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Title: Source materials of Florida history in the John Carter Brown library of Brown university,
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Title: Source materials of Florida history in the John Carter Brown library of Brown university,
Physical Description: Book
Creator: Wroth, Lawrence C.
Copyright Date: 1941
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Full Text






SOURCE MATERIALS OF FLORIDA HISTORY IN
THE JOHN CARTER BROWN LIBRARY
OF BROWN UNIVERSITY

by

LAWRENCE C. WROTH
librarian


Reprinted from
FLORIDA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY, vol. XX, no. 1, July, 1941













SOURCE MATERIALS OF FLORIDA HISTORY
IN THE JOHN CARTER BROWN LIBRARY
OF BROWN UNIVERSITY
by LAWRENCE C. WROTH, librarian
[In his search for the rarest of historical material on colonial
Florida, the historian will find in the John Carter Brown Library
a good part of all that is available anywhere. There an extra-
ordinary collection of source materials on the history of North,
South, and Central America of the period before 1801 has been
brought together for the use of scholars. More than four hundred
titles, many of the utmost rarity and some unique, have been
listed in that library for the Union Catalog of Floridiana.* The
most important of these have been selected and are described
here by Dr. Wroth against a background of Florida's changing
sovereignty. This contribution of a scholar for scholars is of
permanent value to Florida historians.-Ed.]
A library formed with the historian's needs in
view must regard any particular section of a coun-
try in relationship to the whole. For nearly three
hundred years Florida was the common frontier
of three great European empires, the focal point
of those historic destinies which, in their develop-
ment, brought into being the new political entity
we know today as the United States of America.
Hence, Florida has always had a place of especial
significance in the John Carter Brown Library;
and it hardly need be said that our Florida ma-
terials are interrelated with the sources that con-
cern New Spain and the Spanish Southwest of the
United States as well as with those that pertain
to the colonies of the French in Louisiana and the
English in Georgia and Carolina. The geograph-
ical scope of our discussion, therefore, is seen to
be extensive; when we speak in this article of

* The Union Catalog of Floridiana, established at Rollins Col-
lege by Professor A. J. Hanna, has been described from time
to time in this Quarterly. The list mentioned above was com-
piled through the interest of Henry Dexter Sharpe Esq. of
Providence, Rhode Island.









Florida we mean that land area which extends
northward from the Keys to the Chesapeake and
westward from the Atlantic to the Mississippi, in
brief, the southeastern quarter of the United States.
That, after all, is a modest delimitation; the Span-
ish chroniclers thought of Florida as comprising
all North America north of the Gulf of Mexico,
though in later years they excepted from this broad
definition the provinces of New Mexico and Cali-
fornia.
Early Geographical Notions
One of the disadvantages arising from the in-
crease of scholarly activity is the progressive
growth in the destruction of illusions, comfortable
beliefs of a picturesque character that do no harm
to those who hold them and frequently provide a
pleasant field for the range of the imagination.
If the truth makes us free it also provides irksome
restrictions to our thinking. It has always been a
satisfactory belief that before Juan Ponce de Le6n
made his discovery of Florida in 1513, certain
anonymous, and therefore romantic, mariners had
located the Floridian peninsula and given names
to many of its geographical features. Support of
this belief was found in the appearance of an ill-
defined land area to the north of Cuba on the man-
uscript charts of Cantino and Canerio, of the years
1502 and 1504, and on the great printed Waldsee-
miiller world map of 1507. But the thesis has been
stated, and defended with learning, that this pre-
sumptive Florida was not a concept based upon
the explorations of anonymous navigators, but
simply a guess at the shape and features of what
the mapmakers believed to be the nearest coast
of Asia. There may have existed in their time
knowledge of continental land to the north of
Cuba, but the area displayed in that position on










the maps of Cantino, Canerio, and Waldseemiiller
must not be taken, we are warned, as a graphic
expression of such knowledge. Here is the material
of controversy. One may ignore the controversy,
but it is impossible to ignore the material. Because
argument exists at all as to whether the land shown
on these maps was the earliest depiction of an
entirely new world or whether it was meant to be
Cathay, the maps themselves remain important ex-
hibits, elements to be numbered among the sources
of Florida history.
These primary sources are to be found in good
number in the John Carter Brown Library, where,
in addition to the E. L. Stevenson facsimiles of the
Cantino and Canerio charts and Father Fischer's
reproduction of the Waldseemiiller map, are pre-
served several original cartographical pieces that,
for reasons given, belong in the Florida bibliog-
raphy. The Ruysch world map in the Ptolemy of
Rome, 1508, is the earliest of these. The so-called
Admiral's Map in the Ptolemy of 1513 is another of
significance, but from considerations of rarity and
specific interest, the most important elements of
this group of original sources in the Library are
the maps of the hemispheres in Stobnicza's Intro-
ductio in Ptholomei Cosmographiam, of Cracow,
1512. The Stobnicza hemispheres were reprinted-
plagiarized, if you like-from the Waldseemiiller
world map of 1507, in which they are found con-
spicuously displayed as insets. Our copy of the
single map sheet containing them is one of three
known to be in existence and the only one preserved
in an American library. One of these maps portrays
a land area that can be nothing else but North and
South America. In that delineation the continents
are clearly seen to be joined by an isthmus and
separated from Asia by an ocean in which lies a
large island designated "Zeponu insula", by which









we understand Japan. Coming back to our specific
interest, we find that there is delineated on this
map plainly, if crudely, the entire Gulf of Mexico
area, including, at its northeastern extremity, a
point of land in the general position of the Floridian
peninsula. First published as part of a huge and
expensive wall map of restricted circulation, re-
published five years later in a form that made
possible a wide distribution of its concepts, this
Waldseemiiller-Stobnicza map carried to European
scholars definite ideas of the shape of the New
World.
There is evidence that the cartographical notions
published in the maps we have been talking about
were not lacking in influence upon contemporary
thought. The Library possesses, for example, a
manuscript version of the De Geographia of Hen-
ricus Glareanus, printed in 1527, but compiled,
probably, in the decade 1510-1520. Unlike the
printed work, the manuscript is helpfully illus-
trated. In it are five beautifully drawn and colored
maps based upon the concepts of Waldseemiiller
and Ruysch. The map, illustrating the "Nova
terre description" in Gregory Reisch's Margarita
Philosophica, of 1515, and the map in the Solinus
of 1520, the Tipus Orbis universalis iuxta Ptolomei
Cosmographi traditionem, prepared by Peter Apian,
also show the influence of the Waldseemiiller con-
cept. If the Florida delineated on these several
cartographical productions is either a guess or a
misapprehension, most of us would be happy to
guess or misapprehend with the amazing degree of
exactitude they attain.
An interesting early document in the history of
Floridian discovery and exploration is found in the
form of the map accompanying some copies of
Peter Martyr's Legatio babylonica Occeani decas
of 1511, for in that map appears to the north of









Cuba a land area named "isla de beimeni parte.
Harrisse supposed on good grounds that the leaves
containing this map were added to the book, prob-
ably not later than 1512 and before the Ponce de
Le6n expedition. In addition to its general carto-
graphical interest, the Peter Martyr map has sig-
nificance in the present association because it puts
into print for the first time the word "Bimini",
that semi-mythical name which appears so fre-
quently and in such important connotation in the
Ponce de Le6n documents and story. Printed on
the back of the map is an address to Cardinal
Ximinez in which Peter Martyr refers to the mar-
vellous lands found to the north of Cuba which are
shown in that position on his map. Again in his
Decades of 1516, Peter Martyr refers to land found
to the north of Hispaniola where ran the living
waters of a Fountain of Youth, and in his De nuper
sub D. Carolo repertis Insulis, of 1521, he records
the fact of the Ponce de Le6n expedition of 1513
and calls the land then discovered "Florida".
These earliest references by Peter Martyr to the
lands north of the Antilles are set out at length by
the pioneer Henry Harrisse in his Discovery of
North America. The Library has copies of the three
Peter Martyr books just discussed; its copy of the
Decades of 1511 is one of those which possesses the
all-important map.
Because of the uncertainty of meaning involved
in these several representations of land that might
be regarded as Florida we turn with some relief
to the Praeclara Ferdindndi. Cortesii de Noua
maris Oceani Hyspania Narratio, of Niirnberg, 1524,
that is, the first Latin edition of the second Cortes
letter, written to Charles V in October, 1520. Ac-
companying this book is a map supposed to have
been copied from an original sent by Cortes with
his report of progress in Mexico. It is in reality a










plan of the Aztec capital illustrating the events of
the narrative, but one section of the sheet is occu-
pied by an inset showing the West Indies and the
Gulf region. As reproduced in this Niirnberg wood-
cut, the inset shows a portion of the west coast of
the Florida. peninsula and the entire Gulf coast
from that point to Yucatan. Engraved upon the
peninsula are the words "La Florida", the first
appearance of the name, I believe, upon a printed
map.
In two of our manuscript portolan atlases are
other maps of the pre-settlement period upon which
Florida is found in moderately correct delineation.
One of these, the celebrated Charles V atlas of
Battista Agnese, dates from the period 1543-1545;
the other, a counterfeit Agnese of the Gisolfo group
(as classified by Henry R. Wagner in his mono-
graph on the Agnese atlases) is probably of the
year 1550 or a bit later. There is here also one of
the two known copies of the woodcut map of
America designed, to accompany the Summario, of
Peter Martyr and Oviedo, of 1534, and called by
Harrisse and all who have followed him, the
"Ramusio" map. This notable possession is based
upon the two large manuscript maps, now at
Weimar, of Diego Ribero and an unidentified
Spanish pilot. Photographic copies of these are in
the Library in the series entitled Maps illustrat-
ing early Discovery and Exploration in America,
1502-1530, New Brunswick, N. J., 1906, issued un-
der the learned direction of Dr. Edward Luther
Stevenson, and in colored facsimiles appended to
J. G. Kohl, Die beiden iltesten General-Karten von
Amerika, Weimar, 1860. The great Ribero map was
made in 1529, based, in all probability, upon the
Padron Real, or master map of the world, kept in
the Casa de Contrataci6n at Seville. It is a splen-
did production of broad general interest, recording










such recent explorations as Pizarro's discovery of
Peru in 1527, and it is, furthermore, a specific Flor-
ida document locating by explicit legends the ex-
plorations of Estevan G6mez, Ayll6n, and Garay.
The Spanish pilot's map of 1527, the earlier of
these two, bears a legend in the Florida area that
reads "Tierra que aora ba apoblar panfilo de
narbaes", an indication that the map was made
shortly before the Narvdez expedition set forth in
June, 1527. The Thorne map, drawn in 1527, found
its way into print only with the publication of
Hakluyt's Divers Voyages in 1582. In that book
also is to be found another map of Florida interest,
that is, the Michael Lok map of the world, of the
year 1582. Copies of the Divers Voyages contain-
ing both these maps are found only in the British
Museum, the Huntington Library, the John Carter
Brown, and the private library of James F. Bell,
of Minneapolis. The map of North and South
America in the Historia general of Francisco L6pez
de G6mara, present in our copies of the editions of
Zaragoza, 1552 and 1553, is another item of his-
torical interest in the collection from the standpoint
of Florida representation.
Maps of the post-settlement period, but still of
the sixteenth century, are the Boazio plan of St.
Augustine in the Expeditio Francisci Draki, Ley-
den, 1588, and the separate Boazio map, published,
it may be, as early as 1586, entitled The Famouse
West Indian voyadge made by the Englishe fleete
... in ... 1585... 1586. The name of St. Augustine
was placed upon this map for the reason that it
was one of the towns that Drake destroyed in his
ferocious raid upon the outlying Spanish dominions.
That unhappy circumstance brought about this
early appearance upon a printed general map of
the name and location of the most important of
the Spanish outposts in Florida. In a German edi-










tion of the Bigges narrative of Drake's expedition,
published in 1589, is a map of North and South
America by Franciscus Hogenberg, the skilled col-
laborator of Ortelius. The Florida portrayed in
this map contains, east of the Rio del Spirito Santo,
or Mississippi, twenty or more names of places,
rivers, and capes, those in the interior being chiefly
drawn from accounts of the De Soto expedition.
Through these maps and others like them in the
Library (I have not particularized the presence
here of collections of the well-known atlases of
Ptolemy and Ortelius) the student traces the growth
of knowledge about that tough and ungrateful land
in the very documents in which it was conveyed
to Europeans of the sixteenth century.
The Early Explorations
Few of the explorations preceding the settlement
period were described in contemporaneously print-
ed, separate narratives. The voyages of Ponce de
Le6n, Hernandez de C6rdoba, Lucas Vasquez de
Ayll6n, and Estevan G6mez are recounted in such
general works as the Oviedo, Historia general de
las Indias, published at Seville in 1535; the Historia
general of L6pez de G6mara, found here in a large
number of editions including, as already mentioned,
the first, of Zaragoza, 1552; the Dos Libros de
Cosmographia of Ger6nimo Girava, Milan, 1556;
the Historia Verdadera de la Conquista de la Nueua
Espaia, Madrid, 1632, of Bernal Diaz del Castillo;
the Ensayo cronologico, Madrid, 1723, of Andr6s
Gonzalez de Barcia; the Historia general, 1601-1615,
of Antonio de Herrera. Though its matter is hardly
pertinent to the expeditions, it should be mentioned
that there is here a manuscript by Juan L6pez de
Velasco, of about the year 1575, upon the text and
maps of which was based that portion of Herrera's
work known as the "Descripcion de las Indias".









The text of the Velasco manuscript differs in details
from that of a similar codex in the .Biblioteca
National of Madrid. Among its fourteen American
maps, almost identically reproduced in the printed
Herrera of 1601, are two of the Gulf regions bear-
ing delineations of Florida. The text devotes two
pages to a description of the country.
The momentous Narvaez expedition of 1527 found
its chronicler in the person of one of its officers,
Alvar Nffiez Cabeza de Vaca, whose fate it was
to survive after nine years of bare existence on
the coasts, in the forests, and on the plains of what
is now the far south and southwest of the United
States. Grief met NarvAez and his people when
their land and sea forces failed to reunite, as plan-
ned, in Apalache Bay. The fleet of small boats the
explorers built in this emergency was scattered by
storm and Cabeza de Vaca was cast ashore on an
island near what is now Galveston, Texas. He re-
turned to civilization by way of a journey which
led him in 1536 to Sinaloa, in Mexico, near the Gulf
of California, having carried through, by virtue of
a mighty instinct of self-preservation, the first
crossing of the continent north of Mexico by a
European. Various attacks have been made upon
the credibility of the Cabeza de Vaca narrative.
We shall not contribute to the controversy beyond
saying that if he didn't do what he said he had
done, he must have done something very much like
it. The narrative of this extraordinary journey,
first published, so far as is known, in 1542, per-
formed one service of great significance: it united
in contemporary Spanish thought the east and the
west, Florida and Lower California, the Atlantic
and the Pacific, and thus created a conception of
the geographical scope of the coming empire. Her-
bert I. Priestley writes, "The excitement aroused
by this cross-continental journey led to the explora-









tion by Marcos the friar of Nice, and this in turn
to the attempt to conquer the famed Seven Cities
of Cibola by Francisco de Coronado ." The
second in command of the Coronado expedition was
Tristan de Luna y Arellano, who was later, under
royal auspices, to attempt the settlement and ex-
ploration of Florida. The adventure of Cabeza de
Vaca thus is seen to have been a dynamic event
in the story of Spain in the United States. And yet,
because he came back naked and with empty hands,
some historians have characterized his expedition
as "without results".
The Library is strong in editions of the Cabeza
de Vaca narrative. Of the first edition of Zamora,
1542, entered as No. 1 in Wagner's Spanish South-
west, three copies are known: a perfect copy in the
New York Public Library; a very imperfect copy
in the British Museum; and a copy with one leaf
in facsimile in the John Carter Brown Library.
Here also is the edition of Valladolid, 1555, the
versions in Ramusio and Purchas, the reprint in
GonzAlez de Barcia's Historiadores primitivos of
1749, and the edition in English by Buckingham
Smith brought out in 1871. Another edition in Span-
ish is found in the Examen apologetico de la his-
torica Narracion de Alvar Nuiiez Cabeza de
Baca by Antonio Ardoino, Madrid, 1736, a work
written in reply to the strictures upon Cabeza de
Vaca found in the Nova Typis Transacta Navigatio.
Novi Orbis Indiae Occidentalis, issued in 1621 by
Honorius Philoponus and dedicated to Casparus
Plautius. We understand the characterization of
the Nova Typis by Henry Stevens of Vermont as
"one of the impudentest books known" when we
learn that Philoponus was a pseudonym for
Plautius, who by this device was enabled to address
to himself a dedication in terms of the most com-
plimentary sort.










Knowledge of the memorable expedition of De
Soto derives primarily from the Relagam of the
Gentleman of Elvas. One of the most interesting
pieces in the rich Lenox collection of Americana
in the New York Public Library is a copy of this
book in the original edition, Evora, 1557. We
have a photostat copy of the original from the
example in the British Museum and a copy of the
translation made of it by Richard Hakluyt in 1609
under the "home consumption" title, Virginia
richly valued, by the description of the maine land
of Florida, her next neighbour. Reissued in 16.1
as The Worthye and famous History of the
Travailes, Discouery, & Conquest, of that great
Continent of Terra Florida, the narrative was re-
printed with that title in 1851 as one of the Hakluyt
Society publications. A facsimile of the original
with translation by the late James Alexander Rob-
ertson was issued in 1932 by the Florida State
Historical Society. The valuable contemporary nar-
rative of Luis Hernandez de Biedma was not put
into print until the nineteenth century, when it ap-
peared in 1841 in Henri Ternaux's Recueil de
Pieces sur la Floride, volume 20 of his extensive
Voyages, Relations et Memoires originaux pour
servir 4 l'Histoire de la Decouverte de l'Amerique,
Paris, 1837-41. It formed an important element
also of Buckingham Smith's Colecci6n de various
Documentos para la Historia de la Florida, of 1857,
and was appended to the Hakluyt Society's edition
of The Worthye and famous History just men-
tioned. The book of Garcilaso de la Vega, La Flor-
ida del Ynca, of Lisbon, 1605, is another De Soto
source, and in the edition of Oviedo's Historia
general brought out by Jos6 Amador de los Rios
in 1851 is to be found the diary of De Soto's secre-
tary and companion, Rodrigo Ranjel. All these
sources of information about De Soto's mighty










thrust to the northwestward are found upon our
shelves.
It is not feasible to discuss in this survey of our
Florida materials the literature of every expedition
that set out to explore that land of unfulfilled
promise. There is little to be found, anyhow, of
printed materials concerning the officially backed
ventures of Tristan de Luna and Angel de Villafafie.
But in a manuscript volume entitled Recopilagion
de todas las cedulas, Prouissiones, e ynstrugiones,
dadas por su Magd tocantes al beneficio de
su Real hacienda en esta nueva Spa desde el
anno de Mdxxii Recopila, .. por mdo, de .
don Martin enriquez Visorrey .., compiled about
1584, is found an important document relating to
the Tristan de Luna and Villafafe expeditions.
This is an instruction from the King to the Viceroy,
Luis de Velasco, making provision for the costs
of an expedition to settle Santa Elena in Florida.
Dated from Valladolid, December 29, 1557, this
royal order, entitled Sobre los gastos de la florida,
seems to be a new and early source in the history
of the Tristan de Luna expedition. It is not printed
in Dr. Priestley's Luna Papers, where the earliest
document mentioned in connection with the expedi-
tion is a royal letter of exactly the same date
ordering the appointment of a suitable governor
for the new colony. As the present whereabouts of
that instrument is unknown, this instruction, Sobre
los gastos de la florida, takes precedence of any
other document now available connected with the
expedition of Tristan de Luna. In the same Re-
copilagion is a viceregal auto of Luis de Velasco
to the Real Hacienda, dated January 6, 1559, and
likewise unrecorded, providing for the payment of
those about to go to Florida in the great effort at
settlement. That expedition resulted in little for
Spain or Florida, but at least it sent Villafafie to









take formal possession for Spain of Santa Elena,
now Port Royal, South Carolina, destined to be-
come in later days the northernmost effective set-
tlement of the Spaniard on the coast of North
America.
The persistent efforts of the religious orders to
Christianize the Indians of Florida found record
in contemporary writing. Fray Luis Cancer's
courageous enterprise of 1549, and the efforts of
several of his successors, are fully recounted in
Divila Padilla's Historia de la Fundacion, present
here in the editions of Madrid, 1596, and Brussels,
1625, and in the Valladolid edition, published in
1634 with the title Varia Historia de la Nueua
Espaia y Florida. In that manuscript volume just
spoken of, the Recopilagion de todas las cedulas,
is found an order of December 18, 1553, entitled
El Principe [to our officials of New Spain] Sobre
el bergantin que fue a la florida. This document
makes sad reading, for it commands that the offi-
cials make search for the present whereabouts of
the brigantine which, four years earlier, had car-
ried the Dominican martyr, Fray Luis Cancer, upon
his fatal mission.
The Settlement Period
We have anticipated the period of Florida set-
tlement by telling in the foregoing section of doc-
uments of particular interest in the story of the
unsuccessful colonizing expeditions of Tristan de
Luna and Angel de Villafafie. That abortive effort
and those of a more successful character which fol-
lowed it were forced upon the Spanish authorities
as measures of self-protection. Jacques Cartier had
explored the St. Lawrence in 1535, French fishing
stations were increasing in number along the New-
foundland coast, and French marauders were an-
noying the towns and commerce of the Indies. The










Bahama Channel was the inevitable route from
Havana and Vera Cruz to Europe, and the use-
fulness of Florida to the French as a base of op-
erations against the Spanish shipping following
that course was obvious to everyone. And finally,
as the commerce of New Spain and the Islands in-
creased, so did the wrecking or battering of ships
by the Florida storms grow in amount. A port
where ships of war might lie and from which
cargoes might be salvaged and merchant vessels
given aid or rehabilitation, a combined naval base
and coast guard station, became a necessary element
in the plans of the imperial administration.
Despite their recognition of the situation the
Spanish were anticipated in actual settlement by
their French rivals who, in 1562, at the instigation
of Coligny, and under the leadership of Jean Ribaut,
established a colony of Huguenots at Santa Elena,
now Port Royal, South Carolina, where Villafafie
had failed to make a settlement the year before.
That event, the subsequent removal of the Ribaut
colony southward to Fort Caroline on the St. Johns
River, the complete destruction of the French hopes
in Florida by Pedro Men6ndez de Aviles, the es-
tablishment of St. Augustine, the revenge taken
by Dominique de Gourgues and the Spanish re-
covery from that swift and effective blow, are all
so much a part of common knowledge as to require
no recounting here. Contemporary information
about the colony and its fate was obtained abroad
chiefly through the published accounts of the
French. The Library has a particularly fine group
of the little books in which the colonists and their
friends told the story of their tragic misadventure.
It seems worth while to record the titles of this
cohesive unit and of one Spanish addition lately
made to it. In the list which follows, original copies
are entered in italic, facsimiles in roman:













The Whole and true discouerie of Terra Florida. London, 1563.
(A nineteenth-century transcript of the unique printed copy
in the British Museum, embodying a translation of Ribaut's
account of his first voyage.)
Divers Voyages, by Richard Hakluyt. London, 1582.
(Contains "The true and last discouerie of Florida made by
Captaine lohn Ribault in the yeere 1562. Dedicated to a
great noble man of Fraunce, and translated into Englishe
by one Thomas Hackit.", leaves E2-Gverso.)
Coppie d'une Lettre tenant de la Floride enuoy~e & Rouen .
Paris, 1565.
(With the engraved plan of Fort Caroline at the mouth of
the St. Johns River.)
Histoire memorable du dernier Voyage aum Indes, Lieu appeld la
Floride, fait par le Capitaine lean Ribaut ... en l'an M.D.LXV.
Lyon, 1566.
(The narrative of Nicolas Le Challeux.)
A true and perfect description, of the last voyage attempted
by Capitaine Iohn Rybaut into Terra Florida, this year
past London, [1566].
(A translation into English of the preceding title. Present
in the Library in a nineteenth-century transcript and in a
photostat facsimile from the original in the British Museum,
issued by the Massachusetts Historical Society.)
Requeste au Roy, faite en Forme de Complainctes par les femmes
vefues, & enfans orphelins, parents & amis de ses subjects, qui
ont este cruellement massacrez par les Espagnols, en la France
antartique, nomiee la Floride. 1566.
(A photostat copy from the original in the Bibliotheque
Mejane, issued by the Massachusetts Historcial Society, of
the petition for redress.)
Discourse de l'Histoire de la Floride, contenant la cruautd des
Espagnols Item, une Requeste au Roy Dieppe, 1566.
(A reprint of Le Challeux's Histoire memorable, entered
above, with the foregoing petition for redress appended.)
Histoire memorable de la Reprinse de l'Isle de la Floride, faicte
par les Francois, sous la conduite du Capitaine Gorgues .
le 24. & 27. d'Avril 1568.
(The story of the counterstroke by Dominique de Gourgues.)
Obra nucvamente compuesta, en la qual se cueta, la felice victoria
que Dios fue servido de dar al Illustre seAor Pedro Melendez
.. .contra Ivan Ribao Cpuesta en verso Castellano, por
Bartholome de Flores [Seville, 1571].
(Described more fully below.)
Brief Discours et Histoire d'un voyage de quelques Francois en la
Floride: & du massacre... Par M. Urbain Chauveton. Ensemble
une Requeste presented au Roy 1579.
(A narrative added to Chauveton's translation (1579) of Ben-
zoni's Historia del Mondo Nuovo.)
L'Histoire notable de la Floride .contenant les trois voyages ...
descrits par le Capitaine Laudonniere a laquelle a estd
adioustd un quatriesme voyage fait par le Capitaine Gourgues
S. Par M. Basanier Paris, 1586.
Brevis Narratio eorum quae in Florida acciderunt duce
Renato de Laudonniere anno MDLXIIII. .. auctore lacobo
le Moyne Francofurti ad Moenum impansis Theodori
de Bry. 1591.-Same. (In German), 1591. Same. (In Ger-
man), 1603.










Though it has not the interest of great rarity
and was published nearly thirty years after the
events described, it is probable that of this group
of titles the Le Moyne narrative in the De Bry
series of American voyages is the most informative
and the most satisfactory to the student. It is the
story of a participant in the events described who
happened also to be a reflective and intelligent ob-
server, able to reinforce the written word by pic-
torial illustration. Its account of the French colony
and its misfortunes, its map of Florida, and its
splendidly engraved illustrations of Indian life and
customs, with appended notes, makes the book in
both the Latin and German editions a Florida work
of high interest. Lescarbot's Histoire de la Nouvelle
France of 1609 is a historian's synthesis of the
earlier materials on the Ribaut colony, and in its
edition of 1618 is included a map of the settlements
and the surrounding country which supplements
the story of the events of the period 1564 to 1568.
For some reason the news of the conflict in
Florida was not fully reported through the press
in Spain or Mexico, though there exists documen-
tary material in plenty bearing upon it in the form
of letters sent the King by Men6ndez. The best
account of the events appeared nearly two centuries
later in Barcia's Ensayo, published in 1723. But
the incidents of the campaign made talk at home
and abroad, in Spain and Mexico, as well as in
France. A half dozen years after the Men6ndez
victory a somewhat cynical rejoinder to a remark
about the obvious favor of God shown the Spaniards
in the Menendez victory was brought out in evi-
dence against one Juan Ortiz, a French resident
of Mexico City on trial for heresy before the In-
quisition. Such news sheets as were issued there
and in Spain to announce the victory were prob-
ably read out of existence, for no record of them










remains. The earliest separately printed Spanish
account of the conflict, and the only one of the
sixteenth century that we know of, is the poem
of 1571 entered in the foregoing list. The Obra
nueuamente compuesta of BartolomB de Flores com-
prises 375 lines in verse which has the authentic
ring of the epic stuff, the genuine fervor of a
Spaniard celebrating an event which, for the time
being, had settled the question of supremacy in
Florida and established there the town and fort
of St. Augustine, at that moment the "farthest
north" outpost of the Spanish empire in America.
But to recount the destruction of the French
colony was not the only purpose of our poem.
BartolomB de Flores wrote with the future of the
land as well as its past in mind. Finishing his ac-
count of the battle, he goes on for the whole second
half of the poem with a description of the country
and its inhabitants in language that suggests the
colonization literature of later periods. When this
realization confronts us, we recall that the interest
in Florida of Pedro Men6ndez de Avil6s was not
confined to its military protection against ths
French. Florida was his personal land of promise;
by royal appointment he was its adelantado, and
by natural proclivity its administrator and col-
onizer. In the course of his connection with the
land, he founded St. Augustine, reestablished Santa
Elena, and made plain the way for the creation
of those mission stations which, with St. Augustine,
remained for some two hundred years the chief
evidence of Spanish occupancy. In his last letter
from Spain, written to his nephew in Florida on
September 7, 1574, he says that he has "ready a
great number of farmers in this home land .
very suitable for the settlements we have at present
in Florida .. .". Returning to the year 1571 when
the Flores poem was published, we find in Mrs.










Connor's Pedro Menendez de Avil6s the specific
assertion that by royal cedula of March 5th, of
that year, he was given permission to recruit one
hundred farmers for settlement in Florida. In view
of these circumstances, it seems not unreasonable
to think of the Flores poem as a promotion tract
designed to forward the colonization plans of
Men6ndez, the soldier and practical administrator
who had dismissed from calculation the Fountain
of Youth and the mines of another Peru and en-
visioned Florida as a land of farms and agricul-
tural bounty. We know nothing of the author be-
sides his name and the fact that he was a "natural
de Malaga y vezino de Cordova". One of the ghosts
of early Florida history is the man surnamed
Flores, Christian name not recorded, who in
1566 accompanied Father Pedro Martinez to Flor-
ida and witnessed the martyrdom of that zealous
and headstrong priest. He seems never again to
appear in the story of the country. One asks
whether our Bartolom6 de Flores could have been
this visitor to Florida of five years earlier. The
copy of the Flores poem in the Library is the Jose
Toribio Medina-Henry R. Wagner-Herschel V.
Jones copy, described and textually reprinted by
Medina under No. 215 of his Biblioteca Hispano-
Americana.
These events of which we have been writing were
of high importance in world history. Out of them
came three definite things: the first permanent
European settlement in what is now the United
States; the saving for Spain of the strategic Ba-
hama passage for the plate fleet and other ship-
ping; and the inhibiting of a movement which, left
unchecked, would doubtless hive meant French
domination of the Atlantic coast from the tip of
Florida to Labrador. There came also in the train
of these events in distant Florida certain political










consequences in Europe and an effect upon the
general Huguenot cause that offers matter for con-
jecture. These results of the struggle in which
Men6ndez, Ribaut, and Laudonni6re were the pro-
tagonists, justify the space given the books in which
the story is told. The printed records of an event
are the tangible evidence of its importance in the
contemporary mind.
The Quiet Years
For something like a century after Gourgues
avenged the defeat and massacre of Ribaut's colony
by a slaughter as merciless as that of Men6ndez,
the story of Florida, so far as events of general
interest are concerned, is all but featureless. The
destructive raid of Drake upon St. Augustine in
1586 is one of the exceptions to this generalization,
but between that event and the coming of the Eng-
lish to Carolina and the French to Louisiana in
the second half of the seventeenth century, Florida
was unremembered by the world. Its home govern-
ment never took fire from the enthusiasm of
Men6ndez for colonization, so that the large plans
of the adelantado for the creation of an agricul-
tural province came virtually to nothing. So long
as the military outpost of St. Augustine was main-
tained, the Council of the Indies was satisfied. But
there was no neglect on the part of the Church:
though the Dominicans and the Jesuits made little
progress in their efforts at Christianization, the
Franciscans could boast of real success. In the
closing decade of the sixteenth century, Florida
became what it remained throughout the next cen-
tury, the seat of a military and naval stronghold
and a system of mission stations clustered about
Guale in the north, Apalache to the west, and
Timuqua in the neighborhood of St. Augustine.
When the English came to Carolina after the middle










of the seventeenth century, there were in those
districts some thirty-five mission stations. In his
Southern Frontier, Verner W. Crane says that these
missions "survived until the Spanish Indian system,
based upon religion and agriculture, came into fatal
collision with the English system, based solely upon
trade."
But though official Spain seemed to have forgot
the existence of Florida in the seventeenth century,
its awareness of the workaday importance of St.
Augustine as its northern outpost was never com-
pletely out of mind. In books of administrative
interest, such as the Memorial Informatorio which
Juan Diez de la Calle addressed to the King in
1645, and the same author's Memorial, y Noticias
sacras, y reales del Imperio de las Indias Occi-
dentales, of 1646, are statements of the personnel
and cost of maintenance of the Florida establish-
ment. In a manuscript codex of the Royal Hacienda
of Mexico, owned by the Library, in a section en-
titled Planta de las Dotaciones anuales de los
pressidios interiores de los Reynos de Nueba Es-
pafia, Viscaya, Galicia y Nueuo Mexico, we find
similar information recorded for the year 1697.
The record of this period of quiet is found, for
the early part, in the general history of Garcilaso
de la Vega and in the Franciscan Chronicle, the
Historia de la Fundacion of Dkvila Padilla. A Jesuit
work of strong Spanish Southwest interest, the
Historia de los Triumphos entre Gentes del
nueuo Orbe, of Andres Perez de Ribas, 1645, de-
votes several chapters to the nine worthies of that
order who found martyrdom in Florida in 1566. A
recent work by Fr. Rub6n Vargas Ugarte, S. J.,
Los Mdrtires de la Florida, 1566-1572. Lima, 1940,
provides important manuscript addenda to this
story. It is worth while mentioning here that our
general resources on Jesuit activities are particu-










larly strong, comprising among other collections
a moderately full set of the Annuae Litterae, run-
ning with breaks from 1581 to 1652; the Lettres
Edifiantes in a set comprising editions of 1726,
1771, 1780-1783; Tanner's Societas Jesu, Prague,
1675, and, in German, Prague, 1683; and Nierem-
berg's Varones de la Compaiia de Jesis, and its
continuations, Madrid, 1643-1736. In the bibliog-
raphy of Florida materials prefixed to Barcia's
Ensayo are mentioned the series of Jesuit Relations
from New France and one of the works of the same
tenor that preceded the regular series, the Lettre
du Pare Charles L'Allemant, 1627. The Library
owns a remarkably full set of the Relations as well
as a copy of the rare Lallemant letter.
Returning to works of a more general character,
we find that the period as a whole is treated in
that admirable Florida book, the Ensayo Crono-
logico, brought out in 1723 by Andr6s Gonzalez de
Barcia under the pseudonym Don Gabriel de CAr-
denas y Cano. The Ensayo is, perhaps, the most
comprehensive single record of Floridian history,
the sole work, indeed, that carries the story through
the quiet period of the seventeenth century and
leaves it only when the land had become the scene
once more of international rivalries, and, therefore,
the subject of wider discussion and concern. It
has the further interest of being prefaced by a
commentary upon the sources, printed and manu-
script, from which the author had drawn his ma-
terial. Many of the manuscript documents he men-
tions have since disappeared, and many of his
printed sources are found today with difficulty
after search through the libraries of the world.
Some of the least known of these printed pieces
we are able to mention in the course of the present
account of Florida materials in the John Carter
Brown Library. But despite the esteem in which










Barcia's work is held today, it is only fair to
mention that we have in the Library a contem-
porary criticism of his book in the treatise of a
rival historian, the Crisis del Ensayo a la Historia
de la Florida, published anonymously in 1725. This
work is attributed in a contemporary inscription in
our copy to Don Luis de Salazar, though the name
of the author is recorded by Sabin as Joseph de
Salazar.
The story told by Barcia is supplemented in brief
passages in books of a general character. The his-
tory of the missions, for example, comes in for
mention in some of the writings in that long con-
troversy as to whether the control of the Amer-
ican mission centers, or doctrinas, should be as-
sumed by the secular clergy or remain in the hands
of the religious orders, through whose zeal they
had been established. The chief protagonist of the
secular clergy in this struggle was the Bishop of
the Mexican diocese of Puebla de los Angeles, Juan
de Palafox y Mendoza. This celebrated ecclesiastic
is not numbered today among the saints of the
Roman calendar because his process of canoniza-
tion has always been opposed by the religious or-
ders, continuously resentful of his fight against
their influence in America. A chief opponent of his
policy was Francisco de Ayeta, spokesman for the
Franciscans in this bitter quarrel. Elements of
general interest in this story of the missions are
found in Ayeta's large works Defensa de la Verdad
and Crisol de la Verdad. Certain more specific
memorials which he wrote on this and related sub-
jects, or which were directed against him, contain
matter of Florida interest more direct in charac-
ter. Among these is the memorial beginning Seior.
Fray Francisco de Ayeta dize, que el Virrey de
la Nueva Espaia. At about the same time appeared
Sefor. El Bachiller Don Juan Ferro Machado, .










Obispado de Cuba, Visitador General de las Pro-
vincias de la Florida. Sobre. La Visita de ellas .
which was replied to by Ayeta, who did not like
bishops, in a long memorial entitled Seijor. Al mas
modesto. Ayeta was one of those individuals
in whose books dates of publication are almost
never given. The works which have been men-
tioned were brought out, we learn from other evi-
dence, in the decade 1690-1700. "It must be con-
fessed", wrote Beristain, "that our Ayeta wielded
a ferocious pen."
It is from works of this fugitive character, add-
ing to the information conveyed by Barcia, that
the history of the missions is to be recovered, that
story of triumphs and setbacks encountered in the
efforts of the fathers to bring the Indian into the
fold of industrial man. One of the most learned
and most devoted of the Franciscans was Fray
Francisco Pareja, who, returning from many years
of service in Florida, published in Mexico City in
1612, a Cathecismo, en Lengva Castellana, y Timu-
quana, and, in 1613, a Confessionario en lengua
Castellana, y Timuquana. These works are evi-
dences of Pareja's zealous and intelligent effort
in his mission. They have given us a learned treat-
ment of the language of a race that has disap-
peared from the earth, and, as frequently happens
in linguistic works, have preserved for us a deal
of anthropological information. A copy of the
Confessionario is in the Library in the original
edition of Mexico, 1613. The works of Pareja are
mentioned in the Handbook of American Indians
as prime sources of knowledge of the Timuquans
along with the Le Moyne narrative in the De Bry
Voyages and the narrative of the shipwrecked
Quaker, Jonathan Dickenson. God's Protecting
Providence, the book in which Dickenson related
his experiences, is present in the Library in the









editions of London, 1700, 1720, [1759], Leyden,
[1707] and 1707, The Hague, 1727, and Frankfort,
1774. There is here also a photostat copy of the
first edition of the work, published in Philadelphia
in 1699.
The Huguenot menace recurred more than once
in the history of Florida in the form of unfulfilled
threats of settlement. It is difficult to say how
seriously the Histoire naturelle et morale des lies
Antilles de I'Amerique ... of Charles de Rochefort,
first published at Rotterdam in 1658, may be re-
garded as a work intended to induce Huguenot emi-
gration to Florida. It gives a full description of
the Caribbean islands and devotes many pages to
an account of "Apalache" but this portion of the
work is of such a character as to suggest for it the
designation, "extraordinary voyage", that is, a
travel narrative in which a fanciful structure is
uncomfortably erected upon a basis of uncertain
fact. Appalachia had existence, we know, but the
country described by Charles de Rochefort in 1658
was that mythical region which de Soto had gone
to seek in 1539, a country with a capital city of
great architectural magnificence, inhabited by an
urbane race of natives. The religious ideas of these
people, according to our author, had been consider-
ably affected by the coming among them of good
Protestant people, first, of Huguenots escaped from
the Men6ndez massacre of 1565, and later, of a
group of English colonists of Virginia who, escap-
ing by ship the Indian onslaught upon Jamestown
in 1622, had been cast away upon the shores of
Florida and had painfully made their way into the
interior, where, in Appalachia, they and their chil-
dren were enjoying an idyllic life after stress and
storm. If nothing else the Rochefort story of Ap-
palachia is ingenious, and one would like to know
about those refugees from Virginia and to account










for other specific references to an English colony
in that country. The author was minister of a
Huguenot church in Amsterdam, but if his book
was intended to promote a colony made up of his
co-religionists, he must have been gravely disap-
pointed. The Spanish did not have to worry about
another Protestant invasion of occupied Florida
territory until Daniel Coxe, a good many years
later, in 1698, proposed a settlement of Huguenots
within his grant of Carolana, which included the
Appalachian area. In the meantime, however, they
must have read thoughtfully of the Huguenot set-
tlements proposed to be made in South Carolina
about the year 1685. There are in the Library a
Plan pour former un Establissement en Caroline
S. and a Nouvelle Relation de la Caroline par un
Gentil-homme Francois .. printed in The Hague
in 1686 and [c. 1685-86], respectively. The second
of these, the Nouvelle Relation, is one of those all
but unknown writings which Barcia entered in the
bibliography of Florida prefixed to his Ensayo
Cronologico of 1723. The first of them, the Plan,
is not recorded as existing in any other library.
English and French Activities
The history of Florida in the last half of the
seventeenth century and the first half of the eigh-
teenth is properly studied as a phase of English
effort, through South Carolina and Georgia, to gain
the fur trade of the Southeast, and of the rivalry
to both English and Spanish set up by the French
in Louisiana consequent upon La Salle's expedition
of 1684 to the mouth of the Mississippi. The Span-
ish in Florida were so placed between the two
aggressive neighbors that any idea of their further
expansion had to be given up. Even before the
coming of the English, they had been driven from
their northernmost outpost of Santa Elena by the










Indians; thereafter the holding of their position
as guardians of the Bahama Passage became their
chief concern. The direction of future events is
shown by two pamphlets of the period: William
Hilton's Relation of a Discovery lately made on
the Coast of Florida, 1664, sometimes described as
the first Carolina tract, and the Discoveries of John
Lederer, in three several Marches from Virginia,
to the West of Carolina, London, 1672, a book of
interest in Florida history because it describes an
exploration similar to those which, under Henry
Woodward of Carolina, were setting the English
upon their way to a penetration of the Southeast.
This interrelation of destinies brings it about
that the early Carolina tracts are part of the Flor-
ida bibliography also. In connection with a fac-
simile and translation, now ready for publication,
of the Nouvelle Relation de la Caroline, referred
to earlier, Dr. Hope Frances Kane has compiled
a bibliography of Carolina promotion tracts in-
volving the entry of sixteen separately issued titles
in the period 1664 to 1699. Eleven of the sixteen
are in the Library. In addition to the Hilton and
Lederer narratives, the Nouvelle Relation, and the
Plan pour former un Establissement, which have
already been mentioned, there are to be noticed as
especially interesting the following three titles:
A Brief Description of The Province of Carolina
On the Coasts of Floreda Together with A
most accurate Map of the whole Province. Lon-
don, 1666.
A true Description of Carolina. London, [1682].
F., R. The Present State of Carolina with Advice
to the Setlers., London, 1682.
If the Spanish imperial officials had been of the
stuff of their great-grandfathers, these aggressive










pronouncements of English intentions would have
been recognized by them as dangerous. In all prob-
ability the Spanish authorities, whether at home,
in Mexico, or in Florida, were completely deaf also
to the implications of the Jolliet and Marquette
discovery of the upper Mississippi in 1673. But
if they heard of it, that successful exploration must
have seemed, even in its potentialities, a: very small
cloud on the horizon. When they were able to
read of it, however, in Th6venot's Recueil de Voy-
ages, of Paris, 1681, and to look at the map of the
river in that book which the expedition, plus gen-
eral assumption, made possible, they must have
felt that large destinies would soon be in conflict.
Certainly they would have felt so if they could
have seen Jolliet's manuscript map, the Nouvelle
Decouverte de plusieurs Nations dans la Nouvelle
France en l'annee 1673 et 1674, or the Hugues
Randin manuscript Carte de l'Amerique Septen-
trionale of about 1678, two of the Library's choicest
cartographical possessions, with their depiction of
the Mississippi in relation to the rest of North
America. From these several documents they would
have realized that France might some day be in
a position to threaten Florida by the west as well
as by the east. This became certainty when in April,
1682, the Sieur de La Salle reached the Gulf by
way of the Mississippi, claimed the entire Missis-
sippi Valley for France, and named that vast area
Louisiana. The momentous expedition of La Salle
is found most fully recounted in the nineteenth-
century collection by Pierre Margry, Decouvertes
et Etablissements des Frangais dans l'Ouest et
dans le Sud de l'Amerique Septentrionale, 1614-1698,
but in addition to this work the Library has Tonti's
Dernieres Decouvertes dans l'Amerique Septen-
trionale de M. de, la Sale of 1697, and Le Clercq's
Etablissement de la Foy, Paris, 1691, with the map










of that year. An early printed account of Saint
Louis, the unfortunate settlement La Salle made
in Texas in 1685, is found in a work by Carlos de
Sigiienza y G6ngora, the Trofeo de la Justicia Es-
pafiola, printed in Mexico in 1691. The government
in Mexico was by that time awake to the French
menace. Hennepin is an important source for the
La Salle adventure, and La Hontan carries on the
story for Iberville and the Biloxi settlement.
It is not necessary to mention editions of Henne-
pin and La Hontan in detail. A checking of the
bibliographies of these two writers compiled by
Victor Hugo Paltsits shows that virtually every one
of their editions in various European languages is
present in the collection. Once more it is complete-
ness, rather than the possession of individual rar-
ities that we emphasize as an important character-
istic of our collections.
But we have, it happens, a group of manuscript
materials which provide a fresh contribution from
the Spanish side of the beginning struggle. The
Hispanic American Historical Review of Novem-
ber, 1936, contains a calendar by Father Damian
Van den Eynde of three volumes of American man-
uscripts purchased by us at the Sir Thomas Phil-
lipps sale, held at Sotheby's on June 24-27, 1919.
Ten of these documents are official Spanish papers
relating to the conflicting interests of Spain,
France, and England in West Florida, particularly
as concerns the settlement of Pensacola. The titles
of the more important of these documents are as
follows:
Apuntamiento de las prouidenzas qne M. A mandado dar para
el desalojo de escocesses del Darien 1699. [Summary of pro-
visions ordered by the king to dislodge the Scotch from Darien.
Madrid, 30 October, 1699.] Interesting for the date of the found-
ing of Pensacola.
Desde que tome posecion del Govierno [Anonymous docu-
ment without title or date, but identified as the report of the












Duque de Linares, 1717. Sections 12-14 discuss the Barlovento
fleet and its usefulness in the defence of Pensacola.]
Exmo Sr Para que exponga mi parezer en razon de si sera
convenient mantener el Presidio dela punta de siguenza alias,
Panzacola, ... [Copy made May 29, 1744 of a report concerning
the advisability of maintaining the presidio of Pensacola or
Punta de Sigiienza. Mexico, 29 May, 1744.]
Extracto del estado de este Reyno y Provincias de la Na Espafia
.. [Report of the Duque de Alburquerque, Viceroy of New Spain
from 6 October, 1702 to 15 January, 1711, to his successor, the
Duque de Linares. Mexico, 27 November, 1710.] Concerns the
presidios of Santa Maria de Galve [Pensacola] and St. Augus-
tine. Discusses the difficulty of dislodging the English from
Carolina.
Junta sobre la dependenia Le Pasacola y Mi'si'pi'-echa en 12
de Sepre de 1701. [Junta relating to the negotiations between
Spain and France concerning Pensacola and Mississippi. Madrid,
12 September, 1701.]
Memoria de Dittas dela RI Casa deestta Cortte, [Expenses
incurred on behalf of Pensacola, 1730-1731.]
Mui senior mio. Lacasualidad dehauer hallado en el Puerto de la
Veracruz [Concerned with the presidio of Pensacola, Florida
and the presidio of St. Augustine, the designs of the English
and the precarious situation of the Spanish, 1740.]
Rcn delos Gouiernos. Corregimientos. y Alcaldias mayores .
[Series of lists of public offices and their holders in different
provinces of the Indies, 1692-1693.]
Relacion del Estado de la Nueva Espafia que hace el Duque de
Linares al Exmo. Sor Marqu4s de Balero [Records information
concerning assistance given the presidios in Florida, 1711-1716.]
The presence here of these virtually unknown
manuscript sources relating to the conflict of races
-Spanish, French, and English-in the Pensacola
country gives additional interest to the printed ma-
terials we own on the same subject.
The situation brought about by the presence of
the French on the Lower Mississippi finds reflec-
tion in two printed reports of Mexican publication
by the celebrated Spanish-American man of let-
ters, Carlos de Sigiienza y G6ngora. His Trofeo
de la Justicia Espanola already mentioned, was
issued in Mexico in 1691; his Descripcion, que de
la Vaia de Santa Maria de Galve (antes Pansacola)
de la Movila, y Rio de la Paligada, en la Costa Sep-
tentrional del seno Mexicano was submitted to the
viceroy, the Conde de Galve, in 1693, though in all










likelihood published some years later. A manu-
script copy of the same writer's Relacion de lo
sucedido 4 la Armada de Barlovento, published in
Mexico in 1691, is bound with our copy of the
Trofeo. These three contemporary works are de-
scribed in Wagner, The Spanish Southwest, Nos.
62 and 62b. The Trofeo is also found in this coun-
try in the Library of Congress and in the Genaro
Garcia collection in the University of Texas Li-
brary; the Descripcion is not recorded as in exist-
ence elsewhere. This is the printed form of the
document in which Sigiienza y G6ngora records the
surveys he made as official engineer of the ex-
ploration of the coast conducted in 1693 by Admiral
Pez. A translation has been made from a manu-
script in Sigiienza's hand and published as the
piece de resistance in Dr. Irving A. Leonard's il-
luminating work, the Spanish Approach to Pensa-
cola, 1689-1693, published in 1939 by the Quivira
Society.
The Eighteenth Century
There is no strictly drawn line of division be-
tween the Florida of the closing years of the sev-
enteenth and the early years of the eighteenth cen-
turies. Spain's policy was still, virtually through-
out the period, to hold on to what it possessed in
the face of French and English rivalry.
Actual conflict between the English in Carolina
and the Spanish in Florida occurred in Queen
Anne's War, described as the American phase of
the War of the Spanish Succession. In 1702 Colonel
James Moore, governor of South Carolina, led
against St. Augustine an expedition which returned
somewhat ingloriously to Charleston, having done
little but burn the civilian town and give the de-
fenders of the fort a good fright. A Spanish ac-
count of that expedition was published in Madrid
in 1703, in the form of a news sheet in our posses-










sion entitled Primera, y breve Relacion de las
favorables noticias que .. se han tenido por cartas
de Don Luis de Zuliga, Governador de la Florida....
We are not aware of any similar account of the
Colonel's second expedition of 1704, which, more
successful than the first, resulted in the destruction
of the Appalachia mission and the beginning of
the end for the Florida Indian.
About the year 1717 certain schemes of develop-
ment were designed to bring the English closer
than ever to the northern Florida border, though
actually at that time the plans of the aggressive
neighbor failed of success. In that year the pro-
prietors of South Carolina, feeling themselves to
be land poor, and anxious to set up a buffer state
between their colony and the French to the west
as well as the Spanish in the Florida peninsula,
transferred to Sir Robert Montgomery a great tract
of land between the Savannah and the Altamaha,
naming it, splendidly, the Margravate of Azilia.
The Library has the two issues of Sir Robert's
Discourse Concerning the designed Establishment
of a New Colony to the South of Carolina, and a
copy, not recorded elsewhere, of his Proposal for
Raising a Stock, and Settling a New Colony in
Azilia, all of the year 1717. Three years later came
from his hand, or from the hand of an associate,
A Description of the Golden Islands and An Ac-
count of a Settlement on the Golden Islands.
These titles on the Montgomery project are im-
portant in the story of American colonization in-
asmuch as they are associated with the broad sub-
ject of English imperial policy. They forecast the
establishment of Georgia and the actual settlement
by the English of the country which had been the
frontier of the Spanish power on the Atlantic coast
of North America, the no-man's land protecting it
on the north. The Montgomery projects came to









nothing because of the ruin brought about by the
collapse of the South Sea Company, but their
fruition in another form was only postponed. The
idea of Azilia as a factor in the development of
empire was not lost upon Herman Moll, a political-
minded cartographer, who in several maps after
1719 laid down the boundaries of the proposed
buffer state against the French in Louisiana. One
such map in our possession, Moll's New Map of the
North Parts of America claimed by France with
ye Adjoyning Territories of England and Spain,
published in London in 1720, shows Azilia thrust
like a wedge into the vast French territory of
Louisiana.
The Florida historian must take cognizance, also,
of certain documents relating to French schemes
of empire of this period. Almost the first official
notice taken of Louisiana by the French govern-
ment after the settlement at Biloxi found expres-
sion in the Lettres Patewtes du Roy, qui permet
au Sieur Crozat de faire seul le Commerce
dans toutes les Terres possedees par le Roy, &
bornees par le Nouveau Mexique & autres, 1712.
This vast monopoly and the subsequent operations
begun under its terms by Crozat's governor, De
la Motte Cadillac, alarmed the English as well as
the Spaniards. It was translated into English and
made part of the Letter to a Member of the P-T
of G--T-B-N, Occasion'd by the Priviledge grant-
ed by the French King to Mr. Crozat, London,
1713. As a matter of fact neither rival suffered
greatly from Crozat. In 1717 that ambitious gen-
tleman was forced through financial exhaustion to
surrender his patent to the King, who in August
of that year gave to John Law Lettres patents
. .portant etablissement d'une Compagnie de
Commerce, sous le Nom de Compagnie d'Occident
on la Loiiisianne. This document marks the official










beginning of those financial operations which even-
tuated in the Mississippi Bubble. We have in Eng-
lish the Memoirs of the Great Mr. Law, 1721, and
James Smith's Some Considerations on the Con-
sequences of the French Settling Colonies on the
Mississippi, of the year 1720. The Memoirs of
John Ker, of Kersland Esq., printed in London
in 1726, contains with only a few verbal changes
a complete reprint of the second of these, accom-
panied by a reissue of its "New Map of Louisi-
ana and the River Mississippi". We need name
no more of the titles of this group. Those already
mentioned are an assurance that the Library has
interesting materials on the subject of the Louisiana
projects of the French with their threat to Spain
in Florida and elsewhere in North America.
We resume the story of the English-Spanish
conflict for supremacy on the "southern frontier",
by mentioning a few tracts that relate to the Ogle-
thorpe expedition of 1740 against St. Augustine
and the counterattack of the Spanish in 1742. As
a gauge of the importance of this conflict it should
be said that at this time the Spanish outpost of
St. Augustine was to the inhabitants of South
Carolina and Georgia what the French fortress of
Louisburg stood for in the eyes of New Englanders,
that is, a continuous menace and embarrassment,
for by this time the Spanish had learned that ag-
gression was their surest defense. Florida, for so
long neglected by the home government, was again
become a strategic point in its policy. The joint
expedition of South Carolina and Georgia in 1740
was an offensive designed to interrupt the elab-
orate preparations of Spain for an attack upon
the English colonies of the South. Its failure
brought about a war of words between the authori-
ties of the two colonies. South Carolina washed
her hands of blame for the "Causes of the Dis-









appointment of Success" in the Report of the Com-
mittee of South-Carolina, appointed to Enquire
into the late Expedition against St. Augustine,
under General Oglethorpe. The criticism of Ogle-
thorpe by his ally must have seemed a gratuitous
attention at the time of first publication of the
Report in Charleston in 1742, for two months
earlier, in July, 1742, the Georgia leader had ef-
fectively defeated the Spanish counterattack and
saved both colonies from destruction. The Library
does not own the original Charleston edition of
the Report, known to exist only in the copy in the
New York Public Library, but it has the edition
of London, 1743, and the separately printed Ap-
pendix to the Report of the Committee of South
Carolina containing documents and affidavits, of
the same place and year. Other pamphlets in the
controversy, informative as to the issues involved,
are, on the South Carolina side, An Impartial Ac-
count of the late Expedition against St. Augustine,
London, 1742, and the Full Reply to Lieut. Cado-
gan's Spanish Hireling, &c. and Lieut. Mackay's
Letter, Wherein the Impartial Account of the
late Expedition to St. Augustine is clearly vindi-
cated London, 1743; in support of Oglethorpe
are A Letter from Lieut. Hugh Mackay, 1742, and
George Cadogan's Spanish Hireling Detected, 1743.
The observations of an officer in the campaign are
found in Edward Kimber's Relation, or Journal,
of a late Expedition to the Gates of St. Augustine,
1744.
A certain amount of background for study of
the Florida-Georgia relations is found in William
Stephens's Journal of the Proceedings in Georgia,
beginning October 20, 1737, published in 1742, pres-
ent here in a copy containing the rare third volume;
in Patrick Tailfer's True and Historical Narrative
of the Colony of Georgia in America, 1741; and in










A Brief Account of the Causes that have retarded
the Progress of Georgia, 1743. All three of these
books are represented in the Library in copies for-
merly owned by John Percival, Earl of Egmont,
one of the chief promoters of Georgia. In the sec-
ond and third are extensive manuscript notes in
Egmont's hand. Few of the titles just named are
of excessive rarity; in listing them it is our in-
tention once more to call attention to the fullness
of our resources on the great and small issues of
Florida history rather than to emphasize too per-
sistently the unusually rare items. The struggle
between the colonies and Spanish Florida in the
period 1740-1742 may be regarded in the large as
an element in that conflict between England and
Spain remembered as the War of Jenkins' Ear,
a war begun when the captain of a Spanish patrol
boat cut off the ear of Robert Jenkins, an Eng-
lish sea captain, interrupted off the Florida coast
in the course of a smuggling expedition. That war,
in turn, was an element in the larger considerations
of the War of the Austrian Succession. There is
in the Library a large collection of the pamphlet
literature which these complex events in European
politics brought into being.
It has been said above that Spain was once more
awake, after nearly two centuries of forgetfulness,
to the strategic importance of Florida. The Library
has evidences of this renewal of interest in the
form of two government publications, handsomely
issued in Mexico in 1753. These are their self-
explanatory titles: Reglamento para la Guarnicion
de la Habana, Castillos, y Fuertes de su Juris-
diccion, Santiago de Cuba, San Augustin de la
Florida, y su Anexo San Marcos de Apalache and
the more specific Reglamento para las peculiares
Obligaciones de el Presidio de San Augustin de la
Florida.









The question of the cession of Florida to Eng-
land as the result of the French and Indian War
was one of the elements in the pamphlet contro-
versy that arose in the preliminary discussion of
the terms of the Peace of 1763. That battle of the
publicists began with the fall of Quebec in 1759
and was still in an active state for a year or more
after the complicated issues had been determined
by the Treaty. One of the most remarkable single
collections in the Library is the group of one hun-
dred and twenty pamphlets, chiefly of English
origin, published in connection with this contro-
versy, and because Florida was one of the pawns
on the board of the peace commissioners, and be-
cause out of their action grew the English prov-
inces of East and West Florida, this collection has
importance in the study of the history of that
country. Appended to Clarence W. Alvord's Mis-
sissippi Valley in British Politics is a bibliography
of pamphlet material relating to the Peace of 1763,
compiled largely from this unusual group on the
shelves of the John Carter Brown Library. Since
the publication of that book in 1917, we have added
continuously to our section of writings on the
Peace. It is probable that this collection offers
material available nowhere else in such quantity
for investigation of the background of Florida's
part in the world politics of the late eighteenth
century.
Recognition of Florida's importance to the Eng-
lish interest brought forth a book about the coun-
try almost before commissioners had finished sign-
ing the treaty. Though An Account of the First
Discovery and Natural History of Florida was
written by William Roberts in 1763 with imperial
politics in view, the book served to give English-
men definite notions of the early history and the
geography of the country. With its map of the










two provinces and its plans of five towns and har-
bors by Thomas Jefferys the mapping of Florida
assumed the scientific character of modern carto-
graphical practice.
Almost the earliest Florida tract under the Eng-
lish occupation was controversial in character.
An Appeal to the Public in Behalf of George
Johnstone, Esq; Governor of West Florida, 1763,
is a reply to attacks made upon the first English
governor of West Florida before he had even taken
over his duties. Disaffection pursued him, we are
told by Bernard Romans, to the detriment of the
colony.
Hardly had the cession of Florida been com-
pleted when the British began to make plans for
its development. One of these of peculiar interest
was presented to the world in the form of a printed
piece of two leaves entitled, Proposal for Peopling
his Majesty's Southern Colonies on the Continent
of America. This promotion tract is signed "Archi-
bald Menzies" and dated "Megerny Castle, Perth-
shire, 23d October 1763". The Menzies proposal
was that the country be sttled by colonies of
Greeks, Armenians, and Minorcans s o u t h e r n
Europeans, and Levantines, who had been bred to
cultivation of the vine and the olive, and were
adaptable to the growing of cotton and the manu-
facture of silk. We must leave this project where
we found it, very much in the air, indeed, unless
it can be connected with the actual settlement of
Greeks, Italians, and Minorcans which Dr. Andrew
Turnbull established four or five years later at
New Smyrna. In that case the Menzies proposal
takes on greater significance. Both Turnbull and
Menzies were Scots, and if this Archibald Menzies
was the physician of that name who accompanied
the Vancouver expedition of 1796 as field natural-
ist, both were physicians. If there was an associa-
tion between them, and the opportunity to discover









it is open to any contender, the history of New
Smyrna might be carried back five years earlier
than the date of beginning customarily assigned it.
The mention of Dr. Turnbull brings to mind in-
evitably the name of Bernard Romans and his
Concise Natural History of East and West Florida,
New York, 1775. That work by the Swiss engineer,
full of interest on many counts, provided what
seemed to be damnatory evidence against the pro-
prietor of the colony of New Smyrna. The editor
of the Columbian Magazine of Philadelphia ex-
tracted from the Concise History Romans's ac-
count of the New Smyrna colony for publication
in his issue of August, 1788. In the issue of De-
cember, 1788, Dr. Turnbull, writing from Charles-
ton, defends himself against the Romans charges.
In searching out this interchange in the Columbian
Magazine, by the way, we find that in it for sev-
eral months in 1787 and 1788, various individuals
engaged in a long and learned discussion of the
question proposed by Franklin as to whether the
mounds in the Ohio county and elsewhere in that
neighborhood were fortifications erected by De
Soto, probably one of the earliest archeological
discussions on an American topic. Returning to
Romans, it may be by the way to say that we have
a copy of A General Map of the Southern British
Colonies, in America, taken in part from Romans's
data, and though the interest is only that of per-
sonal association with a Florida figure, we add that
we have nearly all the maps of other sections of
the United States drawn and published by this
active writer, translator, and cartographer before
he disappeared from record in 1783.
The relationship between Romans's Concise Nat-
ural History of East and West Florida and his
great charts of the Florida waters, preserved in
the Library of Congress and familiarized through










the reproduction brought out in 1924 by the Florida
State Historical Society, is clarified somewhat by
an examination of the author's pre-publication ad-
vertising in newspapers and broadsides. In a
broadside headed Philadelphia, August 5, 1773.
Proposals for printing by subscription, Three Very
Elegant and Large Maps of the Navigation, to,
and in, the new ceded Countries, our aggressive
engineer asked subscribers to his project of issu-
ing three charts of the coastal waters of East and
West Florida, and of a book of description and of
sailing directions intended to be used in elucida-
tion of the charts; that is, the Concise Natural
History. Forgotten details connected with the pro-
duction of the charts and their publication, finally
effected in 1775, are found in the Proposals, which,
though the earliest Romans writing to appear in
print, is not recorded in the bibliography appended
to P. Lee Phillips' Notes on the Life and Works of
Bernard Romans, issued in 1924 by the Florida
State Historical Society.
In 1775, the same year that Romans's Concise
Natural History appeared in New York, a work
of direct Florida interest was published in London
by James Adair, a learned trader in the southeast
territory in the period 1735-1769. The History of
the American Indians; particularly those nations
adjoining to the Mississippi, East and West Flor-
ida is a substantial work devoted to the thesis that
the American Indian was descended from the an-
cient Jew. In his development of that thesis, how-
ever, Adair put on record so much personal ob-
servation and so much knowledge acquired by study
that his book has taken rank as a standard source
of information on the American Indian. The ap-
pendix of the book, furthermore, is a promotion
argument, specifically calling for the settlement
of an area to the east of the Mississippi country










to be named Georgiana, in which the Floridas come
in for much discussion.
Other scientific figures associated with the
story of Florida in the eighteenth century were
Mark Catesby, John and William Bartram, George
Gauld, and William Gerard de Brahm. Of that
magnificent work, Catesby's Natural History of
Carolina, Florida and the Bahama Islands, the Li-
brary has the first (1731-1743) and third (1771)
editions. John Bartram is represented by his jour-
nal in William Stork's Description of East-Florida
(in the third edition of 1769 with the map of East
Florida from Surveys made since the last Peace,
by Thomas Jefferys), and William Bartram by a
copy of his Travels through North and South
Carolina, Georgia, East and West Florida, in the
edition of Philadelphia, 1791, and in seven others
in English, French, Dutch, and German. An Ac-
count of the Surveys of Florida by George Gauld,
1790, is another evidence of the general interest in
the charting of waters then becoming of increasing
commercial importance. The De Brahm works that
pertain directly to Florida are the Atlantic Pilot,
with a map of the Gulf Stream important in the
history of scientific study of that phenomenon, and
the translation of this book, the Recherches faites
pour rectifier les Cartes & perfectionner la Navi-
gation du Canal de Bahama. As in the case of
Romans we mention, merely because he is a Flor-
ida figure, that we have other works of De Brahm,
the mystical and, perhaps, slightly crazed student
of religious and philosophical thought. Among
these are: Time an Apparition of Eternity, 1791,
and Apocalyptic Gnomon points out Eternity's
Divisibility rated with Time, pointed at by Gnomons
Sidereals, 1795.
Returning to consideration of the colonization
projects under the English rule, we find unusual










material in the collection relating to the affairs
of Denys Rolle, who in 1764 founded Rollestown
on the St. Johns River. It is worth while enume-
rating this group, for we have been told by a
Florida historian that some of the titles in it are
unusual. The earliest information concerning it,
perhaps, is to be found in William Stork's Account
of East-Florida of London, 1766, afterwards pub-
lished as the Description of East-Florida, of 1769,
mentioned above as containing Bartram's journal
and the Jefferys map, upon which, by the way, ap-
pears the name "Rollestown". The scheme is laid
out in greater detail in An Extract from the Ac-
count of East Florida published by Dr. Stork with
the Observations of Denys Rolle with his Proposals,
London, 1766. The seemingly inevitable difficul-
ties of colonization in Florida were related by
Rolle in the fullest fashion in a memorial entitled,
To the Right Honorable the Lords of His Majesty's
Privy Council. The Humble Petition of Denys
Rolle, Esq., and in a collection of documents, Copies
of his Excellency Governor Grant's Letters, and
also Copies of the rough Drafts from which Mr.
Rolle's Letters to the Governor were wrote. The
petition and documents represented in these two
works were printed in London about the year 1766.
The copy of the Petition in the Library contains
three manuscript sketch maps and plans.
There is also in the Library, relating to the sub-
ject of land development in the period of English
occupation, 1763-1783, The Case of Mr. John Gor-
don with respect to certain Lands in East Florida,
1772.
The stirring incidents of West Florida history
of the later years of the American Revolution,
when Spain was acting as an ally of the Americans,
center about the person of Bernardo de Gflvez,
Captain-General of Louisiana, who carried his help-










fulness to the point of capturing from the British
three towns on the east bank of the Mississippi and,
later, the Gulf towns of Mobile and Pensacola,
thereby ensuring the return of Florida to Spain
in the Peace of 1783. The Diario de las operaciones
contra la Plaza de Panzacola is of the highest im-
portance in this association, containing as it does
the leader's own journal of events, the articles of
capitulation, and the Spanish casualty list. It has
been suggested that this book was printed in
Havana in 1781, but we have not found complete
data on that point. It was in this operation against
Pensacola that Galvez gained his proud motto "Yo
solo" by taking his ship alone past the British
batteries when all others had refused to make the
attack. The story is told in another work in the
Library's collection, the Poema Epico. La Rendi-
cion de Panzacola y Conquista de la Florida Occi-
dental por el exm6. Senior Conde de Galvez, writ-
ten by Francisco de Rojas y Rocha. Published in
Mexico City in 1785, this narrative of an impor-
tant event follows, the privilege says, "the scrup-
ulous precepts of the epic". Less directly related
to the association of Galvez with Florida, though
very important from the biographical standpoint,
is a work in manuscript, entitled Memoria sucinta
de lo operado por Bernardo de Galvez desde 16
de Agosto de 1781, containing, a brief statement
of his activities in those two busy years up to the
date of the memorial, Havana, June 30, 1783.
Five poetic lamentations at the time of his death
in 1786, published in Mexico City and entered as
Nos. 7602, 7643, 7653, 7661, and 7714 in Medina's
Imprenta en Mexico form an unusual group of per-
sonal biographical interest.
A manuscript collection owned by the Library of
interest in East Florida annals from several points
of view is the set of five volumes from the papers









of George Chalmers, historian and man of affairs,
whose name is associated prominently with several
American colonies and with the historiography of
the American Revolution. For many years about
the turn of the century, Chalmers acted as colonial
agent of the Bahama Islands with the British
government, and in these volumes is the corre-
spondence of that period between him and the
officials and private individuals of the colony.
Such a collection would seem to have little rela-
tionship to Florida interests if we did not recall
that when England returned that country to Spain
in 1783, the American Loyalists who had taken
refuge there were compelled to find asylum else-
where under the British flag. A large number of
these uneasy patriots went to the Bahamas, and
in the Chalmers correspondence one comes fre-
quently upon traces of them as a group and as
individuals. A regular correspondent of Chalmers
was John Wells, proprietor of the Bahama Gazette.
With his brother, Dr. William Charles Wells, this
individual, abandoning his Charleston, South Caro-
lina, newspaper and printing office when the Amer-
icans entered that town in 1782, fled to St. Augus-
tine and there set up a printing establishment from
which issued for about a year in 1783 and 1784 the
earliest Florida newspaper, the East-Florida Ga-
zette. In addition to the newspaper, the two known
imprints of this first press of Florida were Sam-
uel Gale's Essay II. On the Nature and Principles
of Public Credit and The Case of the Inhabitants
of East-Florida, both of the year 1784. The second
of these is a notable local item in which the dis-
tressed Loyalists ask compensation for the lands
they were compelled to give up by the re-cession of
Florida to Spain. The Library owns one of the
three known original copies of The Case of the In-
habitants, and it has the London reprint of Gale's










Essay II. The later life of John Wells in the
Bahamas provides one of the pleasantest interests
of the Chalmers manuscripts.
John Pope's Tour through the Southern and
Western Territories of the United States the
Spanish Dominions on the River Mississippi, and
the Floridas, Richmond, Virginia, 1792, introduces
us to an unusual figure in the person of Alexander
MacGillivray, the Creek leader whose diplomacy
was an element in the relations between the Amer-
icans of the United States and the weakening Span-
ish authority. The Authentic Memoirs of William
Augustus Bowles, Esquire, Ambassador from the
United Nations of Creeks and Cherokees, to the
Court of London, probably by Captain William
Baynton, London, 1791, is the story of another re-
markable figure in the three-sided contest in which
English and Spanish strove for mastery and the In-
dians strove for existence in the southeast territory
of the new union. The failure of the Indians, both
as warriors and diplomats, is unhappily manifest
when we read and reflect upon a broadside of 1797
entitled To the Settlers within the Cherokee Boun-
dary, signed by Lieut. Col. Thomas Butler, com-
manding the troops of the United States in the
State of Tennessee.

This account of Florida materials in the John
Carter Brown Library must not be thought of as
comprising the whole of the Library's resources
in that field. Its omissions are obvious to any in-
structed student; its inclusions in many instances
are those of personal preference. If through it,
we have made clear the substantial character of
one of the Library's many sections and thereby
given potential aid to students of American history,
we shall look back upon the task of its preparation
as having been one of particular pleasure.




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