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 Title Page
 Table of Contents
 Project summary
 Income generating activities
 Agroforestry
 Reasons for success of BBP
 The future
 Appendix














Group Title: Case study papers from the Only One Earth Conference on Sustainable Development
Title: Baudha-Bahunipati Family Welfare Project
CITATION THUMBNAILS PAGE IMAGE ZOOMABLE
Full Citation
STANDARD VIEW MARC VIEW
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00089569/00001
 Material Information
Title: Baudha-Bahunipati Family Welfare Project its income-generation activities, with particular reference to agroforestry
Series Title: Case study papers from the Only One Earth Conference on Sustainable Development
Physical Description: 23 p. : ; 30 cm.
Language: English
Creator: Arens, Tom
Nakarmi, Gopal
Sustainable Development Conference, (1987
Publisher: International Institute for Environment and Development
Place of Publication: London ;
Washington D.C
Publication Date: 1987
 Subjects
Subject: Rural development projects -- Nepal   ( lcsh )
Agroforestry -- Nepal   ( lcsh )
Genre: non-fiction   ( marcgt )
 Notes
Statement of Responsibility: Tom Arens, Gopal Nakarmi.
General Note: "Sustainable Development Conference, 28-30 April 1987"--Cover.
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00089569
Volume ID: VID00001
Source Institution: University of Florida
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: oclc - 20237917

Table of Contents
    Title Page
        Page 1
    Table of Contents
        Page 2
    Project summary
        Page 3
        Page 4
    Income generating activities
        Page 5
        Page 6
    Agroforestry
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
        Page 12
        Page 13
        Page 14
        Page 15
    Reasons for success of BBP
        Page 16
    The future
        Page 16
        Page 17
        Page 18
    Appendix
        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
        Page 22
        Page 23
Full Text



S- i ELOPMENT, INC.
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BAUDHA BAHUNIPATI FAMILY

Its Income-Generation

with Particular Reference


WELFARE PROJECT:

Activities,

to Agroforestry


For Presentation to the

International Institute for Environment and Development's

Conference on Sustainable Development

London, England


28 30 April 1987

TOM ARENS
GOPAL NAKARMI

World Neighbors
South Asia Regional Office










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TABLE OF CONTENTS


1. PROJECT SUMMARY


2. INCOME GENERATING ACTIVITIES

2.1 COSTS OF INCOME GENERATION ACTIVITIES


3. AGROFORESTRY

3.1 REPLICATION OF AGROFORESTRY PROGRAM


4. REASONS FOR SUCCESS OF BAUDHA BAHUNIPATI PROJECT


5. THE FUTURE

5.1 SELF-IMPROVEMENT

5.2 REPLICATION


6. APPENDIX







Acknowledgements

Mr Shanker Shah, Executive Director of the Family Planning
Association of Nepal, for his support of the Project's activities
and efforts to use its experiences to influence programs within
FPAN, other organizations and National programs.

Mrs Mona Rana, project Director of the BB-project, for support in
permitting her staff the decentralization and flexibility
necessary to experiment with bottom-up program planning.

Mr Huta Ram Baidya, Consultant to World Neighbors and the BB-
Project, for contribution to this paper and the Project,
particularly in farmer training and participatory process.




A/3 BBP Nepal


1. PROJECT SUMMARY


The Baudha-Bahunipati Project (BBP) is a project of the Family
Planning Association of Nepal. It presently covers 44 panchayats
of Sindhupalchowk District, 3 of Kavre and 1 of Kathmandu
District. World Neighbors provides support in 19 of these
panchayats, covering a population of about 80,000.

Altitude ranges from 2,500 to 16,000 ft, with North, East, South
and West facing exposures, rainfall extremes, micro-climate
variables, and three ethnic groups and various languages and
dialects. The Project began its presence in the village of
Bahunipati in 1973. Bahunipati is a small village on the bank of
the Indrawati river in Sindhupalchowk, elevation approximately
2,500ft. The Majhi (fisherman) village above Bahunipati's
bazaar has been a focus area for income-generating demonstration
and activities.

Initially, the Project started with assistance from the
International Planned Parenthood Federation. The Family Planning
Association of Nepal is a federated member of this international
organization. A British nurse, John Carr, working for FPAN,
opened a small clinic in the Bahunipati bazaar for providing
basic health and family planning contraceptives. In 1975, World
Neighbors was requested to provide supplementary assistance to
the ongoing program, for agricultural development and expansion
of the health work. It was felt that an integrated approach in
this rural, remote area would increase family planning adoption.
The Project staff also felt a moral obligation to assist in the
total welfare of the people, and that provision of family
planning services alone would be irresponsible. Over the years
OXFAM provided supplementary assistance to this Project, but
support in 1987 will be entirely from Family Planning Association
of Nepal and World Neighbors. John Carr returned to UK in 1979.
Mrs Mona Rana continues as Project Director.

The increasing population of the region is placing growing
demands on the available resources (food, fodder, firewood) and
this is leading to out-migration, threatening living standards
and degrading the environment.

To counter these trends the programme has set itself the
following overall goals:

-To reduce the birth rate and improve the health of children
and mothers.

-To increase agricultural productivity and family income of
small farmers in particular.

To increase community participation in program design,
implementation and sustaining management.





A/3 BBP Nepal


To improve basic curative and preventive health services
until the area is adequately served by alternative services.

-To integrate program activities with other agencies and HMG
for effective utilization of available resources.

To try to discourage permanent migration out by promoting
income-generating activities and better health care.

-To demonstrate the Project's cost effectiveness to HMG and
other NGOs.

The project originated in Bahunipati and with HMG concurrence
expanded out to surrounding panchayats (a panchayat is the HMG
political/administrative division with a population of 2,000-
9,000) over the years. The staffing pattern consisted of a paid
male worker in each panchayat, trained in family planning
contraceptives and basic curative health care. Each worker
provided basic medicines, pills/condoms, motivated for
sterilization camps and conducted a household survey every year
throughout the panchayat. The Project area of 48 panchayats is
divided into 4 blocks, with each block having a supervisor to
support panchayat-based workers in 7-22 panchayats. Field Co-
ordinators support two blocks each, roughly half the Project
area. For example, Bahunipati Block has 11 panchayats. Program
planning originates with the local community and panchayat
worker, and development activities depend on local interest and
relevance, and available local/external resources.

Serious health problems were referred to a project-supported
Family Welfare Centre. The first Centre was constructed in
Bahunipati, but as the program expanded into new ares, centres
were built in two additional sites. In Chautara,
Sindhupalchowk's district headquarters, a government-run district
hospital served as a referral and health centre for Chautara
block. (In 1973, the district hospital, one ayurvedic health post
and one allopathic health post served the health needs of a
population of roughly 160,000.)

Each Family Welfare Centre (a total of three) has a qualified
female staff nurse, and two local (trained) clinic assistants,
male and female.

In recent years, the staffing pattern has been modified. The
male worker looks after 2-3 panchayats and supports several
assisted women village health workers. The health workers (who
are acceptors of family planning) promote family planning,
provide pills and condoms; teach oral rehydration therapy (ORT);
provide some birth assistance, depending on their skills; and
maintain very simple records of acceptors in their immediate
vicinity. The male worker collects data and sample census
information in these areas, plus records and services in the 2-3
panchayats he is responsible for.




A/3 BBP Nepal


The Project has achieved one of the largest contraceptive
use figures in Nepal, an average of 28% of the fertile couples.
The hills generally have a low prevalence rate, so the figure of
28% (twice the national average) is considered high. The average
birth rate of 29/1,000 is also less than the national average of
42/1,000.

Further details of the family planning and health services
components of the Project are given in an appendix. The main
body of this paper will concentrate on the income-generating
activities of the Project, centred on the Majhi village near
Bahunipati.



2. INCOME GENERATING ACTIVITIES


The focus of this case-study is on the introduction of income-
generating technology into one community, Bahunipati; its impact
in the community, particularly the Majhi village; and extension
within and outside the community to areas where the technology
has been appropriate.

It is perhaps of value to note that acceptance of family planning
in the Majhi village started simultaneously with income-
generation activities, in 1977, despite the fact that the clinic
was offering services as early as 1973. Luxmi Majhi, the first
female acceptor of family planning (temporary and permanent
methods), has now the largest number of Ipil trees and has
increased her income with livestock, and is the village health
worker for the Majhi village. In Bahunipati, fodder and
livestock development were given priority, and the Majhi
community identified for focus because, aside from limited
fishing, Majhis who are small farmers, have only rainfed lands
with generally poor soils, work as part-time labourers and
porters, and at the time of starting the program, livestock was
limited to pigs and a few goats. A goat, buffalo and swine up-
grading program has been carried out in the community along with
fodder tree and grass extension and veterinary services are now
available.

Livestock numbers have increased 40% between 1983 and 1986.
Yearly sales of livestock have increased in the Majhi village
from $900 in 1983 to $5,000 in 1986, showing that the village not
only maintains more livestock but sells more livestock. Animal
illness reported is increasing (as more people seek assistance),
but mortality is roughly 25% of the figure in 1983. This could
be because of several reasons, including veterinary care, fodder
availability and education. During the same time period, 1983-86,
animal improvement (% of upgraded animals) has increased from 5%
to 54% of total livestock in the community.

The irrigation canal, constructed over 3 kilometres by 34 Majhi
farmers to provide light irrigation for a summer crop on about





A/3 BBP Nepal


1/3 of the villages' dry land, had increased food availability in
the community, and demonstrated to farmers what community
participation can achieve. With a project investment of $275,
and an active "user" group (which meets monthly, and regularly
collects fees and labour contributions for maintaining the
canal), the Majhi community has increased its food production 25%
(estimated) among the poorest farmers. Yearly estimates show that
self-sufficiency in food production has increased from just 20%
in 1983 to almost 50% in 1986. (Over 70% of the Majhis still do
part-time labour but do not depend entirely on coolie labour as
before.)

The drinking water system for one section of the Majhi village
followed the irrigation canal, and provided convenient year-
round protected water to 34 houses (different from the irrigation
families). Out-of-season vegetable gardens have increased from
zero to almost every household. With exception of pipes, cement
and fittings, all other costs were borne by the community,
including a continuing house tax of 10 cents a month for water
system maintenance (the account now totals $30).

Health care (Luxmi Majhi's teaching, clinic services for
referral, and selected immunization services) has contributed to
lower child mortality and the community's overall better health.
However, the other factors, noted above, have also contributed,
including family planning acceptance which has grown from 0% of
the fertile couples in 1977 to 21% in 1986. (Infant mortality
rates have decreased but earlier records are not totally
reliable, so only a downward trend can be reported).

There is a trend of increased male and female Majhi children
attending the local school. It would appear that Project contact
in the Majhi community has had a positive influence on increasing
school attendance, including girls, compared to the Majhi
villages along the river.

In an integrated program, and in an area with more than one
source of development assistance, it is difficult if not
impossible to sort out clear cause and effect relationships, but
the BB-Project approach and methodology has had a considerable
impact on the people of Bahunipati's Majhi village, and a good
part of the change will be sustained by the people in the future.


2.1 Costs of Income Generation Activities


In analyzing the cost of the Majhi community development
activities, separate categories have been calculated for program
expenses (training, materials, equipment, transportation, rent,
drugs, cost of stud animals), and staff costs (including
allowances for the nurseryman, livestock assistant and extension
staff, pro-rated administrative support, and WN consultant's
costs).




A/3 BBP Nepal


Between 1978 and 1986, the costs have been:

Program Expenses Staff Costs

Ipil $ 5,312 $ 8,531
Livestock 3,125 2,375
Drinking Water 820 100
Irrigation 475 250

These costs do not include extension training or support outside
the Majhi community for any of the categories.



3. AGROFORESTRY


When the Project first started to assess potential income-
generating development inputs in Bahunipati in the mid-seventies,
particularly in the poorer income Majhi village, fodder was
identified as an "entry point". There was a need for fodder in
the community. The forest across the river was disappearing.
Land quality was deteriorating. 60% of animal mortality took
place during the crop fallow summer season, related to poor
forage and malnutrition. Manure was insufficient for crop
production, especially improved varieties, and livestock numbers
were limited because of fodder unavailability. What was needed
was a magic species which grew on terrace faces (roughly 25% of
the country's cultivated land is unused terrace face), which
could be cut to prevent shading, deep-rooted to prevent
competition with crops for moisture and nutrients, and multi-
purposed to provide fodder, green manure and fuelwood.

Generally in Nepal, wet-land terraces are cleared of all trees
and grass to maximize production of rice and wheat. Since this
land is considered prime land, there are objections to planting
trees and grass on wet-land terrace faces. Since dry-land is
mostly reclaimed forest land on hillsides, trees which
traditionally grew on terraces, and do not compete with rainy
season crops of corn and millet, are "allowed" to remain if they
produce fodder or offer other useful contributions like fuelwood,
timber or fibre. Only the very progressive farmer plants fodder
trees or grasses on his terraces. Larger farmers tend to allow
more traditional trees because of less pressure for food, while
small farmers attempt to extract more food from their smaller
holdings.

It has been the Project's experience that small, marginal
farmers are generally the primary users of forest lands for
lopping and grazing areas because of their limited land holdings
and fodder trees. The number of livestock is related to the
number of loppers in the family and the availability of forest or
grazing land. Livestock is maintained primarily for manure (as
well as income, meat, milk, wool etc.) and food production
depends on fertilizer (manure) inputs.




A/3 BBP Nepal


In 1977, a few Ipil-Ipil (Leucaena leucocephala) seeds of
Peruvian and giant varieties were obtained from the Philippines
and sown in plastic bags. Innoculant came from soil around a
tree planted some years before at a government research farm
(Khumaltar) in Kathmandu. In the early monsoon, seedlings were
planted around the Family Welfare Centre (clinic) in Bahunipati.
At that time Ipil was new to most of us and experience in Nepal
limited to several scattered plantings. Initially, the Project
staff had little idea if the tree would survive, and if it
survived, whether it would produce sufficient forage to attract
farmers, and which varieties out of hundreds would be best suited
to Bahunipati and later to other communities at different
altitudes.

The tree did survive and averaged 8-10 feet growth the first
year. It was the staff's belief that the giant varieties (K-28,
K-67) out-performed the Peruvian strain in fodder yields. Seeds
were collected from these trees and, together with K-8 (which was
added to the trials), a small nursery was started in 1978 to
produce seedlings for distribution to farmers in the Bahunipati
area.

Once confirmed that Ipil would grow, an extension program was
planned to demonstrate it could be grown by farmers in large
numbers on private land, on terraces along with crops not
competing for moisture or sun, unlike most local fodder trees,
and cropped heavily -- particularly in the dry season when forage
is in short supply -- to permit the farmer to actually increase
the quality and quantity of his livestock.

By developing the practice of planting large numbers of trees on
private land it was hoped that there would be a growing
acceptance of stall feeding and decreasing pressure on forest
lands for fodder. Fodder production was the primary objective of
the program as this was clearly the farmers' priority. Fuelwood
was secondary and timber last (for this reason height or girth of
trees at this altitude have not been important indicators of
Ipil's "success"). K-8 eventually was emphasized because of its
reported superior fodder production in other countries which
later observations in Bahunipati confirmed. (Over the years, two
species and 10 varieties have been tested -- including Leucaena
leucocephala K-8, K-28, K-67, K-636, Cunningham, Peru, common,
and Leucaena diversifolia K-145, K-156, and recently the hybrid
K-747.)

Leucaena diversifolia was tested on several farmers' fields at
4000ft (of 400 trees each) to see if this species could extend
the Bahunipati experience to higher altitudes. Subsequent
plantings in 1985 and 1986 have shown this to be a promising
species even at lower altitudes around Bahunipati. In 1986 only
diversifolia (K-156) was produced in the nursery, because of its
performance, and data showing resistance to psyllid damage
occurring in other countries.

In June 1978, there still remained many unanswered questions





A/3 BBP Nepal


about Ipil under Nepal conditions, such as altitude limitations,
diseases, if any, effect on nearby crops, etc., so the extension
program was started slowly. The project staff felt that the
value of fodder tree planting had to be demonstrated to farmers
just like an improved variety of crops. Ipil was treated like a
crop -- planting and management practices were meshed with the
farmers' cropping and labour practices. In the present farmers'
lifetime, the nearby forest had almost disappeared, soil and land
quality deteriorated, and farmers were ready to modify
traditional fodder collecting practices if they could be
convinced of the new practices' value and it didn't mean
replacing food crops with fodder trees. But the result and
impact had to be great enough -- and the technology appropriate
enough -- to convince them of change. For this reason Ipil was
the fodder tree selected for focus.

In the beginning five farmers were selected to plant large
numbers of trees. Soil tests were completed, and the average PH
was between 5.5-6.0. The farmers all had some livestock, and a
need for fodder. At the time, none of the farmers had sufficient
fodder trees or grass on their own land (no sufficient land to
grow large numbers of local fodder trees). They supplemented
local grasses with forest cutting of fodder, particularly during
the dry months. Only farmers with rainfed (bari) land were
selected. All had to agree to plant a minimum of 400 trees each,
at one metre spacing along the terrace crest or face. Most
farmers wanted to try 5-10 trees only, not 400, so getting a
total of five initial farmers was not an easy task.

The number 400 (an intelligent guess) was set by the Project as
the minimum number of trees required with our recommended
planting practices for providing 50% of the forage for one large
animal in the dry season. Ipil trees were provided free of cost
by the nursery so as to encourage farmers to plant large numbers
of trees, in order to see the impact on livestock health and
income. Rather than the tree itself, the farmers' measurement of
the tree's value is generally in milk yields and meat gains, and
the number of livestock that can be maintained. The convenience
factor of having fodder easily available on their own land, near
the animals, cannot be discounted either.

Out of the five farmers, three were successful with an average
survival of 80%, and follow-up intensified the second year to
improve their results. Their trees grew out of the reach of
livestock in six months by the completion of the millet harvest
(when livestock are allowed to graze dry bari fields). From the
1979 monsoon period, one year after planting, the three farmers
were encouraged to fill in gaps where trees had died and plant
additional trees and grass. Trees planted in 1978 were lopped
once a month starting from the monsoon. The results were
sufficient to encourage these demonstrator farmers to fill in
gaps, plant additional trees, and begin to see more results in
milk yields and animal health. The trees were prolific fodder
producers and could be cut every 2 to 4 weeks during the monsoon,
unlike most local trees that are cut seasonally, once a year.





A/3 BBP Nepal


Ipil was well suited because it coppiced well and could be lopped
low to the ground and cut regularly. It is a vertical rooter and
roots do not compete with crops. This impressed the farmers and
encouraged others to plant more trees in 1980.

In the meantime, our nursery management was improved to eliminate
broken roots when transplanting, by regularly trimming protruding
roots and raising nursery bags on stones. Because of a fear of
grazing problems, we quickly observed that it was essential to
have healthy plants, transplanted at the correct time with the
first rains -- June -- with good pits and well-composted manure,
and good follow-up weeding, to ensure that trees grew out of the
livestock's reach in 6 months, when fields would again be fallow.
Most of the demonstrators first planted on fields near their
house, so they could watch plants more carefully and prevent
outside grazing. (Grazing did not become the major problem we
had anticipated with private land planting as farmers were
sufficiently motivated to protect their trees, and growth
generally in six months exceeded the animals' reach. Survival
rates have averaged above 70%.)

About the same time, a grass variety was introduced from India,
NB-21, a sterile cross of Napier (Pennisetum purpureum) and Pearl
Millet (Pennisetum typhoides). It was multiplied in Bahunipati
and distributed to farmers with Ipil trees. Like Ipil, this
grass is not suited for waterlogged sites, and complements Ipil
planting on bari or dry-land terraces. Another concern at the
time (now dispelled by recent research) was exceeding the very
conservative feeding recommendations of 30-40% Ipil in an
animal's diet. NB-21 would complement Ipil, we felt, and improve
the diet quality over straw and other grasses and leaves. We
also hoped that the grass would conserve soil when planted on the
terrace crest between the Ipil trees (which were spaced 0.5 to 1
metre apart). It was also our hope that abundant grass cuttings
in the first year would provide a "grace period" for Ipil trees,
which would only produce from the completion of the first year.
This has generally been the accepted practice and NB-21 grass has
been as highly accepted as Ipil.

Starting in 1980, "field days" were organized. Farmers in the
same community, and those from other panchayats and districts,
were given a tour of farmer demonstrators (several of the initial
three farmers continue to be good demonstrators) and involved in
field-level discussions and sharing with Bahunipati farmers. The
extension program's emphasis was placed on a few farmers being
successful demonstrators, able to convince others. Rather than
attempting to involve large numbers of farmers initially facing
problems of quality control, extension work has focused on a few
farmers who were followed up at least once a month to ensure they
were successful and all the steps and practices were being
followed, from transplanting, spacing, manuring, weeding,
protection, lopping, feeding practices etc. These successful
farmers now perform the basic extension role of teaching other
farmers.




A/3 BBP Nepal


As the program progressed, it was seen that farmers in Bahunipati
were evolving their own planting practices, and initially with a
small number of trials it was possible for the project staff to
modify recommendations before expanding the program over a wider
area. For example, it was recommended earlier that trees be cut
two feet from the ground when grazing was controlled. Research
trials in many countries show that lower cutting yields more
fodder. But some farmers during the first year complained of
neighbors' animals grazing trees during the crop fallow months.
Most farmers starting lopping at 5-6ft to allow the tree to
branch out above the reach of cows or goats. The height of the
wife now determines the height of the tree (as the woman is the
primary lopper). Thus the recommended cutting practice is now 5-
6ft, and the multiplication is more successful because the
package of practices represent the farmer's personal farm
experience. A small number of field demonstrations and farmer
participation in "research" enabled farmers and project staff to
learn together about the tree's potential and appropriate
practices.

One question has been why the Project has placed overwhelming
emphasis on Ipil, compared with local or other exotic species.
Given recent worldwide attention to psyllid attack on Ipil in the
Philippines and Indonesia, the emphasis on two exotic Ipil
species (and 10 varieties) takes on more importance. First,
given the common crop-fallow grazing practices found in Nepal, a
fodder tree seedling has to grow out of reach of animals in 6
months from the time of planting. Ipil does this but local
fodder tree varieties generally do not. Any tree planted on the
terrace, as an inter-crop, has to be non-competitive (shade and
fertilizer) and preferably contributing to crop yields. Ipil has
demonstrated this characteristic, while larger trees are often
competitive. Some local species, of course, do not shade crops,
because of lopping practices or natural leaf shedding, but many
do. Some will tolerate heavy lopping better than others, but
many will not coppice at all. There is a need for more
experience with and research on local fodder trees.

But the greatest attraction to Ipil is its coppicing
characteristic, so it can be cut low, and its ability to provide
fodder year round (compared to once-a-year for most local fodder
trees). Now that Ipil has been planted so extensively, and most
Bahunipati farmers meet a good proportion of their own fodder
requirements, grazing practices are changing. Stall feeding is
easier than grazing. People see results (milk, meat) of better
quality fodder versus former grazing on stubble and common land
("only for exercise"). Animal upgrading has introduced higher
quality animals that are too valuable to risk grazing by a small
boy.

Ipil could be considered a "primary species" which provides
immediate success and confidence in growing fodder trees, later
to be replaced or supplemented with other, even local species, as
the concept of fodder tree cropping on terraces is accepted by
farmers and grazing practices change in the community.





A/3 BBP Nepal


To date, diseases of Ipil have not been a major problem. In
1985, gummosis was identified on some of the original trees
planted next to the health clinic, which infected less than 30
trees around the clinic and in the community (out of a total of
roughly 60,000 trees). Trees have not died because of gummosis,
but the practice now recommended is to eliminate diseased trees
to prevent lopping tools from spreading the fungus to healthy
trees. The fungus causing the disease is native of Nepal and is
hosted by numerous field crops. Some Ipil varieties appear more
resistant than others, and seed selection is now restricted to
resistant varieties.

Because of changes in grazing patterns, several trials of "direct
seeding" were tried in recent years. This is a practice of line
sowing of mixed Ipil at close spacing (20-50 plants per metre) on
the contour about 2-4 metres between rows, on the edge of
terraces, and tender branches used as green manure or fodder. A
1983 trial planting in Bahunipati on one field showed 4-12 inches
of soil build-up behind the hedge in one year alone. Three
demonstrators were selected in 1983, and in June 1984, five
additional farmers started planting lines. This practice is
well-known in the Philippines and Indonesia, but because of
grazing problems in Nepal, particularly during the dry season,
the practice was not tried earlier. In one demonstration the
direct-seeded plants were completely defolicated by pigs and
goats during the dry season. After maize was planted, and the
fields protected, the hedge of Ipil rebounded immediately.
Lopping is suggested every 30 days during the monsoon, and 45
days in the dry season, to keep the edges low and non-competing
with crops.

As a green manure, research has shown potential for increasing
yields of maize, millet and upland rice, and other crops
including horticulture. Farmers report a crop improvement in
fields with direct-seeded lines and soil conservation impact is
immediately visible. New farmer acceptors of this practice are
impressed by the soil retention results alone, but adoption has
been slow. This is due to grazing pigs in some areas of the
village, and farmers' reluctance to plant permanent tree lines
across the field itself (compared to the terrace face). In the
future, trials will be limited to areas of the community with
local grazing restrictions (such as found in irrigated or cropped
areas) and to lines on the terrace ridge.

The demonstration approach has proved to be a successful
extension strategy. As of 1986 -- nine years since the first
demonstrations -- out of 102 families (in Bahunipati's Majhi
village) 88% have planted Ipil fodder trees; 10% have planted
more than 400 trees per large animal; 22% have more than 400
trees. At least 30% of farmers are now self-sufficient in fodder
and fuelwood. Several of these have tripled their livestock
numbers. The program's objective was to get 30% of the community
to plant 400 trees and this has been pretty much achieved. Better
quality animals, and increased income, seem to have been an
additional incentive for farmers to plant more fodder trees and




A/3 BBP Nepal


stall-feed animals.

An additional achievement has been the reduced pressure on fodder
and fuelwood in the nearby forest (across the river from
Bahunipati bazaar), as farmers produce more of their own
requirements. (This is an observed improvement, and although the
forest may still provide a "reserve bank" for fodder, it is not
under the pressure of several years ago.) Terraces have been
stabilized by extensive planting of Ipil and grass, and soil
erosion reduced -- not initially a formal program objective but a
result we all hoped for.

The impact of fodder tree development on women is yet to be
measured. Women have participated in Ipil and livestock
training, although "home nursery" training is so far focused on
men. Women generally are fodder loppers, from forest areas,
fields or Ipil trees near the house. Our observation is that
women spend less time cutting fodder than pre-Ipil development,
and they appear to be very supportive of Ipil and grass planting.
How much of a role they play in making the actual decision to
plant, and for what reasons, can be only guessed at present, but
some of the Project's most active participants and demonstrators
are women.


3.1 Replication of Agroforestry Program


We feel that the fodder trees program, without a continuing staff
presence or Project nursery, can be sustained in Bahunipati.
There are several reasons, however, why the Project feels it
should maintain a continuing presence over the next two years:

1. A need to diversify Ipil with other, preferably local,
fodder trees to off-set any effect of the psyllid on Ipil
and reduced fodder in the community (or any unforeseen
disease of Ipil).

2. The use of the community demonstration and impact in
Bahunipati, and its successful farmers, to replicate this
success to other communities, particularly among low-income
groups.

The nurseryman in Bahunipati is a local Majhi, uneducated, who
was sent to a 1 month government nurseryman's training. He is
the one full-time village staff. Another local Majhi who
attended middle school was trained in livestock and veterinary
care and given a part-time salary (2/3 of his income comes from
the sale of services and veterinary drugs). One local Fodder-
Tree Promoter (also a Majhi) is paid a small part-time salary to
follow-up farmers with training in fodder trees. He is a
successful demonstrator of Ipil and fodder grass on his own land.
This "staffing" represents the present fodder tree, grass and
livestock skills in Bahunipati. (A Field-Coordinator and Project





A/3 BBP Nepal


Supervisor provide program supervision (pro-rated) and facilitate
farmer training, particularly for farmers outside Bahunipati.
Also, a local part-time village health worker -- herself a tree
planter -- promotes Ipil planting. The Family Welfare Centre
(clinic) has 2 Clinic Assistants from nearby villages who have
planted Ipil and provide positive support for it.) Outside
technical support has been brought into the community as and when
needed as "trainers".

If the Project withdraws its presence from the Majhi community,
local individuals and skills gained to date would remain in the
community. The nurseryman could produce horticulture and other
varieties of trees to become self-supporting. The veterinary man
is almost self-supporting -- a small payment from the Project
ensures continued service to low-income groups. The Fodder-Tree
Promoter is a small farmer who has improved his income from
fodder trees and livestock, and is not paid more than a token
amount to follow-up new tree planters. As extension has recently
focused on other panchayats, these people have become "trainers"
as well as resource people in their own community, and therefore
local resources in skills (fodder trees, livestock and veterinary
care) and process (farmer training, community participation in
trials and support).

Changing grazing patterns offer the opportunity in the next few
years to identify, test and demonstrate varieties of local fodder
trees which will supplement Ipil and NB-21 grass on the terrace
face. The nursery in Bahunipati will be used in 1987 to offer a
cafeteria selection of fodder trees and other seedlings. Because
of the extensive planting of Ipil in Bahunipati, demand for Ipil
seedlings has decreased over the past two years. This is due to
non-availability of terrace land in the Majhi village on which to
plant, not because of a lack of motivation. Although there is
considerable substandard and common land on which to plant trees,
people prefer to plant varieties not as susceptible as Ipil to
grazing. The Project needs to address this need and assist the
local farmers to identify species -- and provide seedlings --
which meet needs for both supplementary terrace planting and
common land use.

Up until now, very little community cooperation was necessary to
plant trees on private land. The Majhi community did not have a
history of close community cooperation to achieve development for
the common good. The irrigation canal and drinking water
projects have changed the equation, and now the community is more
capable of solving community problems and experienced in forming
"user" groups to achieve joint aims. It is hoped that evolution
of successful tree planting on private land, and "user" group
formulation for other common activities, will now extend to
better use of common land and substandard private land for the
community good.

A training methodology has evolved for extending the Ipil program
out of Bahunipati to other panchayats and districts. It is
called "home nursery", and has been used extensively for several





A/3 BBP Nepal


years in panchayats around Bahunipati.

Farmers in other panchayats are notified of training dates by
panchayat-based project staff. They are paid no stipend and
invited for one-day "home nursery" training, provided a
motivational tour of the village, given practical training in
making a nursery bed for 1,000 seedlings, provided with bags,
seeds and innoculant, a booklet in Nepali and a poster. During
the nursery stage, these farmers are visited several times and
supported (with extra seeds and technical skill if needed).
Successful "home nurserymen" are then invited back 3 months
later, just prior to transplanting, and given a one-day
orientation on transplanting and management of trees. Training is
organized by a project staff person, but training discussions and
practical activities are led by local farmers or assisted local
staff. An active woman tree planter is always included in the
sessions. All participating farmers are followed up as soon as
seedlings are transplanted. In 1986, 86 farmers received
training and produced, transplanted and grew 58,000 trees. In
1987, 65 farmers from 15 panchayats are projected for training
and support.

"Home nurseries" have been an effective extension strategy --
they teach nursery skills to many people, enabling them to be
local resources in the future for seed, innoculant and training
if they become successful demonstrators. These local nurseries
produce seedlings near the planting area, a further incentive --
with reduced labour during a busy season -- to plant trees. As
the Project diversifies tree species, farmers can develop skills
for greater production of all varieties of trees.

In 1987, 150,000 fodder trees will be planted on private land as
a direct result of the Project, most produced by farmers
themselves, up from a total of 1,000 seedlings 9 years ago.

Fodder tree activities started in Bahunipati in the Majhi
village, but as the demonstration progressed, other Project
panchayat staff saw the results and considered the potential in
their own communities. Although the male panchayat worker is
primarily responsible for family planning motivation and
services, he is also a farmer and an entry into his community
with new ideas. The intensive demonstration and extension work
in Bahunipati required 8 years to achieve, but replication to
other panchayats has taken place in the past three years (because
of its altitude limitation, Ipil replication is not possible in
every panchayat).

Another factor that may encourage further tree-planting is
that a road is being constructed to eventually connect Bahunipati
with a milk market. It will be several years before it becomes an
"all weather" road, but areas rich in fodder will be able to
exploit this market potential. Although certainly not a prime
factor, this potential could be a contributing one in motivating
people to plant trees and upgrade buffaloes.





A/3 BBP Nepal


4. REASONS FOR SUCCESS OF BBP


In a development action-oriented project it is difficult to
analyze each of the factors which might contribute to its
success, but in the case of BBP some of the main ones are:

integrated approach, particularly with "resistant" groups
where entry is non-family planning;

use of local people, particularly women, to provide
contraceptive services and promote other activities (as
full-time and part-time);

promoters are acceptors of family planning, and a "cafeteria"
selection of contraceptives is offered;

clear responsibilities to staff for specific program
objectives and implementation, although the program is
integrated;

program planning originates with "user" groups, local
panchayat-based staff and assisted volunteers;

use of demonstration methodology, starting slow and
demonstrating new ideas, followed by trial and intensive
follow-up at every stage;

staff and project continuity over 12 years.



5. THE FUTURE

5.1 Self-Improvement


While overall Project area statistics are promising in showing a
reduction in birth rates over the national average, the birth
rate in the Majhi community is higher than the Project average,
despite increasing family planning acceptance, dropping child
mortality rates and increased income and living standards. This
data, collected over three years, is not completely reliable in a
small community of 102 households, and the Project does not have
accurate base line date from the pre-income generation date
(1973-1974). Moreover, as the Project lacks an ethnic control
group, it is not known what the birth rate would have been
without project influence. We do feel that increased
"demonstration" of positive acceptors, community participation in
establishing health and family planning goals, and continued
"door-to-door" services of temporary methods, will result in
increased use of contraception in the years to come.

In the Majhi community there have been excellent examples of
"user" group activity, in both drinking water and irrigation.





A/3 BBP Nepal


4. REASONS FOR SUCCESS OF BBP


In a development action-oriented project it is difficult to
analyze each of the factors which might contribute to its
success, but in the case of BBP some of the main ones are:

integrated approach, particularly with "resistant" groups
where entry is non-family planning;

use of local people, particularly women, to provide
contraceptive services and promote other activities (as
full-time and part-time);

promoters are acceptors of family planning, and a "cafeteria"
selection of contraceptives is offered;

clear responsibilities to staff for specific program
objectives and implementation, although the program is
integrated;

program planning originates with "user" groups, local
panchayat-based staff and assisted volunteers;

use of demonstration methodology, starting slow and
demonstrating new ideas, followed by trial and intensive
follow-up at every stage;

staff and project continuity over 12 years.



5. THE FUTURE

5.1 Self-Improvement


While overall Project area statistics are promising in showing a
reduction in birth rates over the national average, the birth
rate in the Majhi community is higher than the Project average,
despite increasing family planning acceptance, dropping child
mortality rates and increased income and living standards. This
data, collected over three years, is not completely reliable in a
small community of 102 households, and the Project does not have
accurate base line date from the pre-income generation date
(1973-1974). Moreover, as the Project lacks an ethnic control
group, it is not known what the birth rate would have been
without project influence. We do feel that increased
"demonstration" of positive acceptors, community participation in
establishing health and family planning goals, and continued
"door-to-door" services of temporary methods, will result in
increased use of contraception in the years to come.

In the Majhi community there have been excellent examples of
"user" group activity, in both drinking water and irrigation.





A/3 BBP Nepal


Both groups are self-sustaining and have developed good local
leadership capacity. However, this local capacity has not been
developed in livestock, in managing veterinary services and
upgrading activities. (Although a local person is trained and
functioning as a self-supporting veterinary services provider,
this community has no oversight group.) The community does know,
however, where to obtain improved stud animals, and understands
basic upgrading and breeding principles.

In order to sustain the level of development with improved
livestock, increased farmer training is needed in livestock
management, stall-feeding and preventative care (particularly
livestock training for women). Community participation is needed
in evaluating and establishing plans for future development.

Now that women spend less time collecting fodder and fuelwood,
the project is considering ways to assist them with supplementary
income-generation activities to increase income and/or food
production. It is also seeking ways to organize more effective
training to promote health, nutrition and sanitation practices to
further reduce the incidence of worm infestation and seasonal
malnutrition, since insufficient income/food production are no
longer major reasons for poor health.

Coordination between HMG and FPAN at the national level is very
developed and effective. At the field level, health post
patients are commonly referred to the Project's Family Welfare
Centres when supplies run out, or staff is unavailable. Project
staff motivates for government eye camps and for immunization
services. There is need to improve EPI services in the Project
area to increase the number of projected children, and the
Project is considering expanding clinic-based immunization
services (depending on resources) in addition to increasing its
motivation efforts for government vaccinator teams. A proposal
is now being considered by the BB-Project to undertake increased
MCH services.

There has always been a high degree of coordination and sharing
between the project and HMG's national livestock and fodder
program, and reafforestation program, including exchange and
supply of seeds, livestock breeding animals, research,
training and information. Efforts have to be increased to attain
similar coordination with the health sector.



5.2 Replication


Technology In 1986, 6 panchayats had goat upgrading activities,
23 panchayats had Ipil training and demonstrations, 8 drinking
water supply systems, 2 irrigation canals, 2 pig upgrading, 2
community fodder nurseries (by local farmers, no staff), 9
panchayats with improved citrus trials (1,022 seedlings in 70
trials). Intensive demonstration work, after initial trials,






A/3 BBP Nepal


requires increased staff time, concentrated local and outside
resources. Following successful demonstration and extension,
outside staff time is redirected elsewhere and local people must
sustain the level of adoption in the community with minimum staff
input.

Approach While there has been multiplication of technology
throughout the Project, there has not been equal replication of
participatory and "user" group approach. Efforts are being made
to improve the capacity of the BB-Project staff to use the
successful Bahunipati approach to sustain the impact of different
development activities in other panchayats of the Project area.

Over 25 organizations and hundreds of farmers from other parts of
the country have visited Bahunipati between 1983 and 1986. The
overall success (technical and participatory) of development in
the Majhi village has perhaps influenced other organizations and
farmers more than the project itself, in modifying approaches to
a more participatory one.

A national training program for 15 NGOs (under the auspices of
the Social Services National Coordination Council) was conducted
in Bahunipati's Majhi village in 1986 to assist other NGOs
replicate and build on the "user group" concept successful in
Bahunipati.






A/3 BBP Nepal


6. APPENDIX

Family Planning and Basic Health Services

Family Planning


From inception, the project has been providing temporary and
permanent contraceptives along with effective follow-up.
Vasectomy services are provided by a "touring" doctor three times
a year, in each Welfare Centre. Female sterilization cases are
all referred to Kathmandu and provided simple post-operative
facilities to rest before walking home. Pills and condoms are
provided by Welfare Centres, Community Development Workers and
Assisted Community Workers. The injectable contraceptive is
available in Welfare Centres and through 12 workpoints and one
mobile service (3 workpoints in Chautara).

The yearwise family planning continuing acceptors enrolled by the
Project is:

Temporary Permanent Total

1982 2,917 3,152 6,069

1983 2,996 3,647 6,643

1984 3,661 4,207 7,868

1985 4,032 4,727 8,759

1986 4,144 4,861 9,005

This represents approximately 27% of the eligible couples (as of
June 1986).

Sample birth rates range from a low of 14/1,000 in Dubachaur
panchayat to 47/1,000 in Talamarang panchayat. The average of
the samples is 29/1,000. (The national average birth rate is
42/1,000).


I n





A/3 BBP Nepal


Methodwise of new acceptors for

Condoms 233

Pills 208

Jelly/Foam

Loop 4

Injectable
Contraceptive 564


Laproscopy

Vasectomy


45

209

1,262


Methodwise of new acceptors for

Condoms 309

Pills 231

Jelly/foam 8

Loop 6

Injectable
Contraceptive 521

Laproscopy 131

Vasectomy 309


1,515


1986 (up to November 30, 1986):

19%

16%

-




45%

3%

17%

100%


1985:


20%

15%



1%


34%

9%

21%


100%





A/3 BBP Nepal


Methodwise of new acceptors for 1984:

Condoms 20%

Pills 17%

Jelly/Foam 2%

SLoop nil

Injectable
Contraceptive 31%

Laproscopy 10%

Vasectomy 19%

100%


Trends in family planning show a movement towards spacing
(temporary) methods away from permanent methods, and within
spacing methods a strong move towards the injectable
contraceptive (depo-provera).

The recent downward number of condom acceptors is primarily a
result of excluding from the records condom acceptors who cannot
be verified as having a "birth-free year". There are acceptors
of condoms in the Project area who are not reflected in BBP
records, who obtain supplies from other sources or occasional
supplies from the Project, but are not counted because it is not
feasible to ensure regular use and birth-free results.

Although there was no specific objective for increasing the
percentage of injectable contraceptive acceptors, we are pleased
to see this result. The Project staff feel that the slow steady
climb of depo-provera acceptors has been a result of: 1. the
injectable's popularity in Nepal; 2. the Project's effort to
explain potential side effects carefully to acceptors; and 3.
increasing the number of workpoints to which a nurse walks once
every three months to provide services. Workpoints now total 12.
Services have been regular and on time. Project personnel
contact each acceptor personally every month and remind acceptors
of service dates a few days in advance.

The process for establishing workpoints has been to select areas
which are 3-5 hours walk away from the base clinic where
acceptors have come for several years, and their numbers have
grown sometimes to 10-15. This ensures a core of acceptors and
some experienced acceptors who act as a support group. Workpoints
are usually confined to an area where there is a panchayat-based
worker (Community Development Worker) or part-time (usually an
acceptor) female Community Worker. Both have received training
in depo-provera and are aware of side-effects and can provide
supplementary oral pills for irregular bleeding if necessary.





A/3 BBP Nepal


They can also refer to the clinic or even to Kathmandu if
necessary if serious side-effects result.

The movement to spacing methods such as the injectable
contraceptive will result in impact on child and infant mortality
if used for spacing. At this time the data collected in
Bahunipati Block indicates that the average number of children
per family for injectable acceptors is only a little less than
sterilization acceptors (roughly 3.6 children per acceptor). The
challenge is to reduce the number of children per acceptor. In
1985 42% of the women accepting the injectable contraceptive had
two or fewer children, and 40% are below 25 years of age. This
is a positive trend in that contraceptives are being used for
spacing and planned families, not just limitation.

There continues to be a fairly high drop-out rate for the
injectable contraceptive during the first year (32%) and less
over 3-5 years (18%). Some of the drop-out is method change and
desire for pregnancy -- but it also related to irregular bleeding
and spotting during the first injection. As irregular bleeding
decreases after the second injection, it appears that drop-outs
for this reason also decrease. Drop-out for pill acceptors is
36% (first year) and 12% (3-5 years).

Basic Health Services

The project provides simple curative basic health services
through its Family Welfare Centres and Baudha Clinic. In three
wards next to Family Welfare Centres in Bahunipati, Mahankal and
Thangpalkot, comprehensive health activities include yearly
measurements of children under 5, Vitamin A supplement to all
children under 5, protected drinking water, measle vaccination,
TT to pregnant women, yearly household census of under 5
mortality, intensive family planning and nutrition education.

All Community Development Workers (25) and Assisted Community
Workers/TBA's (28), are trained in simple "positive" home
remedies, rehydration solution, family spacing, improved delivery
methods and basic nutrition. Other activities include school
health education programmes, women training, and organization
immunization camps in selected areas of the Project. The
following number of patients have been provided basic health
services by the Project:






A/3 BBP Nepal


Year Nu

1977

1978

1979

1980

1981

1982

1983

1984

1985

1986 (up to June)


mber of Patients

6,852

6,280

15,332

30,245

33,872

22,411

28,676

26,877

28,892

15,903


In 1986-87 a small comprehensive community health scheme will be
expanded to several wards (from one ward each) in Bahunipati and
Mahankal. The objective is to reduce measurably the infant and
child mortality through MCH/FP services, including improved
immunization services and spacing methods, drinking water and
community health, based on a community health worker for basic
health needs and health education. It is hoped that these "areas
of focus" will become a demonstration for nearby panchayats, and
training facilities for staff, volunteers and people from other
areas.


^....




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