be
considered production) and which is not, one must
determine whether the performance of an activity
can be delegated to a-paid outsider or not. This


page 5









criterion, often referred to as the "third person
criterion" was introduced by Reid (1934):

"Household production consists of those unpaid
activities which are carried on, by and for
members, which activities might be replaced by
market goods or paid services, if circumstances
such as income, market conditions, and personal
inclinations permit the service being delegated to
someone outside the household...if an activity can
be delegated to a paid worker, then that activity
shall be deemed productive."

The third person criterion was restated by
Hawrylyshyn (1977):

"An economic service (or z activity) is one which
may be done by someone other than the person
benefitting therefrom. You must ask: Can one hire
labour to achieve the same results? If yes, then the
activity is one which produces z-goods; if not, the
activity is a direct utility one [producing welfare or
satisfaction] and cannot be measured in any
meaningful way."

The next historical stage in the emergence of
gender bias as an issue was marked by the
compounded negative effects of foisting a western
gender ideology perspective by colonial states and
by post-colonial development agencies onto women
in developing countries during the late 1960s-early
1970s. Galbraith depicted the Western concept of
a household in non-classical models of economic
society as an "extremely sophisticated disguise for
the role of women." Even though a household may
comprise several individuals with a range of
preferences, risk-aversion, risk neutral or risk-
loving choices, he suggests all neo-classical theory
considers it to be one individual. Thus, if
individual and household choices are
interchangeable, the identity of the real decision-
maker is hopelessly obscured. The household in
established economies is actually a cover for the
deployment of male authority. If authority is a
function of income, then the person who earns the
money is by default the head of the family, Rogers
(1980).

There is an inherent confusion in the literature over
access to vs. control of resources. Merely having
access to resources is insufficient to generate
control over one's environment. In advanced
agricultural systems, it is typical for women to
trade control of resources for access to them.
Thus, if the social system deprives women of
resource control while still allowing them resource
access, then their overall status will be low, i.e.


men will be better off and have more power then
women.

A standard consequence of this arrangement is the
alienation of women from traditional land rights as
they are forced into non-mechanized, low-
productivity activities. This shift superficially
appeared to show an increase in women's labor-
intensive commitment while unilaterally decreasing
their control over their product. Women's lack of
access to credit and education further marginalized
their status. The underlying contradiction of this
transformation in rural production systems soon
asserted itself. More wages for men meant less and
less real income for women. Thus the aggregate
increases in productivity resulted in such severe
demands for women's labor that their well-being
and that of their families was completely
undermined. A steady overall decline in women's
control over resources led to a growing
"feminization" of poverty. It was no surprise when
the past clarion call to integrate women into
Development was attacked in the late 1970's.
Recent research has attempted to correct this
negative shift in the perception/reality of women by
accounting for the vital family labor work women
perform which has never been properly measured
on an empirical level let alone the inadequacies of
statistical methodologies in representing women's
waged and non-waged labor.

Barke's (1990) study of women in Latin America
dramatically shows how women in a relatively
small area of the Yucatan and again in Mexico are
affected by the process of development as well as
how the extreme duality of social and economic
structures leads to a marked negative stratification
of women in society. This notion of a duality is
peculiar to Latin America where one finds entirely
different social and economic spheres within the
same region. One extreme is modernization where
most of the features of the 'western' developed
society exist. At the other extreme lies a
'traditional' society which is socially and
economically separate and which appears to be
immune from modernization effects. To escape a
'circle of dependency' whereby women are
disadvantaged in both extremes, there is an
enormous rate of migration among women to urban
areas for employment and educational advancement
in an effort to gain their independence.
However, as Barke enunciates, "Migration to the
city does not offer a panacea for all women and for
many the struggle to maintain a decent life in the
rural area is simply exchanged for a different kind
of struggle in the urban environment."


page 6








While there has been much empirical investigation
into the linkages between economic development,
dependence and income inequality, the issue of
gender inequality has received less systematic
attention. Although some macroeconomic
indicators emerge as significant predictors of
gender inequality in several regression equations,
the most important explanatory variable is cultural
region. These specific findings fail to support the
"modernization" or dependency/world system,
theoretical perspective for the existence of gender
inequality (Marshall, 1985).

It is still impossible to use one single econometric
methodology to reveal the hidden underside of
women's work. Micro-economics has failed in
giving sufficient weight to intrahousehold
inequalities in access and distribution. The available
household models do not account for women's
work within and across their associations. There
is a persistent tension between the reality of
society's dependence on women to perform certain
tasks, particularly in the agricultural sector which
may or may not benefit them and the enduring
constraints on their control of the resources. One
observation from an ILO mission to Zambia
(1970):

"Women are over-worked in rural areas; women's
labour is one of the factors which determine how
much land can be cultivated and how well and the
pressure on women's time is an important
constraint on raising agricultural production and
rural living standards." (Rogers 1980)

In 1990, the International Union for the
Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources
(IUCN) published its second draft of Caring for the
World: A Strategy for Sustainabilitv, commonly
known as "The World Conservation Strategy II", in
conjunction with UNEP and WWF. IUCN's highly
publicized precursor, The World Conservation
Strategy (1980), had taken no notice of the
economic and social let alone ecological
requirements of sustainability. Action 6.5. of the
new document yet to be published:

Improve the legal and economic status of women
by:

Ratifying and upholding the Convention on the
Elimination of all Forms of Discrimmination
Against Women.

Ratifying and upholding gender-specific labour
legislation as formalized by the International
Labour Organization to ensure equal pay for


equal work, equal representation of women in
on-the-job training programmes, etc.

Increasing economic opportunities for women...

Reviewing laws that impact family size...
(end)


Since the final draft will not be launched until
1992, it is still unclear how the concatenation of yet
another blueprint for "sustainability*, albeit with
unprecedented economic verbiage, will actually
ameliorate women's global economic status.

The gender-bias issue is clearly a necessary and
critical variable in the "development equation" as
evidenced by women's contributions to the
economic and human resource "wealth" of nations.
It is estimated that women comprise 41% of the
measured labor force in developed countries and
32% in developing countries. However, this is not
an accurate reflection of the true contribution
women make overall. Many of their most
productive activities are simply not quantified, such
as low resource farming/marketing and unpaid
family/household labor. Current research shows
that income under female supervision is a primary
determinant of women's total status. Moreover, this
income is usually spent on child nutrition/family
needs and reinforces women's decision-making
efficacy in the household. As Rogers (1980)
enunciated, "Since so few development programs
or projects offer adequate incentives to women,
their potential for increased production remains
undiscovered."

To account for the unaccounted role of women, two
simplistic explanations have been suggested or
assumed. One view emphasizes the cultural
contrasts between the East and the West (the
Occident and the Orient), claiming that Western
civilization is less sexist than Eastern hence the
high ratio of women to men in paid work. The

other view examines stages of economic
development, seeing the unequal nutrition and
health care provided for women as a feature of
underdevelopment, a characteristic of poor
economies awaiting economic advancement. A
unified cultural and economic explanation is most
certainly closer to the truth. Economic development
is actually quite often accompanied by a relative
worsening in the survival rate of women (even as
life expectancy improves in absolute terms for men
and women). A significant proportional decline of
women occurred in China after the social and
economic reforms of 1979. The numbers began to


page 7









rise in 1986 but the 1989 figures were still below
those of 1979. Economic causes for women's
deprivation must be integrated with social and
cultural factors to lay a foundation for the real
solutions.

To conclude, the process of economic change in the
developing world and the generalization of a
dominant agro-technological model utilizes the
gender-bias issue in different contexts. Its impact
on individual livelihood is also gender-specific,
more often than not negative for women. If this is
a universally accepted notion of how development


must operate, then the hidden "injuries" of gender-
bias, as yet unquantified, demand a reassessment of
what we call Development. Previously,
development has been quantified as an activity.
Increasingly, development is now viewed as
achieved well-being. This reflects a shift from
development defined simply to economic to
socioeconomic and finally to include some vector of
combined human choice, both male and female.
The global response to women's current roles and
future aspirations will determine the real, as
opposed to marginalor expected, commitment to
"sustainable development".


Appendix


Economically, women's unpaid household labor
would increase the world's measured annual
economic product by US $4 trillion.

These findings have critical implications for the
food crisis in Africa where women raise 80% of
the food crops. Which leads us to ask: Are we
discussing "women" in the ever-undulating context
of Environment & Development or is it more the
deeper, less tangible implications of "gender" in
Environment & Development?


1. This issue involves more than one dimension in
which the sexes are inequal and more than one
social situation where inquality is exercised.
2. There is an inherently weak grasp of gender
stratification which leads to a confounding of class
& gender stratification in addition to a confusion
between the notions of "access to" resources and
"control of" resources.

Although the status of women is conceptually
divisible into separate dimensions, it is empirically
one dimension. In other words, correlations
between different dimensions of gender inequality
may be so strong that it is essential to focus on
"the" status of women. The same idea can be
expressed in terms of the differential control of
resources. There are many different kinds of
resources that men & women can control resulting
in many different male-female power differences.
In socio-historical terms, control of certain
productive resources, like land and animals, gave
the control and power over other resources. Thus,
despite the theoretical possibility that there is more
than one area of resource control on which the


sexes differ, the reality may be that there is only
one dimension. The most extensive study on the
"status of women" by Whyte (1978) concluded that
there is no such thing because gender inequality is
empirically and conceptually a "multi-dimensional
phenomenon." Be that as it may, since we have
established that this phenomenon does indeed exist,
we are still left with the problem of how to account
for all its possible pertubations in the context of
Environment & Development.

To abstract women as a separate category from the
socially established relations between men &
women is to impose a misleading universalism
(Absolute vs. Relative Perceptions). Our intention
is not simply to delineate the individual experience
of one sex, but to grasp the historically specific
nature of gender differentiation and its relationship
to social & economic processes. Previous empirical
studies of women's roles and status led to an
evaluation of gender in the context of varying
food/market production channels. The confluence
of gender with ethnic and class issues & the
different historical experience of black & white
women resulted in a shifting focus from specific,
isolated gender cases to an overall picture of gender
relations which now entails a revised
perception/definition of Development itself.

Another area of interest is how technology
advancements tend to exclude women from
traditional sources of income in the agricultural
sector. Correlations between Third World women
and the experience of women in recession-bound
British industry or the textile sweat-shops of Los
Angeles stress the inter-connectedness of processes
in which advanced industrial countries play a


page 8








crucial role.


The ILO estimates that more than a billion women,
1/3 of the world population, will be economically
active in the year 2000. Over 700 million of these
women will be in developing countries and their
ranks will represent less than 50% of the Third
World female population aged 16-64 (The
corresponding population in Industrialized countries
will be 60%). The ILO studies show high
unemployment for women in both developed and
developing countries as well as underestimated
economic contributions of women in North Africa,
Asia, and the Caribbean. The challenge is clear.
Vigorous national and international efforts are
needed to ensure equal opportunities for women in
access to training and employment since the 1
billion women who will be in the labor market in
less than a decade are already born.





BIBLIOGRAPHY


Beneria, L. (ed.), (1982), Women and
Development: The Sexual Division of Labor in
Rural Societies, New York, Praeger.

Blumberg, R.L., (1984), "A General Theory of
Gender Stratification", in Collins, R.(ed.),
Sociological Theory, London, Jossey-Bass.

Blumberg, R.L., (1989) Making the Case for
the Gender Variable: Women and the Wealth and
Well-Being of Nations, Washington, DC, Agency
for International Development.

Boserup, E., (1970), Women's Role in Economic
Development, London, George Allen and Unwin.

Goldschmidt-Clermont, L., (1987), Economic
evaluations of unpaid household work: Africa.
Asia. Latin America and Oceania, Geneva,
International Labor Office.

Goody, J., (1976), Production and Reproduction,
Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.

Hawrylyshyn, O., (1977).,"Towards a
Definintion of Non-Market Activities", in Review
of Income and Wealth, Vol. 23, No. 1, pp. 79-96.

IUCN, UNEP and WWF, (June 1990), Caring
for the World: A Strategy for Sustainability, second


draft, the first draft with the provisional title
"World Conservation Strategy for the 1990s" was
distributed in September 1989.

Marshall, S.E., (1985), "Development,
Dependence and Gender Inequality in the Third
World", International Studies Quarterly, Vol. 29,
No. 2, pp. 217-40.

Mason, K.O., (1985), The Status of Women,
New York, The Rockefeller Foundation.

Momsen, J. and J.T. (eds.), (1987), Geography
of Gender in the Third World, London, Hutchinson
Ltd.

Otero, M., (1985), "Fording the Stream", World
Education Reports, Vol. 24.

Reid, M., (1934), Economics of Household
Production, New York, Wiley and Sons.

Rogers, B., (1980), The Domestication of
Women Discrimmination in Developing Societies,
London, Tavistock Publications Ltd.

United Nations, (1986), The Nairobi Forward-
Looking Strategies for the Advancement of
Women, as adopted by the "World Conference to
Review and Appraise the Achievements of the
United Nations Decade for Women, Equality,
Development and Peace", Nairobi, Kenya, 15-26
July 1985, New York.


page 9









Women in Environment and Development:

Indicators of the Extent of Bias


David Hanrahan


Gender bias has been recognized as a real issue in
development and in treatment of the environment,
mainly as result of a wide range of project or
village level studies. It is difficult, however, to
find information on the extent of the bias and the
impact that it is having on overall development and
on environmental degredation. This paper
addresses the extent of available aggregate data
(i.e. at country or regional level) in order to
determine what useful indicators can be found to
quantify the severity and distribution of gender
bias.

In this context a broad interpretation of gender bias
is adopted: the term is taken to reflect unequal
status or treatment of women resulting in their
physical or economic deprivation relative to
counterpart males. To a significant extent the issue
is one of degree since there are a range of social
differences in the treatment of men and women in
any society, based historically at least on the
fundamentally different biological roles. Value
judgements are required to determine what would
be "acceptable" social differentiation as opposed to
outright and unacceptable bias. It is necessary
therefore to seek indicators which are as little
dependant as possible on any social interpretation.


1. Where are the biases likely to be evident?

There are a number of areas where the anecdotal
and project evidence suggest that it should be
possible to identify a bias and where the data
should be sought to quantify (or deny) the effects.
The most obvious of these are in the basic
measures of the human condition:

* malnutriti6ni
* child mortality
* life expectancy
* and also in the direct measures of personal
development such as literacy and education

In practice, data are available and do demonstrate
clear gender effects in all of these areas.


The more recent development literature has a
consistent strand which is that there has been an
undervaluing of women' contribution to economic
production and to growth. However, since the
relevant data are virtually all based on household,
regional or sector units the available country data
on production and growth are not disaggregated by
gender. There are data at project level which
addresses the issue but this is generally very
localised and specific. An indication of the
significance of the effect can be seen from a
statement in a recent UNDP Report on Human
Development 1 (p.32) that "it is estimated that
unpaid household work by women, if properly
evaluated, would add a third to global production".
This is supports the argument that GDP measures,
intended originally to motitor production in
developed countries are inadequate as global
measures of progress or development, particularly
in the less developed economies.

The most complex of the relationships that we
would like to explore is that of
women/poverty/environment. There are two sides
to this relationship: the impact of women in poorer
countries on the environment (through fuel
collection, agricultural decisions, hygiene and
sanitation and so on) and the impact of the
environment on women soil degredation and
increasing workload, exposure to waterborne
diseases, time and effort in collecting fuelwood etc.

Clearly these relationships are very complex with
poverty a "disabling factor" affecting the severity
of the various impacts and the opportunities (or
lack of them) for breaking out of the cycle. The
very issue of defining and identifying a critical
poverty level is itself a major task: the most recent
World Development Report 2 defines poverty as
the inability to attain a minimal standard of
living (p.26) and then addresses the consequent
questions of a metric for poverty, what is meant by
"minimal" and whether it is possible to develop an
index of the severity of the problem of poverty in
an area.


page 10









The UNDP Human Development Report 1 tackles
very similar issues, although from an different
perspective (as will be discussed shortly). The
Report also does attempt a very concise summary
of "Who The Poor Are", which focuses on the
crucial factors and is far beyond any definitional
uncertainties. This summary (Box 1) does quite
clearly identify linkages between poverty,
environment and gender bias although the Report is
not able to quantify these links.

BOX 1 "WHO THE POOR ARE" (UNDP)

* The chronic poor are at the margin of society
and constantly suffer from extreme
deprivation.
Over one billion are in absolute poverty in the
Third World. Of these, 64% are in Asia and
24% are in Africa.
Three quarters of the poor are in rural areas
although the numbers of urban poor are
increasing.
There is a "close link" between poverty and
the environment, with three quarters of the
developing country poor in ecologically
fragile areas.
Poverty has "a decided gender bias; a large
proportion of poor households are headed by
women, especially in rural Africa and in the
urban slums of Latin America. In Africa
women produce 75% of the food yet suffer
greater deprivation than men.

Source: UNDP Human Development Report, 1990


Given the complexity of the issues it is not
surprising that although gender bias has been
recognized and its relationship with poverty and
with the environment has been identified there is
very little useful aggregate data to quantify the
effects. A number of mechanisms have been
examined in project or sector reports but global
data has not been compiled. It has therefore been
necessary to manipulate available aggregate data to
produce some first order results.


2. Sources of Aggregate Data

The basic sources of aggregate or country level
data that have been surveyed or used fall into three
categories:

* International Agency Reports, particularly the
World Bank and the various arms of the
United Nations;


* U.S. Bureau of Census which publishes a
Women in Development series compiling
various country census data in a roughly
comparable format;
* Private sector publications such as World
Resources or the feminist "Women in the
World Atlas".

For a number of practical reasons (including the
extent of coverage) most of the data used in this
paper come from the first category and the actual
sources are referenced in the text.


3. An Overall Metric -
Development Index


the Human


Some overall measure of the status of women is
required if broad comparisons are to be made.
Ideally it would take into account a wide range of
measurable factors such as life expectancy,
standard of living, health, education and so on.
Clearly it is a very difficult task to come up with a
practical and meaningful metric but the UNDP has
attempted such an exercise in its Human
Development Report 1.

The UNDP defines human development as 'a
process of enlarging peoples' choices" and
identifies three key factors: health, education and
resources for a reasonable standard of living. (It is
interesting to compare this approach with that of
the World Development Report, as quoted above.
That report focuses on some definition of
consumption as the basic measure of living
standards, but does also refer to the need to
incorporate other parameters in order to reflect a
true "standard of living". The other measures
suggested include nutrition, life expectancy, infant
mortality and school enrollment rates. The two
approaches, although with different emphases, are
obviously broadly compatible.)

In constructing the Human Development Index
(HDI) the three parameters used by the UNDP to
represent the key factors were life expectancy,
literacy rates and the (log of) GDP per capital.
(The log value was used to reduce the impact of
this parameter on the overall index.) The three
parameters were each calculated as a fraction of the
full range possible (from the world minimum to the
world maximum) in order to make them
comparable and to avoid scaling problems. (In
practice the approach calculates "deprivation
values" as shortfalls from the world maximum
which are then subtracted from unity for each
parameter and averagedtto give an overall HDI.


page 11









The approach is summarised in Box 2.)

BOX 2 HUMAN DEVELOPMENT INDEX

The UNDP approach uses three variables:


life expectancy
literacy
(log of) real GDP per capital.


A deprivation measure is calculated for each
variable as the shortfall from the world maximum,
on a scale where the world maximum is taken as 1
and the world minimum as 0. (This standardises
the measures on a single scale so the resulting
values can be added or averaged without problems
of differing umits of measurement). For each
parameter therefore, if the individual country value
is VAL, the deprivation measure is:

DM = 1 {(MAX VAL)/(MAX MIN)}.

The overall Human Development Index for the
country is:

HDI = AVERAGE OF (DM1 + DM2 + DM3).


This index can be criticised on a number of
grounds and the UNDP acknowledges shortcomings
but it is an extremely useful first cut at some
holestic parameter of progress which allows simple
comparisons and enables trends to be measured.

One primary and very interesting finding of the
Human Development Report is that the HDI
produces a very different profile of distribution to
that of GNP, showing that the gross material
wealth of a country is not necessarily the best
indicator of "progress". The UNDP comments on
this ranking noting that Sri Lanka, Chile, Costa
Rica, Jamacia, Tanzania and Thailand all do far
better on the HDI index than on GNP values -
while the contrary is true for Oman, Gabon, Saudi
Arabia, Algeria, Mauritania and Senegal.


4. HDI and Gender

Having obtained an overall measure of human
development then for present purposes the need
is for separate indices by gender. The Human
Development Report does not present its formal
HDI results by gender but many of the individual
data tables in the report are differentiated and there
is data in the appendices giving the gender results
by country. It is possible to construct separate


gender indices, although because the GDP data is
not differentiated by gender (one of the data
problems noted above) the figures almost certainly
underestimate any gender bias. The results are
shown in Figure 1, where the approximately 130
countries for which data are available are plotted -
by gender against per capital GNP (taken from
[2]). This presentation is used to summarise the
data although there will clearly be a correlation
between the HDI value (which includes log of
GDP) and the GNP. Tabulated values are given in
Appendix A to this paper.

The very low HDI values in the poorest countries
are evident and there are significant gender gaps.
In order to see the effects more clearly, the same
data is plotted in Figure 2 for the lowest GNP
countries only. There is a very wide scatter in the
data but a straight line fit for the two genders show
a distinct gap, reducing slightly with increasing
income. At the bottom end the gap represents an
18% bias while at the upper end of this income
range the gap has reduced both in absolute terms
and as a percentage (to about 5%). This
decreasing bias is shown in a different perspective
in Figure 3 which plots the gap against increasing
HDI (for the full data set). In this case there is an
obvious reduction in the bias as the base level
increases. The one outlier showing a large female
bias is the case of Lesotho this comes from a
much higher reported literacy rate for females.
The female bias at the high end of the scale comes
from the higher life expectancy for female in
developed countries.


5. Changes Over Time

The Human Development Report is based on data
for the late 1980s and is effectively the present
situation. It is the first time that the calculation of
the index has been carried out. It would be very
interesting to see how the index changes over time
and therefore an estimate was made of the value of
the index for the late 1970s in order to examine the
change over the last decade.

This index was developed using data on literacy
and life expectancy from the World Development
Report [2]. The main difficulty was that the formal
HDI figures were based on purchasing power
adjusted GDP figures which were not available for
the earlier period. Instead, the 1988 figures were
hindcast using listed GNP growth rates. This will
have introduced some errors but since the GDP
value is common to both genders these will not
effect the estimates of the gender bias.


page 12









The 1970s index was calculated for the forty four
"low development" countries as listed by UNDP
and, in order to ensure compatability, the 1980s
index was recalculated using figures from the same
sources. This means that the time comparisons
are as valid as can be expected, although there are
some inconsistencies in the two sets of 1980s
figures. (On average the recalculated figures are
around 15% lower than the UNDP figures, with
many of the countries in quite close agreement and
a small number significantly lower. A qualitative
comparison of the data sets indicates that the
recalculated figures underestimate in particular the
male HDI for some of the lowest countries but a
detailed analysis of the causes of the differences
has not been carried out.)

The results of the calculations are shown in Figure
4, which present the male and female values for
each of the two periods. The graphs show an
increase over the time period in both male and
female values and also a decrease in the gender gap
from 1970s to 1980s. The gap, in terms of a
simple average over the values calculated,
narrowed from about 25% to 7%, while the male
HDI increased by 22% over the period. This
1980s gap of about 7% (which is probably a low
figure, given the uncertainties in some of the
individual country male HDI values) is broadly
consistent with the range seen in the UNDP data.
The data certainly does demonstrate both an
upward shift in general HDI values and a closing of
the gender gap over the decade.


6. Human Development Index and
Environment

The analysis above indicates a clear (if not
necessarily) causal relationship between gender bias
and poverty but it is much more difficult to make
a connection with environmental degredation.
There are not sufficient quantitative measures of
environmental quality to allow practical correlations
to be made between gender based parameters and
natural or physical resources data.

One broad connection that can be identified is
between carrying capacity in Africa and HDI.
Figure 6 shows the countries of Africa and their
HDI rank, together with those countries which
were identified by FAO as having carrying
capacities of 5 or less. (In other words, where the
estimated capacity of the land to feed the existing
population in 1975 was 5 or less). It can be
seen that 32 of the 44 countries listed by UNDP as
"low" in HDI value are in Africa and all of the low


carrying capacity countries except two (Botswana
and Zimbabwe) are in this category. Once again,
the connection is not causal but does suggest that
there may be some connection between a stressed
environment and low levels of development,
although social factors will also be significant.


7. Conclusions

There are some aggregate data that can be used to
examine the issue of gender bias but results would
need to be interpreted and expanded by project
level results.

The Human Development Index is a reasonable
measure of overall welfare but it must be
remembered that it is based on three specific
parameters and is not (yet) an accepted
comprehensive measure.

The data presented here do show that there is a
correlation between low GNP and low overall
development, as measured by the Human
Development Index. There is clear evidence of a
gender bias in development, although this has
reduced over the past decade and becomes very
much less (at least as measured by the HDI) as per
capital incomes increase.

It is not possible at the present to construct a
statistical link between women, development and
the environment. This is principally because of the
lack of quantitative data on environmental quality,
particularly as it impacts agricultural and economic
development. However, there is much project
specific and anectdotal evidence that there is a
strong gender component in human relationships
with the environment, with an implied message that
a stronger focus on women' roles would help to
aleviate some of the ongoing environmental
degredation. Similarly, a recent international
opinion poll [3], in fifteen countries ranging from
Japan to Senegal, found that women were more
aware and concerned about environmental problems
than men. If the statistics are weak the conclusion
is nevertheless clear: in development projects more
attention (and resources) needs to be given to
women' requirements the environment will
almost certainly benefit also.


page 13









Bibliography

Louis Harris and Associates, (1988,1989),
Public and Leadership Attitudes to the Environment
in Four Continents, referenced p.10 in "World
Resources 1990-91" by World Resources Institute,
Oxford University Press, 1990.

UNDP, (1990), Human Development Report
1990, Oxford University Press, 1990.

World Bank, (1990), World Development Report
1990, Oxford University Press, 1990.


page 14







HUMAN DEVELOPMENT INDEX BY GENDER


0 4 B 12 16 20 24
(Thousands)
GNP PER CAPITAL (USS,1988)
O MALE + FEMALE




HUMAN DEVELOPMENT INDEX BY GENDER


0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8
(Thousands)
GDP PER CAPITAL (USS,1988)
O MALE + FEMALE


page 15


a
cl
z

!El

ow
"-,:3
,-,b
rat
z
M
11
r5T






DIFFERENCE BETWEEN MALE AND FEMALE HDI
(+ve means male HDI is larger)
40

0 0

30 -
0
O C
0 0
0 0 20

o 0 0 0 00

0 0 0 0 0 0
Slo- D O o O a
o 000 0
0 113




-. 0 0 0
00
D -10 -



-20 -



-30 a
-- 3 0 i1--- --- 1 --- i ---I----- i ---- i -------- --

0.1 0.3 0.5 0.7 0.9
(Thousands)
Human Development Index





MALE AND FEMALE HDI FOR "LOW" COUNTRIES
Values for mid 1970s
1


0.9


0.8 -

x
w 0.7
c

S 0.6-
0.4
E
a.
o 0.5




0.3 ---



0.2 -
0







0.1


0 I I I I
0 10 20 30 40

RANK (by UNOP)


page 16












MALE AND FEMALE HDI FOR "LOW" COUNTRIES
Values for mid 1980s
1


0.9 -


0.8 -

x
e 0.7
r-

c 0.6
E
S 0.5


0.4
4-

E
0.3 -
3 0.3


0.2


0.1 -


0-
0 ------I----- 1 --- I --- I ---- I ---- I -- I --

0 10 20 30 40

RANK (by UNDP)


page 17









Gender, Environmental Degradation, and

Development: Modifying the New Household

Economic Model


Gregor Btchner


1. Introduction

In the previous chapter we examined the magnitude
of gender bias at an aggregate level. The goal in
this chapter is to analyze the extent to which gender
bias is a significant factor in linking economic
development and environmental management in the
agricultural household. Anecdotal evidence
suggests that gender bias in favour of policy
directed at male led households at project level is
widespread. Furthermore, the underestimation and
undervaluation of the female role in environmental
management in the household suggests a substantial
degree of gender bias.

In particular we examine how gender bias fits into
existing assumptions of the internal dynamics of the
agricultural household model. Present theory is
based on the homogenous aggregates of main
household economic indicators and absence of any
environmental constraints. However,
anthropological research suggests a considerable
variation in economic gender roles while ecological
studies identify important resource use constraints,
especially with respect to sustainable development.

It would therefore appear that even in more
advanced models of the rural household such as the
New Household Economic Model (NEHM e.g.
Singh, Squire and Strauss, 1987) gender bias
occurs through the assumption of household utility
maximisation on the basis of an aggregate welfare
function, the assumption of an aggregated
household labour supply, the absence of both
natural and man-made resource use constraints.
The role of gender and environmental management
in agricultural household interaction therefore
requires further examination (Pearce, 1986).


2. The New Household Economic Model
(NHEM)

The NHEM has been chosen in place of other units


of analysis (such as the individual, the village, the
region, the nation) because it offers several distinct
analytical advantages. First, despite great
structural variety, households display a higher
degree of behavioral consistency than individual
preferences facilitating inter-regional comparisons.
Second, the agricultural household in particular
combines the functions of production and
consumption and its concomitant externalities in
one decision-making unit. Third, the rural
household represents a large proportion of the
developing country populations. Fourth,
environmental problems such as land degradation
and fuelwood and water depletion are most directly
linked in the rural household. A production
function approach can be taken instead of
attempting the complicated process of monetary
valuation. However, it should not be forgotten that
the agricultural household represents only one
response level. Analysis of informal village
associations for instance represents another level
for analysis.

The NHEM was developed in the late 1970's
(Barnum, 1979 and Singh, Squire and Strauss,
1986) to improve existing neo-classical models of
agricultural household behaviour. In order to pick
up the close relationship between consumption and
production in subsistence agriculture the model is
designed to examine the implications and responses
of households to projects or agricultural policy
integrating both the production and consumption
function in overall utility maximisation.
Assumptions are that the neo-classical model of
economic behaviour applies to the household as an
aggregate actor and well-functioning labour and
factor markets which permit independence of farm
profit maximisation and family welfare
maximisation.

Some alterations to reflect the complicated intra-
household decision-making process have already
been suggested. Ellis (1988) for example
introduces the notion of z-goods, ie goods whose


page 18








utility is derived only after a preparation process
(esp. food). This approach recognizes the labour
involved in the consumption of z-goods. The z-
good approach can be expanded to various
environmental resources (water, fuelwood) which
may often be unpriced at source but involve
substantial amounts of labour in order to be
consumed. Singh, Squire, and Strauss (1986)
introduce the notion of a household time constraint,
given that labour can either be devoted to
household production or the market. However,
their approach takes a limited view of the
application of labour and can be expanded to
include other non-production (non-staple crop) but
still productive activities. A disaggregation
according to household members would shed some
light on the ability of the household to react to
particular policy changes.


2.1. Constraining the agricultural household
model

Constraining the agricultural household model is an
attempt to improve our understanding of the
internal dynamics of the agricultural household and
its environmental constraints. The model should
meet the following requirements: incorporate
gender and environmental management constraints
to make bias explicit; permit the testing of
envisaged policy and projects for potential gender
bias; point to incentives which would reduce gender
bias; show areas where further data collection is
needed; generate aggregate data to quantify extent
of gender bias in linking economic development
and environmental management.


2.2. Disaggregating the agricultural household
model

Although the NHEM represents an advance on
earlier modelling approaches, further
disaggregation is necessary as intra-household
decision-making is not limited to male head of
household. For instance, households are often
female-headed either de jure (death or divorce) or
de facto (absentee husband). However, it would
not be useful to dispense with the NHEM
completely because a focus solely on the individual
misses out production, consumption and
environmental management functions.
Furthermore, the household constitutes a more
appropriate and convenient policy target than the
individual.


2.3. The production function

The production function side of the NHEM (Singh,
Squire and Strauss, 1986) considers the "business"
or "farming" side of household activities: "for any
production cycle, a household will maximise profit
whereby profit is a function of the price and level
of output of the agricultural staple, total labour
input, variable inputs, land inputs and fixed stock".

max {ir} T = T (p., Q., p ,, L, p, V, A, K)

where:

p, is the market price of the agricultural
staple,
Q, is the quantity of agricultural staple
output,
p, is the market price of labour,
L is the total labour input,
p, is the market price of a variable input,
V is a variable input (eg. fertilizer),
A is the household's fixed quantity of land,
K is the household's fixed stock of capital;

Given that the agricultural staple derives its value
directly from consumption which cannot be
exchanged in the market or substituted by another
activity while the cash crop derives its value
indirectly through the market and profits which can
be reused in the market or substituted by another
activity, the agricultural staple should be
disaggregated. We can construct a separate
production for the cash crop (QJ and food crop
(Qf), given that the maximisation objective for the
former, namely food security, is different from the
maximisation objective for the latter, namely profit.

"for any production cycle, a household will
maximise the security of a minimum supply of food
crop independently of cash available to buy food,
whereby food security is a function of the certainty
of the level of food crop output, total labour input,
variable inputs, land inputs and fixed stock" (Singh,
Squire and Strauss, 1986)

max security of minimum (Q,,) msm Q, =
msm Qrf (P [Qf], pI, L, p,, V, A, K)

where:

Qf is the quantity of food crop output,
msm Q, is the maximum security of a
minimum level of quantity of food
crop,
P (Qr) is the probability of the quantity of
food-crop output,


page 19









p, is the market price of labour,
L is the total labour input,
p, is the market price of a variable
input,
V is a variable input (eg. fertilizer),
A is the household's fixed quantity of
land,
K is the household's fixed capital of
stock;

and:

"for any production cycle, a household will
maximise profit depending on the price of the cash
crop, the quantity of cash crop output, the market
price of labour, the total labour input, the market
price of variable inputs, variable inputs, the
household's fixed quantity of land and fixed stock
of capital".

max {7} w = w (po, QQ, pR, L, p,, V, A, K)

where:

p, is the market price of the food crop,
Q is the quantity of cash crop output,
p, is the market price of labour,
L is the total labour input,
p, is the market price of a variable input,
V is a variable input (eg. fertilizer),
A is the household's fixed quantity of land,
K is the household's fixed stock of capital;


2.4. The consumption function

The consumption function considers the "family"
side of household activities. Singh, Squire and
Strauss provide a very simple model.

"for any production cycle, a household will
maximise utility whereby utility depends on the
consumption of an agricultural staple, a market
purchased good, and leisure" (Singh, Squire and
Strauss, 1986)

max {(U) U = U (X, Xm, X)

where: -

X, is an agricultural staple,
X. is a market purchased good,
X, is leisure;

As mentioned above, this can be expanded into a
utility matrix by desegregating household utility
into individual utilities, expanding utility


maximisation to other "goods" and material
improvements, and disaggregating the agricultural
staple. Utility disaggregation should reflect a
differing valuation of goods or material
improvements by individual household members.
We should therefore be able to utility changes
which offer a potential Pareto improvement for
inter-household utility but might not do the same
for intra-household utility. Alternatively, we
should be able to test for a potential maximin
improvement (Rawls, 1971) for individual groups
of people (women, children). Sources of utility can
be expanded to include agricultural staple,
fuelwood and water (though in some cases this
might be covered by market purchased goods) as
well as education and nutrition.

3. Constraints

We must now consider in detail a number of
constraints observed from household behaviour. I
first mention the production and consumption
constraints developed by Singh, Squire and Strauss.
I then consider additional gender, resource use and
dynamic constraints.


3.1. Consumption constraints

Two consumption constraints can be identified.
First, a cash income constraint where:

"total cash expenditure on market goods cannot
exceed income from excess agricultural staple
minus income (expenditure) on farm labour input
minus cost of variable inputs plus any remittances"
(Singh, Squire, Strauss, 1986)

p X. = p. (Q X,) p (L F)- p, V + E

where:

p, is the price of the market purchased
good,
X, is a market purchased good,
p, is the market price of the agricultural
staple,
Q, is the quantity of agricultural staple
output,
X, is an agricultural staple,
p, is the market price of labour,
L is the total labour input,
F is the family labour input,
p, is the market price of a variable input,
V is a variable input (eg. fertilizer),
E is non-labour, non-farm income (eg.
remittances, credit);


page 20









Second, it is worth considering a minimum income
constraint, given that in a mixed market subsistence
economy survival without any income at all is
impossible.


3.2. Production constraints

Singh, Squire and Strauss also identify an input and
time constraint on the production function. The
input constraint assumes that:

"the quantity of agricultural output is limited by the
availability of total amount of labour, variable
inputs, a fixed quantity of land, and a fixed stock
of capital".

Q = Q (L, V, A, K)

where:

Q. is the quantity of agricultural staple
output,
L is the total amount of labour,
V is a variable input (eg. fertilizer),
A is the household's fixed quantity of land,
K is the household's fixed stock of capital;

The time constraint stipulates that:

"a household cannot allocate more time to leisure,
on-farm production, or off-farm production than the
total available".

T = X, + F

where:


is the total stock of household time,
is leisure,
is the family labour input;


3.3. Gender constraints


Gender constraints appear mainly in the labour
market. First, women are subjected to a different
cash income constraint than men, due to gender
discrimination in off-farm labour markets where the
female wage rate is lower and reduced access to
credit. Both result in an inefficient allocation of
resources, ie. labour and capital.

Second, women also face an additional cash
expenditure constraint due to a limited authority to
dispense their own money. A similar constraint
might be imposed by the need to purchase certain


types of goods, eg. food. Willingness to pay
therefore does not necessarily reflect personal
preferences.

Third, the total stock of household labour time
depends on the number of household members.

L = L, = LI + L2 + ... + L, for n = (1,
2, 3, ... i)

where:

L, is the total stock of household labour
time,
L, is the stock of the first family member's
labour time,
L, is the stock of the last family member's
labour time;

The goal is to construct a labour time use matrix
for the household as a whole.

Fourth, each individual is subject to constraints of
time use as well. On a daily basis these constraints
limit the total stock of individual time available as
follows:

T, = 24 hours S, (sleep) L, (labour) LS,
(leisure).

Variation on a short-term basis is possible but there
exists a minimum number of hours of sleep
required on a long-term basis.

Fifth, more important for gender differentiation
though, are seasonal variations of labour time use
(mainly due to harvest).

L, = L., (time spent on crop one) + Ta
(time spent on crop two) + OT (all other
labour tasks),

whereby there is a seasonal minimum of time that
has to be spent on a particular crop.

Sixth, women are constrained by physical or social
non-substitutability of labour (ie. gender specificity
of labour). This can be represented in the
following way.

L = FC + CC + OF + AH + CR + FP +
FW + WC + EC

where:

FC is a food crop,
CC is a cash crop,


page 21









OF
AH
CR
FP
FW
WC
ED


is off-farm labour,
is animal husbandry,
is child rearing,
is food preparation,
is fuelwood gathering,
is water collection,
is education.


In turn, each member of the household is limited to
a certain number of tasks (not in any specific
order) given a limited amount of time, eg:

L, = CC + AH + OF (male adult),
L, = FC + OF + CR + FP + FW + WC
(female adult),
L, = ED + FP + CR + FW + WC (female
child),
L4 = AH + ED + FW + WC (male child)

Compared with an unrestrained model, these
constraints create a less efficient allocation of
individual time in terms of activity.

Seventh, we can now identify total and individual
job specific labour time constraints, whereby each
activity can only draw total labour time from a
limited amount of individuals, eg:

CC = CC (L1)
AH = AH (LI, L4)
etc.

but assuming individual labour time available
remains constant in the long term, any increase in
demand of one form of labour necessarily implies
a reduction in another type of labour time;


3.4. Resource use constraints

Environmental management activities have an effect
on utility both through the consumption and the
production function. Disaggregation is necessary
given gender specific use of resources to varying
degrees and for differing purposes. Individuals
also differ in their resource benefits valuation.

First, land use is constrained by land degradation in
the form of soil erosion and pastureland depletion.
Constraints are the result of inappropriate crop type
use, frequency of use and type of land used. For
the production function degraded land either
reduces long-term output or requires substitution
with higher levels of labour and variable inputs.
For the consumption function, degraded land may
require a diversion of time allocation to farming
labour creating an opportunity cost of foregone


benefit elsewhere.

Second, fuelwood gathering is constrained by
deforestation. Constraints are posed by the quality
of fuelwood gathered, the quantity available, the
accessibility, and the substitutability with other
fuels. Depletion usually requires higher household
time allocation implying an opportunity cost of
household time. Opportunity cost may take the
form of reduced agricultural output or increased
off-farm labour costs.

Third, water collection is constrained by droughts
and pollution. The utility of any particular well is
a function of the quality, quantity and accessibility.
As quality decreases, previous drinking water can
only be used for irrigation. Outtake quantity must
be sustainable and not induce over-rapid lowering
of water levels. If a well dries up and a further
one is used more time must be devoted to the
collection of a fixed amount of water.

Fourth, natural inputs are constrained by variable
use. Inputs such as dung can be used both as fuel
and fertilizer while woody biomass can also be used
either as fodder or fuel.

Fifth, utility is affected by optimal gender specific
and total knowledge of efficient and sustainable
resource use. The level of information constraints
is determined by education and extension service.

Sixth, poverty constraints affect the ability of the
individual to maximise direct income. Below a
certain level of cash and food income utility is
reduced through forced non-optimal use of
resources and labour. A Rawlsian maximin
criterion might therefore be more appropriate than
the traditional Pareto improvement.


3.5. Dynamic constraints

So far, the modifications of the NHEM have
remained in the static realm. However, it has
become clear, especially in the resource constraint
section, that the concept of sustainable development
and sustainable use of natural resources is
imperative both to correctly formulating constraints
and devising policy. In particular, the non-
substitutability of certain forms of natural capital
must be stressed through the constant natural
capital rule.

Given the frequency of uncertain property rights,
especially for women, differences in risk-taking
behaviour can be expected. Furthermore, female


page 22









responsibility for food security might also affect
risk taking behaviour. This is likely to be
represented in higher discount rate for women.


4. Policy testing

The goal of revising the NHEM is not so much to
prescribe policy but to permit improved
understanding of existing mechanisms. On the one
hand the intention is to minimise the disturbance to
the local social value structure. On the other hand,
it is imperative to make social and economic trade-
offs explicit in terms of: the costs of economic
inefficiency, the costs of poverty, the costs of non-
sustainability, and the costs of inequity.

In any specific project or policy scenario, the
model should provide and indication of the
efficiency of various policy incentives and
mechanisms to achieve predetermined policy target.


5. Conclusion

While anecdotal project evidence suggests a
considerable linkage between gender, resource
management and use and development at the
agricultural household level, this is not reflected in
any of the existing economic household models.
Even more advanced models such as the NHEM,
do not fully accommodate the constraints imposed
by gender and natural resource use. Particular
areas of concern are assumptions of aggregate
household utility maximisation, aggregate
agricultural production functions, assumptions of
well-functioning labour and input markets, intra-
household time-use constraints, and non-valuation
of environmental services.




Bibliography

Barnum, H. and Squire, L., (1979), "An
Econometric Application of the Theory of the Farm
Household", Journal of Development Economics,
Vol.6, pp. 79-102.

Ellis, F. (1988), Peasant Economics: Farm
Households and Agrarian Development, CUP.

Pearce, D.W., et al., (1988) ,"Role of Women
in Managing Environmental Resources: Gender,
Natural Resources And Economic Development",
Research Proposal from University College London


to The World Bank, January 1988.

Rawls, (1971), A Theory of Justice.

Singh, I., Squire, L. and Strauss, J., (1986)
,"A Survey of Agricultural Household Models:
Recent Findings and Policy Implications", The
World Bank Economic Review, September 1986,
Vol. 1, No. 1, pp. 149-179.

Stone, A. and Molnar, A., "Issues: Women and
Natural Resource Management", mimeo, 1986.


page 23









The Gender Issue in the Third World and the

Constraints of Economic Theory


Tom Gameson


1. Gender and Status

Gender may be seen as a symbolic construction or
as a socio-economic relationship. Feminist
literature which views women's subordination as
universal tends to symbolise the distinctions
between man and woman purely in cultural terms.
Thus woman is associated with nature and
domesticity, man with culture and public life.
However, analytical debate appears to have failed
to discover a consensus of these issues.

Those who maintain that woman's subordination is
not universal tend to approach the problem of
gender relations through a consideration of what
women and men do. Men and women play
different roles in society, their gender differences
being shaped by ideological, historical, religious,
ethnic, cultural and economic factors. The
economic concepts most commonly referred to are
the gender division of labour, more specifically, the
gender divisions of tasks and the allocation of time
and income, and the overall control men have over
women.


1.1. The Gender Division of Labour

The feminist reference to a 'sexual division of
labour' implies causation by biological differences.
However, as Dankelman and Davidson (1989)
amongst many point out, women tend not only to
work longer hours than men, they often do the
most onerous physical tasks, reflecting norms and
beliefs and social customs which govern and
circumscribe individual behaviour. They must
therefore be susceptible to change.

Indeed, it is widely accepted that the impact of
colonisation and international capitalism have had
a profound effect on women's economic activities,
in many cases undermining their economic
autonomy (Boserup, 1970). Ivan Illich (1982) has
argued that the inevitable consequence of economic
growth has been the conversion of gendered but
complementary societies into genderless and sexist


ones. Genderless as revealed in economic theory
by the 'entrepreneur' and the 'labourer'. Sexist
because it polarises the human labour force. His
contention is that the movement towards greater
equality in the developed world is a myth and that
to reduce sexism requires economic shrinkage.
Whatever the rights and wrongs of such an
argument it is unacceptable to suggest that in all
pre-colonial societies women have a significant
degree of independence.


1.2. The Division of Tasks

Illich's concepts are echoed in Marxian philosophy.
Engels' vision of the origin of women's oppression
arose from a 'naturally' determined sexual division
of labour which in turn shaped the form of the
family. One result of this idea that is often seen in
the gender literature, is that while the relations of
production and reproduction are often seen as co-
existing systems which influence and affect one
another, a somewhat artificial separation is none
the less maintained between 'the economy' and 'the
family'.

McSweeney (1979) categorised the various
activities of women in rural areas:

A. Reproductive activities

a. Generational reproduction: childbearing and
infant care, care and upbringing of children;

b. Daily reproduction: cooking, cleaning, washing,
mending clothes, firewood collection, water
carrying, house building and repair;

B. Productive activities '

a. Production for household use: cultivation of food
crops, animal husbandry, food processing,
tailoring, craft work;

b. Production for the market: cultivation of cash
crops, food marketing, wage work, craft work for


page 24









sale;


C. Leisure activities

meals, personal hygiene, social obligations, many
others.

The list emphasizes the direct link between the
work of women and their local environment. Of
course not all activities can be unambiguously
assigned to each label. For example, some work
can be for the home as well as for the market.

In most Third World societies activities in the home
are mainly the responsibility of women and their
older children. The absence of men from such
activities is, for the most part, a social rather than
a biological phenomenon.

Women also participate in productive activities,
frequently in informal sector enterprises located
either in the home or at the neighbourhood level.
For dejure and de facto reasons it is estimated that
about one-third of the world's households are
headed by women. In these situations women may
have primary if not total responsibility for the
financial and organisational aspect of the
household.

Moser (1989) adds a third role to women, that of
community management work (in both urban and
rural contexts) based on the provision of items of
collective consumption. Moser argues that men's
community work is quite different, normally
approximating to the community leadership role in
which they organise at the formal political level.

Thus women, unlike men, are considered to be
severely constrained by the problem of
simultaneously balancing all of these different
roles.


1.3. Income

Productive work is recognized as such by virtue of
its exchange value. Thus the majority of men's
work is valued either directly through paid
remuneration, or indirectly through status and
political power, while the majority of women's
work (for use) is made invisible. Moreover the
product of women's non-wage labour is available to
meet the needs of the family as a whole. The same
is not necessarily true however of cash income
generated mainly by men. The degree of sharing
of income has a direct impact on material
consumption.


1.4. The Subordination of Women

This is essentially the degree of control which men
have over the way women conduct their lives, as
well as over the intra-household allocation of tasks.
Patriarchy, for example, describes the state when
socially men control the property, resources and
income of the household, also commonly the labour
time of women their freedom of movement and
their levels of consumption. Thus when economic
development has genuinely benefitted poor men, it
has not always benefitted poor women and indeed
has often harmed them. "Although women
represent half the world's population and one third
of the official labour force, they receive only one
per cent of the world's income and own less than
one percent of the world's property." (UN
conference, Copenhagen, 1980) Apart from
income, already mentioned, women have only very
limited access to and control over credit, land,
education, training and information (Dankelman
and Davidson, 1989).


1.5. Time Allocation

The Study of time allocation opens up differences
between men and women in hours of work,
productivity and returns to labour. It is also a first
step towards identifying areas of cooperation,
conflict, independence and obligation.

Typically national statistics do not collect any
information on work within the household, and in
rural areas they understate the contribution of
women to the farm because they are assigned to the
category of housewives (Beneria, 1981). Thus data
of this kind comes mainly from field studies of
sample households.

Form such studies Ellis (1988) has established three
general results. First, in many peasant societies
women work longer hours than men. Secondly, in
all peasant societies, as elsewhere, there are
rigidities in the division of tasks. Finally the role
of women in actual farm work varies considerably
but some patterns emerge, for example:

In Africa women often work in food crops for
domestic subsistence and men in cash crops
for market sale.

Throughout the Third World the poorer the
household the higher the farm work hours of
women.


page 25









Women in poor farm households often work
as casual wage labour on other farms.

Form this Ellis summarised that economic theories
which treat men and women as perfect substitutes
can be crucially inaccurate. Substitution is
typically lower with respect to household chores,
but it is sometimes higher in market activity. Thus
the amount of time women can work in
'production' depends on the rigidity of their
commitment to household work. He also observed
the unequal distribution of time with respect to cash
income earning activities, with all that that implies
about the share of the household total product.


2. Utility, Comparative Advantage and
Market Prices

Since the economic relationships between people
within a household are not mediated by market
prices, neoclassical economics treat the household
as maximising a single utility function. This is not
derived by summing the utility function of
individual members. Instead the assumption is that
household members subordinate their individual
wants to the pursuit of common goals, in other
words, altruism. It is easier to justify the single
family welfare function by reference to an altruistic
household head a benevolent dictator who sets the


Figure 1 Time allocation of a farm woman


goals in the interests of the family than by
pretending it could be derived from the preferences
of all the family members.

Altruistic motives are familiar to economists and
can by and large be subsumed into the traditional
model of rational economic behaviour (Pearce and
Turner, 1990). However, there is an inherent
danger in this analysis. In neoclassical economics
conflict and exploitation cannot exist in the market
because transactions do not occur unless both
parties benefit from them. The altruism assumption
ensures that they do not occur in the home either
(Folbre, 1986). How gender blind might economic
theory be?

The division of labour is explained in household
economic theory by static comparative advantage -
the opportunity cost of labour in the market. For
example, if men and women were equally efficient
at household chores but men received higher wages
in the market than women, then men would go to
work and women would stay in the home. The
obvious problem with this is that, as suggested
earlier, it rules out all non-market reasons for the
division of labour and resources in the home, but
relies purely on market prices. It also rules out
unequal power and separate areas of decision
making in the home.


Leisure
Farm work I
I


TPP





o
Q,I


Household work


page 26









2.1. Disaggregation of the Household

Clearly the social subordination of women cannot
be investigated if economic analysis stops at the
front door of the home. One way forwards is to
build on the distinction between market and non-
market areas of inter-household decisions. If, as
suggested earlier, women's 'productive' time may
be constrained by 'reproduction' activities, then it
is possible to build an illustrative model to suggest
analytical possibilities by disaggregating the
household rather than treating it as an aggregate
unit. Ellis (1988) proposes an illustrative model.

Assume the woman is wholly responsible for
household chores and for producing the staple crop
which feeds the entire household, but receives none
of the cash income from the sale of the surplus.

The horizontal axis on figure 1 measures total
hours available with household work time
increasing from right to left and farm work time
increasing form left to right. There are two
constraints: minimum housework T2 and minimum
food consumption Q1. The only variation thus
open lies between A and B. What determines the
women's labour input in this area? It might occur
at some point E where her indifference curve trade
off between income and


leisure time equals her marginal value product in
farm work.

This model dispenses with a family utility function
for a personal one. If the surplus cash is lost to
her husband, the personal utility for extra income
is zero and her farm work stops at A rather than E.
However altruism could theoretically push labour
input to T2 (point B). Of course rarely in Third
World societies can individual women possess such
neoclassical economic freedom, and decisions do
not correspond to marginal utility criteria. The
main point is that the gender division of labour
limits the scope for variation of personal labour
time. Now assume a market for labour and a
single wage the opportunity cost of time for both
men and women. This permits the economic
optimum level of labour use in food production to
be identified. One such optimum is shown at point
C in Figure 2 giving a total output of Q3 and a
labour input of T3.

Here A and B represent sub-optimal levels of
labour use and output. Thus if the man does not
engage in food production, lower output and
incomes occur. The optimum is reached by the
man taking on 'reproductive' work or food
production.


Figure 2 Impact of a market wage


TPP


T, T2


T4
Household work


page 27








Now assume a rise in the price of the staple food
which gives a new efficiency position at point D.
Whether this causes increased output depends on
the rigidity of the division of labour. If the man
will do neither more household work or more food
production, the woman may keep her labour input
at point A, perceiving no gains to be achieved by
raising output above minimum subsistence.

In summary the rigidities of time allocation, and
unequal command over other resources can result
in the household being inflexible in its response to
market forces. Non-market determinants may thus
be seen as a constraint on the material conditions of
survival of the household quite apart form its
meaning for the subordination of women.



Bibliography

Beneria L., (1981), "Conceptualising the Labour
Force: The Underestimation of Women's Economic
Activities", Journal of Development Studies,
Vol.17, No.3.

Boserup E., (1979), Women's Role in Economic
Development, Earthscan.

Dankelmann I. and Davidson J., (1988),
Women in Environment in the Third World,
Earthscan.

Ellis F., (1988), Peasant Economics, Cambridge
University Press.

Folbre N., (1986), "Hearts and Spades:
Paradigms of Household Economics", World
Development, Vol.6, pp. 87-103.

Illich I., (1982), Gender, Pantheon.

McSweeney B.G., (1979), "Collection and
Analysis of Data of Rural Women's Time Use",
Studies in Family Planning, Vol.10, No.11/12.

Moser C., (1989), "Gender Planning in the Third
World: Meeting Practical and Strategic Gender
Needs", World Development, Vol.17, No.ll, pp.
1799-1825.

Pearce D.W. and Turner K., (1990),
Economics of Natural Resources and the
Environment, Harvester Wheatsheaf.


page 28









Land Management and Soil Conservation in

Malawi: A Case Study


Joanne C. Burgess


Malawi has an agriculturally based economy, with
agriculture accounting for 37% of GDP, 90% of
exports and 85% of total labour force utilization
(Barbier and Burgess, 1990). Although 4.3 million
hectares (ha) of land, from a total of 9.4 million
ha, in Malawi is classified as arable, only around
2.4 million ha is probably suitable for agriculture,
most of which is already under cultivation. Given
that land density in Malawi is among the highest in
Africa and that its population is over 6 million and
growing rapidly, the already high pressure on the
land will continue to intensify (World Bank,
1989a). Land degradation (i.e. the process of
accelerated soil erosion whereby land use practices
result in net loss of soil from arable land and
deteriorating soil structure and fertility) is a serious
problem in Malawi (Lele, 1989). It is of crucial
importance that soils are conserved to sustain land
productivity and support the demands of the
increasing population (World Bank, 1989b).


1. Women-Poverty-Land Degradation

The most apparent relationship between women and
the environment arises through the link between
women, poverty and land degradation. The
poverty profile of Malawi shows that across all
households, female-headed households make up a
large percentage of the poor and core poor
households (see Table 1; World Bank, 1989). It is
typically the relatively less well off households that
tend to shoulder a disproportionate burden of the
impacts of poverty and land degradation. It is
mostly the poorer households that are marginalized
onto the smaller plots (<0.5 ha), steeper slopes
(> 12%) and less fertile soils when the pressure on
the land increases or the existing quality of land
declines.

The poorer households are often unable to finance
agricultural inputs such as fertilizer and new maize
varieties, unable to rotate annual crops, make
insufficient use of leguminous crops in
intercropping and relay cropping or undertake soil
conservation. As a direct consequence they face


declining soil fertility and lower crop yields (see
Table 1). This further exacerbates their poverty,
increases their dependance upon the land and
vulnerability to its degradation. They become
locked into a 'viscous circle of poverty-land
degradation' from which it is extremely difficult to
break free (Conway and Barbier, 1990).


2. Women, Land Management and Soil
Conservation

Women's relationship with the environment is not
just confined to the poverty link. Even in those
households that are not classified as poor women
are active participants in agricultural and household
production. Thus, gender becomes important when
women use, perception, knowledge and
management of the land is considered and
contrasted to that of men across all households.

A detailed study of the effects of agricultural
commercialization among smallholders in the
Zomba district of the southern region of Malawi
emphasizes the importance of considering gender
when examining household economies (this case
study is based on Peters et al, 1989). All
smallholders grow large amounts of maize, most of
which is intercropped with legumes, groundnuts
and other crops. Although some of this may be
sold, the majority is retained for household
consumption. In addition, some smallholders
cultivate the cash crop tobacco.

The household economy is highly commercialized
in that, on average, just over 30% of the total
income is from marketed agricultural production, a
further 39% comes from off-farm sources. The
latter includes transfers, mostly from relatives
working elsewhere, which make up 15% of total
average income. Some of these transfers are used
to buy fertilizers or to pay for hired agricultural
labour. However, in the poorer households, the
transfers are mainly used to support the low income
derived from the land.


page 29









There is an inequitable distribution of land in this
region. The smaller the land holdings the higher is
the percentage of female-headed households.
However, it is important to distinguish three
different types of female-headed households (see
Table 2A):

* Teba households where husbands are
employed in South Africa, are significantly
wealthier in income, land and total harvest
than other households. Larger household size
tends to reduce the difference in per capital
income measures;

* de jura households where the adult woman
is without a husband; and,

* male absentee households where the
husband's employment within Malawi, often
locally, takes him out of the household for at
least half the time. These tend to be the
poorest households responding to small land
holdings and/or the perception that an
adequate cannot be made on the family
landholding. Farming in this case is almost
completely the responsibility of the wives.

The distribution of income is equally shared
between men and women across all households.
However, in the male-headed households, the
female share of income is relatively less, and
declines with increasing income and with increasing
cash crop production. The type of crops cultivated
(cash/food crops) differ between men and women -
with female-headed households cultivating an
average of 90% of their land under the food crop
maize, whilst men cultivate maize on 81 % of their
farms, with the remaining land mostly under the
cash crop tobacco.

The land is cultivated overwhelmingly by family
labour, and especially women on the smallest plots
(see Table 2B). As landholding size increases so
does men's agricultural labour. In contrast,
women's agricultural labour first increases, the
decreases with increasing plot size. Although
agricultural work tends to increase with farm size,
farmers on the smaller plots tend to have longer
total work days because they undertake higher
levels of off-farm labour. The use and rates of use
of agricultural inputs, notably fertilizer, tends to be
low across all households, although those with
smaller plots and sufficient cash are able apply
fertilizer more intensively.

The size of maize harvests correlates positively
with income. The Teba households have similar


per capital landholdings to male-headed households
but larger per capital maize harvests. Their higher
income levels, mainly derived from remittances
sent from husbands working in South Africa,
enables them to purchase labour and fertilizer
inputs for their farms and thus increase land
productivity.

The dominant objective across all households
appears to be achieving food security and the
more food supplies that the household is able to
produce on his/her own farm, the lower the risk the
household faces during times of food shortages.
However, the dynamics between income strategies,
sales of cash crops (including food crops) and the
retention of food crops is complex and differs
across households depending upon a wide range of
factors. For example, as income rises the retention
of own produced maize for household use increases
both relatively and in absolute terms. This is
influenced by the trade-off between meeting
household needs for cash immediately after the
maize harvest, their expected need to purchase food
in the pre-harvest food shortage period and their
level of income to support these requirements.
There is no data available to suggest that women
may be more risk averse than men, and have a
higher discount rate, but this may have an
important role in differentiating male/female
household coping strategies.

Although the new maize varieties give higher yields
on average compared to local maize varieties, they
require greater efforts for pounding, have poorer
storage capacity and are considered to have inferior
taste to the traditional varieties (Kydd, 1989). As
women are responsible for maize storage,
processing, and cooking their perception of the
benefits of the hybrid maize is likely to
significantly differ from those of the men. In
addition, the traditional maize varieties are more
drought resistent than the new varieties and
perform relatively well on poor soils and without
fertilizer. As it is the women who often cultivate
the poorer soils and are usually responsible for
caring for the crops after planting and up until
harvesting they are likely to be more highly aware
of the costs and benefits of the performance of
alternative crop varieties than men, and less
prepared to trade-off the risks associated with
growing the new hybrid versions.


3. Constraints on Women for Soil Conservation

Women confront a multitude of constraints that are
non-existent or less binding for men which limit


page 30









economic opportunities and improved land
management. For example, both men and women
may be constrained in uptaking new maize varieties
as it requires relatively intensive fertilizer inputs as
compared to local maize. However, female-headed
households are often low-income and are unlikely
to be able to raise sufficient own finance to
purchase maize. Women may, in addition, be
unable to purchase fertilizer on credit due to its
high cost and low availability, their high risk of
non-repayment which bars them from joining
'credit clubs', their limited ability to use land
ownership as a basis for loan security and/or sexual
discrimination (see Table 3A). Although women as
a percentage of total credit recipients has been
rising steadily in Malawi they still accounted for
only 30% in 1989/90 (Table 3B).

Large labour demands on women within the
household such as child bearing and rearing, fuel
and water collection, cooking, land preparation,
planting and weeding, and the limited availability of
affordable labour saving technologies, further
constrains their ability to undertake sound land
management. Female headed-households with no
male help available may be physically unable to
undertake the heavy agricultural work, or have
insufficient finance to hire labour, that is required
for soil conservation including constructing
ridging along contours, buildingbunds, maintaining
waterways and so on. Off-farm employment
opportunities for women to supplement farm
income may also be constrained by gender
discrimination in the labour market, such as for
cash labour on tobacco estates.

Understanding the process of soil erosion and
awareness of its impact on cultivation is critical to
farmer's willingness to undertake soil conservation.
A farmer is more likely to adopt a conservation
measure if he or she can directly relate to the
problem and link it to economic losses.
Smallholders in Malawi appear aware of the
problems posed by persistent soil erosion. This is
particularly noticeable among farmers cultivating
steep slopes who frequently cite problems of run-
off and declining yields (Barbier and Burgess,
1990). It is often the poor female-headed
households who cultivate the marginalized land and
women in general who undertake the majority of
farming and thus have significant interaction with,
and understanding of, the problems of soil erosion.


Extension advise on how to deal with the problems
posed by soil erosion is generally only reaching
larger farmers (> 1 ha) who are credit club


members. This typically excludes the majority of
female-headed households. What is more, of those
households that are reached by extension agents, it
is usually the males in the household who are
visited or uptake the recommended land husbandry
advice (see Table 4). The achievement of targets
for adoption of soil conservation is much lower by
women in comparison to men. Extension messages
tend to be very general, and often related to tasks
undertaken by men such as building ridges,
bunds, applying fertilizer. The messages are not
customized to the needs and requirements of
women, such as how to deal with problems of
labour constraints and so on (Barbier and Burgess,
1990).


4. Substistence Farm Household Production
Decisions

A recent study by Becker (1990) examines the
labour input decisions of subsistence farm
households in Southern Malawi with risky
agricultural technologies and constrained off-farm
employment opportunities. The study attempts to
explain why induced innovations leading to soil-
saving and labour-using technologies are not
generally adopted by smallholders. The use of
such technologies is a potential solution to
ameliorate the effects of increasing rural population
which exasperates the existing land pressure
causing declining soil fertility, yield reductions and
reduced self-sufficiency in subsistence production.


The study analyzes the factor input and subsistence
production decisions of rural households in a
modified neoclassical framework. The model
distinguishes by gender which household members
will be engaged in on-farm activities to produce the
required subsistence goods directly (i.e. survival
goods) and which members will be engaged in off-
farm employment to generate funds indirectly for
subsistence products and surplus. The model
distinguishes between the genders because it is
assumed that:

o male labour has three major job
opportunities permanent off-farm
employment, temporary off-farm employment
and production of subsistence goods whilst
female labour is discriminated from off-farm
employment and can only be utilized for the
production of subsistence goods on-farm;

o although women can participate in 'modern'
farming techniques, it is necessary for certain


page 31









male activities to be carried out to enable the
use of yield-increasing inputs; and,

o in order to receive modern inputs, the
male of the household is required to
participate in organisational activities outside
the household.

The yield increasing and land-saving technologies
will be implemented by the farm families only if
sufficient specific labour remains on-farm to
participate in learning and organisational activities
required for the adoption of these modern
technologies, and if families risk aversion towards
new technology if not too high. This analysis
highlights the need for special attention to be paid
to those households that are currently constrained
in fulfilling these requirements, such as female
headed households. In addition, it is recommended
that extension advice needs to focus on the the
household members with low opportunity costs of
off-farm employment (typically women) and
improve credit and input disbursement facilities is
required to reach the currently excluded sectors of
the population.

5. Conclusion

The persistence of pervasive low levels of income
and increasing population pressure coupled with
increasing land scarcity and land degradation
requires significant attention to ensure that the
economic development can take place and that
natural resource base of Malawi is not degraded
further. Women's role in environment and
development is important not just through the
poverty-land degradation link, but also because of
the level of their interaction with the land and the
particular constraints they face to undertake sound
land management. Thus, there is a need to take
special consideration of women's integration in
agricultural development in Malawi.

Development projects and policies need to be
sensitive to the role of gender in environment and
development, otherwise women are unlikely to
benefit, and at the worst face detrimental impacts,
from such strategies. Targeting policies to deal
with the gender issue requires detailed
understanding at a micro level. For example, the
case study above showed that in the Zomba district
of Malawi men are primarily responsible for the
tobacco cash crop whilst women cultivate mainly
substitence crops. Such information may be
important when considering the impact of crop
pricing policies at the farm household level.
However, it is important not to make broad


generalizations with such site specific data as the
cropping patterns and methods of cultivation vary
considerably throughout Malawi. Therefore,
policies to promote development whilst maintaining
the productivity of the land requires substantial
efforts to ensure that the role of gender is given
due and accurate consideration.




Bibliography


Barbier, E.B. and Burgess, J.C., (1990),
'Malawi Land Degradation in Agriculture',
Report for the World Bank Economic Mission on
Environmental Policy, Malawi, July-August 1990.

Becker, H., (1990), 'Labour Input Decisions of
Subsidtence Farm Housholds in Southern Nalawi',
Journal of Agricultural Economics, Vol.41, No.2,
pp. 162-172.

Conway, G.R. and Barbier, E.B., (1990), After
the Green Revolution: Sustainable Agriculture for
Development, Earthscan Publications Ltd, London.

Kydd, J., (1989), 'Maize Research: Lessons from
Failure', Journal of International Development,
Vol.1, No.1, pp.112-144.

Lele, U., (1989), Structural Adjustment.
Agricultural Development, and the Poor: Some
Lessons from the Malawian Experience, MADIA
Working Paper, World Bank, Washington DC.

Peters, P.E., Herrera, M.G., and Randolph,
T.F., (1989), Cash Cropping, Food Security and
Nutrition: The Effects of Agricultural
Commercialization Among Smallholders in Malawi,
final report to the U.S. Agency for International
Development, Harvard Institute for International
Development, One, Eliot Street, Cambridge, MA.

World Bank, (1989a), Malawi Agricultural
Sector Adjustment Credit, World Bank,
Washington DC.

World Bank, (1989b), Malawi Country
Economic Memorandum: Growth Through Poverty
Reduction, Vols. I and II, Washington DC.


page 32









Table 1


Malawi Smallholder Poverty Profile

Core Other Non
Poor Poor Poor

Sex of head of
household (% female) 42 34 16

Number of labour days/year
- per household 532 606 762
- per capital 133 138 143

Average land holding (ha)
- per household 0.39 0.73 1.76
- per capital 0.10 0.17 0.33

Agricultural services
- % using fertilizer 9 16 35
- maize yield (1000 tn/ha) 1.2 1.3 1.4



Source: World Bank [1989]. 'Malawi Country Economic Memorandum: Growth Through Poverty Reduction',
Washington DC, Table m.B.1.


page 33









Table 2


A. Characteristics of Smallholders in Zomba, Malawi

Male F Teba


De facto
household size

Male equiv.
labour units

Ratio women
to men

Per capital
ha cultivated

Per capital Kg
of maize harvested

No of tobacco
growers

Per capital (DJ)
income in Kwatcha

Household income
in Kwatcha


6.3


2.5


1.3


0.25


160.2


84.15


510.15


6.2


1.8


1.7


0.24


214.8


117.02


802.53


B. Male and Female Labour Hours by Activity and Land Group

<0.5 0.5-1 1-1.5 1.5-2
M F M F M F M F

Agr Prod 0.7 1.8 2.0 1.8 2.4 2.2 2.8

Self-Emp 1.3 0.6 0.5 0.3 0.4 0.3 0.7

Wage-Emp 3.9 0.1 2.2 0.2 0.8 0.1 0.4

Domestic 0.4 4.2 0.4 4.1 0.4 3.8 0.4

Others 4.9 5.1 5.0 4.8 4.6 4.9 4.8


2-3
M F

2.1 2.4

0.1 0.6

0.1 0.3

3.7 0.4

5.2 5.1


Source:P.E. Peters, M.G. Herrera and T.F. Randolph, [1989]. 'Cash Cropping, Food Security and Nutrition:
The Effects of Agricultural Commercialization Among Smallholders in Malawi', final report to U.S. AID.


page 34


F de
Jura

5.1


1.7


1.9


0.22


157.5


57.11


282.98


F Male
absent

5.9


1.9


1.2


0.19


108.4


2


50.39


331.98


3-5


M

2.2

0.1

0.1

2.9

4.8


F

3.3 1.9

0.3 0.3

0.1 0.0

0.6 3.2

6.9 4.3









Table 3


A. Fertilizer Use by Household Type (Blantyre ADD)


Total Households 883
Type of Household Male Female
No. % No. %
556 63.0 327 37.0

Fertilizer Farmers 208 37.4 90 27.5
Non-Fertilizer Farmers 348 62.6 237 72.5



B. Malawi Credit Disbursement and Input Use to Smallholders


83/84 84/85 85/86 86/87 87/88 88/89 89/90

Seasonal 11460 15555 19065 18283 26871 42211 57075
Loans ('000 MK)

No. of Credit 7191 8148 8259 8045 9129 10570 10722
Clubs

No. of Benef- 180 212 208 206 243 301 315
iciaries ('000)

% of Total 12.9 14.9 14.4 13.9 16.1 19.6 20.1
Farm Families

Women as % of 15.0 16.2 19.4 25.4 29.8 24.8 29.9
Beneficiaries

Average Loan 63.6 73.4 91.7 88.6 110.4 140.1 181.1
per Farmer (MK)




Source: E.B. Barbier and J.C. Burgess [1990]. 'Malawi Land Degradation in Agriculture', draft report to the
World Bank Economic Mission on Environmental Policy, Malawi, July-August 1990.


page 35









Table 4


Adoption of Soil Conservation, Ntcheu Rural Development
Project, Malawi


ACTIVITY


TARGET
(1)


ACHIEVEMENT
(2)


Farm Plans


Contour Marker Ridges


Composting


Manuring


Alley Cropping


Buffer Strips


Raised Boundaries/Paths


Gully Reclamation


Farmer Training


Notes:


M: 600
W: 300

M:1500
W:1000

M:4500
W:2500

M: 170
W: 80


8
2

200
100

80
20

500
220


M: 232
W: 42

M:1051
W: 156

M:3347
W:1002

M: 30
W: 14

M: 3
W: 0

M: 321
W: 199

M: 104
W: 20

M: 157
W: 245


(1/2)
%

37.5
0.0

38.7
14.0

70.1
15.6

74.4
40.1

17.6
17.5

37.5
0.0

160.5
199.0

130.0
100.0

31.4
111.4


M: Men W: Women.


Source: Table A from World Bank, Malawi Country Economic Memorandium: Growth Through Poverty
Reduction, Washington DC, 1989, Table III.B.1; Tables B,C and D from E.B. Barbier and J.C. Burgess,
Malawi Land Degradation in Agriculture, Report to the World Bank Economic Mission on Environmental
Policy, Malawi, London, July-August 1990.


page 36









Conclusions


The above sections highlight the various reasons
why economists need to pay special attention to the
role of gender in sustainable development. We
have drawn together what we consider to be the
major problems for economists attempting to persue
this objective and suggests some positive steps that
need to be taken:

o failure to recognize the relationship
between women, environment and
development

It is important that the linkages between women-
environment-development continue to be explored
by further research at the field and macro-level and
that greater efforts are devoted to such research.
It is also necessary the findings of the research are
widely dispersed through a mix of academic
publications, the 'grey literature' and the popular
press.

o greater integration of the social sciences
with economic analysis

For economic analysis of the relationship between
women-environment-development to provide useful
insights it is necessary that much more inter-
disciplinery research is undertaken. Practical
experience and theoretical ideas developed by other
disciplines needs to be integrated into economic


understanding. Current methods of economic
analysis may have to be modified in the light of
these ideas.

o greater information is required at both a
macro and a micro level

In order to have any significant impact on policy
making, data reflecting the costs of the policy
decisions failing to account for women and the
environment is of great importance. This is
necessary both to influence governments and aid
agencies, although it is likely that such data is
expensive to obtain. Macro-level data may be
necessary, but is insufficient for understanding the
problems posed by women-environment-
development linkages. A key priority is to
establish greater understanding of the relationships
at the micro-level, and in order to achieve this a
substantial amount of effort has to be put into
obtaining field-level information.

o appropriate policy response and action

Probably the most difficult area for the future is
soliciting the appropriate response from government
and aid agencies. Policy makers may need to pay
specific attention to women projects and target
women and women groups through specific
policies.


page 37







LONDON ENVIRONMENTAL ECONOMICS CENTRE


DISCUSSION PAPERS


LEEC Discussion Papers examine a wide range of issues in environmental economics,
including theoretical questions as well as applications, case studies and policy analysis. They
are directed mainly at academics and researchers.


DP 88-01

David W. Pearce, Edward B. Barbier and Anil Markandya
Environmental Economics and Decision Making in Sub-Saharan Africa
September 1988 (3.50)

DP 88-02


Edward B.


Barbier
Sustainable Agriculture and the Resource Poor: Policy Issues and Options
October 1988 (3.50)


DP 88-03


David W. Pearce, Edward B. Barbier and Anil Markandya
Sustainable Development and Cost Benefit Analysis
November 1988 (3.50)

DP 89-01

Edward B. Barbier and Anil Markandya
The Conditions for Achieving Environmentally Sustainable Development
January 1989 (3.50)

DP 89-02

Nicholas Michael and David W. Pearce
Cost Benefit Analysis and Land Reclamation: A Case Study
February 1989 (3.50)

DP 89-03

Douglas Southgate
Efficient Management of Biologically Diverse Tropical Forests
March 1989 (3.50)






2 LEEC: Discussion Papers


DP 89-04


Timothy Swanson
A Proposal for the Reform of the African Elephant Ivory Tmde
June 1989 (4.00)


DP 89-05

Edward B.


Barbier and Joanne Burgess
The Demand For African Elephant Ivory
June 1989 (3.50)


DP 89-06

Scott Barrett


Deforestation, Biological Conservation, and the Optimal Provision of Wildlife
Reserves
July 1989 (3.50)


DP 89-07

Scott Barrett


On The Overgrazing Problem
July 1989 (3.50)


DP 89-08


Scott Barrett


Optimal Soil Conservation and the Reform of Agricultural Pricing Policies
July 1989 (3.50)


Douglas Southgate, Rodrigo Sierra and Lawrence Brown
The Causes of Tropical Deforestation Ecuador: A Statistical Analysis
October 1989 (3.50)

DP 89-11

Charles Perrings, Alison Gilbert, David W. Pearce and Anne Harrison
Natural Resource Accounts for Botswana: Environmental Accounting for a
Natural Resource-Based Economy
November 1989 (3.50)


DP 89-09







LEEC: Discussion Papers 3


DP 89-12

Gardner Brown Jr. and Wes Henry
The Economic Value of Elephants
November 1989 (3.50)

DP 89-13

Charles Perrings
Industrial Growth, Rural Income, and the Sustainability of Agriculture in the
Dual Economy
December 1989 (3.50)

DP 90-01

R. Kerry Turner and David W. Pearce
The Ethical Foundations of Sustainable Economic Development
March 1990 (3.50)

DP 90-02

Anil Markandya
Environmental Costs and Power Systems Planning
May 1990 (3.50)

DP 90-03

Edward B. Barbier
The Economics of Controlling Degradation: Rehabilitating Gum Arabic
Systems in Sudan
June 1990 (3.50)

DP 90-04

Charles Perrings
Stress, Shock and the Sustainability of Optimal Resource Utilization in a
Stochastic Environment
October 1990 (3.50)

DP 90-05

Edward B. Barbier, Joanne C. Burgess and David W. Pearce
Slowing Global Warming: Options for Greenhouse Gas Substitution
October 1990 (3.50)







4 LEEC: Discussion Papers


DP 90-06

David W. Pearce
An Economic Approach to Saving the Tropical Forests
November 1990 (3.50)

DP 91-01

Douglas Southgate
Tropical Deforestation and Agricultural Development in Latin America
January 1991 (3.50)

DP 91-02

Edward B. Barbier, William M. Adams and Kevin Kimmage
Economic Valuation of Wetland Benefits: The Hadejia-Jama'are Floodplain,
Nigeria
April 1991 (3.50)

DP 91-03


Timothy M.


Swanson
Wildlife Utilisation as an instrument for natural habitat conservation: A
survey of the. literature and of the issues
May 1991 (3.50)


DP 91-04


Gregor Biichner, Joanne C Burgess, Victoria C Drake, Tom Gameson, David Hanrahan
Gender, Environmental Degradation and Development: The Extent of the
Problem
June 1991 (3.50)







LONDON ENVIRONMENTAL ECONOMICS CENTRE



GATEKEEPER SERIES


The LEEC Gatekeeper Series highlights key topics in the field of environmental and resource
economics. Each paper reviews a selected issue of contemporary importance and draws
preliminary conclusions of relevance to development activities. References are provided to
important sources and background materials. The Swedish International Development
Authority (SIDA) funds the series, which is aimed especially at the field staff, researchers
and decision-makers of SIDA and other development agencies.


GK 89-01

David W. Pearce
Sustainable Development: an Economic Perspective
June 1989 (2.50)

GK 89-02


Edward B.


Barbier
The Economic Value of Ecosystems: 1 Tropical Wetlands
August 1989 (2.50)


GK 89-03


David W. Pearce
The Polluter Pays Principle
October 1989 (2.50)

GK 89-04

Joanne C. Burgess
Economics of Controlling the Trade in Endangered Species: The African
Elephant
November 1989 (2.50)

GK 90-01


Edward B.


Barbier
Natural Resource Degradation Policy, Economics and Management
March 1990 (2.50)


GK 91-01


Edward B. Barbier
The Economic Value of Ecosystems: 2 Tropical Forests
January 1991 (2.50)







6 LEEC: Gatekeeper Series

GK 91-02


Edward B.


Barbier, Bruce Aylward and Joshua Bishop
Guidelines for Applying Environmental Economics in Developing Countries
May 1991 (2.50)


GK 91-03


Bruce Aylward
The Economic Value of Ecosystems: 3 Biological Diversity
June 1991 (2.50)


GK 91-04


David Pearce
Afforestation and the Greenhouse Effect: The Economics of Fixing Carbon
by Growing Trees
May 1991 (2.50)







LONDON ENVIRONMENTAL ECONOMICS CENTRE


BOOKS


Edward B. Barbier
Economics, Natural-Resource Scarcity and Development: Conventional and
Alternative Views, Earthscan, London, 1989 (paperback 15.00)

The history of environmental and resource economics is reviewed; then using insights from
environmentalism, ecology and thermodynamics, Barbier begins the construction of a new
economic approach to the use of natural resources and particularly to the problem of
environmental degradation. With examples from the global greenhouse effect, Amazonian
deforestation and upland degradation on Java, Barbier develops a major theoretical advance
and shows how it can be applied. This book breaks new ground in the search for an
economics of sustainable development.



David W. Pearce, Anil Markandya and Edward B. Barbier
Blueprintfor a Green Economy, Earthscan, London, 1989 (paperback 6.95)

This book was initially prepared as a report to the Department of Environment, as part of
the response by the government of the United Kingdom to the Brundtland Report, Our
Common Future. The government stated that: '...the UK fully intends to continue building
on this approach (environmental improvement) and further to develop policies consistent with
the concept of sustainable development.' The book attempts to assist that process.



Edward B. Barbier, Joanne C. Burgess, Timothy M. Swanson and David W. Pearce
Elephants, Economics and Ivory, Earthscan, London, 1990 (paperback 8.95)

The dramatic decline in elephant numbers in most of Africa has been largely attributed to the
illegal harvesting of ivory. The recent decision to ban all trade in ivory is intended to save
the elephant. This book examines the ivory trade, its regulation and its implications for
elephant management from an economic perspective. The authors' preferred option is for
a very limited trade in ivory, designed to maintain the incentive for sustainable management
in the southern African countries and to encourage other countries to follow suit.







8 LEEC: Books

Gordon R. Conway and Edward B. Barbier
After the Green Revolution: Sustainable Agriculture for Development,
Earthscan Pub. Ltd., London, 1990 (paperback 8.95)

The Green Revolution has successfully improved agricultural productivity in many parts of
the developing world. But these successes may be limited to specific favourable agro-
ecological and economic conditions. This book discusses how more sustainable and equitable
forms of agricultural development need to be promoted. The key is developing appropriate
techniques and participatory approaches at the local level, advocating complementary policy
reforms at the national level and working within the constraints imposed by the international
economic system.



David W. Pearce, Edward B. Barbier and Anil Markandya
Sustainable Development: Economics and Environment in the Third World,
London and Earthscan Pub. Ltd., London, 1990 (paperback 9.95)

The authors elaborate on the concept of sustainable development and illustrate how
environmental economics can be applied to the developing world. Beginning with an
overview of the concept of sustainable development, the authors indicate its implications for
discounting and economic appraisal. Case studies on natural resource economics and
management issues are drawn from Indonesia, Sudan, Botswana, Nepal and the Amazon.



David W. Pearce and R. Kerry Turner
** Economics of Natural Resources and the Environment, Harvester-
Wheatsheaf, London, 1990.

This textbook covers the elements of environmental economics in theory and in application.
It is aimed at undergraduates and includes chapters on sustainable development,
environmental ethics, pollution taxes and permits, environmental policy in the West and East,
recycling, and optimal resource use.



David W. Pearce, Edward B. Barbier, Anil Markandya, Scott Barrett, R. Kerry Turner and
Timothy M. Swanson
Blueprint 2: Greening the World Economy, Earthscan Pub. Ltd., London,
1991 (paperback 7.95)

Following the success of Blueprint for a Green Economy, LEEC has turned its attention to
global environmental threats. The book reviews the role of economics in analyzing global
resources such as climate, ozone and biodiversity, and considers economic policy options to
address such problems as global climate change, ozone depletion and tropical deforestation.







LONDON ENVIRONMENTAL ECONOMICS CENTRE



FORTHCOMING PUBLICATIONS


. Jean-Philippe Barde and David W. Pearce (eds.)
Valuing the Environment: Six Case Studies, Earthscan Pub. Ltd., London,
available June 1991 (paperback 9.95)







Copies of publications listed above (except those marked **) may be obtained from the
bookshop at IIED. Please use the order form below, and send to:


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IIED/UCL LONDON ENVIRONMENTAL ECONOMICS CENTRE


The London Environmental Economics Centre is a joint initiative of IIED and t.
Department of Economics of University College London. It has been funded by
core contributions from the governments of Sweden, Norway and the
Netherlands.
The Centre has as its main objectives:
Research into environmental problems of less developed countries from an
economic standpoint;
Dissemination of research and state of the art environmental economics
through publication, public and professional address and specialist
conferences;
Advice and consultancy on specific issues of environmental policy.




















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